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Patterns of resource use and cross-cultural dietary change in the Spanish colonial period

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Patterns of resource use and cross-cultural dietary change in the Spanish colonial period
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Cumbaa, Stephen LeeRoy, 1947-
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English

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Agriculture ( jstor )
Bones ( jstor )
Cattle ( jstor )
Corn ( jstor )
Fish ( jstor )
Fishing ( jstor )
Food ( jstor )
Meats ( jstor )
Species ( jstor )
Swine ( jstor )
City of St. Augustine ( local )

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright Stephen Cumbaa. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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25745586 ( ALEPH )
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PATTERNS OF RESOURCE USE AND CROSS-CULTURAL DIETARY
CHANGE IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD








By

STEPHEN L. CUMBAA















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF TH UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY







UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1975












ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Throughout the course of this research I have received help and advice from numerous groups and individuals. John Clauser, Bruce Council, Kathleen Deagan, Judith Angley McMurray, the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, and the St. Augustine chapter of the Colonial Dames graciously lent me faunal materials and supportive documentation for materials excavated by them or under their care. Robert Steinbach of the HSAPB gave me advice and lent me documentary materials relating to 18th century St. Augustine.

The staff of the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History gave me invaluable assistance in researching maps and early Spanish documents from their extensive collections. Daniel J.J. Ross took time out from his own research to translate the inventory which appears here as Appendix A. The staff of the St. Augustine Historical Society Library provided help in locating biographical details of 18th century St. Augustine residents and references to foodstuffs in their files. Hale Smith of Florida State University has been working on research similar to my own and very kindly lent me unpublished material on the introduction of plants and animals to Florida. Renato Rimoli of the Smithsonian Institution and the Museo del Hombre Dominicano guided me to historical documents on the Caribbean fauna, and Elpidio Ortega of the Museo brought me up to date on his excavations at the Convento de San Francisco. Lewis Binford, Ivor Noil Hume, and Stan South have given welcome help on specific areas of my data analysis.

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A number of individuals at the Florida State Museum have greatly facilitated my research over the last few years. J.C. Dickinson, Jr., William R. Maples, and John William Hardy have been instrumental in providing me with office space and financial support, and have given advice in their own fields of expertise. Walter Auffenberg, Carter Gilbert, and Fred Thompson have identified specimens for me and given me the benefit of their researches into habitat and distribution of herps, fishes, and molluscs. Pierce Brodkorb helped me out on the identification of difficult bird bones. Steve Humphrey and Graig Shaak helped me with diversity indices and problems of sample size. Nancy Halliday gave me help and advice on illustrations, and Kay Purinton photographed the bones. David Hall of the University of Florida's IFAS Herbarium identified plant materials and checked taxonomy and spelling of the Old World cultivated plants. R.B. Becker of IFAS has done pioneer work on mineral deficiencies in livestock and helped me trace these effects on archeologically recovered bones.

Sharron Tracy Cumbaa drew the maps and life zone cross-section.

Joyce Bryan Lottinville drew the energy flow diagram and Lynn Cunningham the seasonal distribution of fishes. Greg Cunningham helped in the sorting, counting, and weighing of bone from the St. Augustine sites.

Fellow graduate students Rochelle Marrinan, Kass Byrd, and Kathie

Johnson critically read initial drafts of the manuscript and made helpful changes and suggestions. Rochelle Marrinan and Lynn Cunningham did a lot of legwork and the final editorial tasks in my absence and for which I am especially grateful. Lydia Deakin has been of invaluable assistance


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numerous times, helping out with administrative hassles, reminding me of deadline dates, facilitating payroll transfers, and numerous other details. My typist and editor, Rhoda Rybak, has always cheerfully put in extra time and effort and put up with my constant flirtations with deadline dates.

Members of my doctoral committee have been of considerable help over the last few years and have been patient with me through these last months of writing and editing. Charles Fairbanks has taught me anthropological archeology and the value of a sound methodology. Jerald Milanich has been of great help on the subject of Spanish-Indian relations and with his infectious enthusiasm for anthropology. Samuel Snedaker has made me aware of man's place as only one of the functional components in a much larger natural system, and David Webb has given me an evolutionary perspective on man-animal interactions. Elizabeth Wing has taught me zooarcheology, has always been available for counsel and advice, and has seen to it that I had laboratory space and some form of employment in which I could work and learn. For all these things I am deeply appreciative.

A final debt of financial and moral support is to my wife, Sharron,

and to my parents, Bill and Carolyn Cumbaa. Their collective perseverance and willingness to help out have been unflagging, and for this I can only offer my sincere thanks. Throughout the course of this research I have been supported by graduate research assistantships in the Natural Sciences and Social Sciences departments of the Florida State Museum, and by graduate teaching assistantships in the University of Florida's Department of Anthropology.


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . ii

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . .

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . viii

ABSTRACT . . . . . . ix

CHAPTER . . . . .... . . 1

Introduction . . . . . 1

Archeological Situations . . . . 4

Documentary Research ............ . 7

Goals and Methodology .......... . . 8

CHAPTER 2: SPANISH FOOD ECONOMY IN THE OLD WORLD . . 11

Historical Background . . . . 11

Agricultural Cro s and Techniques . . . 18

Livestock and Domestic Animals ...... ... .. . 21

Hunting . . . . . . 29

Fishing . . . . . . 30

Food Prices and Availability . . . . 39

Cooking and Food Prewaration ............ .... 41

Testable Implications . . . . 46

CHAPTER 3: SPAIN INTO THE NEW WORLD THE CARIBBEAN FOCUS 50

Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact ....... ..... 50

Cultural Exchange of Plants and Animals . . 54 Archeological Situations . . . .. 58

Summary . . . . . ... 78


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CHAPTER 4: THE SPANISH IN FLORIDA .............. 81

Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact ............ 81

Cultural Exchange of Plants and Animals ........ 101 The Archeological Evidence ................ 125

Butchering and Cooking Techniques ............ 162

Animal Husbandry ................... .. 175

Fishing ......... .............. 180

Hunting-Collecting ................ .... 183

Energy Flows in St. Augustine ..... .. ...... 186

CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ....... ..... 191

APPENDIX A: 1651 Description of a Florida Wheat and Cattle Farm. 203 APPENDIX B: Inter-Site Comoarison: Diversity Measures .... 209 REFERENCES CITED ................... ... 213

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................... . 228




























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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Principal 16th-18th Century Spanish Food Crops ... 22 Table 2. Likely 18th Century Spanish Commercial Fishery Species 31 Table 3. Vertebrate Species Representation by Minimum Number of

Individuals, Caribbean Sites .......... 61

Table 4. Vertebrate Species Representation by MNI, Northeast

Florida Aboriginal Sites ............. 96

Table 5. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna

at Maria de la Cruz House, SA16-23 ........ 129 Table 6. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna

at Acosta Site, SAl3-5, Gertrudis de la Pasqua

Occupation . . . .. .. 144

Table 7. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna at

Yiminez-Fatio House, SA34-2, Christoval Contreras

Occupation . . . . . 151

Table 8. Summary of Percentage Contribution of Vertebrate

Fauna by Site, St. Augustine ..... .... 161

Table 9. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Maria de la Cruz

House, SA16-23 ................ 166

Table 10. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Acosta Site, SA13-5 169 Table 11. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Yiminex-Fatio House,

SA34-2 . . . . ..... .172





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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 ...................... .... 5

Figure 2 . . . . . . . 86

Figure 3 . . . . . . . 88

Figure 4 . . . . . . .. 90

Figure 5 . . . . . . . 92

Figure 6 . . . . . . . 94

Figure 7 ........................ .... 113

Figure 8 . . . . . .. ... 116

Figure 9 .. . . . . .. . .... 128

Figure 10 . . . . . . 140

Figure 11 . . . . .. .. .. 163

Figure 12 .... .... ... ... .. .. ... .. .... 165

Figure 13 .. ... .. ... . .. . ..... 177

Figure 14 . . . . . . ... 179

Figure 15 . . . . .. ... .. .. 182

Figure 16 ...... ... ... .. ... ..... ..... 190





















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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



PATTERNS OF RESOURCE USE AND CROSS-CULTURAL DIETARY
CHANGE IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD By

Stephen L. Cumbaa

Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks
Major Department: Anthropology

Research into the subsistence system of Spanish colonists in the circum-Caribbean area in the late 15th-mid-18th centuries has shown

the importance of natural and cultural environmental factors in the formation of the New World Spanish diet. Zooarcheological analysis of archeologically recovered materials, in combination with documentary research, revealed changes in Old World agricultural crops and techniques, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing, food prices and availability, and cooking and food preparation techniques as the colonists adjusted to New World conditions.

Data on the pre-contact foodways of Old World Spanish and New World aboriginal populations were gathered so that deviation from these patterns could be quantified. The analysis showed that natural factors,

primarily the inability of the major Old World crops to thrive and the success of Old World livestock species were tempered by a cultugative mechanism resulting in the addition of New World aboriginal domestic



ix










plant and wild animal food to the colonists' diet. The acculturative process operating was largely one defined as fusion, blending of items from two cultures into a third, unique and adaptive tradition. Food "behavior" is thus seen as a point of articulation between cultural and non-cultural, or natural systems.

New methods of explication and analysis presented in this study are in the use of energy flow diagrams, the effects on animal bone of nutritional factors, and in comparison of standard zooarcheological techniques.












CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Anyone who has ever lunched on tacos at a local Mexican-style eatery has experienced part of the diverse (and very diffuse) nature of Spanishaboriginal acculturation in the New World. Contemporary Hispanic American culture is without question a blend of traditions, and nowhere is this mosaic more evident than in food and food preparation techniques. This distinctive blend of spicy foods has in fact become its own tradition, one based on combinations and experiments that began nearly 500 years ago.

This study is an examination of the context and role of acculturation and resource utilization in the origin of the Hispanic American dietary tradition. The focus is first on Spain, then on the Caribbean area, and finally on Florida. Time depth of this study is from the late 15th century to about the middle of the 18th century. In Florida this encompasses the 1st Spanish period, which lasts until the British takeover in 1763.

Hard evidence of the specific nature of the dietary aspect of cultural exchange requires archeological confirmation of written documents and journals. Furthermore, the expansion of Historical Archeology and its unique methodology and techniques serves not only to confirm but to supplement the written record, especially in filling in the day-to-day activities of individuals often lost in the large scale overview which characterizes most histories.


1








2

Archeological excavations by the University of Florida and Florida State University in late 1st Spanish period contexts in St. Augustine, Florida, provided the impetus for this study. Recovery of large quantities of faunal remains resulted both from the use of relatively fine-mesh standard archeological screening techniques and from the philosophical viewpoint behind the excavation strategy. In 1972 Charles Fairbanks

called for an emphasis on "backyard archeology" which would shift the major purpose of excavations from delineating architectural features to a greater recovery of information on the daily lives of the structure's inhabitants. St. Augustine seemed a good test case since records existed of backyard wells, gardens, patios, outbuildings, and presumably trash pits. That this backyard program proved successful has been demonstrated by Kathleen Deagan in her report on the Maria de la Cruz house site (Deagan 1974).

Subsequent excavations in St. Augustine have added sites which will be discussed later in greater detail. As work proceeded on analysis of the St. Augustine materials, it became clear that there were inter-site dietary pattern differences, as well as still greater disparities between Spanish and Indian occupation sites within the same northeast Florida coastal environment.

The differences and similarities in food procurement and preparation clearly merited further study and it stimulated the investigation of the resource use and diet of peninsular Spaniards. This was done through examination of historic documents and journals. Archeological materials from two Caribbean sites were also available for study and were deemed








3

pertinent since Spanish culture in Florida had in a real sense been filtered through the peninsulares' experiences in the Caribbean islands.

These experiences had been mostly at the expense of the native peoples

of the Caribbean and Central America as Las Casas (1906) and other witnesses so vividly described at the time (see Crosby 1972, Sauer 1966). Columbus' return to Spain in March, 1493, had created a sensation as he presented to the court a few northern Arawak (Taino) aborigines, samples of gold, some artifacts, and Indian corn, although not the wealth of spices the crown had perhaps hoped for. If the excitement of discovery and the prospect of wealth were not enough to ensure future voyages by Columbus and others, Pope Alexander VI issued a series of papal bulls at Spanish request, authorizing, among other things, Spain's title to the discoveries made by Columbus, specifically for the propagation of the Catholic faith (Gibson 1966:15, Sauer 1966:35). The fate of the Americas was sealed as the Spaniards now rushed to the New World (Las Indias) with the dual incentive "for God and

/country."

The native peoples found by Columbus and later Spanish explorers in what was to become known as the Americas were varied in physical appearance, language, and culture. Some groups lived in temporary brush houses and subsisted on wild foods obtained by hunting, gathering, and fishing; others lived in large cities of stone comparable to those in Europe, had evolved a complex social hierarchy, and were supported almost completely by domesticated plants raised with intensive farming techniques. The aborigines of Florida and the Caribbean were somewhere in between; agricultural peoples who supplemented their diet by hunting, gathering, and fishing.







4

As the native peoples of America could not be easily categorized,

neither could the conquest and colonization efforts of the Spanish be fit simply into a pattern. Although the colonizing culture brought with it homogenous elements and strove for uniformity under Spanish rule (Zavala 1943:68), the particular nature of the individual colonization efforts or enterprises was dependent on climate, soils, resource availability, and the aboriginal inhabitants.

Archeological Situations

One of the first, and certainly the most intensive sites of Spanish colonization in the late 15th and early 16th centuries was the city of Santo Domingo on the south coast of the Island of Hispaniola in the present-day Dominican Republic (see Fig. 1). Excavations in 1954 by the late John M. Goggin of the University of Florida, Rafael Montas of the Museo Nacional de la Republica Dominicana, and Emil de Boyrie Moya of the Instituto de Investigaciones Antropologicas de la Universidad de Santo Domingo at the Convento de San Francisco in the old city provided a large sample of faunal materials and the opportunity to note changes in diet through time at this locality from the 16th century to the mid-18th century.

An equally large sample, and the only previously reported Spanish

colonial dietary study in the Caribbean area, came from the site of Nueva Cadiz on Cubagua Island off the northeast coast of Venezuela. The Nueva Cadiz materials, excavated by John Goggin of the University of Florida and Jos6 M. Cruxent of the tahseo de Ciencias Naturales, Caracas, in 1954, represent animal remains from mid-16th century Spanish house and midden debris and were analyzed by Elizabeth S. Wing of the Florida State Museum

(1961).









... ."SCALE St. Augusino 0 San100 200 300






SN






MILES
c;



4 HISPA IOLA o Convento do San Francisco ,









'" Nuova CCadiz


VENEZUELA




TIGURT 1. Circu-Caribbean area showing LaJor sites Studied.







6

The first excavation of a circum-Caribbean Spanish site to incorporate maximum recovery of faunal materials as part of the research design was conducted in 1972 by Charles H. Fairbanks of the University of Florida at the Maria de la Cruz house site, St. Augustine, Florida, in cooperation with the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board. This same site was further excavated by a University of Florida crew in 1973 under the direction of Kathleen A. Deagan and produced a good sample of precisely dated faunal remains from the mid-18th century.

Additional faunal materials from St. Augustine became available as

a result of excavations conducted for the Colonial Dames by the University of Florida under the direction of John W. Clauser, Jr., at the XimenezFatio house site. This site produced a wealth of material from the Ist and 2nd Spanish periods and the short, intervening British period. Only the earlier material is analyzed and presented here.

A smaller sample of faunal materials from a third, mid-18th century, St. Augustine site, the Acosta house, became available in 1974 as a result of a continuing series of cooperative excavations between the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board and Florida State University, under the direction of Kathleen A. Deagan of Florida State University. Animal bones from the three St. Augustine sites offered particular promise for analysis as they represented three distinct, contemporaneous ethnic-social groups occupying the same environment. In addition, excavation strategies and recovery techniques were similar enough so that data from the sites are directly comparable.







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Documentary Research

Certainly the basic premise of historical archeology would tell us that the best information on the individual sites of colonization is gleaned from a combination of documentary research and archeological excavation. Documentary research covered a number of primary and secondary sources. The chapter on Spain benefitted most from traveler's accounts, primarily Joseph Townsend's A Journey Through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787; Catherine D'Aulnoy's 1691 Travels into Spain; George Glas' 1764 A Description of the Canary Islands; and Washington Irving's Journal. Comic relief and valuable data were combined in novel form in Cervantes' Don Quixote de la Mancha, originally written in 1605 with a second part added in 1615. The Spanish economist, Jaime Vicens Vives, analyzed much useful data in his An Economic History of Spain. George Foster's Culture and Conquest: America's Spanish Heritage was invaluable as a starting point and source of ideas and references.

Contemporary historical studies of the Spanish in the Caribbean by Samuel E. Morison and Carl 0. Sauer aided greatly in analysis, translation, and compilation. Of particular help were Morison's Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus and Sauer's The Early Snanish Main. Other valuable standard sources included the works of Las Casas, Oviedo's Natural History of the West Indies, Vazquez de Espinosa's Description of the Indies, and Esquemeling's The Buccaneers of America.

Research on Florida was facilitated greatly by the collections of the P.K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, including the Stetson Collection of photostats from the Archivo General de Indias (hereinafter







8

referred to as A.G.I.) in Seville. Jeannette Thurber Connor's Colonial Records of Spanish Florida, largely translated from the Archives of the Indies, was extremely helpful. However, as my interest in Florida was concentrated on the mid-18th century, research was largely in more readily available sources such as John Bartram's Diary; Mark Catesby's The Natural History of Carolina, Florida and the Bahama Islands; De Brahm's Report; Romans' Natural History of Florida; and excellent contemporary studies by Charles W. Arnade, Verne E. Chatelain, Luis Arana, and Brian George Boniface. Lewis C. Gray's History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860; Hale G. Smith's manuscript Some Factors Leading to an Ecological Change in Florida from A.D. 1512-1821; and especially Alfred W. Crosby, Jr.'s The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 provided valuable synthesis and stimulation.

Goals and Methodolog

It was assumed at the beginning of this research that Old World

Spanish foodways could be characterized, and furthermore, that due to major differences in cultural heritage and environment, that these foodways would differ significantly from those of the native peoples of the circum-Caribbean area. Foodways is here used as a term describing the selected transfer, acceptance, use, and preparation of various foodstuffs by a people of common cultural heritage. The research objective was then to describe the precontact resource use and dietary pattern of both groups, and using archeological sites as examples, to document changes in the subsistence base of the Spaniards and aborigines in the New World after contact, and to account for those changes.







9

Analysis of five Caribbean and St. Augustine sites, and brief discussion of other Spanish and Spanish-Indian sites in Florida, forms with documentary research the basis of comparison between the dietary pattern of Old and New World Spaniards. Coupled with previous studies of aboriginal diet, this approach allows insight into the process of acculturation through types of food resources used, methods of food procurement, production, and preparation, and the place of subsistence activities as part of a group's total material culture. Based on Old World Spanish foodways, specific testable implications will be outlined to aid in evaluation of the interplay of cultural-ecological factors in the New World diet. In studying only a part of the total cultural interaction between Spanish and Indians, that of foods, references to the "donor" and "recipient" cultures (Foster 1960:11) become subject to a degree of quantification.

One of the purposes and values of this work is its contribution to the data base and methodology of Zooarcheology and in a broader sense, Archeology. Various standard methods of analysis of animal bones (see Ziegler 1973) have been employed on the same specimens, and the results compared so that we may be more aware of the biases present in any single method of quantification and analysis. New directions are indicated in analysis of historic site materials based on work in animal nutrition, and ecological measures of species diversity are applied as a tool in intersite comparison (see Appendix B).

Application of concepts familiar to systems ecologists is growing in Anthropology, particularly of work pioneered by Howard T. Odum (1971). Odum's energy flow diagrams are being incorporated in contemporary ethnographic studies to show relationships between component parts of living







10

systems in which human communities are seen as important, functioning parts of larger ecosystems. Energy flow diagrams, first used in an archeological context by Elizabeth S. Wing (1973a) in the study of a prehistoric herding economy in the Andes, are here employed for the first time in the study of an historic community. By employing written records as substitutes for poorly-preserved or missing plant foods, better control is available for this important sector of the subsistence economy.

I hasten to add that this study is by no means an attempt to document all Old and New World foodstuffs used by the Spanish and Indians; rather, it is a study of the types of food characteristic of the "cultural baggage" of these groups, and to paraphrase Flannery (1967:119), of human food "behavior" as a point of articulation between systems of cultural and non-cultural phenomena. Before moving to the New World and examining this behavior, we need to look first to the Iberian peninsula for the food traditions carried to the Americas by several generations of conquistadors and colonists.












CHAPTER 2

SFPAdISH FOOD ECONOMY IN THIE OLD WORLD Historical Background

The study of the nature and process of Spanish-aboriginal acculturation in the New World requires consideration of historical antecedents, and we cannot adequately discuss the food history of medieval Spain without at least passing mention of the Moorish influence. Berber and Arab armies respectively had entered Visigothic Spain from northern Africa by the 8th century, developing a stronghold on the more temperate, fertile southern half of the peninsula early in the 10th century. By this time Moslem rule under the Caliphate of C6rdoba was established in Andalusia, and the economy flourished. The key was the establishment by the Moors of large-scale irrigation utilizing forced labor which aided the production of traditional Iberian food crops such as wheat, olives, and grapes, and allowed the introduction of subtropical luxury crops such as citrus, sugar, saffron, mulberries and cotton (Parry

1966:29).

Unified control of the southern part of the peninsula came to an end

after a little over 100 years when the Caliphate broke up into 20-30 taifas-feudal states based around principal cities with no strong central ties or allegiances. This made it easier to attempt the reconquest, and Moorish and Christian forces battled for control of the individual taifas for two centuries.


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It is interesting historical irony to note that the region of the

Iberian peninsula which proved unattractive to the Moors of previous centuries should be the one which played the greatest hand in the Moorish expulsion in the 13th century. Castile, undesirable due to its thin soil and arid climate, had the only predominantly pastoral economy in Western Europe (Parry 1966:31). This economy was based on the seasonal transhumance of immense flocks of sheep from northern mountain pastures in the summer to more lush southern lowland vegetation in the winter, and smaller local movements of herds of pigs and cattle. This seasonal transhumance was so important to the maintenance of the Castilian economy that it became an added stimulus to drive out the Moors who had frequently blocked access to the southern pastures (Tannahill 1973:206-7).

After the fall of Seville in 1248, Andalusia began to be heavily populated by colonists from harsher climates all over the peninsula (Parry 1966:33). Moorish fruits, crops, and agricultural techniques remained to benefit the new population, which was a mixture of Castilian Catholics, Jews, and Moriscos, or converted M'oslems who were the principal agricultural workers. With Seville the Castilians also gained an established port, already busy with the African trade.

With the impetus of success the Iberian kingdoms of Castile and Aragon were developing into states, a process which culminated in the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. This political coalition under the leadership of Isabella engineered the final expulsion of the Moors from Granada, a 1Moslem enclave which had remained for 200 years after the other taifas had been defeated. This last of the Holy Wars began in 1482 with a








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systematic plan for the conquest of this remaining Moorish kingdom village by village. The process took 10 years of fighting, and in 1492 the 800-year reconquista was concluded.

Although the origin of the Spanish state can be traced to the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella in 1469, it was not until the final expulsion of the Moors from Granada in 1492 that they could take the time to adequately pursue rapidly burgeoning international interests. Chief among these was intense rivalry with the Portugese in attempts to enter into the lucrative spice trade. Venice capitalized on the expulsion of the Moslems from the areas surrounding the Holy Land during the Crusades to establish a monopoly on overland trade routes to Egypt, India and the Asian spice islands, and established autocratic control over European commerce and the spice market. The Portugese under Henry the Navigator and his successors were seeking a sea route to India to counteract the Italian advantage, and in the process had discovered in Africa a great source of gold, ivory and slaves in addition to some spices.

Although latecomers, the Spanish had, in the last quarter of the 15th century, managed to subdue the aboriginal inhabitants of the Canary Islands and establish this geographically important island group as a staging area for further voyages of exploration (Abreu de Galineo 1764; Gibson 1966:5). One author has remarked that in the Canaries the Spaniards had their first experiences in conquering, converting and exploiting a more technologically primitive people, thus serving their first apprenticeship in "... the arts of colonial empire ..." (Parry 1966:42). However, the expulsion of the Moors from Granada gave the Spanish experience in taking over a feudal







14

system and led to the development of adelantismo, a system of provincial governorship which was used in parts of the New World.

In addition to these growing external pressures and conflicts which

included constant vigilance of the Moslems in North Africa, Spain had internal problems resulting from unsound agricultural practices. The reign of Ferdinand and Isabella was marked by famine in Castile. This condition was worsened by laws disallowing fenced agricultural fields in order to promote free access to pasturage by the transhumant flocks. Establishment of these sheepwalks benefitted the crown through a livestock tax and favored the nobles who were able to control the movement of the herds and at the same time add to their growing latifundia, or large estates, through carefully designed legal provisions (Vicens Vives 1969:302). Control of the migrations of large and small herds alike was vested in a powerful political organization known as the Mesta, and through this organization, monopolistic regulation of the wool trade was achieved. It would seem that the agricultural priorities of Ferdinand and Isabella can be traced in part to the monarchs' origins in the upland heart of Spain's livestock district and insensitivity to the needs of the farmers whose crops were being destroyed by the transhumant herds.

By 1504 the inequitable structure of agrarian policy favoring livestock and latifundia resulted in a grain crisis, and by 1506 massive importation of wheat was necessary (Vicens Vives 1969:304). This compounded problems in production caused by the earlier forced expulsion or conversion in 1492 of Jews and Moslems. These groups, who had been primarily traders and farmers, were forced out as a direct result of the establishment in the 1480's of the new Inquisition which had further diverted the energies of the populace.








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By 1492 then, the Moors had been driven out of Granada, the aboriginal population of the Canaries had been subdued and the islands readied for the provisioning and refitting of ships. There were rumbles of an inadequate food supply and Ferdinand and Isabella were ready to move into world commerce and the spice trade. The technical ability for long ocean voyages across tradewinds had been developed by the Portugese in navigation and advances in ship construction, exemplified by the relatively swift caravels with three masts and a lateen sail with a movable spar (Sauer 1966:10). In short, the stage was set for the Genoese navigator Columbus who has sailed to Africa at least once with the Portugese to propose his "enterprise of the Indies."

We need not dwell here on the rest of this well known history in any detail. Columbus' proposal was accepted by the crown, he gathered ships, men, and supplies in the Andalusian ports on the Atlantic coast and sailed from Palos for the Canaries. After a four week stay to refit the ships and take on wood, water, and meat, the Nina, Pinta, and the Santa Maria caught the northeast trade winds and 33 days later, October 12, 1492, landed on one of the islands in the Bahana group which they named San Salvador (Morison 1963:48-64). The Columbian Exchange (Crosby 1972) had begun.

The next several decades were marked by intensive efforts in the

discovery and colonization of the New World, with the resultant introduction of several new foods to the Spanish larder. It is at this time that a picture of Old World 16th-18th century Spanish food ways begins to emerge, at a time when traditional foods are being supplemented, but not necessarily supplanted by spices, fruits, vegetables, and root crops from the New World, Asia, and Africa.








16

To reconstruct the traditional Old World Spanish diet in lieu of

archeological evidence requires rather meticulous search through a variety of printed sources and manuscripts. This approach involves a number of problems. Chief among these is that in pre-Columbian Spain printed books were scarce and the printing process reserved for incunabulae of greater note than discussions of temporal agricultural practices or eating habits. A hundred years later conditions had changed and authors were decrying the proliferation of spurious editions of their better works. Even so we are forced to pick bits of information from casual descriptions in early novels and traveler's journals, often written well into the colonial period when New World, Asian and African cultigens and imports were common in Spain.

Fortunately there are few remaining significant questions of biological origins pertinent to this question, and even if not so designated in the original sources, indigenous plants and animals can be separated from exotic species with reasonable certainty. From these early reports we can gain insight into the social and economic position of certain foodstuffs, and can note the progress of experimentation with foods from afar as they filtered through socio-economic classes.

Word usage and connotation has certainly changed through the years, and it is easy to misinterpret what would seem to be quite literal meanings. For instance, "corn" may refer to wheat, rye, or barley; only later is the word used to refer to maize: "We struck a bargain with them for a cargo of wheat, for one of the vessels, for at that time I had two in the bay, one of which I intended should carry this corn to the island of Madeira" (Glas 1764:211 [emphasis mine]). In these earlier sources "maize" or "Indian corn" is generally used to refer specifically to Zea mays, although Sauer (1963:22) mentions that the oldest Spanish name for maize is panizo.








17

There was also some early confusion of terms and descriptions involving maize, sorghum, and millet in the early 16th century (Sauer 1963:23-25).

Confusion in terminology is not restricted to maize. The term "cattle" (ganado in Spanish), which now refers generally to members of the genus Bos and in some parts of the world to the various genera of buffalo, often was a general term for livestock. One 18th century traveler noted that "The cattle of those islands are camels, horses, asses, bullocks, sheep, goats, and hogs ..." (Glas 1764:197). "Fowls" most often refers to chickens (Gallus gallus) but may include ducks, geese, turkeys (the latter an introduction from the New World), or other domestic birds. Another example would be the distinction between "rabbit" and "hare," the former referring to the domestic form.

Quantitative descriptions of fields and crop yields are hazardous due to the number of local names for measures of volume and the generally imprecise nature of linear and volume measures alike. Foster (1960:57) has simplified this problem somewhat by listing contemporary equivalents: the Castilian yard or "vara" equals 0.836 meters on the average, but the more traditional land measure is by area in varas squared and called the fanega, generally equivalent to .64 hectares. Caution should be exercised though as one English traveler related that a fanega is equivalent to 10,000 square feet (Townsend 1814, 11:54) which would be roughly one-seventh Foster's measure. A fanega may be divided into 12 celemines which can be quartered to become cuartillos, or the equivalent in English measure of a 35' x 40' garden plot if we use Foster's values. A fanega may also be used as a volumetric equivalent for the amount of seed needed to plant a fanega of land;










the amount Foster lists for wheat is about 55 liters (1960:57). Another measure, the arroba, appears to be the most trustworthy and is generally calculated as 25 pounds.

In spite of the problems in measure and nomenclature, a thread of

consistency runs through descriptions of agricultural practices and products, prices, and foods and food preparation techniques in Hapsburg and Bourbon Spain. George Foster' (1952, 1960) has indicated the need to study all parts of Spain for antecedents to Hispanic American cultural elements, not just the southern and western sections, since nearly all parts of the country supplied significant numbers of emigrants to the New World. The pattern of this basic dietary stability and differential acceptance of new foodstuffs enables us to generate predictive models of resource utilization and dietary change of the Spanish colonists in the New World.

Agricultural Crops and Techniques

The enrichment by the Moors of Spanish agricultural crops and techniques, particularly the concept and practice of large-scale irrigation with its potential for new crops and higher yields from traditional ones has been noted earlier (Parry 1966:29; 1960:50). Spanish farmers continued to use the Roman, or Mediterranean scratch plow with regularity throughout the 18th century (Vicens Vives 1969:506; Foster 1960:50). The aptly-named scratch plow, often ox-drawn, has no moldboard to turn the soil and consequently requires cross-plowing. This resulted in generally square-shaped fields rather than the characteristically cleared rectangular strips made by the ox-drawn moldboard plows of Northern Europe (Foster 1960:58). An early significant agricultural development, but one which failed to take hold in








19

Spain, was the invention of the moldboard plow by the Slavs in the 6th century, and the accompanying innovation of the three-field crop rotation system (Tannahill 1973:192).

More significant than the low efficiency of the scratch plow was the use throughout Spain of the two-field system of crop rotation which left half of the agricultural land fallow each season. The advantage of the three-field system was that a given plot of land would be productive two years out of three instead of one out of two by alternating grain crops, legumes, and fallow periods.

Fields were enriched through crop rotation, fallow periods, and occasional minor inputs through slash and burn techniques (Foster 1960:59), but generally through animal feces. A dual purpose was usually achieved by feeding sheep or cattle on stubble from a cleared field, often by a tumbo de red--enclosing the flocks overnight by means of a portable net wall which was then moved to another sector of the field (Foster 1960:57).

Other than locust plagues, the most serious hindrances to agriculture in the relatively fertile southern half of the Iberian peninsula were the legal sanctions given to livestock owners (Vicens Vives 1969:302). The seasonal movements of the massive flocks, particularly of sheep, restricted both the location and the size of agricultural fields. Although data are lacking, it would seem that a system which occupied three-fourths of the available agricultural land in the 18th century under a one-crop system of cereal grains (Vicens Vives 1969:511) would be a prime target for attack by monocrop pathogens. Perhaps the exigencies of small field size and scattered location to accommodate transhumant flocks was a limiting factor








20

to disease spread, but this seems unlikely in that the animals themselves could be ideal vectors. Another blow to Spanish agricultural productivity was the expulsion in 1609-1611 of the M4oriscos, the Muslim converts who were Spain's best agricultural laborers (Vicens Vives 1969:423).

The primary crops in Snain have traditionally been cereal grains-wheat, barley, oats, and rye. Rice had become increasingly important since its introduction by the Moors, but by the mid-18th century, maize, introduced from the New World after Columbus (Sauer 1963:27 disagrees), had become the prime cereal crop (Vicens Vives 1969:511). It is of interest that truly widespread use of maize followed its introduction into Asturias by Gonzalo Mendez de Canzo on his return to Spain in 1604 after serving as Governor of Florida (Vicens Vives 1969:512).

Following the grains in importance were vegetables, the most important being chick peas, lima beans (of New World origin), field peas, and French beans (also a New World cultigen). The potato, introduced to Spain from the Andean region of South America, did not really become a popular food until after 1768 when its systematic cultivation began in Galicia (Vicens Vives 1969:512). Spain's major agricultural export products have for centuries been olive oil and wines, and it can be truly said that they were essential ingredients to Spanish cooking. Oranges, figs, and apples were the most important fruits, with oranges coming into prominence at the end of the 17th century (ibid.).

Table 1 lists the principal Spanish food crops of the 16th-18th centuries, and while it should not be regarded as exhaustive, it does give a good idea of the variety of plant foods available at the time and notes on the type of







21

cultivation. Origins are only noted for New World crops, but a considerable number of Asian and African species are present as part of the Moorish heritage and the largely post-1500 A.D. direct contact between Spain and the Far East. Table 1 lists nearly 70 species of cultivated plants, but even by the 12th century one Aben Alawanz had compiled a list of more than 120 species cultivated near Seville (Vicens Vives 1969:109).

Livestock and Domestic Animals

The previous discussions of Spanish agricultural policies, particularly under Ferdinand and Isabella and the Hapsburgs, should have made clear the fact that sheep have historically been the great source of Spanish animal wealth. Their primary importance, particularly after the development of the Merino breed, was wool production. The live animal was also valuable as a source of milk and cheese. Mutton eating came into greater popularity during the Moorish occupation (Tannahill 1973:287), and even the skin, shorn of its wool, was valuable for parchment.

If we can ecuate numbers of animals with relative value, then the suggested importance of sheep is borne out by figures from the first available national census of livestock in 1797, a period when livestock breeding and the influence of the Mesta had been on the decline for nearly a century: 11.7 million sheep, 2.5 million goats, 1.65 million oxen, 1.2 million swine, and 0.23 million horses (Vicens Vives 1969:517). The Spanish government, as an incentive to attract settlers to underpopulated areas in the Sierras in the late 18th century, offered individual families land up to a maximum of 100 fanegas (measured as 10,000 square feet each), a house, two cows, one ass, five sheep, five goats, six hens, one rooster, and one pregnant sow







22

Table 1. Principal 16th-18th Century Spanish Food Crops.


Common Name Species English Spanish Source Cultivation


GRAMINEAE
Avena sativa oat avena Townsend field crop 1814, 1:129 Hordeum vulgare barley cebada ibid. field crop Oryza sativa rice arroz Townsend field crop 1814, 11:310 Panicum miliaceum millet mijo, Townsend it:eld crop millo 1814, 1:129 Saccharum officinarum sugar cane cafia de Irving field crop azicar 1937:7 Secale cereale rye centeno Townsend field crop 1814, 1:129 Sorghum cf. S. vulgare sorghum Triticum spp. wheat trigo Townsend field crop 1814, 1:129

*Zea mays maize, ma'z, ibid. field crop panizo

CYPERACEAE
Cyperus esculentus chufa chufa Townsend fields 1814, 11:336 PAIMACEAE
Phoenix dactylifera date palm palmera Townsend clustered 1814, near 11:244 habitations BROMELIACEAE
*Ananas comosus pineapple anana Tannahill garden 1973:241

LILIACEAE
Asparagus officinalis asparagus espirrago Kany garden 1932:147








23
Table 1 Continued

Common Name Species English Spanish Source Cultivation


AMARYLLIDACEAE
Allium spp. onion cebolla Cervantes garden, 1949:80 field Allium ampeloprasum leek puerro D'Aulnoy garden, 1930:193 field Allium sativum garlic ajo Cervantes garden, 1949:859 field DIOSCOREACEAE
Dioscorea sp. yam fame Glas garden 1764:230

IRIDACEAE
Crocus sativus saffron azafrin Kany garden 1932:146

MUSACEAE
Musa sapientum banana banana Glas garden 1764:230

(or M. paradisiaca) plantain platano Sauer garden 1963:52

FAGACEAE
Castanea sativa Spanish or castafia Townsend groves sweet chestnut 1814, 1:293 MORACEAE
Ficus carica fig higuera Townsend garden, 1814, 1:129 trees Morus nigra black mulberry mora Townsend groves 1814, 11:179 CRUCIFERAE
Brassica oleracea cabbage col, berza Townsend garden, 1814, 1:129 field Brassica oleracea cauliflower coliflor ibid. garden, field








24
Table 1 Continued

Common Name

Species English Spanish Source Cultivation


Brassica oleracea broccoli brecol Kany garden, 1932:147 field Brassica rana turnip nabo Townsend garden, 1814, II:310 field (or B. napobrassica) rutabaga ibid. garden, field

Nasturtium officinale watercress berzo Kany ponds 1932:147

Raphanus sativus radish Morison gardens 1963:217

ROSACEAE
Cydonia vulgaris quince membrillo Tannahill garden tree 1973:126

Malus pumila wild crabapple manzana Townsend garden tree, 1814, 1:293 orchards (or M. sylvestris) apple ibid. garden tree, orchards

Amygdalus communis almond almendra Townsend groves, 1814, I:216 orchards, garden tree Armeniaca vulgaris apricot albaricoque Townsend groves, 1814, 11:284 orchards, garden tree Prunus domestica plum ciruela Townsend garden tree 1814, 11:284 Prunus persica peach melocot6n ibid. garden tree Prunus persica nectarine grih6n ibid. garden tree Prunus spp. cherry cereza ibid- garden tree Pyrus communis pear pera Townsend individual 1814, 1:293 trees, orchards







25
Table 1 Continued

Common Name

Species English Spanish Source Cultivation


LEGUMINOSAE
Ceratonia siliqua carob algaroba Cervantes groves, 1949:588 garden tree

Cicer arietinum chick pea garbanzo Cervantes garden, 1949:894 field

Glycyrrhiza glabra licorice regaliz, Townsend field orozuz 1814, 11:97

Lathyrus odoratus sweet pea guisante Townsend garden 1814, 1:129

Lens culinaris lentil lenteja Townsend garden, 1814, 11:55 field

*Phaseolus limensis lima bean judia dela Vicens Vives garden, peladilla 1969:512 field

*Phaseolus vulgaris kidney bean, judia Townsend garden, French bean 1814, I:136 field

Pisum arvense field pea Sauer garden, 1963:39 field Vicia sop. vetch almorta, Townsend field (or other genera in arveja, 1814, 1:136 the family)

Vicia faba broadbean haba Sauer garden, 1963:39 field

RUTACEA
Citrus aurantifolia lime lima agria Townsend individual 1814, 11:177 trees, groves

Citrus limon lemon lim6n Townsend individual 1814, 11:97 trees, groves

Citrus medica citron cidro Townsend individual 1814, 11:177 trees, groves








26
Table 1 Continued

Common Name Species English Spanish Source Cultivation


Citrus sinensis Sweet orange naranja Townsend individual 1814, 1:129 trees, groves

VITACEAE
Vitis vinifera grape, wine uva ibid. fields, grapes vineyards CACTACEAE
*Opuntia spp. prickly pear higo Townsend garden chumbo 1814, 11:172 PUNICACEAE
Punica granatum pomegranate granada Townsend garden tree 1814, II:179 UM~ELLIFERAE
Daucus carota carrot zanahoria Glas garden 1764:289

Pastinaca sativa parsnip chirivia Townsend garden 1814, 11:307 OLEACEAE
Olea europa olive aceituna Cervantes groves 1949:862

CONVOLVULACEAE
*Ipomea batatas sweet potato batatas Glas garden, 1764:230 field SOLANACEAE
*Capsicum frutescens bell and chile chile, Townsend garden peppers pimiento 1814, II:306

*Lycopersicon esculentum tomato tomate ibid. garden

*Solanum tuberosum potato papa, Glas garden, patata 1764:230 field








27
Table 1 Continued

Common Name

Species English Spanish Source Cultivation


CUCUREBITACEAE
Citrullus vulgaris watermelon sandia Vicens Vives garden 1969:109

Cucumis melo melon mel6n Townsend garden 1814, 1:293

Cucumis sativus cucumber pepino ibid. garden

*Cucurbita spp. squashes calabaza Townsend garden (4 var.) 1814, 11:336

*Cucurbita peno pumpkin, calabaza Glas garden pompion comuin 1764:230 COMPOSITAE
Cynara scolymus globe alcachofa Townsend garden artichoke 181h, II:310 Lactuca sativa lettuce lechuga Townsend garden 1814, 1:129


Indicates New World origin








28

(Townsend 1814, 11:54). The terms of this typical grant should give an accurate estimation of the percentage composition and species thought necessary for subsistence and perhaps a small income in the late 18th century. With the exception of sheep, much the same percentage is reflected in the livestock of one large estate in Granada which had 1200 sheep, 400 goats, 158 pigs, and 56 oxen (Townsend 1814, 11:179). Other common domestic animals mentioned in the documents and journals included rabbits, dogs, turkeys (a New World domesticant), ducks (possibly New World), geese, doves, pigeons, silkworms, and bees. Silkworms were brought from China along with mulberry trees by the Moors. Bee keeping was apparently very important and somewhat ritualized (Foster 1960:74). Although dogs were generally work animals helping with the flocks, in some areas they were regarded as a source of meat. In Extremadura dogmeat was considered a delicacy (Simoons 1961:102). The camel was locally important as a draft animal in the Canary Islands (Glas 1764:198).

Sheep normally followed a migratory winter-summer pattern, small flocks following large ones along the route of the seasonal trek. The transhumance of cattle was apparently limited since herds were much smaller. Cattle were kept for milk and meat and oxen (castrated males) were the principal draft animals. Both beef and work animals were occasionally fed algarobas, or carob beans (Townsend 1814, I:140). Goats were of the greatest importance in marginal areas, although they were present all over the peninsula and kept for milk and meat. Mules and burros were utilitarian animals and horses generally regarded as prestigious (Foster 1960:72), although at times young horses were commonly eaten as "red deer" in Spain and supplied to the








29

navy for food (Simoons 1961:84). Swine were an important source of meat and were acorn fed when possible. They usually remained in the villages but were driven to surrounding grain fields after the harvest and often several miles to good stands of oak trees to feed on acorn mast in the fall (Foster 1960:72).

Hunting

Hunting was at best a marginal activity, reflecting the relative paucity of the modern fauna and the decimation of forest habitats for fuel. The only mammals that appear to have been hunted with any regularity were the rabbit or hare and members of the deer family. Both wild and domestic rabbits (Oryctolagus cuniculus) are present in Spain as are the wild hares (Leous canensis and L. europaeus). The wild species appear to have been frequently hunted (Townsend 1814, 1:165; Cervantes 1949:446, 637) and were, with birds, the most common non-domestic meat source.

Of the three species of deer, the most commonly hunted was probably the red deer (Cervus elenhas) which attains a maximum size of 200 kg, or the fallow deer (Dama dama), introduced during Roman times (Zeuner 1963:430) which reaches a maximum of 85 kg (van den Brink 1972). The roe deer (Capreolus caoreolus) at a maximum of 27 kg seems too small to fit the few available descriptions. Nevertheless, by the late 18th century deer were protected under royal decree and were infrequently hunted (Townsend 1814, I: 370-71). The only other mammal which seems to have been hunted at least occasionally is the Mediterranean monk seal (Monachus monachus), an animal which was probably uncommon even by the 17th century. Evidence for the the hunting of these seals is slim, and is based on Cervantes' description








30

of his hero Don Quixote de la Mancha, who had a sword shoulder strap made from "sea-wolf's hide" (1949:621). Lobos marinos was a common early Spanish designation for seals.

Birds seem to have been frequently hunted and although most sources

mention the inclusive term "game birds," we do find references to particular species. Partridges were taken by peasants in Andalusia who set out tame partridges to act as decoys (Townsend 1814, II:54). Pheasants were another relished table item (D'Aulnoy 1930:325) from fields and upland areas. Coastal birds included "sea fowl," "sea hens," and cormorants. Young cormorants "and other sea fowl" were caught in their nests, killed, salted, and sold in the summer in the Canary Islands (Glas 1764:280).

Fishing

Spanish fishermen undoubtedly learned many fishing techniques from the Portugese following the expulsion of the Moors in the late 15th century. Fishing was not a major aspect of Moslem subsistence economy whereas the Portugese fishermen had been systematically exploiting the Atlantic for years. Inland fishing was restricted to trout from the mountain rivers caught with rod, hook, and line for subsistence rather than as a commercial venture (Townsend 1814, 1:279; Cervantes 1949:781). Coastal rivers were commercially fished for salmon (Salmo salar), an anadromous species more easily taken on their river ascent than in the open ocean.

The great bulk of commercial fishing occurred in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and we are fortunate to have detailed descriptions of both the fish and the technique for catching them. This has facilitated the compilation of Table 2 which gives the scientific and common names of the various species and habitat information derived from modern sources (Hureau and Monod 1973).






Table 2. Likely 18th Century Spanish Commercial Fishery Species.


