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Land and society in early colonial Santiago de Chile, 1540-1575

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Land and society in early colonial Santiago de Chile, 1540-1575
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Braman, Thomas Chapin, 1939-
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Aristocracy ( jstor )
Children ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
Daughters ( jstor )
Governors ( jstor )
Hispanics ( jstor )
Soldiers ( jstor )
Sons ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )

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LAND AND SOCIETY IN EARLY COLONIAL
SANTIAGO DE CHILE, 1540 1575











By

THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY










UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1975




































COPYRIGHT


BY


THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN


1975






















ii












ACKNOWLEDGEMENT S


I am very grateful to all of the persons who have

made this study possible. I owe special appreciation to Milton H. Brown, who proposed that I take a year's sabbatical to finish my class work, and to Richard Lehman, who supported my continued study and research trip. Of course, nothing would have been possible without the guidance of Dr. Lyle McAlister.

I am very grateful also to Joyce R. Miller, who has looked after my interests in Gainesville, and to Francine Prokoski, who encouraged me to finish. To all of these people and mny helpers at the office, especially John Orban and Linda Senft, this dissertation is

thankfully dedicated.


Thomas C. Braman


Langley, Virginia

June 5, 1975














1-1












'ABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOLEGEMENTS . . . . . . iii

ABS T PACT . . . . . . . . . v

Ch apter

I. 'The Indians .. 1
Chile'an Indians (4)---Notes (27)

II. The Spaniards . . . . . . . 30
Valdivia and the Conquest (39)--Notes (54)

III. The Division of Land and Indians. ... 58
Chi.ean System (67)---Notes (31)

IV. Santiago. . . . . . . .. 84
Notes (106)

V. lRace Relations: General ......... 110
Notes (120)

VI. Race Relations: Santiago ........ 122 Metizos in the Aristocracy (155)-- Middle Class Mestizos (166) --Indians and Nec.roes (171)--Social Change in 1575 (174)---Notes
(18 1)

VII. Conclusion .............. 193
Notes (201)

APPENDIN .. . . . . . . .. . 202

LIO AP H . . . . . . . . 20

:OCIRAPHIC7A L SKETCI . . . . . . . 23.19













ivJ










Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate
Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



LAND AND SOCIETY IN EARLY COLONIAL
SANTIAGO DE CHILE, 1540 1575

By

THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN

June, 1975

Chairman: Lyle N. McAlister Major Department: History

The colonial development of Santiago de Chile from 1540 to 1575 is described in detail, particularly the

peculiar love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Spaniards,. This association, sometimes distinguished by outright hostility and cultural animosity and at other times by friendship and acculturation, had a great effect on the economic, political, and social development of the colony.

Chile was the frontier and Santiago was its most

important outpost. The entire area was almost the last

battleground between Spaniard and Indian, and perhaps, with the exception of northern Mexico, the last chance for the Indians to thwart Spanish aggression. They gave their best effort, but in the end succumbed to superior Spanish arms and organization. For the Spaniards, the hostile environment and poverty led initially to a fight



V









for survival and a concentration on subsistence farming. The continuous warfare prevented normal immigration patterns, and the colony primarily attracted a soldier-immigrant class that arrived in the colony without families and bent on adventure.

The natural temperament of these soldiers, their

spirit, and their desire to make the best of a bad situation led to many liaisons with Indian women and the creation of extensive mestizaje. Because the rigid Spanish social structure initially did not exist in the colony, the mestizos flourished. There was a great amount of social mobility, and a man could achieve fame and status even if he had Indian blood in his veins. Females with mixed blood did even better than their male counteparts, and many were integrated into the highest aristocratic level of the colony. As a result of these experiences, Chile's social evolutionary process during the period of conquest subtly differed in many ways from that of its colonial neighbors.















vi













CH-PTER I
THE INDI.P.NS

One of the great controversies in modern anthropology is over the population of the New World prior to its discovery by the Europeans. The most realistic estimate, as far as my own data base is concerned, appears to be approximately 90 million as suggested by Dr. Henry Dobyns in 1966. The study conducted by Dr. Dobyns considered projection methods, dead reckoning, social structure, reconstruction, additive methods, resource potential estimates, direct observation, and a. disease depopulation scale. The conclusion as far as this study is concerned, is that there were approximately 30 million Indians living in the west coast area of Andean civilization, and about 3 to 6 million more in the rest of present day Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina. The original Araucanian population has been estimated as

being nearly 1.5 million. This figure, therefore, in ad-dition to the Andean Indians living north of the Biobio River and those living in the extreme south probably totals about 4.5 to 5 million in present day Chilean territory.1

There has also been a protracted debate over the number of Indians living in the Mapocho Valley when Valdivia arrived on the scene. Many historians place the figure in .the vicinity of 80,000, but others insist on numbers as high as two million. The famous Chilean historian, Benjamin


1







2

Vicunla Mackenna, however, does not believe that the area could agriculturally support more than 10,000 Indians. The priest Miguel de Olivares in his history of Chile agrees with this low figure to a certain extent claiming that not more than 8,000 were there. In any case, there does not seem to be any justifiable evidence for setting the indigeneous population total at more than 10,000.2

Although there were great population and cultural differences among the various Indian tribes on the west coast of South America, their habits and techniques of everyday living were basically similar. Most of the tribes, with the exception of the urbanized Incas, were primarily food gatherers. Agriculture was secondary, and basic crops such as corn, manioc, and potatoes only augmented their food supply. These foods were supplemented -- depending on locale and conditions -- with sweet potatoes, beans, squash, as well as indigeneous fruits such as the avocado and pineapple; whenever possible, fish and game were included.3

In general, Indian technology was rudimentary. Although architecturally advanced structures were constructed in Peru, such accomplishment required little more than a large and docile labor force. Tools and machines for complex construction were unknown; as were the wheel, and the true arch.

The political systems of the area varied from anarchism to the highly developed state of the Incas. Intercourse w;7ith other tribes, in general, was based on war as defense






3

of territory governed relations, In the simpliest form, intertribal conflicts consisted of raiding enemy villages for sacraficial victims, slaves, and women'. Sometimes the

motive was the enslavement of an entire tribe. For the Incas, in fact, war was the imperialistic subjugation of people and the acquisition of land. In any case, in societies that put such a value on the conduct of war, personal valor offered the supreme test of manhood, and the bravest were rewarded with the highest social standing in the tribe.

The Indian did not have a money economy and most people had no sense of worldly gain or worth. The individual accumulation of capital had no meaning. Where gold and silver were available, they were used only in the arts and not for

coinage. Barter, therefore, was the usual means of exchange, and open air markets in the towns were the most common places for trading commodities.4

The Indians of Chile fit into this general pattern, but there were several important differences. The most prominent is the fact that the Araucanian Indians in the southern part of the country were virtually uncivilized compared to the Peruvian Indians. Moreover, while the Spaniards made a great effort to use or initiate the Incas into a HispanoPeruvian population, there was really no such opportunity in Chile. The Chilean Indians, living in proximity to the Spaniards, suffered tremendous population reduction in the first years after the Spanish conquest. In Peru, this






4

population loss could be replaced initially by docile indians living in the countryside. The Araucanians, however, fought the Spanish for every foot of soil; thus forcing the conquerors of Chile to replace the Indian losses in conquered territory with mestizos or Indians

captured and enslaved in the south.


Chilean Indians

This brings us to a discussion of the Indian population of Chile, which was destined to become a part of a new mestizo society, which evolved distinct from the Indian--Spanish societies in the other west coast countries. In order to understand the Indian's role in this undertaking, it is necessary to know something about the development of Chilean Indian society, its characteristics, and why the civilization would resist, but ultimately succumb to the technological advances brought to the New World by the Spaniards.

The distinct regions of present-day Chile included di-verse races and groups of natives in prehispanic times. The major portion of the population, as now, was concentrated in

the central valley area from the Chacabuco south of the Aconcagua River to the Gulf of Reloncavi.5 Before the Spanish invasion, this part of the country was a vast forest broken only by river bottom lands. The many tribes scattered throughout the area formed various groups and took their names from geographical localities. The most prominent were the Huilliches (people of the south) from Valdivia to






5

Reloncavi; and the Pehuenches (people of Pehuen) between the Bioblo and the Copiap6. The remaining native groups were included in the common name of Mapuches, or men of the soil. All these Indians lived on the glacier-fed river

bottom lands from which they had easy access to fishing and hunting grounds as well as their limited croplands.6

In addition, to the central valley Indians, there

were the Chonos, who lived on the Chono archipelago; the Patagonians, in Patagonia; and the Fuegians or Tierra del Fuego. The Changos and the Ataca-ians lived in the north along the coast or in desert oases. These northern tribes

in all probability were related to the primitive people of Bolivia and northwest Argentina, and only in certain time periods had any contact with the tribes of the central region. 7

The Araucanian Indians were the dominant tribe of the southern portion of the central valley area. Many Chilean histories depict these Indians as characteristic of Chile's pre-conquest Indians. This is misleading, as will be noted later. In any case, Spanish contact was maintained with the Araucanian civilization for the next 300 years, and gradually the Araucanian became accepted as the typical pre-conquest Indian, and not as a separate entity. The derivation of the name Araucanian, in fact, is probably from the Spanish colonists, and referred to all of the

Indians living south of the Biobio. The word itself may






6

be derived from auca, a Peruvian word meaning free, or from raco (clay water), an Indian word for the location of the first Spanish fort on the Arauco River.8

It is best at this point to concentrate on some des.cription of the basic Indian type and life style in the Santiago area -- the purpose being to develop some comparison with the Spaniards who would eventually inhabit the region. In retrospect, in many ways the Indians and Spaniards were very similar. The most outstanding differences were in weaponry and social organization. The Araucanians, certainly among the most primitive tribes in the country, however, did demonstrate more adaptability than any other South American Indian, and were able to withstand capably the Spanish onslought for many years.

The Araucanian, of course, is the Chilean Indian most studied by modern anthropologists. In physical appearance he was of short or medium stature and had well proportioned limbs; a well developed chest and body trunk region; a large head with a round face and narrow forehead; small usually dark eyes; a short, flat, but straight nose; a large mouth with thick lips and white teeth; pronounced cheek bones; medium sized ears; dark, thick and smooth

hair usually worn in bangs over the forehead. Their complexion was brown, but did not have the yellow cast of the Peruvian Indians. The women were especially attractive. According to the Spaniards, their complexions were similar






7

to that of southern Europeans. Their undraped breasts were also noted by the early conquistadors. Completing the total

picture was a grave sober manner that in both sexes showed resolution and commanded respect.9 Pedro Valdivia himself described the Araucanians as "tall . amiable, and white, with handsome faces, both men and women ." also as great husbandmen, and as great drinkers.10 Years later Alonso Gonzales de Najera noted that the Indians were very similar in physical appearance to his fellow Spaniards.11

All in all, these characteristics have been accepted as the national native type and probably represent a good approximation of the first Chilean natives contacted by the Spaniards. H.R.S. Pocock in his book Conquest of Chile, however, notes that there were physiological and personality differences between the Araucanians and the Indians originally located near Santiago.12 The fact remains, however, that all of the Indians spoke the same language and, except for the difference in temperment and in fighting quality, seem to be basically the same people.

The central valley native dressed in light clothing made from various colored woolen rags and the skins of guanacos, foxes, and other animals. Others dressed in bark or woven straw. In all cases, however, the Indians' arms, legs below the knees, and feet were uncovered. His head was capped with some animal skin usually crowned with feathers, and his face was painted in red and black streaks. 13









The Indians' principal garment, therefore, resembled

the modern poncho and was shaped like a sleeveless shirt. It was made of two pieces, one in the front and one in the back. These were fastened together on the sides and on the shoulders with wool cords or strips of rawhide. It was generally blue in color and called a chamal. It was used by both men and women. Later, when woven textiles came into common use, the men joined the chamal between the legs and drew it in at the waist. This garment was called a chiripa. The women, on the other hand, tightened the chamal at the waist with a belt or girdle, thus forming an outer skirt, and wrapped a full scarf over their shoulders. They also adorned their heads, necks, and arms with necklaces or

bracelets made of beads, stones, or shells. Some wore metal jewelry, but this practice seems to have varied from place to place. Children generally went naked, only wearing the "poncho" when the weather was very cold.14

Indian houses were very simple and were probably constructed to serve the terxporary nature of the Indians' life as well as to protect him against earthquakes. These houses were located in sheltered places, frequently in ravines, on stream banks, or in the forests. They were constructed of a few forked poles or posts planted upright in the ground and joined at the top with cross beams, forming either a

circle or a rectangle. The walls were generally made of stone or an adobe concoction. The roof was formed by laying






9

straw over the sticks of the ceiling framework. Finally, a wooden fence generally enclosed the compound which the Indians called a ruca.15 Benjamin Vicu.ia Mackenna believes that ruca may be the Indian word from which the Spaniards 16
derived the term rancho as applied to small farms,

This poorly built house was obviously the Indians' most important possession. Within it he ate, slept, bred, and protected himself from the elements. There was no furniture, and the bed was simply a heap of straw on the floor in the corner. The pillow was either a log or a tree trunk. A fire was kept burning in the center of the hut because relighting was a major operation. All eating and working was done at this fire because it provided the only warmth and light, The extended family including married children -built new houses in the vicinity leading to the creation of a village.

Few foods were cooked by the primitive Indians, but

ultimately it became customary to boil fish and meat. For cooking, clay pots and dishes came into use. Other utensils were simply made of hollowed out tree trunks. The meat and fish were put into the clay container with water and a few

vegetables. Stones were then heated in a fire and when they became red hot, they were thrown into the pot and stirred with the other contents.17 The most common Indian foods were almost by necessity vegetables, roots, wild tubors, and beans. Some fruits were also eaten and an alcoholic beverage or sorts was concocted and drunk.18






10

The Indians used a. wooden or bone fishhook for fishing. They were able to construct small boats out of bushes, weeds, and straw. Sometimes they hollowed a canoe out of a large tree. In general, however, fishing activities were confined to slow moving streams and the ocean shore because

no complex, framework boats were ever developed.19

The boleadoras and the arrow were the most important

weapons used for hunting. The former -- similar to the Argentine bolas -- was composed of two or three stones tied to the ends of leather strips. The hunter took one of these stones in his hand, swung the others over his head, and threw it at the legs of his quarry. Arrows were fashioned from a twenty-inches long, slender shaft, and were shot from a wooden bow which was strung with a leather thong. The size of the bow seems to have varied from tribe to tribe, but the Araucanians generally preferred a short one.20 The

Indian also carried a lance and a short war club. The domesticated dog was a frequent and useful companion for flushing game. The origin of the domestic dog in the country is still a debatable question, however, and many historians insist that the dog was introduced by the Spanish.21

The social structure of the Indians, especially the

Araucanaians, was very rudimentary. It consisted of the patriarchial family and the tribe, although Francisco Encina insists that the Chincha-Atacamena-Diaguita civilization contained a trace of matriarchy.22 Relationship was the foundation of the family and proximity contributed to







II

the regional life of the tribe. Initial contact began with a marriage in which the bride was purchased from her father -- the price being calculated in animals, fruits, or merchandise. Each individual man lived with as many women as he bought, and was considered married to them all. He could buy and sell these wives at will and could designate them in these transactions either as a beasts of burden or

as instruments of pleasure. The object of these polygamous relationships was mostly economic, however, rather than sexual pleasure. Sons and daughters had to be produced in

great numbers to assist in agricultural production and defense.23

In general, the woman's lot in the Indian household was difficult. She prepared the food and made all of the clothing for the family. She followed her husband during his military campaigns and carried his weapons and provisions -- not unlike the camp followers associated with the Spanish armies.24 In addition, she cultivated the soil, wove the cloth, and made the clay utensils. The husband, regardless of this service, generally treated her very badly, and, more often than not, regarded her as no better than a slave. This relationship was exacerbated by the outright appropriation of women during wars. In this case the captives were treated simply as concubines.25

The family was obviously often neglected in this sort of situation, and children appear to have been tolerated






12

only as a byproduct of sexual relations. During a boy's infancy, for example, the father took no notice of him. Only when the lad reached the age of puberty was any interest taken in teaching the use of weapons. When the boy learned their use, he was considered to be an adult. Daughters were ignored altogether in infancy, but became an important source of income when they were of marriageable age.26

Most of the Indians wanted their sons to develop into vigorous men. For this reason, they also taught them to play adult games after the use of weapons was mastered.

The favorite games required agility such as in handball and hockey. In their field hockey, the sides were formed facing each other in an open area. The object of the game -- like modern ice hockey -- was to knock a wooden ball with a curved wooden stick through the opposing team and across a designated goal. In handball, again a wooden ball was used. The object was simply to throw it from one to another around a wide circle. In addition to the exercise brought about by the participation in the games, friendly and

sporting comradbriewas developed by friendly wagers.27 Another byproduct of this vigorous activity was the fact that cleanliness was considered a function of athletic prowess, and the Indians thought that their daily bath would preserve strength and health.28

Shifting to political development, the tribal organization of the central valley Indians, like their social







113

organization, was elementary. Many families resulting from some common ancestor, but. related most strongly by the area in which they lived, made up a tribe. This small society, as noted before, most often occupied a valley, lived on the banks of a river, or in a forest. It was basically a free association, however, and recognized no distinct chief except in times of war. In more peaceful times, the father of the oldest family or the most respected and courageous man was usually expected to perform some leadership function. He was called the gulmen or cacique. Later the richest person in the area generally occupied this position. In any case, it appears that the post was usually hereditary in times of peace, but was relinguished in war especially if a better or more courageous man were available.29

Most tribes generally distrusted each other, but frequently allied together to face a common enemy. This was true during the period of the Inca invasions and was especially true when the Spaniards arrived. These federations united the Indians for a common cause and such alliances, of course, are a classic example of the basic social cohesiveness of all of the Indians.30

In other aspects, the central valley Indians never constituted a nation with an organized government. Their only governmental institutions, in fact, were military alliances. The meetings called for war discussions always started with the caciques of each tribe summoning his tribe together.






14

If one chief decided on war, he sent an emissary to his neighbor. An arrow stained with the blood of a guanaco served as the messenger's emblem. It was then passed from tribe to tribe, and the act of proclaiming war was called "correr de flecha" (sending around the arrow). The next step, if the situation appeared to be serious enough, was the general assembly, which was cornonly held in a large open area. After lengthy speeches from the leadershipcontending chiefs, one man was chosen as supreme chief for the campaign. He was designated the togul and was almost always the strongest, the most eloquent, or the bravest man available.31

None of the central valley Indians showed any great

propensity for intense physical activity.32 The Araucanian especially, except for wartime, led a lazy, quiet life. In general, the Indian was only moved to a rigorous regimen in his religious life when confronted by his many superstitions and omens. His supreme god was Pillan, who was believed to be the controller of clouds and winds and the producer of thunder, tempest, lightning, and earthquakes.33 The Indians believed in the existence of evil and good gods: evil brought about sickness and death; good made the fields produce a bountiful harvest, brought abundance of birds and fish, and presided over human joys.34

They also believed in night-appearing ghosts, and a concept of life after death. They spoke of chonchones -human headed animals with winglike ears. These apparitions







15

were vampires that sucked thle blood of the sick. They also dreamed of pihuchenes or winged serpents, Their omens took the forms of cloud directions and formations, flights of birds, and peculiar animal behavior. Such occurrences were sufficient to make them suspend a campaign or feast, convinced that the happening portended disaster for them. With all of these disastrous possibilities, it is no wonder that a major portion of their physical activity was taken up with religion and war.35

This mixture of superstitions and omens produced a priesthood. The ministers of the various cults served both as soothsayers and physicians. The dunguves and the machis were the most important of this group.36 The dunguve was the soothsayer who uncovered thieves and solved secret crimes. A witness, who was present at one such ceremony to search for a missing object, implied that the scene was a kind of extra sensory perception phenomenon coupled with some clever ventriloquism. In any case, the lost object was soon located. The mach on the other hand, was the healer. The Indian had no medical knowledge and believed that illness was punishment by an offended deity or injury caused by some unknown evil. The machi, in effect, exorcized the illness or evil not unlike the undertakings by the Catholic Church in the 16th century and the current revival of interest in exorcism in psychiatry.37

The cure for such an affliction consisted of a very showy ceremony. called a machitun. The relatives of the






16

sick person gathered together with him in a hut and placed him on the floor in the middle of a circle. The mach planted a cinnamon tree branch by his pillow. He had a guanaco brought in, quartered it, took out its heart, and

sprinkled the branch with blood. Following this, he burned some herbs and filled the room with smoke. Then he went to the patient, pretended to search the part of the body where the suffering or wound was located, spit red, and at a given moment, showed those present a lizard, a spider, or some other object -- the source of the evil. During these ceremonies, the women sang in a mournful voice and

accompanied their song with a rhythmic noise produced by rattling dried gourds containing small pebbles.38

The Indian language or Mapuche was adapted to the harangues associated with tribal politicking and poetic verses associated with these religious functions because of its lyrical style. Thousands of Indian words are incorporated into the modern Chilean language including most of the country's geographical names. There is less to be

said, however, of the Indians' artistic productions. He did not paint. His stone or wood carvings are tD coarse to be called sculpture, and only a few utilitarian clay jars were produced. His music was sad and monotonous,

probably because wood flutes and gourd tambourines were all that he had. One captured Spanish soldier was kept alive, in fact, simply because he could play the flute so well.39






17

It is not too difficult to-determine the outstanding characteristics of the southern central valley Indians, if one knows something of their. lives, customs, and beliefs. Three admirable qualities were outstanding; they were brave, loyal, and vigorous. They also had three grave faults: they were cruel, superstitious, and drunken. They preferred war above all other occupations, but in everything else they were incurably lazy. Tribal war, in general, and Spanish oppression, in particular, made them into a cruel, vengeful people.40

The native Chileans living north of the Bioblo belonged only in part to the same race as the Araucanians. The so-called Picunches or Mapuches extended to the Copiap' and were divided into numerous sub-groups. From

the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, they suffered first the invasion of the Diaguitas, coming from northwest Argentina, particularly the present-day provinces of Salta, Tucumran, and Santiago de Estero. This was followed by an

invasion of the Chinchas from southern Peru; and, finally, that of the Quechuas, who at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, formed part of the Inca empire extending

from Ecuador to Bolivia and Chile, with their capital in Cuzco. None of these invasions went farther south than the Maipo. From these Indians, however, came the culture of the Chilean natives who inhabited the north and north center of the country,41







18

Of the three invaders, the Chinchas were the most progressive. They imposed their material civilization and many of their beliefs and customs on Chile. They were shepherds, agriculturalists, miners, and small industrialists. Their most useful domestic animal, the llama, provided wool for their clothing. They cultivated potatoes, peas, and corn. They distributed water to these crops by using extensive irrigation canals. They exploited copper, silver, and gold. They manufactured all kinds of articles, and made utensils of wood, metal, and clay. They built cities containing temples and palaces. And, finally, they constructed roads and a system of hostelries to maintain a postal service and carry on trade with the other sections of

the country.42

The Chinchas were conquered by the Quechuas, an aggressive dominating people who appropriated all elements of the Chinchas' culture and who, with the ruling Incas,

formed the most extensive and prosperous state in America. Two of these Inca rulers -- Inca Pachacut and his son Topa Inca Yupanqui -- led an expedition against Chile in 1460 and conquered the country as far south as the Maule.43 In this territory, they did not find a completely barbarous population, but one already semi-civilized by the influence of the Chinchas, a condition that had prevailed for more than two hundred years.

For a long time it was thought that the level of material progress at which the Spaniards later found the






19

Chilean natives on the northern 'zone was because of the beneficial influence of the Quechuas. According to Luis Galdames, however, archaeological discoveries some fifteen years ago have corrected this opinion, which did not account adequately for the native Chilean state of culture.45 This is so because the Incan domination had lasted only until the date of the Almagro expedition in 1536, a little more than eighty years.

The Chilean natives continued to develop their culture under the rule of the Quechuas. The northern and the central zone of the country were crossed by roads -- certainly unpretentious in Chile and probably no more than stone marked trails. There was a postal system carried on by

Indians on foot, with inns every fifteen or twenty miles. The curacas or governors were engaged in developing the

prosperity of their hamlets and villages, where the natives earned their livelihood, and in encouraging productive activities.46

For cultivating the fields, these natives dug irrigation canals. Among those constructed during the Indian epoch and still existing today is the Vitacura Canal, which

decends from the hills of Salta in the vicinity of Santiago and irrigates the neighboring farms. From the time the canals were opened, the crops of squash, corn, beans, and potatoes, which were native to the country, became more abundant. Guanaco, vicuna, and llama wool production also







20

increased. Clay pot manufacturing, practiced for a long time by the natives, now received new impetus. Vases and clay pitchers became prime implements in the livelihood of the Indians.47

The most important task, as far as the Incas were concerned, was the exploitation of gold, silver, and copper mines. They concentrated their attention principally on gold, however, because this metal made up the tribute that was sent to the emperor. Among the gold mining operations, the most important was Marga-Marga, near Quillota. Gold and silver pins and chains were painstakingly made in gypsum and clay molds and forwarded to the ruling Incas in Cuzco.48

The influence of the Chinchas and Quechuas was felt

also in the intellectual development of the Chilean Indian. Idolatry was introduced into his religion, and this factor made Christianity more acceptable at a later date, especially in regard to reverence for the idol of the Virgin Mary. In mathematics, the Indian learned to count to a thousand without confusing quantities. He also improved his vocabulary by adding more discriptive words from the Quechua language.49

During the fifteenth century and at the beginning of

the sixteenth, the circumstances of the Chilean Indians improved considerably. In their towns, in which the population substantially increased, family and tribal ties became more closely drawn. The cultivation of new land, the development







21

of clay pottery, the exploitation of metals, and the use of wool clothing provided better living standards. The cooking of meat and vegetables became general; corn and potatoes served as the principal ingredient of cooked dishes; and, in time, the bean became the most common and nutritious food. Wool shirts, ponchos, belts, and hair ribbons -- with which the women braided their hair --- came into common usage. In addition, footwear in the form of leather sandals and hats called chupallas were adopted as the native dress.50

The advance of Indian civilization, thus, was important in the 16th century. The transformation brought about during this period of Inca rule cost only the payment of an annual tribute to the sovereigns in large stamped blocks of gold;

with the curacas serving as intermediaries. This was certainly a period of peace unknown before Inca rule.51

At the end of some eighty years of peaceful co-existence the Indians of the north and central Chile had virtually recovered their freedom. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, hardly any traces of Inca rule remained. Shortly thereafter the Inca, Huayna Capac, died and a civil war for the throne began in Peru between his two sons. Be-cause of the war, the Inca garrisons in Chile were depleted and the local curacas and caciques became independent.52

The civilization now native to this north-central portion of the country spread southward as a result of contacts between the various tribes. This southward progression continued until it made contact with the Araucanians where it







22

met resistance. In any case, despite the influence of the civilization over the southern tribes, there was no unification among them. In fact, there was a situation in this part of the country where the population was increasing and material progress was decreasing. Obviously these Indians still had not learned enough technology to support a cityoriented population.53

The situation of the Araucanians to the south of the

contact point is obviously of special interest to any serious student of Chilean history. One can make the initial assessment, nevertheless, that these Indians have not substantially contributed directly to the formation of the Chilean race, but their presence south of the Maule River had a profound influence on the political and social development of the colony.

The defiance demonstrated by the Araucanians against the European invaders for over three centuries stands in contrast with the almost immediate submission of the northern central valley Indians. Moreover, it appears that the Incan invasion late in the fifteenth century was opposed and beaten back solely by the Araucanians. Valdivia himself commented that he had no difficulty with any of the Indians until he crossed the Itata. Later, he said that "'I have warred with men of many nations, but never have I seen such fighting tenacity as is displayed by these Indians,"54






23

The Araucanians were able to resist the Spaniards successfully because of an evolution of military tactics and weaponry. Araucanian weapons progressed from sticks, stones, and arrows to lances and horse garrotes in the first four

years of the war. Later captured Spanish horses were utilized, and ultimately captured cannons and arquebuses were turned on the enemy. Of course, the most important element remained the Indians' basic, inherent courage.55

The Araucanians, not withstanding, it is fairly obvious that by the time of the conquest the Indians' social institutions had evolved into a fairly viable system. Valdivia, himself, noted the strong family ties of the people he encountered and commented on the importance of the family

dwellings that apparently housed generations of the same household. The lowest unit of native society was still the main family and immediate relatives living together and grouped around a chief.56

The title of cacique or chief was given at this time to every head of a household or to any man on whom women and children were dependent. The wife remained, as in earlier times, her husband's chattel. Women continued to be treated as an investment, and it was still their duty to bear children, cook, weave, and cultivate the land.

In agricultural development, the central valley, as mentioned before, was under extensive cultivation. The natives grew maize, potatoes, and madia -- an oil yielding







24

plant -- as well as capsicum, kidney beans, and chinchona. Cultivation was now undertaken by the households in conjunction with the other households in the district. This larger social unit was known as a cava. Apparently, cavas were united by blood ties and ranged in size from thirty to sixty men, women, and children. The Spaniards, however seemingly,

did not think that the cava was large enough to designate as a town.57

All of the Indians living in the cava had had collective rights on the land. Preliminary tillage and harvesting were collective enterprises, and each person in the cava had a particular task to perform for the larger community. It is certain that the harvest produce was divided among the

various households. Landlordship, therefore, was hereditary from the cacique to his family as long as the collective rights of the cava or lero were observed. Thus, the Spaniards after the conquest could inherit property by marrying into the cacique's family. This phenomenon made the implementation of the encomienda system an easier task.