Common Name

Species English Spanish Source Habitat


SQUALIDAE

Squalus acanthias dogfish mielga, Townsend soft bottoms, benthic, galludos 1814, II:274 10-200 m CLUPEIDAE

Sardina pilchardus sardine sardina Irving over continental 1937:50 shelf, pelagic, 15-55 m ENGRAULIDAE

Engraulis encrasicolus anchovy boquer6n Townsend pelagic 1814, 11:174

SALMONIDAE

Salmo salar salmon salm6n D'Aulnoy anadromous 1930:221

CYPRINIDAE

Leuciscus vulgaris dace albur Morison freshwater rivers, 1963:117 lakes MERLUCCIIDAE

Merluccius merluccius hake pijota, Morison mid-water or benthic merluza 1963:117






Table 2 Continued


Common Names

Species English Spanish Source Habitat


GADIDAE

Gadus morhua cod bacalao Townsend shore to 600 m, bottom 1814, 1:285 to intermediate depths SERRANIDAE

cf. Epinephelus caninus toothed mero (Pr) Glas sublittoral, littoral grouper 1764:198 to 300 m over mud, sand Epinephelus guaza grouper mero Glas littoral, over rocks 1764:198 8-200 m

Polyprion americanus wreck fish, cherna Glas sublittoral, littoral stone bass 1764:334 over rocks to 1000 m POMATOMIDAE

Pomatomus saltator bluefish anjova Glas pelagic in shallow 1764:334 waters, 10-200 m CARANGIDAE

Caranx hippos crevalle jack caballa Glas pelagic 1764:334

Elegatis bipinnulatus rainbow runner, Morison pelagic, occasionally pompano 1963:117 near shore





Table 2 Continued


Common Names

Species English Spanish Source Habitat


cf. Trachurus mediterraneus Mediterranean chicharro Glas pelagic scad 1764:334 Trachurus trachurus horse mackerel chicharro Glas pelagic 1764:334
SCIANIDAE

Argyrosomus regius meagre corvina Glas neritic, surface and 1764:342 mid-waters Umbrina canariensis Glas benthic, 60-300 m over 1764:342 sand, mud Umbrina cirrosa corvina (Pr) Glas rocky coastal bottoms 1764:342
SPARIDAE

cf. Pagellus bogarevo red sea bream besugo Glas sublittoral, littoral 1764:334 shore to 700 m SCOMBRIDAE

Auxis rochei frigate melva Townsend epi- and mesopelagic mackerel 1814, 11:239 seasonally coastal Orcynopsis unicolor tasarte Glas epipelagic, relatively 1764:334 coastal






Table 2 Continued


Common Names

Species English Spanish Source Habitat


Scomber scombrus Atlantic cavala (Pr) Glas epipelagic to mesomackerel 1764:334 demersal, to 250 m cf. Thunnus thynnus bluefin tuna atun Townsend epi- and mesopelagic 1814, 11:239 seasonally coastal STROMATEIDAE

Stromateus fiatola pgmpano Morison bottom, 12-50 m 1963:117

SPHYRAENIDAE

Sphyraena sphyraena barracuda picudo Glas littoral, 1-100 m 1764:198 above sandy bottoms MUGILIDAE

Chelon labrosus thick-lipped lisa Foster neritic, brackish grey mullet 1960:80 Liza aurata golden grey galupe Foster coastal, salt and mullet 1960:80 brackish Mugil cephalus striped mullet pardete Foster epipelagic, brackish 1960:80





Table 2 Continued


Common Names Species English Spanish Source Habitat


SCOPHTHALMIDAE

Lepidorhombus spp. megrim, gallo Morison benthic scaldfish 1963:117 SOLEIDAE

Solea vulgaris common sole lenguado Morison sand, mud bottoms to 1963:114 150 m CHELONIIDAE

Caretta caretta loggerhead tortuga Glas pelagic 1764:212
CETACEA whale ballena, Vicens Vives pelagic cachalote 1969:522














i U)








36

We are indebted to Glas (1764:334-342) for the most informative description of fishing by the Spanish on the Barbary coast. According to Glas, each boat would have a crew of 15-30 fishermen, with each man responsible for bringing his own tackle which consisted of lines, hooks, brass wires, a knife, and stout rods. The only provisions supplied by the boat owner were salt and bread, and proceeds from the catch were divided into shares after the sale of the salted fish at the voyage's end. Locations were fished according to seasonal abundance of the various species.

The first step was the catching of rather sizable bait fish by trolling five-inch, unbarbed leaded hooks baited with fish skin. The hooks were

attached to the rod by a length of twisted brass wires and trolled one-quarter to one-half mile offshore. The "bait fish" included a species of mackerel (Orcynopsis unicolor), bluefish (Pomatomus saltator), and probably crevalle jack (Caranx hippos) which were caught with smaller hooks baited with anything. These bait fish were sold if the larger species were scarce. After getting a suitable supply the boats moved offshore and anchored in 15-60 fathoms (30-120 meters) where the men simply dropped their leaded lines overboard. The principal species sought were cod (Gadus morhua), members of the drum family (Argyrosomus regius and Umbrina spp.), grouper (Eninephelus spp.), wreck fish (Polyprion americanus) and possibly the sea bream (Pagellus bogarevo) and bluefin tuna (Thynnus thynnus).

After fishing action had stopped for the day the fish were cleaned and salted. This process involved evisceration, thorough washing, removal of head and fins, and draining off excess water. Then they were salted and stored in the hold. Fish preserved in this manner would keep for six to







37

eight weeks, but Glas informs us that the French in Newfoundland would wash the fish a second time and re-salt them so that they kept longer. Moors simply dried the fish in open air (Glas 1764:338).

Another commercial species, the dogfish shark (Squalus acanthias), was valued not only for its flesh but also for its skin and oil (Townsend 1814, 11:274). Sea turtles were an occasional catch by the fishermen who valued them highly for personal table fare (Glas 1764:212). The Mediterranean and portions of the Atlantic coast were fished more with nets for species like sardines (Sardina pilchardus) and anchovies (Engraulis encrasicolus).

For a time the Atlantic whaling and codfish industry was prosperous,

but went into decline in 1713 following the Treaties of Utrecht concluding the war of the Spanish Succession in which Spain ceded Gibraltar and the island of Minorca to England, Sicily to Savoy, and the Spanish Netherlands, Sardinia, Milan, and Naples to Austria (Vicens Vives 1969:522; Judd 1966:471). Soon after this however, Catalan fishermen perfected the bous method of fishing--really a trawling process in which the net was dragged between two boats. This proved so successful that the idea spread along the Mediterranean coast by the mid-1700's, and enabled the development of a fish-salting industry to the north on the Atlantic coast of Galicia (Vicens Vives 1969:522). An additional factor in the late development of the Spanish fishing industry was its strict regulation until 1750 by the government including fixed prices for the catch (Townsend 1814, II:240).

Much of what is known of Spanish fishing technology comes from Antonio

Sciez Reguart, who in 1791-95 compiled his Diccionario Hist6rico de las Artes de la Pesca Nacional which has been called by George Foster (1960:77) ... the finest study of material culture ever made." In his compendium Sfiez








38

describes three basic net types with numerous variations and two types of set lines or trot lines. The simplest net, the atarraya, was a conicocircular, weighted cast net 1.6 meters high and 10 meters in diameter. This handthrown net was the most popular of the non-commercial varieties (Foster 1960:77). The chinchorro or basic pocket seine was put out by boats and drawn in by men on the shore. The bottom was weighted and the pocket in the center kept from collapsing by cork floats. Its use was restricted to ocean beaches. Gill nets or trasmallos were anchored or left to drift freely with one end fastened to the boat. Some varieties had cork floats and lead weights, were 300-600 meters long and three meters deep with an eight to ten centimeter mesh. The principal quarry of these nets was thought to be the dogfish shark (Foster 1960:80), although variations on this theme, called liseras, were used in the mullet fishery (ibid.). One gill net variety, generally anchored with lead but kept from collapsing with cork floats, was constructed like a net sandwich with an inner net of fine mesh and two outer nets of coarse mesh.

The set lines or trot lines were of two types, the palangre which was 180 meters long and contained 75 hooks and the shorter, lighter espinel which nevertheless contained the same number of hooks. The espinel was baited and set out by a wading fisherman at low tide, then collected at the next low (Foster 1960:81).

In summary, traditional Spanish commercial fishing methods involve offshore trolling, relatively deep-water offshore still fishing, some whaling, open ocean netting, inshore ocean-beach netting, intertidal trot lines, and seasonal riverine salmon fishing. Subsistence practices include use of cast nets and rod, hook, and line. Of the fishes listed in Table 2, only








39

salmon, hake, bluefish, crevalle jack, pompano, horse mackerel, meagre, mullet, and barracuda might be considered as species liable to be caught by shore-based subsistence practices. With the exception of salmon, hake, and mullet, which sometimes ascend rivers, these fishes are marine species. Preparation of the catch included evisceration, removing the head, and salting for storage.

Food Prices and Availability

Our analysis of the Spanish food supply becomes more meaningful when we combine a rough knowledge of the relative abundance of various animal and plant species with data on prices obtained from journals of the period. Most helpful in this regard have been the detailed observations of Joseph Townsend in A Journey Through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787. While written late in the period with which we are concerned, Townsend's observations of foodstuffs and their prices in some 14 towns and cities from the Andalusian port of Cadiz to the Mediterranean coast of Catalonia at Barcelona are at least a fair indication of the nature of the Spanish food supply in the last half of the 18th century.

Most meat seems to have come from professional butchers, whose prices according to species were fixed within a particular region by local government edict. However, prices varied greatly from region to region due to the problem of transport of perishable materials and the vagaries of supply from local livestock herds. This was not the case with maize, which had a stable price all over Europe. Fixed prices on meat allowed for no distinction between fat and lean, prime and coarse cuts and consequently there were complaints by visitors that the meat wasn't as good as that sold in a free market situation (Townsend 1814, I:307).








40o

The lack of free market hinders somewhat the interpretation of prices and supply, but the consistent pattern reported by Townsend is encouraging. Beef was the lowest priced of the traditional domestic meats in 11 out of 12 cities where it was sold. Where distinction was made between veal and beef, veal (meat from calves) was more expensive in two of the three localities. Mutton was without exception more expensive than beef and in the one locality where distinction was made between lamb and mutton, lamb (sheep less than a year old) was less expensive. Mutton was sold in all 14 areas. Goat or kid (an animal less than a year old) was sold only in three of the fourteen areas for which Townsend listed prices, and an ambiguous picture emerges. In two towns it was the cheapest meat available and in the third, the most expensive. Pork, though sold only in four of the 14 localities, was consistently the price leader with the exception of the one town where kid was the most expensive meat available. In a fifth locality, pork was not sold but hog's lard led the price list. Fish was usually cheaper than meat from domesticated animals, and "fowl" usually sold for a price per pound between beef and mutton. A dozen eggs sold for about the same price as a pound of bacon and a little less than a pound of sausage (Kany 1932:419).

Bread was the least expensive food item mentioned on a per pound basis,

and barley bread was cheaper than wheat bread. Townsend distinguishes between wheat and corn (maize) and notes that although corn prices are stable, wheat fluctuates wildly (1814, II:101). If we may summarize some major agricultural crop prices, barley would be least expensive, followed by Indian corn (maize), French beans, and usually at the top of the list, wheat. Fruits and vegetables in great variety were bought in open markets and/or grown in home gardens.







41

Information from prices and market availability in Townsend's sample of 14 communities can give us further insight, particularly on livestock. Mutton seems to have been everpresent, followed closely by beef. Pork is a distant third in availability with goat or kid taking fourth place. Younger animals were not generally being slaughtered and presumably did not counteract their potential economic worth as wool-bearing or draft animals by any noticeable meat market price differential. Foster (1960:71) notes that goat and pork are today more important than mutton as meat, yet Townsend's data tend to support Kenney (1969:175) who in his studies of contemporary rural and urban Spain mentions that mutton and beef are the cheapest and most popular meats. At the same time it should be noted that a few pigs have traditionally been kept around rural and some urban households for home use and thus may not have really entered into the market picture. Goats, sheep, and cattle were additionally valuable as sources of milk and dairy products.

Cooking and Food Preparation

With the exception of posadas (inns), and corner cookshops in the larger cities, cooking was done in the home and seems to have involved the same techniques throughout virtually all regions of Spain for a period of several centuries. In fact the pattern is so clear that we can describe the majority of Spanish cooking by describing two popular dishes.

Gazpacho, a cold broth or soup of bread, olive oil, water, vinegar, pepper, garlic, and onions (Cervantes 1949:859; Glas 1764:206; Kany 1932: 146) was either an appetizer or the main dish at a light meal. The single most popular dish, known variously as puchero or olla podrida (and occasionally cocido) was a stew of innumerable combinations of meat and vegetable ingredients cooked together in an earthenware vessel. In fact the








42

major difference between puchero and olla podrida seems to have been that the olla podrida had a few more costly ingredients thrown in (Kany 1932: 146). Townsend informs us that the common invitation to dinner, even in the houses of the wealthy, was "... to partake of their puchero, or, as we say, to take pot luck" (1814, 1:114).

A traveler to Madrid in 1691 described a very meager puchero at a

corner cookshop which was "... a kettle of beans, garlic, leeks, broth, and bread ..." (D'Aulnoy 1930:193). Don Quixote de la Mancha no doubt was describing a full-fledged olla podrida (circa 1605) when he and Sancho Panza stumbled onto a wedding party serving guests from "... large stew pots with sheep, hares, hens, geese, and game birds ..." (Cervantes 1949:637). The same duo were later disappointed by a simple stew-pot of cow heels boiled with garbanzos, onions, and bacon (Cervantes 1949:894), and Sancho Panza railed at his hosts after they fed him a dish of beef, onions, "and a few boiled calves' feet," complaining that "... my stomach, which is used to goat's meat, beef, bacon, hung beef, turnips, and onions ..." and "... ollas podridas full of good things ..." (Cervantes 1949:824). Another traveler described a noon meal of "... beef, mutton, pork, bacon, carrots, turnips, potatoes, peas, onions, and saffron all stewed together ..." (Glas 1764:289).

Pucheros, cooked in an earthenware pot, were additionally valuable in

that they saved fuel in a country in which wood was already scarce. The plain earthenware pot was generally hung in the fireplace (Irving 1937:63), although Townsend alludes to a special enclosure to further concentrate the heat and save fuel (1814, 1:113).










There were certainly other cooking and food preparation techniques. Perhaps the most popular following the puchero genre stews was roasting. Fish,.mutton, beef, goat, pork, turkey, chicken, and other birds were commonly roasted over open fires or in fireplaces. Perhaps the most outrageous description of roasting comes from the pen of Cervantes, who in describing Don Quixote's "crashing" of the wedding feast of a wealthy landowner's daughter tells us of a large steer roasting on a spit over an open fire, complete with several suckling pigs sewed up inside the steer's belly for an even more opulent display (1949:637).

Other techniques included frying in oil, usually chicken, eggs, bacon, vegetables, and sausage; boiling eggs, bacon, vegetables, calves' feet, milk, bread, and fish; stone boiling of ewe's milk for initial coagulation in cheese production (Foster 1960:71); baking bread and meat pies, and broiling, usually chicken. In the 18th century French cooking became popular in upper class houses and fricasse&, which involves boiling and then frying meat, was introduced (Kany 1932:146). The common puchero was somewhat dignified by minor changes in spices and was called fricando (fricandeau) or ragout. Techniques of preservation included pickling of pork or veal; drying of fish, fruits and nuts; salting of fish, and sausage-making.

In spite of introduction of new foods to Europe from Africa, Asia, and

the Americas after the 16th century, no real "international cuisine" developed; instead, foods became somewhat nationalized (Tannahill 1973:242). This vertical stratification of foods came into existence and cut across the previously existing dichotomy between the foods of the wealthy and those of the common people. Throughout the literature we read statements of the distincbetween the food of the upper and lower classes.







44

In the Canary Islands, "The food of the peasants is generally what they call goffio, which is flour of wheat or barley, toasted: this they mix with a little water, and bring to the consistency of dough, and thus eat it." (Glas 1764:201). Sometimes the goffio was dipped in honey or molasses--no utensils were required. When milk was available in the winter season, the goffio was immersed in it and dipped out with sea shells (ibid.). Gentlemen, however, ate large noon meals of ollas podridas filled with meat and vegetables and topped off with a second dish of roasted meat and a desert of fruit and sweetmeats (Glas 1764:289). Fishermen in the islands boiled fish and then poured the broth in a platter over broken biscuits, shredded onions, pepper, and vinegar. An additional treat for them was roasted fish (Glas 1764:338).

In Spain itself goatherders and travelers lunched on dried acorns,

cheese, meat, and wine (Cervantes 1949:81) and were lucky to get a supper of hard-boiled eggs, fish, tomatoes, rice, and milk (Irving 1937:48). Townsend mentions that the common people "... eat little flesh, drink little wine. Their usual diet is Indian corn, with beans, peas, chestnuts, apples, pears, melons, and cucumbers; their bread, also of Indian corn, has neither barm nor leaven, but is unfermented, and in the state of dough." (1814, I:293). Later on he says that in surmer, Andalusian peasants "... live chiefly on bread, vinegar, and oil ..." (Townsend 1814, II:53). Contrast this with the meals served at a bishop's house, which included a preliminary soup or gazpacho followed by an olla podrida consisting of beef and mutton, bacon, sausages and garbanzos, to which was occasionally added veal, chickens, roast wild game and fish (Townsend 1814, 1:284).








45

In the cities, lower classes were characterized by their meals of simple pucheros; lettuce, watercress and oil salads; cold ham, bread, acorns or chestnuts, and cucumbers and garlic diced and fried in oil (Kany 1932:147). Milk and butter were scarce, but fried sausage or pickled pork were often available for breakfast with bread (Kany 1932:419, 150). Upper classes generally ate ollas podridas or roasted wild game or domestic animals. They had a fascination with "water ices," flavored beverages made from virtually every fruit, root, leaf, herb, and seed (Kany 1932:148). Both classes enjoyed chocolate, particularly in the mornings. The best chocolate supposedly came from Bolivia, with the next best grade originating in Mexico. Peru and Venezuela had less favored varieties. By 1772 there were nearly 150 chocolate manufacturers in Madrid; by 1773 they had formed a guild to protect consumers against the addition of almonds, pine nuts, flour, acorns, coffee, bread and cake crumbs, and pepper and orange peels by unscrupulous grinders (Kany 1932:152).

The dichotomy between foods of the upper and lower classes was not so much absolute in all places as it was in the relative sense--the essential difference between the well-to-do and the common people in essence was the distinction between the contents of the puchero and the olla podrida. The distinction can hardly be made more succinctly than it was by this traveler to the Canary Islands in 1764: "The food of the common people in this country is generally goffio, fruit, and wine, with salt fish which is brought to these shores from the coast of Barbary in great abundance ... fresh fish in the summer is tolerably plenty, but at other times more scarce and dear. I need not describe the food of the gentry, because in all countries they live on the best ..." (Glas 1764:284).








46

The one time of the year which supposedly reduced the rich/oor dichotomy in foodstuffs was the season of Lent, 40 days of abstinence fr~m meat, in which fish, bread, and vegetables were the primary subsistence foods. Nevertheless when fish was scarce one could purchase a license "... from the Pope's Nuncio which allows them to eat butter, cheese, and the head, feet, and innards of fowl, etc. ..." during Lent and on Saturday (D'Aulnoy 1930:221). Money could also obtain mutton, beef, and other meats from officially closed butcher shops during Lent (ibid.).

It is interesting to know that medieval monks in Spain were the first to domesticate the rabbit. The object of this domestication effort was to ensure a supply of laurices, or fetal or newly-born rabbits for Lent, since under the rationale of the time they were not considered as meat (Zeuner 1963:413). Townsend notes that by purchase of special indulgences there were four days a week during Lent that individuals might eat flesh, but few people took advantage of it (1814, 1:87). Normally Wednesday's and Friday's meals were based on fish (Townsend 1814, 1:285).

Testable Implications

Initially the possibility was raised of outlining testable implications concerning resource use and dietary change relative to Spanish colonists in the New World. This discussion has summarized the resources used by the Old World Spaniards and the resultant culturally patterned adaptations. The selective transfer and use of these food resources has important ramifications for the archeology of New World Spanish colonial sites. The implications are as follows:

1.) If New World agriculture reflected Spanish models in reza-rd

to economic crops, characteristic field shape and type of







47

plowing, and home gardens and orchards, then evidence should

exist for major use of wheat and other cereal grains, peas, beans, and numerous fruit trees. Economic crops should be raised in square-shaped fields plowed by oxen. House lots

should include space for gardens and fruit trees.

2.) If domestic animal use followed the economic and dietary use

pattern of Spain, then domestic animal bones should include

in order of percentage representation sheep, cattle, pigs,

chickens, goats, an assortment of domestic fowl such as ducks,

geese, doves, and pigeons, and should represent the major

animal dietary contribution.

3.) If hunting and collecting of wild foods was limited and showed

concentration on very few species as in Spain, then bones of

wild animals should be scarce in New World colonial sites.

Those species that are present should be principally deer,

rabbit (hare), birds of the upland scrub, and coastal birds

and their nestlings.

4.) If fishing concentrated on commercially obtained pelagic, deep

water marine species taken by a variety of fishing hardware as

in Spain, then bones of large, deep water species should be

present, although bones of the cranial region should be rare

due to market preparation. Fishing hardware should be scarce unless sites are linked to a commercial fishery; where professional hardware is present it should include large line and

net weights, barbed and unbarbed hooks in a variety of sizes,

brass wires, and netting tools. Subsistence fishing should be

represented by small hooks, lead line weights, and small net

weights.








48

5.) If Spanish models of cooking were followed, chiefly in preparation of meat and vegetable stews and use of large quantities of oil and wine, then the great majority of cooking vessels should be utilitarian earthenware pots. Few bones should show charring

on the ends resulting from roasting practices. Container jars

should be present for the storage of oil and wine.

6.) If Spanish Lenten season dietary habits were reflected in

household midden debris, especially in lower-class Catholic homes, then accumulations of fish bones and possibly plant

food remains should occur as distinct from normal eating and

discard patterns which should result in higher percentages

of domestic animal bone.

7.) If social class differences were reflected in the diet as

in Spain, then there should be an increase in the relative precentages of meat and fowl with increasing social status.

Discussion of the tests of these implications will be presented throughout the sections on New World sites and will be summarized in the final chapter. The result of these implications, in reality a test of Old World Spanish subsistence system tenacity confirmed or unconfirmed by archeological and documentary evidence, will enable us to determine more accurately the specific nature of the cultural/biological exchange between Spain and the New World, and beyond that, to guage the importance of other than purely environmental factors which lead to any observed change in the Spanish models. One of the principal factors which will be taken into account is








49

Spanish-Indian acculturation. The significance of acculturation as an adaptive mechanism in the foodways of select New World aboriginal and Spanish groups should contribute elsewhere to the resolution of larger problems in cultural dynamics.












CHAPTER 3

SPAIN INTO THE X-EW WORLD THE CARIBBEAN FOCUS

Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact

At the time the Spanish arrived in the New World the Caribbean native peoples based their subsistence almost equally on cultivated root and vegetable crops and on products of the sea. Their agricultural and food procurement capabilities were a blessing for the Spanish, who apparently could not have survived for long on their own (Morison 1963:223), and a curse to the aborigines themselves, who would soon see their population decimated and their culture collapse under the incessant pressures and demands of Spanish colonialism.

Studies of animal bones recovered from pre-Columbian sites in the Caribbean indicate a variety of marine-oriented subsistence techniques, including fishing with boats, fish traps, hook and line, and possibly nets (Wing 1968). Additional techniques known from historic sources included use of harpoons, bow and arrow, poles, fish poisons, and the remora or sucker-fish which attached itself to a larger fish or turtle and was hauled in by an atached line held by the fisherman (Morison 1963: 82; Sauer 1966:58; Verin 1968). These techniques change with site location and intended prey and reflect use of locally available, variably productive environments, such as estuaries, inshore banks and reefs, offshore banks, and offshore pelagic zones. Fresh water ponds and rivers were also fished occasionally.


50







51

Marine fishes commonly caught include species from four distinct habitats:

1) estuarine and inshore pelagic (open water): sharks, rays,

tarpon, snook, certain snappers, jacks, porgies, barracuda,

and mullet;

2) inshore banks and reefs: eels, grunts, parrotfish, porkfish, snappers, surgeonfish, triggerfish, and wrasses;

3) offshore banks: groupers, jewfish, and snappers; and

4) ofshore pelagic: tuna and dolphin.

The ichthyfauna of any particular site tend to represent proportionately the nearest productive habitats (Wing 1968).

Sea turtles were often caught on beaches (Oviedo 1959:111) but were at least occasionally taken in open waters by fishermen with nets (Sauer 1966:58). The largest recorded individuals of the family Cheloniidae weigh 800-900 pounds, although leatherback turtles (Dermochelidae) attain weights of over half a ton (Carr 1952). Sea turtles of up to several hundred pounds were overturned on the beach and rendered helpless as they came ashore to lay eggs. Other techniques for catching turtles were harpooning and roping or lassoing the fin as the animals were swimming (Vgrin 1968).

Manatee were also harpooned and occasionally taken by net, but Oviedo describes the most unique method. While browsing on aquatic vegetation in shallow water, the manatee would be stalked by a fisherman in a dugout canoe and shot with a barbed arrow to which was attached a tarred line and a float. After tiring from its efforts to escape, the manatee could be








52

easily towed into shallow water, killed, and then dragged ashore by waiting helpers (Oviedo 1959:113).

Other marine food sources included crabs, collected in shallow, protected waters, in estuaries, and on land, and various molluscs. The Indians dove for lobsters (Virin 1968), conchs (Morison 1963:97), and oysters, the latter primarily for pearls (Oviedo 1959:116). In terms of food energy, fish were certainly the most important marine resource.

Land animals make up the bulk of subsistence resources in a few Caribbean aboriginal sites in spite of the very limited number of mammal and large reptile species on these islands. Important species included the hystricomorph rodents, agouti (Dasyprocta agouti) and hutia (Capromys sp., Geocapromys sp., and Plagiodontia sp.); a now extinct rice rat (Megalomys sp.); iguanas; and a small variety of domestic dog which the Indians raised for food (Sauer 1966:59). Corles, or guinea pigs (Cavia sp.), seem also to have been introduced into the Caribbean by the aborigines as domesticated animals. Snakes and insects were a very minor source of food (Morison 1963:219), but the crocodile (Crocodylus acutus) was at least locally important within its range. Human cannibalism was an additional food source in some areas of the Caribbean.

Marine, shore, and terrestrial birds were eaten with some regularity, and in some areas of the Caribbean the muscovy duck was domesticated (Sauer 1966:59). Oviedo (1959:22-23) described a method of hunting waterfowl whereby the birds resting on the surface of the water were stalked by Indians wading shoulder-deep with their heads enclosed in a large gourd. The birds, accustomed to other gourd float "decoys" bobbing at anchor nearby, took no notice of another drifing their way until they were quickly pulled under by








53

their feet and drowned. Terrestrial birds were knocked down at night from roosting trees (Oviedo 1959:14; Sauer 1966:58), and ground nesting shorebirds were easy prey. The West Indies tree duck may have been domesticated or at least kept (Morison 1963:91, 131), but it is doubtful that the turkey was present before the Spaniards brought domestic stock to the islands from Mexico.

The major agricultural products of the islands were vegetatively-reproduced root crops, of which the bitter manioc (cassava, yuca;- Manihot sp.) and a variety of sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) were the largest producers. The agricultural process started with the clearing of trees by either felling or girdling and sometime later setting fire to the dry debris. With digging sticks the earth was heaped into a series of rounded mounds, or montones, which were up to knee-high and several feet wide. Stem cuttings were then pushed into the loose, well-aerated soil of the mounds, in addition to any seeds or grain desired. Fields of these mounds, irregular in shape, were called conucos and were well adapted for variable topography and effective against soil erosion (Sauer 1966:51).

Not all fields consisted of these raised mounds. Oviedo (1959:14) described similar clearing procedures for a field of maize but mentioned only planting with the aid of a digging stick with no construction of montones. Columbus' accounts of agriculture in Cuba mentioned the Indians digging in fields, and their leveled, planted fields of squashes (Morison 1963:107, 108).

The conuco method did not lend itself to true shifting cultivation, nor was this necessary due to the fertile soils and relatively modest mineral demands on the soil by the balance of root and vegetable crops.







54

The growing and harvest "seasons" were continuous due to the nature of the climate and the crops grown. However, some more arid areas of Hispaniola required irrigation by an extensive canal system which was certainly preColumbian (Las Casas and Peter Martyr in Sauer 1955:53). Sauer has calculated that a one-acre field of 500 montones would produce yearly 3500-4325 pounds of processed cassava, and cites Las Casas in stating that one carga (50 pounds) of cassava bread would provide food for a month for one person (Sauer 1966:54).

Other root crops were peanuts, yautia, arrowroot, ller6n, yampee, and canna. Maize, beans of several varieties, capsicum peppers, and squashes were also grown. Fruits included the mamey (mammee), pineapple, guava, coco-plum, soursop, and papaya.

Cultural Exchange of Plants and Animals

The principal aboriginal groups in the Caribbean were the Arawaks and the Caribs, of which the Arawaks were said to be more tractable from a European viewpoint. To the Spanish, an Indian who practiced cannibalism and used poisoned arrows was a Carib (Sauer 1966:6), although the real reason for the Spanish distrust of the Caribs and affinity for the Arawaks was the difference in socio-political organization between the two groups.

The Arawaks were in the process of developing a primitive state when the Spanish arrived and were organized under hereditary rulers or caciques (Rouse 1963:528). The Spanish already had experience in taking over a feudal system by deposing the ruler and establishing their own figurehead to continue the system, so the Arawaks posed no problem. The Caribs, on the other hand, were not as centrally organized and were thus not as quickly subdued by Spanish methods of conquest.








55

Nevertheless, both groups suffered heavy losses due to actual fighting with the Spaniards, the more insidious European diseases, and the slavery and forced labor that produced food for Spanish consumption and gold for the royal treasury. Essentially all of the 5-6 million natives in the West Indies were gone within a generation of Columbus' first voyage of discovery, making the importation of large numbers of African slaves a necessity for the maintenance of the Spanish colonial system (Las Casas 1906; Sauer 1966; Haag 1968). Referring in 1620 to Hispaniola, the Carmelite Friar, Antonio Vazquez de Espinosa (1968:39), tells us that "At the time of its discovery it contained 1,800,000 Indians, not counting old people, women, and children; they were the first Christians in the Indies; today there is not one Indian in all the island; it was a just judgment of God." Even though the figures may be exaggerations, it is obvious that there was little possibility of any lasting effect of Spanish-introduced foodstuffs on these island peoples. Nevertheless, many Caribbean aboriginal sites contain domestic animal remains in the upper layers (Wing 1967, 1969, 1972; Wing et al. 1968).

There is little documentary evidence to indicate widespread early adoption by the Caribbean Indians of any Spanish cultigens with the exception of plantains and bananas (Oviedo 1959:102). European domestic animals were another matter. Smaller domestic animals such as pigs and chickens were rather quickly accepted. The Spaniards saw no threat in the Indians having small "barnyard" animals, and they were thus more readily available than the larger herd animals. A more plausible factor in their acceptance by the aboriginal peoples was that keeping pigs and chickens involved no major alteration in the Indian life style (Crosby 1972:98).








56

Through the Arawaks and the Caribs the Spaniards were exposed to and survived and prospered on maize, cassava bread, sweet potatoes, pineapples, sea turtles, iguanas, and numerous estuarine, inshore, and reef and bank fishes. Columbus' first encounter with reef fishes used by the natives of the Bahamas for food left no doubt concerning his unfamiliarity with them as he stated, "Here the fishes are so unlike ours ..." (Morison 1963:72). Yet later on his first voyage, Spanish seamen cast nets in one of the estuarine rivers of Haiti (Hispaniola) and caught mullet ... like those of Spain ... up to that time he had not seen fish like those of Castile." (Morison 1963:114). In their haste to identify and name similar-appearing fishes as those familiar ones from the Eastern Atlantic and the Mediterranean, the early Spanish explorers left a legacy of common-name taxonomy that is still a source of confusion to modern workers in the Caribbean.

The second voyage of Columbus was really the first major introduction of Spanish domestic plants and animals, as he returned to Hispaniola with dogs, cats, horses, sheep, pigs, goats, cattle, seeds and cuttings for wheat, grape vines, garbanzos, broadbeans, cucumbers, sugar cane, onions, radishes, melons, salad greens, and various fruit stones or pits to start orchards (Morison 1963:217). Some authorities say the Spanish demand for European foods in their new environment was strengthened by social and racial prejudices (Crosby 1972:106). However, more simplistic explanations have been offered:

... it is not surprising that man, whether possessing
a permanent abode, or having emigrated to a distant land, should become attached to those animals which have proffered to him their perfect obedience, sagacity, courage, strength, and other kind offices, and should regard them
with admiration, gratitude, and even affection. Such,








57

doubtless, was the case with most of the early adventurers who sought a new home on our shores, and brought
with them those animals which would render them the most assistance or protection, and subserve the best
purposes for labor, pleasure, clothing, and food.
(Browne 1854:1).

For whatever reason Spanish plants and animals appear to have been introduced wholesale. This documentary evidence is certainly an indication that the implications concerning introduction of Old World Spanish agricultural crops and livestock have potential validity.

Lush pastures, tropical fruits and tubers, a favorable climate, and a lack of competitors allowed unprecedented population growth of cattle and pigs, particularly in the early years of colonization. Citing these environmental factors as the reason, Oviedo (1959:11) declared the cattle of Hispaniola to be ... larger and more handsome than those of Spain." Cattle were so successful that in 1587 Hispaniola sent 35,444 hides to Spain (Crosby 1972:87). In fact the term "buccaneer" appears to have been derived from numerous scattered groups of hunters on the north shore of Hispaniola, who made a living by killing wild cattle for skins and selling meat smoked and dried over a boucan, or green wood grating, to passing ships (Esquemeling 1893; Haring 1966:57).

Expansion of feral European animal populations of cattle, pigs, and dogs

and subsequent crop destruction may have been a factor in the decline of aboriginal populations and certainly was the decline of Caribbean wild animal populations (Oviedo 1959:11; Esquemeling 1893:34; Crosby 1972:98). In more remote areas, such as small islands, goats became the dominant fauna. Sheep were slower to adapt in the Caribbean and did not fare as well in the wild as they were less capable of defending themselves against predators (Crosby 1972:92), such as the large dogs introduced by the Spanish. These feral dogs were particularly destructive when they hunted in packs (Esquemeling 1893:34).







58

Spanish grains failed to grow and develop properly in the islands,

but grapes, garden vegetables, citrus, and other fruits grew well. Sugar cane grew spectacularly and became the only major economic plant crop of the islands (Vicens Vives 1969:321). The aboriginal crops, maize and cassava, took the place of wheat in the Spanish diet in the early years and continued to be a significant contribution even after regular trade was established between the West Indies, the Canaries, and Spain. Vizquez de Espinosa (1968:39), writing of Hispaniola in the early 17th century, said ... the everyday bread here is cassava ... as for wheat and other Spanish products, they neither existed here nor do they grow ... A major factor in the Spanish use of cassava bread was its ability to keep fresh for a year or more (Oviedo 1959:17). Major modifications to Spanish models of cereal grain production and sheep herding were thus partially attributable to local environmental factors in the Caribbean, and largely to the success and convenience of aboriginal cultigens. After initial attempts to replicate Spanish agricultural models, Indian, and later, Spanish production of aboriginal crops prevailed.

Archeological Situations

In general, the archeological and subsequent zooarcheological examination of Spanish colonial sites in the Caribbean has, with the limitations imposed by preservation bias in favor of animal remains, confirmed the historical picture of heavy reliance on European domestic animals with occasional use of local marine fish, mammals, birds, and reptiles. Nevertheless there is much we can learn concerning the specific nature of the exploitation of these wild and domestic animals.








59

Convento de San Francisco

In 1954 a small portion of a walled garden was excavated under the

direction of John M. Goggin at the ruins of the Convento de San Francisco, in the city of Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic on the island of Hispaniola (see Fig. 1). The animal bones recovered in that excavation and subsequently brought to the Florida State Museum form the basis for this discussion. A full site description may be found in a recent study by R. Bruce Council (1975). The only previously available archeological information on the site (other than a brief report by Epidio Ortega in a 1974 issue of the Boletin del Museo del Hombre Dominicano) was a short description by John M. Goggin (1968) in his posthumously published Spanish Majolica in the Hew World.

The city of Santo Domingo, founded by Christopher Columbus' brother Bartholomew in 1496 and moved to its present location in 1502 by the new Spanish governor, Ovando, is the oldest continuously occupied European settlement in the hemisphere. Santo Domingo was particularly important as a port city during the 16th and 17th centuries as Spanish colonial ventures flourished, and the base of operations was still in the West Indies. The spread and maintenance of Catholicism was a primary concern in addition to Spanish economic interests, so it is not surprising that the Franciscans were on hand almost from the beginning. They chose a site within the first decade of the 16th century, located on a low hill in Santo Domingo, as a religious headquarters for the province of Santa Cruz de Espafiola. Construction began shortly after on the site overlooking the Ozama River and eventually consisted of the Convento de San Francisco itself and the adjacent conventual and parochial churches (Goggin 1968:32). The major occupation of the site







60

appears to have started in the mid-16th century and to have lasted at least 300 years (Council 1975:17). There is evidence that from the start the accumulating refuse was used deliberately to level and terrace the steep hillside (Goggin 1968:101). Since the materials were recovered immediately south of the Franciscan monastery, it was assumed that they represented the refuse from the domestic life of the priests.

The problem-oriented nature of the excavation, to establish a classification and seriation of Spanish majolica, did not lend itself to maximum recovery of faunal remains: "Bones were also widely scattered from top to bottom of the site, with one zone of almost pure bone. The quantity found was very great. Several unidentifiable bushels of chips and fragments were discarded in the field (Goggin 1968:104). Therefore no attempt will be made at quantification of the remains beyond a species list, Minimum Number of Individuals (White 1953), and percentage representation calculated from rather broad time periods (adapted from data in Council 1975). This list constitutes a Dortion of Table 3.

We certainly can learn from what we do have of the Convento bones, in spite of the fact that the sample may not be wholly representative. The great majority of bones and 52.8 percent of the Minimum Number of Individuals are from European domestic animals. This supports the implications regarding transfer to the New World of Old World livestock use, although certain new information on New World Spanish animal husbandry has been observed from the bones.

Bones of the domestic pig (Sus scrofa) represented 12.6 percent of the combined Minimum Number of Individuals (hereafter referred to as MNT) of all species present in the collection. Age of the domestic mammals at






Table 3. Vertebrate Species Representation by Minimum Numbers of Individuals, Caribbean Sites.


Convento de San Francisco Nueva Cadiz Early Mid-late Early-mid Early-mid Species 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C Total % MNI 16th C % MNI


MAMMALS

Sylvilagus floridanus 19 9.3
Cottontail rabbit

Cetacean 1 1 1.1
Whale or porpoise

Canis familiaris 5 2.5
Domestic dog

Felis catus 1 1 1.1 6 2.9
Domestic cat

Trichechus manatus 1 1 1 3 3.4
Manatee

Sus scrofa 4 1 4 2 11 12.6 12 5.9
Domestic pig

Odocoileus virginianus 9 4.4
Deer

Bos taurus 4 2 4 3 13 14.9 1 .5
Domestic cow




Table 3. Continued



Convento de San Francisco Nueva Cadiz Early Mid-late Early-mid Early-mid Species 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C Total % MNI 16th C % MNI


Ovis aries 3 1 4 4.6
Domestic sheep

Caprinae 8 4 5 1 18 20.7 4 2.0
Sheep or goat


BIRDS

Pelecanus sp. 2 1.0
Pelican

Sula sp. 1 .5
Booby

Phalacrocorax auritus 4 2.0
Double-crested cormorant

Cairina moschatus 1 .5
Muscovy duck

Coragyps atratus 2 1.0
Black vulture

Gallus gallus 2 1 1 4 4.6 17 8.3
I)omestic chicken





Table 3. Continued


Convento de San Francisco Nueva Cadiz Early Mid-late Early-mid Early-mid Species 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C Total % MNI 16th C $ MNI Meleagris gallopavo 1 1 1.1
Domestic turkey


REPTILES

Chrysemys sp. 2 1 2 2 7 8.0
Pond turtle

Chelonia mydas 1 1 1.1
Green turtle

Cheloniidae 1 1 1.1 17 8.3
Sea turtle


FISH

Galeocerdo cuvieri 1 1 1.1
Tiger shark

cf. Rhizoprionodon terraenovae 1 .5
Atlantic sharpnose shark

Megalops atlantica 1 1 1.1
Tarpon Bat re marinus 4 2.0
Gafftopsail catfish





Table 3. Continued


Convento de San Francisco Nueva Cadiz

Early Mid-late Early-mid Early-mid Species 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C Total % MNI 16th C % MNI


Ariidae 7 3.4
Sea catfishes

Batrachoididae 1 .5
Toadfishes

Strongylura sp. 3 1.5
Needlefish

Centropomus sp. 3 2 1 3 9 10.3 6 2.9
Snook

Serranidae 1 1 2 1 5 5.7
Sea basses

Caranx sp. 1 1 2 2.3 16 7.8
Jack

Selene vomer 2 1.0
Lookdown

Carangidae 1 1 1.1
Jacks and pompanos

Lutjanus sp. 1 1 2 2.3 5 2.5
Snapper

HIaemulon sp. 5 2.5
Grunt




Table 3. Continued



Convento de San Francisco Nueva Cadiz Early Mid-late Early-mid Early-mid Species 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C Total % MNI 16th C % MNI


Archosargus sp. 1 .5
Sheepshead

Calamus sp. 22 10.8
Porgy

Sparidae 7 3.4
Porgies

Cynoscion sp. 1 .5
Seatrout

Sciaenidae 2 1.0
Drums

Chaetodipterus faber 7 3.4
Atlantic spadefish

Lachnolaimus maximus 1 .5
Hogfish

Sparisoma sp. 1 .5
Parrotfish

Mugil sp. 2 1.0
Mullet

Sphyraena sp. 1 1 1.1 6 2.9
Barracuda





Table 3. Continued


Convento de San Francisco Nueva Cadiz Early Mid-late Early-mid Early-mid Species 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C Total % MNI 16th C % MNI Scombridae 3 1.5
Mackerels and tunas

Sphoeroides sp. 1 .5
Puffer


TOTALS: 34 15 23 15 87 99.3 204 100.2


















0(a-








67

time of death may be calculated by observing tooth eruption and the degree of epiphyseal fusion of various long bones (Silver 1969). The pigs from the Convento refuse were all butchered between one and two years of age, which is much later than the modern standard of six months in controlled diet commercial production units. The great majority (73%) of the Convento pigs were killed between the ages of 18 and 24 months.

Cattle (Bos taurus) remains comprise 14.9 percent of the combined MNI, and reflect a much broader age range at death. This suggests that cattle had broader utility than as simply a food source. No individuals represented were killed before 12 months and would thus not qualify as "veal." The mode was between 30 and 42 months, and 85 percent of the cattle were killed before they were 48 months old. In a sense all the cow remains are of "beef cattle," but dairy or draft animals would be expected to have a longer productive life before contributing in a more direct way to the diet. Two individuals (15%) of the cattle were older than 48 months, and one was over 84 months of age. One or two individuals might more properly be called oxen due to their size, although there is not enough of a sample to note any modal tendencies in bone size attributable to female, male, and castrate forms (Chaplin 1971:101-107).

Only four individuals of the Caprinae sub-family (sheep/goat) in the

collection could be separated as to genus and species. On the basis of the ratio of the condyles of the distal metapodial (Boessneck 1969:355) all four were identified as sheep (Ovis aries). A more striking difference in age clustering than was found in other domestic forms was noted in the sheep/ goat category which comprised 25.3 percent of the individuals of all species







68

in the collection. Of the 21 individuals represented, five (24%) were under 12 months of age, qualifying for a modern "lamb" or "kid" designation. Tw0thirds of the animals were older than 21 months. The mode, however, was in the over-36 months age bracket (eight individuals or 38%), suggesting that at least this last group had important utility in wool or milk producing or as breeding stock. The large number of sheep represented in the Convento midden almost certainly represent a shepherded flock, since we know that sheep did not do well in the wild. The sheep and some other animals were apparently kept in or close to the town, for in 1628 half the actual area of the city of Santo Domingo was occupied by gardens and corrals for pigs and sheep (Alemar 1943:32). The percentage representation of the major individual domestic animals, sheep (or sheep/goat), cattle, and pig, support the implications regarding transfer of Old World domestic animal use practices.

The only wild mammal bones in the collection were those of two species of marine mammals, the manatee (Trichechus manatus) and a Cetacean, probably a porpoise. The manatee was a completely new animal to the Spanish who, through the Indians, recognized it as a good source of meat. In the account of his father's fourth voyage, Ferdinand Columbus described a manatee caught off the coast of Hispaniola:

It is as big as a calf, resembling one both in color
and flavor, except that perhaps it is somewhat better
and fatter. Therefore, those who declare that there are
in the sea all sorts of creatures which live on land,
say that these fishes are real calves, since inside they are nothing like a fish, and feed only on the grass they find along shore. (Morison 1963:325).

Sauer (1966:58) notes that manatees were an important source of food until decimated by the Spaniards, who were permitted to eat them on fast days.








69

No manatee remains were found in levels more recent than the 17th century. The large iguanas which inhabit the Indies were also exempt from religious dietary prohibitions, and although not present in Goggin's material, Elpidio Ortega has reported iguana remains from recent excavations at the Convento site (personal communication). This is certainly an extension of the application of Renaissance concepts of natural history to Church practice as previously noted in the discussion of food practices in the Iberian peninsula.

All of the remains of the manatee are the characteristically solid, dense ribs. There are at least three individuals in the collection, each no doubt representing a substantial amount of meat as manatees weigh up to 1200 pounds. All of the ribs exhibit cut marks, and one in a 16th century level appears to have been made into a tool. It is 15 cm long, cut squared-off at one end where it appears to have been battered as if by pounding, and scored, smoothed, and slightly waisted near the other end, as if hated there. The data on wild foods from the Convento debris supports the implication that hunting and collection of these resources by the Spanish in the New World, as in the Old World, was limited. However, the types of wild foods differed from Old World Spanish models, possibly due to a combination of environmental differences (resource availability), Lenten restrictions, and models of aboriginal resource use.

Several domestic chickens and one turkey are the only birds represented in the Convento material. The turkey, from a 16th century level, was almost certainly introduced by the Spanish as a domesticant from Mexico. The chickens were without exception fully mature individuals, and








70

although sex could only be determined in one, a female, it is suggested that chickens were kept more for egg than for meat production.

There is fairly even distribution through time of freshwater pond or slider turtles (Chrysemys sp.). These turtles are common in the island's interior ponds and rivers (Cochran 1941) and were probably trapped. Sea turtles (Cheloniidae) were not as common as might have been expected from reading the early accounts. Only one of the sea turtles could be identified to genus and species, the green turtle (Chelonia mydas). Esquemeling (1893:61) noted that green turtle and loggerhead (Caretta caretta) were the best of the four available species for food. In the 17th century it was common practice for the inhabitants of Hispaniola to go to nearby small islands like Savona to catch nesting sea turtles (Esquemeling 1893:18).

Fishing was probably of a limited commercial nature, as it appears from the fish remains that there was some offshore reef and bank fishing and a concentration ... on a brackish water--littoral zone." The "shelf" is extremely narrow directly off Santo Domingo and also for several miles to the east and west. The drop-off is almost immediate to over 300 fathoms (U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office 1960), making "inshore" fishing almost impossible in the immediate area of Santo Domingo, with the exception of the harbor formed by the mouth of the Ozama River. Most of the inshore pelaige and reef fishing not in the harbor itself probably concentrated a few miles east or west. The large snappers (Lutjanus sp.) and grouper (Serranidae) must have come from offshore reefs or banks. Snook (Centropomus sp.), barracuda (Sphyraena sp.), jack (Caranx sp.), tarpon (Megalops atlantica), and tiger shark (Galeocerdo cuvieri) were most likely taken closer to shore in open water or in estuarine bays. Handlines would have








71

been more efficient than nets for most of these fish, although some of the shallow water fishes, particularly the snook, shark, tarpon, and barracuda, may have been speared. Oviedo (1959:112) mentions the practice of catchint sharks from moving vessels by trolling a hook with chain leader from a stout rope. The meat was used by the sailors after being cut into strips and air dried. While all shark meat was good, the best-tasting meat apparently came from younger individuals. Occasionally tuna or porpoises were harpooned from the moving ships (Oviedo 1959:114).

Characteristic Caribbean reef fishes, such as grunts, parrotfish,

triggerfish, and wrasses, are not present in the Convento midden and this probably reflects the distance to a shallow reef habitat more than any particular food preference. Mention has been made of an active trade between Hispaniola and Venezuela during the 16th century involving the exchange of salted Venezuelan fished for manufactured items from Hispaniola (Mendez-Arocha 1963). There is no archeological evidence to support or fefute this fish trade in the Convento materials. Most of the fish remains from the site were vertebra, as would be predicted from the implication concerning Old World Spanish fish salting and market practices, but snook were represented also by cranial elements. Most of the materials were either fragmentary or the elements represented do not permit identification beyond the family or generic level, eliminating any chance of identifying a species restricted to either Greater Antillean or Venezuelan waters. Data on Hew World Spanish fishing techniques reflected in the Convento midden debris were generally not supportive of the implications regarding a transfer of Old World deep water commercial fishery practices.








72

Other wild foods included small numbers of molluscs, most frequently the West Indian top shell (Cittarium pica), found on intertidal rocks. Other species included the flat tree oyster (Isognomon alatus), found on mangrove roots; two species of nerites (Nerita tessellata and N. versicolor), found on intertidal rocks; and a conch (Strombus sp.) and one of the vase shells (Vasum sp.), the latter two both found in shallow, sandy or grassy inshore areas. Some correlates were found here to collection of molluscs in the Canary Islands.

Little can be said of cooking and food preparation practices at the Convento since many of the clues in the form of burned, split, cut, and excessively fragile, leached fragments may have been discarded during excavation. Standard Old World Spanish cooking practices are hinted at by the presence of large numbers of coarse, utilitarian earthenware vessels (Council 1975:100-101) that probably served as stewpots. One early source tells us of cabbage palm cut into slices and boiled in ollas ... with all sorts of meat" (Esquemeling 1893:22). Olive jars, used by the Spanish to store oil, wine, and olives in brine (Goggin 1960) were common at the Convento. Cooking and storage methods were largely supportive of the implications regarding Old World Spanish cooking and food preparation practices.

The lack of common aboriginal wild and domestic terrestrial land

animal food sources in the archeological record is not surprising, as the native population had been decimated even before the Convento was constructed. If we may believe Las Casas, Vizquez de Espinosa, Oviedo, and other chroniclers, there were virtually no Indians on the island after the first few decades of Spanish settlement. There is no other evidence of Spanish-Taino acculturation in the Convento artifact inventory, with








73

the possible exception of the manatee rib "celt" from a 16th century level, and there is only the suggestion that the Africans, who took the place of the Taino in the work force and far outnumbered the Spanish by the end of the 16th century, made their influence felt in the possible construction of certain locally-made coarse earthenwares (Council 1975: 120). Even the Africans would have been restricted to a basic diet of fish, European domestic animals, cassava, maize, fruit and other agricultural crops, and trade items as most of the native mammals and reptiles and many of the birds were extirpated by the destructive capabilities of large feral dog, cat, pig, and cattle populations.

The Convento was a part of the city of Santo Domingo and its commerce and much of the food remains that have been recovered archeologically must have originated either as gifts to the friars or they were bought in markets or from fishermen or ranchers. Maps of the 17th and 18th centuries show the Convento located at the edge of the populated area of the city near an open area of gardens (Jefferys 1970:94; Alemar 1943:32-33), further supportive of the transfer of Spanish models of home gardens and orchards. Certainly the friars could have kept a flock of sheep, some chickens, and some cattle and pigs, but securing manatee, porpoise, fish, turtles, and molluscs must have fallen to someone else. Their primary concern was certainly not in securing the daily bread. The lack of quantities of fish remains in the refuse of a building complex which was the very symbol of Catholicism is perplexing and not necessarily a result of Goggin's sampling technique. Distribution of the limited number of fish remains gives no support to the implication of Lenten season dietary









differences which called for accumulations of fish bones. A 17th century source (D'Aulnoy 1930:283) informs us that the king had the power in the Indies to sell the Bull of the Cruzada--which was a license to eat, but its application to the friars is unclear. The Convento was not an appropriate test of the implications regarding observable social class differences in the diet.

Nueva Cadiz

Nueva Cadiz was the earliest Spanish settlement in present-day South America. Located on Bubagua Island between the north coast of Venezuela and Margarita Island, its principal function was as headquarters for a short-lived but intensive pearl fishery. The town was established about 1515, reached its peak of development between 1530 and 1535, and was destroyed, probably by a hurricane, in 1545 when the pearl fishery was in decline due to overharvesting (Rouse and Cruxent 1963:134; Goggin 1968: 42). The rich pearl fisheries supported a population of Spaniards, a few African slaves, and a large number of Indian slaves who had been brought from all over the Caribbean, especially the Bahamas, as divers (Wing 1961). The low, arid desert island with no fresh water supply and scanty xerophytic vegetation was able to support such a large human population (un to 1500 persons) only through supplies sent from Santo Domingo and the mainland (Cruxent and Rouse 1958:58; Rouse and Cruxent 1963:134).

In 1954 part of a house and a number of adjacent small middens were excavated by John M. Goggin and Jose M. Cruxent at the ruins of Nueva Cadiz. A good sample of animal bones were recovered and formed the basis of a preliminary study by Elizabeth S. Wing (1961). Subsequent identification by Wing has expanded considerably the species list originally presented. The complete list and MNI are included as part of Table 3.








75

Wing's (1961:165) hypothesis that deer and rabbits, the only wild mammals present in the sample, came from neighboring Margarita Island seems a good possibility. There were close ties with Margarita as a part of the pearl fishery, and the size, vegetation, and water supply were much more conducive to the growth and maintenance of animal populations. This is confirmed by Vizquez de Espinosa (1968:49) who stated that ... the whole island is overrun with rabbits," and that ... all over the island deer are abundant ... ." Margarita was also better suited for agriculture and animal husbandry: "The soil on the island is dry ... but when it is cultivated the crops bear admirably and in profusion; in fact, a fanega of corn bears 300- or 400-fold," and "There are large herds of cattle and goats on the island ... (Vizquez de Espinosa 1968:48, 49). Cubagua Island itself apparently had much more limited resources: the soil is ... very nitrous, full of salt: there is no fresh water, and very few trees ... There are no other animals but rabbits, and some sea fowls ..." (Jefferys 1970:4).

It follows that the population of Nueva Cadiz, faced with the limited food producing capabilities of their island and working daily in and on the sea, would make heavy use of marine resources. The large numbers and variety of fish and the number of large sea turtles presented in Table 3 illustrates this heavy dependence, and the degree of use of oysters for food as a by-product of the pearl fishery can only be speculated.

Fishing was concentrated in the inshore pelagic and estuarine habitats surrounding Cubagua Island. Of 104 individual fish.identified from 22 taxonomic groups, 80.8% (85 individuals) were from this estuarine and inshore zone. These fishes included the sharpnose shark, marine







76

catfish, toadfish, needlefish, snook, jack, lookdown, snappers, sheepshead, porgies, trout, drum, mullet, barracude, and puffers. Secondary fishing loci were inshore banks and reefs; grunts, snappers, hogfish, parrotfish, and spadefish made up 16.3% of the total fishes. No fish were identified that frequent offshore banks, but 2.9%, all from the mackerel and tuna family, represented the offshore pelagic habitat. Once again examination of fish remains had indicated a refutation of the implications regarding the presence of deep water, commercial fishery species in the New World as had been the pattern in Spain.

In spite of the apparent heavy dependence on marine resources, domestic animals were important to the Spaniards and the standard inventory of cow, pig, sheep/goat, and chicken are represented in addition to dog and cat. An aboriginal domesticant, the muscovy duck, is also present but it is not possible to discern if this particular case represents a Spanish adoption or part of the "baggage" of one of the aboriginal pearl divers. A very small percentage of chicken bones were from young individuals; the rest were mature, and it is again assumed that egg production was the primary purpose for keeping the chickens. Although goats are mentioned in the documents to the exclusion of sheep, the Caprinae bones cannot be further identified than sheep/goat. The single cow present in the sample was well over 42 months of age based on epiphseal fusion, and the pigs were between six and 18 months of age, based primarily upon tooth eruption.

Wing's (1961) conclusions as to the relative importance of marine fishes, birds, and reptiles and of wild domestic birds and mammals from Nueva Cadiz were in part based on the concept of usable weight first developed by White (1953). New data on usable weights have become available since then (see Ziegler 1973), and Wing's original figures need to








77

be updated and tallied so as to include the recent additions to the species list. Standard calculations of usable meat based on .;JI have resulted in a total estimate of 4081 lbs for the Nueva Cadiz sample. Of this, wild terrestrial game (rabbits and deer) contributed 425 lbs or 10.4%; domestic mammals and birds 1518 lbs or 37.2%; and marine resources (including birds, fish, and turtles) 2138 lbs or 52.4%. Based on Wing's calculation of usable weight, sea turtles alone represented 41.1% of the meat diet of the Nueva Cadiz inhabitants.

The resolution of the implications as regards the Nueva Cadiz data shows a number of differences to the Convento site. These may be due to the nature of the site as a specific, one-industry colony with a great degree of Spanish-Indian interaction. The first implications, regarding Spanish agricultural models, were not applicable to Nueva Cadiz due to the lack of arable land. The second series of implications, concerning domestic animal usage, were refuted by the Nueva Cadiz data. Not only were domestic animals not the major source of meat, but those present did not reflect the expected species composition. Pigs, perhaps due to their foraging ability, were more often represented than sheep/goats or cattle. The presence of deer, rabbit, and some coastal birds in the Nueva Cadiz middens tend to support the third set of implications regarding wild animal use in Spain. The fourth series of implications, concerning transfer of fishing techniques, were refuted by examination of fish remains.

There is little supportive evidence for cooking practices. Negative evidence perhaps supporting stew-based cooking techniques is in the extremely low incidence of burned or charred bone. The implications regarding transfer of Old World cooking techniques are supported by the








78

presence of olive jars, and by aboriginal earthenwares, which have been shown elsewhere (Otto and Lewis 1974) to have been used by the Spanish in cooking. Any data regarding Lenten season dietary differences has been obscured by the large numbers of fish remains present at the site. Any implications regarding similarities to Old World patterns of dietary differences attributable to social class are obscured by the basic twoclass system (Indian/Spanish) present at Nueva Cadiz, and will not be applicable until more information is available on the identity of specific household inhabitants.

These data are in great contrast to the foodways represented at the Convento de San Francisco, whose inhabitants relied heavily on domestic animals and very little on the resources of the sea. The difference may be at least partly reflected in the fact that at Nueva Cadiz, Spaniards and aborigines from various tribal groups worked and lived together (albeit in a master/slave relationship for the duration of the site's occupation; at the Convento there was virtually no interaction with the aborigines, and Spanish foodstuffs were readily available in Santo

Domingo. Spanish-aboriginal interaction at Nueva Cadiz is further demonstrated by the fact that of the five dogs found in the middens, three individuals are of the small West Indian aboriginal variety, and two very large individuals are probably introduced Spanish mastiffs (Lawrence and

Wing MS).

Summary

The initial thrust of Spanish colonization was in the West Indies, and it was here that Spaniards first encountered aboriginal plant and animal foods. These foodstuffs were relied on at first as emergency








79

measures; later, when the inability of the major Spanish cultivated plants to adapt to the different climate and the succesful production of aboriginal cultigens became apparent, New World Spaniards adopted cassava and maize as staples. Although Ferdinand and his successor, Charles V, ordered the conquistadors to take farmers with them and experiment with Spanish crops such as wheat and barley, little came of this in the early decades (Zavala 1943:110-112). Spain had to wait until wheat became established in the more temperate areas of Mexico and the valleys of highland South America for the new colonies to become agricultural exporters. In the meantime, the New World crops, corn and potatoes (the latter from highland South America), had been transported across the Atlantic to Spain, but only became established there in the 16th and early 17th centuries (Vicens Vives 1969:512; Tannahill 1973:258). This concern with the development of agriculture in the New World is in part attributable to the general view of colonies as production units supplying the mother land, and in part a more direct response to Spanish grain crises resulting from previously mentioned unsound agricultural policies favoring expansion, in particular of the sheep industry.

European domestic animals fared far better than the introduced domestic plants in the West Indies, and expansion of herds of food animals, particularly cattle and pigs, was unprecedented, changing the availability of types of meat traditionally consumed in Spain. Whereas mutton had been the meat staple in Spain, beef and pork replaced it in the Americas. There w-as never a need for the Spanish to adopt many of the aboriginal meat sources as they had with plant foods due to the immediate success of most








80

European domestic animals, although this statement appears to have limited applicability to special cases like Nueva Cadiz. The success of livestock production was fortunate, for hunting had never been a Spanish forte.

Fish continued to be a minor portion of the diet, but an offshore

fishing industry never developed as it had in Spain. The great majority of fishes caught were estuarine and inshore pelagic species, which were only a minor subsistence component of the Iberian fishing industry. Spanish fish consumption in the Caribbean area paralleled the species and habitat, if not the quantity, of aboriginal fish usage, and it is in the areas of fishing and agriculture that New World peoples really contributed to the diet of the Spanish colonists.

Crosby (1972:77) notes that in the Caribbean, the Spanish had created a perfect base camp for the assault on the mainland. When they did move into Mexico, South America, and Florida, they carried cassava bread in

the saddlebags of Antillean-bred horses and brought with them "a commissariate on the hoof;" herds of swine, cattle, and goats born on the islands.












CHAPTER 4

THE SPANISH IN FLORIDA

Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact

As the early conquistadors moved out of their Caribbean island bases and searched more diligently for Tierra Firme and its rewards, a few came north and landed on the shores of Florida. They encountered a variety of aboriginal groups from the lower east and west coasts who were apparently non-agricultural hunters, fishers, and gatherers (Swanton 1946). However, evidence of corn pollen from the Lake Okeechobee Basin by A.D. 500 (Sears 1971:328-329) and pumpkin and gourd seeds from Key Marco (Gilliland 1965: 102) indicates that early thenographic sources disclaining aboriginal horticulture in South Florida are possibly inaccurate. Cultivated plant foods, if present, must have constituted only a minor part of the subsistence base. These groups ranged from loosely organized tribes of Ais, Jeaga, Jobe, and Tequesta to the highly stratified Calusa on the southwest coast and their Mayaimi afflilates in the interior (Goggin and Sturtevant 1964:180-182).

The Spaniards were more impressed with the subsistence base of the aboriginal groups in the northern part of the state; the Apalachee west of the Aucilla River and the Timucua to the south and east were cornbeans-squash agriculturalists who supplemented their diet with hunting and fishing. In fact, DeSoto's expedition in 1539 was saved from possible starvation by their arrival in Apalachee at the approximate time of harvest of the aboriginal cornfields:

81







82

In order that one may judge of the productivity and
fruitfulness of the province of Apalachee, we will say
in conclusion that, during the more than five months
they were wintering in this encampment, the whole
Spanish army and their Indian servants, in all about 1500 men and more than 300 horses, fed upon the food
which they gathered when they first arrived there;
and when they needed more, they found it in the
neighboring hamlets in such quantity that they never went so far as a league and a half from the principal
village to obtain it. (Garcilaso de la Vega 1951:
260).

There is no record of what the Apalachee had left of their harvest for the remainder of the year.

The importance of agricultural crops in the diet of the north Florida Indians is underscored by virtually every early chronicler (summations of Laudonniere, LeMoyne, the DeSoto chroniclers, Calder6n, and others in Swanton 1946; Spellman 1948), but there is a need for caution and these accounts cannot all be accepted literally. Maize is always listed as the predominant crop and was sometimes sown twice a year (Wenhold 1936), although beans, squashes, and pumpkins were important supplements. Wild plant foods included plums, persimmons, grapes, mulberries, blackberries, acorns, walnuts, hickory nuts, and dwarf chinquapins (Swanton 1946:293). Raspberries noted by Swanton (ibid.) as occurring in Florida do not actually range south of the Georgia Piedmont (Bailey 1949:526). Major game animals were deer, bear, raccoon, rabbit, turkey, and alligator; and along the coast, crabs, crayfish, and molluscs were gathered. Fish were important in the interior as well as on the coast, although use of this resource was not as great in the interior. Freshwater shellfish were an important seasonal resource among some eastern Timucua groups (Deagan








83

Swanton (1946:308-309) cites Laudonniere, Calder6n, and LeMoyne

in his characterization of Timucuan agriculture, which he further describes as a two crop system (citing Wenhold 1936) with a burning of the week and brush cover from the old fields in January, followed by the first planting in March or April and the second, on the same field, in June. Fields were initially prepared with hoes and the grain or beans planted in a hole made with a digging stick. There are indications that this simplistic view of efficient agriculture is incorrect. Swanton's

description would indicate sedentary, full-time agriculturalists, yet we know from documentary research (Milanich MS.; Deagan MS.) that the Timucua were seasonal agriculturalists, perhaps best described part of the year as central-based nomads.

The archeological record has suggested a somewhat different interpretation for at least the coastal sector based on analysis of plant remains from the Guale site of Pine Harbor in coastal Georgia. Larson (1969:293) and others (Sauer 1971:212) have interpreted the presence of old field pioneer species in with remains of cultigens in archeological sites as suggesting shifting cultivation; in other words, an old field lay fallow long enough for persimmon, grape, and cherry to invade before being cleared and planted again. Presumably these species were also desirable and would have been left in subsequent clearings of the field, which would be cropped for a few years before lying fallow (Larson 1969:302). A mixed crop of corn, beans, and squash in the same field would help soil fertility and reduce the need to relocate villages as frequently due to regional soil depletion.







84

Larson (1969:307) also contends that agriculture in the northeast Florida-southeast Georgia coastal sector was of a different magnitude than in the Apalachee area, due principally to the widely differing soil fertility and generally poor drainage in the area between the pine barrens and the coast. Based on the analysis of the Pine Harbor site and his reading of the ethnohistorical sources, Larson (ibid.) suggests that

agriculture was not of "primary subsistence importance" and that wild plant foods, generally nuts, persimmons, grapes, plums, and berries, were more important. He figures a contribution to the diet by hunted and gathered animal resources at an average of perhaps one-third of the total daily caloric intake per individual (Larson 1969:317-321).

Previously the richest source for Timucuan agricultural practices

was considered to be the Theodor de Bry engravings of original paintings by Jacques LeMoyne (corrected in Lorant 1965). More recently the accuracy of the engravings has come into question (Hulton and Quinn 196h; Sauer 1971; McPhail MS.). We must keep in mind that the engravings were adapted by De Bry from paintings made by LeMoyne 20 years after he returned from Florida, and that all but one of the paintings are now lost and thus cannot be compared with the engravings. In addition, LeMoyne himself was not present at some of the episodes he portrays, and when De Bry started work on the engravings he had just completed a series for Hans Staden on the Aborigines of Brazil. There are many similarities between the DeBry renderings of LeMoyne's and Staden's works (McPhail MS.). Four of the engravings which pertain to Timucuan subsistence practices are reproduced here (Figs. 2-5).







85

All of the identifiable plants and animals in the engravings are native American species (or like the gourd, introduced by natural or human agency long before the Spanish arrival), although there are suggestions that the engraver may have filled in his squash and fruit baskets with at least some European cultigens (Figs. 2, 4). Another fact to remember is that by 1590, Europeans had been introduced to New World cultigens for nearly a century, and corn, squashes, and peppers were being brought back and grown in Europe. Of interest is the relatively high proportion of squash to maize suggested in the engravings, and the ratio of meat to plant foods in the aboriginal diet. A fifth engraving, from one of John White's watercolors, is added as an example of both aboriginal and contemporary (1585) European cooking techniques (Fig. 6).

Archeological excavations in northeast Florida aboriginal sites have clarified the contribution to the diet of various wild animal food sources. Examples chosen here are Summer Haven (8SJ-46), a late Archaic site in St. Johns County, Florida, immediately south of Matanzas Inlet (Bullen and Bullen 1961), and the Goodman mound and midden (8Du-66), a protohistoric to early historic period site situated in a hammock on the shore of Mill Cove off the St. Johns River, seven miles west of the Atlantic and 30 miles north of St. Augustine (Wing 1963). Vertebrate species are listed in Table 4, and while invertebrates were important, particularly at Summer Haven site, lack of information on the presence of species and number of individuals precludes their proper listing. Oysters, coquinas, and Mercenaria clams were the most common shellfish at Summer Harven. Table 4 also includes materials from San Juan del Puerto (8Du-53), an historic period aboriginal village and Spanish mission (doctrina) which will be discussed later in greater detail.


















FIGURE 2. Theodor De Bry engraving, "The Natives of Florida Worship the Column Erected bythe
Commander on His First Voyage," from original painting by Jacques LeMoyne. First
published in 1590, this figure is reproduced from the 1965 edition of Stefan Lorant's
The New World: The First Pictures of America (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearch).
Used by permission.

In addition to obvious European touches such as the baskets, the engraving features
recognizable pre-Columbian aboriginal cultigens such as maize, acorn, and other squash
varieties, gourds (Lagenaria sp.), possibly beans, and what may be wild persimmons or
Chickasaw plums. Not as clear in the engraving but hinted at more strongly in the one surviving painting attributed to LeMoyne are what may be European cultigens such as a turnip, pear, and fruits like peaches or Damson plums (see in Lorant 1965; Hulton and Quinn 1964, pl. 145). An additional disclaimer to this scene is that it took placein
1562, while LeMoyne didn't arrive in Florida until 1564.














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FIGURE 3. Theodor De Bry engraving, "Storing Their Crops in the Public Granary," from original
painting by Jacques LeMoyne. First published in 1590, this figure is reproduced from
the 1965 edition of Stefan Lorant's The New World: The First Pictures of America
(New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearch). Used by permission.

The stylized or European-made dugout canoe contains European baskets filled with squashes of several varieties, a mound of maize ears, and other more speculative
crops or gathered foods. The wattle-and-daub and thatch granary fits other contemporary
descriptions of Timucua buildings, although the original caption indicates stone and
earth construction, which is not aboriginal construction technique in Florida.












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FIGURE 4. Theodor De Bry engraving, "Bringing in Wild Animals, Fish, and Other Stores," from
original painting by Jacques LeMoyne. First published in 1590, this figure is reproduced from the 1965 edition of Stefan Lorant's The New World: The First Pictures of
America (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce). Used by permission.

Ignoring the dramatic postures of heavy-bodied Renaissance women, we can recognize baskets of various squash varieties, one which looks suspiciously like a basket of
apples (a European cultigen), an armload of fish, and one or more baskets of assorted fish, reptiles, and mammal fore- and hind-quarters, at least one of which is an artiodactyl, presumably a deer.




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PATTERNS OF RESOURCE USE AND CROSS-CULTURAL DIETARY CHANGE IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD By STEPHEN L. CUMBAA A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1975

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Throughout the course of this research I have received help and advice from numerous groups and individuals. John Clauser, Bruce Council, Kathleen Deagan, Judith Angley McMurray, the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, and the St. Augustine chapter of the Colonial Dames graciously lent me faunal materials and supportive documentation for materials excavated by them or under their care. Robert Steinbach of the HSAPB gave me advice and lent me documentary materials relating to l8th century St. Augustine. The staff of the P". K. Yonge Library of Florida History gave me invaluable assistance in researching maps and early Spanish documents from their extensive collections. Daniel J.J. Ross took time out from his own research to translate the inventory which appears here as Appendix A. The staff of the St. Augustine Historical Society Library provided help in locating biographical details of l8th century St Augustine residents and references to foodstuffs in their files. Hale Smith of Florida State University has been working on research similar to my own and very kindly lent me unpublished material on the introduction of plants and animals to Florida. Renato Rimoli of the Smithsonian Institution and the Museo del Hombre Dominicano guided me to historical documents on the Caribbean fauna, and Elpidio Ortega of the Museo brought me up to date on his excavations at the Convento de San Francisco. Lewis Binford, Ivor Noel Hume, and Stan South have given welcome help on specific areas of my data analysis. ii

PAGE 3

A number of individuals at the Florida State Museum have greatly facilitated my research over the last few years. J.C. Dickinson, Jr., William R. Maples, and John William Hardy have been instrumental in providing me with office space and financial support, and have given advice in their own fields of expertise. Walter Auffenberg, Carter Gilbert, and Fred Thompson have identified specimens for me and given me the benefit of their researches into habitat and distribution of herps, fishes, and molluscs. Pierce Brodkorb helped me out on the identification of difficult bird bones. Steve Humphrey and Graig Shaak helped me with diversity indices and problems of sample size. Nancy Halliday gave me help and advice on illustrations, and Kay Purinton photographed the bones. David Hall of the University of Florida's IF AS Herbarium identified plant materials and checked taxonomy and spelling of the Old World cultivated plants. R.B. Becker of IFAS has done pioneer work on mineral deficiencies in livestock and helped me trace these effects on archeologically recovered bones. Sharron Tracy Cumbaa drew the maps and life zone cross-section. Joyce Bryan Lottinville drew the energy flow diagram and Lynn Cunningham the seasonal distribution of fishes. Greg Cunningham helped in the sorting counting, and weighing of bone from the St. Augustine sites. Fellow graduate students Rochelle Marrinan, Kass Byrd, and Kathie Johnson critically read initial drafts of the manuscript and made helpful changes and suggestions. Rochelle Marrinan and Lynn Cunningham did a lot of legwork and the final editorial tasks in my absence and for which I am especially grateful. Lydia Deakin has been of invaluable assistance

PAGE 4

numerous times, helping out with administrative hassles, reminding me of deadline dates, facilitating payroll transfers, and numerous other details My typist and editor, Rhoda Rybak, has always cheerfully put in extra time and effort and put up with my constant flirtations with deadline dates. Members of my doctoral committee have been of considerable help over the last few years and have been patient with me through these last months of writing and editing. Charles Fairbanks has taught me anthropological archeology and the value of a sound methodology. Jerald Milanich has been of great help on the subject of SpanishIndian relations and with his infectious enthusiasm for anthropology. Samuel Snedaker has made me aware of man's place as only one of the functional components in a much larger natural system, and David Webb has given me an evolutionary perspective on man-animal interactions. Elizabeth Wing has taught me zooarcheology, has always been available for counsel and advice, and has seen to it that I had laboratory space and some form of employment in which I could work and learn. For all these things I am deeply appreciative. A final debt of financial and moral support is to my wife, Sharron, and to my parents, Bill and Carolyn Cumbaa. Their collective perseverance and willingness to help out have been unflagging, and for this I can only offer my sincere thanks. Throughout the course of this research I have been supported by graduate research assistantships in the Natural Sciences and Social Sciences departments of the Florida State Museum, and by graduat teaching assistantships in the University of Florida's Department of Anthro pology. iv

PAGE 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii LIST OF TABLES vii LIST OF FIGURES viii ABSTRACT i x CHAPTER 1 1 Introduction 1 Archeological Situations tt Documentary Research 7 Goals and Methodology 8 CHAPTER 2: SPANISH FOOD ECONOMY IN THE OLD WORLD 11 Historical Background H Agricultural Crops and Techniques 18 Livestock and Domestic Animals 21 Hunting 20 Fishing 30 Food Prices and Availability 39 Cooking and Food Preparation 1+1 Testable Implications CHAPTER 3: SPAIN INTO THE NEW WORLD THE CARIBBEAN FOCUS ... 50 Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact 50 Cultural Exchange of Plants and Animals 5I+ Archeological Situations 58 Summary yg v

PAGE 6

CHAPTER k: THE SPANISH IN FLORIDA 3! Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact 3l Cultural Exchange of Plants and Animals 101 The Archeological Evidence 12 5 Butchering and Cooking Techniques 1^2 Animal Husbandry Fishing l8o Hunting-Collecting 232 Energy Flovs in St Augustine 186 CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS APPENDIX A: 1651 Description of a Florida Wheat agd Cattle Fa^. 203 APPENDIX B : Inter-Site Comparison : Diversity Measures 209 REFERENCES CITED 213 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 22 g vi

PAGE 7

LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Principal l6th-l8th Century Spanish Food Crops 22 Table 2. Likely l8th Century Spanish Commercial Fishery Species 31 Table 3. Vertebrate Species Representation by Minimum Number of Individuals, Caribbean Sites 6l Table k. Vertebrate Species Representation by MM, Northeast Florida Aboriginal Sites 96 Table 5. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna at Maria de la Cruz House, SA16-23 129 Table 6. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna at Acosta Site, SA13-5, Gertrudis de la Pasqua Occupation 1^ Table 7. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna at Yiminez-Fatio House, SA3 l t-2, Christoval Contreras Occupation Table 8. Summary of Percentage Contribution of Vertebrate Fauna by Site, St. Augustine l6l Table 9. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Maria de la Cruz House, SA16-23 166 Table 10. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Acosta Site, SA13-5 • • 169 Table 11. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Yiminex-Fatio House, SA3U-2 1 7 2 vii

PAGE 8

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 5 Figure 2 86 Figure 3 88 Figure k 90 Figure 5 92 Figure 6 gk Figure 7 113 Figure 8 116 Figure 9 128 Figure 10 lUO Figure 11 163 Figure 12 165 Figure 13 177 Figure ih 179 Figure 15 182 Figure 16 190 viii

PAGE 9

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy PATTERNS OF RESOURCE USE AND CROSS-CULTURAL DIETARY CHANGE IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD By Stephen L. Cumhaa Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks Major Department: Anthropology Research into the subsistence system of Spanish colonists in the circum-Caribbean area in the late 15th-mid-l8th centuries has shown the importance of natural and cultural environmental factors in the formation of the New World Spanish diet. Zooarcheological analysis of archeologically recovered materials, in combination with documentary research, revealed changes in Old World agricultural crops and techniques, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing, food prices and availability, and cooking and food preparation techniques as the colonists adjusted to New World conditions. Data on the pre-contact foodways of Old World Spanish and New World aboriginal populations were gathered so that deviation from these patterns could be quantified. The analysis showed that natural factors, primarily the inability of the major Old World crops to thrive and the success of Old World livestock species were tempered by a culturative mechanism resulting in the addition of New World aboriginal domestic ix

PAGE 10

plant and wild animal food to the colonists' diet. The acculturative process operating was largely one defined as fusion, blending of items from two cultures into a third, unique and adaptive tradition. Food "behavior" is thus seen as a point of articulation between cultural and non-cultural, or natural systems. New methods of explication and analysis presented in this study are in the use of energy flow diagrams, the effects on animal bone of nutritional factors, and in comparison of standard zooarcheological techniques

PAGE 11

CHAPTER 1 Introduction Anyone who has ever lunched on tacos at a local Mexican-style eateryhas experienced part of the diverse (and very diffuse) nature of Spanishaboriginal acculturation in the New World. Contemporary Hispanic American culture is without question a blend of traditions, and nowhere is this mosaic more evident than in food and food preparation techniques. This distinctive blend of spicy foods has in fact become its own tradition, one based on combinations and experiments that began nearly 500 years ago. This study is an examination of the context and role of acculturation and resource utilization in the origin of the Hispanic American dietary tradition. The focus is first on Spain, then on the Caribbean area, and finally on Florida. Time depth of this study is from the late 15th century to about the middle of the l8th century. In Florida this encompasses the 1st Spanish period, which lasts until the British takeover in 1763. Hard evidence of the specific nature of the dietary aspect of cultural exchange requires archeological confirmation of written documents and journals. Furthermore, the expansion of Historical Archeology and its unique methodology and techniques serves not only to confirm but to supplement the written record, especially in filling in the day-to-day activities of individuals often lost in the large scale overview which characterizes most histories. 1

PAGE 12

Archeological excavations "by the University of Florida and Florida State University in late 1st Spanish period contexts in St. Augustine, Florida, provided the impetus for this study. Recovery of large quantities of faunal remains resulted both from the use of relatively fine-mesh standard archeological screening techniques and from the philosophical viewpoint behind the excavation strategy. In 1972 Charles Fairbanks called for an emphasis on "backyard archeology" which would shift the major purpose of excavations from delineating architectural features to a greater recovery of information on the daily lives of the structure's inhabitants. St. Augustine seemed a good test case since records existed of backyard wells, gardens, patios, outbuildings, and presumably trash pits. That this backyard program proved successful has been demonstrated by Kathleen Deagan in her report on the Maria de la Cruz house site (Deagan 197*0. Subsequent excavations in St. Augustine have added sites which will be discussed later in greater detail. As work proceeded on analysis of the St. Augustine materials, it became clear that there were inter-site dietary pattern differences, as well as still greater disparities between Spanish and Indian occupation sites within the same northeast Florida coastal environment. The differences and similarities in food procurement and preparation clearly merited further study and it stimulated the investigation of the resource use and diet of peninsular Spaniards. This was done through examination of historic documents and journals. Archeological materials from two Caribbean sites were also available for study and were deemed

PAGE 13

3 pertinent since Spanish culture in Florida had in a real sense been filtered through the penir.sulares experiences in the Caribbean islands. These experiences had been mostly at the expense of the native peoples of the Caribbean and Central America as Las Casas (1906) and other witnesses so vividly described at the time Csee Crosby 1972, Sauer 1966). Columbus' return to Spain in March, 1^93 had created a sensation as he presented to the court a few northern Arawak (Taino) aborigines, samples of gold, some artifacts, and Indian corn, although not the wealth of spices the crown had perhaps hoped for. If the excitement of discovery and the prospect of wealth were not enough to ensure future voyages by Columbus and others, Pope Alexander VI issued a series of papal bulls at Spanish request, authorizing, among other things, Spain's title to the discoveries made by Columbus, specifically for the propagation of the Catholic faith (Gibson 1966:15, Sauer 1966:35). The fate of the Americas was sealed as the Spaniards now rushed to the New World (Las Indias) with the dual incentive "for God and /country. The native peoples found by Columbus and later Spanish explorers in what was to become known as the Americas were varied in physical appearance, language, and culture. Some groups lived in temporary brush houses and subsisted on wild foods obtained by hunting, gathering, and fishing; others lived in large cities of stone comparable to those in Europe, had evolved a complex social hierarchy, and were supported almost completely by domesticated plants raised with intensive farming techniques. The aborigines of Florida and the Caribbean were somewhere in between; agricultural peoples who supplemented their diet by hunting, gathering, and fishing.

PAGE 14

As the native peoples of America could not be easily categorized, neither could the conquest and colonization efforts of the Spanish be fit simply into a pattern. Although the colonizing culture brought with it homogenous elements and strove for uniformity under Spanish rule (Zavala 19^3:68), the particular nature of the individual colonization efforts or enterprises was dependent on climate, soils, resource availability, and the aboriginal inhabitants. Archeological Situations One of the first, and certainly the most intensive sites of Spanish colonization in the late 15th and early l6th centuries was the city of Santo Domingo on the south coast of the Island of Hispaniola in the present-day Dominican Republic (see Fig. l). Excavations in 195^ by the late John M. Goggin of the University of Florida, Rafael Mont as of the Museo Nacional de la Republica Dominic ana, and Emil de Boyrie Moya of the Instituto de Invest igaciones Antropologicas de la Universidad de Santo Domingo at the Convento de San Francisco in the old city provided a large sample of faunal materials and the opportunity to note changes in diet through time at this locality from the l6th century to the mid-l8th century. An equally large sample, and the only previously reported Spanish colonial dietary study in the Caribbean area, came from the site of Ilueva Cadiz on Cubagua Island off the northeast coast of Venezuela. The Nueva Cadiz materials, excavated by John Goggin of the University of Florida and Jose M. Cruxent of the Museo de Ciencias Naturales, Caracas, in 195U, represent animal remains from mid-l6th century Spanish house and midden debris and were analyzed by Elizabeth S. Wing of the Florida State Museum (1961).

PAGE 15

5

PAGE 16

6 The first excavation of a circum-Caribbean Spanish, site to incorporate maximum recovery of faunal materials as part of the research design was conducted in 1972 by Charles H. Fairbanks of the University of Florida at the Maria de la Cruz house site, St. Augustine, Florida, in cooperation with the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board. This same site was further excavated by a University of Florida crew in 1973 under the direction of Kathleen A. Deagan and produced a good sample of precisely dated faunal remains from the mid-1 8th century. Additional faunal materials from St. Augustine became available as a result of excavations conducted for the Colonial Dames by the University of Florida under the direction of John W. Clauser, Jr., at the XimenezFatio house site. This site produced a wealth of material from the 1st and 2nd Spanish periods and the short, intervening British period. Only the earlier material is analyzed and presented here. A smaller sample of faunal materials from a third, mid-l8th century, St. Augustine site, the Acosta house, became available in 197^ as a result of a continuing series of cooperative excavations between the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board and Florida State University, under the direction of Kathleen A. Deagan of Florida State University. Animal bones from the three St. Augustine sites offered particular promise for analysis as they represented three distinct, contemporaneous ethnic-social groups occupying the same environment. In addition, excavation strategies and recovery techniques were similar enough so that data from the sites are directly comparable.

PAGE 17

7 Documentary Research Certainly the basic premise of historical archeology would tell us that the best information on the individual sites of colonization is gleaned from a combination of documentary research and archeological excavation. Documentary research covered a number of primary and secondary sources. The chapter on Spain benefitted most from traveler's accounts, primarily Joseph Townsend's A Journey Through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787 ; Catherine D'Aulnoy's 1691 Travels into Spain ; George Glas ll6h A Description of the Canary Islands ; and Washington Irving' s Journal Comic relief and valuable data were combined in novel form in Cervantes' Don Quixote de la Mancha originally written in 1605 with a second part added in l6l5. The Spanish economist, Jaime Vicens Vives, analyzed much useful data in his An Economic History of Spain George Foster's Culture and Conquest : America's S panish Heritage was invaluable as a starting point and source of ideas and references. Contemporary historical studies of the Spanish in the Caribbean by Samuel E. Morison and Carl 0. Sauer aided greatly in analysis, translation, and compilation. Of particular help were Morison's Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus and Sauer 1 s The Early Spanish Main. Other valuable standard sources included the works of Las Casas, Oviedo's Natural History of the West Indies Vazquez de Espinosa's Description of the Indies and Esquemeling' s The Buccaneers of America Research on Florida was facilitated greatly by the collections of the P.K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, including the Stetson Collection of photostats from the Archivo General de Indias (hereinafter

PAGE 18

8 referred to as A.G.I.) in Seville. Jeannette Thurber Connor's Colonial Records of Spanish Florida largely translated from the Archives of the Indies, was extremely helpful. However, as my interest in Florida was concentrated on the mid-lSth century, research was largely in more readily available sources such as John Bartram's Diary ; Mark Catesby's The Natural History of Carolina Florida and the Bahama Islands ; De Brahm's Report ; Romans' Natural History of Florida ; and excellent contemporary studies by Charles W. Arnade, Verne E. Chatelain, Luis Arana, and Brian George Boniface. Lewis C. Gray's History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to i860 ; Hale G. Smith's manuscript Some Factors Leading to an Ecological Change in Florida from A.D_. 1312-1821 ; and especially Alfred W. Crosby, Jr.'s The Columbian Exchange : Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1^92 provided valuable synthesis and stimulation. Goals and Methodology It was assumed at the beginning of this research that Old World Spanish foodways could be characterized, and furthermore, that due to major differences in cultural heritage and environment, that these foodways would differ significantly from those of the native peoples of the circum-Caribbean area. Foodways is here used as a term describing the selected transfer, acceptance, use, and preparation of various foodstuffs by a people of common cultural heritage. The research objective was then to describe the precontact resource use and dietary pattern of both groups, and using archeological sites as examples, to document changes in the subsistence base of the Spaniards and aborigines in the New World after contact, and to account for those changes.

PAGE 19

9 Analysis of five Caribbean and St. Augustine sites, and brief discussion of other Spanish and Spanish-Indian sites in Florida, forms with documentary research the basis of comparison between the dietary pattern of Old and lew World Spaniards. Coupled with previous studies of aboriginal diet, this approach allows insight into the process of acculturation through types of food resources used, methods of food procurement, production, and preparation, and the place of subsistence activities as part of a group's total material culture. Based on Old World Spanish f oodways specific testable implications will be outlined to aid in evaluation of the interplay of cultural-ecological factors in the New World diet. In studying only a part of the total cultural interaction between Spanish and Indians, that of foods, references to the "donor" and "recipient" cultures (roster 1960:11) become subject to a degree of quantification. One of the purposes and values of this work is its contribution to the data base and methodology of Zooarcheology and in a broader sense, Archeology. Various standard methods of analysis of animal bones (see Ziegler 1973) have been employed on the same specimens, and the results compared so that we may be more aware of the biases present in any single method of quantification and analysis. New directions are indicated in analysis of historic site materials based on work in animal nutrition, and ecological measures of species diversity are applied as a tool in intersite comparison (see Appendix B ) Application of concepts familiar to systems ecologists is growing in Anthropology, particularly of work pioneered by Howard T. Cdum (1971). Odum's energy flow diagrams are being incorporated in contemporary ethnographic studies to show relationships between component parts of living

PAGE 20

10 systems in which human communities are seen as important, functioning parts of larger ecosystems. Energy flow diagrams, first used in an archeological context by Elizabeth S. Wing ( 1973a) in the study of a prehistoric herding economy in the Andes, are here employed for the first time in the study of an historic community. By employing written records as substitutes for poorly-preserved or missing plant foods, better control is available for this important sector of the subsistence economy. I hasten to add that this study is by no means an attempt to document all Old and New World foodstuffs used by the Spanish and Indians; rather, it is a study of the types of food characteristic of the "cultural baggage" of these groups, and to paraphrase Flannery (1967:119), of human food "behavior" as a point of articulation between systems of cultural and non-cultural phenomena. Before moving to the New World and examining this behavior, we need to look first to the Iberian peninsula for the food traditions carried to the Americas by several generations of conquistadors and colonists.

PAGE 21

CHAPTER 2 SPANISH FOOD ECONOMY III THE OLD WORLD Historical Background The study of the nature and process of Spanish-aboriginal acculturation in the New World requires consideration of historical antecedents, and ve cannot adequately discuss the food history of medieval Spain without at least passing mention of the Moorish influence. Berber and Arab amies respectively had entered Visigothic Spain from northern Africa by the 8th century, developing a stronghold on the more temperate, fertile southern half of the peninsula early in the 10th century. By this time Moslem rule under the Caliphate of Cordoba was established in Andalusia, and the economy flourished. The key was the establishment by the Moors of large-scale irrigation utilizing forced labor which aided the production of traditional Iberian food crops such as wheat, olives, and grapes, and allowed the introduction of subtropical luxury crops such as citrus, sugar, saffron, mulberries and cotton (Parry 1966:29). Unified control of the southern part of the peninsula came to an end after a little over 100 years when the Caliphate broke up into 20-30 taifas— feudal states based around principal cities with no strong central ties or allegiances. This made it easier to attempt the reconquest and Moorish and Christian forces battled for control of the individual taifas for two centuries 11

PAGE 22

12 It is interesting historical irony to note that the region of the Iberian peninsula which proved unattractive to the Moors of previous centurie should be the one which played the greatest hand in the Moorish expulsion in the 13th century. Castile, undesirable due to its thin soil and arid climate, had the only predominantly pastoral economy in Western Europe (Parry 1966:31). This economy was based on the seasonal transhumance of immense flocks of sheep from northern mountain pastures in the summer to more lush southern lowland vegetation in the winter, and smaller local movements of herds of pigs and cattle. This seasonal transhumance was so important to the maintenance of the Castilian economy that it became an added stimulus to drive out the Moors who had frequently blocked access to the southern pastures (Tannahill 1973:206-7). After the fall of Seville in 12U8, Andalusia began to be heavily populated by colonists from harsher climates all over the peninsula (Parry 1966:33). Moorish fruits, crops, and agricultural techniques remained to benefit the new population, which was a mixture of Castilian Catholics, Jews, and Moriscos or converted Moslems who were the principal agricultural workers With Seville the Castilians also gained an established port, already busy with the African trade. With the impetus of success the Iberian kingdoms of Castile and Aragon were developing into states, a process which culminated in the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. This political coalition under the leadership of Isabella engineered the final expulsion of the Moors from Granada, a Moslem enclave which had remained for 200 years after the other taifas had been defeated. This last of the Holy Wars began in lkd2 with a

PAGE 23

13 systematic plan for the conquest of this remaining Moorish kingdom village by village. The process took 10 years of fighting, and in 1^92 the 800-year reconquista vas concluded. Although the origin of the Spanish state can he traced to the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella in lU69, it was not until the final expulsion of the Moors from Granada in 1^92 that they could take the time to adequately pursue rapidly burgeoning international interests. Chief among these was intense rivalry with the Portugese in attempts to enter into the lucrative spice trade. Venice capitalized on the expulsion of the Moslems from the areas surrounding the Holy Land during the Crusades to establish a monopoly on overland trade routes to Egypt, India and the Asian spice islands, and established autocratic control over European commerce and the spice market. The Portugese under Henry the Navigator and his successors were seeking a sea route to India to counteract the Italian advantage, and in the process had discovered in Africa a great source of gold, ivory and slaves in addition to some spices. Although latecomers, the Spanish had, in the last quarter of the 15th century, managed to subdue the aboriginal inhabitants of the Canary Islands and establish this geographically important island group as a staging area for further voyages of exploration (Abreu de Galineo 176U; Gibson 1966:5). One author has remarked that in the Canaries the Spaniards had their first experiences in conquering, converting and exploiting a more technologically primitive people, thus serving their first apprenticeship in "... the arts of colonial empire ..." (Parry 1966:^2). However, the expulsion of the Moors from Granada gave the Spanish experience in taking over a feudal

PAGE 24

Ik system and led to the development of adelantismo a system of provincial governorship which was used in parts of the New World. In addition to these growing external pressures and conflicts which included constant vigilance of the Moslems in Forth Africa, Spain had internal problems resulting from unsound agricultural practices. The reign of Ferdinand and Isabella was marked by famine in Castile. This condition was worsened by laws disallowing fenced agricultural fields in order to promote free access to pasturage by the transhumant flocks. Establishment of these sheepwalks benefitted the crown through a livestock tax and favored the nobles who were able to control the movement of the herds and at the same time add to their growing latifundia or large estates, through carefully designed legal provisions (Vicens Vives 1969:302). Control of the migrations of large and small herds alike was vested in a powerful political organization known as the Mesta, and through this organization, monopolistic regulation of the wool trade was achieved. It would seem that the agricultural priorities of Ferdinand and Isabella can be traced in part to the monarchs' origins in the upland heart of Spain's livestock district and insensitivity to the needs of the farmers whose crops were being destroyed by the transhumant herds. By 15CA the inequitable structure of agrarian policy favoring livestock and latifundia resulted in a grain crisis, and by 1506 massive importation of wheat was necessary (Vicens Vives 1969:30k). This compounded problems in production caused by the earlier forced expulsion or conversion in U92 of Jews and Moslems. These groups, who had been primarily traders and farmers, were forced out as a direct result of the establishment in the lU80's of the new Inquisition which had further diverted the energies of the populace.