The next larger unit to the cava (this system should

not be misconstrued as being rigid in all cases because the disintegration of the Inca empire had mostly destroyed the

governing institutions) was known as a regua. Five to seven cavas comprised a regua, which was also known as a lebo by the Spaniards. Each lebo or regua was presided over by a chief.58






25

The unit above the regua was called an uttamapo which first appeared as a military organization to combat the Spaniards. The whole country was apparently divided into these uttamapos or vutamap.s, which were made up of several reguas. Each had its own chief whose office was hereditary. He could be superceded, however, by an elected commander in times of dire emergency. In addition to these division, there were four more districts in the south called amapus.

Each had a chief who spoke at the congresses the Spaniards later convened. These divisions were then called Butalma59
pus.59

The whole system was held together by the authority of the chiefs and the regular meetings of each group. Justice

and administration as well as the distribution of food were undertaken at these gatherings. In addition, feasts and dances were held in conjunction with the festivities and were presided over by the religious leaders.

In a sense, therefore, the Indians were participating in a familiar ritual at the time of the Spanish take-over of the area around Santiago in 1541. In this case, they were clearly at a military disadvantage despite superior numbers, and Spanish domination appeared inevitable. Although resentment surely filled the hearts of many of the chiefs on this occasion, their later support for the new Spanish leadership, their adoption of Christianity, and their gift of marriageable daughters to the conquerors






26

marked the beginning of the end of the distinct Indian race and culture. Although years of war would ensue, the parallel Spanish and Indian societies were eventually welded -as much as possible -- into one.













NOTES

1Henry F. Dobyns, "Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemisphere Estimate," Current Anthropology, Vol. 7 (Oct., 1966), p. 415.

2Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna, Historia crftica y social de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundecion hasta nuestros dias, 1541-1868 (Valparaiso, 1869), p. 16.

3Ida W. Vernon, Pedro de Valdivia, Conquistador of
Chile (New York, 1969), p. 34.

4J.I. Molina, The Geographical, Natural, and Civil History of Chile (London, 1909), Vol. 2, p. 12.

5Jaime Eyzaguirre, Historia de Chile: genesis de la nacionalidad (Santiago, 1965), p. 27.

6Luis Galdames, A History of Chile (New York, 1964), p. 6.

7Francisco Frias Valenzuela, Historia de Chile (Santiago, 1950) pp. 10-14.

8Horacio Lara, Cronica de la Araucania (Santiago, 1889), Vol. 1, p. 28.

9Francisco Antonio Encina, Historia de Chile (Santiago, 1944), Vol. 1, pp. 83-84.

10pedro de Valdivia to Emperor Charles V., September 25, 1551, reprinted in Pedro de Valdivia, Cartas de relacion de la conquista de Chile (Santiago, 1970), p. 172.

llAlonso Gonza1ez de Najera, Desena. y reparo de la guerra del reino de Chile (Santiago, 1971), p. 40.

12Hugh R.S. Pocock, The Conquest of Chile (New York, 1967), p. 239.

13Galdaines, o. cit., pp. 6-8.

14Enrique C. Eberhardt, Historia de Santiago de Chile
(Santiago, 1916), pp. 196-207.

27






28

15Vernon, o. cit. p. 36.

16Vicuna Mackenna, Historia critica y social de Santiaj, p. 29.

17Galdames, op. cit., p. 7

18Francisco Esteve Barba, Descubrimiento v conquista de Chile (Barcelona and Buenos Aires, 1946), p. 139.

19Galdames, op. cit., p. 7.

20Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 71-72.

21Eberhardt, o. cit, pp. 167-173. and Galdames,
op. cit., pp. 8-10.

22Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 33-34.

23Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 97-98.
24Galdames, op. cit., pp. 8-10.

25Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 99.

26Ibid., p. 102.

27Eberhardt, op. cit., pp. 292-296.

28Frias, op. cit., pp. 26-27.

29Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 103.

30Eberhardt, op. cit., p. 243.

31Ibid., pp. 243-244.
32Galdames, op. cit., p. 10.

33Jorge Dowling, Religion, chamanismo v mitologia mapuches (Santiago, 1973), pp. 40-62.

34Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 91. See also Frias, op. cit., p. 21. Totemism or belief in
inanimate objects was also a form of Indian worship.

35Jose T. Medina, Los aborigenes de Chile (Santiago, 1952), p. 233.

36Dowling, o. cit., pp. 63-112. This is the best
discription of the activities of the machis and dunguves.







29

37Eberhardt. oy, cit., p. 236.

38Galdames, op. cit., p. 11.

39Eberhardt, o, cit., p. 73.

40Gonzales de Najera, co. cit., pp. 57-61.

41Eyzaguirre, o. cit., p. 28.

42Galdames, o_. cit., p. 15.

43Grete Mostny, Culturas precolombinas de Chile (New York, 1964) pp. 152-153.
44Eugenia Maguire Ibar, Formacion racial chilena y futuras proyecciones (Santiago, 1949), p. 5.

45Galdames, o. cit., p. 15.

46Mostny, O. cit., p. 157.

47Galdames, a cit., p. 15.

48Ibid., p. 16.

49Ibid.

50Ibid., p. 17.

51Ibid.

52Clements R. Markham, The Incas of Peru, (London, 1910), pp. 95, 198.

53Galdames, op. cit., p. 18.

54pocock, o cit., pp. 237-238.

55Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 112-117.

56Helen Douglas-Irvine, "The Landholding System of Colonial Chile," Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 8 (Nov. 1928) p. 452.

57Ibid., p. 455.

58Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 104-105.

59Douglas-Irvine, o. cit., p. 459.













CHAPTER II
THE SPANIARDS

The first Spanish expedition to Chile was led by Diego Almagro in 1535. Almagro was tired of the peaceful life he was leading in Peru and his second rank social status to the Pizarro family. His longterm dispute with the Pizarros, in fact, was settled only after an agreement was reached allowing the Pizarros to consolidate their holdings in Peru, while giving Almagro free reign in the south. Almagro agreed to

the terms of this agreement primarily because he was enthused by tales of wealth in the land of "Chili."' Using all the money he could gather, he outfitted 500 Spaniards and several thousand auxillary Indians (yanaconas) for the expedition. The group met incredible hardship in the desert area of northern Chile, however, and was able to proceed only to the vicinity of present-day Aconcagua by 1536. In August of that year, the War of Arauco, which was destined to last for nearly 300 years, began when the Mapuche Indians attacked Almagro's band at Reinoguelen.2

Following the fighting, any Indians contacted by Spaniards were treated severely. They were chained together, beaten, and given little water or food after capture. The growing hostility of the natives and the failure to uncover any great wealth soon convinced Almagro that Chile was not a land of plenty. Accordingly, the expedition returned to 30







31
Peru so that Almagro could press his claim for Cuzco.3 A war ensued between the aggrieved Almagro faction and Pizarro with the upshot being the capture and execution of Almagro following his defeat at the battle of Salinas.4

Although the ideal Spanish character is eulogized in

Miguel Olivares' description of Francisco de Villagra, "just in peace, valiant in war, religious with God, pious toward the needy, moderate in the use of personal fortune, and constant in the fact of adversity."5 Almagro's character is probably more indicative of a typical Spanish conquistador. He was a low order noble and, in effect, demonstrated the Castilian temperment and mentality of his class. He was tenacious, brave, arrogant, greedy, and cruel. As in Araucanian society, the Spanish placed a premium on machismo and valor. The men of his band were also from basically the same class and had similar characteristics.

All of the Spaniards were a product of their homeland as it had developed to the 15th century, and of a GothicCeltic-Iberian-Roman culture that had been transformed to a certain extent by the introduction of Arab, Moorish, and Jewish ingredients.6 The incessant turmoil in which Spain developed, the warlike and aggressive habits of the Gothic element, and the difficulty in making a living on most of the Spanish people. Of course, their circumstances made them somewhat immune and accustomed to suffering, but at the same time added to their natural courage and gave them a special







32

spirit of adventure. The frequent plundering by marauding invaders accompanied by family uprooting stimulated this spirit. As a consequence, the search for adventure and wealth led to the discovery of the New World and became a major factor in the psyche of all of the Spanish conquerors.7 It should be noted here that most of these men came from the Castiles, where these aforementioned characteristics were emphasized more than in any other part of the country.8

Some reference must also be made at this point to the inherently "racist" theory developed by the Chilean historian Francisco Encina. In essence, he hypothesizes that the basic difference between other southern Europeans and Spaniards was the introduction, during the middle ages, of nordic blood into the peninsula by invading northern tribes, particularly the Goths. He continues that the percentage of Gothic blood, perhaps as high as 20 percent, was most heavily concentrated in the upper class, prince or knightly elements of Spanish society. As a consequence, the militaryadventurers, who expelled the Moors, were probably ethnically and by nature and temperment part of this GothicSpanish element. It follows, therefore, that it was this group that was most likely to produce conquerors. of the New World, following the peace established on the peninsula in 1492.9

This reasoning would tend to indicate that many of the conquerors in all areas of the New World were from this






33

Gothic-Spanish element. The settlers coming after the conquest, however, were not representative necessarily of this group, and more than likely were from the workerfarmer lower class element containing the least amount of Gothic blood.

In Chile, this process was altered by the continuous War of Arauco. The infusion of the Spanish-Gothic soldier element was a continuing process; and according to Encina, was not adulterated by essentially inferior blood lines. Proof of this superior ancestry was the spirit exhibited

by the Spanish-Gothic-Chileans during the war against the Indians. Other evidence was the fact that the interneccine struggles, which occurred in the other Spanish colonies, did not take place after the founding of Santiago. Encina credits this to the Gothic regard for human life regardless

of the consequences.10

Of course, Encina's thoughts are strictly theory and

have no empirical basis, especially when viewed in the context of present-day attitudes toward racism. On the other hand, the basic differences in Chilean development when compared to the other colonies lends some credence to Encina's theories. There is no doubt, whether a non-Chilean believes

it or not, that the Encina view has been turned through the years into a kind of Chilean racism that differentiated Chile, at least in the eyes of the Chileans, from the other Andean countries.







34

To continue the narrative of the distinctive features of the Spanish conquerors, however, there is no question

that one of the most predominant characteristics was their loyalty and reverence for their kings. Because the king had led them to victory over their enemies and for their religion for so long, the people believed these rulers could exact the greatest sacrifice for them in return. The Crown, therefore, became sacred, in medieval view, a representative of God on earth.11

Nothing better distinguished a Spaniard from most

other Europeans, however, than his obsession with religion. He saw the hand of God everywhere, even intervening in his least important affairs. In his battles, he believed that he was being supported by the-Apostle Saint James, the Patron of the army. He imagined James and other saints in shining visions, assisting him in battle, and destroying all enemies of Catholicism and his country. This religious exclusivity made the Spaniard intolerant and fanatical. His excessive preoccupation with divine intervention led him to believe in many superstitions. He presumed that sorcerers, spirits, and demons were responsible for his life. 12 Wars, pestilence, famine, hunger, and earthquakes, which frequently affected his life were compelling reasons for these feelings. In this regard, his culture had progressed little beyond that of the Indians he was about to conquer.

This religious view was fostered predominantly by ignorance. Even when Spain, like other European nations,








became what could be considered civilized, its culture was not general; only the higher classes of society -- the king, nobility, and high clergy -- possessed culture and education, and usually only in proportion to their resources. For example, of all of Valdivia's companions only Bartolomg Rodrigo Gonzales had attended college.13 The other members of the petty nobility were mostly "home-educated." The

lower class representatives, farmers and villagers, lacked the most elementary sophistication and education. In general, this situation was probably reflected in the rest of Europe, but the Spanish temperment only exacerbated the condition.

According to Encina, however, it would be a gross error

to describe the first comers to America merely as soldiers. They were centainly not members of the higher nobility; these only came later as governors. The lower nobility (hidalgos) also came at first only in small number, but as leaders and drivers of the various expeditions. The majority, therefore, were from the lower classes and were completely uneducated. The spirit of adventure was most developed in them, however, because of the hardships endured in the homeland and the lack of any outlet there for their

considerable ambitions and spirit.14

In spite of all of the defects, the Spaniards' culture

and technology were much more advanced than that of the Indians. Their physical appearance was also a significant









contrast to the natives. White skinned -- some with red hair and light eyes; some with dark hair and dark eyes; most wih long beards -- they were usually rather stout and of vigorous muscular strength. They were also well schooled in horsemanship; well clothed, and well armed. The conquerors were necessarily and psychologically aware of their superiority to the unorganized Indian tribes they encountered.15

In retrospect, however, the Spanish colonial life style more closely resembled its Indian counterpart than many Spaniards would care to admit. These conquerors essentially lived by the sword and were primarily interested in territorial and personal aggrandizment. Basically, the Indian

problem was to be solved by three possible methods: iso-lation, elimination, or integration. The Spaniards chose a 'combination of the latter two courses. The Indians were to be subdued and used as slaves if necessary. Women were to be exploited. In other words, the Spanish aim was basically the same as a warring Indian tribe. The Spaniards only rationale was that he was following this procedure for God and country, whereas the Indian was interested in individual and

tribal enrichment.16

The following physical discription of the Spaniard is noted only to contrast him with the earlier picture of the Indian. It is indicative of a superior social and military organization and shows that these men were able, after solving









many problems, to adapt to the changing situations and environment of the New World. They were sustained by better technology than that which was available to the Indians. Regardless of this superiority, however, their life style in the early days of the colony was little better than that of the Indians they were conquering. In the end, organization was the deciding factor.

The clothing of the Spaniard was rather simple. It consisted only of short pantaloons reaching to the knees, where they were tied with a cord; a top coat belted at the

waist; sandal shaped shoes with leather soles; and sometimes wool stockings covering the leg and joined at the knee to the pantaloon. Some, better clothed, used a kind of gaiter buttoned in front which was called a buskin, and on the calves of the legs jambes of leather, like leggings. The head was covered with a casque or steel helmet. It was padded on the inside and was fastened with a chin strap. Commanders and officers usually had an attached wire cover to protect their faces.17

Of greater significance than their different physical appearance, however, was the difference in their weaponry. The Spanish soldier used defensive and offensive types depending on the occasion. The defensive gear were the helmet, the mail coat, and the leather shield. The infantry's offensive weapons were the harquebus and the short sword. The cavalryman carried a short sword, a lance or pike, and







-38

a steel covered club. The artillerymen were equipped with cannons. 18

The superiority of the Spanish civilization over the

Indian was thus shown principally in better and heavier offensive military equipment. Each Spaniard equaled at least 100 natives in battle, and that demonstrated superiority had consequences other than military as will be noted later. The Spaniards brought to the New World all of their ideas, their beliefs, their arts, their customs -- in a word, their civilization. This together with their military superiority triumphed over the natives. Then, their more advanced political organization and social discipline were imposed on the conquered with equal determination.

These thoughts aside for a moment, it is best to recall that the Spanish conquest and colonization of America was essentially an economic venture financed in part by the Crown and, in part, by private enterprise. Religious idealism and militarism certainly had a role in this endeavor, but basically these were subordinate to a primary quest for precious metals, raw materials, and captive markets. The Spanish successes in Mexico and Peru, however,

did little to prepare them for the poverty and resistance they encountered initially in Chile, and this is precisely why Chilean colonial development is an interesting field of study.






39



Valdivia and the Conquest

The conqueror of Chile, Pedro Valdivi4. was born sometime around the year 1502 in the La Serena district of Spain. No one knows for certain what village he came from, but it appears quite probable that he was from a good family and received a home education well above the average of his day.19 As a matter of fact, according to Luis Galdames, Valdivia regarded the men in his company as well as Pizarro to be intellectual inferiors.20 In any case, from the time of his 19th birthday, he followed a military career, leaving it in 1525 to marry Marina Ortfz de Gaete. For the next ten years presumably he led a quiet life of marital bliss in his old village.21

In 1535, he left his wife and family -- never to see them again -- to travel to the Indies. He spent the following year in the discovery and conquest of Venezuela. His friend and companion during this adventure was Jeronimo de Alderete who later became one of his principal followers in the expedition to Chile. The Venezuelan interlude, although certainly entertaining for Valdivia, gave him little opportunity for advancement of personal glory and he welcomed the opportunity to join Francisco Pizarro in Peru as quartermaster of the army. Following his successful performance






0'O

in that duty, he was given a silver mine in Porco and a valuable estate called 'La Canela" for his services. This latter property alone produced an estimated income of about $500,000 per year.22

It was a complete surprise to Pizarro, therefore, when Valdivia applied for a commission to undertake an expedition to Chile. Valdivia was certainly a wealthy man at this time and was well aware of Almaqro's utter failure in the south.23 The point is that Valdivia, apparently unlike many of his contemporaries, was more interested in the prestige and fame of a successful expedition, than just enriching himself. Many historians believe that he had a driving ambition to found and build, but it appears that prestige played an important-role in his decision. In any case, it is more likely that he came to Chile as a conquerorcolonizer than merely a despoiler.24

Pizarro granted him the commission in April 1539, and Valdivia immediately began planning for the long trek. It proved to be very difficult to raise money for the project, however, as no one was interested in financing an expedition that appeared to follow its predecessor into failure. Even Pizarro was reluctant to risk any money from the Peruvian treasury. Valdivia's problems were solved, however, when a newly arrived Spanish merchant, Francisco Martinez, offered to pay half of the money needed on the condition that a partnership be formed.25








Upon the scene at this time'appeared Pero Sancho de. Hoz, who had just returned to Lima after a four year absence. Sancho had squandered his money in the homeland and was looking for an opportunity to regain his fortunes. He was titled as Governor for the King, and with Pizarro's blessing over Valdivia's opposition, became another partner for the Chilean expedition.26

In January 1540, Valdivia finally left Cuzco accompanied by seven Spaniards -- 17 others joined him at the outskirts of the city; others joined along the road a few days later. In addition, he had gathered about a thousand yanaconas to serve as porters and camp followers of one sort or another. These Indians were regarded as hardly better than animals at the beginning-of the journey and were usually referred to as "pieces of service."27 Valdivia was also accompanied by his mistress, Ines de Suarez, who was the only Spanish woman in the train.28

The route followed by the band of adventurers was that traced by Almagro during his retreat. They progressed from Cuzco to Tarapaca by way of Arequippa, Moquegua, and Tacna. There were very few incidents with the Indians, but the usual problems of fatigue, cold, and hunger inhibited rapid advance. Francisco Martinez was injured in one incident with some marauding Indians and another Spaniard was killed. Valdivia then decided that Martinez needed medical attention in Cuzco, and dispatched two other Spaniards to return







42

with him to Peru. Thus, of the original 24 men, Valdivia arrived in Tarapaca with only twenty.29

The situation changed for the better there, however, when Rodrigo de Araya rode into camp with sixteen other Spaniards bringing the total complement of thirty-six. Not long afterward, about seventy-five more arrived with Francisco de Villagra -- the expedition now suddenly increasing to 111 men. Once again the group set out, this time facing the tractless wastes of the Atacama desert.30

Impossible as it may seem with a group already facing a great ordeal from hostile terrain and natives, Sancho de

Hoz began plotting against Valdivia to take over the expedition for himself. During Valdivia's absence from camp one night, Sancho and his followers began discussing rebellion among the other troops. Valdivia arrived back the next morning, however, accompanied by Francisco de Aguirre and twenty-five Spaniards. This force and Valdivia's pointed effort to ignore the incident ended the intrigue for the present. The camp now included 137 Spaniards.31

The group next arrived in the Copiapo Valley and was immediately set upon by the Indians. The natives of the district were following a "scorched earth" policy and destroyed all of their food stores before the Spaniards could capture them. They also inflicted a terrible death and injury toll on the yanaconas who unlike the Spaniards were not protected by armor. This was finally the area that Valdivia's








commission empowered him subjugate, and it was here that the ceremonies took place ,claiming the land in the name of the King.32

The expedition now increased in size to 150 men with the arrival of Gonzalo de los Rios and his group. (Including two knights, twenty-five lesser nobles, 122 soldiers, one Negro, and one woman) After remaining in the Copiap6 Vailey for two months, the group pressed southward. The Indians fought them all the way -- especially Chief Michimalongo of the Aconcagua district. The vastly superior Spanish armaments proved decisive, however, and in early Decenber, the group arrived at the banks of the Mapocho River. The conquerors pitched camp at the base of a hill they named Santa Luca- and Valdivia named the place Santiago de Nueva Estremadura.33

The site of the new city was chosen for strategic purposes. Santa Lucia hill is 635 feet high and offers protection as well as serving as an observation post. Moreover, the two branches of the Mapocho River form a peninsula with the hill in the center, protecting the promontory. Of course, the Spaniards could only use the hill as their final refuge

in battle because their most offettive weapon against the Indians was the mounted cavalry -- a totally ineffective force on a hillside. Thus, Santa Luca served primarily as a focal point for the valley where horsemen could fight effectively.34 Once the decision w,7as made by Valdivia: to make







44

the site a permanent settlement, messages were sent to the Indians requesting a meeting.35

The Indian attitude toward all of this activity was

sullen at best. They had been fighting the Spaniards ever since Valdivia had arrived in their valley. They had been beaten, however, and fearing the loss of their unharvested crops, agreed to meet with the invaders. Valdivia told them that he had been sent by his King to build a city and requested their help. The Indians, hiding their real feelings,

agreed to assist in the project. -Thus, Santiago was begun as a permanent settlement on February 12, 1541.36

In September, the Indians having completed much of the construction in the city and patiently waiting for the harvest-to be-completed, finally rebelled. On the 11th, they stormed the city and fought the Spaniards tooth and nail all day. The most conservative accounts estimate that the attacking force consisted of between eight and ten thousand warriors. Regardless of the estimates, the force was so great that the Spaniards, who expected the onslaught, were forced to withdraw from their defensive lines to the Plaza. de Armas. As they retreated, the Indians fired the town

and scattered the domestic animals. In the end, only two Spaniards were killed, but most of the rest suffered some kind of injury. Ines de Suarez is credited with saving the day by ordering several Indian chief captives to be executed, and their heads thrown out of the strongpoint and into the









Indian melee. The Indians were panic stricken by the sight of their dead leaders and fled.37

Valdivia, who was reconnoitering the area near the present seaport town of Concon, arrived back in the city four days later to view the still smoking ruins. All of the Spaniards' possessions except their arms, horses, and clothes had been destroyed. Ines de Suarez had managed, however, to salvage three pigs, a cock and hen, and two handfuls of grain. In effect, the Indians had come within a hair-breadth of destroying the colony by direct attack and appeared ready to finish the job as soon as possible.38

Despite the severe Spanish losses, the Indians were in no position to follow up their advantage, and decided to

withdraw from the immediate area. Villagra and Quiroga were dispatched to the Quillota area west of Santiago and were able to break up Indian concentrations and prevent an

immediate attack.

Meanwhile, the city was reconstructed; this time with

an adobe wall -- eight feet high and five feet thick -- surrounding the interior nine blocks. The Indians, meanwhile, adopted a guerrilla warfare plan and waited in ambush for any Spaniard who wandered too far from the settlement. The town's inhabitants were thus reduced to eating herbs and bugs while waiting for the cavalry to return with game.

Most of them also adopted the native dress as there was nothing European to replace their worn-out clothes. Soon,






46

it became very difficult to tell' the Indians and Spaniards

in the city apart by their outward appearance.39 This sort of existence continued throughout 1542 and lasted until December 1543 when Monroy arrived with a force of 70 men. The second Spanish woman to arrive in the colony may have been on Monroy's ship. The first record of a Spanish woman's arrival, however, does not occur until 1544 when a Spanish woman named Balcazar arrived. It is safe to assume, therefore, that most of the children reported to be in Santiago from 1541 to 1544 were either Indians or mestizos.40

With the arrival of the 70 men detachment, the Spaniards were able to take the initiative and the Indians were forced to withdraw to the south. Valdivia attacked them at the

Maipo, destroyed their fortifications, and forced a general retreat of more than 150 miles to the southern banks of the Maule River. In the north, meanwhile, Chief Michimalongo was routed in a pitched battle in the Limari Valley and

Santiago was reasonably secured.

With the easing of the Indian threat, Valdivia's attention was again returned to the colonial organization. A cabildo had been set up as early as March 1541. Despite the fact that the little band of Spaniards functioned on a war footing with military directions from Valdivia, the governor felt that the delegation of responsibilities would eliminate claims of preferential treatment. He decided that he could avoid a great deal of ill will and trouble if all






47

disputes were settled by the ceabildo rather than himself. Thus, he appointed alcaldes ordinarios, Juan Jufre and Francisco Aguirre; councilors*, Juan Fernandez de Alderete, Juan Bohn, Francisco de Villagra, Don Matn de Solier, Gaspar de Villarroel, and Jeronimo de Alderete; majordomo, Antonio Zapata; and the procurador, Antonio de Pastrana. Valdivia maintained his title as Lieutenant Governor and Captain General.41 Despite the legalistic nature of these

assignments, none of the appointees had attended college and none were accredited lawyers.. Later in the colonial era, the Crown licensed lawyers and office holders requiring a law degree. It was not necessary to have completed a college education, however.42

The most important development from a political, -economic, and social standpoint at this time was the establishment of the cabildo. Basically, this organization was nothing more than the transfer of the ancient Spanish municipal tradition to the New WTorld. Each organization varied from country to country, however, and, in essence, mostly reflected the structural interpretation of the governor or expedition leader.43 Cabildo meetings in Santiago, in fact, were held in Valdivia's house t uil uthe regular mef-ting house was constructed. One example of Valdivia's structual interpretation was the fact, that from 1550 until 1557, there were three regidores perpetuos in the city instead of the usual five by virtue of a prior agreement and arrangement---








with Valdivia -- Diego Garcia de Caceres, Rodrigo de Quiroga, and Juan Gdmez.44 The erosion of the strong position of the governor vis-a-vis the cabildo can also be seen following Valdivia's death and the institutionalization of the cabildo.

In order to become a cabildo member in Santiago, the

candidate had to be a citizen of the city. The age requirements were a minimum of 26 for an alcalde ordinario; 18, for a regidor; and 25, for an escribano. Criminals, illegitimate sons, members of religious orders, debtors, and recent Christian converts were excluded from office.45

Cabildo sessions were of three types: ordinary, extraordinary, and open. Ordinary sessions took place on fixed dates. Extraordinary sessions occurred on special occasions, and open meetings were scheduled when the collaboration of the citizenry of the whole town was needed to pass important legislation, or for discussion of very important matters. Elections occurred during the last days of December or the first of January. Salaries were paid according to the city's ability and according to the job or position.46

In the initial stages of its development in Santiago, the open cabildo included all free men. This was later modified, however, to include only Spaniards or Hispanicized criollos. The distinction was enacted to exclude Indianized

mestizos and Indians who were not considered to be of equal status,47

The Santiago cabildo evolved into a structure of two alcaldes, who were charged with administering justice, and








six regidores who wrote the municipal regulations. There were also several other important functionaries including

the procurador of the city, who represented the people; the mayordomo or treasurer, who took. meeting notes; the alguacil mayor, who was the chief jailer and administed punishment; and the alfrerez real whose position was mainly symbolic, but, generally in Chile, he was in charge of fiestas and other ceremonies. The fiel ejecutor supervised prices and trade guilds and the alarife directed public works.48

The Santiago cabildo documents during this early period reveal a preoccupation with licensing medical doctors and approving their work; concern over the building and location of a hospital, decisions regarding fiestas and religious holidays, and settlements of land disputes involving the farms in the Santiago area.49

Meanwhile, returning to political developments, Pizarro was assassinated in June 1541. When the news of his death reached Santiago, the cabildo was in a quandary. Pizarro's death meant that Valdivia's governing powers had ceased to exist because his commission had been issued by the Peruvian conqueror. On the other hand, no one in the colony had a better claim for a royal appointment than Valdivia and the cabildo drew up a petition asking that Valdivia be elected governor. At first, Valdivia refused because he was still uncertain of Pizarro's fate. The will of the open cabildo finally prevailed, however, and Valdivia accepted the post






50

of Governor of the Colony, Alonso de Monroy was appointed Lieutenant Governor, Jeronimo de Alderete was named treasurer, Francisco de Arteaga was controller, Juan Fernandez de Alderete was overseer, and Francisco de Aguirre was named commissioner.50

As noted earlier, this political structure was virtually meaningless in a colony with no visible means of support and under siege by marauding Indians. Valdivia was in charge of virtually every order of business, however, and following his military successes, he turned his attention to the colony's economy. Indian laborers were put to work in the mines and a ship was constructed at Concon.to enable Santiago

to maintain communications with Lima. The overland route between the two cities was secured with the construction of a fort at La Serena.

At the same time, Valdivia was interrupted in his

economic program by the continuation of the anti-Pizarro insurrection in Peru. He journeyed there in 1547 and joined with the King's envoy, Pedro de la Gasca, to defeat his

former sponsor's brother in the Battle of Jaquijahuana. In gratitude, the King officially proclaimed him governor of Chile in 1548.51

With Peru pacified, Valdivia was able to secure more men and supplies for his colony. Another company of 100 men was sent to Santiago and the conqueror himself returned in 1549 along with some women and families.52 La Serena,








which had again been destroyed by the Indians, was rebuilt and communications with Peru were secured again. At this point, approximately 500 Spaniards populated the colony, and the total population of Santiago proper including Spaniards, mestizos, and Indians was probably about 1,000.53 The vast majority of Spaniards were employed against the growing Araucanian threat in the south. By 1553, the total number of Spaniards had risen to 1,000 -- this number being partially made up of men from the detachment of Don Martin de Avendano and Gasper de Villarroel which arrived from Peru in November of 1552.54

It should always be recognized that the majority of Spaniards were engaged in the war effort, but some were mining for gold or were engaged in raising livestock. At this time, Valdivia could look with some satisfaction on his accomplishments of conquering the Indians in the Santiago area and dividing their labor force among his men. He had led successful expeditions into Araucanian territory and had founded the towns of Imperial, Valdivia, and Villarica. There were also forts at Arauco, Tucapel, and Puren. Thus, the conquest of all of the country seemed assured.