PAGE 25

15 By lh$2 then, the Moors had been driven out of Granada, the aboriginal population of the Canaries had been subdued and the islands readied for the provisioning and refitting of ships. There were rumbles of an inadequate food supply and Ferdinand and Isabella were ready to move into world commerce and the spice trade. The technical ability for long ocean voyages across tradewinds had been developed by the Portugese in navigation and advances in ship construction, exemplified by the relatively swift caravels with three masts and a lateen sail with a movable spar (Sauer 1966:10). In short, the stage was set for the Genoese navigator Columbus who has sailed to Africa at least once with the Portugese to propose his "enterprise of the Indies." We need not dwell here on the rest of this well known history in any detail. Columbus' proposal was accepted by the crown, he gathered ships, men, and supplies in the Andalusian ports on the Atlantic coast and sailed from Palos for the Canaries. After a four week stay to refit the ships and take on wood, water, and meat, the Nina, Pinta, and the Santa Maria caught the northeast trade winds and 33 days later, October 12, 1^92, landed on one of the islands in the Bahama group which they named San Salvador (Morison 1963:^8-6U). The Columbian Exchange (Crosby 1972) had begun. The next several decades were marked by intensive efforts in the discovery and colonization of the New World, with the resultant introduction of several new foods to the Spanish larder. It is at this time that a picture of Old World l6th-l8th century Spanish food ways begins to emerge, at a time when traditional foods are being supplemented, but not necessarily supplanted by spices, fruits, vegetables, and root crops from the New World, Asia, and Africa.

PAGE 26

16 To reconstruct the traditional Old World Spanish diet in lieu of archeological evidence requires rather meticulous search through a variety of printed sources and manuscripts. This approach involves a number of problems. Chief among these is that in pre-Columbian Spain printed books were scarce and the printing process reserved for incunabulae of greater note than discussions of temporal agricultural practices or eating habits. A hundred years later conditions had changed and authors were decrying the proliferation of spurious editions of their better works. Even so we are forced to pick bits of information from casual descriptions in early novels and traveler's journals, often written well into the colonial period when New World, Asian and African cultigens and imports were common in Spain. Fortunately there are few remaining significant questions of biological origins pertinent to this question, and even if not so designated in the original sources, indigenous plants and animals can be separated from exotic species with reasonable certainty. From these early reports we can gain insight into the social and economic position of certain foodstuffs, and can note the progress of experimentation with foods from afar as they filtered through socio-economic classes. Word usage and connotation has certainly changed through the years, and it is easy to misinterpret what would seem to be quite literal meanings. For instance, "corn" may refer to wheat, rye, or barley; only later is the word used to refer to maize: "We struck a bargain with them for a cargo of wheat, for one of the vessels, for at that time I had two in the bay, one of which I intended should carry this corn to the island of Madeira" (Glas 176U:211 [emphasis mine]). In these earlier sources "maize" or "Indian corn" is generally used to refer specifically to Zea mays although Sauer (1963:22) mentions that the oldest Spanish name for maize is panizo

PAGE 27

17 There was also some early confusion of terms and descriptions involving maize, sorghum, and millet in the early l6th century (Sauer 1963:23-25). Confusion in terminology is not restricted to maize. The term "cattle" (ganado in Spanish), which now refers generally to members of the genus Bos and in some parts of the world to the various genera of buffalo, often was a general term for livestock. One l8th century traveler noted that "The cattle of those islands are camels, horses, asses, bullocks, sheep, goats, and hogs ..." (C-las 176U:197). "Fowls" most often refers to chickens ( Gallus gallus ) but may include ducks, geese, turkeys (the latter an introduction from the New World), or other domestic birds. Another example would be the distinction between "rabbit" and "hare," the former referring to the domestic form. Quantitative descriptions of fields and crop yields are hazardous due to the number of local names for measures of volume and the generally imprecise nature of linear and volume measures alike. Foster (1960:57) has simplified this problem somewhat by listing contemporary equivalents: the Castilian yard or "vara" equals O.836 meters on the average, but the more traditional land measure is by area in varas squared and called the fanega, generally equivalent to .6k hectares. Caution should be exercised though as one English traveler related that a fanega is equivalent to 10,000 square feet (Townsend l8lk, II: 5 4) which would be roughly one-seventh Foster's measure. A fanega may be divided into 12 celemines which can be quartered to become cuartillos, or the equivalent in English measure of a 35' x U0 garden plot if we use Foster's values. A fanega may also be used as a volumetric equivalent for the amount of seed needed to plant a fanega of land;

PAGE 28

18 the amount Foster lists for wheat is about 55 liters (1960:57). Another measure, the arrota appears to be the most trustworthy and is generally calculated as 25 pounds. In spite of the problems in measure and nomenclature, a thread of consistency runs through descriptions of agricultural practices and products, prices, and foods and food preparation techniques in Hapsburg and Bourbon Spain. George Foster' (1952, i960) has indicated the need to study all parts of Spain for antecedents to Hispanic American cultural elements, not just the southern and western sections, since nearly all parts of the country supplied significant numbers of emigrants to the New World. The pattern of this basic dietary stability and differential acceptance of new foodstuffs enables us to generate predictive models of resource utilization and dietary change of the Spanish colonists in the New World. Agricultural Crops and Techniques The enrichment by the Moors of Spanish agricultural crops and techniques particularly the concept and practice of large-scale irrigation with its potential for new crops and higher yields from traditional ones has been noted earlier (Parry 1966:29; 1960:50). Spanish farmers continued to use the Roman, or Mediterranean scratch plow with regularity throughout the l8th century (Vicens Vires 1969:506; Foster i960 : 50). The aptly-named scratch plow, often ox-drawn, has no moldboard to turn the soil and consequently requires cross-plowing. This resulted in generally square-shaped fields rather than the characteristically cleared rectangular strips made by the ox-drawn moldboard plows of Northern Europe (Foster 1960:58). An early significant agricultural development, but one which failed to take hold in

PAGE 29

19 Spain, was the invention of the moldboard plow by the Slavs in the 6th century, and the accompanying innovation of the three-field crop rotation system (Tannahill 1973:192). More significant than the low efficiency of the scratch plow was the use throughout Spain of the two-field system of crop rotation which left half of the agricultural land fallow each season. The advantage of the three-field system was that a given plot of land would be productive two years out of three instead of one out of two by alternating grain crops, legumes, and fallow periods. Fields were enriched through crop rotation, fallow periods, and occasional minor inputs through slash and burn techniques (Foster 1960:59), but generally through animal feces. A dual purpose was usually achieved by feeding sheep or cattle on stubble from a cleared field, often by a tumbo de red— enclosing the flocks overnight by means of a portable net wall which was then moved to another sector of the field (Foster 1960:57). Other than locust plagues, the most serious hindrances to agriculture in the relatively fertile southern half of the Iberian peninsula were the legal sanctions given to livestock owners (Vicens Vives 1969:302). The seasonal movements of the massive flocks, particularly of sheep, restricted both the location and the size of agricultural fields. Although data are lacking, it would seem that a system which occupied three-fourths of the available agricultural land in the 18th century under a one-crop system of cereal grains (Vicens Vives 1969:511) would be a prime target for attack by monocrop pathogens. Perhaps the exigencies of small field size and scattered location to accommodate transhumant flocks was a limiting factor

PAGE 30

20 to disease spread, but this seens unlikely in that the animals themselves could be ideal vectors. Another blow to Spanish agricultural productivity was the expulsion in l609-l6ll of the Moriscos, the Muslim converts who were Spain's best agricultural laborers (Vicens Vives 1969:1+23). The primary crops in Spain have traditionally been cereal grainswheat, barley, oats, and rye. Rice had become increasingly important since its introduction by the Moors, but by the mid-l8th century, maize, introduced from the New World after Columbus (Sauer 1963:27 disagrees), had become the prime cereal crop (Vicens Vives 1969:511). It is of interest that truly widespread use of maize followed its introduction into Asturias by Gonzalo Mendez de Canzo on his return to Spain in l6ok after serving as Governor of Florida (Vicens Vives 1969:512). Following the grains in importance were vegetables, the most important being chick peas, lima beans (of New World origin), field peas, and French beans (also a New World cultigen). The potato, introduced to Spain from the Andean region of South America, did not really become a popular food until after 1768 when its systematic cultivation began in Galicia (Vicens Vives 1969:512). Spain's major agricultural export products have for centuries been olive oil and wines, and it can be truly said that they were essential ingredients to Spanish cooking. Oranges, figs, and apples were the most important fruits, with oranges coming into prominence at the end of the 17th century (ibid. ) Table 1 lists the principal Spanish food crops of the l6th-l8th centuries, and while it should not be regarded as exhaustive, it does give a good idea of the variety of plant foods available at the time and notes on the type of

PAGE 31

21 cultivation. Origins are only noted for New World crops, but a considerable number of Asian and African species are present as part of the Moorish heritage and the largely post-1500 A.D. direct contact between Spain and the Far East. Table 1 lists nearly 70 species of cultivated plants, but even by the 12th century one Aben Alawanz had compiled a list of more than 120 species cultivated near Seville (Vicens Vives 1969:109). Livestock and Domestic Animals The previous discussions of Spanish agricultural policies, particularly under Ferdinand and Isabella and the Hapsburgs, should have made clear the fact that sheep have historically been the great source of Spanish animal wealth. Their primary importance, particularly after the development of the Merino breed, was wool production. The live animal was also valuable as a source of milk and cheese. Mutton eating came into greater popularity during the Moorish occupation (Tannahill 1973:287), and even the skin, shorn of its wool, was valuable for parchment. If we can equate numbers of animals with relative value, then the suggested importance of sheep is borne out by figures from the first available national census of livestock in 1797, a period when livestock breeding and the influence of the Mesta had been on the decline for nearly a century: 11.7 million sheep, 2.5 million goats, 1.65 million oxen, 1.2 million swine, and 0.23 million horses (Vicens Vives 1969:517). The Spanish government, as an incentive to attract settlers to underpopulated areas in the Sierras in the late l8th century, offered individual families land up to a maximum of 100 fanegas (measured as 10,000 square feet each), a house, two cows, one ass, five sheep, five goats, six hens, one rooster, and one pregnant sow

PAGE 32

Table 1. Principal l6th-l8th Century Spanish Food Crops. 22 Common Name Species English Spanish Source Cultivation GRAMINEAE Avena sativa oat Hordeum vulgare barley Oryza sativa rice Panicum miliaceum millet Saccharum officinarum sugar cane Secale cereale rye Sorghum cf S_. vulgare sorghum Triticum spp. wheat Zea mays maize, CYPERACEAE Cyperus esculentus chufa PALMACEAE Phoenix dactylifera date palm BROMELIACEAE Ananas comosus pineapple LILIACEAE Asparagus officinalis asparagus avena cebada arroz mi jo, millo cana de azucar centeno trigo maiz panizo chufa palmera anana Townsend field croo l8lU, 1:129 ibid field crop Townsend field crop l8li+, 11:310 Townsend field crop l8lk, 1:129 Irving 1937:7 field crop Townsend field crop 1814, 1:129 Townsend field croo l8lU, 1:129 ibid. field cron Townsend fields 181U, 11:336 Townsend 181U, II:2U Tannahill 1973 :2Ul clustered near habitations garden esparrago Kany garden 1932:11*7

PAGE 33

Table 1 Continued 23 Species Common Name English Spanish Source Cultivation AMARYLLIDACEAE Allium spp. onion Allium ampeloprasum leek cebolla puerro Allium sat ivum DIOSCOREACEAE Dioscorea sp. IRIDACEAE Crocus sativus MUSACEAE Musa sapientum garlic yam saffron banana a jo name azafran banana (or M. paradisiaca ) plantain platano Cervantes 19^9:80 D'Aulnoy 1930:193 Cervantes 19^9:859 Glas 176U:230 Kany 1932:11*6 Glas 176U:230 Sauer 1963:52 FAGACEAE Castanea sativa MORACEAE Ficus carica Morus nigra CRUCIFERAE Brassica oleracea Brassica oleracea garden, field garden, field garden, field garden garden garden garden Spanish or castana Townsend groves sweet chestnut l8l^, 1:293 fig black mulberry mora higuera Townsend garden, l8lU, 1:129 trees Townsend groves 181U, 11:179 cabbage col, berza Townsend garden, lQlk t 1:129 field cauliflower coliflor ibid. garden, field

PAGE 34

Table 1 Continued 24 Common Name Species English Spanish Source Cultivation Brassica oleracea 3rassica raoa broccoli turnit) brecol nabo Kany 1932:147 garden, field Towns end garden, l8l4, 11:310 field (or B. napobrassica ) rutabaga Nasturtium officinale watercress berzo Rap nanus sativus ROSACEAE Cydonia vulgaris Malus "oumila Armeniaca vulgaris Prunus domestica Prunus persica Prunus persica Prunus spp. Pyrus communis radish quince ibid. Kany 1932:147 Mori son 1963:217 membrillo Tannahill 1973:126 wild crabapple manzana Townsend l8lfc, 1:293 (or M. sylvestris ) apple Amygdalus communis almond apricot plum peach nectarine cherry pear ibid. almendra Townsend 1814, I: 216 albaricoque Townsend l8l4, 11:284 ciruela melocoton grinon cereza pera Townsend 1814, 11:284 ibid garden field ponds gardens garden tree garden tree, orchards garden tree, orchards groves orchards garden tree groves, orchards garden tree garden tree ibid • ibid • Townsend 1814, 1:293 garden tree garden tree garden tree individual trees orchards

PAGE 35

25 Table 1 Continued Common Name Species English Spanish Source Cultivation LEGUMINOSAE Ceratonia siliaua carob algaroba Cervantes iqkqs88 X _y J7 • y\J trilU. l8lU, 11:177 mciviauax trees, groves Citrus limon lemon limon Town send l8lk, 11:97 individual trees groves Citrus medica citron cidro Town send l8lU, 11:177 individual trees groves

PAGE 36

Table 1 Continued 26 Species Common Name English Spanish Source Cultivation Citrus sinensis VITACEAE Vitis vinif era CACTACEAE Opuntia spp. PUNICACEAE Punic a granatum UMBELLIFERAE Daucus carota Pastinaca sativa OLEACEAE Plea europa CONYOLVULACEAE *Ipomea "batatas Sweet orange naranja grape, wine uva grapes prickly pear carrot parsnip olive higo chumbo pomegranate granada zanahoria chirivia aceituna sweet potato batatas SOLAMCEAE ^ Capsicum frutescens bell and chile chile, peppers pimiento *Lycopersicon esculentum tomato *Solanum tuberosum potato Towns end individual l8l4, 1:129 trees, groves ibid. fields, vineyards Townsend garden l8lk, 11:172 Townsend garden tree l8lk, 11:179 Glas 1764:289 gardenTown send garden I8lh, 11:307 Cervantes groves 19^9:862 Glas garden, 1764:230 field Townsend garden 181A, 11:306 tomate ibid garden papa, Glas garden, patata 1764:230 field

PAGE 37

Table 1 Continued 27 Species Common Name English Spanish Source Cultivation CUCURBITACEAE Citrullus vulgaris watermelon Cucumis melo Cucumis sativus *Cucurbita spp. Cucurbita pepo COMPOS ITAE Cynara scolymus Lactuca sativa melon cucumber squashes (1 var. ) pumpkin pompion globe artichoke lettuce sandia melon pepino calabaza calabaza comun alcachofa lechuga Vicens Vives garden 1969:109 Townsend garden l8lk, 1:293 ibid. garden Townsend garden l8lk, 11:336 Glas garden 176i*:230 Townsend garden l8lU, 11:310 Townsend garden 181U, 1:129 Indicates New World origin

PAGE 38

28 (Townsend l8lk, II: 5 1 *). The terms of this typical grant should give an accurate estimation of the percentage composition and species thought necessary for subsistence and perhaps a small income in the late l8th century. With the exception of sheep, much the same percentage is reflected in the livestock of one large estate in Granada which had 1200 sheep, kOO goats, 158 pigs, and 56 oxen (Townsend l8ll+, 11:179). Other common domestic animals mentioned in the documents and journals included rabbits, dogs, turkeys (a New World dome stic ant ) ducks (possibly New World), geese, doves, pigeons, silkworms, and bees. Silkworms were brought from China along with mulberry trees by the Moors. Bee keeping was apparently very important and somewhat ritualized (Foster 1960:7*0 Although dogs were generally work animals helping with the flocks, in some areas they were regarded as a source of meat. In Extremadura dogmeat was considered a delicacy (Simoons 1961:102). The camel was locally important as a draft animal in the Canary Islands (Glas 176U:198). Sheep normally followed a migratory winter-summer pattern, small flocks following large ones along the route of the seasonal trek. The transhumance of cattle was apparently limited since herds were much smaller. Cattle were kept for milk and meat and oxen (castrated males) were the principal draft animals. Both beef and work animals were occasionally fed algarobas or carob beans (Townsend l8l^, I:lUo). Goats were of the greatest importance in marginal areas, although they were present all over the peninsula and kept for milk and meat. Mules and burros were utilitarian animals and horses generally regarded as prestigious (Foster 19o0:72), although at times young horses were commonly eaten as "red deer" in Spain and supplied to the

PAGE 39

29 navy for food (Simoons 196l:8U). Swine were an important source of meat and were acorn fed when possible. They usually remained in the villages but were driven to surrounding grain fields after the harvest and often several miles to good stands of oak trees to feed on acorn mast in the fall (Foster 19o0:72). Hunting Hunting was at best a marginal activity, reflecting the relative paucity of the modern fauna and the decimation of forest habitats for fuel. The only mammals that appear to have been hunted with any regularity were the rabbit or hare and members of the deer family. Both wild and domestic rabbits ( Oryctolagus cuniculus ) are present in Spain as are the wild hares ( Lepus caioensis and L. europaeus ) The wild species appear to have been frequently hunted (Townsend iQlk, I:l65; Cervantes 19h9:kk6, 637) and were, with birds, the most common non-domestic meat source. Of the three species of deer, the most commonly hunted was probably the red deer ( Cervus elephas ) which attains a maximum size of 200 kg, or the fallow deer ( Dama dama ) introduced during Roman times (Zeuner 1963: 1+30 ) which reaches a maximum of 85 kg (van den Brink 1972). The roe deer ( Caprelus capreolus ) at a maximum of 27 kg seems too small to fit the few available descriptions. Nevertheless, by the late l8th century deer were protected under royal decree and were infrequently hunted (Townsend l8lU, I: 370-71). The only other mammal which seems to have been hunted at least occasionally is the Mediterranean monk seal ( Monachus monachus ), an animal which was probably uncommon even by the 17th century. Evidence for the the hunting of these seals is slim, and is based on Cervantes' description

PAGE 40

30 of his hero Don Quixote de la Mane ha, who had a sword shoulder strap made from "sea-wolf's hide" (19^9:621). Lobos marinos was a common early Spanish designation for seals. Birds seem to have been frequently hunted and although most sources mention the inclusive term "game birds," we do find references to particular species. Partridges were taken by peasants in Andalusia who set out tame partridges to act as decoys (Townsend l8lU, II:3k). Pheasants were another relished table item (D'Aulnoy 1930:325) from fields and upland areas. Coastal birds included "sea fowl," "sea hens," and cormorants. Young cormorants "and other sea fowl" were caught in their nests, killed, salted, and sold in the summer in the Canary Islands (Glas 176^:280). Fishing Spanish fishermen undoubtedly learned many fishing techniques from the Portugese following the expulsion of the Moors in the late 15th century. Fishing was not a major aspect of Moslem subsistence economy whereas the Portugese fishermen had been systematically exploiting the Atlantic for years. Inland fishing was restricted to trout from the mountain rivers caught with rod, hook, and line for subsistence rather than as a commercial venture (Townsend l8lU, 1:279; Cervantes 19^9 :78l). Coastal rivers were commercially fished for salmon ( Salmo salar ), an anadromous species more easily taken on their river ascent than in the open ocean. The great bulk of commercial fishing occurred in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and we are fortunate to have detailed descriptions of both the fish and the technique for catching them. This has facilitated the compilation of Table 2 which gives the scientific and common names of the various species and habitat information derived from modern sources (Bureau and Monod 1973).

PAGE 41

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PAGE 42

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PAGE 43

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PAGE 44

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36 We are indebted to Glas (176^:33^-3^2) for the most informative description of fishing "by the Spanish on the Barbary coast. According to Glas, each boat •would have a crew of 15-30 fishermen, with each man responsible for bringing his own tackle which consisted of lines, hooks, brass wires, a knife, and stout rods. The only provisions supplied by the boat owner were salt and bread, and proceeds from the catch were divided into shares after the sale of the salted fish at the voyage's end. Locations were fished according to seasonal abundance of the various species. The first step was the catching of rather sizable bait fish by trolling five-inch, unbarbed leaded hooks baited with fish skin. The hooks were attached to the rod by a length of twisted brass wires and trolled one-quarter to one-half mile offshore. The ''bait fish" included a species of mackerel ( Orcynopsis unicolor ) bluef ish ( Pomatomus saltator ) and probably crevalle jack ( Caranx hippos ) which were caught with smaller hooks baited with anything. These bait fish were sold if the larger species were scarce. After getting a suitable supply the boats moved offshore and anchored in 15-60 fathoms (30-120 meters) where the men simply dropped their leaded lines overboard. The principal species sought were cod ( Gadus morhua ) members of the drum family ( Argyrosomus regius and Umbrina spp. ), grouper ( Epinephelus spp.), wreck fish ( Polyprion americanus ) and possibly the sea bream ( Pagellus bo gar e vo ) and bluef in tuna ( Thynnus thynnus ) After fishing action had stopped for the day the fish were cleaned and salted. This process involved evisceration, thorough washing, removal of head and fins, and draining off excess water. Then they were salted and stored in the hold. Fish preserved in this manner would keep for six to

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37 eight weeks, but Glas informs us that the French in Newfoundland would wash the fish a second time and re-salt then so that they kept longer. Moors sinply dried the fish in open air (C-las 176^:338). Another commercial species, the dogfish shark ( Squalus acanthias ) was valued not only for its flesh but also for its skin and oil (Townsend iSlt, 11:27*0. Sea turtles were an occasional catch by the fishermen who valued them highly for personal table fare (Glas 176^:212). The Mediterranean and portions of the Atlantic coast were fished more with nets for species like sardines ( Sardina pilchardus ) and anchovies ( Engraulis encrasicolus ) For a time the Atlantic whaling and codfish industry was prosperous, but went into decline in 1713 following the Treaties of Utrecht concluding the war of the Spanish Succession in which Spain ceded Gibraltar and the island of Minorca to England, Sicily to Savoy, and the Spanish Netherlands, Sardinia, Milan, and Naples to Austria (Vicens Vives 1969:522; Judd 19o6:l7l). Soon after this however, Catalan fishermen perfected the bous method of fishing — really a trawling process in which the net was dragged between two boats. This proved so successful that the idea spread along the Mediterranean coast by the mid-1700' s, and enabled the development of a fish-salting industry to the north on the Atlantic coast of Galicia (Vicens Vives 1969:522). An additional factor in the late development of the Spanish fishing industry was its strict regulation until 1750 by the government including fixed prices for the catch (Townsend 18lk t 11:2^0). Much of what is known of Spanish fishing technology comes from Antonio Sanez B.eguart, who in 1791-95 compiled his Diccionario Kistorico de las Artes de la Pesca Nacional which has been called by George Foster (1960:77) ... the finest study of material culture ever made." In his compendium Sanez

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38 describes three basic net types with numerous variations and two types of set lines or trot lines. The simplest net, the atarraya was a conicocircular, weighted cast net 1.6 meters high and 10 meters in diameter. This handthrown net was the most popular of the non-commercial varieties (Foster 1960:77). The chinchorro or basic pocket seine was put out by boats and drawn in by men on the shore. The bottom was weighted and the pocket in the center kept from collapsing by cork floats. Its use was restricted to ocean beaches. Gill nets or trasmallos were anchored or left to drift freely with one end fastened to the boat. Some varieties had cork floats and lead weights, were 300-600 meters long and three meters deep with an eight to ten centimeter mesh. The principal quarry of these nets was thought to be the dogfish shark (Foster 1960:80), although variations on this theme, called liseras were used in the mullet fishery (ibid.). One gill net variety, generally anchored with lead but kept from collapsing with cork floats, was constructed like a net sandwich with an inner net of fine mesh and two outer nets of coarse mesh. The set lines or trot lines were of two types, the palangre which was 180 meters long and contained 75 hooks and the shorter, lighter espinel which nevertheless contained the same number of hooks. The espinel was baited and set out by a wading fisherman at low tide, then collected at the next low (Foster 1960:8l). In summary, traditional Spanish commercial fishing methods involve offshore trolling, relatively deep-water offshore still fishing, some whaling, open ocean netting, inshore ocean-beach netting, intertidal trot lines, and seasonal riverine salmon fishing. Subsistence practices include use of cast nets and rod, hook, and line. Of the fishes listed in Table 2, only

PAGE 49

39 salmon, hake, bluefish, crevalle jack, pompano, horse mackerel, meagre, mullet, and barracuda might he considered as species liable to be caught by shore-based subsistence practices. With the exception of salmon, hake, and mullet, which sometimes ascend rivers, these fishes are marine species. Preparation of the catch included evisceration, removing the head, and salting for storage. Food Prices and Availability Our analysis of the Spanish food supply becomes more meaningful when we combine a rough knowledge of the relative abundance of various animal and plant species with data on prices obtained from journals of the period. Most helpful in this regard have been the detailed observations of Joseph Townsend in A Journey Through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787. While written late in the period with which we are concerned, Townsend 's observations of foodstuffs and their prices in some lU towns and cities from the Andalusian port of Cadiz to the Mediterranean coast of Catalonia at Barcelona are at least a fair indication of the nature of the Spanish food supply in the last half of the l8th century. Most meat seems to have come from professional butchers, whose prices according to species were fixed within a particular region by local government edict. However, prices varied greatly from region to region due to the problem of transport of perishable materials and the vagaries of supply from local livestock herds. This was not the case with maize, which had a stable price all over Europe. Fixed prices on meat allowed for no distinction between fat and lean, prime and coarse cuts and consequently there were complaints by visitors that the meat wasn't as good as that sold in a free market situation (Townsend l8l4, 1:307).

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ho The lack of free market hinders somewhat the interpretation of prices and supply, but the consistent pattern reported by Townsend is encouraging. Beef was the lowest priced of the traditional domestic meats in 11 out of 12 cities where it was sold. Where distinction was made between veal and beef, veal (meat from calves) was more expensive in two of the three localities. Mutton was without exception more expensive than beef and in the one locality where distinction was made between lamb and mutton, lamb (sheep less than a year old) was less expensive. Mutton was sold in all lh areas. Goat or kid (an animal less than a year old) was sold only in three of the fourteen areas for which Townsend listed prices, and an ambiguous picture emerges. In two towns it was the cheapest meat available and in the third, the most expensive. Pork, though sold only in four of the lh localities, was consistently the price leader with the exception of the one town where kid was the most expensive meat available. In a fifth locality, pork was not sold but hog's lard led the price list. Fish was usually cheaper than meat from domesticated animals, and "fowl" usually sold for a price per pound between beef and mutton. A dozen eggs sold for about the same price as a pound of bacon and a little less than a pound of sausage (Kany 1932 :ll9). Bread was the least expensive food item mentioned on a per pound basis, and barley bread was cheaper than wheat bread. Townsend distinguishes between wheat and corn (maize) and notes that although corn prices are stable, wheat fluctuates wildly (l8lU, 11:101). If we may summarize some major agricultural crop prices, barley would be least expensive, followed by Indian corn (maize), French beans, and usually at the top of the list, wheat. Fruits and vegetables in great variety were bought in open markets and/or grown in home gardens

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hi Information from prices and market availability in Tovnsend's sample of Hi communities can give us further insight, particularly on livestock. Mutton seems to have been everpresent, followed closely by beef. Pork is a distant third in availability with goat or kid taking fourth place. Younger animals were not generally being slaughtered and presumably did not counteract their potential economic worth as wool-bearing or draft animals by any noticeable meat market price differential. Foster (l 9 60: 7 l) notes that goat and pork are today more important than mutton as meat, yet Townsend's data tend to support Kenney (1969:175) who in his studies of contemporary rural and urban Spain mentions that mutton and beef are the cheapest and most popular meats. At the same time it should be noted that a few pigs have traditionally been kept around rural and some urban households for home use and thus may not have really entered into the market Picture. Goats, sheep, and cattle were additionally valuable as sources of milk and dairy products. Cooking and Food Preparation With the exception of Posadas (inns), and corner cookshops in the larger cities, cooking was done in the home and seems to have involved the same techniques throughout virtually all regions of Spain for a period of several centuries. In fact the pattern is so clear that we can describe the majority of Spanish cooking by describing two popular dishes. Gaznacho, a cold broth or soup of bread, olive oil, water, vinegar, pepper, gar i ic and onions ( Cervantes ^a^. Glas lj6k:2Q6 ^ ^ IU6) was either an appetizer or the main dish at a light meal. The single most popular dish, known variously as puchero or olla podrida (and occasionally cocido) va S a stew of innumeraMe comMnations Qf ^ ^ ^ table ingredients cooked together in an earthenware vessel. In fact the

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k2 major difference "between puchero and olla podrida seems to have been that the olla podrida had a few more costly ingredients thrown in (Kany 1932: lU6). Townsend informs us that the common invitation to dinner, even in the houses of the wealthy, was "... to partake of their puchero, or, as we say, to take pot luck" (l8lk, A traveler to Madrid in 1691 described a very meager puchero at a comer cookshop which was "... a kettle of beans, garlic, leeks, broth, and bread ..." (D'Aulnoy 1930:193). Don Quixote de la Mane ha no doubt was describing a full-fledged olla podrida (circa 1605) when he and Sane ho Panza stumbled onto a wedding party serving guests from "... large stew pots with sheep, hares, hens, geese, and game birds ..." (Cervantes 19^9:637). The same duo were later disappointed by a simple stew-pot of cow heels boiled with garbanzos, onions, and bacon (Cervantes 19^9:89^) and Sancho Panza railed at his hosts after they fed him a dish of beef, onions, "and a few boiled calves' feet," complaining that "... my stomach, which is used to goat's meat, beef, bacon, hung beef, turnips, and onions ..." and "... ollas podridas full of good things ..." (Cervantes 19^9: 82*0. Another traveler described a noon meal of "... beef, mutton, pork, bacon, carrots, turnips, potatoes, peas, onions, and saffron all stewed together ..." (das 176U:289). Pucheros, cooked in an earthenware pot, were additionally valuable in that they saved fuel in a country in which wood was already scarce. The plain earthenware pot was generally hung in the fireplace (Irving 1937:63), although Townsend alludes to a special enclosure to further concentrate the heat and save fuel (l8lU, 1:113).

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k3 There were certainly other cooking and food preparation techniques. Perhaps the most popular following the puchero genre stews was roasting. Fish, mutton, beef, goat, pork, turkey, chicken, and other birds were commonly roasted over open fires or in fireplaces. Perhaps the most outrageous description of roasting comes from the pen of Cervantes, who in describing Don Quixote's "crashing" of the wedding feast of a wealthy landowner's daughter tells us of a large steer roasting on a spit over an open fire, complete with several suckling pigs sewed up inside the steer's belly for an even more opulent display (19^9:637). Other techniques included frying in oil, usually chicken, eggs, bacon, vegetables, and sausage; boiling eggs, bacon, vegetables, calves' feet, milk, bread, and fish; stone boiling of ewe's milk for initial coagulation in cheese production (Foster 1960:71); baking bread and meat pies, and broiling, usually chicken. In the l8th century French cooking became popular in upper class houses and fricassee, which involves boiling and then frying meat, was introduced (Kany 1932:11*6). The common puchero was somewhat dignified by minor changes in spices and was called fricando (fricandeau) or ragout Techniques of preservation included pickling of pork or veal; drying of fish, fruits and nuts; salting of fish, and sausage-making. In spite of introduction of new foods to Europe from Africa, Asia, and the Americas after the l6th century, no real "international cuisine" developed; instead, foods became somewhat nationalized (Tannahill 1973:2^2). This vertical stratification of foods came into existence and cut across the previously existing dichotomy between the foods of the wealthy and those of the common people. Throughout the literature we read statements of the distincbetween the food of the upper and lower classes.

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kk In the Canary Islands, "The food of the peasants is generally what they call goffio, which is flour of wheat or barley, toasted: this they mix with a little water, and bring to the consistency of dough, and thus eat it." (C-las 176U:20l). Sometimes the goffio was dipped in honey or molasses — no utensils were required. When milk was available in the winter season, the goffio was immersed in it and dipped out with sea shells (ibid..). Gentlemen, however, ate large noon meals of ollas podridas filled with meat and vegetables and topped off with a second dish of roasted meat and a desert of fruit and sweetmeats (C-las lj6k:289). Fishermen in the islands boiled fish and then poured the broth in a platter over broken biscuits, shredded onions, pepper, and vinegar. An additional treat for them was roasted fish (Glas 176U:338). In Spain itself goatherders and travelers lunched on dried acorns, cheese, meat, and wine (Cervantes 19^9 :8l) and were lucky to get a supper of hard-boiled eggs, fish, tomatoes, rice, and milk (Irving 1937:U8). Townsend mentions that the common people "... eat little flesh, drink little wine. Their usual diet is Indian corn, with beans, peas, chestnuts, apples, pears, melons, and cucumbers; their bread, also of Indian corn, has neither barm nor leaven, but is unfermented, and in the state of dough." (l8lU, 1:293). Later on he says that in summer, Andalusian peasants "... live chiefly on bread, vinegar, and oil ..." (Townsend l8lU, 11:53). Contrast this with the meals served at a bishop's house, which included a preliminary soup or gazpacho followed by an olla podrida consisting of beef and mutton, bacon, sausages and garbanzos, to which was occasionally added veal, chickens, roast wild game and fish (Townsend l8ll|, 1:281;).

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5 In the cities, lower classes were characterized by their meals of sinrole pucheros; lettuce, watercress and oil salads; cold ham, bread, acorns or chestnuts, and cucumbers and garlic diced and fried in oil (Kany 1932 :lU7). Milk and butter were scarce, but fried sausage or pickled pork were often available for breakfast with bread (Kany 1932:^19, 150). Upper classes generally ate ollas podridas or roasted wild game or domestic animals. They had a fascination with "water ices," flavored beverages made from virtually every fruit, root, leaf, herb, and seed (Kany 1932 :lU8). Both classes enjoyed chocolate, particularly in the mornings. The best chocolate supposedly came from Bolivia, with the next best grade originating in Mexico. Peru and Venezuela had less favored varieties. By 1772 there were nearly 150 chocolate manufacturers in Madrid; by 1773 they had formed a guild to protect consumers against the addition of almonds, pine nuts, flour, acorns, coffee, bread and cake crumbs, and pepper and orange peels by unscrupulous grinders (Kany 1932:152). The dichotomy between foods of the upper and lower classes was not so much absolute in all places as it was in the relative sense—the essential difference between the well-to-do and the common people in essence was the distinction between the contents of the puchero and the olla podrida. The distinction can hardly be made more succinctly than it was by this traveler to the Canary Islands in lj6k: "The food of the common people in this country is generally goffio, fruit, and wine, with salt fish which is brought to these shores from the coast of Barbary in great abundance ... fresh fish in the summer is tolerably plenty, but at other times more scarce and dear. I need not describe the food of the gentry, because in all countries they live on the best ..." (Glas n6h:28h).

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U6 The one time of the year which supposedly reduced the rich/poor dichotomy in foodstuffs was the season of Lent, ^0 days of abstinence fr^m neat, in which fish, bread, and vegetables were the primary subsistence foods. Nevertheless when fish was scarce one could purchase a license "... from the Pope's Nuncio which allows them to eat butter, cheese, and the head, feet, and innards of fowl, etc. ..." during Lent and on Saturday (D'Aulnoy 1930:221). Money could also obtain mutton, beef, and other meats from officially closed butcher shops during Lent ( ibid ) It is interesting to know that medieval monks in Spain were zhe first to domesticate the rabbit. The object of this domestication effort was to ensure a supply of laurices or fetal or newly-born rabbits for Lent, since under the rationale of the time they were not considered as meat ( Zeuner 1963:^13)Townsend notes that by purchase of special indulgences there were four days a week during Lent that individuals might eat flesh, but few people took advantage of it (l8lU, 1:87). Normally Wednesday's and Friday's meals were based on fish (Townsend l8lU, 1:285). Testable Implications Initially the possibility was raised of outlining testable implications concerning resource use and dietary change relative to Spanish colonists in the New World. This discussion has summarized the resources used by the Old World Spaniards and the resultant culturally patterned adaptations The selective transfer and use of these food resources has important ramifications for the archeology of New World Spanish colonial sites. The implications are as follows: 1.) If New World agriculture reflected Spanish models in regard to economic crops, characteristic field shape and type af

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plowing, and home gardens and orchards, then evidence should exist for major use of wheat and other cereal grains, peas, beans, and numerous fruit trees. Economic crops should be raised in square-shaped fields plowed by oxen. House lots should include space for gardens and fruit trees. If domestic animal use followed the economic and dietary use pattern of Spain, then domestic animal bones should include in order of percentage representation sheep, cattle, pigs, chickens, goats, an assortment of domestic fowl such as ducks, geese, doves, and pigeons, and should represent the major animal dietary contribution. If hunting and collecting of wild foods was limited and showed concentration on very few species as in Spain, then bones of wild animals should be scarce in New World colonial sites. Those species that are present should be principally deer, rabbit (hare), birds of the upland scrub, and coastal birds and their nestlings. If fishing concentrated on commercially obtained pelagic, deep water marine species taken by a variety of fishing hardware as in Spain, then bones of large, deep water species should be present, although bones of the cranial region should be rare due to market preparation. Fishing hardware should be scarce unless sites are linked to a commercial fishery; where professional hardware is present it should include large line and net weights, barbed and unbarbed hooks in a variety of sizes, brass wires, and netting tools. Subsistence fishing should be represented by small hooks, lead line weights, and small net weights.

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5. ) If Spanish models of cooking were followed, chiefly in preparation of meat and vegetable stews and use of large quantities of oil and wine, then the great majority of cooking vessels should be utilitarian earthenware pots. Few bones should show charring on the ends resulting from roasting practices. Container jars should be present for the storage of oil and wine. 6. ) If Spanish Lenten season dietary habits were reflected in household midden debris, especially in lower-class Catholic homes, then accumulations of fish bones and possibly plant food remains should occur as distinct from normal eating and discard patterns which should result in higher percentages of domestic animal bone. 7. ) If social class differences were reflected in the diet as in Spain, then there should be an increase in the relative precentages of meat and fowl with increasing social status. Discussion of the tests of these implications will be presented throughout the sections on New World sites and will be summarized in the final chapter. The result of these implications, in reality a test of Old World Spanish subsistence system tenacity confirmed or unconfirmed by archeological and documentary evidence, will enable us to determine more accurately the specific nature of the cultural/biological exchange between Spain and the New World, and beyond that, to guage the importance of other than purely environmental factors which lead to any observed change in the Spanish models. One of the principal factors which will be taken into account is

PAGE 59

^9 Spanish-Indian acculturation. The significance of acculturation as ai adaptive mechanism in the foodways of select New World aboriginal and Spanish groups should contribute elsewhere to the resolution of large] problems in cultural dynamics.

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CHAPTER 3 SPAIN INTO THE NEW WORLD THE CARIBBEAN FOCUS Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact At the time the Spanish arrived in the New World the Caribbean native peoples based their subsistence almost equally on cultivated root and vegetable crops and on products of the sea. Their agricultural and food procurement capabilities were a blessing for the Spanish, who apparently could not have survived for long on their own (Morison 1963:223), and a curse to the aborigines themselves, who would soon see their population decimated and their culture collapse under the incessant pressures and demands of Spanish colonialism. Studies of animal bones recovered from pre-Columbian sites in the Caribbean indicate a variety of marine-oriented subsistence techniques, including fishing with boats, fish traps, hook and line, and possibly nets (Wing 1968). Additional techniques known from historic sources included use of harpoons, bow and arrow, poles, fish poisons, and the remora or sucker-fish which attached itself to a larger fish or turtle and was hauled in by an attached line held by the fisherman (Morison 1963: 82; Sauer 1966:58; Verin 1968). These techniques change with site location and intended prey and reflect use of locally available, variably productive environments, such as estuaries, inshore banks and reefs, offshore banks, and offshore pelagic zones. Fresh water ponds and rivers were also fished occasionally. 50

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51 Marine fishes commonly caught include species from four distinct habitats: 1) estuarine and inshore pelagic (open water): sharks, rays, tarpon, snook, certain snappers, jacks, porgies, barracuda, and mullet ; 2) inshore banks and reefs: eels, grunts, parrot fish, porkfish, snappers, surgeonfish, triggerfish, and wrasses; 3) offshore banks: groupers, jewfish, and snappers; and k) of shore pelagic: tuna and dolphin. The ichthyfauna of any particular site tend to represent proportionately the nearest productive habitats (Wing 1968). Sea turtles were often caught on beaches (Oviedo 1959:111) 'but were at least occasionally taken in open waters by fishermen with nets (Sauer 1966:58). The largest recorded individuals of the family Cheloniidae weigh 800-900 pounds, although leatherback turtles (Dermochelidae) attain weights of over half a ton (Carr 1952). Sea turtles of up to several hundred pounds were overturned on the beach and rendered helpless as they came ashore to lay eggs. Other techniques for catching turtles were harpooning and roping or lassoing the fin as the animals were swimming (Verin 1968). Manatee were also harpooned and occasionally taken by net, but Oviedo describes the most unique method. While browsing on aquatic vegetation in shallow water, the manatee would be stalked by a fisherman in a dugout canoe and shot with a barbed arrow to which was attached a tarred line and a float. After tiring from its efforts to escape, the manatee could be

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52 easily towed into shallow water, killed, and then dragged ashore by waiting helpers (Oviedo 1959:113). Other marine food sources included crabs, collected in shallow, protected waters, in estuaries, and on land, and various molluscs. The Indians dove for lobsters (Verin 1968), conchs (Morison 1963:97), and oysters, the latter primarily for pearls (Oviedo 1959:116). In terms of food energy, fish were certainly the most important marine resource. Land animals make up the bulk of subsistence resources in a few Caribbean aboriginal sites in spite of the very limited number of mammal and large reptile species on these islands. Important species included the hystricomorph rodents, agouti ( Dasyprocta agouti ) and hutia ( Capromy s sp., Geocapromys sp. and Plagiodontia sp.); a now extinct rice rat ( Megalomys sp. ) ; iguanas; and a small variety of domestic dog which the Indians raised for food (Sauer 1966:59). Cories, or guinea pigs ( Cavia sp.), seem also to have been introduced into the Caribbean by the aborigines as domesticated animals. Snakes and insects were a very minor source of food (Morison 1963:219), but the crocodile ( Crocodylus acutus ) was at least locally important within its range. Human cannibalism was an additional food source in some areas of the Caribbean. Marine, shore, and terrestrial birds were eaten with some regularity, and in some areas of the Caribbean the muscovy duck was domesticated ( Sauer 1966:59). Oviedo (1959:22-23) described a method of hunting waterfowl whereby the birds resting on the surface of the water were stalked by Indians wading shoulder-deep with their heads enclosed in a large gourd. The birds, accustomed to other gourd float "decoys" bobbing at anchor nearby, took no notice of another drifing their way until they were quickly pulled under by

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53 their feet and drowned. Terrestrial birds were knocked down at night from roosting trees (Oviedo 1959:1*+; Sauer 1966:58), and ground nesting shorebirds were easy prey. The West Indies tree duck may have been domesticated or at least kept (Morison 1963:91, 131), but it is doubtful that the turkey was present before the Spaniards brought domestic stock to the islands from Mexico. The major agricultural products of the islands were vegetatively-reproduced root crops, of which the bitter manioc (cassava, yuca; Man i hot sp. ) and a variety of sweet potato ( ipomoea batatas ) were the largest producers. The agricultural process started with the clearing of trees by either felling or girdling and sometime later setting fire to the dry debris. With digging sticks the earth was heaped into a series of rounded mounds, or montones which were up to knee-high and several feet wide. Stem cuttings were then pushed into the loose, well-aerated soil of the mounds, in addition to any seeds or grain desired. Fields of these mounds, irregular in shape, were called conucos and were well adapted for variable topography and effective against soil erosion (Sauer 1966:51). Not all fields consisted of these raised mounds. Oviedo (1959:1^-) described similar clearing procedures for a field of maize but mentioned only planting with the aid of a digging stick with no construction of montones. Columbus' accounts of agriculture in Cuba mentioned the Indians digging in fields, and their leveled, planted fields of squashes (Morison 1963:107, 108). The conuco method did not lend itself to true shifting cultivation, nor was this necessary due to the fertile soils and relatively modest mineral demands on the soil by the balance of root and vegetable crops.

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5^ The growing and harvest "seasons" were continuous due to the nature of the climate and the crops grown. However, some more arid areas of Hispaniola required irrigation by an extensive canal system which was certainly preColumbian (Las Casas and Peter Martyr in Sauer 1955:53). Sauer has calculated that a one-acre field of 500 montones would produce yearly 3500-^325 pounds of processed cassava, and cites Las Casas in stating that one carga (50 pounds) of cassava bread would provide food for a month for one person (Sauer 1966:5k) • Other root crops were peanuts, yautia, arrowroot, lleren, yampee, and canna. Maize, beans of several varieties, capsicum peppers, and squashes were also grown. Fruits included the mamey (mammee), pineapple, guava, coco-plum, sour sop, and papaya. Cultural Exchange of Plants and Animals The principal aboriginal groups in theCaribbean were the Arawaks and the Caribs of which the Arawaks were said to be more tractable from a European viewpoint. To the Spanish, an Indian who practiced cannibalism and used poisoned arrows was a Carib (Sauer 1966:6), although the real reason for the Spanish distrust of the Caribs and affinity for the Arawaks was the difference in socio-political organization between the two groups. The Arawaks were in the process of developing a primitive state when the Spanish arrived and were organized under hereditary rulers or caciques (Rouse 1963:528). The Spanish already had experience in taking over a feudal system by deposing the ruler and establishing their own figurehead to continue the system, so the Arawaks posed no problem. The Caribs, on the other hand, were not as centrally organized and were thus not as quickly subdued by Spanish methods of conquest

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55 Nevertheless, both groups suffered heavy losses due to actual fighting with the Spaniards, the more insidious European diseases, and the slavery and forced labor that produced food for Spanish consumption and gold for the royal treasury. Essentially all of the 5-6 million natives in the West Indies were gone within a generation of Columbus' first voyage of discovery, making the importation of large numbers of African slaves a necessity for the maintenance of the Spanish colonial system (Las Casas 1906; Sauer 1966; Haag 1968). Referring in 1620 to Hispaniola, the Carmelite Friar, Antonio Vazquez de Espinosa (1968:39), tells us that "At the time of its discovery it contained 1,800,000 Indians, not counting old people, women, and children; they were the first Christians in the Indies; today there is not one Indian in all the island; it was a just judgment of God." Even though the figures may be exaggerations, it is obvious that there was little possibility of any lasting effect of Spanish-introduced foodstuffs on these island peoples. Nevertheless, many Caribbean aboriginal sites contain domestic animal remains in the upper layers (Wing 1967, 1969, 1972; Wing et al 1968). There is little documentary evidence to indicate widespread early adoption by the Caribbean Indians of any Spanish cultigens with the exception of plantains and bananas (Oviedo 1959:102). European domestic animals were another matter. Smaller domestic animals such as pigs and chickens were rather quickly accepted. The Spaniards saw no threat in the Indians having small "barnyard" animals, and they were thus more readily available than the larger herd animals. A more plausible factor in their acceptance by the aboriginal peoples was that keeping pigs and chickens involved no major alteration in the Indian life style (Crosby 1972:98).

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56 Through the Arawaks and the Caribs the Spaniards were exposed to and survived and prospered on maize, cassava bread, sweet potatoes, pineapDles, sea turtles, iguanas, and numerous estuarine, inshore, and reef and bank fishes. Columbus' first encounter with reef fishes used by the natives of the Bahamas for food left no doubt concerning his unfamiliarity with them as he stated, "Here the fishes are so unlike ours ..." (Morison 1963:72). i Yet later on his first voyage, Spanish seamen cast nets in one of the estuarine rivers of Haiti (Hispaniola) and caught mullet like those of Spain ... up to that time he had not seen fish like those of Castile." (Morison 1963:11^). In their haste to identify and name similar-appearing fishes as those familiar ones from the Eastern Atlantic and the Mediterranean, the early Spanish explorers left a legacy of common-name taxonomy that is still a source of confusion to modern workers in the Caribbean. The second voyage of Columbus was really the first major introduction of Spanish domestic plants and animals, as he returned to Hispaniola with dogs, cats, horses, sheep, pigs, goats, cattle, seeds and cuttings for wheat, grape vines, garbanzos, broadbeans, cucumbers, sugar cane, onions, radishes, melons, salad greens, and various fruit stones or pits to start orchards (Morison 1963:217). Some authorities say the Spanish demand for European foods in their new environment was strengthened by social and racial prejudices (Crosby 1972:106). However, more simplistic explanations have been offered: ... it is not surprising that man, whether possessing a permanent abode, or having emigrated to a distant land, should become attached to those animals which have proffered to him their perfect obedience, sagacity, courage, strength, and other kind offices, and should regard them with admiration, gratitude, and even affection. Such,

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57 doubtless, was the case with most of the early adventurers who sought a new home on our shores, and brought with them those animals which would render them the most assistance or protection, and subserve the best purposes for labor, pleasure, clothing, and food. (Browne l85*+ :l) • For whatever reason Spanish plants and animals appear to have been introduced wholesale. This documentary evidence is certainly an indication that the implications concerning introduction of Old World Spanish agricultural crops and livestock have potential validity. Lush pastures, tropical fruits and tubers, a favorable climate, and a lack of competitors allowed unprecedented population growth of cattle and pigs, particularly in the early years of colonization. Citing these environmental factors as the reason, Oviedo (1959 :ll) declared the cattle of Hispaniola to be ... larger and more handsome than those of Spain." Cattle were so successful that in 158? Hispaniola sent 35, hkh hides to Spain (Crosby 1972:87). In fact the term "buccaneer" appears to have been derived from numerous scattered groups of hunters on the north shore of Hispaniola, who made a living by killing wild cattle for skins and selling meat smoked and dried over a boucan or green wood grating, to passing ships (Esquemeling 1893; Baring 1966:57). Expansion of feral European animal populations of cattle, pigs, and dogs and subsequent crop destruction may have been a factor in the decline of aboriginal populations and certainly was the decline of Caribbean wild animal populations (Oviedo 1959:11; Esquemeling l893:3U; Crosby 1972:98). In more remote areas, such as small islands, goats became the dominant fauna. Sheep were slower to adapt in the Caribbean and did not fare as well in the wild as they were less capable of defending themselves against predators (Crosby 1972:92), such as the large dogs introduced by the Spanish. These feral dogs were particularly destructive when they hunted in packs (Esquemeling 1893:3*0.

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53 Spanish grains failed to grow and develop properly in the islands, but grapes, garden vegetables, citrus, and other fruits grew well. Sugar cane grew spectacularly and became the only major economic plant cron of the islands (Vicens Vives 1969:321). The aboriginal crops, maize and cassava, took the place of wheat in the Spanish diet in the early years and continued to be a significant contribution even after regular trade was established between the West Indies, the Canaries, and Spain. Vazquez de Espinosa (1968:39), writing of Hispaniola in the early 17th century, said ... the everyday bread here is cassava ... as for wheat and other Spanish products, they neither existed here nor do they grow A major factor in the Spanish use of cassava bread was its ability to keep fresh for a year or more (Oviedo 1959:17). Major modifications to Spanish models of cereal grain production and sheep herding were thus partially attributable to local environmental factors in the Caribbean, and largely to the success and convenience of aboriginal cultigens. After initial attempts to replicate Spanish agricultural models, Indian, and later, Spanish production of aboriginal crops prevailed. Archeological Situations In general, the archeological and subsequent zooarcheological examination of Spanish colonial sites in the Caribbean has, with the limitations imposed by preservation bias in favor of animal remains, confirmed the historical picture of heavy reliance on European domestic animals with occasional use of local marine fish, mammals, birds, and reptiles. Nevertheless there is much we can learn concerning the specific nature of the exploitation of these wild and domestic animals.

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59 Convento de San Francisco In 195U a small portion of a walled garden was excavated under the direction of John M. Goggin at the ruins of the Convento de San Francisco, in the city of Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic on the island of Hispaniola (see Fig. l). The animal bones recovered in that excavation and subsequently brought to the Florida State Museum form the basis for this discussion. A full site description may be found in a recent study by R. Bruce Council (1975). The only previously available archeological information on the site (other than a brief report by Epidio Ortega in a 197U issue of the Boletin del Museo del Hombre Dominicano ) was a short description by John M. Goggin (1968) in his posthumously published Spanish Majolica in the New World The city of Santo Domingo, founded by Christopher Columbus' brother Bartholomew in 1^96 and moved to its present location in 1502 by the new Spanish governor, Ovando, is the oldest continuously occupied European settlement in the hemisphere. Santo Domingo was particularly important as a port city during the l6th and 17th centuries as Spanish colonial ventures flourished, and the base of operations was still in the West Indies. The spread and maintenance of Catholicism was a primary concern in addition to Spanish economic interests, so it is not surprising that the Franciscans were on hand almost from the beginning. They chose a site within the first decade of the l6th century, located on a low hill in Santo Domingo, as a religious headquarters for the province of Santa Cruz de Espafiola. Construction began shortly after on the site overlooking the Ozama River and eventually consisted of the Convento de San Francisco itself and the adjacent conventual and parochial churches (Goggin 1968:32). The major occupation of the site

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6o appears to have started in the mid-l6th century and to have lasted at least 300 years (Council 1975:17). There is evidence that from the start the accumulating refuse was used deliberately to level and terrace the steep hillside (Goggin 1968:101). Since the materials were recovered immediately south of the Franciscan monastery, it was assumed that they represented the refuse from the domestic life of the priests. The problem-oriented nature of the excavation, to establish a classification and seriation of Spanish majolica, did not lend itself to maximum recovery of faunal remains: "Bones were also widely scattered from top to bottom of the site, with one zone of almost pure bone. The quantity found was very great. Several unidentifiable bushels of chips and fragments were discarded in the field (Goggin 1968:10U). Therefore no attempt will be made at quantification of the remains beyond a species list, Minimum Number of Individuals (White 1953), and percentage representation calculated from rather broad time periods (adapted from data in Council 1975). This list constitutes a portion of Table 3. We certainly can learn from what we do have of the Convento bones, in spite of the fact that the sample may not be wholly representative. The great majority of bones and 52.8 percent of the Minimum Number of Individuals are from European domestic animals. This supports the implications regarding transfer to the New World of Old World livestock use, although certain new information on New World Spanish animal husbandry has been observed from the bones. Bones of the domestic pig ( Sus scrofa ) represented 12.6 percent of the combined Minimum Number of Individuals (hereafter referred to as MSI) of all species present in the collection. Age of the domestic mammals at

PAGE 71

61 d a o a) > (U -d •H S o i >> H -P dj rH W a) p o o >o CO •H •rl 6 o o i C a) H -p Jn h CO e a H w c 3 CQ c O o >> o H x: U p a t— w rH o -P VD CO (U •H o o ft co m On C\J ON CVJ H H CO CO OJ H CM H H J0\ LT\ J" on H OJ H H H H — t CM CO CO d d -P CD c C •H ID CJ aJ H CO •H >d o d E! H d Ph CO -P •H r4 •H to aJ bO bO > O o 0 cd C •H r< o H rH ft a n o a ft CJ •H o o CO +J c •H •H p •H CO o> a5 •H n CO •H d G P -p -P a o -P d -P be O a 01 CI ej CO -p o CO cd U co aJ P 3 H o a) •H Q o s Q o n P rH -p C rH •H CO o CO f>s CD a CD U d d o CO o o Ix, CO o

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62 o > 3 B o o 00 rd .a d Eh •H g O H -P h vo d H "6^ H d -P o S o o d ra •H •H S o o I c >> Si CtJ rH +5 U Sh CO H c a en O c O o !>> o H ft a) t— W H u -p VO on o c: o H ITS o o CO CO H CO to ft 0) o p •H d o o OJ h -d 0 B cu d d -P ca ck ii d ft rH u ft CO U o CO CQ C o 1 o Q ra d a 0) a £ ft o o rd o M (3 •H ft ft rH ft oJ o ft d H o a d c to CJ o o d o •H a 0 ft a3 ft rd P U 2 H d •H : a) d Fh o ft 00 ftOJ c o a ra = rd ft Ci t; H d

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63 cd o a3 "3 •H c o o on a t3 •H e o i >> XJ H -P cd H d o o u id w •H •H s O o C H^ cd H -P Sh !H CO \s& H c cd to 0) -p O cd X) H 1 th o t— -p •H H G S > a o o o H X! -P Cj t— P=3 — cj X! -P m H O cu ft CO CO o 00 H H CM CVJ CM PM CD O H H ct3 01 •H in hC ai o H 1) g P en a 0 o O j Ph H H CO U cd Uj A XJ CJ CJ o •H CD H > u U ha o 6 CO £ H CJ o M o H o rH H d o O a a; cd QJ -P S3 C t) o c o •rl o H f-1 a si m CD CO O a ~. u a XS P-H a CVJ ed o •H -P § cd H H cd c o PJ a o — d bC 0 S X! 03 •H Cm -P Si o H •H cd M O CJ

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6k T3 id o cd > CJ S3 •H s I >, & rH -P cd H c O o o H sz rH -p a) r— W H o Xi VD rH CO c u C5

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65 N •H >b cd cj cd > CD o CJ CQ •H CJ C cd [in CO CO tJ o -p a > c o u o c •H a o u on CD H rQ cd Eh H e u i :>> 43 H -P Jh md Cd rH W ad -P O Eh t3 •H 0 U I >> 43 rH +3 rH CO cd h +3 a) rH I tJ • H ss o H 43 h -p cd t— H H 43 t— I m CD •H O 4) Ph CD CO o rH CM CJ ^3 if\ o _=)l/\ Ut O Ot rH CJ CV] vo Pi CO ad Pi to CD CO -p 43 A CO CD t: CO CO cd C 0 cd j-i ft >> cd •H o u >d CO cd 0) CO to od b£) •rH -p H to CJ a rH rd rH o cd C o 43 o •rl o m o CD U 43 CO a Ph u Ph o CO od n CJ rH 6 •H u od a >, CJ < CJ to u CO CO n rH o p PJ -p rd 0 p o od 43 o 43 CO •H <+H 5 =3 43 CQ

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66 •H d O > a; 2 5 O o CO •H O c 3 u CO a o o w a •H -P c o o T3 •H S O I ,-! -P H o •h S U I >> 43 r-1 P h CO a H a; p o H H ^ P (rt £ — O P H CQ o •H o (D < O o -3o CM on ON CO LA rH on CM CO a) +5 c 3 CO DQ H CO a> cu a 'O 0) •H o •H o *H o (L> S O O si o CO CO CO Eh O EH

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67 time of death may be calculated by observing tooth eruption and the degree of epiphyseal fusion of various long bones (Silver 1969). The pigs from the Convento refuse were all butchered between one and two years of age, which is much later than the modern standard of six months in controlled diet commercial production units. The great majority (13%) of the Convento pigs were killed between the ages of 18 and 2k months. Cattle ( Bos taurus ) remains comprise 1U.9 percent of the combined MHI, and reflect a much broader age range at death. This suggests that cattle had broader utility than as simply a food source. No individuals represented were killed before 12 months and would thus not qualify as "veal." The mode was between 30 and k2 months, and 85 percent of the cattle were killed before they were kQ months old. In a sense all the cow remains are of "beef cattle," but dairy or draft animals would be expected to have a longer productive life before contributing in a more direct way to the diet. Two individuals (15%) of the cattle were older than hQ months, and one was over 8h months of age. One or two individuals might more properly be called oxen due to their size, although there is not enough of a sample to note any modal tendencies in bone size attributable to female, male, and castrate forms (Chaplin 1971:101-107)Only four individuals of the Caprinae sub-family (sheep/goat) in the collection could be separated as to genus and species. On the basis of the ratio of the condyles of the distal metapodial (Boessneck 1969:355) all four were identified as sheep ( Ovis aries ) A more striking difference in age clustering than was found in other domestic forms was noted in the sheep/ goat category which comprised 25-3 percent of the individuals of all species

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68 in the collection. Of the 21 individuals represented, five {2h%) were under 12 months of age, qualifying for a modern "lamb" or "kid" designation. TvOthirds of the animals were older than 21 months. The mode, however, was in the over-36 months age bracket (eight individuals or 3&%) suggesting that at least this last group had important utility in wool or milk producing or as breeding stock. The large number of sheep represented in the Convento midden almost certainly represent a shepherded flock, since we know that sheep did not do well in the wild. The sheep and some other animals were apparently kept in or close to the town, for in l628 half the actual area of the city of Santo Domingo was occupied by gardens and corrals for pigs and sheep (Alemar 19^+3:32). The percentage representation of the major individual domestic animals, sheep (or sheep/goat), cattle, and pig, support the implications regarding transfer of Old World domestic animal use practices The only wild mammal bones in the collection were those of two species of marine mammals, the manatee ( Trichechus manatus ) and a Cetacean, probably a porpoise. The manatee was a completely new animal to the Spanish who, through the Indians, recognized it as a good source of meat. In the account of his father's fourth voyage, Ferdinand Columbus described a manatee caught off the coast of Hispaniola: It is as big as a calf, resembling one both in color and flavor, except that perhaps it is somewhat better and fatter. Therefore, those who declare that there are in the sea all sorts of creatures which live on land, say that these fishes are real calves, since inside they are nothing like a fish, and feed only on the grass they find along shore. (Morison 1963:325). Sauer (1966:58) notes that manatees were an important source of food until decimated by the Spaniards, who were permitted to eat them on fast days.

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69 No manatee remains were found in levels more recent than the 17th century. The large iguanas which inhabit the Indies were also exempt from religious dietary prohibitions, and although not present in Goggin's material, Elpidio Ortega has reported iguana remains from recent excavations at the Convento site (personal communication). This is certainly an extension of the application of Renaissance concepts of natural history to Church practice as previously noted in the discussion of food practices in the Iberian peninsula. All of the remains of the manatee are the characteristically solid, dense ribs. There are at least three individuals in the collection, each no doubt representing a substantial amount of meat as manatees weigh up to 1200 pounds. All of the ribs exhibit cut marks, and one in a l6th century level appears to have been made into a tool. It is 15 cm long, cut squared-off at one end where it appears to have been battered as if by pounding, and scored, smoothed, and slightly waisted near the other end, as if hafted there. The data on wild foods from the Convento debris supports the implication that hunting and collection of these resources by the Spanish in the New World, as in the Old World, was limited. However, the types of wild foods differed from Old World Spanish models, possibly due to a combination of environmental differences (resource availability), Lenten restrictions, and models of aboriginal resource use. Several domestic chickens and one turkey are the only birds represented in the Convento material. The turkey, from a l6th century level, was almost certainly introduced by the Spanish as a domesticant from Mexico. The chickens were without exception fully mature individuals, and

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70 although sex could only be determined in one, a female, it is suggested that chickens were kept more for egg than for meat production. There is fairly even distribution through time of freshwater pond or slider turtles ( Chrysemys sp. ). These turtles are common in the island's interior ponds and rivers (Cochran 19*H) and were probably trapped. Sea turtles (Cheloniidae) were not as common as might have been expected from reading the early accounts. Only one of the sea turtles could be identified to genus and species, the green turtle ( Chelonia mydas ). Esquemeling (l893:6l) noted that green turtle and loggerhead ( Caretta caretta ) were the best of the four available species for food. In the 17th century it was common practice for the inhabitants of Hispaniola to go to nearby small islands like Savona to catch nesting sea turtles (Esquemeling l893:l8). Fishing was probably of a limited commercial nature, as it appears from the fish remains that there was some offshore reef and bank fishing and a concentration ... on a brackish water — littoral zone." The "shelf" is extremely narrow directly off Santo Domingo and also for several miles to the east and west. The drop-off is almost immediate to over 300 fathoms (U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office i960), making "inshore" fishing almost impossible in the immediate area of Santo Domingo, with the exception of the harbor formed by the mouth of the Ozama River. Most of the inshore pelaigc and reef fishing not in the harbor itself probably concentrated a few miles east or west. The large snappers ( Lutjanus sp. ) and grouper (Serranidae) must have come from offshore reefs or banks. Snook ( Centrcreomus sp.), barracuda ( Sphyraena sp. ) jack ( Caranx sp.), tarpon ( Megalops atlantica) and tiger shark ( Galeocerdo cuvieri ) were most likely taken closer to shore in open water or in estuarine bays. Handlines would have

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71 "been more efficient than nets for most of these fish, although some of the shallow water fishes, particularly the snook, shark, tarpon, and barracuda, may have been speared. Oviedo (1959:112) mentions the practice of catchint sharks from moving vessels by trolling a hook with chain leader from a stout rope. The meat was used by the sailors after being cut into strips and air dried. While all shark meat was good, the best-tasting meat apparently came from younger individuals. Occasionally tuna or porpoises were harpooned from the moving ships ( Oviedo 1959: 114). Characteristic Caribbean reef fishes, such as grunts, parrotfish, triggerfish, and wrasses, are not present in the Convento midden and this probably reflects the distance to a shallow reef habitat more than any particular food preference. Mention has been made of an active trade between Kispaniola and Venezuela during the l6th century involving the exchange of salted Venezuelan fished for manufactured items from Hispaniola (Mendez-Arocha 1963). There is no archeological evidence to support or fefute this fish trade in the Convento materials. Most of the fish remains from the site were vertebra, as would be predicted from the implication concerning Old World Spanish fish salting and market practices, but snook were represented also by cranial elements. Most of the materials were either fragmentary or the elements represented do not permit identification beyond the family or generic level, eliminating any chance of identifying a species restricted to either Greater Antillean or Venezuelan waters. Data on New World Spanish fishing techniques reflected in the Convento midden debris were generally not supportive of the implications regarding a transfer of Old World deep water commercial fishery practices.

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72 Other wild foods included small numbers of molluscs, most frequently the West Indian top shell ( Cittarium pica ), found on intertidal rocks. Other species included the flat tree oyster ( isognomon alatus ), found on mangrove roots; two species of nerites ( Nerita tessellata and N. versicolor ) found on intertidal rocks; and a conch ( Strombus sp.) and one of the vase shells ( Vasum sp.), the latter two both found in shallow, sandy or grassy inshore areas. Some correlates were found here to collection of molluscs in the Canary Islands. Little can be said of cooking and food preparation practices at the Convento since many of the clues in the form of burned, split, cut, and excessively fragile, leached fragments may have been discarded during excavation. Standard Old World Spanish cooking practices are hinted at by the presence of large numbers of coarse, utilitarian earthenware vessels (Council 1975:100-101) that probably served as stewpots. One early source tells us of cabbage palm cut into slices and boiled in ollas ... with all sorts of neat" (Ssquemeling 1893:22). Olive jars, used by the Spanish to store oil, wine, and olives in brine (Goggin i960) were common at the Convento. Cooking and storage methods were largely supportive of the implications regarding Old World Spanish cooking and food preparation practices. The lack of common aboriginal wild and domestic terrestrial land animal food sources in the archeological record is not surprising, as the native population had been decimated even before the Convento was constructed. If we may believe Las Casas, Vazquez de Espinosa, Oviedo, and other chroniclers, there were virtually no Indians on the island after the first few decades of Spanish settlement. There is no other evidence of Spanish-Taino acculturation in the Convento artifact inventory, with

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73 the possible exception of the manatee rib "celt" from a l6th century level, and there is only the suggestion that the Africans, who took the place of the Taino in the work force and far outnumbered the Spanish by the end of the l6th century, made their influence felt in the possible construction of certain locally-made coarse earthenwares (Council 1975: 120). Even the Africans would have been restricted to a basic diet of fish, European domestic animals, cassava, maize, fruit and other agricultural crops, and trade items as most of the native mammals and reptiles and many of the birds were extirpated by the destructive capabilities of large feral dog, cat, pig, and cattle populations. The Convento was a part of the city of Santo Domingo and its commerce and much of the food remains that have been recovered archeologically must have originated either as gifts to the friars or they were bought in markets or from fishermen or ranchers. Maps of the 17th and l8th centuries show the Convento located at the edge of the populated area of the city near an open area of gardens (Jefferys 1970:9**; Alemar 19^3:32-33), further supportive of the transfer of Spanish models of home gardens and orchards. Certainly the friars could have kept a flock of sheep, some chickens, and some cattle and pigs, but securing manatee, porpoise, fish, turtles, and molluscs must have fallen to someone else. Their primary concern was certainly not in securing the daily bread. The lack of quantities of fish remains in the refuse of a building complex which was the very symbol of Catholicism is perplexing and not necessarily a result of Goggin's sampling technique. Distribution of the limited number of fish remains gives no support to the implication of Lenten season dietary

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7*t differences -which called for' accumulations of fish bones. A 17th century source (D'Aulnoy 1930:283) informs us that the king had the power in the Indies to sell the Bull of the Cruzada — which was a license to eat, hut its application to the friars is unclear. The Convento was not an appropriate test of the implications regarding observable social class differences in the diet. Nueva Cadiz Nueva Cadiz was the earliest Spanish settlement in present-day South America. Located on Bubagua Island between the north coast of Venezuela and Margarita Island, its principal function was as headquarters for a short-lived but intensive pearl fishery. The town was established about 1515, reached its peak of development between 1530 and 1535, and was destroyed, probably by a hurricane, in 15^5 when the pearl fishery was in decline due to over harvesting (Rouse and Cruxent 1963:13^; Goggin 1968: k2). The rich pearl fisheries supported a population of Spaniards, a few African slaves, and a large number of Indian slaves who had been brought from all over the Caribbean, especially the Bahamas, as divers (Wing 19ol) The low, arid desert island with no fresh water supply and scanty xerophytic vegetation was able to support such a large human population (up to 1500 persons) only through supplies sent from Santo Domingo and the mainland (Cruxent and Rouse 1958:58; Rouse and Cruxent 1963:13*0. In 195^ part of a house and a number of adjacent small middens were excavated by John M. Goggin and Jose M. Cruxent at the ruins of Nueva Cadiz. A good sample of animal bones were recovered and formed the basis of a preliminary study by Elizabeth S. Wing (1961). Subsequent identification by Wing has expanded considerably the species list originally presented. The complete list and MNI are included as part of Table 3.

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75 Wing's (I96l:l65) hypothesis that deer and rabbits, the only wild mammals present in the sample, came from neighboring Margarita Island seems a good possibility. There were close ties with Margarita as a part of the pearl fishery, and the size, vegetation, and water supply were much more conducive to the growth and maintenance of animal populations. This is confirmed by Vazquez de Espinosa (l968:U9) who stated that ... the whole island is overrun with rabbits," and that ... all over the island deer are abundant ... ." Margarita was also better suited for agriculture and animal husbandry: "The soil on the island is dry — but when it is cultivated the crops bear admirably and in profusion; in fact, a fanega of corn bears 300or 1+00-fold," and "There are large herds of cattle and goats on the island ... (Vazquez de Espinosa 1968 :U8, 1+9). Cubagua Island itself apparently had much more limited resources: the soil is ... very nitrous, full of salt: there is no fresh water, and very few trees ... There are no other animals but rabbits, and some sea fowls ..." (Jefferys 1970:U). It follows that the population of Nueva Cadiz, faced with the limited food producing capabilities of their island and working daily in and on the sea, would make heavy use of marine resources. The large numbers and variety of fish and the number of large sea turtles presented in Table 3 illustrates this heavy dependence, and the degree of use of oysters for food as a by-product of the pearl fishery can only be speculated. Fishing was concentrated in the inshore pelagic and estuarine habitats surrounding Cubagua Island. Of 10k individual fish identified from 22 taxonomic groups, 80.8% (85 individuals) were from this estuarine and inshore zone. These fishes included the sharpnose shark, marine

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76 catfish, toadfish, needlefish, snook, jack, lookdown, snappers, sheepshead, porgies, trout, drum, mullet, barracude, and puffers. Secondary fishing loci were inshore banks and reefs; grunts, snappers, hogfish, parrotfish, and spadefish made up l6.3% of the total fishes. No fish were identified that frequent offshore banks, but 2.9%, all from the mackerel and tuna family, represented the offshore pelagic habitat. Once again examination of fish remains had indicated a refutation of the implications regarding the presence of deep water, commercial fishery species in the New World as had been the pattern in Spain. In spite of the apparent heavy dependence on marine resources, domest animals were important to the Spaniards and the standard inventory of cow, pig, sheep/goat, and chicken are represented in addition to dog and cat. An aboriginal domesticant, the muscovy duck, is also present but it is not possible to discern if this particular case represents a Spanish adoption or part of the "baggage" of one of the aboriginal pearl divers. A very small percentage of chicken bones were from young individuals; the rest were mature, and it is again assumed that egg production was the primary purpose for keeping the chickens. Although goats are mentioned in the documents to the exclusion of sheep, the Caprinae bones cannot be further identified than sheep/goat. The single cow present in the sample was well over h2 months of age based on epiphseal fusion, and the pigs were between six and 18 months of age, based primarily upon tooth eruption Wing's (1961) conclusions as to the relative importance of marine fishes, birds, and reptiles and of wild domestic birds and mammals from Nueva Cadiz were in part based on the concept of usable weight first developed by White (1953). New data on usable weights have become available since then (see Ziegler 1973), and Wing's original figures need to

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77 be updated and tallied so as to include the recent additions to the specie list. Standar-l aalculations of usable neat based on MHI have resulted in a total estimate of 4o8l lbs for the Nueva Cadiz sample. Of this, wild terrestrial game (rabbits and deer) contributed ^25 lbs or 10. h%; domestic mammals and birds 1518 lbs or 37-2%; and marine resources (including birds fish, and turtles) 2138 lbs or 52. k%. Based on Wing's calculation of usable weight, sea turtles alone represented 1*1.1$ of the meat diet of the Nueva Cadiz inhabitants. The resolution of the implications as regards the Nueva Cadiz data shows a number of differences to the Convento site. These may be due to the nature of the site as a specific, one-industry colony with a great degree of Spanish-Indian interaction. The first implications, regarding Spanish agricultural models, were not applicable to Nueva Cadiz due to the lack of arable land. The second series of implications, concerning domestic animal usage, were refuted by the Nueva Cadiz data. Not only were domestic animals not the major source of meat, but those present did not reflect the expected species composition. Pigs, perhaps due to their foraging ability, were more often represented than sheep/goats or cattle. The presence of deer, rabbit, and some coastal birds in the Nueva Cadiz middens tend to support the third set of implications regarding wild animal use in Spain. The fourth series of implications, concerning transfer of fishing techniques, were refuted by examination of fish remains. There is little supportive evidence for cooking practices. Negative evidence perhaps supporting stew-based cooking techniques is in the extremely low incidence of burned or charred bone. The implications regarding transfer of Old World cooking techniques are supported by the

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78 presence of olive jars, and by aboriginal earthenwares, which have been shown elsewhere (Otto and Lewis 197*0 to have been used by the Spanish in cooking. Any data regarding Lenten season dietary differences has been obscured by the large numbers of fish remains present at the site. Any implications regarding similarities to Old World patterns of dietary differences attributable to social class are obscured by the basic twoclass system (Indian /Spanish) present at Nueva Cadiz, and will not be applicable until more information is available on the identity of specific household inhabitants. These data are in great contrast to the foodways represented at the Convento de San Francisco, whose inhabitants relied heavily on domestic animals and very little on the resources of the sea. The difference may be at least partly reflected in the fact that at Nueva Cadiz, Spaniards and aborigines from various tribal groups worked and lived together (albeit in a master/slave relationship for the duration of the site's occupation; at the Convento there was virtually no interaction with the aborigines, and Spanish foodstuffs were readily available in Santo Domingo. Spanish-aboriginal interaction at Nueva Cadiz is further demonstrated by the fact that of the five dogs found in the middens, three individuals are of the small West Indian aboriginal variety, and two very large individuals are probably introduced Spanish mastiffs (Lawrence and Wing MS). Summary The initial thrust of Spanish colonization was in the West Indies, and it was here that Spaniards first encountered aboriginal plant and animal foods. These foodstuffs were relied on at first as emergency

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79 measures; later, when the inability of the major Spanish cultivated plants to adapt to the different climate and the succesful production of aboriginal cultigens became apparent, New World Spaniards adopted cassava and maize as staples. Although Ferdinand and his successor, Charles V, ordered the conquistadors to take farmers with them and experiment with Spanish crops such as wheat and barley, little came of this in the early decades (Zavala 19^3:110-112). Spain had to wait until wheat became established in the more temperate areas of Mexico and the valleys of highland South America for the new colonies to become agricultural exporters. In the meantime, the New World crops, corn and potatoes (the latter from highland South America), had been transported across the Atlantic to Spain, but only became established there in the l6th and early 17th centuries (Vicens Vives 1969:512; Tannahill 1973:258). This concern with the development of agriculture in the New World is in part attributable to the general view of colonies as production units supplying the mother land, and in part a more direct response to Spanish grain crises resulting from previously mentioned unsound agricultural policies favoring expansion, in particular of the sheep industry. European domestic animals fared far better than the introduced domestic plants in the West Indies, and expansion of herds of food animals, particularly cattle and pigs, was unprecedented, changing the availability of types of meat traditionally consumed in Spain. Whereas mutton had been the meat staple in Spain, beef and pork replaced it in the Americas. There was never a need for the Spanish to adopt many of the aboriginal meat sources as they had with plant foods due to the immediate success of most

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80 European domestic animals, although this statement appears to have limited applicability to special cases like Nueva Cadiz. The success of livestock production was fortunate, for hunting had never been a Spanish fort e Fish continued to be a minor portion of the diet, but an offshore fishing industry never developed as it had in Spain. The great majority of fishes caught were estuarine and inshore pelagic species, which were only a minor subsistence component of the Iberian fishing industry. Spanish fish consumption in the Caribbean area paralleled the species and habitat, if not the quantity, of aboriginal fish usage, and it is in the areas of fishing and agriculture that New World peoples really contributed to the diet of the Spanish colonists. Crosby (1972:77) notes that in the Caribbean, the Spanish had created a perfect base camp for the assault on the mainland. When they did move into Mexico, South America, and Florida, they carried cassava bread in the saddlebags of Ant i lie an -bred horses and brought with them "a commissariate on the hoof;" herds of swine, cattle, and goats born on the islands.

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CHAPTER k THE SPANISH IN FLORIDA Aboriginal Subsistence at Contact As the early conquistadors moved out of their Caribbean island bases and searched more diligently for Tierra Firme and its rewards, a few came north and landed on the shores of Florida. They encountered a variety of aboriginal groups from the lower east and west coasts who were apparently non-agricultural hunters, fishers, and gatherers (Swanton 19^6). However, evidence of corn pollen from the Lake Okeechobee Basin by A.D. 500 (Sears 1971:328-329) and pumpkin and gourd seeds from Key Marco (Gilliland 1965: 102) indicates that early thenographic sources disdaining aboriginal horticulture in South Florida are possibly inaccurate. Cultivated plant foods, if present, must have constituted only a minor part of the subsistence base. These groups ranged from loosely organized tribes of Ais, Jeaga, Jobe, and Tequesta to the highly stratified Calusa on the southwest coast and their Mayaimi afflilates in the interior (Goggin and Sturtevant 196H : 180-182 ) The Spaniards were more impressed with the subsistence base of the aboriginal groups in the northern part of the state; the Apalachee west of the Aucilla River and the Timucua to the south and east were cornbeans-squash agriculturalists who supplemented their diet with hunting and fishing. In fact, DeSoto's expedition in 1539 was saved from possible starvation by their arrival in Apalachee at the approximate time of harvest of the aboriginal cornfields: 81

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82 In order that one may judge of the productivity and fruitfulness of the province of Apalachee, we will say in conclusion that, during the more than five months they were wintering in this encampment, the whole Spanish army and their Indian servants, in all about 1500 men and more than 300 horses, fed upon the food which they gathered when they first arrived there; and when they needed more, they found it in the neighboring hamlets in such quantity that they never went so far as a league and a half from the principal village to obtain it. (Garcilaso de la Vega 1951: 260). There is no record of what the Apalachee had left of their harvest for the remainder of the year. The importance of agricultural crops in the diet of the north Florida Indians is underscored by virtually every early chronicler (s umm ations of Laudonniere, LeMoyne, the DeSoto chroniclers, Calderon, and others in Swanton 19^+6; Spellman 19^+8), but there is a need for caution and these accounts cannot all be accepted literally. Maize is always listed as the predominant crop and was sometimes sown twice a year (Wenhold 1936), although beans, squashes, and pumpkins were important supplements. Wild plant foods included plums, persimmons, grapes, mulberries, blackberries, acorns, walnuts, hickory nuts, and dwarf chinquapins (Swanton 19^6:293). Raspberries noted by Swanton ( ibid ) as occurring in Florida do not actually range south of the Georgia Piedmont (Bailey 19^+9:526). Major game animals were deer, bear, raccoon, rabbit, turkey, and alligator; and along the coast, crabs, crayfish, and molluscs were gathered. Fish were important in the interior as well as on the coast, although use of this resource was not as great in the interior. Freshwater shellfish were an important seasonal resource among some eastern Timucua groups (Deagan MS. ).

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83 Swanton (19^6:308-309) cites Laudonniere, Calderon, and LeMoyne in his characterization of Timucuan agriculture, which he further describes as a two crop system (citing Wenhold 1936) with a burning of the week and brush cover from the old fields in January, followed by the first planting in March or April and the second, on the same field, in June. Fields were initially prepared with hoes and the grain or beans planted in a hole made with a digging stick. There are indications that this simplistic view of efficient agriculture is incorrect. Swanton's description would indicate sedentary, full-time agriculturalists, yet we know from documentary research (Milanich MS.; Deagan MS.) that the Timucua were seasonal agriculturalists, perhaps best described part of the year as central -based nomads. The archeological record has suggested a somewhat different interpretation for at least the coastal sector based on analysis of plant remains from the Guale site of Pine Harbor in coastal Georgia. Larson (1969:293) and others (Sauer 1971:212) have interpreted the presence of old field pioneer species in with remains of cultigens in archeological sites as suggesting shifting cultivation; in other words, an old field lay fallow long enough for persimmon, grape, and cherry to invade before being cleared and planted again. Presumably these species were also desirable and would have been left in subsequent clearings of the field, which would be cropped for a few years before lying fallow (Larson 1969:302). A mixed crop of corn, beans, and squash in the same field would help soil fertility and reduce the need to relocate villages as frequently due to regional soil depletion.

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8h Larson (1969:307) also contends that agriculture in the northeast Florida-southeast Georgia coastal sector was of a different magnitude than in the Apalachee area, due principally to the widely differing soil fertility and generally poor drainage in the area "between the pine "barrens and the coast. Based on the analysis of the Pine Harbor site and his reading of the ethnohistorical sources, Larson ( ibid ) suggests that agriculture was not of "primary subsistence importance" and that wild plant foods, generally nuts, persimmons, grapes, plums, and berries, were more important. He figures a contribution to the diet by hunted and gathered animal resources at an average of perhaps one-third of the total daily caloric intake per individual (Larson 1969:317-321). Previously the richest source for Timucuan agricultural practices was considered to be the Theodor de Bry engravings of original paintings by Jacques LeMoyne (corrected in Lorant 1965). More recently the accuracy of the engravings has come into question (Hulton and Quinn I96U; Sauer 1971; McPhail MS.). We must keep in mind that the engravings were adapted by De Bry from paintings made by LeMoyne 20 years after he returned from Florida, and that all but one of the paintings are now lost and thus cannot be compared with the engravings. In addition, LeMoyne himself was not present at some of the episodes he portrays, and when De Bry started work on the engravings he had just completed a series for Hans Staden on the Aborigines of Brazil. There are many similarities between the DeBry renderings of LeMoyne' s and Staden 1 s works (McPhail MS.). Four of the engravings which pertain to Timucuan subsistence practices are reproduced here (Figs. 2-5).

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85 All of the identifiable plants and animals in the engravings are native American species (or like the gourd, introduced by natural or human agency long before the Spanish arrival), although there are suggestions that the engraver may have filled in his squash and fruit baskets with at least some European cultigens (Figs. 2, k). Another fact to remember is that by 1590, Europeans had been introduced to New World cultigens for nearly a century, and corn, squashes, and peppers were being brought back and grown in Europe. Of interest is the relatively high proportion of squash to maize suggested in the engravings, and the ratio of meat to plant foods in the aboriginal diet. A fifth engraving, from one of John White's watercolors, is added as an example of both aboriginal and contemporary (1585) European cooking techniques (Fig. 6). Archeological excavations in northeast Florida aboriginal sites have clarified the contribution to the diet of various wild animal food sources. Examples chosen here are Summer Haven (8SJ-U6), a late Archaic site in St. Johns County, Florida, immediately south of Matanzas Inlet (Bullen and Bullen 1961), and the Goodman mound and midden (8Du-66), a protohistoric to early historic period site situated in a hammock on the shore of Mill Cove off the St. Johns River, seven miles west of the Atlantic and 30 miles north of St. Augustine (Wing 1963). Vertebrate species are listed in Table h, and while invertebrates were important, particularly at Summer Haven site, lack of information on the presence of species and number of individuals precludes their proper listing. Oysters, coquinas, and ^rcenaria clams were the most common shellfish at Summer Harven. Table k also includes materials from San Juan del Puerto (8Du53 ) an historic period aboriginal village and Spanish mission (doctrina) which will be discussed later in greater detail.