This victory was delayed, however, and later postponed indefinitely by renewed Araucanian resistance. In December 1553, a band of these Indians under the leadership of Lautaro, Valdivia's former groom, destroyed the fort at Tucapel. Valdivia marched south to join in the battle, but he was







52

ambushed, captured, and killed by the Indians. The uprising, which had not appeared possible earlier in the year, continued and three towns including Concepcion fell to the advancing Indians. The War of Arauco was intensified.55

Francisco de Villagra, who had become Commander-in-Chief in the south, after the news of Valdivia's death reached Santiago on 11 January 1554,56 finally managed to capture and kill his chief adversary near Santiago three years later, Lautaro's head was exhibited on a pike in the plaza for many days, but it was a symbolic gesture because his place was soon taken by bolder and more capable Indian generals. The southern part of the country was reconquered, for the most part, during the next several years through the efforts of Don Garcfa Hurtado de Mendoza and Captain Alonso de Reinoso, who fought against the great Indian Chief Caupolican.57

Thus, the Araucanian War, which varied in intensity through the years, became a real and present factor in Chilean colonial life. Towns were destroyed and were rebuilt. Immigrants arrived and lives were lost. In general, however, the Spaniards were able to maintain enough pressure on their Indian adversaries for the next forty years to keep them off balance. The Spanish action essentially became a defensive, holding action.

It should be mentioned at this point that the War of

Arauco was not necessarily fought by Spaniards solely against Indians. In reality, by this time, the battle lines were







53

drawn between Spaniards and their allies -- mestizos and Indian friends -- fighting against the Araucanians and their allies -- some mestizos, renegade Indians, and Spanish deserters.58

The presence of a strong enemy in the south had a tremendous effect on colonial life and attitudes, however. The most important psychological factor was the sense of mutual identity that was created among the Spaniards and their mestizo half brothers. Social stability was necessary to fight the common enemy and this factor, more than anything, led to a mutual feeling of incipient nationhood.59 In addition, the war absorbed a good portion of the colony's early energy and forced the Crown to send naturally aggressive military men instead of traditional colonizers with their families. This soldier class immigration led to a vigorous pursuit of economic and territorial expansion to support the war effort, changed traditional social patterns, and ultimately brought about a social evolution involving some mestizos in all facets of society.60











NOTES

1Medina, Los aborigenes de Chile, p. 7. Chili is the Quechua word meaning "better than something."

2Alonso de Gongora Marmolejo, Historia de Chile desde el descubrimiento hasta el ano 1575 (Santiago, 1862), pp. 30-37. See also Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 408.

3Vernon, 2p. cit., p. 41.

4Frias, op. cit., pp. 55-56.

5Miguel de Olivares, Historia militar, civil y sagrada
de Chile (Santiago, 1864) p. 213.

6Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 385.
71bid., Vol. 3, pp. 23-27.

8Maguire Ibar, op. cit., p. 7.

9Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 523.

10Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 23-34.

11Eberhardt, 2o. cit., pp. 42-44.
12
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 388. Valdivia himself spoke of religious and saintly assistance.

13Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del desarrolla intelectual de Chile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1903), pp. 375376. See also James Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca (Austin, 1972), p. 112. Twenty percent of the conquerors of Chile were functioning literates. The rest could sign their names. Only nine percent were illiterate.

14Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 386-387.
15
15Galdames, o. cit., pp. 34-35.

16Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 392.

17Galdames, op. cit., p. 35.



54







55
18Ibid.

19Encina, _istoria de'-Chile, Vol. 1, p. 176. Vernon, o?. cit., pp. 17-18.
20Galdames, o. cit., p. 37.

21Gongora Marmolejo, o. cit., pp. 36-40.
22Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile: Pedro de Valdivia (Santiago, 1911-1912), Vol. 1, p. 4.

23Diego Barros Arana, Origenes de Chile (Santiago, 1934), Vol. 1, p. 209.

24Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile: La
transformacion de la guerra de Arauco y la esclavitud de los indios (Santiago, 1971), p. 20. See also Eugene H. Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile: the Struggle for Social Justice (Stanford, 1968), p. 24.
25Vernon, op. cit., p. 43.

26Ibid., pp. 44-45.

27Declaracion de Pedro de Miranda in Jose T. Medina, Colecci'n de documents ineditos para la historia de Chile desde el viaje de Magallanes hasta la batalla de iaipo, 1518-1818 (Santiago, 1888-1902), Vol. 16, p. 212.

28Vernon, o. cit., pp. 26-27. There is ample evidence that Valdivia's marriage to Dona Marina was unhappy. He had, at this time, been married to her for ten years and there were no children. Dona Marina has been characterized as being quite colorless; so there is reason to believe that Valdivia became infatuated with Do a Inds, perhaps in Venezuela. Doira Ines did not meet Valdivia in Peru until her husband died.
29Ibid., 52-54.

30Erra"zuriz, Historia de Chile: Pedro de Valdivia, Vol. 1, p. 60.
31Vernon, op. cit., pp. 56-64.

32Errazuriz, Historia de Chile: Pedro de Valdivia, Vol. 1, p. 130.

33Ibid., p. 147.






56

34Eberhardt, o. cit., p. 112.

35Gongoro Marmnolejo, og. cit., p. 43.
36Vernon, o, cit., pp. 76-79.

37Vernon, o. cit., pp. 56-57.

38Frias, op. cit., pp. 63-65.

39Eberhardt, op. cit., p. 74.

40Ibid., p. 119.
41Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 197.

42Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del desarrolla intelectual de Chile, 1541-1810, pp. 375-420.

43Eberhardt, O,. cit., p. 115.

44Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 266-267.

45Julio Alemparte, El cabildo en Chile'colonial
(Santiago, 1940), pp. 67-71.
46Ibid., pp. 72-86.

47Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 267.

48Ibid., pp. 267-268.

49Ibid., pp. 269-272. See also the Libro Becerro de cabildo de Santiago, Actas de 1541 a 1557. In the Biblioteca Nacional.
50Alemparte, 2o. cit., pp. 52-61. See also Medina, Documentos ineditos, Vol. 8, pp. 69-70.

51Frias, o. cit., pp. 67-68.
52Eberhardt, 2Z. cit., p. 113.

53Ibid., p. 111.

54Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Los conquistadores de Chile
(Santiago 1908-1910), Vol. 2, p. 36. See also figures in Barros Arana, o. cit., Vol. 1, p. 117.

55Crecente Errazuriz,NHistoria de Chile sin
gobernador, 1554-1557 (Santlago, 1912) pp. 406-426.






57

56Eberhardt, Op. cit., p. 146. 57F'rias, O cit., p. 71 and 219, 58Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 189. 59Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 411. 60Ibid., Vol. 2. p. 191.













CHAPTER III
THE DIVISION OF LAND AND INDIANS

James Lockhart contends that the Spanish colonial period's contribution to pre-Columbian America can be described briefly as the contents of two complementary master institutions, the Spanish city and the great estate.1 While neither city structure nor the evolution of the great estate have been explored in great detail, more is known about the city because of its continuity of location, property and governmental records, and function.

European civilization, in fact, manifested itself most apparently in the towns where the Spanish population was concentrated. Santiago, by far the largest urban center in Chile, had a European population that fluctuated between the original 150 in 1541 to about 500 by the turn of the century. This group theoretically was divided into three categories from 1541 on -- encomenderos, moradores, and transients. In fact, however, there were not enough Spaniards in the early years to develop this stratification to any great extent. The first two categories were always called vecinos or citizens. The transient group of soldiers simply did not settle in one location long enough to qualify

for citizenship.2

The right of citizenship in a locale following the conquest was, nevertheless, easy to obtain. If a man 58






59

demonstrated good habits and had a proper occupation, he could apply for a lot (solar) which following authorization, he had to enclose and build a house within a fixed time period. After these provisions were complied with, he also had the use of the commons or dehesa. He was then eligible for elected office and was subject to the town's ordinances.

Valdivia apparently overlooked the fact that many

people did not petition for residency and in 1552, denied a petition from the procurador of Santiago that cited the unlawful residence of several people in the city. The governor was probably motivated to do this because of his constant fear that rumors of Chile's poverty would lead to a mass exodus and inhibit immigration. In fact, at first he refused to allow any Spaniard to leave the country for any reason.

The towns, therefore, became the strong points of the Chilean colonial system. In each, the vecinos comprised a local guard or garrison for the city's protection. They also had the responsibility of defending neighboring friendly Indians and safeguarding territory that had theoretically been fully liberated. In order to facilitate this responsibility, they maintained rural fortifications which served as strong-points during skirmishes with the

Indians.

In Santiago, the little city garden plots of the

vecinos soon proved to be insufficient for raising adequate







60

crops. Two sets of new lands were then laid out: one having a frontage on the south side of the Canada, as one

of the main channels of the Mapocho River; the other across the main channel of the Mapocho on the north side. These chacras or farms ran back from the rivers in long strips with the rearward extension largely undefined. Eventually, the haphazard nature of the border definitions of these holdings led to many disputes that had to be arbitrated by the cabildo office.

Initially, these chacras provided enough food for the town. As the population increased, however, more food and goods were needed not only for sustenance, but also to provide some means of exchange at the city market. More land had to be put into production, therefore, and the acquisition of land to produce food and goods became increasingly important. Because mining production was of relatively little value in the country, ownership of land or control of a labor force became the means for individuals to increase their fortunes and status in the colony.

The division of territory and the Indian work force beyond the limits of the city of Santiago then became of primary importance. Valdivia drew up the first partitions in January 1544. The land from Aconcaqua to the Biobfo River was divided into sixty portions. Valdivia's own section was located between Valparalso and Quillota and contained the mines of Marga-Marga. In July 1544, these







61

concessions were modified and the number of allotments were reduced to thirty-two. The reason for this was that the number of Indians living in the granted areas in 1541 had diminished during the following three years because of disease and flight to the Indian-controlled south.4

Valdivia, according to his Governor's commission of 1548 and his earlier predilection and assumed authority, made two types of grants to his compatriots. The first, as noted before, were sites for houses and farms in or near the cities. The second was the distribution of encomiendas -- essentially Indians -- in the larger territorial area that was being pacified.5 The distribution of these encomiendas, however, was impeded initially by the fighting in the Santiago area and the fact that the local Indians were already serving as Indian allies or as cargo carriers against the enemy Indians.

Under his encomienda distribution authority, Valdivia had the right to "commend" (encomendar) to the conquerors the Indians located in vaguely defined areas. The governor was very careful in his apportionment, however, to make the Spanish grants align closely with the Indians' own tribal jurisdictions. The whole process, therefore, essentially the institutionalization of Spanish se'orialism in Chile and many of the Indians henceforth became vassals to the encomenderos,6

At best described by Francisco Encina, no historian can look at the legislative acts pertaining to the






62

encomienda system and really understand what it was all about.7 'The system evolved differently from colony to colony and, in reality, was what the local encomenderos wanted it to be. According to the original terms, however, all of the encomenderos had certain public obligations. Among these were the keeping of a horse and arms in preparation for military service. Sometimes this duty was specific such as the maintenance of a distinct fort. This

became a particular arduous duty for the citizenry in Santiago because of the incessant warfare. On more than one occasion, vecinos protested against their liability to serve in the army and fight against the Indians in the south. Eventually, their protests were alleviated by the

recruitment of professional Spanish and mestizo soldiers to conduct the war.

It should be noted that wealthy encomenderos, particularly those possessing gold mines, could buy their way out of their military obligation.9 Most encomenderos, although certainly interested in their own welfare, genuinely felt

that their duty was to complete their military contract with the King. Alvaro Jara, in fact, describes the major difference between the Indian and Spanish armies as the fact that the latter was created by a contract between the individual and the Crown. The Indian, on the other hand, had no such vassalage agreement with a centralized higher authority. His position was as a result of his relationship with his







63

local chief, and the fact that he and his tribe were 'accidentially" in the path of the aggressors.10

Each encomendero in Chile was also obliged to maintain roads and bridges within the limits of his encomienda. This function appears to make the territorial demarcation of the encomienda there more meaningful and somewhat different from the primarily labor division typical of encomiendas in other colonies.

Another duty related to the missionary side of colonization. Every encomendero was obligated to teach religion to his charges. In the Chilean case, the natives were distributed into religious territories called doctrinas which were presided over by a priest. Although this situation evolved slowly in Chile, by 1585, there were twenty-four doctrinas in the Santiago district.11

The final condition of the grants was the established

method of colonization. It stipulated that the principal Indian caciques should maintain their wives and children as well as the other Indians that served them. This, in effect, was the Spaniardl attempt to adopt the native system of control described earlier into their own system. The chiefs were to be apportioned to the encomenderos, and, thus, the fealty of these Indians would be transferred from the Indians to the Spanish overlords. An elaborate ceremony usually accompanied the loyalty oath and sometimes it was sealed by the marriage of the encomendero to the principal







64

chief's daughter. Thus, the kinship group often became the common unit in the distribution of the Chilean natives among the Spaniards. 12

The encomendero maintained his residence primarily in the city. He made periodic visits to the area of his encomienda, however, where he either temporarily occupied the village chieftain's house or had a country house constructed for his own use. Typically, several of the encomendero's lieutenants or most trusted workers lived full time with the Indians as foremen or stock workers. Later, this class of Spaniards or mestizos evolved into the estanciero class associated with the great landed estates ox estancias.13

For the Indians' part, they were bound to render certain services to the Spanish lords. They were obliged to plant and care for a certain amount of crops, provide firewood, tend cattle, and perform personal duties for their masters. The Indians, however, did retain the right to unmolested occupation of their lands. In fact, tribal leadership and membership were maintained by the Spaniards by distributing Indian foodstuffs only through the office of the tribal chief. The chief, therefore, functioned as the Spaniards' Indian agent.14 Other duties performed for the Spaniards by the Indians were, at first, so undefined that many abuses occurred within the system. In 1537, however, a set of regulations was authorized which conditioned Indian labor, especially work in the mines. These








regulations were modified from time to time, but generally stated that yearly work in the mines began on February 1 and ended on September 30. They also said that only residents of a specific area were allowed to work the mines and set the work day as beginning a half an hour before suup and ending a half an hour after sunset. Religious instruction was to be regulated and controlled by the resident priest.15

Despite the protective legal tone of these regulations

and others, the Indians were still subjected to strict treatment. For instance, following rumors of an Indian rebellion in May 1549, Alcalde Juan Gomez of Santiago ordered the encomenderos in the district to torture or burn any Indian suspected of-being involved in dissident activity.16 As of 1553, any Indian mine worker caught concealing gold nuggets was to be whipped and have his nose
17
and ears cut off. The most agonizing torture for the poor Indian was the practice of "disjointing," which consisted of cutting the foot a little bit above the toe joint to prevent flight. The basic inequality of colonial law is graphically shown in the various punishments for blasphemy -- for the accused Spaniard, 30 days in jail and a 40 peso fine; for the Indian, 50 lashes in the public square.19

Although the system was clearly designed to harness the native work force, by any means possible, to benefit









the encomendero, the Indian did receive some advantages in Chile. One example is the fact that in 1567, there were

about 150,000 sheep in the vicinity of Santiago, and encomienda Indians had personal ownership of 50,000 of them. Encomienda Indians in other parts of the country also owned

livestock and could sell them for their own benefit at fair market value.20

There is no doubt, however, that overall the encomienda system -- especially forced work in the mines -was a tremendous burden on the Indians. Hernando de Santillan, in studying the abuses of the system in 1557, noted that many Indian women preferred to have their children die rather than see them seized later for service in
21 e
the mines.21 Santillan was directed by the Crown to go to Chile and get a first hand view of the situation, because the King always feared that the destruction of the native work force would ultimately .destroy the colonial system. In 1559, therefore, Santillan formulated some new regulations designed to reduce the amount of work done by the encomienda Indians and protect them from the abuses of the system. Among other things, these regulations authorized payment for services rendered.22 This measure was opposed by the encomenderos, however, and was only half-heartedly enforced. The major problem with reform was the fact that a long and difficult war was going on in the south against the Indians. The Spaniards, who had lost sons or friends







657

in the fighting, were opposed to assistance of any kind to the native population. Ironically, had the Indians succumbed after a brief fight, reform measures may have been more popular. Thus, this measure merely became the first of many attempts during the colonial era to correct the abuses of the encomienda system.23

Some apologists for the encomienda system insist that

its implementation was the salvation of the Indians. One Indian detractor said, for instance, that without some orderly system, the Indians would simply eat their work animals and not produce food. There was some historical basis for this phenomenon, because it apparently occurred when the Chilean Indians were freed from Incan bondage and returned to their old food gathering methods. Thus, the encomendero was merely providing a civilized service by teaching the Indians animal husbandry and agricultural techniques.24


Chilean System

Valdivia's Chilean encomienda distribution plan certainly showed more foresight than many other colonial governors and enabled his colony to escape the civil war episode endured in Peru. Of the original 150 members of his expedition, he named 132 as encomenderos. Of the other 18, merely 12 percent of the total force, two left the country, and the others either were killed by the Indians or died soon after their arrival.25 Thus, the number of potential








dissidents was very low, and there was little plotting against Valdivia's leadership. Moreover, all of the original band had started the invasion on almost the same economic and social footing and, with only a few exceptions, there appears to have been little social antagonism among the group. The later reduction of the original sixty enconienda grants in the Santiago area to thirty-two, however, did cause somewhat of a problem for the governor. The promise of new lands and Indians in the south dissipated the hostility enough to prevent any long lived antagonism directed against the governor.26

The change from Indian to Spanish control through the encomienda system was facilitated by the fact that the Indians under Inca domination were already held in a type of vassalage. The Mapocho Valley Indians, who were cultivating the land in the Santiago area, were known as mitamaes or vassals of the Inca.27 In fact, the Peruvian yanaconas differentiated themselves from the Chilean Indians by referring to them as mitamaes in derogatory fashion. Thus, the Indians, in effect, were simply exchanging one lord for another with the arrival of the Spaniards.28

In most cases, the Spanish encomienda grants were similar in Chile to their antecedents in Mexico and Peru. While the encomienda that provided the Indian's service was the most common type, there are clearly documented instances in which the encomienda was a territoral grant and was







-69

specifically denoted as "consisting of the Indians and their land. This situation was possible only when there were clusters or permanently located Indians in a specific area. Ines de Suarez occupied one such encomienda as did Juan Bautista de Pastene, Francisco Martinez, Gonzalo de los Rios, and Francisco Hernandez Gallego. In each case, Valdivia defined the particular Indian settlement and its boundaries as the encomienda.29 For instance, one such directive defines as the grant "la mitad de los valles de la Ligua i del Papudo, con todos sus caciques."30 Another example is "y mas el cacique llamado Apoquindo, con todos sus principales e indios sujetos, que tienen su asiento en este valle de Mapocho y daseos su tierra e indios, para que os sirvals de todos ellos."'31 Such encomiendas formed large estates of rural property and obviously were much sought after rewards for personal service to the Governor and King, Many soldiers and others not necessarily qualified to receive encomiendas under the original rules were recompensed for their service with these estates. In any case, the granting of Indian labor in a predominantly agricultural environment was not worth much more than the land they

inhabited. Agricultural labor without land and crops would be an impossible situation.

All land grants were eventually distributed by the local cabildo, and encomiendas were generally authorized only by the Governor. Thus, in theory, the distribution of






70

land and Indians bureaucratically rested with two different agencies. Following Valdivia's death, however, the cabildo did authorize the grant of several encomiendas. The cabildo record -- the Libro Becerro -- following the cabildo's legitimate authority divided property into the categories of vacino lots, chacras, and estancias and these grants were distributed as the cabildo saw fit.32

There has been a long drawn out controversy among Latin American scholars over the link between the encomienda and landholding. Silvio Zavala has shown in his study of the encomienda system that the original encomienda of the Antilles was a grant of the right to use labor, with no link to royal tribute in fact or theory. Tribute was later extended to labor use following a long legislative and administrative campaign by the Crown which also restricted the encomandero's rights to tribute alone.33

According to Lockhart, there are two strands of institutional development involved in the evolution of the encomienda. The first was the I'encomienda' created by high officials which basically was a concession to collect and enjoy the king's tribute. The other was a locally inspired "repartiriento" which was essentially concerned with dividing the Indians into labor groups. The latter arrangement and the term "repartimiento" became the official usage to designate the actual area of the grant. What was assigned to the encomendero, however, was Indians and not tribute.34






71
There is no question that many of the encomenderos acted like property owners and took advantage of their status as justification for receiving grants of land in the area of their encomienda. Mario Gongora in his study of the evolution of property in the Valley of Puangue shows how the Chilean encomenderos used their position to receive land grants (mercedes) within the limits of their enco.miendas and prevented concessions to others in the area.

In fact, the families of the greatest encomendero in a particular area usually built a hacienda near the center of the encomienda grant and maintained the best land as their property.35

Lockhart takes this example further by explaining how the living styles of the encomenderos and hacendados were similar. Moreover, both possessed in practice some jurisdiction over their Indians which was exercised paternalistically. He concludes that the two institutions -- encomienda and hacienda -- served the aristocracy in similar fashion by essentially perpetuating its control over the lower classes.36

Robert Keith takes the institutional relationship forward by describing their structural continuities. For Keith the institution of the encomienda is not just a group

of Indians, but the encomendero with his dependents as well as the property belonging to both the Indians and the Spaniard. In addition, it is the complex set of







72

relationships tying these people together and connecting them to the larger society outside of the encomienda.37

The most important part of the encomienda relationship to external society was its evolution from the early system to the creation of landed estates. Keith argues that the Crown's intervention in the institutional aspects of the system on the side of the natives prevented the disappearance of Indian society. By taking advantage of the weakness of the encomendero class, the Crown was able to reform the encomienda, separating the traditional from the capitalistic elements, and insuring the dominance of the traditional in a remodeled institution, the corregimiento. As a result, the Indian communities were able to reorganize and survive, while the Spaniards were free to organize their own estates as capitalistic institutions largely independent of Indian society.38

In Chile, however, this situation evolved somewhat

differently because Indian society was virtually eliminated in the Santiago area as a, result of the wars, rapid Indian depopulation, and the creation of mestizaje which filled the population void. The new mestizo class had an easier time being accepted into Spanish society and the capitalistic environment of the hacienda. Thus, the original political and institutional strength of the encomendero class in Chile; their early realization that land was wealth; and the ce:truction of pure Indian society facilitated the







73

evolution of the encomienda system to the landed estates so prominent in later colonial history.

The estancias or large farm estates became the backbone of Chilean agriculture by the beginning of the 17th century.

The origin of this rural property as separate entities was more likely the result of a land concession than an encomienda grant.39 Conversely, some of the encomienda grants, as noted before, were maintained from generation to generation as rural property. In fact, almost all of the best land in the colony was included in the limits of the original large encomienda divisions, and there was very little rural property available for newly arrived Spaniards to occupy. Thus, the land distribution system either as concessions or encomiendas led to-a largely agricultural colony in which most of the large parcels of land were devoted to stock raising.

These large estates were maintained during the balance

of the colonial period by the system of mayorazgos or entailed estates. Many of the leading families, desiring primarily to maintain their social rank, had their property entailed by order of the Crown. In this way, the large

holdings were kept intact from generation to generation. Although formal limitation of the property to a specific

line of heirs did not begin until the close of the 17th century, land was held in virtual occupational entailment by the first families until that time.40







74

According to Helen Douglas-Irvine in her study of the

encomienda system in Chile, hereditary rights to the encomiendas were most often maintained by one means or another. These possessions were originally granted for two lifetimes

in America. In 1537, Charles V, however, ruled that when an encomendero died, his rights to the encomienda Indians passed on to his legitimate sons, in order of age, failing them to his daughters similarly, and failing any legitimate children, to his widow.41

These provisions seem to have been followed in Chile

on most occasions. In several examples, the Governor petitioned that the vecinos might hold their encomiendas in perpetuity. No matter what the Crown's decision was in these cases, time and Chile's isolation from the political mainstream strengthened the hereditary nature of the encomiendas. In practice, most of the encomiendas remained in one family until the system was abolished near the end of the 18th century. Moreover, by an interesting custom that was adopted by the family-conscious Chileans, the son who received his father's encomienda was bound to feed his

mother, brothers, and sisters, thus maintaining the basic family unit.42

Obviously, the Spanish settlers faced a difficult task in Chile because of their small numbers. Douglas-Irvine computes that by 1558, only 1,100 Spanish men were in the country.43 Thus, this small number could not place an







75

iron-clad European social and legal structure over the country, and the encomienda system was adapted to the conquerors needs and the natives' ability to participate. The conquerors were basically opposed to manual labor, and consequently needed a large labor force to till the soil, tend the animals, and so on. Since they had not found El Dorado in Chile, they could not afford large numbers of Negro slaves. Thus, in the end, they were forced to rely on the Indians to provide manual labor particularly in mining and agricultural pursuits. This was a severe hardship for the Indians because they were not accustomed to hard work either, but their labor fulfilled the most important necessity for the conquerors.

A further consideration, of course, was the missionary

aspect of colonization, which basically meant that the Indians had to be preserved, if they were to be converted. The Spanish religious ideal, therefore, was not to drive the Indians out of the country, but to govern them within it. The native institutions were not to be eradicated, but were to be absorbed into the Spanish system.

This enterprise, although laudatory, was faulty. The Spaniards apparently never fully understood the Chilean Indians' complex social system and consequently many abuses were built into the system from the beginning. Agreements made with specific Indian chiefs were sometimes given to the wrong individual. This practice, obviously, confounded






76

Indian society, and led to serious morale problems among the various sub-groups. In addition, readjustments in Spanish society --- such as changes in encomienda proprietorship -caused confusion among the Indians as to who really was their lord and master. Additional disorder was caused by moving the Indians from place to place creating a consequent loss of identity. Finally, confusion was caused among the encomenderos and the Indians by the court fights over the encomiendas that were left vacant by the proprietor's death or his departure for Spain.45

Some Indians, living near town, never fully participated in the encomienda system, but were granted illegally to the Spaniards as personal servants. These Indians

adopted useful handicrafts such as carpentry, shoemaking, and masonry. They were also used as porters carrying goods from Santiago to Valparafso, and as builders. Of course, this idea of personal service and seizure was really against Ehe law, but the abuse was never checked. In fact, the exaction of personal service prevented the mass assimilation of the Chilean Indians by the colony because the social stigma of personal service assured the fact that pureblooded Indians would always be considered the lower class.46

By disease, bad treatment, flights to the free south, the Indian settlements around Santiago were emptied. A report dated 1610, indicates that encomiendas that had






77
once included two or three thousand Indians, now only had a hundred, and most only forty, fifty, or sixty. There were at that time not over 2,899 encomienda Indians in the entire Santiago district. In all of Chile, there were no more than 5,000 Indians still serving in encomiendas. One particular encomienda of 1,500 Indians, that had been granted to Ines de Suarez in 1546, contained only 800 in

1579.47

These Indians no longer were plentiful enough for

agricultural work and gradually a new "pay for labor" class was formed to take the place of the encomienda. It was comprised of the Indians involved in personal service, mestizos, who followed the cultural patterns of their Indian mothers, and enslaved Araucanian Indians who were captured in the

fighting in the south. This new class was known as the Inquilinos who are still cultivating the central valley to this day.

These people were distinguished from the encomienda Indians because they lived on their master's estancias. They had certain rights including 200 days per year for their own personal labor plus a special piece of land for their own crops. In addition, they were paid for their work on the Lord's estancia, and one out of every four was appointed as overseer. This system proved superior to the encomienda, which degenerated, lost its Indian population, and finally was abolished near the end of the 18th century.48









Despite the development of the encomienda system in Chile and the creation of large landed estates originally utilizing forced labor, the essential capitalistic nature of the Chilean colonial economy has long been ignored. Afterall, even the encomienda system was nothing more than a measure designed to harness cheap labor for sustainment and ultimately the world capitalist market. The passing of the encomienda system occurred primarily because it was uneconomical.49

Moreover, as Jay Kinsbruner points out in his Chile: A Historical Interpretation, the capitalistic system in Chile was spurred during the colonial period e- especially during the end of the 16th and during the 17th centuries -because land was continually being subdivided and ownership increased. For example, the original five estates bounded by the Perquilauquen, Loncomilla, and the Maule Rivers and

the Andes had been joined by 40 additional estates by the end of the 17th century. Of these 40, only 13 contained more than 4,000 acres. Additionally, these estates were made up of more arable land than the original five, so this was not even a consideration of the sub-division process.50

One further consideration about the control of economic activity was the fact that the mayorazgos living in the country never exerted much influence or political pressure

on Santiago during the early colonial period, simply because most of the economic activity was in Santiago and its environs and not on the large estates.







-79

Accordingly, the urban-dwelling encomiendero-hacendado, bourgeoise-merchants, miners, small manufacturers, some government bureaucrats, and professional people, were the persons most interested in stable government and rule by law. These men, in fact, became the backbone of the Chilean economy after the military had secured the area. They were also instrumental in Chile for creating an urban social middle class based more on economics than on birth. During the period of 1540-1565 in Santiago, they also appear to be more racially tolerant than their counterparts in Mexico and Peru. Perhaps, this situation was caused by necessity, however, rather than mentality.