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96 Table k. Vertebrate Species Representation by MNI Northeast Florida Aboriginal Sites. Species Summer Goodman Haven Site San Juan del Puerto MAMMALS Didelphis marsupialis Opossum 7 2 1 Blarina brevicauda Short -tailed shrew 1 Sylvilagus sp. Rabbit 11 5 3 Sciurus carolinensis Gray squirrel 2 Sciurus niger Fox squirrel 1 Sigmodon hispidus Cotton rat h 2 Rattus cf. R. rattus Black rat 1 Cetacean Whale or porpoise 6 1 Delphinidae Porpoise 2 Canis familiaris Domestic dog 7 3 Ursus americanus i_)J_ CL rv UCCli 2 Procyon lotor Raccoon 13 7 1 Lutra canadensis River otter 1 Mustela frenata 2 Long-tailed weasel

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97 Table k. Continued Summer Goodman San Juan Species Haven Site del Puerto Felis concolor 3 Florida panther Sus scrofa 3 Domestic pig Odoooilpus virsinianus 19 10 h White-tailed deer Bos taurus 1 Domestic cow BIRDS G av i a immer 2 Loon Hoi vm"hi] s auritus Horned grebe 1 Moti]^ hassanus 2 Gannet Phalacrocorax auritus h Double-crested cormorant JT. J.A. O V— ^ LIU 1 Wood duck T.irnViorlvf" oc? rnrnl 1 atn^i Hooded merganser 8 1'lCI KU O J. 1*1 • OCi 1 aowi Red-breasted merganser 2k Anatidae 1 Duck Gallus gallus 1 Domestic chicken Meleagris gallopavo 1 1 Turkey

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98 Table k. Continued t\ n s~% ^ c* opec les Summer I1CL V CiJ. Goodman San Juan al Pll ^T""f~ r" UCX X U.CTX OV_/ P o line c"n Rail 1 USLTj OD U-L U PtlUi Lib b trXU pcLliiici UUb Willet -L T Q yii c? av(yanTflT11GI LdiUb di i^fcrii b c L/ Ub Herring gull 1 Great auk JL Uria aalge Common murre 1 LOrvUb 05Siira,gus Fish crow 1 13 o f-> r- vTr> "1 rdbbcl J-Iltr Perching bird — REPTILES Chelydra serpentina Snapping turtle X X Kinosternon bauri Striped mud turtle J Kinosternon sp. Mud turtle 1 Chrysemys sp. Pond turtle D X Deirochelys reticularia Chicken turtle 2 Malaclemys terrapin Diamondback terrapin 2 Terrauene Carolina 3 3 1 Box turtle

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99 Table h. Continued Species Summer Haven Goodman Site San Juan del Puerto Gopherus polyphemus Gopher tortoise 12 2 3 Cheloniidae Sea turtle 12 1 2 Trionyx ferox So ft shell turtle It k Drymarchon corais Indigo snake 3 1 Viperidae Pit viper 6 Alligator mississipiensis 1 1 Alligator FISH Unidentified ray Scyliorhynoid shark Galeocerdo cuvieri Tiger shark Lepisosteus sp. Gar Ami a calva Bowf in Arius felis Sea catfish Bagre marinus Gafftopsail catfish Ariidae Sea catfish 1 13 1 10 k 2 Ictalurus sp. Catfish 3

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100 Table k. Continued Species Summer Haven Goodman Site San Juan del Puerto Centropomus sp. Snook 1 cf. Micropterus salmoides Largemouth bass 3 Pomatomus saltatrix Blue fish 3 Lutjanus sp. Snapper 1 Archosargus probatocephalus Sheepshead 5 3 Sparidae Porgy 5 Cyno scion sp. Seatrout 1 1 1 Pogonias cromis Black drum 1 h 3 Sciaenoc-s ocellata Red drum 31 9 5 Sciaenidae Drum 2 1 Mugil sp. Mullet 3 cf. Trichiurus lepturus Cutlass fish 5 cf. Paralichthys sp. Flounder 1 Total MNI 189 150 63 Total Number Species 33 ho 33

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101 Cultural Exchange of Plants and Animals The Spaniards arrived in Florida with at least two decades' experience with Caribbean aborigines and their food supply. They were familiar with and made heavy use of the New World crops cassava, maize, and to a more limited degree, squash and beans. Other than fish and an occasional manatee or crocodile, native meat sources failed to interest the Spanish and they brought to Florida their own familiar pigs, sheep, and cattle. Hone of the early forays into Florida, those of Juan Ponce de Leon in 1513, Panfilo de Narvaez in 1528, Hernando de Soto in 1539, or Tristan de Luna in 1559, made any significant changes in aboriginal foods or food procurement or production techniques. Pedro Menendez de Aviles brought maize to the Calusa in 1566 (Lyon 1973), but it apparently did not become a subsistence crop. The general hostility of the aborigines prevented any continued efforts at European settlement and subsequent introduction of livestock and cultigens. Certainly some livestock escaped, for de Soto and others had brought with them hundreds of animals, but these "introductions" had no major effect on aboriginal subsistence. •Tribes that were non-agriculturalists at the time of the Spanish arrival apparently continued on a hunting-gathering subsistence base as long as they remained viable entities. One of the classic descriptions of aboriginal groups on the east coast of Florida was written by Jonathan Dickinson (19^5), shipwrecked at Jupiter Inlet in the fall of 1696. Dickinson and his party survived several hungry months among various coastal tribes eating palmetto berries, coco-plums, sea grapes, clams, and fish, and it was not until they reached the vicinity of Cape Canaveral that any aboriginal cultigens were observed (Dickinson 19^5:69). These

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102 tribes had been in sporadic contact with the Spanish for over a century. Any real acculturative changes had to await the establishment of long tern contacts batween aborigines and Spaniards, a situation that did not exist in Florida until after the founding of St. Augustine in 1565The most successful aboriginal-Spanish contacts came later, during the 17th century, when the Franciscans, following a brief and unsuccessful Jesuit attempt, began the establishment of a chain of mission villages stretching from St. Augustine on the east coast through Timucua territory starting in 1606, and well west into Apalachee by 1633. The Spanish policy of dealing with the aboriginal inhabitants of the New World had changed in the early decades of the l6th century, too late to help the majority of the Caribbean peoples. There were no mines in Florida, no centers of manufacture, no large haciendas or plantations, and there were strict provisions against an encomienda policy with forced native labor. Spanish policy toward the aborigines in Worth Florida was the establishment of the mission system, north along the caost and west into Apalachee, a strategem which was morally justifiable in that aboriginal souls were saved through conversion to Christianity, and progress was made into the richer agricultural lands of the interior, both of which acted to strengthen the security of the fledgling colony of St. Augustine (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:6). The mission period in Florida was the only real directed contact situation (Spicer 196l) in which the Spanish, as members of the superordinate society, applied sanctions to enforce change in the culture of the aboriginal, subordinate society. These sanctions were chiefly of an

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103 ecclesiastical nature (Sturtevant 1962:63) and were administered peacefully by the missionaries. Only in a limited sense were changes of an economic nature designed to benefit the Spanish, but the priests did oversee changes in aboriginal agricultural techniques and hoped to improve the land and the harvests by implementation of European tools and methods (Gannon 1965:55-56). The concept of the missions as production units for the garrisons at St. Augustine and later St. Marks, Pensacola, and San Luis is incorrect (Matter 1972), although Indians were used as laborers on neighboring ranches and farms. It is clear from the documents that the aboriginal populations at the doctrinas and visitas were producing for themselves and the friars, though vegetables and livestock were occasionally sold to soldiers and colonists. In 1700, Governor Zuniga clarified the matter of personal property rights among the aborigines, stating "... they (are to) be allowed to raise their swine and fowl ..." (Boyde, Smith, and Griffin 1951:31). A 1699 letter to the Spanish Crown from several Apalachee caciques complained of the damage to their fields by cattle, swine, and horses from nearby Spanish-run ranchos ( ibid p. 2k 28). Swine, chickens, and vegetables raised by the Indians and maize and beans from the Franciscans' fields were sold in St. Augustine's market to benefit the mission effort which was always short of money and materials (Matter 1972:156). Friars often had their own gardens and fruit trees, growing such items as sweet potatoes (Caribbean imports), peaches, figs, and citrus (Boniface 1971:126). There were violations to the official policy of Indian rights and Indian land, however. The use of Indian labor on cattle ranches and wheat

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10U and corn farms without compensation against official Spanish policy vas one of the causes of the rebellion of 1656, according to Manuel, chief of Asile in western Timucua (Milanich MS.). Spanish military officials were also charged by Manuel with taking land for themselves by misrepresenting the Spanish government position. In spite of these violations of official policy, the documents indicate a more lenient attitude toward north Florida tribes than that shown in the Caribbean, and also record the shift in aboriginal subsistence techniques and settlement pattern, principally in the addition of small domestic animals to the former agricultural economy supplemented by hunting and gathering, and in the year-round residence pattern at the mission villages. One of the most difficult tasks of the priests was apparently keeping the Timucua settled in one place for the entire year. Milanich (MS.) has argued persuasively with documentary and archeological support that major acculturative changes of this nature occurred over roughly a 25-year period, with the new generation becoming more sedentary and relying more on agricultural produce. The "thin" nature of most mission village sites in the Potano area (roughly Alachua County) after 20-30 years of contact is seen as a possible reflection of short-term village occupation due to soil depletion from more intensive agriculture ( ibid ) The degree of acculturation of some of the Christian Indians at the missions is indicated by Father Ore's account of their bartering deerskins for wax to bury their dead (candles ?) and purchasing small bells for their churches with maize and pigs ( ibid p. 135). The aborigines' success with domesticated animals is indicated by the ability of one Manuel Solana, at the request of the Governor of St. Augustine, to supply him with 50 chickens on relatively short notice from the Apalachee village

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105 him with 50 chickens on relatively short notice from the Apalachee village of Ivitachuco (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951 :hl) The changes in the subsistence base are further documented by Jonathan Dickinson's arrival in late 1696 at the aboriginal mission villages north of St. Augustine, which was in marked contrast to his earlier desperate plight among the non-agricultural groups on the lower east coast of Florida. At Santa Cruz the travelers were provided with casina and a dish of boiled corn, peas, and other vegetables; at San Juan del Puerto they noted large numbers of pigs and chickens and the abundance of corn, and at Santa Maria their dish of corn and peas was seasoned with garlic and peppers (Dickinson 19^5:88-90). The garlic and possibly the peas were European cultigens, and the peppers, while a native American domesticant, were probably imported by the Spanish from Mexico or the West Indies. San Juan del Puerto, a doctrina on Fort George Island just north of the St. Johns River and probably occupied during Dickinson's visit by Guale peoples, has been partially excavated, giving additional clues to the nature of Spanish-aboriginal acculturation of foodstuffs. Recovery of a metal hoe blade suggests that the cornfields noted by Dickinson were tended with European tools rather than the aboriginal bone, wood, or shell hoes noted by Laudonniere and LeMoyne (McMurray 1973 :6o). A metal hoe fragment was also recovered from the probable mission site of Santa Catalina at Fig Springs (Deagan 1972:37). Other European tools available to Indians from farms and ranchos near the mission village are listed in the appendix, which is an inventory of a mid-17th century Spanish wheat and cattle farm in Western Timucua. The presence of European fruits, but not

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106 necessarily their grovth at the site, is indicated by the recovery of peach pits from midden levels. Several seeds referable to the melon or squash family, Cucurbitaceae, were additional New World cultigens identified during analysis of the faunal remains. Other cultigens recovered from mission sites include corn, gourds ( ibid p. 39), and wheat (Charles H. Fairbanks, personal communication). Vertebrate species identified from San Juan del Puerto are listed in Table k. Fishes identified from the site are exclusively estuarine with the exception of one gar, a freshwater species which frequently enters lowsalinity estuaries. We are indebted to Father Pareja, the priest assigned to the mission of San Juan del Puerto in the early 17th century, for information on the fishing techniques of the then Timucua inhabitants. Pareja, in his l6l3 Conf essionaria several times mentions the use of fish traps (Milanich and Sturtevant 1973:2U). The one porpoise recovered probably could not have been taken in a trap or weir and may have been speared or stranded in shallow water (Larson 1969). Turtle species present indicate freshwater, estuarine, beach, and inland collecting. Birds included the domestic chicken as noted by Dickinson, and a number of domestic mammals, chiefly pigs, are represented. It is estimated that the domestic animals represent approximately half of the meat intake indicated by the excavated sample. Bear remains, particularly paws, were present and it is interesting to note Pareja' s referral to women annointing their heads with bear grease ( ibid p. 28). Oysters were present in small middens throughout the site. Cotton rats are typically agricultural pests and may indicate animals caught around the village storehouse or granary (Dickinson 19^5:88). Dogs were apparently common around

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107 the village, and the presence of one very large individual, as at Nueva Cadiz, probably indicates a dog of Spanish descent. Timucuan settlement and subsistence patterns appear to have changed rapidly in response to successful Spanish mission policy after about 1630 and increased popualtion influx from aboriginal groups in Apalachee, coastal Georgia, and from other Timucua areas after the middle of the century (Milanich 1972:60, MS.; Deagan MS.). These changes are discernible archeologically in the periodic relocation of village sites, presence of greater quantities of corn in sites, increased use of metal, and changes in the shape of aboriginal ceramic vessels reflecting European "templates" (Milanich MS.). These changes were also accelerated by the presence in the western Timucua area of Spanish farms by the l6U0's (Deagan 1972:U0) and cattle ranches by 1655 (Arnade 196l:6) which utilized aboriginal labor from nearby mission villages. Primary Spanish contact with both the Apalachee and Timucua in the 17th century was through the mission villages, and acculturation in the form of directed change was on a village level. It was only after the Spanish priests introduced new tools and intensive agricultural techniques that aboriginal crops became dependable enough to allow year-round occupation of the mission villages (Milanich MS.). The role of large numbers of immigrant Guale and Yamassee peoples in changing Timucua agricultural techniques after the middle of the 17th century is not known (Deagan MS.), but many of these peoples had also been influenced by Spanish priests at the coastal missions north of St. Augustine.

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103 St Augustine : The First Spanish Period By the time the Spanish settled in Florida in 1565 at the place on the northeast coast which they called San Agustin, the New World had been under European scrutiny and eventual domination for better than TO years. St. Augustine had been chosen and continued in its role as a defense post; first to ward off French incursion and then to act as a northern buffer against English military encroachments and guard the northern end of the Bahama Channel, the pipeline by which the riches of the New World sailed on galleons headed back to Spain. The site had not been chosen for its agricultural potential, and it is hardly surprising that the early colonists had great difficulties in their initial food production efforts. Much of the information on the difficult early years of St. Augustine comes from an investigation made in Madrid in 1573 by licentiate Gamboa on matters concerning Florida, a summary of depositions to the King from the settlers of Santa Elena (cn the South Carolina coast) made in 1576 and 1577 (Connor 1925:83-101, lU 5-185), and recent investigations by Charles Arnade (1959a). We know that Pedro Menendez de Aviles, the Adelantado of Florida, fully intended to set up a flourishing colony and brought with him large quantities of seed and many domestic animals, in addition to farmers, blacksmiths, carpenters, stonecutters, and men of other trades to supple ment the military force. The asiento or contract between the Crown and Menendez, had called for an additional 1+00 settlers (of which at least 100 were to be farmers) to be brought over within three years to found viable agricultural settlements, with farmsteads clustering around the villages, and the town as ... the spearhead for the advance of Castili

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109 civilization" (Lyon 1973:87)The basic labor force was to be 500 slaves who were to be engaged chiefly in sugar production; further economic benefit was to be derived from livestock for hide production ( ibid ) This contract must have been based on the assumption that Florida would be similar to the West Indies in its production of economic plant and animal species. Nevertheless, several witnesses agreed that ... at the beginning, which was two years after this witness went there, as many as 20 horses and mares were brought, and 12 cows, ho hogs, 30 goats, and a few sheep, which was all consumed and eaten because of the famine and want that occurred; and the Indians killed the hogs ..." (Connor 1925:93). Another witness revealed that ... the soldiers of the said fort of St. Augustine were sometimes given rations of biscuit, maize, flour, jerked beef, wine when there was any, oil, and other things when they were to be had; and when there was nothing they ate herbs, fish, and other scum and vermin, which state of things lasted a long time ..." ( ibid p. 99). Menendez brought in periodically from Cuba and the Yucatan peninsula rice, beef and pork, garbanzos, sides of bacon, fish, beans, cheese, maize, honey, and cassava in addition to cattle, horses, pigs, sheep, goats, and •chickens (Lyon 1973:l6l, 2k0, 31^-315), but Menendez' troubles with ships, personnel, and the authorities kept the line of supply thin and times were hard for the early Spanish inhabitants of St. Augustine. The early settlers were discouraged and many of the farmers who had been brought over grumbled and complained of broken promises: many perquisites were promised to all those who should come to settle these provinces, as is set forth more at length in the said ordinance: giving us all manner of cattle, twelve head with the bull; establishing

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110 us on good soil, and giving us allotments of lands for farming and raising cattle. And nothing of this has been fulfilled to us, unless it be to keep us on an island surrounded by sea water, which is one league long and half a league wide, more or less; the larger part of which island, at every period of spring tides, is overflowed by the sea; and the land is of the kind aforesaid, and we have no other assistance save our own arms, although by doing some hoeing we have broken up a little land which we sow with maize to sustain our children; because the soil is not of the quality for sowing any other sort of (grain for) bread, as a little wheat and barley has been planted there by hoeing and after having headed badly, there is nothing to it but the husk. Besides which, even if the soil were rich and fertile, it has not the (right) climate nor is the earth ever dry, unless it be with the frosts and extreme cold caused therein by the winter, which comes in December and January; for in the months of April and May, when the (grain for) bread ripens in this island, it does nothing but rain all the time, which is when we are sowing and gathering the maize; and so we have suffered and do suffer great hardships, as the harvest is small which we gather therefrom with excessive labor; because the agreement with us has not been carried out, as has been said. Therefore we have wasted all our means, with which, and among other things, we came well supplied, having been farmers in Spain, where we had all manner of cattle wherewith to work; and so here we feel ourselves lost, and old, and weary, and full of sickness. Even though some of the settlers themselves have brought cattle, it has not been possible to increase or preserve it save at great cost, in feeding them from the little maize we gather; and because of all the aforesaid, we say, as we have said, that we have grown useless, old, tired and sick, and have been ill-treated and insulted by the governors who have governed, and so we say that, on account of the reasons already given, are not for settling (here) ( ibid p. 1U7-1I+9). Although this particularly harsh criticism was meted out by a citizen Santa Elena, it mirrors complaints of St. Augustine itself. St. Augustine, in spite of its location on nutrient-poor coastal soils, was expected to grow most of its own food. The Council of ^he Indies and Phillip II, in appointing Gonzalo Mendez de Canzo as Governo in 1596, charged him with developing cultivation at St. Augustine and

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Ill threatened the loss of a portion of his salary if he neglected agricultural development (Geiger 1937:72). In spite of this incentive, times remained hard for the inhabitants and fishing, gathering shellfish, and a helping hand from friendly Timucuans were necessary to avert starvation (Arnade 1959a:30; Geiger 1937:79)The documents are quite clear regarding the tenuous nature of subsistence in St. Augustine in the early years. A letter from Governor Canzo to the King in February, 1600, warns of threatening famine and indicates that he was exhorting the soldiers to till the land in order to produce sufficient grain to feed the growing populace, among whom were many children (Geiger 1937:123). Even before Canzo' s tenure as Governor it was clear that St. Augustine needed help. The response to this need was the situado a once-yearly supply ship from Mexico, transshipped by way of Cuba. The situado had been initiated following the death of Pedro Menendez de Aviles in 157^In theory the situado was payment to the garrison at St. Augustine, charged against the Viceroy of New Spain, for St. Augustine's role in protecting cargo ships at the north end of the Bahama Channel, and for patrolling the coast and giving aid to victims of shipwrecks. The situado was composed of cash, foodstuffs, and material goods in specific amounts determined by the number of soldiers in the garrison, and not the Dumber of dependents and other inhabitants in St. Augustine. Unfortunately, arrival of the situado on time was something of a rarity, and it was not unusual for men of the garrison to remain unpaid for periods of up to several years. At least two 10-year periods went by without the arrival of the supply ship (Matter 1972:1^3). In 1696 when Dickinson and his party arrived in St. Augustine, he learned that the situado hadn't arrived in three years (Dickinson 19^5:83).

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112 The situado was troublesome even when it did arrive, for there were numerous opportunities for graft and speculation which raised the price of goods tremendously. A 1700 letter from Fray Alonso de Leturiondo to the king cites numerous instances of extreme mark-up on foodstuffs: sugar, per box, 20 pesos in Havana, 100 pesos in St. Augustine; an arroba of pepper, 6 pesos in Havana, 100 pesos in St. Augustine (St. Augustine Historical Society 196l:6). Other items such as wine, rice, and cinnamon were s imi larly priced. The common soldiers, and particularly married men with families (they received no extra stipend for dependents) were constantly in debt and had to subsist on local resources (Chatelaine 19^1b: 22). The cultivation of plant foods by the impoverished inhabitants was no easy task. The immediate area of St. Augustine is characterized by exceptionally low relief and a geologically immature drainage system with swamps and marshes parallel to the coast, separated by intervening low ridges (Boniface 1971:119). These ridges of acidic, sandy soil generally have an underlying hardpan resulting from excessive leaching due to heavy rainfall (Bryant 1958:25) and are characterized by a growth of pine and palmetto which are replaced by hardwoods in better drained areas. The combination of soil type and rainfall is not conducive to non-fossil fuel agriculture as the porous soil retains little moisture in the winter dry season and is often sodden in the summer. The St. Augustine area is illustrated in Figure 7, with particular attention being given to the extensive salt marsh areas which were an additional limiting factor to cultivation throughout the Spanish occupation Growth of the city to the west was impeded by the small but marshy creek

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113 FIGURE 7. St. Augustine area near the end of the 1st Spanish Period.

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Ilk known as Maria Sanchez, and most of the town's agricultural fields were between this small waterway and the larger San Sebastian River. The area is low enough so that floods (associated with hurricanes?) in August, 167U, October, 1696, and September, 1707, contaminated St. Augustine's water supply and damaged crops, orchards, and buildings (Boniface 1971: 70). The Spaniards persevered, however, and the agricultural progress of St. Augustine can be noted through a series of maps dating back to the l6th century. The Mestas map of 1593 shows about 10 clearly defined fields and one other which is obviously an orchard (Chatelaine 19^1t>, map k). By 1737, Arredondo's "Plan de la Ciudad de Sn Agustin de la Florida" shows many more smaller fields, a much larger area under cultivation, and all of the available land not designated as marsh in plowed (?) rows, thus making some very small irregularly-shaped fields (ibid-, map 10). The most informative of the maps for agricultural information is the Castello map of 176U, prepared by the Spanish government for the use of the English government in accordance with the terms of the Treaty of 1763 to facilitate the transfer of Florida to England ( ibid map 13, note on p. 162). This map is apparently accurately drawn, is scaled, and shows virtually all the area under active cultivation by the inhabitants of St. Augustine at the close of the 1st Spanish period, when raids by Creeks and English had bottled the Spanish up to an area within some two miles of the castillo In the Castello map fields interlock to fit the available land, but are square to rectangular where possible. This would seem to support one of the implications concerning transfer to the New World

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115 of Old World Spanish agricultural models. All fields appear to be plows and the direction of rows is only consistent within one field, perhaps supporting Catelaine's statement that there was not enough cultivable land in any one spot to orgainze traditional European cooperative farming techniques ( ibid p. 15)Regardless of interpretations, the map shows six major areas of cultivation, including Anastasia Island, with a total of 198 individual fields averaging 1.5 hectares (3.8 acres), or a total area of field cultivation of 305 hectares (755 acres). Of course there were household gardens and orchards as indicated in Figure 8, but while they produced a great variety of foods, the quantity could not have been enough for major dietary input. European (and Asian and African via Europe) fruit and vegetable species grown in St. Augustine included white and black figs, pomegranates, lemons, limes, citrons, several varieties of orange, plums, peaches, quinces, grapes, pot-herbs, rice, peas, onions, garlic, greens, lettuce, radishes, plantains, and watermelons. Hesoamerican South American, or Caribbean crops introduced by the Spanish included sweet potatoes, tomatoes, guava and pepers. Local aboriginal crops incorporated into the diet were corn beans, and cucurbits such as squash and pumpkins (Dickinson 19^5 :8U; Bartram 191+2:53; De Vorsey 1 971:201+ ; Smith 1970:Appendix A; Arnade 1959a 27; Romans 1962:123; Solana 1760). One of the real successes of Spanish food production in Florida came with the establishment of cattle ranchos in the interior in the mid-17th century. The pacification of the Timucua and the Apalachee and the large role played by the missions in fostering and maintaining the peace and productivity of the hinterlands no doubt allowed this develop™

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117

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118 Although there is much unknown about the early cattle industry and in particular its role in supplying St. Augustine with beef, it is known that there were by 1700 three major cattle-ranching areas in north Florida: (l) along the St. Johns River in the vicinity of Palatka; (2) in Apalachee territory surrounding Tallahassee; and (3) in Alachua County centered at Gainesville (Arnade 196l:5)The largest of the ranches was La Chua near Gainesville, which paid tax in 1698 and 1699 on 770 head, or nearly half the total cattle on which taxes were paid ( ibid p. 9)In addition to a 10 percent yearly (or bi-yearly? ) tax payable in cattle, Governor Zuniga inaugurated a system by which each ranch owner was assigned certain days in the year when he was required to bring five head in to St. Augustine's slaughterhouse ( ibid ) Also in the rich interior lands were scattered farms or plantations, about which even less is known, although aboriginal labor from nearby mission villages was used in crop production. Corn, wheat, and beans were the major crops. Most of these farms were in Apalachee or western Timucua, although some production occurred along the St. Johns River. Tentative figures suggesting 3,000-^,000 bushels of maize and beans being shipped annually from Apalachee to St. Augustine in the mid-17th century (Gray 1933:109) would indicate successful production. Shipments of this magnitude would have provided three-quarters to one-half pound (.3^-. 23 kg) per person per day of corn and beans to an estimated St. Augustine population of 750-1000 (population estimate from Dunkle 1958:9).

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119 A 1651 description of one of Governor Benito Ruiz de Salazar Vallecilla's wheat and corn farms and cattle ranches near the village of Asile, east of the Aucilla River on the Timucua-Apalachee "border," has been translated and forms an appendix to this paper (A.G.I. Escribanla de Camara, Legajo 155(B) #ll). The document is an inventory of the contents of the farm of the late governor, drawn up by his successor prior to the farm's being purchased by the crown to aid in the support of St. Augustine. The purchase is justified in the document by writing of the hazards of dependence on the situado: "Therefore when the supply does not come, many perish of hunger and others go in desperation to hunt the beasts of the woods ... ." Of immediate interest to this discussion are entries for 22 large team oxen, 8 horses, k5 head of swine, 13 used iron plowshares, k fish hooks, one African slave, one mulatto slave (the overseer), 30 fanegas of wheat seed, and ih arrobas of maize seed. Increased farming would certainly have been profitable in the rich lands of the interior, but a number of factors influenced the limited growth of Spanish Florida's agricultural system. One factor was the vigorous support given by the Franciscans to the doctrine of aboriginal land rights (Chatelaine 19Ula:23l), echoing responsive chords first struck by Las Casas in the Caribbean a hundred and fifty years before. The crown was officially opposed to private ownership of land in Florida for the same reason — to give an encomienda system no chance to develop — and underscored the primary function of St. Augustine as a presidio charged with the defense of Spain's commercial and territorial interests, not as a food producer and exporter. Nevertheless, abuses did occur as witnessed by the earlier discussion of the 1656 Timucua rebellion.

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120 The few decades prior to 1700 were the most productive St. Augustine was to have in terms of the food supply. In November, 1702, a force of several hundred English and aborigines led by Colonel James Moore of South Carolina moved down the coast destroying the northern chain of missions and making a shambles of villages and cattle ranches in eastern Timucua. Moore laid seige to and burned the town of St. Augustine itself, driving the outlying settlers, ranchers, and aborigines virtually under the guns of the castillo for protection, but was forced to return to South Carolina without having actually captured the Spanish fort (Arnade 1959a). Moore returned in the winter of 1703-170U with 50 English soldiers and 1300 Creek and other Indian allies to raid the Apalachee area, burning nearly all of the towns and missions and killing or capturing as slaves the majority of the population. In these two campaigns Moore had destroyed the widespread mission system and the far-flung ranches and farms which has supplied St. Augustine with cattle and corn. For the remainder of the 1st Spanish period the colony's agricultural and livestock activities were effectively restricted to areas within sight of the fort. After Moore's raids the need for supplies from the situado increased, and when it did not arrive, many residents of St. Augustine were reduced to eating cats, dogs, rats, and horses (Tepaske 196^:83). Hostilities between England and Spain stemming from the War of Jenkin's Ear in 1739 lasted until 17^8, with major threats to St. Augustine coming from Oglethorpe's seiges of the city in 17^0 and 17^3. The missions were never started up again as the area was depopulated, and marauding bands of Creeks made work in the interior hazardous. In 17^3 Don Francisco Menendez Marques died, leaving a will in which he

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121 declared ownership, but not possession, of the La Chua cattle ranch, lost in "the invasion of the enemy and Indian uprising" (Arana 1968). A brief Spanish alliance with the Lower Creek tribes in 17^8 allowed St. Augustinians to trade for Indian cattle and to venture outside the fort's protection to cut wood, fish, and farm (Tepaske 196U:22l), but sporadic raids inspired by French and Indian War politics a few years later brought the Spanish and remaining aborigines back to the security of St. Augustine proper. Further evidence of the effect which the missions had on aboriginal settlement and subsistence patterns is shown by the breakdown of the sedentary lifestyle and a return to a pattern of seasonal migration by the remnant Timucua groups following the collapse of the missions and relocation of aboriginal populations in the vicinity of St. Augustine (Doctrineros Census 1728; Geiger 19^0). Juan Solana, in a report to the Bishop of Cuba on the condition of St. Augustine in 1760, frequently mentions the restriction of the populace to the immediate area of the town: "there are no country farms ... because of the continued Indian affronts influenced by the British ..." (Solana 1760:25) and that men away from the fort "occupied in cutting grass for the oxen" were in danger of attack by the Creeks ( ibid p. 6). He also mentions that since March of 1759 all cultivated lands of many citizens, Negroes and Indians have been abandoned, and hopes that the ... Englishman who provides the butcher shop with bovine cattle ..." will not fail (ibid., p. 7). Fort Mosa, the outer line of St. Augustine's defense perimeter, was intended to be an agricultural "colony" supplying the Spanish iwth corn and vegetables, yet the fugitive slaves from English settlements and free blacks which made up the population of Fort Mosa were, like

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122 the St. Augustinians two miles south, unable to grow more than enough to support their own people and were always dependent to some degree on incoming supplies (Tepaske 1975:9-10). It is rather ironic that better support came for St. Augustine in this difficult period from illicit trade with English merchants than from the situado itself. In fact by the mid-l8th century, St. Augustine could be said to be tied economically to the English colonies (Harman 1969:81), particularly Charleston. Cargo manifests from the period 1716-1763 show Charleston merchants trading pork, beef, salt, flour, herring, cheese, butter, rum, brandy, corn, peas, tallow, and beer to St. Augustine, receiving in return money, oranges, fish, sugar, cocoa, and deerskins. Sea turtles, lumber, and oranges were traded to New York ( ibid Appendix I, II). This trade continued into the period of actual declared war between England and Spain, although it was of course much less frequent. Commerce was not restricted to ships, for there are records of cattle drives to St. Augustine from Charleston and Savannah. A Charleston merchant arrived with hOO head in June, 1757, and 300 head arrived from Savannah in July of I76O. One Samuel Piles of Savannah was reprimanded after the declaration of war in 1762 for trading 170 bushels of corn and peas and 100 shoats to the Spanish to St. Augustine ( ibid p. 57-6l). By this time the population of St. Augustine had reached 3,000, and the garrison in particular had been increasing since the time of the first seige by Oglethorpe in 17^0, reaching a maximum of 2,000 soldiers (well past the normal complement of 300) in 17^2 (Chatelaine 19Ulb:87). Even rather substantial trade with the English colonies, combined with

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123 the elusive situado and the low local yield of produce and cattle was insufficient for the needs of the larger population, and the Spaniards were forced to turn to privateering in order to survive (Harman 1969:63). Conditions were especially desperate by 1762 and the documents indicate the residents subsisted principally on fish and oysters. John Bartram (19^2:55) visited St. Augustine in ll6h, the year after the Treaty of Paris was signed ceding Florida to the British, and reflected on the last years of the Spanish there: "They ... ate very little flesh meat, but lived chiefly on fish and oysters which they boilde and made much soup, putting great quantities of herbs, onions, and garlic amongst it. If they could get a little salt beef or pork or, ye better sort, a little fresh they would cut it in small bits and stew it with pumpkins and herbs or roots with much red pepper which groweth winter and summer here about ye streets, to make what soup they could. They kept very few cows, so had no milk ..." Further hint of increasing pressure on the productive estuarine environment of St. Augustine is given by Bartram (ibid.), who notes that fishermen were hard-pressed to obtain enough fish to meet the demand, whereas they used to supply the whole town in plenty. He goes on to say that ... oyster shells is now not near so big as those shells that was thrown on heaps by ye Spaniards or Indiand — ." Unfortunately we cannot document the increased oyster use archeologically since oyster shells were prime building material in St. Augustine, being burned for lime and included whole in lime and sand mortar in tabby construction. Tabby, wood, and coquina, a naturally-occurring sedimentary shell hash-mined on nearby Anastasia Island, were the principal building materials. De Brahm, official British surveyor for the American colonies, started his work in

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12h newly-acquired East Florida in 1765 at St. Augustine, noting that "The Soil in the Gardens and Environs of the Town is chiefly sandy and marshy. The Spaniards seem to have had a Notion of manuring their Land with Shells, for the rich Soil is near one ninth part shells, one foot deep" (De Vorsey 1971:205). By all indications, St. Augustine, at the close of the 1st Spanish period in 1763, was in serious trouble regarding its food supply. Beef and pork were scarce, although these animals were occasionally driven or shipped into the town illicitly from coastal southeastern British colonies, or legally, and much more rarely, from Havana. At the end, Havana itself had been taken, ceasing any supplies from that port, which was eventually ransomed by ceding Florida to the British. Long gone were the extensive cattle ranches, wheat and corn farms, and friendly Apalachees or Timucuas with whom the Spanish could trade for food. Agricultural products were restricted to home garden plots, arbors, orchards, and cultivated fields within sight of the castillo itself. By the same logic of the containment policy which restricted agricultural production, hunting and collecting in the interior must have suffered as well, restricting the colonists to available salt marsh and barrier island flora and fauna. Finally, historical evidence suggests that resources of the sea were more important than they had been since the early decades of the colony, their availability often meaning the difference between continued existence and starvation. Some mention should be made of the effects of the situado on St. Augustine. Matter (1972:1^3) has pointed out that ... despite complaints by governors and others indicating practically total dependence

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125 upon the elusive situado, such a situation could not have "been the case." It should be remembered that virtually all of the documents detailing the dire effects on the populace when the situado was delayed are letters from local government officials to the king, requesting aid and supplies, and thus having a vested interest. When Governor Nicolas Ponze de Leon and the others wrote the crown that "We now depend on that brought in by ship, endangered by shipwreck and robbery by our enemies, by which we lose a great deal. Therefore when the supply does not come, many perish of hunger and others go in desperation to hunt the beasts of the woods (See Appendix), they were requesting aid to buy the farm for the crown from one of the signees. When Dickinson (19^5:83) and his party arrived in 1696 St. Augustine had been without the situado for three years, yet they breakfasted on chocolate with the governor. Perhaps a fruitful avenue of research would be a correlation of deaths listed in the Parish Records to the years of the situado 's absence. The Archeological Evidence Recent archeological research in St. Augustine in late 1st Spanish period contexts presented an opportunity to get hard evidence on the nature of the city's food supply during a time of crisis. The particular sites chosen, roughly contemporaneous houses inhabited by mestizo criollo, and Spanish families, afforded in addition a unique opportunity to sample the foodways of these different ethnic /social groups operating within the same environment. Relatively precise information is available on the inhabitants from the Parish Records of the Cathedral of St. Augustine (St. Augustine Historical Society n.d. ) which lists births, deaths, and marriages. Property ownership at the time of the British takeover is noted in the Puente map of lj6h.

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126 The Maria de la Cruz house (SA16-23) was excavated during field sessions in 1972 and 1973 by crews under the direction of Charles H. Fairbanks and Kathleen A. Deagan, respectively. This was a mestizo household, occupied by an Indian woman (probably Guale) names Maria de la Cruz, her soldier husband, Joseph Gallardos from New Spain, and their three children. Documentary and archeological evidence suggests a midpoint of occupation of about 17U8 (Deagan 1 97 Appendix I), although the house still belonged to the heirs of Maria de la Cruz in 1763Excavations at the Acosta house site (SA13-5) by Deagan in 197 1 revealed an earlier occupation which she was able to trace to one Gertrudis de la Pasqua (Deagan 197*+, personal communication), a criollo, or person of Spanish descent born in the New World. Her husband and father were both officers with the presidio force. It is probable that this house was occupied by the de la Pasqua family until 1763. The third site, and the one which eventually yielded the largest bone sample, was the Ximenez-Fatio house site (SA3^-2), excavated in 1973_197li by John W. Clauser, Jr. The major occupation at this site prior to the 2nd Spanish period was that of Christoval Contreras, who is listed as the owner of the lot and two structures in the YjGh Puente map ( Ximenez-Fatio House Study Committee 1973). A search of the parish records indicates that Contreras, a native of Tenerife in the Canary Islands, was married to Dorotea de Anaya, a native of St. Augustine. They married sometime before 1758 and had at least two children, the last born in the crisis month of January, 1763. The records also indicate that Contreras had at least one female slave (St. Augustine Historical Society n .d. )

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127 Each of the sites will be discussed briefly in terms of its own particular contribution to our knowledge of Spanish colonial foodways. The more similar aspects such as butchering data, fishing, hunting, and animal husbandry techniques will be compared and contrasted in arriving at a larger view of St. Augustine as part of the New World Spanish colonial dietary tradition. Maria de la Cruz House The hi species recovered at this mestizo household represent the widest range of habitats exploited of the St. Augustine sites under study. However, of the wild species represented, many inhabit the salt marsh, tidal creek, or adjacent life zones (see Figure 9) to which the colonists must have been restricted in the mid-l8th century. A summary of a number of variations on the classic species list is presented in Table 5. The tabular headings, MM, number of fragments, bone weight, percent MNI, percent fragments, and percent bone weight, need no further explanation. The next two headings are edible meat weight (White 1955) and percent edible meat, based on the MNI per species. The last two headings reflect essentially the same measure, edible meat, but in this case the edible meat figure is derived from the ratio of edible meat weight to bone weight in a particular species (Reed 1963; Ziegler 1973). These edible meat figures are generally considerably lower than those obtained by multiplying the MNI times a set weight per individual, although the percentage contribution is essentially the same. The difference between the two methods is best explained by an example: the recovery of one femur of an adult domestic pig, Sus scrofa would represent one individual and therefore, perhaps 72 pounds edible weight by the MNI

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129 Table 5Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna at Maria ds la Cruz House, SA 16-23. Species Mil Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MSI MAMMALS Scalopus aquaticus Eastern mole Sciurus carolinensis Eastern gray squirrel Mug musculus House mouse Rattus rattus Black rat Urocyon cinereoargenteus Grey fox Procyon lotor Raccoon Felis cat us Domestic cat Sus scrofa Domestic pig Odocoileus virginianus White-tailed deer Bos taurus Domestic cow Unidentified mammal TOTAL MAMMALS h 1.0 1 .5 2 .5 3 .5 1 1.0 2 3.0 2 1.5 27 1^2.0 9 11.0 66 978.5 1275 970.0 .99 • 99 .99 .99 .99 .99 • 99 2.97 .99 2.97 Ih 1392 2109.5 13.86 J

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130 Table 5 Extended MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment Percent Bone Weight Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat .taiDle Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat .08 .03 70.0 .01 15. 5 .04 .02 .02 592.0 .09 7.1 .02 .01* .02 30.0 .ooU t a 1 .0 .02 .06 .02 1U0.0 .02 •7 Q 7.0 .02 .02 .03 1697.5 .25 A n 0 0 .02 .ok .10 2947.0 .1+3 37.0 .10 .ok .05 2270.0 .33 14 O .04 .55 96 12076U. 0 17.59 1420.0 3.73 .18 .38 31780.0 k.63 150.7 .ko 1.314 34.17 374550.0 5k. 55 15068.9 ^0.13 25.81 33-87 12610.0 33.58 28.18 73.65 534840.5 77.80 29348.2 78.15

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131 Table 5 Continued Species Mil Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MNI BIRDS Anas discors Blue-winged teal Lophodytes cucullatus Hooded merganser Gallus gallus Domestic chicken Meleagris gallopavo Domestic (?) turkey Burhinus histriatus Mexican thick-knee Numenius americanus Long-billed curlew Limnodromus griseus Short-billed dowitcher Capella gallinago Common snipe Unidentified bird TOTAL BIRDS AMPHIBIANS Am REPTILES Bufo cf B_. terrestris Southern toad Rana sp. Frog 25 39 10 .5 .5 6.5 11.0 1.0 • 5 • 5 .5 9-5 30.5 1.5 .99 99 1.98 .99 .99 .99 .99 99 • 5 8.91 1.98 .99

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Table 5 Extended 132 Percent Percent Bone Fragment Weight MNI Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat Bone Weight Percent Edible Meat Edible Weight (gm) Meat ,02 ,02 .12 .Oh .02 ,02 .02 .02 51 .79 .02 .02 .23 .38 .03 .02 .02 .02 .33 1.07 515-0 515.0 1562.0 U767.O 350.0 350.0 97.0 97.0 .08 .08 .23 .69 .05 .05 .01 .01 8253.0 1.20 7.2 7-2 101. h 171.6 17.6 8.8 8.8 8.8 1U8.2 U79.6 .02 .02 .27 .1+6 .05 .02 .02 .02 .39 1.27 .20 ,02 • 05 ,02 1+8.0 10.0 .01 001 18.0 6.0 .05 ,02

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133 Table 5 Cont inued Species MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MHI Chelydra serpentina Snapping turtle Malaclemys terrapin Diamondback terrapin Gopherus polyphemus C-opher tortoise Chelonia mydas Green turtle Unidentified turtle Masticophis flagellum Coachwhip 8 11 1 • 5 6.0 6.5 ^7 252.0 3.5 • 5 • 99 1.98 .99 .99 .99 TOTAL AMPHIBIANS AND REPTILES FISH Galeocerdo cuvieri Tiger shark Carcharhinidae Requiem shark Sphyma cf £5. tiburo Bonnethead Prist is sp. Sawfish Arius felis Sea catfish Bagre marinus Gafftopsail catfish 22 81 271.0 • 5 1.0 136 30 .5 8.91 • 99 • 99 • 99 99 ^9.0 21.78 11.0

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Table 5 Extended MNI Bone Weight Percent Percent Bone Fragment Weight Edihle Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat Percent Edible Meat Edible We i ght ( gm ) Meat ,02 ,16 ,0k • 95 .22 .02 1.63 .02 ,21 .23 8.80 .12 .02 9M 2387.0 15lh.k 1906.8 1+5^00.0 7^9.1 52075.3 .35 .23 .28 6.6l ,11 7-59 1.8 11.* 22.8 kki.6 10.5 3.0 51U.5 .01 .03 .06 1.17 .03 .01 1.38 .02 .oh .02 .02 2.75 .61 .02 .03 .02 .02 1.71 .38 k 086.0 8172.0 5UU8.O 272*t.O 11237.6 255^.0 .60 1.19 .79 .Ho 1.6U .37 10.0 20.0 10.0 10.0 75^.6 169. h .03 .05 .03 .03 2.01 M

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135 Table 5 Continued Species MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MI Ariidae Sea catfish Pomatomus saltatrix Bluefish Archosargus prohatocephalus Sheepshead Cynoscion nehulosus Spotted seat rout Cynoscion sp. Seat rout Menticirrhus cf M. anericanus Southern kingfish Pogonias cromis Black drum Sciaenops ocellata Channel "bass, red drum Mugil sp. Mullet Paralichthys sp. Flounder Opsanus tau Oyster toadfish Unidentified fish TOTAL FISH I2h 17 h3 3 11 13 16 95 12 69 2931 3^28 25.5 .5 35.0 1.0 1.5 1.5 6.0 36.5 1.5 2.0 267.5 .99 5.9^ • 99 • 99 1.98 1.98 2.97 12.0 16.83 1.98 2.97 1*53.0 68.31 SITE TOTALS 101 1+9U0 286U.0 99.99

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Table 5 Extended 136 MNI Bone Weight Percent Percent Bone Fragment Weight Edible Meat Weight Cgm) Percent Edible Meat Percent Edible Meat Edible Weight (gm) Meat 2.51 .02 .87 .02 .06 .22 .26 .32 1.92 .21+ .lit 59.33 89 ,02 1.22 .03 • 05 .05 .21 1.27 A2 .05 .07 9. 31+ 69.37 15.89 99.97 99.99 5^.8 8716.8 1089.6 5M+.8 1089.6 19976.0 13801.6 9261.6 1089.6 1089.6 91^25.6 68659^ .08 1.27 .16 .08 .16 2.91 2.01 1.35 .16 .16 13.33 99-92 392.7 8.0 560.0 16.0 21+.0 21+.0 96.0 581+.0 192.0 21+.0 32.0 1+280.0 7206.7 1.05 .02 1.1+9 .01+ .06 .06 .26 1.56 .51 .06 .09 11.1+0 19.20 375^9.0 100.00

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137 method, while the same femur, based on bone weight-edible meat weight ratios, would indicate a weight closer to that derived from one ham. Neither one of the edible weight figures is completely satisfactory, although the higher value (MNl) must certainly come closer to an actual representation of meat consumed by a family over a period of several years. The values derived from bone fragment weight have the one advantage of accounting for the weight contribution of "unidentified" mammal, fish, and other remains not ascribed to particular species. Raw data on edible meat weight are from White (1953), Ziegler (1973), and files in the Florida State Museum Zooarchaeology Laboratory. The mass of figures in Tables 5, 6, and 7 is not meant to be overwhelming but is presented for two reasons: one, to learn more of the specific nature of faunal use at each site; and two, that through sideby-side presentation of various standard methods of data analysis, some idea of the similarities and differences in results can be achieved. It is toward these ends that Table 8 has been constructed as a summary of percentage contribution. The diversity of the life zones exploited is the most striking thing about the de la Cruz site, although the wild vertebrate animals taken from these life zones do not contribute more than 27 percent of identified species to the edible meat in the diet. From reading the documents, however, the timing of the contribution, and not its overall dietary significance, may be the important factor. Invertebrate species recovered from the site include blue crab ( Callinectes sapidus ) stone crab ( Menippes mercenaria ) lightning whelk ( Busycon contrarium ) stout tagelus ( Tagelus plebius ), northern quahog

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138 ( Mercenaria mercenaria ) and most importantly, the eastern oyster ( Ostrea virginica ) All are shallow water, brackish, tidal species. The whelk, quahog, and tagelus specimens would have been individually hand collected, and the crabs were probably hand-net collected near shore and on shoal and sand bar areas in the bay if not in traps or pots. Oysters are represented by a significant percentage of small individuals which may indicate overharve sting. What may be a fairly intensive use of shellfish here is clearly an aboriginal trait and would refute the implications of transfer of Old World subsistence practices and underscores the importance of acculturative factors in the food supply. The presence of individuals of numerous seasonal wild bird species indicates a lot of time spent hunting or trapping in the marsh during the winter months. Most of the other wild species from the de la Cruz site can be taken in the tidal creeks, salt marshes, and adjacent forest fringe areas, although the squirrel, deer, hooded merganser, snapping turtle, gopher tortoise, and coachwhip were probably taken farther inland. The green turtle is too small an individual to have been caught on a nesting beach and was most likely netted or hooked on its feeding grounds. The wide range of wild species and the variety of habitats represented is not characteristic of Old World Spanish models. The similarity to aboriginal procurement systems supports the importance here of acculturative processes. The shark and sawfish remains were of relatively small individuals, possibly netted but probably caught with hook and line or speared in inshore waters. The bony fishes represented are inshore, shallow water marine species common in the inland waterway and tidal creeks around seawalls, docks, pilings, and oyster beds. They were probably caught with hook and line. The exception is mullet, probably caught in the

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139 same inshore waters "but by net rather than hook and line. Four lead weights were recovered from the site. These may be net weights and would indicate net fishing by members of the household (Deagan 1974:106). Drums and sharks were the most important species in terms of edible meat. Again, this usage of fish resources is not characteristic of Spanish models of commercial fishery. It does have similarities to Spanish subsistence fishing techniques but more closely resembles aboriginal models, again supporting the importance of acculturative factors. The most interesting species recorded at any of the St. Augustine sites under study in terms of uniqueness and cultural implications is the Mexican Thick-Knee ( Burhinus bistriatus ). The natural occurrence of this bird has never been noted in this country by ornithologists, suggesting the need for an explanation other than natural range extension. The range of the bird is in South and Central America, Southern Mexico, and Hispaniola, where it was probably a Spanish introduction. There was no logical reason for a single individual of this or any other species to have been imported such a distance for food; the more plausible explanation is in a documentary reference describing the Mexican Thick-Knee as ... typically shy, but if caught young and kept as a domestic pet it becomes utterly fearless, to function as a noisy 'watch dog' at night ..." (Thomson 1964 :8l6). Apparently in some parts of Latin America even within recent years this bird's raucous call and nocturnal habits made it a perfect watchbird. The femur of the bird, recovered in good 1st Spanish period context at the de la Cruz site, is pictured in Figure 10. Presence

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1U0 Figure 10. Left femur of Mexican Thick-Knee, Burhinus pistriatus from refuse pit associated with Maria de la Cruz house, SA 16-23, St. Augustine, Florida.

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lhl of the Mexican Thick-Knee, along with other items of material culture recovered from the site, indicate that the mestizo household was not on the fringe of St. Augustine society. Domestic mammals were the mainstay of the meat portion of the diet at the de la Cruz house, supporting one of the major implications of the transfer to the New World of subsistence practices stressing the importance of European domestic animals. However, cow and pig are the most important animals; sheep and goat are not present. Other domestic or introduced mammals not generally thought of as food, but present in pits and midden debris included the domestic cat, the house mouse, and the black rat. The bones exhibited no butchering scars, but occurred as individual elements with remains of other species in closed pits, and the animals they represent are thus considered as food items. Floral remains identified from the site include charred maize cobs, peach pits, an orange, wild cherry ( Prunu s s erat ina ) seeds of two species of watermelon ( Citrullus lanatus and G_. vulgaris ) and a pumpkin ( Cucurbita pepo ) (Deagan 197^:8^-85). The peach, orange, and watermelons are European introductions, and demonstrate an acculturative blend of foodways from two traditions. Plant food processing tools found in the site include basalt mano fragments, part of one met ate and one mort ero all of Mesoamerican aboriginal origin. A sherd griddle found at the site, of local San Marco paste, is similar to those of Mexico and the Caribbean and is considered to be a trait introduction. Florida aborigines had correlates to the other items of food production equipment but apparently used the technologically superior Mesoamerican items in St. Augustine colonial situations (Deagan

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lh-2 197^:81-82). The only obvious native aboriginal food processing and preparation equipment present is the ubiquitous San Marcos pottery, apparently used throughout at least the last century of the 1st Spanish period occupation as the dominant cooking vessel in St. Augustine (Otto and Lewis 197*0 • The presence of aboriginal food processing equipment and the virtual exclusion of similar tiems of Spanish technology at the Maria de la Cruz site seems to support Deagan's (1973) hypothesis of female aboriginal influence at mestizo sites where the male element was Spanish. C-ertrudis de la Pas qua House For many reasons the data from this criollo household are interesting. Once again the male of the household was a part of the military garrison and not directly or at least primarily involved in food production, procurement, or preparation. However, this time the female was native-born of Spanish descent, and presumably not as intimately acquainted with local resources as an Indian woman. Nevertheless, criollos were known for their familiarity with the local environment and its resources, and it was felt by officers of the castillo that ... in lean times they (criollos) would not have the usual flour ration, which could then be used exclusively for those who had come from abroad" (Arana i960: 88). There was at times active discrimination against criollo soldiers in the make-up of the garrison, the ratio of criollos to peninsulares in the garrison being of great concern to Spanish officials ( ibid p. 81-90). Criollos were simply not trusted by the officials, who reasoned that the first loyalty of the criollos would be to the land of their birth, never having known Spain and its institutions (Zavala 19^3:78).