In any case, the bourgeoise played a significant role in the development of the colony from the very beginning. First, there was Martinez's partnership with Valdivia. Then, there was the rapid establishment of the central market in Santiago. As Kinsbruner relates, moreover, as early as 1543, the first ship to arrive in the colony from

Peru contained not only military hardware for Valdivia, but also a consignment of civilian goods destined for the Santiago market. The second ship carried only goods for

sale.51

There were many notable entrepreneurs among the ori-ginal settlers. Some will be discussed at length in a later chapter. Suffice it to say here, however, that it is worth mentioning Antonio Nunez de Fonseca, who founded







80

the shipbuilding and fishing industry in the colony, and

Juan Jufre, who owned a flour mill and cloth factory in Santiago.

These men exercised influence far beyond their logical means and structured social status because they were able to exert their influence on the commerce between Santiago and Lima. Because Santiago was the collection and distribution point for goods to be exported and goods to be distributed among the first settlers, obviously the men controlling this commerce would be dominant in political life. This was especially true in the Santiago area where the encomiendas were dispersed and the Crown exerted little political control. These men or their families later augmented their influence and control through a kinship network (compadrazgo) which will be discussed later.52













NOTES

iJames Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda: The Evolution of the Great Estate in the Spanish Indies," Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 49 (August 1969), p. 411.

2Galdames, op. cit., p. 79.
3Barros Arana, op. cit., Vol. 1, p..144.

4Eugene H. Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile: The Struggle for Social Justice, 1535-1700 (Stanford, 1968) p. 24.

5Manuel Salvat Monguillot, "El regimen de encomiendas en los primeros tiempos de la conquista," Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia, No. 132, 1964, p. 57.

6pedro Marino de Lobera, Cronica del Reino de Chile, Colecci6n de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 6 (Santiago, 1865), p. 72.

7Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 395.

BAlvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 25.

9Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcfa de Mendoza, 1557-1561 (Santiago, 1914), 56. See also J. Solorzano Pereira, Politica Indiana (Madrid, 1930), Vol. 3, p. 135.

10Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 25.

11Douglas-Irvine, Op. cit., p. 474.

12McBride, op. cit., p. 71.

13Lockhart, "Encomienda and Haciend4 p. 420.

14Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 443-444.

15Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563 (Santiago, 1914), pp. 88-89.


81






82
16Barros Arana, O cit,, Vol. i, p. 248.

17Korth, o?, cit., p. 30.

18Galdames, o. cit., p. 88.

19Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563, p. 91.

20Jay Kinsbruner, Chile: A Historical Interpretation (New York, 1973), p. 9.

21Korth, og. cit., p. 32.
22Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 398; Vol. 3, p. 71.
23Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcla de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 424-A8: istoria de Chile. Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563, pp. 70-93.

24Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 402.

25Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 22.

26Korth, o. cit., p. 25.
27Domingo Amungtegui Solar, Formacion de la
nacionalidad chilena, (Santiago, 1943) p. 12. Amunategui describes the mitamaes as small colonies of Inca Indians who had replaced the local leadership during the 16th Century Inca invasion. By the time the Spaniards had arrived in the country, however, intermarriage with the local' inhabitants had occurred.

28Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de Santiago, pp. 18-19.

29George M. McBride, Chile: Land and Society (New York, 1971), pp. 72-74.
30
Domingo Amunategui Solar, Las encomiendas de indigenas en Chile (Santiago, 1910), Vol. 2, p. 73.

31Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 8.

32McBride, o2. cit., pp. 90-95.

33Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda," p. 414.

34Ibid., p. 415.







83

35Ibid., p. 416.

36Ibid., pp. 420-421.

37Robert Keith, "Encomienda, Hacienda and Corregimento in Spanish America: A Structural Analysis," Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 51 (Aug. 1971), p. 432.

38Ibid., p. 446.

39Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 396-397.

40McBride, op. cit., p. 110.

41Douglas-Irvine, oP. cit., p. 480.

42Ibid., p. 481.

43Ibid., p. 484.

44Ibid.

45McBride, go. cit., p. 75.

46Korth, op. cit., pp. 25-26.

47Douglas-Irvine, op. cit., p. 492.

48Korth, op. cit., p. 113.

49Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 18.

50Kinsbruner, op. cit., p. 15.

51 Ibid., p. 18. See also Vernon, op. cit., pp. 108109.

52Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile. p. 18.













CHAPTER IV
SANTIAGO

Anyone who has flown over or traveled overland from

northern Chile to the Central Valley is certainly aware of the rugged terrain and geographical inconsistency of the land. The small fertile valleys, for instance, quickly give way to barren, arid, hills, and the lush vegetation is transformed into scrub growth. Only in the vicinity of Santiago does the great panorama open to a wide fertile valley dominated by the hills of Santa Lucia and San Cristobal. With the towering Andes in the background, it makes a fantastic setting. This surely was the scene that enraptured Valdivia when he arrived at Huelen in 1541. He commented, "This land is such that one can live and prosper. There is no better place in the world. ..." Of course, it must be remembered that most of the conquerors were from the Castillian meseta where according to an old French expression, "there are eight months of winter and four of hell,

The only problem for the Spaniards was that the

Mapocho Valley was already inhabited by approximately 10,000 Indians who were not anxious to be displaced by the newcomers. In fact, according to the old historian, Alonso Gongora Marmolejo, approximately four thousand warriors actually fought against the Spaniards in the Santiago

84







85

area -- a number indicating nearly complete manpcer mobilization.2 In any case, the total number of people under the jurisdiction of the new Spanish city of Santiago in 1541 was probably less than 20,000, and included 136 Spaniards, approximately 6,000 Peruvian yanaconas and the rest native Chileans.

These natives, as explained earlier, spoke mostly

Quechua, were engaged mostly in agricultural pursuits and food gathering, and lived in their primitive rucas along stream banks. There was a small settlement'in the area named Huelen after the hill that dominated the region. Valdivia stated in one letter to the King that he had been entertained by these natives in a large house containing many doors. The existence of such a building cannot be denied, but it must have been a central meeting place because all of the other buildings were of poor quality. The principal Indian chiefs of the area were Colima, Lampa, Batacura, Apoquindo, Cerrillos de Apochame, Talagante, Melipilla, Milacura, and Huara-Huara.3

The importance of the Santa Lucia hill to the

Spaniards can easily be seen by any visitor to Santiago. Located at that time between two branches of the Mapocho River,. it formed a natural refuge against Indian attacks. (The size and area of the hill has been markedly reduced through the years. The rocks and stones were used to build houses and streets in the city when there was no

longer a need for protection.) 4







86

In addition to this strategic consideration, Valdivia was merely following the Spanish government's interest in city planning and Charles V's 1523 law prescribing the conditions for laying out new cities. First, the new towns were to be located near water, building materials, pasture lands, and firewood. Second, cities were to be located in moderate altitudes. Places subject to fog or located near swamps were to be avoided. In addition, the area was expected to have clean air and, as a precaution, "all dirty and smelly businesses' were to be located on the outskirts of town.5

Once the site had been chosen, the most suitable place for the central plaza was picked. The street plan was then laid out from the plaza -in a checker-board pattern devised by Pedro de Gamboa, the city's first surveyor. The plaza was located several hundred yards in front of

Santa Lucia between the Mapocho and Canada Rivers. (The Canada has since dried up and has been covered by the boulevard Alameda.) Originally, eight streets ran north to south between the rivers; and ten ran from east to west

along the slope of Santa Lucia. Each block measured exactly 138 yards in each direction, and was subdivided into four lots; thus allowing all of Valdivia's soldiers to have a lot or solar on which he could build a house. It appears from the original plot that the most important citizens were to occupy the streets running north to south because these







87

received the night breezes and had a better distribution of sun and shade. Of course, a home located near the plaza was the most desireable.

The rapid and constant flow of both rivers, along with the primitive aqueduct system, formed a fairly efficient supply of drinking and irrigation water, as well as a relatively workable waste removal system. Vicuna Makenna comments that the disposal system of old Santiago would

have been the envy of any city in Europe. It remained as such until population pressures forced people to move upstream from Santa Lucia and consequently fouled the water.6

For the most part, the original street names of the

city have been forgotten because they were only identifiable

as the home of the first great men of the city. General practice in all Spanish colonial cities initially was to identify the solar or street lots by the inhabitant name.

It is known, however, that present day Estado Street was always known as Rei Street before the war for independence. After the first citizens of the city had died, many streets were named after the more illustrious conquistadores such as Valdivia and Ahumada, saints, principle buildings, and metals such as Gold Street, Silver Street, etc.7

The first homes were constructed of logs and straw.

Following the Indian attack in 1542, however, a kind of adobe-like material was concocted and used to prevent widespread distruction by fire. Valdivia also increased the






88

city's protection by constructing an adobe wall around the interior nine blocks surrounding the central plaza. All traces of this wall have disappeared with time, however, and there is still some question regarding its exact location. All that is known for certain is that it was located in the vicinity of the present Plaza de Armas.8

Regardless of the exact location, we do know. that Valdivia emplaced the church stone that he had carried with him from Cuzco in the junction of two of the walls. The first church was, thus, located facing the plaza and was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Valdivia's own house -the first permanent home in the city -- was built in May 1542 up against the fort's opposite wall facing the church.9

Apparently, subsequent buildings housing Captain Generals and Presidents of the Republic were built on the same spot after the original structure was destroyed. The other solares that faced the plaza were distributed among the principal pobladores such as Juan Jufre, whose two-story building became one of the better known in the city, and that belonging to Antonio de Pastrana which was later given to the Church as the Archbishop's residence. These houses were still essentially rude dwellings. In fact, it is reported that Francisco de Villagra's house originally did not have any doors.10

The rest of the blocks were divided into eight

solares -- four on each side of the streets that ran east






89

to west. The houses of the early aristocracy were grouped in this area and were surrounded by the shacks of their servant yanaconas. Soldiers and men of lesser rank were forced to live farther away from the plaza in camps near

the dehesa or common ground.11

No matter what his social status was, however, the individual Spaniard was virtually king within his solar. All of his slaves, concubines, and yanaconas lived within the enclosure. These people were by necessity dedicated

to the success of their master -- after-all their livelihood was dependent on him. Within the solar they tended his animals and took care of all of his needs,12 On the other hand, urbanization of this kind had its drawbacks because the servants could no longer live off the land as they had during the trek from Cuzco, and the master was hard pressed to provide for so many eager mouths. Eventually, the situation got so bad in the city, in fact, that the the population concentration began to cause health problems. An ordinance was passed by the cabildo as early as 1550 directing the citizens to get rid of at least half of their servants and keep the rest away from the front of the houses. In 1554, a charge of two pesos for each infraction was levied to put teeth onto the law.13

Other city problems are easily discernible from the cabildo records. For instance, the population concentration of Indians, Negroes, and mestizos in the city led to







90

the law restricting water rights to the Spaniards -- all others could be whipped for violating the law. The safekeeping of horses was also of primary importance in the city and laws were passed to ensure their protection. In 1549, it was decreed that any Indian who shot a breeding

mare with a bow and arrow was to be beheaded,14

Although these early laws were directed against the Indians and Negroes, life in Santiago was not especially pleasant for anyone. Food prices, although regulated very early by the cabildo, were very high. The people lived

primarily on some form of corn, and not until 1555 were vegetables and wine available in large quantities. The cabildo authorized the establishment of butcher shops in town in 1549, but all failed because the farms, for the most part, consumed their own meat and could not provide any for market for many years. Wood cutting was regulated, and after July 1549, no one was allowed to chop down a tree without permission from the Governor.15

During the first days of the colony, manual labor -artisan type work -- was done by the soldiers. Santiago had, among its military ranks, men who were capable of

shoemaking, tailoring, carpentry. The town blacksmith was particularly indispensible because he was always needed to repair military equipment, shoe horses, and construct agricultural and mining tools. Prices for this work were set by the cabildo and initially were very high. Subsequently,








prices were reduced as the number of capable artisans increased from immigration. For example, in 1553 for tailoring a cloak, the cost was two and a half pesos, for a jacket, two pesos, for a robe, eight, shoes were five pesos, etc.16 The number of skilled workers was augmented later by mestizo trainees. In fact, industrial work in the colony almost passed completely to mestizos and Indians.17 By 1556, the number of artisans was such that the guild system that was prevalent in Europe was fully established in Santiago.18

In 1549, when Valdivia began his southern campaign, the citizens of Santiago requested that some blacksmiths remain in town. Valdivia ordered three to remain -- two in town and one at the mines of Marga-Marga. In 1553, however, only one smith resided permanently in Santiago and he, wanting to leave town, was ordered by the cabildo to remain. Obviously, most of the blacksmiths enjoyed the action and furor of Indian battles to the every day activity of shoeing horses in Santiago.19

In July 1552, a public market was established in the town plaza. Apparently, the idea was resisted by the Indians who were accustomed to unregulated barter, but the cabildo ordered goods to be sold at the market. Transactions, moreover, were to be conducted in gold that had been authorized and minted as official currency in 1549. The Indians, therefore, were faced with two problems:






92
they had very little gold at their disposal, and they were not allowed to sell a Spanish manufactured product. They ended up by selling foodstuffs and artifacts for low prices. The Spanish view of the market was that it restored tradition, was beneficial to the economy, and was useful for public administration and commerce.20

The Indians resisted the Santiago market days also

at first because it was so alien to their culture. Their necessities had always been at a minimum, and they were able to live without any innovations the market offered. As a consequence, the cabildo frequently renewed the orders directing the vecinos to send two Indians to the market to sell goods. The Indian resistance, in the end, succumbed to this town ordinance because the market place became the meeting place and cultural center.21

Justice in the city was administered by the various

alcaldes, who were at first designated by Governor Valdivia and later appointed by the cabildo. In 1549, Valdivia named a high court judge for the whole province of Chile who served as a reviewing officer for all sentences administered by the various alcaldes. Later, the Governor came into conflict with this judge and had him removed from office. The administration of justice in most cases,

thus, reverted to the local officials with no option for review.22 Important legal questions, however, could be reviewed by the Governor and by the Audiencia in Lima.






93

The offices of the cabildo were permanently housed in 1552, and the first public jail was erected in the same year. A stone column was constructed in the plaza and served as a symbol of the cabildo's jurisdiction. Heads of executed criminals were exhibited on this column and public whippings were conducted under its shadow. According to the cabildo documents, Indians and Negroes were punished nearly every day. The laws were particularly strict on Indian conduct. The natives were not allowed to gather for meetings and drunkenness was prohibited within the city limits. The cabildo was particularly obsessed with trying to eliminate the use of alcoholic beverages. Many deaths and crimes were attributed to this "social curse," and special constables were appointed to police fiestas and arrest offenders. These "criminals" were publicly whipped.23

Nobody knows for sure if the Indians predisposition for alcoholic beverages occurred before or after the arrival of the Spaniards. Intoxicants were always available to the Indians, but there is no record of their use. It is known, however, that Indian military victories over the Spaniards were marked by several days of revelry in which everyone drank a beer-like concoction to excess and committed atrocities on the captives.24 The situation was so bad by 1551 that the Santiago cabildo established a curfew and prohibited any Spanish-speaking Indian or Negro







94

or any other Indians or Negroes from being on the streets after dark. Those violating the curfew were sentenced to receive 100 lashes in the public square.25

In addition to the administration of justice, the

cabildo took action to regulate transportation within the colony and to Peru. It was always of primary importance to maintain communication lines with Lima, but the haphazard comings and goings of yanaconas and their masters proved to be inefficient. In 1554, the first organized

postal service was instituted. The cabildo also announced that the mail was inviolate and that offenders would have their right hand chopped off.26

In general, these harsh laws reflected the Spaniards' view of the Indians as being untrustworthy and animals incapable of correction. Government leaders' statements and cabildo documents reflect this spirit. Indian traditions, which were offensive to the Spaniards -- particularly the old religions, were vigorously opposed and persecuted. The old priests and sorcerers were jailed or killed.27 Indians were beaten for minor law infractions, or were beheaded for petty theft. They were forced to carry cargo from Santiago

to Lima as beasts of burden. They were uprooted and relocated on the various encomiendas as agricultural workers,

or in the mines as laborers. The hard work they were subjected to, brought about rapid depopulation. In fact, their demise was so quick that both Spaniards and Indians thought




Full Text
159
seems to be an important factor in keeping property and the
various encomiendas within the original aristocracy, and
is certainly one of the reasons why aristocratic suitors
pursued the wealthy mestiza widows.
The mestizo sons, on the other hand, in general did
not fare as well as their sisters. Their road for advance
ment was always through the military ranks. Even in this
endeavor, however, they were limitedto the grade of Captain
and there is no evidence of a mestizo becoming a general.
Certainly, the mestizo military officers acquitted them
selves well and were mostly on the same social footing as
their half brothers in the same family.
The only other route open for advancement to the
mestizo child of the aristocrat was through the church.
There are many examples of mestizos becoming monks, minor
clergymen, and priests. In fact, the most notable case of
a mestizo marrying a Spanish woman in the early days was
the wedding of the evangelical clergyman Juan de Rubias,
the son of the conqueror Juan Gallegos de Rubias, to the
Spanish daughter or Captain Luis Barba. In general,
however, mestizos were limited in advancement in the church
presumably by prejudice and at times by the law.
Mestizo priests did prove to be particularly useful in
dealing with the natives especially because of their know
ledge of the Indian language. For example, the Archbishop
of Santiago recommended the mestizo Juan Bias to the


127
My exercise, therefore, fundamentally consists of de
ciding if the mestizo son or daughter of the original con
queror and their decendants either maintained his or her
father's position in society, declined in status, or rose
above the founding father in prominence. This supposes
that all mestizos had an equal opportunity to achieve im
portance a condition that is simply not true. Many were
endowed with more intelligence than others. Some had
greater fighting ability. And some had greater luck or a
more famous or well-to-do father. In any case, the fol
lowing selected biographic sketches and genealogical de
velopment of those conquerors having mestizo children il
lustrate the place of mestizo aristocratic progeny in
Santiago society. All sketches do not have to be perused,
and this section can be treated more or less as an annex.
It is important, however, to note the relative position of
the mestizos vis-a-vis their fathers and their Spanish
brothers and sisters. Another theme can be developed by
noting the location of family houses during the generations.
As a general rule, the more prominent a man became in colo
nial society, the closer he moved his family to the central
plaza. A convenient locater map is provided as an annex to
test this theory.
Sketches
Francisco de Aguirre Aguirre was born in Spain in
1508, and was a noted caballero by the time he arrived in


many problems, to adapt to the changing situations and en-
vironment of the New World. They were sustained by better
technology than that which was available to the Indians.
Regardless of this superiority, however, their life style
in the early days of the colony was little better than that
of tiie Indians they were conquering. In the end, organi
zation was the deciding factor.
The clothing of the Spaniard was rather simple. It
consisted only of short pantaloons reaching to the knees,
where they were tied with a cord; a top coat belted at the
waist; sandal shaped shoes with leather soles; and sometimes
wool stockings covering the leg and joined at the knee to
the pantaloon. Some, better clothed, used a kind of gaiter
buttoned in front which was called a buskin, and on the
calves of the legs jarabes of leather, like leggings. The
head was covered with a casque or steel helmet. It was
padded on the inside and was fastened with a chin strap.
Commanders and officers usually had an attached wire cover
1 7
to protect their faces.
Of greater significance than their different physical
appearance, however, was the difference in their weaponry.
The Spanish soldier used defensive and offensive types de
pending on the occasion. The defensive gear were the hel
met, the mail coat, and the leather shield. The infantry's
offensive weapons were the harquebus and the short sword.
The cavalryman carried a short sword, a lance or pike, and


180
in 1603, however, the Indians are still parceled into three
groups: "the Indians on the encomiendas, Indians that are
yanaconas, and Indians that are in the power of the
. 204
priests. Interestingly enough, Ribera ignores the
racial characteristics of the population and simply sepa
rated society into Indians, "vecinos, moradores, estantes,
one
habitantes, clerics, encomenderos, and military men."
It may be an oversight on Ribera^ part, but, perhaps,
Encima*s contention that by the middle of the 17th century,
a mestizo was not distinguishable from a Spaniard may have
y o f)
been appropriate also in 1600.
Santiago's social structure by the end of the century,
therefore, like that of 1575 had been profoundly altered by
the integration of the mestizo at all levels. The only
difference between the groups having the largest percentage
of Spanish blood, in fact, seems to be the original social
rank or wealth of the Spanish progenitors, and the amount of
Indian blood subsequently mixed into the family. (Jose
Armando de Ramon Folch puts heavy emphasis on the economic
standing of the original conqueror in his study the
rich being at the top of society and the poorest on the
bottom.) An increasing amount of Indian blood in any
family seems, however, to indicate a lower social status
in most cases. Pure Negroes and Indians appear to occupy
the same relative social position as they did in 1540 and
1560 except that their numbers were decreasing because of
disease, over work, or simply by being bred out of exis
tence .


217
Silva Lezaeta,
Aguirre. S an tiago:
J,T, Madina 1953.
Luis. 51 coauistador Francisco ds
Fondo Histrico y Bibliogrfico.
Silva Vargas, Fernando. Tierras y pueblos de Indios
en el reino de Chile. Santiago: Universidad Catlica de
Chile, 1962.
Solorzano Pereira, Juan de. Poltica indiana. 2 Vols
Madrid:" M. Sacristan, 1736-1739.
Sosa, Pedro de. Memorial del peligroso estado
espiritual y temporal del Reyno da Chile. Madrid, 1616,
Almera, Ediciones Granada; distribuidores; Libreria
Sol, 1968.
Tellez, Indalecio. Historia militar de Chile, 1520-
1883. Santiago: Baicells & Co., 1925-1926.
Thayer Ojeda,
econmica v social
Chile, 1540-1565,"
No. 33, Santiago:
Tomas. "Apuntes para la historia
durante el periodo de la conquista de
Revis fca Chilena de Historia y Geografa,
Imprenta Universitaria, .1921. pp. 22-67.
Thayer Ojeda, Luis. Elementos tnicos que han
intervenido en la poblacin de Chile. Santiago: Imprenta
La II lustrad on, 1919.
Thayer Ojeda, Tomas. Ensayo critico sobre algunas
obras histricas utilizables para el estudio de la
conquista de Chile. Santiago: Sociedad Imprenta
Litografa Barcelona, 1917.
Thayer Ojeda, Tomas. Formacin de la sociedad
chllena y censo de la poblacin de "Chile entre los anos
de 1540 a 1565, con datos estadsticos, biogrficos,
tnicos y demogrficos. 3 Vols., Santiago: La
Universidad de Chile, 1939-1941.
Thayer Ojeda, Tomas. "Las antiguas ciudades de
Chile,: Anales de la Universidad de Chile, No. 129,
Santiago, 1911.
Thayer Ojeda, Tomas. "Resena historico-biografica
de los eclesisticos en el descubrimiento y conquista de
Chile," Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografa, Nos. 36,
37, 38, Santiago: Imprenta Universitaria, 1920-1921.
pp. 370-425; 101-138; 22-67.
Thayer Ojeda, Tomas. Los conquistadores de Chile.
2 Vols., Santiago: Imprenta Cerrantes, 1908-1910.


LAND AND SOCIETY IN EARLY COLONIAL
SANTIAGO DE CHILE,, 1540 1575
By
THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS' FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
19 75


63
local chief, and the fact that he and his tribe were "ac-
10
cidentially" in the path of the aggressors.
Each encomendero in Chile was also obliged to maintain
roads and bridges within the limits of his encomienda. This
function appears to make the territorial demarcation of the
encomienda there more meaningful and somewhat different from
the primarily labor division typical of encomiendas in
other colonies.
Another duty related to the missionary side of coloni
zation. Every encomendero was obligated to teach religion
to his charges. In the Chilean case, the natives were dis
tributed into religious territories called doctrinas which
were presided over by a priest. Although this situation
evolved slowly in Chile, by 1585, there were twenty-four
doctrinas in the Santiago district. ^
The final condition of the grants was the established
method of colonization. It stipulated that the principal
Indian caciques should maintain their wives and children
as well as the other Indians that served them. This, in
effect, was the Spaniard^ attempt to adopt the native
system of control described earlier into their own system.
The chiefs were to be apportioned to the encomenderos, and,
thus, the fealty of these Indians would be transferred from
the Indians to the Spanish overlords. An elaborate ceremony
usually accompanied the loyalty oath and sometimes it was
sealed by the marriage of the encomendero to the principal


117
Mulatto nor mestizo or person who is born out of wedlock
may be allowed to have encomienda Indians.* According to
Moeriier, therefore, the words "mestizo" and "illegitimate'*
had become synonymous. Of course, this situation did not
prevail in Chile which was still in the early stage of
conquest and colonization. As described in the earlier
chapter on land distribution, mestizos were still an im
portant factor in the development of the country. In most
of the colonies, however, the mestizos' relative position
in society was beginning to become more and more restricted.
They were excluded from their positions of Protector of
Indians, Notary Public, and Chief of the Tribe. In 1568,
they were denied ordainment, but this law was later re
scinded and "legitimate" mestizos could serve in the
T O
priesthood.x
Mestizo vagrancy also became a problem in.the early
days of the various colonies because many of the mixed
breeds became victims of acculturation, and as outcasts
could not participate in either Spanish or Indian society.
They essentially became 16th century street people, home
less and ignored. This situation brought about restrictions
prohibiting mestizo vagrants from living among the Indians
as recorded in the laws of 1536 and 1563. In addition,
as cited earlier, Negro overseers at first (1541), overseers
in general, but particularly mestizos (1550), and finally
encomenderos themselves (1563) were banned from living with


18
Of the three invaders, the Chinchas were the most pro
gressive. They imposed their material civilization and many
of their beliefs and customs on Chile. They were shepherds,
agriculturalists, miners, and small industrialists. Their
most useful domestic animal, the llama, provided wool for
their clothing. They cultivated potatoes, peas, and corn.
They distributed water to these crops by using extensive
irrigation canals. They exploited copper, silver, and
gold. They manufactured all kinds of articles, and made
utensils of wood, metal, and clay. They built cities con
taining temples and palaces. And, finally, they constructed
roads and a system of hostelries to maintain a postal
service and carry on trade with the other sections of
the country.
The Chinchas were conquered by the Quechuas, an ag
gressive dominating people who appropriated all elements
of the Chinchas' culture and who, with the ruling Incas,
formed the most extensive and prosperous state in America.
Two of these Inca rulers --- Inca Pachacuti and his son Topa
Inca Yupanqui led an expedition against Chile in 1460
and conquered the country as far south as the Maul.^
In this territory, they did not find a completely barbarous
population, but one already semi-civilized by the influence
of the Chinchas, a condition that had prevailed for more
than two hundred years.^
For a long time it was thought that the level of ma
terial progress at which the Spaniards later found the


178
the population of Santiago consisted of only 500 Spanish or
sons of Spanish inhabitants. (This figure apparently in
cludes legitimate mestizo sons of which there were many.)
No population figures are available on the number of
mestizos in the city, but there may have been as many as
5,000 in 1570, and certainly that number by the turn of the
19 8
century.
Another phenomenon was taking place in the countryside.
As noted earlier, the number of Indians in the encomiendas
of Santiago was diminishing, and by 1600 their number was
19 9
down to 4,000. There were not enough Indians to make
the encomienda system viable, let alone provide labor for
the farms and mines. Mestizos were integrated into agri
cultural operations via the inquilino system, and
Araucanian prisoners from the south were imported as vir
tual slaves to work the farms. Despite these methods, the
lack of cheap labor became so acute that the mining oper
ations were mostly abandoned.
The mestizos, who followed their Indian mothers' cul
tural patterns, however, were able to fill the labor void
on the farms. They soon became the most numerous labor
force because they were vigorous, hard working, and adapt
able. Thus, a new Inquilino society, composed of
mestizos and Indians, began to evolve. Just as mestizos,
with a high percentage of Spanish blood were taking over
positions in the city, mestizos, with predominatly Indian


172
of service and Indian friends. The Indians of service
carried the Spaniard's equipment and performed other func
tions for them. Many were free from any obligation to
their masters and worked for a cash payment. The Indian
friends, on the other hand, were military allies and as-
sisted the Spanish in the conquest. Again, there is
some blurring of the differences between Indian friends
and yanaconas. Mariano de Lobera, in fact, refers to the
assistance of the yanaconas in defending a Spanish position
184
after the Battle of Tucapel.
In many instances, moreover, it is very difficult to
separate the Indians of service from the Indian friends.
The general rule appears to be that the Peruvian yanaconas
were likely to be included in the general term Indian
friend. Chilean Indians of service, however, were not
likely to be included as military allies or Indian friends.
Obviously, this situation would be very difficult to sort
out as far as social stratification is concerned. It ap
pears, however, that some method was used by the Spaniards
to ensure that the treatment of Indian friends was better
than that of Indians of service, and both were above the
other Indians in status. Crecente Errazuriz makes his dif
ferentiation by referring to the yanaconas as a separate
"third class" of Indians as opposed to local enemies and
185
encomienda Indians.
Negro slaves at this time continued to occupy a some-
what higher position in society than most of the Indians.


50
of Governor of the Colony. Alonso de Monroy was appointed
Lieutenant Governor, Jeronimo de Alderete was named treas
urer, Francisco de Arteaga was controller, Juan Fernandez
de Alderete was overseer, and Francisco de Aguirre was named
commissioner.
As noted earlier, this political structure was virtually
meaningless in a colony wTith no visible means of support and
under siege by marauding Indians. Valdivia was in charge of
virtually every order of business, however, and following
his military successes, he turned his attention to the
colony's economy. Indian laborers were put to work in the
mines and a ship was constructed at Concon .to enable Santiago
to maintain communications with Lima. The overland route
between the two cities was secured with the construction of
a fort at La Serena.
At the same time, Valdivia was interrupted in his
economic program by the continuation of the anti-Pizarro
insurrection in Peru. He journeyed there in 1547 and joined
with the King's envoy, Pedro de la Gasea, to defeat his
former sponsor's brother in the Battle of Jaguijahuana.
In gratitude, the King officially proclaimed him governor
of Chile in 1548.
With Peru pacified, Valdivia was able to secure more
men and supplies for his colony. Another company of 100
men was sent to Santiago and the conqueror himself returned
in 1549 along with some women and families.
La Serena,


139
who had the characteristic slave brands on her face. Gil
later became a citizen of Concepcion and had an encomiendo
of Indians in Itata. He was killed in the distraction of
Concepcion in 1555. His son, Giraldo, inherited his enco
mienda, but was himself subsequently killed in combat in
156 4.^ Gil's daughter, Barbla Gil, married Marcos Griego
6 7
Seriche a carpenter in Santiago, The family lived in
6 8
block thirty-six, solar one from 1586 to 1607. Their
children included Jose Seriche, Melchor Seriche, Ines
Marcela, the wife of Miguel de Utrera; Catalina Gil, and
Mariana de la Rosa, who married Gonzalo Alvarez and moved
6 9
into the old family homestead in 1586. Gils other
daughter maintained the working class relationship of
the family by marrying Vicente Jimenez, a Santiago lathe
maker.70
Juan Godinez Godinez was born in Ubeda, Jaen, in
1517. He came to the Indies in 1532, and became a part of
the Almagro expedition. Later, he joined Valdivia and took
part in the founding of Santiago in 1541. He was a vecino
encomendero of the city and served as regidor, procurador,
and alcalde ordinario. He lived in block thirty-four, solar
four in 1554, and passed the property on to his son Juan
Godinez de Benavides,7"*" He also lived in block forty-three,
"7 O
solar two in 1556. He married Dona Catalina de Monsalve
de la Cueva. Among their children were Captain Juan Godinez
de Benavides, who inherited his father's encomienda, and


)
i
)
2 07


regulations were modified from time to time, but generally
stated that yearly work in the mines began on February 1
and ended on September 30, They also said that only resi
dents of a specific area were allowed to work the mines and
set the work day as beginning a half an hour before sufitup
and ending a half an hour after sunset. Religious instruc
tion was to be regulated and controlled by the resident
priest.
Despite the protective legal tone of these regulations
and others, the Indians were still subjected to strict
treatment. For instance, following rumors of an Indian
rebellion in May 1549, Alcalde Juan Gomez of Santiago
ordered the encomenderos in the district to torture or
burn any Indian suspected of-being involved in dissident
activity.As of 1553, any Indian mine worker caught
concealing gold nuggets was to be whipped and have his nose
17
and ears cut off. The most agonizing torture for the
poor Indian was the practice of "disjointing, which con
sisted of cutting the foot a little bit above the toe joint
18
to prevent flight. The basic inequality of colonial lav;
is graphically shown in the various punishments for blas
phemy for the accused Spaniard, 30 days in jail and a
40 peso fine; for the Indian, 50 lashes in the public
square.^
Although the system was clearly designed to harness
the native work force, by any means possible, to benefit


NOTES
1 ^
"-Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 373.
^Alejandr Fenzalida Grandon, La evolucin social de
Chile 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1906) pp. 1-24.
3Vi cuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 373.
4 ...
Tomas Thayer Ojeda and Carlos J. Larrain, Valdivia
y sus compaeros (Santiago, 1950), pp. 65-68.
5Ibid., pp. 115-117.
bEncina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 31.
^Frias, o£. cit., pp. 150-151.
^Thayer Ojeda and Larrain, ojo. cit. p. 16.
q
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 101.
10Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 193-194.
33Eyzaguirre, Historia de Chile, p. 162.
33Stephanie Blank, "Patrons, Clients, and Kin in
Seventeenth Century Caracas; A Methodological Essay in
Colonial Spanish American History," Hispanic American
Historical Review, Vol. 5 4 (May, 19 74), p. 277.
33Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena
y censo de la poblacin de Chile entre los anos de 1540 a
1565, con datos estadistieos, bigraficos, tnicos y
demogrficos (Santiago, 1939-1941), Vol. 1, pp. 24-61.
3^Luis Silva Lezaeta, El conquistador Francisco de
Aguirre (Santiago, 1953), p. 56. and Thayer Ojeda,
Formacin de la sociedad chilena, Vol. 1, pp. 65-66.
15
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 113.
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 119.
182


83
33Ibid., p. 416.
36Ibid., pp. 42Q-421.
Robert Keith, 'Encomienda, Hacienda and Corrgimento
in Spanish America: A Structural Analysis," Hispanic
American Historical Review, Vol. 51 (Aug. 1971), p. 432.
38Ibid., p, 446.
3^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol, 1, pp. 396-397.
^McBride, op_. cit. p. 110.
^Douglas-Irvine, cjd. cit. p. 480.
43Ibid., p. 481.
^3Ibid., p. 484.
44Ibid.
43McBride, ojd. cit. p. 75.
48Korth, 0£. cit., pp. 25-26.
4^Douglas-Irvine, 0£. cit., p. 492.
48Korth, ojd, cit. p. 113.
^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 18.
38Kinsbruner, o£. cit., p. 15.
51 Ibid., p. 18. See also Vernon, op. cit., pp. 108-
109 .
52
Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 18.


10
The Indians used a. wooden or bone fishhook for fishing.
They were able to construct small boats out of bushes,
weeds, and straw. Sometimes they hollowed a canoe out of
a large tree. In general, however, fishing activities were
confined to slow moving streams and the ocean shore because
no complex, framework boats were ever developed.
The boleadoras and the arrow were the most important
weapons used for hunting. The former similar to the
Argentine bolas was composed of two or three stones tied
to the ends of leather strips. The hunter took one of these
stones in his hand, swung the others over his head, and
threw it at the legs of his quarry. Arrows were fashioned
from a twenty-inches long, slender shaft, and were shot from
a wooden bow which was strung with a leather thong. The
size of the bow seems to have varied from tribe to tribe,
but the Araucanians generally preferred a short one." The
Indian also carried a lance and a short war club. The do
mesticated dog was a frequent and useful companion for
flushing game. The origin of the domestic dog in the coun
try is still a debatable question, however, and many histo-
21
nans insist that the dog was introduced by the Spanish.
The social structure of the Indians, especially the
Araucanaians, was very rudimentary. It consisted of the
patriarchial family and the tribe, although Francisco
Encina insists that the Chincha-Atacamena^-Diaguita civiliza-
22
txon contained a trace of matriarchy. Relationship was
the foundation of the family and proximity contributed to


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am very grateful to all of the persons who have
made this study possible. I owe special appreciation to
Milton H. Brown, who proposed that I take a years sab
batical to finish ray class work, and to Richard Lehman,
who supported my continued study and research trip. Of
course, nothing would have been possible without the
guidance of Dr. Lyle McAlister.
I am very grateful also to Joyce R. Miller, who
has looked after my interests in Gainesville, and to
Francine Prokoski, who encouraged me to finish. To
all of these people and my helpers at the office, espe
cially John Orban and Linda Senft, this dissertation is
thankfully dedicated..
Thomas C. Braman
Langley, Virginia
June 5, 1975
iii


57
-^Eberhardt, bp. cit., p. 146.
57
3'Frias,
op. cit.,
p. 71 and 219
^^Encina
, Historia
de Chile, Vol
59Ibid,
Vol. 1, p.
411.
60Ibid.,
Vol. 2, p.
191.
p. 189.


13
organisation, was elementary. Many families resulting from
some common ancestor, but. related most strongly by the area
in which they lived, made up a tribe. This small society,
as noted before, most often occupied a valley, lived on the
banks of a river, or in a forest. It was basically a free
association, however, and recognized no distinct chief ex
cept in times of war. In more peaceful times, the father
of the oldest family or rhe most respected and courageous
man was usually expected to perform some leadership func
tion. He was called the gulmen or cacique. Later the
richest person in the area generally occupied this position.
In any case, it appears that the post was usually hereditary
in times of peace, but was relinquished in war especially if
o o
a better or more courageous man were available. *'
Most tribes generally distrusted each other, but fre
quently allied together to face a common enemy. This was
true during the period of the Inca invasions and was espe
cially true when the Spaniards arrived. These federations
united the Indians for a common cause and such alliances,
of course, are a classic example of the basic social cohe
siveness of all of the Indians.^
In other aspects, the central valley Indians never con
stituted a nation with an organized government. Their only
governmental institutions, in fact, were military alliances.
The meetings called for war discussions always started with
the caciques of each tribe summoning his tribe together.


200
a lasting relationship created between the Spaniards and
Indian women that would carry over into subsequent genera
tions. Although these mestizo children were subject to
some of the rigid class and social structures prevalent in
Spain and in the other colonies, there was a certain amount
of social mobility. Certainly, during the first twenty
five years of the colony, a man could achieve fame and posi-
i
tion even if he had Indian blood.
In summary, Chile's unique colonial development pro
duced subtle differences between Chileans and other Latin
American colonists in the 16th century. I am always re
minded of the lines from Voltaire's Candide: "What
country can this be? It must be unknown to the world,
because everything is so different from what we are used
to. "


100
As a consequence of this life-style, Concepcion became the
real seat of government.^ Santiago was the capital from
1541 until 1565, when King Philip II decided to install an
audiencia in Concepcion. It was formerly located there in
1567, but only remained until 1575. From that time until
1609, the Audiencia of Santiago was preeminent. 45
When Don Garca finally returned to Santiago, he met
his constituents in the parish house still the only
stone building in the city. Spanish troops moving to the
front in the south also quartered in the city from time to
time, but that is as close to political and military action
that Santiago came. Pedro Cortes Monroi, in his letters,
noted that his detachment of 500 soldiers arrived in
Santiago at about the same time as the new governor.^
Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that from the time of
Don Garcia until the end of the century, the problems of
49
Santiago were secondary to the war.
Following Don Garcia's recall in 1561, Francisco de
Villagra was able to gain the governorship. He held the
post only briefly, however, as he died in Concepcion in
M Q
1563* During his tenure in office, Santiago continued
to decline in political importance. In 1563, however,
the Santiago citizenry were almost back in the thick of
fighting when an Indian advance threatened areas near the
city. The danger finally passed, and life in the city re-
turned to normal. In the meantime, Pedro de Villagra


201
NOTES
^Francisco Encina, reprinted in John Mander, The
Unrevolutionary Society (New York, 1969), p. 209.
2
Maguire Ibar, o£_. cit. p. 11.
^Eberhardt, op_. cit. p. 19 6.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 49.
5
Barros Arana, og_. cit. Vol. 1, p. 114.
r
Douglas-Irvine, op_. cit. p. 480. Quoting from
statistics from Thayer Ojeda.
7
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 37.
g
Maguire Ibar, op. cit., p. 12.
Q /
^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 74.


149
married Alonso Lopez de la Arraigada, a much decorated
soldier who fought in the Concepcion area after the 1555
i pr
disaster. The family lived in Santiago in block forty-
1 2*j
nine, solar one from 1565 to 1592. ^ One of the children,
Jeronimo Lopez de la Arraigada, became a clergyman, and
another, Dona Ines de la Arraigada married Captain Juan de
Larrate and later, Captain Nicolas Perez.
Rodrigo de Quiroga Quiroga was a hidalgo and was born
in San Juan de Boime in 1512. In 1535, he arrived in Peru
and later joined Aguirres band for the trek to Santiago.
He was alcalde ordinario of the city in 1548, 1558, 1560;
regidor 1549, corregidor 1550, 1551, 1552, 1553, 1558; and
governor of the cabildo after Tucapel. He was interim
governor of the colony from 1565 to 1567 and governor from
1575 to 1580. He married Valdivia's mistress, Ines de
Suarez, in 1549. They lived in block sixteen, solar
three from 1556 to 1566. They also owned block forty-eight,
solars three and four in 1565 and block eighty-four, which
129
was donated to the cxty m 1575. Quiroga's mestiza
daughter, Isabel de Quiroga, married Don Pedro de Avendano,
who came to Chile with Villagra's transandean expedition
of 1551. He was a Captain and vecino encomendero of Caete.
130
He was killed by Indians m 1561. Isabel was then mar
ried to Martn Ruiz de Gamboa, a vecino encomendero of Los
Confines,They lived in block forty-eight, solars
three and four from 1565 to 1590.1,32 Their daughter, Ines


.40
in that duty, he was given a silver mine in Porco and a valu
able estate called "La Canela" for his services. This lat
ter property alone produced an estimated income of about
$500,000 per year.^
It was a complete surprise to Pizarro, therefore, when
Valdivia applied for a commission to undertake an expedi
tion to Chile. Valdivia was certainly a wealthy man at this
time and was well aware of Almagro's utter failure in the
south.^3 The point is that Valdivia, apparently unlike
many of his contemporaries, was more interested in the
prestige and fame of a successful expedition, than just en
riching himself. Many historians believe that he had a
driving ambition to found and build, but it appears that
prestige played an importantrole in his decision. In any
case, it is more likely that he came to Chile as a conqueror
24
colonizer than merely a despoiler.
Pizarro granted him the commission in April 1539, and
Valdivia immediately began planning for the long trek. It
proved to be very difficult to raise money for the project,
however, as no one was interested in financing an expedi
tion that appeared to follow its predecessor into failure.
Even Pizarro was reluctant to risk any money from the
Peruvian treasury. Valdivia's problems were solved, how
ever, when a newly arrived Spanish merchant, Francisco
Martinez, offered to pay half of the money needed on the
2 5
condition that a partnership be formed.


22
met resistance. In any case, despite the influence of the
civilization over the southern tribes, there was no unifi
cation among them. In fact, there was a situation in this
part of the country where the population was increasing and
material progress was decreasing. Obviously these Indians
still had not learned enough technology to support a city-
oriented population.
The situation of the Araucanians to the south of the
contact point is obviously of special interest to any serious
student of Chilean history. One can make the initial asses
sment, nevertheless, that these Indians have not substan
tially contributed directly to the formation of the Chilean
race, but their presence south of the Maul River had a
profound influence on the political and social development
of the colony.
The defiance demonstrated by the Araucanians against
the European invaders for over three centuries stands in
contrast with, the almost immediate submission of the north
ern central valley Indians. Moreover, it appears that the
Incan .invasion late in the fifteenth century was opposed
and bea.ten back solely by the Araucanians. Valdivia him
self commented that he had no difficulty with any of the
Indians until he crossed the Itata. Later, he said that
:'I have warred with men of many nations, but never have I
seen such fighting tenacity as is displayed by these In
dians,"54


181
SANTIAGO 1575: POPULATION AND OCCUPATION
...
t
Governor and Crown
Officials
Encomenderos, High
Clergy, Captains
7
Merchants, Ranchers,
Soldiers
i
A
Salaried Workers and
Farmers
p
Encomienda Laborers
[
1
*>** 1
Slaves

i
1
;3ilQL j2LH.!A
LOXUlf .

'
iaa_^
Subsistence Livers
Ifl
Population
SPANIARDS
INDIANS ffWHf+HJW
NEGROES


165
families. Diego Sanches de Morales' descendants were re
lated to the Gomez, Chacon, Quiroga, Morales and Fastens
families. Bartolom de Rojas* Puebla, who arrived in Chile
in 1601, was the originator of a new line including some
of the old conqueror families Carvajal, Meneses, Bravo
de Saravia, Gomez, Ortiz, Ahumada, and the Lisperguer fam
ilies. The descendants of Diego de Sevillano Silva were
related to, the families Salazar, Toledo, Vega, Ureta,
Perez, Lisperguer, Gaete, and Moreno. The family of Luis
de Toledo was related to the Herreras, Cuadras, Serranos,
Sotomayors, and Errazuriz. These are just a few examples.
The family ties are quite obvious with the repitition of
the names Lisperguer, Ahumada, Irrazaval, Barros,
__ f 177
Valenzuela, Gaete, Ortiz, jufre, and Pastene.
It is obvious from the preceding list that the most
prevalent method fo cementing family ties among the con
querors was the practice of marrying mestizo or Spanish
-daughters to other conquerors or newly arrived Spaniards
of high social standing. This process facilitated
mestizaje in Santiago because of the lack of marriageable
Spanish women. Another method was the marriage of Indian
widows of one conqueror to another. The half-brother/
half-sister relationships in the next generation were an
important connective factor.
Finally, it must be remembered that the individual
conqueror had a clientel family to begin with, comprised -


v i til him to Peru.
Thus, of the original 24 men, Valdivia
O Q
arrived in Tarapaca with only twenty.
The situation changed for the better there, however,
when Rodrigo de Araya rode into camp with sixteen other
Spaniards bringing the total complement of thirty-six.
Not long afterward, about seventy-five more arrived with
Francisco de Villagra the expedition now7 suddenly in
creasing to 111 men. Once again the group set out, this
time facing the tractless v/astes of the Atacama desert.
Impossible as it may seem with a group already facing
a great ordeal from hostile terrain and natives, Sancho de
Hoz began plotting against Valdivia to take over the ex
pedition for himself. During Valdivia's absence from camp
one night, Sancho and his followers began discussing rebel
lion among the other troops. Valdivia arrived back the
next morning, however, accompanied by Francisco de Aguirre
and twenty-five Spaniards. This force and Valdivia's pointed
effort to ignore the incident ended the intrigue for the pre-
3 i
sent. The. camp now included 137 Spaniards. x
The group next arrived in the Copiapo Valley and was
immediately set upon by the Indians. The natives of the
district were following a "scorched earth" policy and des
troyed all of their food stores before the Spaniards could
capture them. They also inflicted a terrible death and in
jury toll on the yanaconas who unlike the Spaniards were not
protected by armor. This was finally the area that Valdivia's


for survival and a concentration on subsistence farming.
The continuous warfare prevented normal immigration pat
terns and the colony primarily attracted a soldier-im-
migrant class that arrived in the colony without families
and bent on adventure.
The natural temperament of these soldiers, their
spirit, and their desire to make the best of a bad situa
tion led to many liaisons with Indian women and the
creation of extensive mestizaje. Because the rigid
Spanish social structure initially did not exist in the
colony, the mestizos flourished. There was a great amount
of social mobility, and a man could achieve fame and status
even if he had Indian blood in his veins. Females with
mixed blood did even better than their male counteparts,
and many were integrated into the highest aristocratic
level of the colony. As a result of these experiences,
Chiles social evolutionary process during the period of
conquest subtly differed in many ways from that of its
colonial neighbors.
vi


193
P
tiie ratio of nine to one. It is no wonder, therefore, that
Chile has become known as a country in many ways dominated
by women. Certainly, the first encounters of Spanish men
and Indian women were dominated by the conquerors. The
women must have seen eventually, however, that their position
and that of their children would be improved by a liaison
or marriage with a Spaniard. There is every reason to
believe, therefore, that later relationships were brought
about to some degree by the traditional guiles of women.
Finally, marriage was an important factor in Chilean
development and has continued to be an important institu
tion to this day. While many of the Spanish conquerors in
Peru, Mexico, and the Caribbean area abandoned their Indian
women when Spanish girls arrived on the scene, there is no
such evidence of this in Chile. In fact, the second mar
riage between two Spaniards in Santiago did not occur until
1543, when Alonso Escobar married Beatriz de Baleazar, some
seven years after the city was founded.^ The conquerors,
for the most part, honored their relationship with the
Indian women by either marrying them or legitimizing the _,v
offspring. This simply did not occur with the same regular
ity in the other colonies.
In conclusion, therefore, Chile was a unique experiment
from the beginning. There was no gold to speak of, the
Indians were hostile from the outset, there was a certain
esprit da corps among the conquerors that led to mutual
respect and spoils were divided equally. Finally, there was


89
to west. The houses of the early aristocracy were grouped
in this area and were surrounded by the shacks of their
servant yanaconas. Soldiers and men of lesser rank were,
forced to live farther away from the plaza in camps near
the dehesa or common ground.H
No matter what his social status was, however, the
individual Spaniard was virtually king within his solar.
All of his slaves, concubines, and yanaconas lived within
the enclosure. These people were by necessity dedicated
to the success of their master after all their liveli
hood was dependent on him. Within the solar they tended
his animals and took care of all of his needs,^ On
the other hand, urbanization of this kind had its drawbacks
because the servants could no longer live off the land as
they had during the trek from Cuzco, and the master was
hard pressed to provide for so many eager mouths. Even
tually, the situation got so bad in the city, in fact, that
the the population concentration began to cause health
problems. An ordinance was passed by the cabildo as early
as 1550 directing the citizens to get rid of at least half
of their servants and keep the rest away from the front of
the houses. In 1554, a charge of two pesos for each in
fraction was levied to put teeth onto the law.^
Other city problems are easily discernible from the
cabildo records. For instance, the population concentra
tion of Indians, Negroes, and mestizos in the city led to


It is not too difficult to determine the outstanding
characteristics of the southern central valley Indians, if
one knows something of their lives, customs, and beliefs.
Three admirable qualities were outstanding; they were
brave, loyal, and vigorous. They also had three grave
faults: they were cruel, superstitious, and drunken.
They preferred war above all other occupations, but in
everything else they were incurably lazy. Tribal war,
in general, and Spanish oppression, in particular, made
them into a cruel, vengeful people.^
The native Chileans living north of the Brobio be
longed only in part to the same race as the Araucanians.
The so-called Picunches or Mapuches extended to the
Copiapo and were divided into numerous sub-groups. From
the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, they suffered
first the invasion of the Diaguitas, coming from northwest
Argentina, particularly the present-day provinces of Salta,
Tucurnan, and Santiago de Estero. This was followed by an
invasion of the Chinchas from southern Peru; and, finally,
that of the Quechuas, who at the time of the arrival of
the Spaniards, formed part of the Inca empire extending
from Ecuador to Bolivia and Chile, with their capital in
Cuzco. None of these invasions went farther south than
the Maipo. From these Indians, however, came the culture
of the Chilean natives who inhabited the north and north
41
center of the country,


115
even an encomienda grant. In Chile, many of the first
generation mestizos were active in the army fighting
against, the Araucanians in the south. As late as 1585
certainly the second generation of Chilean mestizaje in
a letter from the Governor of the colony to the Crown, the
Governor acknowledged the receipt of a Royal Decree re
stricting the rights of mestizos. The Governor referred
to the fact that there were 150 mestizos in the army, most
of them sons of conquistadores. Without them, Chile would
havj? been lost, he exclaimed; "I should pray to God that
there were as many good people among those sent to us from
Spain as there are among those mestizos."
So far in this discussion, the role of the Negro has
been mostly omitted. This is not an oversight. There
were Negroes in Chile, but their numbers were few, and
they never constituted a significant racial factor. (This
does not mean that individual Negroes did not contribute
to Chilean colonial history. For example, Captain Juan
Beltran a Negro settler became a legendary figure
during his one-man war against the Araucanians.^) In many
cases, Negroes were a social factor, however, and some
discussion of their legal status would be useful at this
point.
The original unofficial pattern simply broke society
down into two categories: Spaniards and Indians. The
Spanish group included Peninsular Spaniards (gauchupines


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
N.M. Wilensky
Professor of History
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate
Faculty of the Department of History in the College of
Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
June, 1975
Dean, Graduate School


97
The city's greatest problem'In the beginning was its
extreme poverty. Despite the introduction of the market
place,. there was still not enough money in circulation to
make the venture worthwhile. Fines for committing lesser
crimes were worked off through labor rather than in a cash
payment. For example, in 1552, two carpenters, who were
charged with cutting wood without a permit, were ordered
to install some doors, a window, and build some benches
for the cabildo office as their penalty.^ It is probable
that this penal labor was utilized to construct the first
bridge over the Mapocho River in 1556.
Despite this poverty, however, the political scene was
mostly calm under Valdivia's leadership. One plot by the
infamous Sancho de Hoz was ended with the culprits' execu
tion. After that, Valdivia was never seriously challenged.
Following the Governor's death in 1553, however, an end to
strong one-man rule occurred. Immediately, a dispute
erupted among Francisco de Aguirre, Rodrigo de Quiroga,
and Francisco de Villagra over who would succeed to the
governor's office. Aguirre was the best military man in
the colony. He had been active in the discovery and set
tlement of Tucuman, and was presently living in La Serena
on the coast, Quiroga was elected, at least as temporary
governor, by the Santiago cabildo primarily because he was
in residence. He was, however, one of the most popular men
in the colony, Villagra, the most blood-thirsty of the lot,


173
Almost all of them lived in the cities except in cases
where they were serving their masters in warfare. Most'
worked as majordomos in the households or as apprentices
to tailors, shoemakers, silversmiths, and carpenters.
Chilean historians tend to be evasive about the issue of
Negro slavery, however, and statistics probably are not
very reliable. Diego Barros Arana, for example, says that
by 1650, there were only three to four thousand Negroes in
Chile. He also states, however, that the 1778 census in
Santiago indicated that there were25,500 Negroes and
mulattoes in the city.^0 Encina, on the other hand, states
that there were 2,500 Negroes in Santiago in 1650, but be
cause of Chile's climate and disease, pure Negro blood dis
appeared from the Chilean race during the next century...
This claim would tend to invalidate the census of 1778. ^
In any case, judging from the available material,
the Negro, because of his adaptability to Spanish culture,
* *
the fact that some Hispanicized Negroes had arrived in the
country as conquerors, and the close relationship of Negroes
with the Spanish families in their position as personal ser
vants, came to occupy a higher position in society than the
Indians. Moreover, through meritorious service or manu
mission, slaves could be freed. Andrea (El Valiente), for
instance, a Negro slave was freed by his master as a reward
for valor in the southern wars in 1555. Further, it ap
pears that intermarriage was prevalent between Spaniards and
Negro women on one hand, and Negroes and Indians on the


143
Pedro Gonzalez de Utrera Gonzalez arrived in Peru in
1537, and accompanied Valdivia to Santiago in 1540. He was
given a chacra by the cabildo in 1546, and had an encomienda
in the Santiago area. He had three mestizo children: Pedro
89
Gonzalez, Rodrigo de Utrera, both relatively unknown.
His daughter, Beatriz, however, was married to Bartolom de
Medina, one of the conquerors of Tucuman. One of their
children was Alonso Gonzalez de Medina, a second lieutenant
91
in the army.
Garcia Hernandez Hernandez was born in 1510, and
arrived in Santiago in 1540. He lived in block twenty-one,
solar one in 1556, block twenty-eight, solar two in 1556,
and block forty-two, solars one and three in the same
9 9
year. He was mayordomo of the city in 1554, procurador
in 1556, regidor in 1555, 1558, 1566, and 1568. He was
married in 1560 to Isabel Garcia, the mestiza daughter of
Captain Diego Garca de Canceres. Garca was one of the
first vecino encomenderos of Santiago and was regidor
perpetuo of the city from 1550 to 1553. He held numerous
other offices in the cabildo from 1553 until 1583.Among
Garcia and Isabel's more important children were Captain
Juan Perez de Caceres, a corregidor of Quillota in 1602,
1607, and 1608. Perez married Beatriz Hurtado, the daugh
ter of the contador, Juan Hurtado, and the mestiza, Leonor
Godinez.^ Another child was Dona Mariana de Caceres, the
wife of Captain Andres Hernndez de la Serna, a vecino


104
Overall, life in Santiago could best be described
as simple - almost primitive with few happy diversions,
The Spaniards arrived in the country with their culture,
but the war and the problems involved in day to day living
did not allow for culture refinements. There were diver
sions such as fiesta days, however, and, of course, no
one worked on Sunday. On these occasions, the women of
the city dressed in their best clothes, particularly dif
ferent colored velvets. Furniture was also improved and
the few rude pieces of the early days were replaced to
hand crafted productions. Music was also brought from
Spain and Peru and was quickly adopted and modified by the
mestizo majority. Indian music or an adaptation was re-
ft
vived and also used for entertainment.
Despite these overall improvements, however, the
best estimate is that even at the end of the century,
there were only 170 houses in the city. The population
estimate is that there were not more than 500 Spaniards
ft 3
and more than 2,000 mestizos and Indians, In 1575,
the Spanish population was obviously less, although about
2,500 Spaniards had presumably passed through the city on
the way to the front,^ In any case, Santiago was still
classified as a poor city even at the close of the cen
tury. Materially, it was reported to be inferior to the
little city of Melipilla.65 Even Alonso Gonzales de
Najera complained in 1607 that, although Santiago had


MOTES
1-Henry F. Dobyns, "Estimating .Aboriginal American
Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New
Hemisphere Estimate," Current Anthropology, Vol. 7
(Oct., 1966), p. 415.
2Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna, Historia critica y social
de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundacin hasta nuestros
dias, 1541-1868 (Valparaiso, 1869), p. 16.
2ida W. Vernon, Pedro de Valdivia, Conquistador of
Chile (New York, 19 691^ p. 34.
4j.I. Molina, The Geographical, Natural, and Civil
History of Chile (London, 1909), Vol. 2, p. 12.
Sjaime Eyzaguirre, Historia de Chile: genesis de la
nacionalidad (Santiago, 1965), p. 27.
6lus Galdames, A History of Chile (New York, 1964),
p. 6.
^Francisco Frias Valenzuela, Historia de Chile
(Santiago, 1950), pp. 10-14.
^Horacio Lara, Crnica de la Araucania (Santiago, 1889),
Vol. 1, p. 28.
^Francisco Antonio Encina, Historia de Chile (Santiago,
1944) Vol. 1, pp. 83-84 .
lOpedro de Valdivia to Emperor Charles V., September
25, 1551, reprinted in Pedro de Valdivia, Cartas de
relacin de la conquista de Chile (Santiago, 1970), p. 172.
^Alonso Gonzlez de Najera, Desengao y reparo de la
guerra del reino de Chile (Santiago, 1971), p. 40.
l-2Hugh R.S, Pocock, The Conquest of Chile (New York,
1967) p. 239.
-^Galdames, oj3. cit. pp. 6-8.
^Enrique C. Eberhardt, Historia de Santiago de Chile
(Santiago, 1916), pp. 196-207.
27


102
of the money was used to increase the domestic cattle
herds in the Santiago area, In fact, it was estimated
that 2,000 cows were imported in 1558 alone. By 1556, a
great number of cattle buyers were already located in the
city because production was greater than the colony's need
and some supplies could be exported. Despite the in
creased supply of meat, however, there was still no
official meat market in the city until .1567, and even
5 4
then fresh meat was only available twice a week.
At the same time as meat production was increasing,
wheat and other grains were produced in greater quantities
also. By 1575, in fact, wheat was being exported to Peru.
All of the farms in the Santiago area had increased pro
duction, and Chile's fame as a fertile agricultural land
was spreading,^
Meanwhile, other services in the city were either
being improved or were increasing. The first pharmacy
was opened by Francisco Bilbao in 1557, and the cabildo
promptly passed a law prohibiting doctors from owning
pharmacies. The law was enacted because there were so
many medical charlatans coming into the colony.A doc
tor named Castro is acknowledged as being the first phy
sician in the colony in 1551. He was reportedly hired to
staff the city hospital founded by Governor Valdivia,
In reality, there was no permanent doctor in the city to
staff it until 1566. The great local scandal during


155
Finally, one important marriage in the colonial aris
tocracy was that of Gonzalo Martnez de Vergara, the il
legitimate son of Francisco Martnez Valdivia's part
ner and the Indian Princess, Mariana Pico de Plata, to
165
Teresa de Ahumada. This was another linking of the
Martinez and Ahumada families.
Mestizos in the Aristocracy
Obviously, there are great discrepancies in wealth
and status even among this cross section of the original
Chilean aristocracy. Many persons were not in an aristo
cratic social or financial status when they arrived in the
country. Others were not decendants of noble Spanish fami
lies. The common ground was reached during the struggle
against the Indians, the quest for food, and the enco
mendero status granted to most of the original conquerors.
As a result, everyone' started at virtually the same eco
nomic and social level. What each person did with his
lands and his Indians determined his future status. It
was up to his own initiative. In other words, there was
very little to interfere with his financial and social ad
vancement and, in fact, the togetherness and comradrie of
the first conquerors was the important determinant.
As an example of the early social leveling process, it
was well known in Peru that foreigners could achieve posi
tions of honor and command in Chile that were denied to
them in Lima. The Genoese seaman Juan Bautista Pastene


10 5
many beautiful houses, it still resembled a military camp
r £
with all of the soldiers stationed there.
Thus, as the first thirty years of the citys exist
ence drew to a close, there was no longer any doubt in the
minds of the citizenry that the city would survive. The
death of Quiroga in 1580 was considered to be a calamity
by many of the old timers, but civil law and order had
been firmly established and the process of development
could not be reversed. Social problems were the next
consideration, and these will be discussed in the next
chapter.