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Ik3 Excavations at the de la Pasqua house were more limited in time and scope than those of the de la Cruz site, and consequently the sample from closed contexts was smaller. Nevertheless, remains of 50 individual vertebrates were recovered, representing 25 species. A listing and tabulation of the data are. presented in Table 6. The proportion of domestic to wild vertebrates in the diet remained about 3:1 as at the de la Cruz site, with the most important animals again being cow and pig. Although the variety of species and the number of individuals is less than that of the de la Cruz site, the percentage representation by class is very similar. Life zone exploitation was generally similar, but there is perhaps less reliance on the salt marsh and in particular its avifauna. Again some species of reptiles and mammals represent collecting and hunting in inland areas removed from the town. There also continue to be non-traditional food species present in closed context pits, such as the house mouse, black rat, and domestic dog. These are again considered as food species since single elements were found as opposed to complete or largely complete skeletons. With the exception of wild bird trapping or hunting, the basic food procurement system is very similar to the de la Cruz household. The one other noticeable difference is in the faunal composition of individual pits, where there were often alternate concentrations of either fish or mammal remains. Christ oval Contreras House Although Solana (1760) informs us that the Canary Islanders original brought over to populate the presidio and cultivate the land were at that time in "the most wretched conditions;" evidence from the Contreras

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lkk Table 6. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna at Acosta Site, SA 13-5, Gertrudis de la Pas qua Occupation. Species MTU Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MTfl MAMMALS Mus musculus House mouse Rattus rattus Black rat Canis familiaris Domestic dog Procyon lotor Raccoon Sus scrof a Domestic pig Odocoileus virginianus White-tailed deer Bos taurus Domestic cow Unidentified mammal TOTAL MAMMALS 10 • 5 .5 9h2 579.5 2.00 1.0 k. 00 2.00 2.0 2.00 i+3.0 U.00 13.0 2.00 99 1225.0 k.00 10 1066 1864.5 20.00 BIRDS Gallus gallus Domestic chicken Passerine Songbird Unidentified bird TOTAL BIRDS 22 30 3.0 h.00 k.5 2.00 8.0 6.oo

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Table 6 Extended Percent Percent Bone Fragment Weight MNI Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edihle Meat Bone Weight Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat .08 .19 .Ok .19 .39 .08 3.89 37.00 Ul.86 .03 .05 .03 .10 2.20 .66 62.60 29.61 95.28 30.0 1U0.0 5975.0 29^7.0 953^0.0 31780.0 2U9700.O 385912.0 .006 ,03 1.269 .626 20.25 6.75 7.8 15.5 7.8 25.2 1*30.0 178.1 53.036 18865.O 7533.5 81.967 27062.9 .027 .055 .027 .089 1.515 .627 66.U53 26.537 95.330 .27 .0l .86 1.17 .15 .03 .23 .111 1562.0 16.0 332 003 1588.0 ,335 U6.8 10.0 70.2 127.0 .165 .035 .2U7 .hhj

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lit 6 Table 6 Continued Species MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MNI AMPHIBIANS AND REPTILES Bufo sp. Toad • 5 2.00 Deirochelys reticularia Chicken turtle Malaclemys terrapin Diamondhack terrapin Gopherus polyphemus Gopher tortoise Unidentified turtle Alligator mississipiensis Alligator TOTAL AMPHIBIANS AND REPTILES 1 6 8 3 2.5 7.0 2.0 6.5 2.00 2.00 li.00 2.00 23 19.0 12.00 FISH Galeocerdo cuvieri Tiger shark Carcharhinidae Requiem shark Arius f elis Sea catfish Archosargus prohatocephalus Sheepshead Cynoscion regalis Weakf ish 15 .5 1.0 3.5 1.0 .5 2.00 2.00 it. 00 1+.00 2.00

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1U7 Table 6 Extended MNI Bone Weight Percent Percent Bone Fragment Weight Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat ,6k .ok ,12 .27 .31 .12 .90 .03 .03 .13 .36 .10' .33 2^.0 1032.9 787.2 3813.6 ,005 .219 ,167 .81 1.11 3^050.0 39707.7 7.232 8.U33 6.0 k.8 2k. 5 6.0 lOU.O 1U6.T ,021 .005 .017 .086 .021 .366 .516 Ok ,08 .59 ,08 ,01+ .03 .05 .18 .05 .03 20^30.0 8172.0 1021.6 908.0 5kk.Q *K 339 1.736 .217 .193 .116 10.0 20.0 53.9 16.0 8.0 .035 .07 .19 .056 .025

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1U8 Table 6 Continued Species MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) I-OTT Cyno scion sp. Seatrout Menticirrhus americanus Southern kingfish ho • 5 2.00 1.5 10.00 Menticirrhus sp. Whiting Micropogon undulatus Croaker Mugil sp. Mullet 1U 230 .5 2.00 .5 U.00 12.0 28.00 Paralichthys sp. Flounder 1.0 2.00 Unidentified fish TOTAL FISH 31 1130 U3.0 1U27 65.5 67.00 SITE TOTALS 50 25^6 1957.0 100.00

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1U9 Table 6 Extended MNI Bone Weight Percent Percent Percent Percent Bone Edible Meat Edible Edible Meat Edible Fragment Weight Weight (gm) Meat Weight (gm) Meat .Ok .03 5^-8 .116 8.0 .028 1.57 .08 272U.0 .579 2U.0 .085 .Ok .03 5^.8 .116 8.0 .028 .08 .03 5hh. 8 .116 8.0 .028 9.03 .61 7627.2 1.62 192.0 .676 .08 .05 $kk. 8 .116 16.0 .056 UU.38 2.20 688.0 2.U2U 56.05 3.37 1+3606.8 9.26k 1051.9 3.70U 99.98 100.17 U7081U.5 99-999 28388.5 99.859

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150 occupation indicates that there were some emigrants who did well for themselves even in such a time of crisis. Contreras' occupation is unknown, "but the fact that he owned at least one slave and could afford some of the finer more expensive items of material culture (John W. Clauser, Jr. 1975, personal communication) set him somewhat apart in a material sense from the de la Cruz and de la Pas qua households, although as Deagan (197M points out, even the mestizo household could not be considered impoverished. It is obvious from the data presented in Table 7 that the faunal sample is much larger for the Contreras household. Particularly noticeable are the number and variety of domesticants. The domestic fauna from the Contreras occupation resemble much more closely the picture presented by iManucy (1962:127) of St. Augustine's houses with specialized outbuildings for various animals, including chicken houses and yards, pigeon lofts (for a winter food supply), stables, and hog houses. Included in the fauna from the site were bones of numerous chickens, a few turkeys, a domestic goose, and a domestic pigeon, in addition to several cows and pigs, one sheep, and a lamb. These domestic fauna from the Contreras house resemble much more closely the Old World model of livestock use, although there are fewer sheep and no goats present. In spite of the number and variety of domesticants, however, the percent dietary dependence on domestic animal sources decreased seven to ten percent from the other two households to 67 percent. This decrease reflects an increase in the size, and consequently the dietary contribution, of fish, in addition to a significantly higher proportion of deer remains present in the site. Bony fishes, particularly drums in

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151 Table 7. Measures of Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Fauna at YimenezFatio House, SA 3h-2, Christoval Contreras Occupation. Soecies MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MNI MAI-MALS Didelphis marsupialis Opossum Sylvilagus sp. Rabbit Rattus rattus Black rat Ursus anericanus Black bear Procyon lotor Raccoon Felis cat us Domestic cat Sus scrofa Domestic pig Odocoileus virginianus White-tailed deer Bos t auras Domestic cov Ovis aries Domestic sheep Unidentified mammal TOTAL MAMMALS BIRDS Moras bassanus C-annet 7 6 7 29 10 k.5 10.5 • 5 60.5 13.0 28.5 227 1720.5 126 1283.0 251 8128.5 15.5 2131 5808.5 .65 1.30 .65 .65 .65 .65 3.90 U-55 1.30 2769 17073.5 18.85 3.5 .65

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Table 7 Extended 152 Percent Percent Bone Fragment Weight MNI Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat Bone Weight Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat • 05 .23 .02 .02 .18 .20 5.11 2.81+ .07 1+7.96 .02 05 003 31 07 .11+ 8.72 6.50 5.65 1+1.20 .08 29.1+1+ 231+5.0 2179-2 li+o.o 11+3010. 0 291+7.0 2270.0 333690.0 190680.0 873950.0 31780.0 .12 .12 .01 7.58 .16 .12 17.70 10.11 1.69 5h.9 121.8 7.8 9^3.8 163.8 276.5 17205.0 17577.1 1+6.35 125178.9 62.33 86.53 1582991.2 83.96 212.1+ 75510.5 237252.5 .02 05 .003 .36 .06 .11 6.63 6.78 1+8.26 .08 29.ll 91.1+6 .02 ,02 251+2.0 .13 1+9.0 02

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153 Table 7 Continued Species MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MNI Cat hart es aura 1 Turkey vulture Anser anser 1 Domestic goose Gallus gallus 10 Domestic chicken Meleagris gallopavo 2 Dome st i c (?) turkey Catoptrophorous semipalmatus 1 Willet Columba livia 1 Domestic pigeon Unidentified bird TOTAL BIRDS 17 131 3.0 k.O lUl.5 18.0 • 5 .5 k.O .65 .65 6.U9 1.30 .65 .65 lk2 175.0 11. Oh AMPHIBIANS AND REPTILES Chrysemys scripta Yellov-bellied turtle Deirochelys reticularia Chicken turtle Malaclemys terrapin Diamondback terrapin Terrapene Carolina Box turtle Gopherus polyphemus Gopher tortoise Caretta caretta Atlantic loggerhead Ih 18.0 1.0 9-0 .5 538 1529.0 9.5 .65 .65 1.30 .65 9.09 .65

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Table 7 Extended MM Bone Weight Percent Percent Percent Percent Bone Edible Meat Edible Edible Meat Edible Fragment Weight Weight (gia) Meat Weight (gm) Meat .02 .02 251+2.0 .13 1+2.0 .02 .02 .02 21+50.0 .13 61.6 .02 2.95 .72 7810.0 .1+1 2207.1+ .85 .05 .09 8399.0 .1+5 280.8 .12 .02 .003 97.0 .01 8.8 .003 .02 .003 178.0 .01 6.1 .003 .09 .02 62.1+ .02 3.19 .90 21+018. 0 1.27 2718.1 1.06 • 02 .09 1925.0 .10 32.1+ .01 •02 .01 1032.9 .05 2.7 .001 •11 -05 1571+.1+ .08 17.1 .01 •02 .003 1+1+2.7 .02 1.1+ .001 12.12 7.75 26695.2 1.1+2 5351.5 2.06 •1^ -05 1+51+0.0 .21+ 17.1 .01

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155 Table 7 Cont inued Bone Weight Percent Species MNI Fragment (gm) Mill Cheloniidae Sea turtle Unidentified turtle Alligator mississipiensis Alligator TOTAL AMPHIBIANS AND REPTILES 23 30 1 2 ^9-5 • 5 27.0 1.30 .65 586 i6hk.o Ik. 9b FISH Galeocerdo cuvieri Tiger shark Carcharhinidae Requiem shark Sphyrna tiburo Bonnet head Sphyrnidae Hammerhead Arius felis Sea catfish Bagre marinus Gaff topsail catfish Archosargus pr obat o c ephalus Sheepshead Cynoscion sp. Seat rout 13 18 13 82 8 8 7.5 1^.0 9.5 2.5 10.0 .65 1.30 .65 .65 71.5 8.M .65 1.30 3.5 1.30 Menticirrhus sp. Whiting .65

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Table 7 Ext ended 156 MI Bone Weight Percent Percent Bone Fragment Weight Edible Meat Weight (gm) Percent Edible Meat Edible Meat Weight (gn) Percent Edible Meat .68 .02 .05 13.18 .25 .003 .Ik 8.35 79^5.0 31+050.0 78205.2 .k2 1.81 k.ik 89.1 1.5 1+32.0 59^.8 .03 .001 .17 2.29 .11 .1+1 .29 .09 1.85 .05 .18 .18 .02 Ok 07 05 01 ,36 02 05 02 ,003 IO896.O 31326.0 1+086.0 1+086.0 8853.0 510.8 2905.6 1997.6 51+1+.8 .58 1.66 .22 .22 .1+7 .03 .15 .11 .03 150.0 28C. 0 190.0 50.0 1101.1 69.3 160.0 56.0 8.0 .06 .11 • 07 .02 .1+2 .03 .06 .02 .003

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157 Table 7 Cont inued Species MM Bone Weight Percent Fragment (gm) MOT Micropogon undulatus Croaker • 5 .65 Pogonias cromis Blackdrum Sciaenons ocellata Channel "bass, red drum Mugil sp. Mullet Paralichthys sp. Flounder Unidentified fish TOTAL FISH 10 k2 85 36 171*. 5 3.90 5k 11*3.0 6.U9 176 18 520 58.5 27.27 8.5 329.5 1.30 9k6 838.0 55.20 SITS TOTALS 15k 1*1*1*3 19730.5 100.03

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Table T Extended 158 MNI Bone Weight Percent Fragment Percent Bone Weight Edible Meat Weight (gmj Percent Edible Meat Edible Meat Weight (gci; Percent Edible Meat 02 003 IO89.6 .06 8.0 .003 01 op 00 4oo52.o 2. 40 2792. 0 1.08 1.22 .72 53753.6 2.85 2288.0 .88 3.96 .30 30508.8 1.62 936.0 .36 nk U4 dyyjj D • 15 lib. 0 .05 11.70 1.67 5272 0 2.03 21.30 k.25 200316.2 10.63 13496. k 5.20 100.00 99.85 1885527.6 100.00 259^11.8 99.98

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159 the one to five lb class at the mestizo and criollo houses, are consistently represented by 20-^0 lb individuals at the Contreras house. There is no reason to believe that either Contreras or his servant(s) were better fishermen than members of the other households, consistently procuring very large fishes. Alternatively they represent the efforts of a full-time, professional market or contract fisherman. A map by Jefferys of the "Plan of the Town and Harbor of St. Agustin" (Roberts 1763:21*) shows, at the entrance to the harbor, what looks like a weir stretched between two sand bars and labeled "Fishermen." This is not the optimum habitat for large drum, but it does indicate the presence of fishing specialists. Other than their larger size, the fish species represented in the Contreras refuse are remarkably similar to those found at the other two houses. In 1598, Gonzalo Mendez de Canzo Governor, wrote Phillip II that ... after my arrival I caused a market place to be established, where everybody could come to sell, and houses of fish and meat markets, where there would be weight and measure, which heretofore had been lacking ... That the market was still in existence in the late l8th century is demonstrated by the engineer and mapmaker Mariano de la Roc que, who in his general report of the city of St. Augustine for 1?89 describes the building which ... remains a butcher shop and public market ..." (St. Augustine Historical Society I96U). The presence of a bear and several deer indicate a hunting contribution to the diet of about 18 percent, far greater than at either the de la Cruz or de la Pasqua sites. This concentration might again indicate the presence of a specialist supplying the Contreras household,

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160 either through market or contract channels. Lewis Binford (1975 personal communication) has suggested that a study of the deer elements represented might provide data to support this hypothesis. Presence of bones indicating "meaty" cuts such as the rump or round to the exclusion of ribs, shank, feet, and brisket would indicate selection of choicer cuts, whereas the presence of bones representing more of the entire carcass might indicate more total use of the deer by its hunter. A study of elements represented (Table 11 ) shows the presence of parts of the entire deer skeleton, although cranial elements, vertebrae, ribs, and distal limbs are not as frequently represented as the meaty portions of the four quarters. This evidence is somewhat inconclusive, but regardless of who hunted the animals, they do represent numerous forays away from the protection of the fort. These hunting and collecting trips are further confirmed by the several terrestrial and freshwater turtle species present in the sample. The presence of numerous gopher tortoises may indicate a precursor to St. Augustine's famed Minorcan gopher stew. Once again the domestic cat and black rat are present in pits and features of reliable late 1st Spanish period context. Unusual species present include a gannet a large bird which is an offshore winter visitor (taken from a fishing boat?), and a turkey vulture. Oviedo (1959:66) makes a convincing explanation for its presence: ... they have poor flesh and a worse taste, are very gluttonous, and eat much filth, dead Indians and animals. They smell like musk. The odor is very pleasing as long as they are alive, but it is lost as soon as the birds are killed. They are good for nothing except to provide feathers

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l6i Table 8. Summary of Percentage Contribution of Vertebrate Fauna by Site, St. Augustine. Vertebrate Class Percent MNI Percent 7* 1 t* p j3*m p n + X J, C^lilCii u Percent JJ\JilC rt C-LgjIlU MNI Percent -CiCLiuxe i/ieax ijone weignu Percent xLu.1 b_Le Meat MARIA DE LA CRUZ HOUSE, SA 16-23 HannnaJ s 13-9 28.2 73 7 77 ft 1 0
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162 for arrows and darts. They can stand a hard blow, and the holt that kills one must have tremendous force or hit its head or break a wing. They are very troublesome, and like to stay in or near the city in order to be able to eat the garbage. Butchering and Cooking Techniques Residents of St. Augustine seem to have gotten most of their fresh neat from the city slaughterhouse or from butcher shops in the market. Salted meat, cut into manageable portions and packed in barrels, came into the city from Charleston, Savannah, and Havana. Some local beef and pork was probably salted and stored when there were temporary surpluses. Juan Solana reported in 1760 that ... the citizenry maintain themselves most of the year with salted meat, fish which is abundant in the river, and some vegetables. At present some cattle are slaughtered at a house that is inside the enclosure which is for the butcher shop operated by an Englishman of the population." Butchering technique does not seem to have differed appreciably from house to house. All observed butchering cuts and scars were made with metal tools, almost exclusively with knives and cleavers (see Figure 11 ) although some of the larger bones may have been cut with an axe. The majority of the bones were simply broken. Of the hundreds of domestic animal bones present in the sample, less than a half dozen exhibit saw cuts. Stanley South (1975 personal communication), based on his extensive work in British and American sites, is of the opinion that sawn bone does not occur with ceramics of the l8th century prior to the introduction of pearlware ca. 1780. Ivor Noel Hume (1975 personal communication) was unable to supply firm data from

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CENTIMETERS Figure 11. Left proximal radius and ulna of domestic pig, Sus scrofa from refuse pit associated with Maria de la Cruz house, SA 16-23, St. Augustine, Florida. Specimens shows characteristic butchering scars from metal knife and/or cleaver.

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16U Williamsburg, but pointed out that Diderot's encyclopedia does not show a saw among his butchering tools. As Noel Hume goes on to point out, however, saws have been used in surgery since at least the second century A.D. and their use by a butcher is certainly possible before the late 18th century. Evidence from the Spanish sites at St. Augustine indicates that saw-cut bones (see Figure 12) were present by the mid-l8th century, but that the use of saws in butchering animals was a rare occurrence. Tables 9, 10, and 11 record the frequency of cow, pig, and deer elements recovered from the three St. Augustine house sites. At all three sites cow bones are predominant, and there are more of the elements pre^ sent than of pig or deer. At the Contreras house use of the entire animal is indicated although the lack of these elements in the other sites may partially be a function of sample size. Nevertheless, taking the femur and humerus as elements in piece butchering packages representing the largest concentrations of meat, it can be demonstrated that the Contreras sample (Table 11 ) has a much higher element recovered/element expected ratio for these elements from all three animals than at either the de la Cruz (Table 9) or de la Pasqua (Table 10) sites, indicating the presence of more meat use in the Contreras household. Another factor in element recovery and identification is cooking technique. Chaplin (1971 M has noted that bone "roasted within the joint" loses much of its organic matter, becomes brittle, and consequently preserves badly. The same conditions hold true when bones are heavily boiled, as in boiling out fat. Numerous split long bone fragments probably indicate marrow extraction, since there were few industrial uses for bone other than buttons and knife handles. Soil acidity was not a

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Figure 12. Left proximal radius of domestic cow, Bos taurus from refuse pit associated with Maria de la Cruz house, SA 16-23, St. Augustine, Florida. This specimen is one of the few from confidently dated First Spanish Period contexts to show butchering scars from a metal hand saw.

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166 Table 9Frequency of Bone Fragments at Maria de la Cruz House, SA 16-23. Cow Pig Deer 1 2 Element Rec. Exp. Rec Exp. Rec. Exp. SKULL Cranial elements 9 22 22 22 Maxilla 2 2 2 2 2 Dentary 2 2 3 2 3 2 VERTEBRA Cervical 17 IT 17 Thoracic 1 13 1 lU-15 13 Lumbar 2 6 2 6 1 6 Sacral 5 k h Caudal 19 20-2U 11 RIBS Proximal 1 26 2 28-30 2o Distal 6 26 28-30 26 Sternum 7 7 7 SCAPULA Proximal 2 2 2 Distal 2 2 2 HUMERUS Proximal 2 2 2 Distal 12 12 2 RADIUS Proximal 2 2 2 2 2 Distal 2 2 2

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167 the Tenetehara farther away from the town. Although the land on which Morro Branco was located was municipal land, the townspeople and incoming Brazilians began to demarcate plots around the village and register these plots as private property. The Tenetehara progressively lost their de facto right to use this land and therefore began to move away. Those who stayed were able to make a living only by hiring themselves to the townspeople to do such jobs as fetch water and firewood, as domestics, and as wage laborers in clearing and planting the gardens of the townspeople or the landowners nearby. Three Tenetehara women in the mid1950s became prostitutes for the townsmen even though they continued to live in the last permanent houses of the village. Coupled with this prostitution, a few Tenetehara men apparently resorted to begging in the streets, thus causing a scandal in the SPI Regional Office since the agent from Barra do Corda began to accuse the Grajau agent of being responsible for this situation. Indian prostitution itself, if effected inside the village may not be a matter for great moral alarm on the part of local SPI ideology, but accusation that one's Indians are begging for food shakes the whole credibility of an agent and ultimately the image of the SPI in the eyes of local Brazilians. This accusation against the Grajau agent, the validity of which was probably unfounded, caused the agent first, to try to marry off the Tenetehara prostitutes two of whom he seemed to have succeeded with, and second, to eliminate Morro Branco. However, as he was transferred to another town, he did not succeed in the second instance. To this day Morro Branco continues to be a place of lodging for the Tenetehara, but it has now shrunk to one single house structure with a roof and no walls. Even the nearby water source is now within

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168 Table 9Cont inued Cow Pig Deer Element 1 2 Rec. Exp. Rec Exp Rec. sxp. Metapodial ( indeterminate MC or MT) Phalanges 2k 2 1 1*8 2k Rec. = Recovered Exp. = Expected /individual

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169 Table 10. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Acosta Site, SA 13-5. Cow Pit Deer 1 2 Element Rec. Exp. Rec. Exp. Rec Exp. SKULL Cranial elements 3 22 1 22 22 Maxilla 2 2 12 2 Dentary 2 2 2 2 2 VERTEBRA Cervical 3 7 7 1 7 Thoracic 1 13 ll+-15 13 Lumbar 1 6 6 6 Sacral 1+ 5 ^ ^ Caudal 19 20-2k 11 RIBS Proximal k 26 1 28-30 26 Distal 8 26 28-30 26 Sternum 7 7 7 SCAPULA Proximal 2 2 2 Distal 12 2 2 HUMERUS Proximal 2 2 2 Distal 12 2 2 RADIUS Proximal 12 2 2 Distal 2 2 2 2

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170 Table 10. Continued Cow Pig Deer 1 2 Element Rec. Exp. Rec. Exp. Rec. Exp. ULNA Proximal 2 2 2 Distal 2 2 2 Carpal s 3 12 1 12 12 METACARPAL Proximal 2 2 2 Distal 2 2 2 PELVIS Ilium 12 2 2 Ischium 12 2 2 Pubis 2 2 2 FEMUR Proximal 3 2 2 2 Distal 12 2 2 Patella 12 2 2 TIBIA Proximal 2 2 12 Distal 12 12 2 Tarsals 8 1 10 8 METATARSAL Proximal 12 8 2 Distal 2 8 2

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Table 10. Continued 171 Metapodial (indeterminate MC or MI) 3 Phalanges j 2k Rec. = Recovered Exp. = Expected/ individual

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172 Table 11. Frequency of Bone Fragments at Ximenez-Fatio House, SA 3k-2. Cow Pig Deer Element Rec. 1 Exp. 2 Rec. Exp. Rec. Exp. SKULL Cranial elements 1; 22 lk 22 RIBS Proximal 13 2 6 23 28-30 Distal 22 26 28-30 Sternum 1 J j Distal 10 2 HUMERUS Proximal 6 2 22 2 2 Maxilla h 2 11 2 Dentary U 2 6 2 1 VERTEBRA Cervical lh J k 7 7 Thoracic 1 7 13 u 1 ^ J>5 7 ^ Lumbar 11 6 5 6 5 6 Sacral 2 5 2 1; J, Caudal 2 19 5 20-2^ 11 26 26 7 SCAPULA Proximal 2 2 3 2 62 1 2 2 2 2 U 2 Distal 7 2 62 82

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Table 11. Continued 173 Cow Pig Deer Element T5 1 V 2 Rec Exp Rec, Exp. Rec Exp. RADIUS Proximal Distal ULNA Proximal Distal Carpal s METACARPAL Proximal Distal PELVIS Ilium Ischium Pubis FEMUR Proximal Distal Patella TIBIA Proximal Distal Tarsals 3 2 2 2 1 3 1 5 2 2 8 ll 3 5 9 2 2 2 2 12 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 8 2 1 8 2 3 1 3 6 It 9 19 2 2 2 2 12 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 10 2 3 10 It 3 3 II 11 1 8 It 11 2 2 2 2 12 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 8

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17U Table 11. Continued Element Cow Pig 1 2 Rec. Exp. Rec. Exp. Deer Rec. Exp. METATARSAL Proximal Distal Metapodial (indeterminate MC or MT) Phalanges 5 1 2 2 15 2k 17 25 8 8 k8 1 1 11 2 2 2k Rec. = Recovered Exp. = Expect ed/individual

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175 problem, and well-preserved fish bone and scales indicate that relatively poor large mammal bone preservation, particularly at the mestizo and criollo sites, might indeed be the result of cooking and secondary boiling practices. Good preservation of relatively complete portions of elements at the Contreras site may indicate lack of need to squeeze the last nutrients from bone by destructive secondary boiling. Otto and Lewis (197*0 have demonstrated conclusively that San Marcos aboriginal pottery vessels were by far the most common cooking implements in the 17th and l8th century St. Augustine, indicating the importance of puchero or olla podrida stews. Certainly these stews have correlates in Old World Spanish and New World aboriginal cooking traditions. Cooking practices and use of Old and New World foodstuffs indicate what Deagan (197^:1^3) has described as a complementary, adaptive process of acculturation comprised of voluntary links between mixed cultures in a frontier-garrison (Spicer 19ol) situation. Animal Husbandry During the period of extensive cattle ranching there were strict controls on the age at which cattle were eligible for market. Governor Zuniga, in order to increase the size of herds, ordered in 1700 that ranchers ... shall not for any reason, or purpose, or need that they may have, sell or kill any calf which has not attained more than two to three years ..." (Boyd, Smith, and Griffin 1951:31). Evidence from element fusion and tooth eruption on bones from the St. Augustine sites indicates that contrary to this ideal, hk percent of the cattle were killed before age three, and that 22 percent lived at least seven years, although not all of the animals represented necessarily originated in

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176 St. Augustine. Recovery of the bones of old cattle does not necessarily indicate usage of "retired" draft animals. In the l8th century, the peak of milk production occurred in the cow's sixth year, or third lactation (Trow-Smith 1957:31). Roughly 78 percent of St. Augustine's pigs were slaughtered between their first and third years, with the mode occurring between 18 and 2k months. Of the two sheep recovered, one was an old adult and one was a lamb approximately three months old. A great deal of potentially useful information on domestic animal bone is available from published work in the field of animal nutrition. One early study revealed that: Dairy cows that receive very limited amounts of roughage, often restricted to grasses grown on low lime sandy soils, do not obtain sufficient calcium to meet their requirements for maintenance, reproduction, and reasonable level of milk production. Cows do not decrease the proportion of calcium in the milk under these conditions. Rather, they withdraw mineral matter from the skeleton to make up for that which the feed lacks. Mineral is withdrawn from the bones until they are weakened even to the point that they may be broken easily (Becker, Heal, and Shealy 1931:15). Several cattle bones from St. Augustine sites show a resorbtion of the cancellous bone (Figure 13). In cattle and other mammals the cancellous bone acts as a reservoir for the mobilization of calcium and phosphorous under nursing or dietary stress (Maynard and Loosli 1969:l6U). When calcium and phosphorous are low enough in the diet to be considered deficient, mobilization occurs as well from the compact bone structure of limb elements (Becker, Neal, and Shealy 1933; Maynard and Loosli 1969:551). Excessive calcium and phosphorous deficiency (rickets) would be characterized by a beading of the ribs, buckling and fracturing of limb elements, and

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CENTIMETERS Figure 13. Left: Left distal radius and ulna from domestic cow, Bos taurus shoving normal cancellous bone but exhibiting thin-walled compact bone structure characteristic of dietary calcium and/or phosphorous deficiency. Right: Right distal tibia of domestic cow, Bos taurus showing resorbed cancellous bone structure characteristic of female animals under milking stress. Calcium and phosphorous have become mobilized without weakening or thinning the compact bone shaft. Specimen on right may have been saw-cut. Both specimens from First Spanish Period contexts, Ximenez-Fatio house, SA 3^-2, St. Augustine, Florida.

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178 enlarged joints (Maynard and Loosli 1969:166). None of the St. Augustine bones indicated this degree of dietary stress, although there are suggestions of swollen phalanges indicating marsh soil copper deficiencies (Becker, Henderson, and Leighty 1965:Hl). We do not know that cattle were moved in from the more lush inland pastures and had to feed on the salt marsh grass close to the town which has less nutritional value than grasses from pastures further inland. In addition, Bartram (191+2:55) informs us that hoth cattle and milk were scarce in the last years of the Spanish occupation. Archeological evidence tends to confirm at least to some degree the accounts of hard times, with present evidence indicating that while cattle were available for food and made up the largest part of the protein and caloric intake, there had been at least some dietary stress and sacrifice of milk-producing females; Another thing we can learn from domestic animal bones is that chicken particularly at the Contreras site, were often killed while in the laying season. This is documented by the presence of medullary bone in the interiors of certain long bones of female birds during the nesting and laying season (Rick MS.)Medullary bone forms in layers or amorphous clumps and when at its peak during mid-cycle fills the interior of the bone with this spongy substance (see Figure lU). Medullary bone is found most commonly in the femur, tibiotarsus, and ulna (Rick MS.). At the Contreras site, 55 percent of these elements contained medullary bone. In chickens of course the laying season is protracted, but there is nevertheless clear evidence that over half of the chickens consumed at the Contreras household were at the time producing eggs. One of the two

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0 5 10 CENTIMETERS Figure lU. From top: left distal femur, right proximal tibio-tarsus and left proximal femur of domestic chicken, Gallus gallus showing formation of layers and the amorphous structure of medullary bone, a spongy substance formed within the cavities of certain long bones of female birds during the nesting and laying season. Medullary bone should not be confused with the thin, bony support struts normally present in the long bone cavities of birds of both sexes. Specimens from First Spanish Period refuse pits, Ximenez-Fatio house, SA 3^-2, St. Augustine, Florida.

PAGE 190

180 chickens at the Maria de la Cruz house was killed during the laying season, and none from the Gertrudis de la Pasqua site. There are a variety of explanations for this sacrifice of producing hens. The least tenable is that at the Contreras house where we have a large sample, his flock was so numerous that the productivity of an individual chicken at any one time was of no concern. More plausible is that this is further evidence of hard times, where chickens were killed for short term gain rather than for the long term benefits of egg production. However, the age of the individual chickens under question argues against this explanation, and the best conclusion may be that chickens were killed as they neared the end of the laying season and egg production was decreasing. In this approach the chickens would not have to be fed over a period of months when they produced no eggs. Only one of the bones recovered was choked with medullary bone, so the others may well represent chickens killed past the peak of egg production. Fishing In the brief discussions of individual sites great similarities were noted in both the species composition and contribution to the diet. The major difference observed was the specialization on large drum at the Contreras house site. Drums (red and black) represent the largest fish contribution by weight for all of the St. Augustine sites combined (ho percent), followed closely by sharks (30 percent). Mullet are most commonly represented (kO percent of the total Mitt), although only third in total weight contribution (lk percent). Catfish and sheepshead are the other important species.

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181 Little "biological work has been done on estuarine populations in the immediate St. Augustine area, but 75 miles to the north, St. Andrews Sound and adjacent coastal rivers and tidal creeks have been extensively sampled by Georgia fisheries biologists (Mahood et al. 197*0. Certain differences would be expected due to variations in local conditions, but in the main the data presented in their study are considered highly analogous to St. Augustine's estuarine populations. The Georgia study, in combination with earlier work by Bigelow and Schroeder (19^8), led to the development of Figure 15 which indicates the greatest seasonal abundance of represented species. Casteel (197*0 has demonstrated the application of fish scale analysis to questions of seasonality. Relatively rapid scale growth occurs primarily during the warmer months with annular ridges from slow growth formed during the winter. The examination of fish scales from the St. Augustine sites is especially pertinent when viewed in light of fish availability as represented in Figure 15Examination of the scales shows that fishing took place largely in the fall and winter, while maximum fish availability occurs during April and May and August and September (although the fish identified thus far from St. Augustine sites can be caught at any time of the year). Possibly fishing was most intensive at this time due to a drop in availability of other resources. Catfish and sharks do not have scales and thus we have no empirical evidence for the seasonal catch of 35 percent of the fish contribution by weight. Although the documents indicate that barrels of salted herring were shipped into St. Augustine (Harman 1969:Appendix I), no herring bones were found at the sites. This is quite possibly due to the recovery

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182

PAGE 193

183 techniques employed. Although the de la Cruz and de la Pasqua materials were water-screened through one-quarter-inch mesh (the Contreras excavation used a larger mesh), herring hones are often missed unless screened through one-eighth-inch mesh (Rochelle Marrinan 1969 personal communication). There is some disparity between the historical accounts of increasing dependence on coastal resources and the scarcity of domestic meat, and what is reflected in the archeological record. Comparison of the three St. Augustine sites by various traditional methods shows that one could actually prove this point either way, depending on the methodology employed. Use of fish resources at the three houses averages 6l.8 percent when figured on the basis of MNI; 48.9 percent by fragment count; 7-8 percent by fragment weight; 11.1 percent by biomass (edible meat) based on MNI figures; and 9-k percent by biomass based on bone weight. The latter two figures are in close agreement and are considered to reflect most accurately the percentage contribution to the diet of fish. Fishing was entirely within the estuarine habitat as opposed to l8th century Spain where offshore fishing was predominant. Only rarely are fish cranial elements present. This seems to follow market patterns noted in Spain, where fish were gutted and beheaded before being sold. Hunting and Collecting As the Spanish in the mid-l8th century became more restricted to the fields, pastures, and marshes adjacent to St. Augustine by British-Indian attacks, their subsistence system was regulated even more by mechanisms which Flannery (1971:351) has identified as seasonality and scheduling. Seasonal availability of wild resources is imposed on man by nature,

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18k whereas scheduling is a cultural activity which resolves conflict between procurement systems based on seasonal availability. For instance, when agriculture becomes important, planting and harvesting seasons may interfere with seasonal availability of certain wild resources, such that rescheduling occurs and the wild species are no longer hunted or collected. In this regard we can examine use of wild resources by inhabitants of the St. Augustine houses. Birds provide the best seasonal and habitat data, and indicate that at least the inhabitants of the mestizo household spent some time foraging or trapping in the winter. The blue-winged teal, long-billed curlew, dowitcher, and snipe all occur on either the beach-dune or salt marsh-tidal creek life zones from early fall through spring (Robbins et al 1966), largely a time of agricultural inactivity. The long-billed curlew ( Numenius americanus ) is the largest of the shore birds, but no longer occurs on the Florida coast. It was formerly an abundant migrant until extirpated in the late 19th century (Sprunt 195U: 170). The hooded merganser is also a winter resident but would be found further inland around wooded lakes and streams. The criollo household remains produced one unidentifiable wild bird. The Contreras samnle included bones of the willet a year-round resident who winters in the salt marshes and the gannet, a large winter migrant who frequents offshore areas and congregates around fishing boats ( ibid p. 17 ). None of the wild mammals present are particularly seasonal species, although deer tend to occur in groups during the winter mating season and either singly or as doe and fawns during the summer and fall (Burt and Grossenheider 196U:230). What is perhaps more of interest here is the

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185 time of day during which the represented wild mammals are available. The opossum, raccoon, fox, rabbit, and bear are all more active nocturnally. The opossum, raccoon, fox, and rabbit are species readily trapped, although no metal trap hardware was found in the St. Augustine sites. It is of interest that the opossum, raccoon, and fox are occasional crop and poultry pests (Burt and Grossenheader 196*0 and may have been taken actually in or close to town. Deer and bear are best taken by hunters either during the early morning or early evening hours and were almost certainly hunted away from town, probably on the edge of the mesic hammocks some distance inland. These are the only mammal species which would probably have interfered with time spent in agricultural or military activity, for although they would normally be hunted at dawn and dusk, the time spent in travel to suitable localities, in hunting and field-dressing, and in scouting the area for British or Indian adversaries might preclude all but a full-time hunter or hunters from this activity. The most frequent reptile species in the St. Augustine sites, the gopher tortoise, is most easily collected early to mid-morning as it emerges from its burrow to feed (Conant 197^:72). The coachwhip snake identified from the de la Cruz site is a frequent resident of gopher tortoise burrows and inhabits the same high pine, sandy woods (Carr and Goin 1955:273). Other inland reptile species found include the chicken, yellow-bellied, and snapping turtles which occur in ponds, sloughs, streams, and rivers, and the box turtle which is a frequent resident of mesic hammocks. Diamondback terrapins are common in tidal creeks and estuaries. In summary, an examination of seasonality and scheduling as reflected in animal hunting and collecting by residents of the St. Augustine households

PAGE 196

136 indicates few conflicts with the agricultural cycle. Use of nearby salt marsh birds is indicated as a winter food source, primarily at the mestizo house. This hunting or trapping occurred during the seasonal break in agricultural activity and coincided with greater bird species availability. Mammals were probably taken year round, with some species probably trapped in or near town in poultry yards or agricultural fields. Deer and bear were probably taken by professional hunters some distance away from St. Augustine. The regular presence of gopher tortoise, deer, and the occasional representation of bird or reptile or mammal species indicative of inland freshwater pond, river, and mesic hammock life zones implies there was continuous foraging and hunting in areas often frequented by hostile British and Indian patrols. Late winter and early spring before the first crop was harvested would have been the time of greatest food scarcity, and it may have been at this time that the risks were taken to obtain many of these wild vertebrate foods. Further supportive evidence of scheduling and its indication of the importance of agriculture may be the fall-winter catches of fish as revealed by scale analysis. Energy Flows in St Augustine Any study of man and the environment of which he is a part is a study of systems. Natural systems are composed of a series of compartments which take in and disperse solar energy along pathways, using it for maintenance and growth; social systems, centered around man, use solar energy indirectly by using various compartments of these natural systems (biotic communities) for food (maintenance) and growth.

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187 Analysis of the relationships between the natural and social systems is facilitated by diagramming or modeling. Energy flow diagrams pioneered Howard T. Odum (1971) are one way of explaining these relationships visually. The major study of anthropologists is man, yet he cannot be studied apart from his physical environment. The energy flow diagrams make us take into account the pathways by which man's food reaches him, and how this food energy is dispersed through the social system. Basically man's food energy comes from green plants, either directly or through consumption of herbivores (or even more indirectly, carnivores). This simple relationship is maintained but further complicated by interactions resulting from the increasing complexity of social systems. Watson, LeBlanc, and Redman (1971:65) have pointed out that the ... systemic view of culture with its multivariate approach and emphasis on relationships and variability should be the interpretive framwork of scientifically oriented archeology." In this regard the energy flow diagram is very important as it makes aware of the relationships between cultural and natural systems. In a relatively complex situation like colonial St. Augustine, man-land relationships are basic as they are in any society, but we have economic systems that must be figured in as well that are important to the subsistence base. The fact that St. Augustine was consumer society and not involved in export to any significant degree makes it of particular interest. The sources of St. Augustine's food supply seem to have been in almost constant flux, and to represent the subsistence systems in operation from the start of the colony in 1565 until the occupation by the British in 1763 would require a number of diagrams. The particular time

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188 period represented here is that period of time in the late 1750' s and early IToO's for which we have controlled archeological data, and adequate documentation of minimal input from the situado, some trade with the British, occasional privateering, agriculture and livestock herding circumscribed to within a mile or two of the town, and some fishing and hunting. Figure 1.6 is, then, a synchronic view of subsistence and related economic systems present in St. Augustine about 1760. When one learns to read the symbols the diagrams is less confusing and can actually clarify the working relationships present in St. Augustine society at the close of the 1st Spanish period. The circle represents an energy source outside the system which the system can draw on but which cannot be exhausted. The "roofed" semi -circle represents energy which is stored within the system or within one component of the system, and which can be exhausted. The bullet-shaped symbol is indicative of a primary producer (anything that does photosynthesis), or in other words, green plants. The hexagonal symbol is the consumer, or anything with the ability to consume energy, make structure of it, grow, or reproduce. The symbol labeled as a switch indicates an intermittent or otherwise non-constant (on-off) energy flow; in this case, external trade and the arrival of the situado. The combination of symbols identified as a comparator is similar to the switch, but a trigger valve acts to operate another energy pathway when supplies get to a certain level. In this instance privateering is stimulated by low food supply in St. Augustine. Successful privateering resulted in energy input from external sources; that is, French and English ships.

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189 The downward pointing arrow of the heat sink keeps the system in conformance with the second law of thermodynamics, which involves loss of some energy to non-available heat with every energy transformation. The work gate symbol illustrates the interaction of two energy flows such that the resulting third flow or output is something different from the energetic inputs. The symbol labeled as an economic transactor indicates a flow of cash and goods, usually in opposite directions, The rectangular box symbol is a catch-all for unspecified functions; in this case external climatic, military, or political forces controlling the arrival of the situado and trade with the British. The energy flow diagram doesn't necessarily tell us anything new, but makes us account for all energy expenditures and therefore makes us more careful in our statements concerning these relationships, whether in a contemporary or in a prehistoric or historic community. Ideally, numbers, expressed in kilocalories would be affixed to these symbols so that the system can be analyzed quantitatively. When numbers can be put on this diagram and the specific contribution or energy drain of any activity clearly seen, then we will feel we truly understand the relationships and interactions between components of the social and natural systems in colonial St. Augustine.

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CHAPTER 5 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS At the outset of this paper an effort vas made to delineate the heritage and pattern of l6th-l8th century Old World Spanish foodways. Agricultural crops and techniques, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing, food prices and availability, and cooking and food preparation techniques were all discussed and evaluated in order to outline specific testable implications applicable to the nature of the foodways of Spanish colonists in the New World. Analysis of historical documents and archeologically recovered floral and faunal remains and associated items of material culture from New World Spanish colonial sites formed the tests of these implications. Results of the tests were seen as a means of describing the degree of Old World subsistence system tenacity in the face of natural and cultural environmental changes, specifically SpanishIndian acculturation as it related to foodways. The basic assumption here was that deviations from known Old World Spanish subsistence patterns can be quantified by recording the relative dietary contribution of wild animal and non-European plant foods in New World colonial sites; thus dietary remains will reflect the nature and degree of acculturation. The series of implications of the transfer to the New World of Old World Spanish foodways and the results of the tests of the implications are as follows : 191

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192 (1) If New World agriculture reflected Spanish models in regard to economic crops, characteristic field shape and type of plowing, and home gardens and orchards, then evidence should exist for major use of wheat and other cereal grains, peas, beans, and numerous fruit trees. Economic crops should he raised in square-shaped fields plowed by oxen. House lots should include space for gardens and fruit trees. Results: Evidence from the New World confirmed the presence of major European cultigens, supporting in part the first implications, hut underscored the much more significant contribution to the diet of aboriginal crops, in particular maize and cassava. Spaniards were unwilling to do without wheat, and arranged to import it if it would not grow locally. Nevertheless, the plant foods characteristic of the diet of the Spanish colonists in the New World were maize, beans, squash, peppers, and cassava, all of New World origin, plus melons, figs, and various fruit trees common to Spain. The combination of these foods stresses the importance of Spanish-Indian acculturative processes and local natural and cultural environmental factors. At first the Spaniards were willing to let local aborigines supply plant foods grown by native techniques, but soon the depletion in their numbers and the reluctance of aborigines to supply food to the Spanish led to the importation of Spanish farmers and presumably Iberian agricultural techniques. The first years were unsuccessful and hoes were the main agricultural implement; later oxen and plows were introduced and fields became larger and square-shaped as in Spain. In Florida by the nid-17th century there are documentary references to iron plowshares which may represent moldboard plows and not the Mediterranean scratch plow

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193 characteristic of Renaissance Spain. The Mediterranean scratch plow had been i mp roved over the years to the P oint where it was drawn by oxen and had a metal tip or colter which cut the soil, but moidhoard plows had three principal parts; a metal colter to cut vertically, a metal plowshare to cut horizontally, and an moldboard which ^ ^ slices of topsoil over to one side. The moidhoard was larger and more expensive and was pulled hy teams of up to eight oxen. Fields hecame larger and cooperative farming became necessary where it was used in Europe (Tannahill 1973:190-192) Evidence frQm ^ ^ Vallezilla's wheat farm (see Appendix A) which had six leagues of cultivated land, 22 team oxen and a numher of iron plowshares is at least suggestive of this technique, which was not common in Spain. However, fields around St. Augustine itself depicted on maps of the period suggest no evidence of moidhoard plowing. Where we have data, as in 18th century St. Augustine, house lots include space with gardens, orchards, arhors and yards and outbuildings for small domestic animals. This seems to have heen a direct transfer from peninsular Spain, particularly of the Mediterranean and Atlantic coastal regions. Agricultural technics seem to follow closely Old World Spanish models, supportiag the implications of transfer of Iherian systems to the New World, hut the major food crops were clearly aboriginal. ( Sugar an economic crop widespread in the Caribbean, was introduced). fc World agriculture, then, follows an accusative model, the process of which might be termed fusion (SdiVptln^.tini • on ibpicer 1961.530), involving the combination of elements from two or more cultural c lr .a omn • more cultural systems into a single system, distinct from the parent cultures.