88
city's protection by constructing an adobe wall around trie
interior nine blocks surrounding the central plaza. All
traces of this wall have disappeared with time, however,
and there is still some question regarding its exact lo
cation. All that is known for certain is that it was lo
cated in the vicinity of the present. Plaza de Armas. ^
Regardless of the exact location, we do know, that
Valdivia emplaced the church stone that he had carried
with him from Cuzco in the junction of two of the walls.
The first church was, thus, located facing the plaza and
was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Valdivias own house
the first permanent home in the city 1 was built in May
1542 up against the fort's opposite wall facing the church,
Apparently, subsequent buildings housing Captain Generals
and Presidents of the Republic were built on the same spot
after the original structure was destroyed. The other
solares that faced the plaza were distributed among the
principal pobladores such as Juan Jufre", whose two-story
building became one of the better known in the city, and
that belonging to Antonio de Pastrana which was later given
to the Church as the Archbishop's residence. These houses
were still essentially rude dwellings. In fact, it is re
ported -that Francisco de Villagra's house originally did
not have any doors.
The rest of the blocks were divided into eight
solares four on each side of the streets that ran east


210
Blank, Stephanie, 'Social Integration and Social
Stability in a Colonial Spanish American City, Caracas
1595-1627," (PhD Dissertation, University of Wisconsin,
1971} .
Bohm, Gunter. Nueves antecedentes para una historia
de los judios en Chile colonial. Santiago: Editorial
Universitaria, 1963.
Campos Harriet, Fernando. Alohso de Ribera:
gobernador galante y visionario. Santiago: Zig Zag, 1966
Campos Harriet, Fernando. Don Garcia Hurtado de
Mendoza en la historia americana. Santiago: Editorial
Andres Bello, 1969.
Cordoba y Figueroa, Pedro de. Historia de Chile.
(Coleccin de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. II), Santiago:
Imprenta del Ferrocarril, 1862.
Comely, F.L. Cultura diaguita chilena y cultura
de El Molle. Santiago: editorial del Pacifico, 1956.
Cuadra Gormas, Guillermo de la. "El apellido
Castro durante la colorea,'' Revista Chilena de Historia
y Geografia, Santiago: Imprenta Universitaria, Vol. 37,
1921. pp. 302r320.
Cuadra Gormaz, Guillermo de la. Origen de doscientos
familias coloniales de Santiago. 3 Vols., Santiago:
Imprenta Universitaria, 1914-1947.
Cuadra Gormaz, Guillermo de la. Origen y desarrollo
de las familias chilenas. Santiago: Editorial Zamorano
y Caparan, 1948-1949.
Cunningham Graham, R.B, Pedro de Valdivia, Conqueror
of Chile. London: W. Heinemann Ltd, 1926.
D-byns Henry F. "Estimating Aboriginal American
Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New
Hemisphere Estimate-,- Current Anthropology, Vol. 7,
No. 4 (Oct., 1966). pp.. 395-416.
Douglas-Irvine, Helen, "The Landholding System of
Colonial Chile," Hispanic American Historical Review.
Vol. 8, (Nov., 1928) pp. 449-495.
Dowling Jorge. Religion, chamanismo y mitologia
mapuches. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 973,


77
once included two or three thousand Indians, now only had
a hundred, and most only forty, fifty, or sixty. There
were at that time not over 2,899 encomienda Indians in the
entire Santiago district. In all of Chile, there were no
more than 5,000 Indians still serving in encomiendas. One
particular encomienda of 1,500 Indians, that had been
granted to Ines de Suarez in 1546, contained only 800 in
1579,47
These Indians no longer were plentiful enough for
agricultural work and gradually a new "pay for labor" class
v/as formed to take the place of the encomienda. It was com
prised of the Indians involved in personal service, mestizos,
who followed the cultural patterns of their Indian mothers,
and enslaved Araucanian Indians who were captured in the
fighting in the south. This new class was known as the
Inquilinos who are still cultivating the central valley to
this day.
These people were distinguished from the encomienda
Indians because they lived on their master's estancias.
They had certain rights including 200 days per year for
their own personal labor plus a special piece of land for
their own crops. In addition, they were paid for their
work on the Lord's estancia, and one out of every four was
appointed as overseer. This system proved superior to the
encomienda, which degenerated, lost its Indian population,
and finally was abolished near the end of the 18th cen-
48
tury.


or mill owner naturally would have importance and stature
far in excess of what he would have been entitled to under
the rigid Spanish social code.
Another interesting development in Chile was the close
association of the encomienda grants of Indians and a
physical piece of land. The difficulty in some instances
of separating the encomienda grant from a specific land
grant gives rise to speculation that in Chile an encomienda
was much more than a grant of Indians.
Of additional importance is the fact that an Indian
wife or a mestizo son or daughter could inherit the enco
mienda. In practice, the Chilean encomienda remained in
one family until grants were abolished in the 18th century.
Moreover, the son who inherited the encomienda had to take
care of his mother, brothers, and sisters with its bene
fits .
Thus, there was a situation in Chile in which the grant
of Indians was sometimes confined to a specific area near
which or within which the Spaniards constructed a haci
enda therefore, creating the latifundia or hacienda
system that was to dominate the late colonial epoch. A
premium was placed on food production and the economics of
producing cheap food the hacienda was the answer.
Of course, Santiago's position in this development was
rather important not only because of the fertility of the
area, but because of its central location between the


61
concessions were modified and the number of allotments were
reduced to thirty-two. The reason for this was that the
number of Indians living in the granted areas in 1541 had
diminished during the following three years because of
disease and flight to the Indian-controlled south.^
Valdivia, according to his Governors commission of
1548 and his earlier predilection and assumed authority,
made two types of grants to his compatriots. The first, as
noted before, were sites for houses and farms in or near
the cities. The second was the distribution of enco
miendas essentially Indians in the larger territorial
area that was being pacified. The distribution of these
encomiendas, however, was impeded initially by the fighting
in the Santiago area and the fact that the local Indians
were already serving as Indian allies or as cargo carriers
against the enemy Indians.
Under his encomienda distribution authority, Valdivia
had the right to commend" (encomendar) to the conquerors
the Indians located in vaguely defined areas. The governor
was very careful in his apportionment, however, to make the
Spanish grants align closely with the Indians' own tribal
jurisdictions. The whole process, therefore, essentially
the institutionalization of Spanish senorialism in Chile
and many of the Indians henceforth became vassals to the
encomenderos,^
At best described by Francisco Encina, no historian
can look at the legislative acts pertaining to the


Ill
processes: acculturation, the mixture of cultural ele
ments, and assimilation, or the absorption of one people
into another's culture. Miscegenation, therefore, could
occur rather easily. What is really important, however, is
the degree of acculturation and assimilation that occurred
between the races. This factor would lead to either a
predominantly mestizo culture in some areas, or one that
9
was separately Spanish and Indian m others.
The adjustment of the "mixed blood mestizo" to the
environment and the acceptance of him by the ruling class
became another factor. In this case, one measuring stick
of mestizo acceptance or the degree of discrimination
against him is the scale of vertical social mobility. One
would expect, therefore, to find less social discrimination
in a social climate that accepted mestizos according to
O
their class of origin their birthright. This was cer
tainly true in Chile for the period 1540 to 1575, and was
probably also a fact at least in the beginning of most of
the other colonies.
These definitions and thoughts aside, let us turn to
the conquest of the New World itself in general racial
terminology, the conquest of indigeneous women. From the
very beginning of this process, Spanish and Portuguese
chroniclers described the beauty of Indian maidens. In
Chile, according to Encina, the same thoughts prevailed
especially in regard to the southern central valley Indians,


212
Eyzaguirre, Jaime, Fisonoma Histrica da Chile.
Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 1948.
Eyzaguirre, Jaime* 'Historia de Chile: genesis de
la nacionalidad. Santiago: Zig Zag, 1965.
Eyzaguirre, Jaime. Ventura de Pedro de Valdivia,
Santiago: Zig Zag, 1963.
Feiiu Cruz, Guillermo. His monogrfico colonial de
Chile. Santiago: Fondo Histrico y Bibliografico J.T.
Medina, 1958.
Foster, George M., "Confradia and Compadrazgo in
Spain and Spanish America,-Southwest Journal of
Anthropology, Vol. 9, No, 1 (Spring, 1953). pp* 55-100.
Frias Valenzuela, Francisco. Historia de Chile.
Santiago: Editorial Mascimiento, 1950.
Fuenzalada Grandon, Alejandro. Historia del desarrolla
intelectual de Chile, 1541-1810. Santiago; Imprenta
Universitaria, 1903.
Fuenzalida Grandon, Alejandro. La evolucin social
de Chile, 1541-1810. Santiago: Imprenta Litografia,
Encuadernacin Barcelona, 1906.
Galdaines, Luis. A History of Chile. New York:
Russell and Russell, 1964. '
Gazulla, Policarpo. Los primeros mercedarios en
Chile, 1535-1600. Santiago: Imprenta Litografia La
Ilustracin, 1918.
Gongora, Mario. "Documentos inditos sobre la
encomienda en Chile," Revista Chilena de Historia y
Geografa, Nos. 123-124, 1954, 1955, 1956. ~
' Gongora, Mario. Encomenderos y estancieros: estudios
acerca de la constitucin social aristocratics de Ciiile
dsoues de la conquista, 1580-1660. Santiago: Editorial
Universitaria, 19 70 .
Gongora Marinle jo, Alonso de. Historia de Chile
desde el descubrimiento hasta el ano 1575. Coleccin de
Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 2, Santiago: Imprenta del
Ferrocarril, 1862.
_ y. / ^
Gonzales de Najera, Alonso. Desengao y reparo de
la guerra del reino de Chile. Santiago: Editorial Andres
Bello, 1971.


148
Spanish brother and sisters. He was married to Ana de Dos
Hermanos and lived in block 107 in 1580; and Catalina
de Miranda, who was married to Alonso Sanchez, one of the
original conquerors of Chile who died in the distruction
of Concepcion in 1555. Catalina was named encomendero
11B /
after her husband's death. She married Bernab Mejia
later and died with him in 15 73.
Alonso de Monroy Monroy was a hidalgo from Salamanca
and arrived in Peru in 1537, then making the trek to
Santiago with Valdivia. He was named Teniente General of
the Santiago cabildo in 1541, and served as Valdivias
emissary to Peru on several occasions. His mestizo son
120
was named encomendero of Imperial in 1564,
Diego Nunez de Castro Nunez came to Chile with
Valdivia in 1540, and later lived in Concepcion. He
19 9
was married to an Indian named Catalina. Their mestiza
^ 19 3
daughter married the conqueror Pedro Martin Parras.
Juan Nunez de Castro Nunez was a participant in
the conquest of Chile. He owned a chacra in the Santiago
area in 1546, and had a small encomienda. His son, Juan,
was the concierge of Santiago in 15 85,
Diego de Oro Oro arrived in Santiago with Valdivia,
and became one of the Governor's trusted companions during
the journey. Later, he became the first corregidor of
Concepcion, and regidor perpetuo of the city until he was
killed by Indians in 1553,
His mestiza daughter, Isabel


44
the site a permanent settlement, messag
35
es were
sent to the
Indians requesting a meeting.
The Indian attitude toward all of this activity was
sullen at best. They had been fighting the Spaniards ever
since Valdivia had arrived in their valley. They had been
beaten, however, and fearing the loss of their unharvested
crops, agreed to meet with the invaders. Valdivia told them
that he had. been sent by his King to build a city and re
quested their help. The Indians, hiding their real feelings,
agreed to assist in the project. 'Thus, Santiago was begun
as a permanent settlement on February 12, 1541.
In September, the Indians having completed much of the
construction in the city and patiently waiting for the har
vest to becompleted, finally rebelled. On the*11th, .they
stormed the city and fought the Spaniards tooth and nail
all day. The most conservative accounts estimate that the
attacking force consisted of between eight and ten thousand
warriors. Regardless of the estimates, the force was so
great that the Spaniards, who expected the onslaught, were
forced to withdraw from their defensive lines to the Plaza,
de Armas. As they retreated, the Indians fired the town
mattered the domestic animals
In 'the end, only two
Spaniards were killed, but most of the- rest suffered some
kind of injury. Ines de Surez is credited with saving the
day by ordering several Indian chief captives to be executed,
and their heads thrown out of the strongpoint and into the


213
Graham, R.B. Cunningham. Pedro de Valdivia, Conqueror
of Chile. London: W. Heinemann Ltd., 1926.
Guevara, Tomas. .Historia de la civilizacin de
Araucania. 7 Vols., Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes,
1893-1913.
Hancock, A.U. History of Chile. Chicago: Charles
H. Sergel and Col, 1893.
Haring, C.H. The Spanish Empire in America. New
York: Harcourt, Brace and World Inc., 1947.
Huneeus Perez, Andres. Historia de las polmicas de
Indias en Chile durante el siglo XVI, 1536-159 8. Santiago:
Editorial Jurdica de Chile, 1955-.
Jara, Alvaro. El salario de ios indios y los sesmos
del oro en la Tasa de Santillan. Santiago: La
Universidad de Chile, 1960.
Jara, Alvaro. Fuentes para la historia del trabajo
en el Reino de Chile. Santiago: La Universidad de Chile,
19 65.
Jara, Alvaro. Guerra y sociedad en Chile: La
transformacin de la guerra de Arauco y la esclavitud
de los Indios. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1971.
Jara, Alvaro. Los asientos de trabajo y la
provision de mano de obra para los no-encomenderos en la
ciudad de Santiago, 1585-1600. Santiago: La Universidad
de Chile, 1959.
Keith, Robert G. "Encomienda, Hacienda and
Corregimiento in Spanish America: A Structural Analysis,
Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 51 (August, 19 71) ,
pp. 431-446.
Kxnsbruner, Jay. Chile: A Historical Interpretation.
New York: Harper and Row, 19 73.
Kirkpatrick, F.A. "La encomienda sin tierras."
Rivista Chilean de Historia y Geografia, No. 102, 1943.
Konetzke, Richard. Coleccin de documentos oara la
histona de la formacin social de Hispanoamrica, 149 3-
1810. 2 Vols., Madrid: Instituto Jaime Balmes: Consejo
Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1953-1958.


-69
specifically denoted as "consisting of the Indians and their
land." This situation was possible only when there were
clusters or permanently located Indians in a specific area.
Ines de Suarez occupied one such encomienda as did Juan
Bautista de Pastene, Francisco Martinez, Gonzalo de los
Rios, and Francisco Hernandez Gallego. In each case,
Valdivia defined the particular Indian settlement and its
boundaries as the encomienda. For instance, one such
directive defines as the grant "la mitad de los valles de
la Ligua i del Papudo, con todos sus caciques."^0 Another
example is "y mas el cacique llamado Apoquindo, con todos
sus principales e indios sujetos, que tienen su asiento en
este valle de Mapocho y dseos su tierra e indios, para que
os sirvis de todos ellos.Such encomiendas formed large
estates of rural property and obviously were much sought
after rewards for personal service to the Governor and
King.. Many soldiers and others not necessarily qualified
to receive encomiendas under the original rules were recom
pensed for their service with these estates. In any case,
the granting of Indian labor in a predominantly agricul
tural environment was not worth much more than the land they
inhabited. Agricultural labor without land and crops would
be an impossible situation.
All land grants were eventually distributed by the
local cabildo, and encomiendas were generally authorized
only by the Governor. Thus, in theory, the distribution of


41
Upon the scene at this time'appeared Pero Sancho de
Hoz, who had just returned to Lima after a four year ab
sence. Sancho had squandered his money in the homeland and
was looking for an opportunity to regain his fortunes. He
was titled as Governor for the King, and with Pizarro's
blessing over Valdivia's opposition, became another partner
for the Chilean expedition.
In January 1540, Valdivia finally left Cuzco accom
panied by seven Spaniards 17 others joined him at the
outskirts of the city; others joined along the road a few
days later. In addition, he had gathered about a thousand
yanaconas to serve as porters and camp followers of one sort
or another. These Indians were regarded as hardly better
than animals at the beginning-of the journey and were usu-
ally referred to as "pieces of service." Valdivia was
also accompanied by his mistress, Ines de Suarez, who was
the only Spanish woman in the train.
The route followed by the band of adventurers was that
traced by Almagro during his retreat. They progressed from
Cuzco to Tarapaca by way of Arequippa, Moquegua, and Tacna.
There were very few incidents with the Indians, but the usual
problems of fatigue, cold, and hunger inhibited rapid ad
vance. Francisco Martinez was injured in one incident with
some marauding Indians and another Spaniard was killed.
Valdivia then decided that Martinez needed medical atten
tion in Cuzco, and dispatched two other Spaniards to return


Alemparte, La reculacin econmica, p. 40.
Barros Arana, o ja,' cit. Vol. lf p. 129,
22Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 139.
? -3
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 24 2-243.
24 /
Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-1563, p. 300.
o n:
Barros Arana, ojd, cit. p. 140.
26 / y
Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, La evolucin social
de Chile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1906), p. 363.
27
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 244.
2 8
Barros Arana, oja. cit., Vol, 1, p. 145.
29
Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 248-249.
30Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 144.
34Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 73.
32Ibid., p. 74.
3 3
Eberhardt, oja. cit., p. 112.
34
Vi cufia Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 75.
^Barros Arana, ojo. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 122-123.
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 258.
32Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin
gobernador, 1554-1557, pp. 9-11.
38 /
Miguel Luis Amunategui, Descubrimiento y conquista
de Chile (Santiago, 1862), pp. 353-356.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin
gobernador, 1554-1557, pp. 107-110.
40Ibid., pp. 211-223; 327-347.
4^Amunategui, Descubrimiento y conquista de Chile,
pp. 357-363.


who were described as being lighter in skin color than the
Peruvian Indians.^ Other descriptions of west coast
Indians, however, were equally enthusiastic particularly
that of the Coyas or Inca nobility.
The securing of women was accomplished through mar
riage, concubinage, or rape. Encina credits the enco
mienda system as a factor in the creation of mestizaje
because of the proximity that occurred between the con
querors and the conquered. The institution of Indian
slavery was a factor in Mexico and Peru in the early days,
but it was prohibited by the New Laws of 1542 and gradually
disappeared in most places except Chile where it was rein
troduced in 1608 as a control tool directed against the
Araucanians.
The rape and concubinage factors could possibly be
overdone because many of the Indians were simply unaware
in many cases of the relationship between intercourse and
k
reproduction. In addition, there is good reason to believe
that the women complied with the desires of the conquista-
dores because it was the natural sequence of life as pat
terned in the past by one tribe conquering another. More
over, the Spaniards may have appeared physically different
and attractive to the women, especially if their treatment
by the Spaniards was better than that offered by their
tyrannical Indian husbands. The tremendous male-female
Indian population imbalance may have been a factor here.


COPYRIGHT
BY
THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN
1975


A *) S ,
Pedro de Cordoba y Figueroa, Historia de Chile,
Coleccin de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 2 (Santiago,
1862) pp. 90-95.
43 y
'Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, p. 452. "
44' v*
Alonso de Gongora Mamle jo, Historia de Chile
desde el descubrimiento hasta el ano 1575 (Coleccin de
Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 2) (Santiago, 1862),
pp. 66-73.
45
C.H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New
York, 1947), p. 88.
^Domingo Amunategui Solar, Un soladado de la
conquista de Chile (Santiago, 1898), p. 5.
^Frias, og_, cit. pp. 79-80 .
4 o y
Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-1563, pp. 1-37.
49Ibid., p. 455.
Frias ojd, cit. pp. 79-80 .
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 184.
5 2
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 94.
^Frias, op_. cit. p. 81. See also Gongora
Marmolejo, Historia de Chile, pp. 166-171. Saravia
followed his predecessors by basing his government in
Concepcion.
5 4
Barros Arana, op_. cut., Vol. 1, p. 120.
55
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 97.
JUBarros Arana, ojd. cit. Vol. 1, pp. 141-142.
5 7 f
Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del
desarrolla intelectual de Chile, 1541, 1810 (Santiago,
1903) p. 423.
^Ibid. pp. 421-428. See also Vicuna Mackenna,
Historia social y critica de Santiago, p. 97.
5 Q
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 276.


46
it became very difficult to tell' the Indians and Spaniards
o q
in the city apart by their outward appearance. J This sort
of existence continued throughout 1542 and lasted until
December 1543 when Monroy arrived with a force of 70 men.
The second Spanish woman to arrive in the colony may have
been on Monroy's ship. The first record of a Spanish woman's
arrival, however, does not occur until 1544 when a Spanish
woman named Balcazar arrived. It is safe to assume, there
fore, that most of the children reported to be in Santiago
from 1541 to 1544 were either Indians or mestizos.^
With the arrival of the 70 men detachment, the Spaniards
were able to take the initiative and the Indians were forced
to withdraw to the south. Valdivia attacked them at the
Maipo, destroyed their fortifications, and forced a general
retreat of more than 150 miles to the southern banks of the
Maul River. In the north, meanwhile, Chief Michimalongo
was routed in a pitched battle in the Limari Valley and
Santiago was reasonably secured.
With the easing of the Indian threat, Valdivia's atten
tion was again returned to the colonial organization. A
cabildo had been set up as early as March 1541. Despite
the fact that the little band of Spaniards functioned on a
war footing with military directions from Valdivia, the
governor felt that the delegation of responsibilities would
eliminate claims of preferential treatment. He decided that
he could avoid a great deal of ill will and trouble If all


GENERAL
CHAPTER V
RACE RELATIONS:
Although politics and economics certainly have a place
in Chilean colonial history, the greatest single factor af
fecting the development of the country was the interaction
of people particularly the creation of a. mestizo society
from the original Spanish and Indian base. As an intro
duction to this phenomenon, certain definitions have to be
derived so that a useful discussion can be conducted.
Magnus Moerner's Race Mixture in the History of Latin
America is the classic study in the field of race relations
and his terminology is an excellent introduction for this
chapter. According to Moerner, the most important defini
tion is that of the word race. Properly speaking, he says,
the word race should be reserved to designate one of the
great divisions of mankind sharing well-defined character
istics, or populations characterized by the frequency in
which certain genes appear. Since the physical appearance
may partly reflect the environment, the hereditary composi
tion of the genotype is what matters.^ We have already
seen the differentiation of the racial characteristics of
Spaniards and Indians in earlier chapters.
Moerner continues that miscegenation or race mixture
in itself is really of limited interest. Its only impor
tance lies in its intimate relationship with two social
110


29
^^Eberhardt. ojo, cit. p. 236.
~Galdames, op. cit. p. 11.
29Eberhardt, op, cit. p, 73.
49Gonzales de Najera, op. cit., pp. 57-61.
4^Eyzaguirre, op. cit. p. 28.
^Galdames, op. cit. p 15.
43Crete Mostny, Culturas precolombinas de Chile (New
York, 1964), pp. 152-153.
44Eugenia Maguire Ibar, Formacin racial chilena y
futuras proyecciones (Santiago, 1949), p. 5.
45Galdames, op. cit. p. 15.
^^Mostny, op. cit., p. 157.
4^Galdames, op. cit., p. 15.
4^Ibid., p. 16,
49Ibid.
50Ibid., p. 17.
5^Ibid.
92Clements R, Markham, The Incas of Peru, (London,
1910) pp. 95, 19 8.
5 3
Galdames, op. cit., p. 18.
94Pocock, op. cit., pp. 237-238.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 112-117.
9^Helen Douglas-Irvine, "The Landholding System of
Colonial Chile," Hispanic American Historical Review,
Vol. 8 (Nov. 1928) p. 452.
9^Ibid. p. 455.
^Encina, Historia de Chi, le, Vol. 1, pp. 104-105.
99Douglas-Irvine, op. cit., p. 459.


188
'-^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 255.
124Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 339-340.
125Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 366.
126Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 224-225.
127Tha yer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 75, 119.
1 2 Q ^
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, pp. 100-104.
*-2^Thaye.r Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 56, 75, 92.
130Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 122-123.
131Ibid., Vol. 3, 161-163.
^32Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 75, 207.
133 x
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 105.
^-34Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 75.
JJThayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, pp. 124-127.
136Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 127.
^37Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 211.
138Ibid., pp. 52, 58.
3-39Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 185.
140Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 109.
l4lThayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 186.
-*-42Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 191.


187
Vol. 2, p. 151.
P-
103Ibid.,
104Ibid.,
105Ibid.,
106Thayer
172.
Vol. 1, 'pp, 235^239, and Vol. 2, p. 152.
Vol. 2, p. 152.
Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 186-190.
^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 56, 79, 91, 99.
10SIbid., P. 173.
Ibid., p. 176. and Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la
soviedad chilena, Vol. 2, p. 205.
Hllbid. pp. 68, 81.
Vol.
112 y
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
2, p. 17.
n 3
iJIbid., Vol. 2, pp. 21-22.
114Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 182.
115Ibid., pp. 63, 76, 98.
3.]_0Thayer Qjeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. '2, pp. 285-287.
117
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 185-186; 97-98.
XJ-Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 191.
119
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 186. Guillermo Cuadra Gormaz, Origen y desarrollo de
las familias chilenas (Santiago, 1948-1949), p. 53.
12Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 297-300.
^~3^Ibid. Vol. 2, p. 339 .
122Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 182.


106
NOTES
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 404.
9 ^
Vi-cuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 16.
^Valdivia to Carlos V, September 25, 1551, reprinted
in Vicua Mackenna, Ibid., pp. 20-22.
^Eberhardt, op_. cit. p. 55.
^William L. Schurz, This New World; The Civilization
of Latin America (New York, 1964), p. 343.
£
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 27.
^Ibid., p. 28.
9Ibid., p. 29.
^Tornas Thayer Ojeda, ''Santiago durante el siglo XVI,
constitucin de la propiedad urbana y noticias biogrficas
de sus primeros pobladores, Anales de la Universidad de
Chile, No. 116 (Santiago, 1905), p. 26.
1QIbid., p. 27.
^McBride, op_. cit. p. 63.
12Ibid., p. 74.
13Ibid., p. 72.
14
Barros Arana, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 121.
15Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 121-122.
Julio Alemparte, La regulacin econmica en Chile
durante la colonia (Santiago, 1937) p~! T7
-*-^Ibid. p. 29 .
x Barros Arana, ojo. cit. Vol. 1, p. 12 4.
19Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 125.