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19k (2) If domestic animal use followed the economic and dietary use pattern of Spain, then domestic animal hones should include, in order of percentage representation, sheep, cattle, pigs, chickens, goats, an assortment of domestic fowl such as ducks, geese, doves, and pigeons, and should represent the major animal dietary contribution. Results: The predominance of sheep in the diet and as an economic force in Spain did not carry over into the New World. Sheep could not compete with cattle and pigs, and only seem to have retained importance in protected flocks near cities like Santo Domingo. It is ironic that the worst predators of sheep were packs of feral Spanish dogs. Another discriminating against sheep was the New World economy. The mines in the Caribbean and Terra Firrra, the first areas of European impact, allowed rapid monetary gain as opposed to the slower process of growing wool. Goats are mentioned frequently in the early documents but have yet to be positively identified from Spanish colonial sites in the area under consideration. Cattle, in particular, fourished on New World pastures, so much so that they were often killed for their hides alone. Pigs and chickens maintained their Old World status as backyard animals and were valued additions to the diet. Domestic animal meat seems to have been more generally available in the New World than in Spain, where vegetable foods contributed heavily to the diet, especially of the lower classes. Other than the relative order of importance of individual European domestic animal species, little changed in the New World, confirming the implications of transfer of Old World domestic animal use patterns. A combination of natural and cultural (economic) environmental reasons made

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195 cattle of far greater importance than sheep. Other than the dog, there were no important circum-Caribbean aboriginal animal domesticants Aboriginal use of European domestic animals in the area under study followed Spicer's (l96l:530) assimilation model, in which the recipient culture accepts and assimilates items from the dominant (or in Foster's [l960:ll] terms, "donor") culture in terms of the meaning in the donor culture. Acculturation then, was largely Spanish to Indian regarding domestic animal use. (3) If hunting and collecting of wild foods was limited and showed concentration on very few species as in Spain, then bones of wild animals should be scarce in New World colonial sites. Those species that are present should be principally deer, rabbit (hare), birds of the upland scrub, and coastal birds and their nestlings. Results: In the New World sites use varied from a high of approximately 18 percent (by weight) use of wild animals at the Contreras house in St. Augustine to almost no use at the Convento de San Francisco. At the St. Augustine sites wild mammals and birds were a minor but important food resource, perhaps attaining a larger proportion of the diet when domestic food sources were scarce. Deer and other wild foods may have been marketed in St. Augustine. Species composition of wild foods differed considerably from Spanish models, particularly in St. Augustine, deviating from the implications of transfer of Old World patterns and stressing the importance of acculturative factors since the pattern more closely resembles aboriginal usage of wild foods. In this light the Convento de San Francisco, with no aboriginal interaction and hence no real chance for continuing

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196 acculturative influences, is seen as the site representing most closely Old World Spanish models. The manatee and iguana, like the Old World "laurices," were probably special Lenten foodstuffs since they were not considered as meat. The picture in St. Augustine is confused by a literal interpretation of the figures reflecting wild animal usage which do not differentiate between market availability to those of higher status "(like Contreras) of wild foods during periods of dietary stress, and actual collection of diversified resources which was probably the case in the mestizo household. In this regard the diversity indices (Appendix B) may be helpful, and tend to link the mestizo household more closely with aboriginal food procurement patterns. Evidence from the sites studied would indicate that differences in use of wild foods is a function of the degree of aboriginal participation in Hispanic culture. (h) If fishing concentrated on commercially-obtained pelagic, deep water marine species taken by a variety of fishing hardware as in Spain, then bones of large, deep water species should be present, although bones of the cranial region should be rare due to market preparation. Fishing hardware should be scarce unless sites are linked to a commercial fishery; where professional hardware is present it should include large line and net weights, barbed and unbarbed hooks in a variety of sizes, brass vires, and netting tools. Subsistence fishing should be represented by small hooks, lead line weights, and small net weights. Results: Fishing shows perhaps the least resemblance to Spanish -dels. Spanish fishing concentrated on deep water and pelagic species, using both leaded lines and hooks and a variety of nets. In the Caribbean

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197 only occasionally were deep water species part of the Spanish diet; in Florida there is evidence for a commercial fishery based entirely on selected estuarine species. Foster (i960 :8k) suggests that the great variety of fishing techniques in Spain is a response to varied fauna and marine and climactic conditions. There is certainly a great amount of variation in circum-Caribbean area fish fauna and habitats, yet the Spanish concentrated on the inshore pelagic and estuarine zones. A factor not accounted for might be the possibility of a lack of offshore boats in common supply available for fishing, and the hazards to unescorted vessels from English and French privateers. One similarity to Old World Spanish techniques is in the preparation of fish for market. Spanish fish were sold headless and eviscerated; in the New World sites cranial elements were rare, possibly indicating rather widespread market accessibility. The low incidence of fishing hardware from New World sites neither confirms nor rejects the use of items similar to those used in Spain, but evidence from the Jefferys map of St. Augustine (Roberts 1 7 6 3 ) shows what appears to be a weir, a fishing technique not employed in Spain. Since weir fishing is a documented aboriginal trait, it is probably that either the techniques were learned from Indians or mestizos or that members of one of the latter groups operated the weir. Most species represented in St. Augustine sites are easily taken with hook and line, and mullet, also found in Spain, would be most easily taken with an atarraya, or cast net. Mullet remains are not a common constituent in aboriginal middens, but the presence of large numbers of mullet and possible net weights at the St. Augustine mestizo house indicates some degree of acculturation and subsistence fishing (as in Spain) by the household inhabitants.

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198 The results are clearly not supportive of the implications of the wholesale transfer of Iberian fishing practices, although there are some similarities to Old World Spanish models. The data are, however, supportive of acculturative processes in operation. Apparently New World Spanish fishing techniques are largely a process of fusion whereby Spanish practices of preparation, marketing, and subsistence fishing were combined with common aboriginal fishing techniques and species and habitat exploitation. (5) If Spanish models of cooking were followed, chiefly in preparation of meat and vegetable stews and use of large quantities of oil and wine, then the great majority of cooking vessels should be utilitarian earthenware pots. Few bones should show charring on the ends resulting from roasting practices. Container jars should be present for the storage of oil and wine. Results: The great majority of Spanish cooking vessels were utilitarian earthenware vessels in which they simmered their pucheros or ollas podridas. Coarse Spanish utilitarian earthenware pots were the common cooking ware at the Convento de San Francisco, but at the St. Augustine sites and possibly at Nueva Cadiz, the functional equivalent became locally produced aboriginal pottery. San Marcos sherds are often recovered from archeological sites in St. Augustine encrusted with charred food. Generally poor large animal bone preservation suggests boiling as a cooking technique, and the scarcity of burned bone argues against much use of roasting. The Spanish were fond of olive oil, wine, and olives in brine, and the presence of suitable containers for these liquids was expected in New World colonial sites. John M. Goggin's (1960:6) classic study of zhe

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199 olive jar stressed the importance of these vessels in their primary role of storage and transport of liquids and secondary use as containers for dried beans and other vegetables or as water jars. Glazed and unglazed olive jar sherds are ubiquitous in Nev World colonial sites. Olive jars seem to have had their aboriginal counterparts in storage vessels, and they appear wherever there was Spanish-Indian contact, suggesting perhaps at least some aboriginal use. Traditional Old World modes of cooking did transfer to the New World, although the techniques were very similar to aboriginal methods. Acculturative mechanisms were at work here, with the process defined as fusion. New World plant foods and Old World domestic animals combined to form the stews, which were cooked in either aboriginal or Spanish earthenware. (6) If Spanish Lenten season dietary habits were reflected in household midden debris, especially in lower-class Catholic homes, then accumulations of fish bones and possibly plant food remains should occur as distinct from normal eating and discard patterns which should result in higher percentages of domestic animal bone. Results: Lower class peoples would not be expected to have the extra money with which to buy an indulgence allowing them to eat meat. From the material culture remains, none of the excavated homes at St. Augustine obviously belonged to economically lower class people. The criollo site did show the only suggestions of confirmation of the implications of a special Lenten diet, with some pits containing very high proportions of fish and other almost exclusively domestic animals. Fish constituted a total of about 10 percent of animal biomass here and at the other sites in St. Augustine.

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200 There is certainly no way to adequately confirm the Lenten implications, as other explanations are equally plausible, such aa differential food availability. Fish were of major importance only at the Nueva Cadiz site, the pearl-fishing village, and were so frequent as to confuse the issue. At the Convento de San Francisco, headquarters of the Franciscan Order, fish remains were relatively scarce, although this may be more a reflection of Goggin's recovery techniques than the friars' carnivorous propensities. (7) If social class differences were reflected in the diet as in Spain, then there should be an increase in the relative percentages of meat and fowl with increasing social status. Results: This is perhaps the most difficult o f the implications to assess. At St. Augustine where there was the only opportunity to make distinctions based on either ethnicity or wealth or some combination thereof, the picture is not immediately apparent. Christoval Contreras was clearly wealthy by St. Augustine standards, but other than the fact that his midden debris reflected better cuts of meat and larger fish there is not much to be said from traditional analysis. If higher percentage of domestic animal meat consumption based on bone count and weight is any indication of status, then he clearly loses in the contest against Maria de la Cruz' mestizo family and Gertrudis de la Pasqua's criollo household, though the most notable species difference is the number and variety of domestic fowl from the Contreras site. The one variable which might aid in interpretation of meat percentage in the diet, but over which we have no control, is the plant food intake, and we would be hard-pressed to discern archeologically or analytically

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201 a difference between remains of a puchero that contained one fish, a ham hock, and 80 percent corn, beans, and water, and an olla podrida which contained three fish, three ham hocks, and ho percent corn, beans, and water. As long as the fish to ham hock ratio were approximately the same, we would be unaware of the much greater proportion of meat in the diet of the family cooking the olla podrida, unless we knew much more precisely the length of occupation of the sites and the proportion of the deposition which our sample represents. However, the presence of bones reflecting choice or "meaty" cuts gives some clues that the Contreras stews had more meat in them than would be indicated by a simple bone count. In addition, his higher status and wealth may have enabled him to purchase imported salt beef or pork, much of which would presumably be bonefree, leaving us without tangible archeological clues to a diet higher in meat content. There remain great similarities in the dietary pattern of the three mid-l8th century households in St. Augustine. Perhaps the best explanatio: of this apparent similarity was presented by Otto and Lewis (l97l+:115). Throughout its history as a Spanish frontier garrison, there were few women immigrants to St. Augustine. This factor resulted in men of varying status and ethnic or geographic origin marrying local criollo, mestizo, and Indian women. Since it has been suggested that women were primarily responsible for food procurement and cooking (Deagan 1974:1+0, 80, 8k), this acculturative process, strengthened by voluntary liaisons or marriage bonds, possibly minimized status-related food preparation and dietary pattern differences. There are only suggestions of the confirmation of the implications of the transfer of Old World status-related foodways, mitigated by local acculturative factors.

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202 By the mid-l8th century the process of acculturation was no longer one of directed change as it had been in the mission period. In St. Augustine the process was reciprocal, largely through voluntary links between members of aboriginal and Spanish or criollo society (Deagan 197 1 +:l i t3). Foodways reflected this blending of cultures, largely through the process Spicer has described as fusion. Flannery (1971:356) has argued that deviation-amplifying (positive feedback) processes are the real mechanism of culture change. In the New World, the concept of the early colonist of recreating or transplanting Castilian society and its subsistence base in a new natural and cultural environment did not entirely succeed; yet the fact that there is a contemporary, vibrant Hispanic American culture in the New World indicates that successful adjustments were made. The process of Spanish-Indian acculturation, particularly in the food base which became composed largely of aboriginal cultivated plants and European domestic animals, is seen as such a positive feedback system, one which must be considered adaptive.

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APPENDIX A 1651 Description of a Florida Wheat and Cattle Farm (Translation of Archivo General de Indias, Escribania de Camara, Legajo 155(B) #11, from photostat in Stetson Collection, U.F.) by Daniel J.J. Ross University of Florida (Report) of the agreement that was made on the 5th of September of 1651 by the contador Nicolas Ponze de Leon, who is acting as governor of these provinces due to the death of the proprietary (governor), and Salbador de Zigarroa, who is in charge of the royal treasury; on the purchase of the plantations of land and labor, and other effects that are in it, belonging to Don Luys de Salazar Vallez(ill)a, son, and executor and heir, of Benito Ruiz de Salazar Vallez(ill)a, former governor of these provinces for his Majesty. On September 5, 1651, Captain Nicolas Ponze de Leon, Governor and Captain-General of these provinces, at the same time chief treasury official and judge of his Majesty's court, and Sergeant -Major Salvador de Zigarroa, official treasury-Judge of these provinces gathered to discuss affairs of royal service, as by law and custom, among other things (we discuss) the death of Sergeant-Major Benito Ruiz de Salazar Vallezilla, Governor and Captain-General of these provinces, leaving a farm where wheat and corn are grown, adjoining the pueblo of Asile, that which we therefore offered (for sale) many days. But no purchase has been made, as the land is very poor and all the Spaniards who are here 203

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20k are soldiers and have no funds to buy it, and then to sustain and improve (it), because if the said hacienda is put in order and occupied (it would be) at great cost, as was done by the said Governor, as is well-known. It is said to be entirely destroyed and forsaken and (they) cannot set it up as the governor intended, to supply flour for royal service, so that the supply of bread will be ensured for the infantry and the missionary friars who are here in the conversions. We now depend on that brought in by ship, endangered by shipwreck and robbery by our enemies, by which we lose a great deal. Therefore when the supply does not come, many perish of hunger and others go in desperation to hunt the beasts of the woods, in such a manner that by the bad food they are weakened and come to the point of losing their lives as did the others. These great losses damage the royal treasury, because all that is carried and brought to this presidio for the maintenance of the infantry and the religious is on the account and at the risk of his majesty, and has already put the treasury to a very great expense. The only lack is of a mill in which the flour that is harvested may be ground, and now we have an official who can make a mill and bring the stones for it. By the experience that he has, of more than six years in this place, (he knows) the fertility of the land which is more fertile and better than that of Spain, and has no mountains, and will produce much grain. (Tnerefore) by the general usefulness of this land, and for the increase and security of the Royal Treasury, it appears wise that the said hacienda be purchased by the Royal Treasury of his Majesty. So that the payment for the said sowed land can be put off into the future and his

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205 Royal Majesty not have a new expense for it by sending money or writs from the situado, it is necessary that the production of the same hacienda be attended to with attention and care, so that in a short time its production will meet the cost and payment (for itself). Before a few years pass, the utility and increase for the Royal Treasury of the purchase of said wheat hacienda and its labor will be revealed and known. In conformance with their orders, they called for Captain Don Luys de Salazar Vallezilla, who is in the infantry of this presidio, son, executor, and heir of the said senor Governor, and who being present and openly treating and conferring in concert about the said labor in wheat-growing of the slaves, the larger and smaller livestock ( ganados mayores y menores ), the tools and other things that are in the said hacienda, they are agreed together in the form and manner that follows. List of what is included in the purchase: first, 22 large team oxen (bueyes grandes de casar), at ^0 nesos each for 880 pesos; next, 8 horses at 100 pesos each, for 800 pesos; next, h5 head of swine, at k pesos each, for 180 pesos; next, for a wooden table, k pesos; next, for a used whetstone, h pesos, I say 8 pesos; next, for 6 wooden benches, 6 pesos; next, for an oil lamp, 1 peso; next, for a machete, an auger, and a lance, h pesos; next, for 3 wooden beds, 6 pesos; next, for 13 used iron plowshares, 117 pesos; next, for If used spades, 8 pesos;

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206 next, for 7 used hatchets, 21 pesos; next, for 8 sickles, 33 pesos; next, for an old bottle-case, 2 pesos; next, for 2 posts (?) (mastillos ) 5 pesos; next, for h augers (or "bits), k pesos; next, for 3 hand adzes, 9 pesos; next, for 2 saws and a small handsaw, 5 pesos; next, for k carpenter's planes, and 2 carpenter's planes (two types, zepillo and juntera ) lk pesos; next, for 2 used table-cloths, 5 pesos; next, for k eel -hooks ( anzuelos de corbinas refers either to Mediterranean sea eel or drum fish), 2 pesos; next, for a pewter dish, 2 pesos; next, for 2 machetes, k pesos; next, for 2 bricks of chocolate, 5 pesos; next, for 8 used iron goads, 2k pesos; next, for 2 iron chains, 8 pesos; next, for a Negro named Ambrosio, from Angola, aged 30, 500 pesos; next, for a mulatto named Francisco Galindo, who is now overseer of the hacienda, 600 pesos; item, for a large living-house, made of good wood, with a kitchen of the same house, with an oven and 2 foot-mills constructed of wood and another large house of palm, where they keep the flour, and a good pasture where they keep the large livestock, and another new house with its earthen walls covered with palm, and 6 leagues of land belonging to said hacienda, with the tillage that was, a little more or less, about 30 fanegas of wheat seed and lk arrobas of maize seed. Land is broken (by plow) and worked by all together and is worth 1,000 pesos of 8 reales each in the following form; 500 cesos oi it for the houses, pasture, and all the buildings, and the 500 pesos remaining for the 6 leagues of land and tillage that are plowed at the said hacienda, with these sums referred to, amounts oo 4,259 pesos.

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207 Another consent. At the same time, agreeable to their orders, mindful of the reasons and causes referred to at the beginning of this agreement, and that is is convenient to provide a sure supply of meat, so that it can be provided without so much risk as by calling on Havana and other ports of the Island of Cuba, (we agree) that the said captain don Luys de Salazar (provide) up to 70 head of cattle ( reses bacunas ) the majority of them female, that (they be put) in the 6 leagues of this hacienda where there is a rustic (?) ( bato ) put there by the said seSor governor for the care and increase of the said cattle. And openly treating and conferring on the price for the said livestock, it was decided and agreed that the said captain be given 21 pesos for each small animal, as well as for the large ones, and the same for the females. The sum is to be paid for by order of payment ( libranza ) written in due form on the person or persons in whose charge are the collection of monies ( cobranzas ) from the situado of this presidio. And equally that the referred to h ,259 pesos of 8 reales be paid in libranzas of the same form, for the cost of the said hacienda, labor in wheat of the slaves, livestock, and other materials that have been listed. For which there is made the deed of transfer and contract by the said captain don Luys de Salazar in favor of His Majesty, and the said sehores Governor and Treasurer are obliged to pay for and satisfy it in the name of His Majesty, and give and surrender the like libranzas to the said captain; in completion of this said agreement, their honors sign it with the said don Luys de Salazar Vallezilla. Nicolas Ponze de Leon Salbador de Zigarroa Luys de Salazar Vallez(ill)a.

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208 Is a copy of the original agreement that is in the book of then in the treasury office of my charge, of these provinces, vhich I remit this date. In St. Augustine of La Florida, April 25, 1656. (signed) Sanchos de las Heras

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APPENDIX B Inter-Site Comparison : Diversity Measures One method of inter-site comparison is based on the Shannon index of species diversity (Shannon and Weaver 19^9:20). Originally developed from information theory to predict the occurrence of transmitted message "bits," the formula has since been slightly modified and widely applied by ecologists concerned with community structure. The formula as presented here follows the form used by more recent investigators (MacArthur and MacArthur 196l:59M: H 1 = pi log^ pi where H' = species diversity pi = number of ith species divided by sample size The application of species diversity measures to anthropological data on human nutrition demands a restructuring of goals. Rather than measuring community structure, the number of species present and the number of individuals in each species within a community, the feeding niche is being measured. In other words, out of the total biological community, human beings are selecting a variety of foods. The formula expresses the breadth of this feeding niche and its concentration on particular species as one number, enabling comparison of food selection practices between groups There are numerous diversity indices, but the Shannon index is used here since it is sensitive to both species variety and species dominance, and is relatively sample-size independent, allowing comparison of various sized samples (Sanders 1 9 68:279). The Shannon Index actually has two 209

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210 components; species richness or variety, and species evenness or equitability (E.P. Odum 1971:1^9). Maximum possible diversity would be k.6l in a case where 100 individuals each represented a different species, and lowest at 0.0 when all individuals represented a single species. The first use of this index applied to archeologically derived materials was by Elizabeth S. Wing (1963:55), who recently computed diversity values for a large sample of Southeastern aboriginal sites (Wing 1973b). Diversity and equitability values were computed for sites discussed in this paper and are presented here in tabular form. In the St. Augustine sites diversity and equitability were also computed substituting biomass represented (edible meat) for minimum numbers of individuals. Diversity indices can't really measure anything new, and misapplication of the data can easily lead to erroneous or subjective conclusions. For instance, Levins (1968:35) has argued that, in population biology, increased environmental uncertainty results in optimum strategies which are reflected in a greater niche breadth (higher diversity index) indicates specialization on fewer resources and consequently greater chance of disruption of the food supply, greater success or stability or better adaptation to a particular environment cannot be attributed to an individual or to a group on the basis of a higher numerical value. It is of interest that there are over 900 wild vertebrate species found within a five-mile radius of St. Augustine. Of these, the inhabitants of the three houses studied used 1+9, (plus eight domesticants and three introduced species) or approximately 5 percent. Although the Maria de la Cruz family used more of these species than did the inhabitants of

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211 the other houses, it cannot be said that the mestizos were necessarily better adapted to life in St. Augustine than the other inhabitants. What can be said is that they used more of the available resources, and that consequently their diversity value is more similar to those from Florida aboriginal sites than it is to the de la Pasqua or Contreras houses. The Caribbean site of Ilueva Cadiz, which had both aboriginal and Spanish inhabitants, has a noticeably higher diversity value than the Convento site, although concentration on a few selected fish and mammal species lowered the equitability component. Of the Florida aboriginal sites, the highest diversity and equitability came from the San Juan del Puerto mission, suggesting that the mission Indians may have simply added a few Spanish-introduced domestic species to their aboriginal food base instead of substituting. The most interesting aspect of the St. Augustine sites is the comparison between the values derived from MSI and those from biomass calculations. The biomass values are considerably lower, reflecting the large proportion of domestic meat present in all the sites. The reversal of order of the de la Cruz and Contreras houses in the biomass calculation is a reflection of the greater relative use of domestic mammals (72 to 65 percent) in the mestizo house, a situation which would not have been predicted at the outset.

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Diversity and Equitability Measures. 212 MM Biomass (Ed. Mt. Wt.) Sites No. Species No. Individuals Diversity Equitability DiverEquitasity bility CARIBBEAN Convento de San E"t"f)npi ^pn 87 o 1 8U Nueva Cadiz 36 20h 3.15 .88 FLORIDA: ABORIGINAL Summer Haven 33 189 3-02 .86 Goodman Mound ko 150 3.19 .88 San Juan del Puerto 33 63 3.3U • 96 FLORIDA: ST. AUGUSTINE Maria de la Cruz hi 101 3.03 .82 1.73 .1*7 Gertrudis de la Pas qua 25 50 2.79 .87 1.57 .h9 Christoval Contreras 39 15^ 2.86 • 78 1.90 .52

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REFERENCES CITED Abreu de Galineo Juan de 1764. ^ History of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands (1632). George Glas, translator. London: R. and J. LdsltJ Alemar, Luis E. 1943. Santo Domingo, Ciudad Trujillo. Santiago: Editorial El Diario. Arana, Eugenia B. (trans.) 1968. Buries.* the Convent of Saint Francis 1595-1T63. El Escritano Arana, Luis R. I960. The Spanish Infantry: The Qneen of Battles in Florida 1671 170? UnpahUshen „.A. thesis in History. Gainesville, Sniversitylf Arnade, Charles 1959a. Florida on Trial. Coral Gables: University of Miami P ress 1959b. The Siege of St. Augustine in 1702. Universitv of Fl*l u graphs, Social Sciences no. 3. Gainesville? M n 1961 SJS^^S? ^! 11 S aniSh F1 rida 1513 "^ 6 3. Agricultural Bailey, Liberty Hyde 1949. Manual of Cultivated Plants Most Commonly Grown in th* rv, + tal Unrted States and Canada. Revised. ^SLSSS^-. Bartram, John Becker, R.B. J.R. Henderson, and R.B. Leighty Mineral Malnutrition in Cattle Un un „ IFAS, Tech. Bull. 6 99 Ga^^vllS ^ ^ EXP Sta Becker, R.B., W.M. Neal, and A.L. Shealy 1965. 213

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22A 1933 Eff /u\/ Calcium T Def ^ient Roughages upon Milk Production Sis BulT Sp Dai 7C WS : UniV F1 -ida Agric. Exp. ££, 1J Ab, Bull. 262. Gainesville. Bigelow, Henry B., and William C. Schroeder 19^8. Fishes of the Western North Atlantic. Memoir no 1 Sears Foundation for Marine Research. New Haven: Yale University. Boessneck, J. 1969 St}r SiCaa DifferenCe ^ tStWeen Sheep ( ^ aries Linne) and Goat (Capra hircus Linne). In Science in^cn^Togy, Don Silhers? nd ^ HigSS edS 331-358. Ne W Yo^k: Jaeger Boniface, Brian George 19T1 thesis ri l^T^ h7 r SpaniSh F1 rida Circa M A xnesis. Athens: Univ. Georgia. Boyde, Mark F. Hale G. Smith, and John W. Griffin 1951 Z^^TX^rtt™ ? A — Missions Bryant, O.C. Bullen, Adelaide K. and Ripley P. Bullen 1961 r\ r s oT~: s "i e ;. st Johns County Burt, W.H., and R.P. Grossenheider 1961.. a Field Guide to the Mammals, 2nd ed. Peterson Field Guide Series. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Canzo, Gonzalo Mendez de 1598 InlL^^SeviS 133 & L eb Fir y ^ ^ ^ enera ^U. xxa. Trans, m Files, St. Augustine Historical Society. Carr, Archie

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•^215 Carr, Archie, and Coleman J. Goin 1955Guide to the Reptiles, Amphibians, and Fresh-Water Fishes of Florida. Gainesville: Univ. Florida Press. Casas, Bartolome de las 1906. A Brief Narration of the Destruction of the Indies by the Spaniards In Purchas, Samuel. Hakluytus Posthumous, or Purchas His Pilgrims. Glasgow (reprint of 1625 ed. ) Casteel, Richard W. 197^. On the Remains of Fish Scales from Archaeological Sites. American Antiquity 39( 1 0 pt. 1: 557-581. Catesby, Mark 175^. The Natural History of Carolina, Florida and the Bahama Islands. London. Printed for B. White (l77l) Revised. 2 vols. Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de 19^9. Don Quixote de la Mancha. Samuel Putnam, trans. New York: Viking Press. Cahplin, Raymond E. 1971. The Study of Animal Bones from Archaeological Sites. London: Seminar Press. Chatelaine, Verne E. 19^1a. Spanish Contributions in Florida to American Culture. Florida Hist. Quart. 19: 213-21+5. 19^10. The Defenses of Spanish Florida: 1565-1763 Carnegie Inst. Washington Publ. 511. Washington. Cochran, Doris M. 19^1. The Herpetology of Hispaniola. U.S. National Museum Bull. 177 Conant, Roger 1975A Field Guide to Reptiles and Amphibians of Eastern and Central North America, 2nd ed. Peterson Field Guide Series. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Connor, Jeannette T. trans, and ed. 1927Colonial Records of Spanish Florida, 2 vols. Vol. I, 1570-1577; 1930. Vol. 2, 1577-1580. Deland: Florida State Historical Society.

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/2l6 Crosby, A.W. Jr. 1972. The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1U92. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing Co. Cruxent J.M. and Irving Rouse 1958. An Archeological Chronology of Venezuela, 2 vols. Washington: Pan American Union. •/ D' Aulnoy, Marie Catherine (Madame) 1930. Travels into Spain. Trans, of 1691 ed., R. Foulchi-Delbosc ed. London: George Routledge and Sons Ltd. Deagan, Kathleen A. 1972. Fig Springs: The Mid-Seventeenth Century in Worth-Central Florida. Historical Archaeology 6: 23-^6. 1973. Mestizaje in Colonial St. Augustine. Ethnohistory 20(l): 55-65197^Sex, Status and Role in the Mestizaje of Spanish Colonial Florida. Ph.D. dissertation. Gainesville: Univ. of Florida. MS Assimilation and Fusion in a Changing Culture: The Eastern Timucua. In Historic Indians of the Southeast, Proctor and Milanich, eds. Gainesville: University Presses of Florida (forthcoming). /DeVorsey, Louis, Jr., ed. 1971. DeBrahm's Report of the General Survey in the Southern District of North America. Columbia, S.C.: Univ. South Carolina Press. Dickinson, Jonathan 19^5. Jonathan Dickinson's Journal, or, God's Protecting Providence. Evangeline Walker Andrews and Charles M. Andrews, eds. Hew Haven: Yale Univ. Press. Doctrineros Census 1728. MS. Doctrineros Census, September 1, 1728. Archivo General de las Indias 58-2-16/22. Photostat in Stetson Collection, Univ. Florida. Dunkle, John R. 1958. Population Change as an Element in the Historical Geography of St. Augustine. Florida Hist. Quart. 37(1 ): 3-32.

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217 Esquemeling, John 1893. The Buccaneers of America. London: Swan Sonnenschein and Co (reprinted from l6Qk edition). Fairbanks, C.H. 1972. Backyard Archeology in St. Augustine, Florida. Paper presented at 5th Annual Meeting, Society for Historical Archaeolo^. Tallahassee, Florida, January 1972. Flannery, K.V. 1967. Culture History v. Cultural Process: A Debate in American Archaeology. Scien. American 217(2): 119-122. (Review of Willey, Gordon R An Introduction to American Archaeology, Vol. I). 1971. Archaeological Systems Theory and Early Mesoamerica. In Man's Imprint from the Past, James Deetz, ed. pp. &k-36k, Boston: Little, Brown and Company. Foster, George M. 19U9. The Significance to Anthropological Studies of the Places of Origin of Spanish Emigrants to the New World. In Acculturation in the Americas: Proceedings and Selected Papers of the XXIXth Internat Cong, of Americanists, Sol Tax, ed. pp. 292-298. Chicago: Univ.' Chicago Press. I960. Culture and Conquest: America' s Spanish Heritage. Viking Fund Publications Anthrop. no. 27. Chicago: Quadrangle Books. Gannon, M.V. 1965. The Crosslin the Sand: The Early Catholic Church in Florida 1513170. Gainesville: Univ. Florida Press. Garcilaso de la Vega 1951. The Florida of the Inca. John Grier Varner and Jeannette Johnson Varner, trans, and eds. Austin: Univ. Texas Press. Geiger, Maynard, O.F.M. 1931 2^ ^ (1573 ^ M) tf *^on: The 19k0 StaffSB^f ^ ^ the Q Franciscans banish Florida and Cuoa 11528-1841). Franciscan Stud. no. 21. Paterson, New Jersey.

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218 Gibson, Charles 1966. Spain in America. New York: Harper and Row. Gilliland, M.S. 1965. The Material Culture of Key Marco, Florida. Unpublished M.A. thesis. Gainesville: Univ. Florida. Glas George lj6k. A Description of the Canary Islands. London: R. and J. Dodsley. Goggin, John M. I960. The Spanish Olive Jar: An Introductory Study. Yale Univ. Publ. Anthrop. no. 62. New Haven. Goggin, John M. and W.C. Sturtevant 196U. The Calusa: A Stratified, Non-Agricultural Society (with notes on sibling marriage). In_ Explorations in Cultural Anthropology: Essays in Honor of George Peter Murdock, Ward H. Goodenough, ed. pp. 179-219. New York: McGraw-Hill. Gray, L.C. 1933. History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to i860. 2 vols Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington. Haag, William G. 1968. The Identification of Archaeological Remains with Ethnic Groups. Proc. 2nd Internat. Cong. Study Pre-Columbian Cultures in Lesser Antilles. Barbados: Barbados Museum. Haring, C.H. 1966. The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the XVII Century. Hamden, Conn. Archon Books. Harman J E 1969. Trade and Privateering in Spanish Florida 1732-1763. St. Augustine, Florida: St. Augustine Historical Society. Hulton, Paul, and David B. Quinn, eds. 196U. The American Drawings of John White, 1577-1590. 2 vols. Chapel Hill Univ. North Carolina Press. Hureau, J.C., and Th. Monod, eds. 1973. Check-List of the Fishes of the North-Eastern Atlantic and of the Mediterranean, Vol. I and II. UNESCO: Paris.

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y 219 Irving, Washington 1937. Journal of Washington Irving, 1828. Stanley T. Williams, ed. New York: American Book Co. Jefferys, Thomas 1970. A Description of the Spanish Islands and Settlements on the Coast of the West Indies. (1762) New York: AMS Press. (reprinted from 1792 edition). Judd, G.P. 1966. A History of Civilization. New York: MacMillan Company. v/Kany, C.E. 1932. Life and Manners in Madrid, 1750-1800. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press J Kenny, Michael 1969. A Spanish Tapestry: Town and Country in Castile. Cloucester Mass. : Peter Smith. Larson, Lewis H. Jr. 1969. Aboriginal Subsistence Technology on the Southeastern Coastal Plain during the Late Prehistoric Period. Ph.D. dissertation. Ann ArborUniv. Michigan. Lawrence, Barbara, and Elizabeth S. Wing MS Prehistoric Dogs from the Dominican Republic and Other West Indian Sites Levins, Richard 1968. Evolution in Changing Environments. Mono. Pop. Biol. no. 2. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press. Lorant, Stefan 1965. The New World: The First Pictures of America. New York: Duell Sloan and Pierce. Lyon, Eugene 1973. The Adelantamiento of Florida: 1565-1568. Ph.D. dissertation Gainesville: Univ. Florida. Manucy, Albert 1962. Tne Houses of St. Augustine. St. Augustine, Florida Historical Society

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220 Matter, R.A. 1972. The Spanish Missions of FloridaTh^ EVi,>., v the "Golden Age 1606 160 Ph The Fria ^ Versus the Governors in Washington. 160 ^l690. Ph.D. dissertation. Seattle: Univ. Mac Arthur, R.H. and J.W. MacArthur 1961. On Bird Species Diversity. Ecology k2(3) : 59^-598. Mahood, H.K., CD. Harris, j. L Music, Jr., and B. A. Palmer 197k I ^ D 5 a,, Eis r rsia,s E ~ e Coastal Fisheries Sfice Resources, Game and Fish Div. Maynard, L.A. and J.K. Loosli 1969. Animan Nutrition, 6th ed. Nev York: McGraw-Hill. McMurray, J. A. 1973 S^3^2: at SM *del — • McPhail, j.r. "SSL's r £ — Dept. Anthropology, Univ LrldaT GaXesvSe D Mendez-Arocha, Alberto 1963 Su P rs s^txr*venezuei — ^ Milanich, J.T. 1972 ^""^ -rida: An Farly Change). B lr. Hist. Site" J^^TS^ p Cult e Florida Dept. State. "^Perties Bull. no. 2. Tallahassee: Gainesville: Univ. PresaeT^rL Milanich, J.T., and „. 0 sturtevant 1972. Francisco Parela's Tfil 3 i-v,*,*-,,.• Tiucua„ Ethno g ra P hf \gfgf^ v \J~2 Management, Florida Dept. State. Archives, History, Records

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v/221 Morison, S.E., trans, and ed. 1963. Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus. New York: Heritage Press. Odum, E.P. 1971. Fundamentals of Ecology, 3rd ed. Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders Co. Odum, H.T. 1971. Environment, Power, and Society. New York: Wiley-Interscience. Otto, J.S., and R.L. Lewis, Jr. 19K. A Formal and Functional Analysis of San Marcos Pottery from Site nt k AuSUStln ^' Florida Bu ^ Hist. Sites Properties Bull, no. h. Tallahassee: Florida Dept. State. Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de 1959Natural ^History of the West Indies. Trans, and ed. by Sterling 4 no sT^JeTmiT ^ Car i ina StUd R manCe languages-Literature no. id. Chapel Hill: Univ. North Carolina Press. Parry, J.H. 1966. The Spanish Seaborne Empire. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Reed, C.A. 1963. Osteo-Archaeology In Science in Archaeology, D. Brothwell and S Higgs, eds. pp. 204-216. New York: Basic Books. Hick, A.M. MS Bird Medullary Bone: A Seasonal Dating Technique for Faunal Analvsts Paper presented at 8th Canadian Archaeol. Assn. Meeting, Lakehtaf Univ., Thunder Bay, Ontario, March 6-9, 1975. behead Robbins, C.S., B. Bruun, and H.S. Zim ^ SoSSJVE^*" Identi tl Biras of Bort h Africa. Hew York: \/Roberts, William 1763. An Account of the First Discovery and Natural History of Florida Illustrated by Thomas Jefferys. London: Printed for T. JeSe^. /Rocgue, Mariano de la 1788. Reports on the Condition of Crown Property, Dec. 31, 1788. East

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222 Florida Papers 2023 with Map: Piano de la Ciudad de Sa. Agustin de la Florida, lj8h (2068). St. Augustine Historical Society. Romans, Bernard 1962. A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida. Reprint of the 1775 edition. Gainesville: Univ. Florida Press. Rouse, Irving 1963. The Arawak. In Handbook of South American Indians, Vol. 1+ The Circum-Caribbean Tribes, J.H. Steward, ed. Bureau of American Ethnology Bull. 1U3: 507-5U6. Rouse, Irving, and Jose M. Cruxent 1963. Venezuelan Archaeology. Hew Haven: Yale University Press. St. Augustine Historical Society. 1961 Inflation in St. Augustine ca. 1700. El Escribano 1(1*1): fl/ (t: r anslated from Archivo General de las Indias, Sevilla yi96k. The public Market. El Escribano l( 5k). St. Augustine Historical Society. n.d. Parish Records of the Cathedral of St. Augustine I57U-I763. Sanders, H.L. Sanez Reguart, Antonio 17^" f/f ^ nari Hist6rico de las Artes de la Pesca Nacional. k vols. Sauer, Carl 0. 1963. Plant and Animal Exchanges between the Old and the New Worlds Robert M. Newcomb, ed. Los Angeles: Los Angeles State College. 1966. The Early Spanish Main. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press. 1971. Sixteenth Century North America: The Land and the People as S by the Europeans. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press. een Shannon, C.E., and W. Weaver 191*9. The Mathematical Theory of Communication. Urbana: Univ. Illinois

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J 223 Silver, I. A. 1969. The Aging of Domestic Animals. In Science in Archaeology, D. Brothwell and E. Higgs, eds. pp. 283-302. New York: Praeger Publishers. Simoons, F.J. 196l. Eat Not This Flesh: Food Avoidances in the Old World. Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press. Smith, H.G. 1970. Some Factors Leading to an Ecological Change in Florida from A.D. 1512-1821. Mimeographed. Rept. to Tall Timbers Research Station, Inc., Tallahassee. v/Solana, J.J. 1760. Report to the Bishop of Cuba on the Condition of St. Augustine, April 9, 1760. Santo Domingo 2581;, Archivo General de las Indias, Sevilla 86-7-21-1*1. Trans., Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board. v/Solis, Don John de, surveyor 176U. A New and Accurate Plan, of the Town of St. Augustine, Engrav'd from the Survey of Don John de Solis, Surveyor, Who Resided There Near Twenty Years. Copy from original in Library of Congress. (PKY 208). Spellman, C.W. 19l*8. The Agriculture of the Early North Florida Indians. Florida Anthron 1(3-10: 37-U8. Spicer, E.H. 1961. Types of Contact and Processes of Change. In Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change, E.H. Spicer, ed. pp. 517--5UU. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press. Sears, W.H. 1971. Food Production and Village Life in Prehistoric Southeastern United States. Archaeology 2^( 1+ ) : 322-329. Sprunt A Jr 195!+. Florida Bird Life. New York: Coward McCann, Inc. and National Audobon Society. Sturtevant, W.C. 1962. Spanish-Indian Relations in Southeastern North America. Ethnohistorv 9(1): UI-9U.

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Swanton, J.R. 1946. The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Bur. American Ethno. Bull 137Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Tannahill, Reay 1973. Food in History. New York: Stein and Day. Tepaske, J.J. 1964. The Governorship of Spanish Florida 1700-1763. Durham: Duke Univ. Press. 1975. The Fugitive Slave: Intercolonial Rivalry and Spanish Slave Policy, 1687-1764. In Eighteenth Century Florida and Its Borderlands, S. Proctor, ed. Gainesville: Univ. Presses Florida. Thomson, Sir Arthur L. 1964. A Hew Dictionary of Birds. New York: McGraw-Hill. / Towns end, J. 1814. A Journey through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787, 3rd ed. Bath: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Browne. 2 vols. Trow-Smith, Robert 1959. A History of British Livestock Husbandry 1700-1900. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. U.S. Navy Kydrographic Office 1960. Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea Indluding the West Indies. Map 1290. Washington: U.S. Navy Hydrographic Office. Vallecilla, Luis de Salazar, Nicolas Ponze de Leon, and Salvador de Zigarroa 1651. Letter to the Crown. Archivo General de las Indias, Sevilla, Escribanio de Camara, Legajo 155/11, September 5, 1961. Photostat in Stetson Collection, Univ. Florida. van den Brink, F.H. 1972. A Field Guide to the Mammals of Britain and Europe. Peterson Field Guide Series. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.

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225 \/ Vazquez de Espinosa, Antonio 1968. Description of the Indies (c. 3.620). Translated by C.U. Clark. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 102. Washington: Smithsonian Inst. Press. Verin, Pierre 1968. Carih Culture in Colonial Times. Translated by Rev. C. Jesse, F.M.I. Proceedings of the 2nd International Congress for the Study of Pre-Columbian Cultures in the Lesser Antilles. Barbados: Barbados Museum. (synopsis of I96U Yale M.A. thesis). Vicens Vives, Jaime 1969An Economic History of Spain. Princeton: Princeton University Press Watson, P. J. S.A. LeBlanc and C.L. Redman 1971Explanation in Archeology: An Explicitly Scientific Approach. Hew York: Columbia Univ. Press. Wenhold, L.L. 1936. A 17th Century Letter of Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderon Bishop of Cuba, describing the Indians and Indian Missions of Florida. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 95(l6). Washington: Smithsonian Inst. Press. White, Theodore E. 1953. A Method of Calculating the Dietary Percentage of Various Food Animals Utilized by Aboriginal Peoples. American Antiquity 18(h): 396-398. Wing, Elizabeth S. 196l. Animal Remains Excavated at the Spanish Site of Nueva Cadiz on Cubagua Island, Venezuela. Nieuwe West-Indische Gide 1+1(2): 162-165.

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226 1963. Vertebrates from the Jungerman and Goodman Sites Near thEast Coast of Florida. In Contributions of the Florida State Museum Social Sciences no. 10, pp. 51-60. Gainesville: University of Florida. 1967. Aboriginal Fishing in the Windward Islands. Proceedings of the 2nd International Congress for the Study of Pre-Columbian Cultures in the Lesser Antilles. Barbados: Barbados Museum. Aboriginal Fishing in the Windward Islands, pp. 103-7 in Proceedings of the 2nd International Congress for the Study of Pre-Columbian Cultures in the Lesser Antilles. BarbadosBarbados Museum. 1968. 1969. Vertebrate Remains Excavated from San Salvador Island, Bahamas Caribbean Journal of Science 9(1-2): 25-29. 1972. Identification and Interpretation of Faunal Remains. In The White Marl Site in Jamaica: Report of the 1964 Robert R Howard Excavation, James Silverberg, ed., pp. 18-35MilwaukeeUniversity of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Department of Anthropology/* 1973a. Notes on the Faunal Remains Excavated from St. Kitts, West Indies. Caribbean Journal of Science 13(3-4): 253-55. 1973b. Subsistence Systems in the Southeast. Paper presented to 30th Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Memphis, Tennessee, October 1973. (in press, SEAC Bulletin). Wing, Elizabeth S., Charles A. Hoffman, Jr., and Clayton E. Ray 1968. Vertebrate Remains from Indian Sites on Antigua, West Indies Caribbean Journal of Science 8(3-4): 123-139. Ximenez-Fatio House Study Committee 1973. This Precious House: The Ximenez-Fatio House, St. Augustine Florida. The National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Florida. iunericZavala, Silvio 19^3. New Viewpoints on the Spanish Colonization of America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1967. El Mundo Americano en la Epoca Colonial. 2 vols. Mexico Editorial Porrua, S.A.

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227 Zeuner, Frederick E. 1963. A History of Domesticated Animals. London: Hutchinson and Co. Ltd. Ziegler, Alan C. 1973. Inference from Prehistoric Faunal Remains. Addison-Wesley Module in Anthropology, no. Reading, Mass.: AddisonWesley Publishing Co., Inc.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Stephen L. Cumbaa was born April 8, 1^7, at Brooksville, Florida. He attended primary and secondary schools in Leesburg, Florida, and received his Associate of Arts degree in 1 9 67 from Lake-Sumter Community College. He received his B.A. in 1 9 6 9 and the M.A. in Anthropology in 1972 from the University of Florida. He is married to Sharron Tracy and has one child, Christian. He has done field work in the Southeastern United States, Mexico, and Canada. His primary research interests are Southeastern United States Archeology, Zooarcheology and Cultural Biology. 228

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Charles H. Fairbanks, Chairman Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms ;o acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Jerald T. Milanich Assistant Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Samuel C. Snedaker Assistant Professor of Forestry I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree^ of Dogtor-^rgr'Philosophy. S. David Webb Associate Professor of Zoology and Geology

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Elizabeth S. Wing Associate Professor of Anthropology This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Anthropology in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August, 1975 /> Dean, Graduate School