Abstract of Dissertation Presented t;o the Graduate
Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
LAND AND SOCIETY IN EARLY COLONIAL
SANTIAGO DE CHILE, 1540 1575
By
THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN
June, 1975
Chairman: Lyle N. McAlister
Major Department: History
The colonial development of Santiago de Chile from
1540 to 1575 is described in detail, particularly the
peculiar love-hate relationship between the Indians and
the Spaniards, This association, sometimes distinguished
by outright hostility and cultural animosity and at other
times by friendship and acculturation, had a great effect
on the economic, political, 'and social development of the
colony.
Chile was the frontier and Santiago was its most
important outpost. The entire area was almost the last
battleground between Spaniard and Indian, and perhaps,
with the exception of northern Mexico, the last chance
for the Indians to thwart Spanish aggression. They gave
their best effort, but in the end succumbed to superior
Spanish arms and organization. For the Spaniards, the
hostile environment and poverty led initially to a fight
v


86
In addition to this strategic consideration, Valdivia
was merely following the Spanish governments interest in
city planning and Charles V's 1523 law prescribing the
conditions for laying out new cities. First, the new
towns were to be located near water, building materials,
pasture lands, and firewood. Second, cities were to be
located in moderate altitudes. Places subject to fog or
located near swamps were to be avoided. In addition, the
area was expected to have clean air and, as a precaution,
"all dirty and smelly businesses" were to be located on
the outskirts of town.5
Once the site had been chosen, the most suitable place
for the central plaza was picked. The street plan was
then laid out from the plaza in a checker-board pattern
devised by Pedro de Gamboa, the city's first surveyor.
The plaza was located several hundred yards in front of
Santa Lucia between the Mapocho and Canada Rivers. (The
Canada has since dried up and has been covered by the
boulevard Alameda.) Originally, eight streets ran north
to south between the rivers; and ten ran from east to west
along the slope of Santa Lucia. Each block measured ex
actly 138 yards in each direction, and was subdivided into
four lots; thus allowing all of Valdivia's soldiers to have
a lot or solar on which he could build a house. It appears
from the original plot that the most important citizens were
to occupy the streets running north to south because these


3
of territory governed relations. In the simpliest form,
intertribal conflicts consisted of raiding enemy villages
for sacraficial victims, slaves, and women". Sometimes the
motive was the enslavement of an entire tribe. For the
Incas, in fact, war was the imperialistic subjugation of
people and the acquisition of land. In any case, in socie
ties that put such a value on the conduct of war, personal
valor offered the supreme test of manhood, and the bravest
were rewarded with the highest social standing in the tribe.
The Indian did not have a money economy and most people
had no sense of worldly gain or worth. The individual ac
cumulation of capital had no meaning. Where gold and silver
were available, they were used only in the arts and not for
coinage. Barter, therefore, was the usual means of exchange,
and open air markets in the towns were the most common places
for trading commodities.^
The Indians of Chile fit into this general pattern, but
there were several important differences. The most prominent
is the fact that the Araucanian Indians in the southern part
of the country were virtually uncivilized compared to the
Peruvian Indians. Moreover, while the Spaniards made a
great effort to use or initiate the Incas into a Hispano-
Peruvian population, there was really no such opportunity
in Chile. The Chilean Indians, living in proximity to the
Spaniards, suffered tremendous population reduction in the
'first years after the Spanish conquest. In Peru, this


6
be derived from auca, a Peruvian word meaning free, or
from ragco (clay water), an Indian word for the location
Q
of the first Spanish fort on the Arauco River.
It is best at this point to concentrate on some des
cription of the basic Indian type and life style in the
Santiago area the purpose being to develop some com
parison with the Spaniards who would eventually inhabit
the region. In retrospect, in many ways the Indians and
Spaniards were very similar. The most outstanding dif
ferences were in weaponry and social organization. The
Araucanians, certainly among the most primitive tribes in
the country, however, did demonstrate more adaptability
than any other South American Indian, and were able to
withstand capably the Spanish onslought for many years.
The Araucanian, of course, is the Chilean Indian most
studied by modern anthropologists. In physical appearance
he was of short or medium stature and had well proportioned
limbs; a well developed chest and body trunk region; a
large head with a round face and narrow forehead; small
usually dark eyes; a short, flat, but straight nose; a
large mouth with thick lips and white teeth; pronounced
cheek bones; medium sized ears; dark, thick and smooth
hair usually worn in bangs over the forehead. Their com
plexion was brown, but did not have the yellow cast of the
Peruvian Indians. The women were especially attractive.
According to the Spaniards, their complexions were similar


91
prices were reduced as the number of capable artisans in
creased from immigration. For example, in 1553 for tailor
ing a cloak, the cost was two and a half pesos, for a
jacket, two pesos, for a robe, eight, shoes were five pesos,
etc.-^ The number of skilled workers was augmented later
by mestizo trainees. In fact, industrial work in the col
ony almost passed completely to mestizos and Indians.-^
By 1556, the number of artisans was such that the guild
system that was prevalent in Europe was fully established
in Santiago.
In 1549, when Valdivia began his southern campaign,
the citizens of Santiago requested that some blacksmiths
remain in town. Valdivia ordered three to remain two
in town and one at the mines of Marga-Marga. In 1553,
however, only one smith resided permanently in Santiago
and he, wanting to leave town, was ordered by the cabildo
to remain. Obviously, most of the blacksmiths enjoyed the
action and furor of Indian battles to the every day activity
of shoeing horses in Santiago,-^
In July 1552, a public market was established in the
town plaza. Apparently, the idea was resisted by the
Indians who were accustomed to unregulated barter, but the
cabildo ordered goods to be sold at the market. Trans
actions, moreover, were to be conducted in gold that had
been authorized and minted as official currency in 1549.
The Indians, therefore, were faced with two problems:


146
Jufre is noted for his wealth which he gained because of
his entrepreneurs! talents. His various business ventures
included ownership of a flour mill on the Mapocho River
and a bakery. In addition to several important Spanish
children born from his marriage in 1555 to Constanza de
Meneses, the daughter of Francisco Aguirre and Maria de
j nr
Torres, he had several mestizo children. These include
Captain Rodrigo Jufre, who served more than twenty years
in the army, and married Maria de Aguirre, yet another
107
daughter of Francisco Aguirre in 1583. The family lived
in block sixteen, solar one in 1590; block fifty-four,
solar four in 1615, block eighty-three, solar four in 1574,
10 8
and block 113, in 1585. Their daughter, Maria de
Aguirre, married Jorge Delgadillo Barba and later Francisco
] fl Q
Venegas de Sotomayer.
Francisco de Leon Leon was born in 1513, and came to
the Indies in 1535. He joined Valdivia in 1540, and became
an encomendero in Santiago at first and later in Concepcion.
He was married during a subsequent trip to Spain to Maria
Lopez de Ahumada and returned to Santiago in 1565 taking
a job as a grave digger at the church of San Francisco.'*''1'^
He lived in block thirty-five, solars three and four from
1556 to 1559 and in block fifty-eight, solar four until
1591. His mestiza daughter, Juana Diaz de Leon, mar
ried Tomas Gallegos, a seaman of the navy of Pedro de
Malta. Their children were not out of their adolescence
112
until after 1600.


167
status than most of the mestizo element of the population.
Certainly, their social ranking was superior to that of
the Negroes, Mulattoes, and Indians. Because of the lim
ited immigration, the soldier-class roots and mores of the
new arrivals, and the continuing security problems, most
of the social constrictions were temporarily set aside.
(This was particularly true in the zone of conflict in the
south.) As in the aristocracy, the most important deter
mining factor was the lack of Spanish women and the avail
ability of attractive mestiza girls as substitutes.
What constituted the middle class? The most important
factor among the Spanish element was the fact that its
members were not encomenderos. Presumably, therefore, all
Spaniards, who were not encomenderos, fit into this cate
gory. There were exceptions, of course, but this rule is
acceptable as applied to the early days of the colony. In
addition, every Spaniard below the military rank of Captain
would be a member. Another determinant was occupation with
various artisans, tradesmen, and businessmen fitting into
the middle class category. Thus, miners, shoemakers,
leatherworkers, hosiers, blacksmiths, and carpenters, in
general, were middle class. Lower members of the clergy
or independent evangelical clergymen with some sort of
income would also qualify.
The mestizo part of the middle class comprised lower
ranking soldiers, blacksmiths, hosiers, carpenters, shoe
makers, tailors, merchants, and lower clergymen. The most


185
^Thayer Ojeda, '^Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 52.
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 17.
^~*~Ibid. Vol. 3, p. 151.
62Ibid,, Vol. 2, pp. 18-19.
63Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 368.
^4Ibid. Vol. 1, pp. 118-119 .
65Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 78.
S^Ibid,f Vol. 2, p. 41.
^7Ibid, Vol. 2, p. 105.
6^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 68 and 116.
69Ibid., p. 163.
7^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 105.
73Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 67.
72Ibid. pp. 72 and 156.
73Ibid., pp. 67 and 79. and Thayer Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena, Vol. 2, pp. 41-42.
74Ibid,, pp. 65-66, 169.
75Ibid., p. 170.
76Ibid., pp. 50, 51, 69, 114, 115.
77Ibid., p. 136.
73Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 155-156.
7^Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 50-54.
80
Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 46.


183
/Ibid. p. 190,
^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,
pp. 86 and 125.
-^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 183-184.
28Ibid., p. 200. and Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante
el siglo XVI," p. 220.
7] /
* Thayer Oj eda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 202-203.
22Ibid., Vol.
2,
P-
10.
23Ibid., Vol.
2,
pp.
361-362
24Ibid., Vol.
1,
PP-
208-209
25Ibid., Vol.
3,
PP-
10-11.
2Ibid., Vol.
1,
PP-
244-247
*7 7
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 50.
28Ibid., p. 136.
7Q X
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 222.
2Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 264-265.
33Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 52.
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 265-266.
33Ibid-, Vol. 2, p. 57.
34Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 94-95.
33Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 281-282.
36Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 288-289.
37
Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 269-270.
3
JOGuillermo Cuadra Gormaz, KE1 apellido Castro durante
la colonia," Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografa
(Santiago, 1921), Vol. 37, p. 303.


67
in the fighting, were opposed to assistance of any kind to
the native population. Ironically, had the Indians suc
cumbed after a brief fight, reform measures may have been
more popular. Thus, this measure merely became the first
of many attempts during the colonial era to correct the
abuses of the encomienda system.
Some apologists for the encomienda system insist that
its implementation was the salvation of the Indians. One
Indian detractor said, for instance, that without some
orderly system, the Indians would simply eat their work
animals and not produce food. There was some historical
basis for this phenomenon, because it apparently occurred
when the Chilean Indians were freed from Incan bondage and
returned to their old food gathering methods. Thus, the
encomendero was merely providing a civilized service by
teaching the Indians animal husbandry and agricultural
techniques.^
Chilean System
Valdivia's Chilean encomienda distribution plan cer
tainly showed more foresight than many other colonial gov
ernors and enabled his colony to escape the civil war epi
sode endured in Peru. Of the original 150 members of his
expedition, he named 132 as encomenderos. Of the other IS,
merely 12 percent of the total force, two left the country,
and the others either were killed by the Indians or died
soon after their arrival.^5 Thus, the number of potential


202
APPENDIX
CONQUERORS OF CHILE
Francisco de Aguirre
Juan da Alnonaci-i
pero Alvares *
Rodrigo de .4raj'a "
. Francisco da Arteaga -
- Juan de Avalos Jorr
. Lops d& Ayala
Santiago de Azoca -
Juan Benitez Monga
Juan Bolln
Juan ce Bolaftoa
Juan s Cabrera
Alonso del Campo.
Juan Martn de Canda.
Juan e Carmona
Alonso Caro
Luis da Cartagena
--Francisco Carretero
Antonio Carrillo
Gaspar de las Cusas
- Martn de Castro
Diego de Cspedes
Pedro Cisternas
- Alonso da Crdoba
Juan Crespo
Gabriel de la Cruz
Jan de Cuevas Busloa y Tern
. Juan de Chayes
Alonso ce Chinchilla''
Diego Delgado
Antonia Daz ce Rivera
Bartolom Bran
Garca Daz -de Castro
Mateo Diez -
.Pedro Domnguez '
Pero- Esteban del Manzano
Juan Fernndez de Alele-reto
Bartolom Flores -
Juan do Funis .
Juan Calas .
Francisco de Galea-.es
Juan Gallegos ce Rubias
Pedro ds Gambc-a
Ruy Garca .;
Diego de Cacar es 1 -
_Gstardo Gil
Juan Godinez
Juan Gmez de Almagro
Pedro Gmez ce las Montaas
Juan Gmez ce Y tenes
Juan O o amlen
Pedro de Herrera
Antn Hidalgo
Juan cela Juguera
Martn de Ibarrola
Pascual Jananes
Juan Jimnez
Orl a Jimnez
Juan Jur
Lope de Banda
Francisco de Len
P-edro ce Len
Juan Lobo (priest)
Bartolom Mrquez .
Bernal Martnez
Pero Mareta Parras
i
rs-a
leo va./\;-> danz
(priest)
Juan Gutirrez
Garca Hernndez
Francisco Kernr.d
Juan de Herrera
--a -crsrj
rz Ma;
"e¡ -tj o-
Galle tg>
Redro de Miranda
Alonso de Monroy
Alonso Moreno *
Salvador de Montoya.-' .
Bartolom Muoz
Juan Navarro
Juan Negrete
Alvar Nez
Diego Nez
Francisco Nez
Lorenzo Nez
Juan Nez de Castro
Olea
Juan de Oliva
Domingo de Oribe
Diego de Oro
Juan Ortiz Pacheco
Martin de Ortuo
Juan. Pacheco
Antonio ce. Pastrana
' Luis de la Pea .
Alonso Prez . -
Diego Prez -
. Santiago Prez
Juan Pinel
Don Francisco Penca e Len
Rodrigo de Quircga
Francisco ce Rabdora
.Juan. Rasquido
Francisco de Pie erro
Gonzalo de lo3 Ros
Francisco Rodrguez
Juan Romero
Juan Ruis '
Gabriel de Salazar
A i; -?¡ y i i Sai o. o re
AiorS? b-c.'hcx.
Ida J rig £ inch ri
Diego Snchez ce Mtales
Pero Sancho de Hez
Don. Martin de Soltar
Ins Surez
Antonio Tar abajan o '
Luis Ternero
Luis de Toledo.
'Hernando de I3 Torre
Antonio de Uiioa
Francisco ce Vanadio
Juan Valiente (negro)
Hernando do Vallejo
Sebastin Vzquez
Marco3 Veas £ '
Diego ce Velasco
Jernimo de Vera -
Juan de Vera
Gaspar de Vergara .
Francisco de Villages
Pedro de Vinagra
Gaspar de Yillarroel
Antonio Zapata
Juan Zurbino


CHAPTER II
THE SPANIARDS
The first Spanish expedition to Chile was led by Diego
Almagro in 1535. Almagro was tired of the peaceful life he
was leading in Peru and his second rank social status to the
Pizarro family. His longterm dispute with the Pizarros, in
fact, was settled only after an agreement was reached allow
ing the Pizarros to consolidate their holdings in Peru, while
giving Almagro free reign in the south. Almagro agreed to
tiie terms of this agreement primarily because he was enthused
by tales of wealth in the land of "Chili."'*" Using all the
money he could gather, he outfitted 500 Spaniards and sev
eral thousand auxiliary Indians (yanaconas) for the expedi
tion. The group met incredible hardship in the desert area
of northern Chile, however, and was able to proceed only to
the vicinity of present-day Aconcagua by 1536. In August
of that year, the War of Arauco, which was destined to last
for nearly 300 years, began when the Mapuche Indians attacked
Almagro's band at Reinoguelen,^
Following the fighting, any Indians contacted by Span
iards were treated severely. They were chained together,
beaten, and given little water or food after capture. The
growing hostility of the natives and the failure to uncover
any great wealth soon convinced Almagro that Chile was not
a land of plenty. Accordingly, the expedition returned to
30


171
Indians and Negroes
Ths rest of Santiago society as late as 1565 com
prised Indians and Negroes. The encomienda system with
personal service granted to the Spaniards was formally es
tablished in 1559. Santillan's new regulations were de
signed to reduce the amount of work done by the encomienda
Indians. In reality, however, the regulations systematized
the relationship between the encomendas and his Indians.
Thus, despite the intent of the law, the Indians really had
182
no choice but to accept their servitude. The Indians
who had escaped the system earlier through marriage or any
other means could breathe a sigh of relief.
For the other Indians, the only respite from hardship
was religion and alcoholic beverages. The Indians had
finally been weaned over to Christianity by this time.
After being forced to attend mass for nearly twenty years,
some of the religious spirit of the priests must have rubbed
off. Moreover, the Church fiesta days gave the Indians an
escape from their miserable existence. Many turned to al
cohol for release from the drudgery, and tales of druken
Indians were as prevalent in Chile as they were in the lore
of the western part of the United States more than three
hundred years later.
Some further differentiation among the Indians should
be made here. Captain Bernardo de Vargas Machuca, the
author of Milicia y descripcin de las Indias, which was
published in 1599, clearly distinguishes between Indians


45
Indian melee. The Indians were panic stricken by the sight
O -7
of their dead leaders and. fled.
Valdivia, who was reconnoitering the area near the pre
sent seaport town of Concon, arrived back in the city four
days later to view the still smoking ruins. All of the
Spaniards' possessions except their arms, horses, and clothes
had been destroyed. Ines de Suarez had managed, however, to
salvage three pigs, a cock and hen, and two handfuls of grain.
In effect, the Indians had come within a hair-breadth of des
troying the colony by direct attack and appeared ready to
O O
finish the job as soon as possible.
Despite the severe Spanish losses, the Indians were In
no position to follow up their advantage, and decided to
witdidraw from the immediate area. Villagra and Quiroga
were dispatched to the Quillota area west of Santiago and
were able to break up Indian concentrations and prevent an
immediate attack.
Meanwhile, the city was reconstructed; this time with
an adobe wall eight feet high and five feet thick sur
rounding the interior nine blocks. The Indians, meanwhile,
adopted a guerrilla warfare plan and waited in ambush for
any Spaniard who wandered too far from the settlement. The
town's inhabitants were thus reduced to eating herbs and
bugs while waiting for the cavalry to return with game.
Most of them also adopted the native dress as there was
nothing European to replace their worn-out clothes. Soon,


82
^Barros Arana, ojd. cit, Vol. i, p. 248.
^Korth, ^Galdames, ojo. cit. p. 88.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-1563, p. 91.
20jay Kinsbruner, Chile: A Historical Interpretation
(New York, 1973), p. 9.
3j-Korth, og_. cit. p. 32.
3^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 398; Vol. 3,
p. 71.
33Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 424-438: Historia de Chile.
Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563, pp. 70-93.
34Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 402.
33Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 22.
3^Korth, oj3. cit. p. 25.
^'Domingo Amunategui Solar, Formacin de la
nacionalidad chilena, (Santiago, 1943) p. 12. Amunategui
describes the mitamaes as small colonies of Inca Indians
who had replaced the local leadership during the 16th
Century Inca invasion. By the time the Spaniards had ar
rived in the country, however, intermarriage with the
local" inhabitants had occurred.
OO ^
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, pp. 18-19.
^George m. McBride, Chile: Land and Society (New
York, 1971), pp. 72-74.
30 /
Domingo Amunategui Solar, Las encomiendas de
indgenas en Chile (Santiago, 1910), Vol. 2, p. 73.
31Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 8.
33McBride, ojd. cit. pp. 90-95,
3 3
Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda," p. 414.
34Ibid., p. 415.


113
The Indian men had been killed ox exiled to the mines.
Thus, the women had no other sexual outlet except the
Spaniards.'* Finally, the Spaniards often obtained women
as gifts or tokens of friendship from the various Indian
chiefs. The Indians viewed this process as a means of
allying themselves with the Spaniards, and the progeny
created by the union brought about an extended family re
lationship not unlike the Spaniards own godfather kinsman-
ship.
Regardless of the process, the Spanish conqueror lived
his life surrounded by women. The Chilean conquerors, for
example, had their yanaconas -- including women carrying
baggage and supplies from Peru. Also included in the ret
inue were free servants, camp, followers, and any native
woman that caught his eye during the trek from Cuzco.
Francisco Aguirre, who officially recognized at least
fifty mestizo sons, best stated the Spanish attitude toward
sex with the Indians when he declared, "the service rend
ered to God in producing mestizos is greater than the sin
Q
commited in the same act.'
During the combat in the south, following the founding
of Santiago, many of the new Spanish military recruits suf
fered the same fears and trepidations of generations of
successive soldiers over their future. In this hostile
environment, pleasure was a rare commodity and satisfaction
was most often'accomplished in the arms of a native woman.


15
were vampires that sucked the blood of the sick. They also
dreamed of pihuchenes or winged serpents, Their omens took
the forms of cloud directions and formations,, flights of
birds, and peculiar animal behavior. Such occurrences
were sufficient to make them suspend a campaign or feast,
convinced that the happening portended disaster for them.
With all of these disastrous possibilities, it is no wonder
that a major portion of their physical activity was taken
up with religion and war.35
This mixture of superstitions and omens produced a
priesthood. The ministers of the various cults served
both as soothsayers and physicians. The dunguves and the
machis were the most important of this group.35 The dunguve
was the soothsayer who uncovered thieves and solved secret
crimes. A witness, who was present at one such ceremony
to search for a missing object, implied that the scene
was a kind of extra sensory perception phenomenon coupled
with some clever ventriloquism. In any case, the lost
object was soon located. The machi, on the other hand,
v/as the healer. The Indian had no medical knowledge and
believed that illness was punishment by an offended deity
or injury caused by some unknown evil. The machi, in ef
fect, exorcized the illness or evil not unlike the under
takings by the Catholic Church in 'the 16th century7 and
the current revival of interest in exorcism in psychiatry.
The cure for such an affliction consisted of a very
showy ceremony called a machitn. The relatives of the


21
of clay pottery, the exploitation of metals, and the use of
wool clothing provided better living standards. The cooking
of meat and vegetables became general; corn and potatoes
served as the principal ingredient of cooked dishes; and,
in time, the bean became the most common and nutritious
food. Wool shirts, ponchos, belts, and hair ribbons --- with
which the women braided their hair - came into common usage.
In addition, footwear in the form of leather sandals and hats
called chupallas were adopted as the native dress.^
The advance of Indian civilization, thus, was important
in the 16th century. The transformation brought about during
this period of Inca rule cost only the payment of an annual
tribute to the sovereigns in large stamped blocks of gold;
with the curacas serving as intermediaries. This was cer
tainly a period of peace unknown before Inca rule,-*!
At the end of some eighty years of peaceful co-exis
tence the Indians of the north and central Chile had vir
tually recovered their freedom. At the beginning of the
sixteenth century, hardly any traces of Inca rule remained.
Shortly thereafter the Inca, Huayna Capac, died and a civil
war for the throne began in Peru between his two sons. Be
cause of the war, the Inca garrisons in Chile were depleted
and the local curacas and caciques became independent. *
The civilization now native to this north-central por
tion of the country spread southward as a result of contacts
between the various tribes. This southward progression con
tinued until it made contact with the Araucanians where it


-49
six regidores who wrote the .municipal regulations. There
were also several other important functionaries including
the procurador of the city, who represented the people; the
mayordomo or treasurer, who took meeting notes; the alguacil
mayor, who was the chief jailer and administeifed punishment;
and the alfrerez real whose position was mainly symbolic,
but, generally in Chile, he was in charge of fiestas and
other ceremonies. The fiel ejecutor supervised prices and
4 8
trade guilds and the alarife directed public works.
The Santiago cabildo documents during this early period
reveal a preoccupation with licensing medical doctors and
approving their work; concern over the building and location
of a hospital, decisions regarding fiestas and religious
holidays, and settlements of land disputes involving the
49
farms in the Santiago area.
Meanwhile, returning to political developments, Pizarro
was assassinated in June 1541. When the news of his death-
reached Santiago, the cabildo was in a quandary. Pizarro's
death meant that Valdivia's governing powers had ceased to
exist because his commission had been issued by the Peruvian
conqueror. On the other hand, no one in the colony had a
better claim for a royal appointment than Valdivia and the
cabildo drew up a petition asking that Valdivia be elected
governor. At first, Valdivia refused because he was still
uncertain of PizarroJs fate. The will of the open cabildo
finally prevailed, however, and Valdivia accepted the post


26
marked the beginning of the end of the distinct Indian race
and culture. Although years of war would ensue, the paral
lel Spanish and Indian societies were eventually welded
as much as possible into one.


125
Old Castilians*n percent
Galicians, Valenciana,
Catalans, Navarres,
Aragonese, Asturians,
and Canary Islanders 12 percent
Foreigners 3 percent
According to an analysis of the Chilean situation by
Francisco Frias, the Audalusians, old Castilians, and the
Extremadurans (56%) formed the first Santiago aristocracy.
The old Castilians and the Leons (24%) gravitated to the
provinces where they formed the well to do class.^
In any case, if these men, in one degree or another,
formed the aristocracy of the country, where did the other
inhabitants fit in? According to Thayer, these original
Spaniards sired a total of 226 "legitimate"- mestizo chil
dren. Thayer calculates that each Spaniard was responsible
for an average of one mestizo child per year. This rate
would have led to the production of more than 20,000
mestizos by the year 1565, by which time only 1,500
Spaniards had settled in the whole colony, and probably
not more than 500 lived in Santiago. In addition by 1565,
the mestizo sons and daughters of the conquerors were of
child-producing age themselves and began to contribute to
O
the population mixture.
All of the figures mentioned, in fact, may be too low.
According to Encina, who quotes Ovalle's calculations of
1642, fertile Araucanian women usually produced an average
of four sons in their lifetime. Probably, an equal number
of daughters were born indicating that each Indian woman


191
183crecente Errazuriz, Historia
de
Chile.
Den Garca
de
Mendoza, 1557-1561, p. 430,' and Jara,
Guerra
y sociedad
en
Chile, p. 85,
l^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia
de
Chile.
Francisco
de
Villagra, 1561-1563. p. 307.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia
de
Chile.
Don Garca
de
Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 424-438.
--88Barros Arana, op. cit. p. 312.
1 07
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 54.
188 f
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 102.
1 QQ
Maguire Ibar, ojo. cit. p. 9.
19 0.
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 69.
191Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 193.
^9^Mario Gongora, Encomenderos y estancieros:
estudios acerca de la constitucin social aristocrtica
de Chile despus de la conquista, 1580-1660 (Santiago,
1970)", p. 139.
19 3
Jos Armado de Ramn Folch, "La sociedad espaola
de Santiago de Chile entre 1581 y 1596," Historia
(Santiago, 1965), Vol. 4, p. 192.
^9^Gongora, Encomenderos y estancieros, p. 139.
^^Ramon Folch, op_. cit., p. 192.
l^Barros Arana, op_. cit. Vol. 1, p. 313.
197
Ramon Folch, ojd. cit. pp. 205-207. See also
Guillermo de la Cuadra, Origen y desarrollo de las
familias Chilenas, under (Lisperguer).
-'-98Barros Arana, ojd. cit. Vol. 1, p. 2 46.
199Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 252.
^"Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol, 3, p. 136.
xAlvaro Jara, Los asientos de trabajo y la
provision de mano de obra para los no-encomenderos en la
ciudad de Santiago, 1586-1600 (Santiago, 1959), pp. 59-60.


119
Mulattoes were urban manual workers; and Indians were
rural workers within their own society or unskilled hands
00
for the Spaniards, There were variations to this
picture, but, in general, it is correct.
Eventually, the different "castas'1 were separated by
other means such as segregated public rooms, churches,
public schools, and seating arrangments at public functions.
In addition, guilds, cofradias, consulados, universities,
etc., practiced their own kind of discrimination. All of
these separations occurred more or less after the 16th
century, however, and are not pertinent to this study.
The basic model of social stratification should be kept
in mind and compared to the Chilean example.


CHAPTER III
THE DIVISION OF LAND AND INDIANS
James Lockhart contends that the Spanish colonial per
iods contribution to pre-Columbian America can be described
briefly as the contents of two complementary master insti
tutions, the Spanish city and the great estate.-'- While
neither city structure nor the evolution of the great es
tate have been explored in great detail, more is known about
the city because of its continuity of location, property and
governmental records, and function.
European civilization, in fact, manifested itself most
apparently in the towns where the Spanish population was
concentrated. Santiago, by far the largest urban center in
Chile, had a European population that fluctuated between the
original 150 in 1541 to about 500 by the turn of the cen
tury. This group theoretically was divided into three cat
egories from 1541 on encomenderos, moradores, and tran
sients. In fact, however, there were not enough Spaniards
in the early years to develop this stratification to any
great extent. The first two categories were always called
vecinos or citizens. The transient group of soldiers sim
ply did not settle in one location long enough to qualify
for citizenship.
The right of citizenship in a locale following the
conquest was, nevertheless, easy to obtain. If a man
58


150
de Gamboa de Quiroga, was married to Antonio de Quiroga, a
133
caballero of Santiago. One of their sons, Rodrigo, be
came a Dominican and lived in block forty-eight, solars
three and four in 159 3.
Gonzalo de los Rios Rios was born in Naveda in 1516.
He originally was involved with Pedro Sancho de Hoz in the
plot against Valdivia. Later, he was named vecino enco
mendero of Santiago, however, and maintained his encomiendo
when the number was reduced in 1546. He was mayordomo of
the city in 1551 and 1553, procurado in 1559, regidor in
1557, 1572, 1574, 1577, and alcalde ordinario in 1570. He
married Catalina, the mulatta maid of Ines de Suarez.^4
Later, this marriage was nullified and he married Maria de
Encio Sarmiento of Bayona in,Galicia, His son by this mar
riage, General Gonzalo de los Rios, took part in the
founding of Chilian and later became a vecino encomendero
T O/*
of Santiago. He married Dona Catalina Flores Lisperguer
the daughter of Pedro Lisperguer and the niece of Chief
Talagante. Their daughter married Alonso Campofrio
137
Carvaja. The family lived in block nine, solar one in
1609 and block thirty, solar one in 1603.
Gabriel de Salazar Not much is known of Salazar's
life except that he arrived with Valdivia in 1541. Two of
his mestizo sons, Andres and Hernando, were soldiers and
the other, Juan, was a merchant in Santiago. Juan was mar
ried to Beatriz de Arriola and their son was a priest in


-33
a steel covered club. The artillerymen were equipped with
cannons.
The superiority of the Spanish civilization over the
Indian was thus shown principally in better and heavier of
fensive military equipment, Each Spaniard equaled at least
100 natives in battle, and that demonstrated superiority
had consequences other than military7 as will be noted later.
The Spaniards brought to the New World all of their ideas,
their beliefs, their arts, their customs in a word, their
civilization. This together with their military superiority
triumphed over the natives. Then, their more advanced po
litical organization and social discipline were imposed on
the conquered with equal determination.
These thoughts aside for a moment, it is best to recall
that the Spanish conquest and colonization of America was
essentially an economic venture financed in part by the
Crown and, in part, by private enterprise. Religious
idealism and militarism certainly had a role in this en
deavor, but basically these were subordinate to a primary
quest for precious metals, raw materials, and captive mar
kets. The Spanish successes in Mexico and Peru, however,
did little to prepare them for the poverty and resistance
they encountered initially in Chile, and this is precisely
why Chilean colonial development is an interesting field of
s tudy.


CHAPTER IV
SANTIAGO
Anyone who has flown over or traveled overland from
northern Chile to the Central Valley is certainly aware of
the rugged terrain and geographical inconsistency of the
land. The small fertile valleys, for instance, quickly
give way to barren, arid, hills, and the lush vegetation is
transformed into scrub growth. Only in the vicinity of
Santiago does the great panorama open to a wide fertile
valley dominated by the hills of Santa Lucia and San
Cristobal. With the towering Andes in the background, it
makes a fantastic setting. This surely was the scene that
enraptured Valdivia when he arrived at Huelen in 1541. He
commented, "This land is such that one can live and prosper.
There is no better place in the world. ..." Of course,
it must be remembered that most of the conquerors were
from the Castillian meseta where according to an old French
expression, "there are eight months of winter and four of
hell.1,1
The only problem for the Spaniards was that the
Mapocho Valley was already inhabited by approximately 10,000
Indians who were not anxious to be displaced by the new
comers. In fact, according to the old historian, Alonso
Gongora Marmolejo, approximately four thousand warriors
actually fought against the Spaniards in the Santiago
84


160
priesthood because of his language capability. Other im
portant mestizo priests v/ere Gabriel de Villagra, the son
of General Gabriel de Vailiagra, Juan de Oces, Francisco
de Aguirre, the son of the conqueror, Francisco de Tapia,
Juan Barga, Jeronimo Bello, Juan Salguero, Juan, de Armente,
172
and Melchor de Arteaga.
The mestizo priests who were grandsons of indigeneous
Chileans were: Garcia Hernandez de Caceres, the son of
Garca Hernandez and the mestiza Isabel Garcia de Caceres;
Marcos Rubio, the son of Francisco Rubio and the mestiza
Catalina de Caceres; Juan de la Fuente Loarte, the son of
Pedro de Burgos and the mestiza Beatriz de Loarte; Lazaro
Hernandez de la Serna, the son of Andres Hernandez and the
mestiz Magdalena de la Serna; Juan Velez de Lara, the son
of Juan Fernandez and the mestiza Ines de Lara; Rodrigo de
Gamboa y Quiroga, the son of Marshal Martin Ruiz de Gamboa
and the mestiza Isabel de Quiroga. Juan de Ahumada, the
son of Juan de Ahumada and Leonor Hurtado the daughter of
a mestiza; Juan and Bernardo de Toro Mazte, sons of Gines
de Toro Mazte and Elena de la Serna the daughter of a
mestiza. The following chart shows the probable number of
conquerors and their sons admitted to the clergy as of
1580.173


114
Indiscriminate sexual relationships, therefore, became a
way of life.'*-0
Intermarriage was also a contributing factor to race
mixture and was specifically endorsed by the Crown in 1501.
In this case, the Crown stated that Indian women should not
be held against their wishes, and that marriage should be
voluntary on both sides.The Spaniards viewed marriage
simply as a means to legitimize their offspring in many
cases, but there is no doubt that many Indian wives per
formed capably as partners, lovers, and companions particu
larly in frontier settlements. In the Chilean situation,
with its homestead and agricultural emphasis, Indian
women either as wives or concubines were a necessary
fixture of the home. The legal bases for their marriage
relationship was the Crown's 1516 order for conquerors to
marry the daughters of Indian chiefs, and the other was the
1539 directive that encomenderos should marry natives
within three years or send to Spain for their wives. Obvi
ously, the latter path was improbable in Chile where female
.12
hardiness was a necessity.
The result of miscegenation the mestizo in gen
eral, fared well throughout the New World in the first gen
eration, particularly if he was a product of a marriage
relationship or had been legitimized by his father. The
mestizos of this group also identified with their paternal
background and were able to inherit their fathers' property,


109
60Ibid., p. 277.
61 **
Vicuna Mackenna,;.Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 104.
62Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 252-257.
63Ibid., p. 247.
Domingo Amunategui Solar, Formacin de la
nacionalidad chilena (Santiago, 1943), p. "ll.
OJDomingo Amunategui Solar, La sociedad de Santiago
en el siglo diez y siete (Santiago, 1937), p. 53.
^Gonzlez de Najera, op. cit. p. 12.
I


73
evolution of the encomienda system to the landed estates so
prominent in later colonial history.
The estancias or large farm estates became the backbone
of Chilean agriculture by the beginning of the 17th century.
The origin of this rural property as separate entities was
more likely the result of a land concession than an enco-
on
mienda grant. Conversely, some of the encomienda grants,
as noted before, were maintained from generation to genera-
tion as rural property. In fact, almost all of the best
land in the colony was included in the limits of the orig
inal large encomienda divisions, and there was very little
rural property available for newly arrived Spaniards to oc
cupy. Thus, the land distribution system either as conces
sions or encomiendas led to a largely agricultural colony
in which most of the large parcels of land were devoted to
stock raising.
These large estates were maintained during the balance
of the colonial period by the system of mayorazgos or en
tailed estates. Many of the leading families, desiring
primarily to maintain their social rank, had their property
entailed by order of the Crown. In this way, the large
holdings were kept intact from generation to generation.
Although formal limitation of the property to a specific
line of heirs did not begin until the close of the 17th
century land was held in virtual occupational entailment
40
by the first families until that time.


169
available to point to some upward social mobility. This
last point, of course, was also true of the Spanish middle
class. It is clear that there was some social and occupa
tional mobility among the mestizo soldiers at the front and
in the frontier towns. Bravery in battle would probably
lead to a reward of some social consequence.
Some of the mestizos, however, found life too harsh
and alien in Spanish society. These "marginal men" fled
to the south and joined the Indians in their flight against
the Spaniards. The most famous of these runaways was
Alonso Diaz, who was known by the Indians as Painancu. He
left Santiago in 1560, and spent the next ten years fighting
Spaniards. By 1575, he had been named an Araucanian chief
tain and continued his anti-Spanish struggle until 1583,
when he was captured and executed by Governor Sotomayor.
Another example of this type was Francisco Gaseo, a mestizo
1 oi
soldier who also deserted to the Indians.
In conclusion, there is no doubt that the Chilean
middle class became the great bastion of the mestizo from
the early days. The upper middle class appears to be a
combination of merchants and artisans, predominantly Spanish,
but, in general, married to first generation mestiza women.
The lower middle class consisted of mestizos married to
mestizas or Indian women, but having the same vocation as
their Spanish counterparts. Some time in the future, these
ethnic lines were blurred by more intermarriage which was


166
of mestizos and Indians so numerous that the extended family
was difficult to total. Included were the wife and her
children, the concubines and their children, the servants
and their children, and the numerous slaves and retainers.
All of these people looked to the conqueror's home as a
refuge and the family head as their protector. The inter
marriage of these compadrazgo and patron-clientel "kin"
simply increased the total number of people owing fealty
to the Spanish godfather.
In conclusion, a developing patron-clientel system can
be discerned in Santiago during this period. Ritual kin
ship, blood relationships, and outright dependence pro
vided the basis for social integration of the diverse
peoples of the community. Moreover, the elite group that
would ultimately control the economic and social life of
the city was bound into a tight-knit group distinguished
by the economic, political, and social power it wielded.
Middle Class
The middle class in Chile developed along lines sim
ilar to the aristocracy. Initially, there was hardly any
middle class because almost everyone was an encomendero or
occupied a definite lower class position. With the arrival
of new immigrants especially soldiers, however, the struc
ture of society began to change.
Theoretically, the newly arrived Spaniards no matter
what their background enjoyed a higher legal and social


73
Despite the development of the encomienda system in
Chile and the creation of large landed estates originally
utilizing forced labor, the essential capitalistic nature
of the Chilean colonial economy has long been ignored.
Afterall, even the encomienda system was nothing more than
a measure designed to harness cheap labor for sustainment
and ultimately the world capitalist market. The passing
of the encomienda system occurred primarily because it was
49
uneconomical.
Moreover, as Jay Kinsbruner points out in his Chile:
A Historical Interpretation, the capitalistic system in
Chile was spurred during the colonial period < especially
during the end of the 16th and during the 17th centuries
because land was continually being subdivided and ownership
increased. For example, the original five estates bounded
by the Perquilauquen, Loncomilla, and the Maul Rivers and
the Andes had been joined by 40 additional estates by the
end of the 17th century. Of these 40, only 13 contained
more than 4,000 acres. Additionally, these estates were
made up of more arable land than the original five, so this
was not even a consideration of the sub-division process.^
One further consideration about the control of economic
activity was the fact that the mayorazgos living in the
country never exerted much influence or political pressure
on Santiago during the early colonial period, simply be
cause most of the economic activity was in Santiago and its
environs and not on the large estates.


144
96
encomendero of San Juan de la Frontera. This family lived
in block twelve, solar three from 1568 to 1595, and owned
block thirty-one, solar two in 1616 as well as a vineyard
97
near Santa Lucia from 1586. The children from the mar
riage included Garca Hernandez de Caceres, Doria Isabel de
Carvajal, an Augustiman nun, and Jeronimo Hernandez, a
Franciscan. Other Perez children included Juana de Caceres,
who was married to Melchor Hernandez de la Serna. This
family lived in block thirteen, solar one in 1610, and
9 7
block forty-one, solar four in 1595.' Another Perez was
Leonor de Caceres, who married Diego de Cisternas, the
p q o
son of Pedro Cisternas a vecino fundador of Concepcion.
Francisco Hernandez Gallego Hernandez was born in
1511, and arrived in Santiago in 1540. He was a miner at
MalgaMalga in 1548. In 1552, he married Bartola Flores,
the mestiza daughter of Bartolom" Flores. He died in 1554
99
with no children.
Pedro de Herrera Herrera was born between 1505 and
1512. He was the mayordomo of Captain Diego de Rojas in
1533, and came to Chile with Aguirre. He held an office
in the Santiago cabildo in 1545, moving later to La Serena
where he was regidor for several years and alcalde ordinario
in 1558. He died in 1589. He had a mestizo son, Pedro, who
remained in La Serena and married the criolla, Isabel de
Narvaez.'00 Pedro's daughter, Juana, married Juan de Gijon,
a declared traitor who was exiled from Peru to Chile in


68
dissidents was very low, and there was little plotting
against Valdivia's leadership. Moreover, all of the ori
ginal band had started the invasion on almost the same
economic and social footing and, with only a few exceptions,
there appears to have been little social antagonism among
the group. The later reduction of the original sixty
encomienda grants in the Santiago area to thirty-two,
however, did cause somewhat of a problem for the governor.
The promise of new lands and Indians in the south dissipated
the hostility enough to prevent any long lived antagonism
directed against the governor.^
The change from Indian to Spanish control through the
encomienda system was facilitated by the fact that the
Indians under Inca domination were already held in a type
of vassalage. The Mapocho Valley Indians, who were culti
vating the land in the Santiago area, were known as mitamaes
2 7
or vassals of the Inca. In fact, the Peruvian yanaconas
differentiated themselves from the Chilean Indians by re
ferring to them as mitamaes in derogatory fashion. Thus,
the Indians, in effect, were simply exchanging one lord
7 P
for another with the arrival of the Spaniards.
In most cases, the Spanish encomienda grants were sim
ilar in Chile to their antecedents in Mexico and Peru.
While the encomienda that provided the Indian's service was
the most common type, there are clearly documented instances
in which the encomienda was a territoral grant and was


147
Pedro Martin Parras Martin was born in Extremadura
in 1515. He arrived in Santiago with. Valdivia and became
the first concierge of the city: later the alguacil alarife,
and the juez de aguas. He married Elvira Nunez, the mestiza
daughter of the conqueror, Diego Nunez de Castro. Their
daughter, Elvira Parras, was married to the surgeon
Francisco Garcia. Other children included Pedro Parras,
who was married to Maria de Lara, Diego Nunez, Lucia Nunez,
who was married to Diego Lopez, and Mari Nunez, who was
married to Bias Pereira.-*-14 The Martin family received all
of block fifty-one from the cabildo in 1562, and owned solar
one outright until 1601. The family moved to block twenty-
seven, solar one in 1576 and remained their until 1601.
Later, block 10 8 was purchased.!-*-***
Pedro de Miranda Miranda was a hidalgo from Navarra
and was born in 1517. He served with Pizarro in Peru, and
arrived in Santiago with Valdivia. He was a vecino enco
mendero of the city, regidor in 1550, 1551, 1553, 1555,
1558, 1563, alcalde ordinario in 1556, 1559, 1561, 1566,
procurador 1549, fiel ejecutor 1550, mayordomo 1552, and
alfrez real in 1558 and 1568. He was married to Esperanza
de Rueda and had eight children. Among them was Captain
Don Pedro de Miranda, Dona Juana de Miranda, who was mar
ried to Captain Bernadino de Quiroga, and Dona Ana de Rueda,
who was married to Captain Pedro Cisternas de la Serna.'''^
Miranda also had two mestizo children; Jeronimo tutored his


101
succeeded to ais father*s position, and continued to press
the offensive in the south until 1565 when he was recalled
50
by the Peruvian Viceroy.
Meanwhile, back in Santiago, Rodrigo, de Quiroga
(1565-1567} also learned the virtue of patience as he
too was given the opportunity to be governor. The pop
ular Quiroga should be considered as the true civil founder
of the city as he did much to end the military encampment
51 ~
lifestyle. Vicuna Mackenna comments that Quiroga's
stamp was on everything pertinent to the life of the
city including the economic and social activities. During
Quirogas brief leadership of the colony, the extent of
his belief in democratic participation in local government
can foe seen in the fact that the cabildo met 75 times,
whereas under Valdivia's twelve-year tenure, it met 156
times, Quiroga was recalled to Lima in 1567, and the
Real Audiencia of Concepcion was created with Don Melchor
Bravo de Saravia as the President of the Tribunal from
1568 until 1575. The tribunal was ultimately succeeded
by another Quiroga administration, but that development
is beyond the limits of this study.
Meanwhile, to return to non-political developments
in the Santiago area, a gold discovery was made north of
the city at Choapa in 1557. With the unveiling of these
riches., the colony experienced a mini-economic boom and was
able to make some significant economic improvements. Most


204
7". i
Me.i i- '
Af-irij j
? i
Lope de Lauda

Francisco ce Len
1
4
1
Pedro'de Len
2
Juan Lpez
1
Pedro Martn Parras .. .
s
sangre, madre mestiza.
Berna! Martnez
2
1
Antn Martn Moreno ..
2
Pedro ele Miranda......
s
2
Iiartolom Muoz
2
Probables mestizos y el pa*
dre tambin
Juna Xe^rcte ...
1
Alvar Nez
1
Diego Nez de Castro.
1
Juan Nez ele Castro..
O
Juan de Oliva
3
Diego de Oro
1
2
Juan Ortiz Pacheco

.
Antonio de Pastrana...
1
Probablemente espae!.
Alonso Prez

Francisco Prez ........
Santiago Prez
3
i
Juan Pin el
S
i Feo. Ponce de I.en ....
2
1 Rodrigo de Quiroga
1
jlian Rasquido
1
. Francisco de Riberos ...
11
9 Iegft. y 2 al parecer natura-
les, pero de madre espaola.
Gonzalo de ios Ros ....
6
1
Feo. Rodrguez de H....
1
1
i Gabriel ele Salazar
7
] Alonso Salguero.
i
Alonso Snchez
i
de india peruana.
:: Diego Snchez
6
3
Pero Sancho de Hoz ..'.
1
i
' Agustn de la Serna ....
3
presuntos mestizos.
¡ Antonio Tarabajano....
2
de distinguida calidad.
Luis Ternero
1
Luis de Toledo
18/20
madre mest. sang, india;
legtimos.
Antonio de Ulloa
1
1
: Juan Valiente
2
negros o -} de negro.
Hernando Vallejo
1
2
Sebastin Vzquez
4
Marcos Veas
i*
1
Diego de Velasco
7
2
Juan de Vera
1
jcr6nirto ele Vera
1
Gaspar de Vergara
3
al parecer mestizos.
Francisco de Vilagra...
4
1
Uno legtimo y 3 naturales de
madre espaola y 1 mestizo
Caspar de Villarroel. ...
3
Juan de Zurbano
2
150
¡ 226
1 7


163
their original Indian status was a superficial amount of
'their old culture.
In dealing with the Chilean aristocracy, some mention
should also be made of the ritual kinship (compadrazgo) and
patron-client relationships. Through these associations,
the bulk of the population was able to attach itself to
the influential aristocrat or sponsor. These unions were
sealed by a godfather relationship, marriage alliances, or
business contracts. Essentially, these association were
designed to provide adequate security, justice, and a
social fabric distinct from that provided by law. In
addition, the feudal relationship of mutual obligation was
carried one step farther.
Although the priod from .1541 to 1570 does not com
pletely demonstrate the development of an elite capable of
supporting these extra-family connections, one can surmise
that these associations were evolving, and certainly would
become important later in the century.
Stephanie Blank in her study of this relationship in
Caracas posits that there were two methods for the first
generation of settlers to structure their unorganized and
unintegrated nature of their society. One was the marriage
of the original residents to sisters and older daughters of
other members of the new urban community. The second was
through the extended family relationship in which persons of
lower economic and social standing were related to the basic


19
Chilean natives on the northern 'zone Vas because of the
beneficial influence of the Quechuas. According to Luis
Galdames, however, archaeological discoveries some fifteen
years ago have corrected this opinion, which did not ac-
4 R
count adequately for the native Chilean state of culture.
This is so because the Incan domination had lasted only
until the date of the Almagro expedition in 1536, a little
more than eighty years.
The Chilean natives continued to develop their culture
under the rule of the Quechuas. The northern and the cen
tral zone of the country were crossed by roads certainly
unpretentious in Chile and probably no more than stone
marked trails. There was a postal system carried on by
Indians on foot, with inns every fifteen or twenty miles.
The curacas or governors were engaged in developing the
prosperity of their hamlets and villages, where the natives
earned their livelihood, and in encouraging productive ac
tivities 46
For cultivating the fields, these natives dug irri
gation canals. Among those constructed during the Indian
epoch and still existing today is the Vitacura Canal, which
decends from the hills of Salta in the vicinity of Santiago
and irrigates the neighboring farms. From the time the
canals were opened, the crops of squash, corn, beans, and
potatoes, which were native to the country, became more
abundant. Guanaco, vicuna, and llama wool production also


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Thomas Chapin Braman was born on December 20, 1939,
at Princeton, Hew Jersey. In June, 1963, he received the
degree of Bachelor of Arts from Franklin and Marshall
College. He received a Master of Arts degree from the
University of Florida in August, 1964. Since then, he
has worked as an intelligence analyst for the Central
Intelligence Agency in Washington, D.C.
219


72
relationships tying, these people together and connecting
them to the larger society outside of the encomienda. 1
The most important part of the encomienda relation
ship to external society was its evolution from the early
system to the creation of landed estates. Keith argues
that the Crown's intervention in the institutional aspects
of the system on the side of the natives prevented the dis
appearance of Indian society. By taking advantage of the
weakness of the encomendero class, the Crown was able to
reform the encomienda, separating the traditional from the
capitalistic elements, and insuring the dominance of the
traditional in a remodeled institution, the corregimiento.
As a result, the Indian communities were able to reorganize
and survive, while the Spaniards were free to organize their
own estates as capitalistic institutions largely independent
3 o
of Indian society.
In Chile, however, this situation evolved somewhat
differently because Indian society was virtually eliminated
in the Santiago area as a result of the wars, rapid Indian
depopulation, and the creation of mestizaje, which filled
the population void. The new mestizo class had an easier
time being accepted into Spanish society and the capital
istic environment of the hacienda. Thus, the original po
litical and institutional strength of the encomendero class
in Chile; their early realization that land was wealth;
and the destruction of pure Indian society facilitated the


123
city only a short time, then moved to the south, settled
in Tucuman, or migrated to a coastal area in the north.
Finally, there is a confusion of names in colonial society
As Vicuna Mackenna comments, "the genealogical study of
Chile is a virtual tower of Babel.The greatest problem
however, is that there were so many mestizo children pro
duced by the conquerors legitimate and illegitimate
that many decided to make up their own names after rivers,
mountains, etc., or claimed kinship with one of the con
querors ^
The fifty legitimate sons of Francisco Aguirre are a
case in point. One other example is the situation of Juan
Rodufo Lisperguer who was married three times and produced
twenty children. From his first wife, Maria de la Torre y
Machado, there were four children -- Pedro Lisperguer
Betambergue, Fermn de Lisperguer y Machado, Aguedo Flores
Lisperguer, and Maria Clara de Velasco. From the second
wife, Catalina de Irarrazabal y Andia, he had nine chil
dren seven sons and two girls. Almost all of them
carried the family name Andia except the oldest girl who
was named Antonia de Velasco y Estrada. His third wife
was Ines de Aguirre y Cortes, and his children from her
added more family names. At the end of the 17th century,
therefore, the decendants of Juan Lisperguer had ten dif
ferent family names including Lisperguer, Flores, Velasco,
Betembergue, Machado, Estrada, Irarrazabal, and Andia.


16
sick, person gathered together with, him in a hut and placed
him on the floor in the middle of a circle. The mach
planted a cinnamon tree branch by his pillow. He had a
guanaco brought in, quartered it, took out its heart, and
sprinkled the branch with blood. Following this, he burned
some herbs and filled the room with smoke. Then he went
to the patient, pretended to search the part of the body
where the suffering or wound was located, spit red, and
at a given moment, showed those present a lizard, a spider,
or some other object the source of the evil. During
these ceremonies, the women sang in a mournful voice and
accompanied their song with a rhythmic noise produced by
O O
rattling dried gourds containing small pebbles.
The Indian language or Mapuche was adapted to the
harangues associated with tribal politicking and poetic
verses associated with these religious functions because
of its lyrical style. Thousands of Indian words are in
corporated into the modern Chilean language including most
of the countrys geographical names. There is less to be
said, however, of the Indians' artistic productions. He
did not paint. His stone or wood carvings are t coarse
to be called sculpture, and only a few utilitarian clay
jars were produced. His music was sad and monotonous,
probably because wood flutes and gourd tambourines were
all that he had. One captured Spanish soldier was kept
alive, in fact, simply because he could play the flute so
39
well.


fro
the encomendero, the Indian did receive some advantages in
Chile, One example is the fact that in 1567, there were
about 150,000 sheep in the vicinity of Santiago, and enco
mienda Indians had personal ownership of 50,0.00 of them.
Encomienda Indians in other parts of the country also owned
livestock and could sell them for their own benefit at fair
20
market value.
There is no doubt, however, that overall the enco
mienda system especially forced work in the mines
was a tremendous burden on the Indians. Hernando de
Santillan, in studying the abuses of the system in 1557,
noted that many Indian women preferred to have their chil
dren die rather than see them seized later for service in
2 "I
the mines, Santillan was directed by the Crown to go to
Chile and get a first hand view of the situation, because
the King always feared that the destruction of the native
work force would ultimately destroy the colonial system.
In 1559, therefore, Santillan formulated some new regula
tions designed to reduce the amount of work done by the
encomienda Indians and protect them from the abuses of the
system. Among other things, these regulations authorized
payment for services rendered. This measure was opposed
by the encomenderos, however, and was only half-heartedly
enforced. The major problem with reform was the fact that
a long and difficult war was going on in the south against
the Indians. The Spaniards, who had lost sons or friends


158
.important factor, however, was the marriage of Spanish
middle class members with mestiza women and the subsequent
continuation of Indian blood -in the middle class. There
was also one example of a middle class mestizo marrying a
Spanish girl, however, and instances of Spanish middle
179
class merchants marrying Indians.
As in the aristocracy, it is somewhat difficult to
trace the mestizo element in the middle class. Of the
thousands of individuals listed in Thayer Ojeda's three
volum.es, for instance, not more than seventy persons can
be identified clearly as mestizo and probably middle class
under the defined occupational categories. Most of these
mestizos were either soldiers or army interpreters. Others
were carpenters, silversmiths, sailors,- shoemakers, tailors,
school teachers, hosiers, blacksmiths, scribes, or clerics.
These mestizos generally married mestiza or Indian women
and presumably their sons continued in the same profession
or at least were accepted as being middle class socially.
From the sparse evidence available, therefore, it ap
pears that the mestizo fits into the middle class category
* "* -**£
in most instances. There were examples of a mestiza re
ceiving a solar from the Santiago^cabildo in 1558 Juan
de Mesa, and there was one example of a mestizo Luis de
Santa Clara owning a chacra along the Canada River near
Santiago.' Most, however, were bound by some rule of
stratification or more biographic data would be
social


52
ambushed, captured, and killed by the Indians. The uprising,
which had not appeared possible earlier in the year, con
tinued. and three towns including Concepcion fell to the ad-
vancing Indians. The War of Arauco was intensified,
Francisco de Villagra, who had become Commander-in-Chief
in the south, after the news of Valdivia's death reached
C f.
Santiago on 11 January 1554, finally managed to capture
and kill his chief adversary near Santiago three years later,
Lautaro1s head was exhibited on a pike in the plaza for many
days, but it was a symbolic gesture because his place was
soon taken by bolder and more capable Indian generals. The
southern part of the country was reconquered, for the most
part, during the next several years through the efforts of
Don Garca Hurtado de Mendoza and Captain Alonso de Reinoso,
who fought against the great Indian Chief Caupolican.
Thus, the Araucanian War, which varied in intensity
through the years, became a real and present factor in
Chilean colonial life. Towns were destroyed and were re
built. Immigrants arrived and lives were lost. In general,
however, the Spaniards were able to maintain enough pressure
on their Indian adversaries for the next forty years to keep
them off balance. The Spanish action essentially became a
defensive, holding action.
It should be mentioned at this point that the War of
Arauco was not necessarily fought by Spaniards solely against
Indians. In reality, by this time, the battle lines were


98
was engaged in military operations in the south against the
Araucanians, Ultimately, he would be victorious over the
O
other pretenders.
When he heard the news of Valdivia's death, Villagra,
who had the official title of Captain General and Justicia
Mayor of Concepcion, Confines, and Valdivia, rode to
o n
Santiago with his men. The city, because it was loyal to
Quiroga, was prepared to resist the southern intruders.
The citizens followed Quiroga1s wishes, however, and
greeted Villagra warmly and without trouble. The Captain
apparently assisted his cause by campaigning among the
soldiers camped in the city and paid them off with money
and favors.In the end, Quirogas patience was success
ful. Villagra, realizing that his property and Indians
were in the south anyway, did not press any demands on the
city other than requesting assistance for the war.39
Scarcely had the Quiroga-Villagra confrontation been
settled peacefully, however, when Aguirre sent his son
Hernando and sixteen soldiers as emissaries to the city.
Hernando attempted to post his soldiers at the parish
house, but Villagra and his 200 veterans were too much for
the little band which was disarmed, Franciso Aguirre was
angered by this turn of events and rode to Santiago to con
front Villagra, The old priest Gonzalez Marmolejo inter
vened at this point, however, and the disputants were
obliged to have their argument arbitrated by the Real
40
Audiencia of Lima.


76
Indian society, and led to serious morale problems among the
various sub-groups. In addition, readjustments in Spanish
society such as changes in*encomienda proprietorship
caused confusion among the Indians as to who really was
their lord and master. Additional disorder was caused by
moving -the Indians from place to place creating a consequent
loss of identity. Finally, confusion was caused.among
the encomenderos and the Indians by the court fights over
'the encomiendas that were left vacant by the proprietor's
4 S
death or his departure for Spain.-
Some Indians, living near town, never fully partici
pated in the encomienda system, but were granted illegally
to the Spaniards as personal servants. These Indians
adopted useful handicrafts such as carpentry, shoemaking,
and masonry. They were also used as porters carrying goods
from Santiago to Valparaiso, and as builders. Of course,
this idea of personal service and seizure was really against
*the law, but the abuse was never checked. In fact, the ex
action of personal service prevented the mass assimilation
of the Chilean Indians by the colony because the social
stigma of personal service assured the fact that pure-
blooded Indians would always be considered the lower
class.
By disease, bad treatment, flights to the free south,
the Indian settlements around Santiago were emptied. A
report dated 1610, indicates that encomiendas that had


NOTES
Ajames Lockhart, ''Encomienda and Hacienda; The
Evolution of the Great Estate in the Spanish Indies,"
Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 49 (August 1969),
p. 411.
^Galdames, op. cit., p. 79.
^Barros Arana, op. cit., Vol. 1, p.,144.
^Eugene H. Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile:
The Struggle for Social Justice, 1535-1700 (Stanford,
1968) p. 24.
^Manuel Salvat Monguillot, "El regimen de encomiendas
en ios primeros tiempos de la conquista," Revista Chilena
de Historia y Geografa, No. 132, 1964, p. 57.
^Pedro Marino de Lobera, Crnica del Reino de Chile,
Coleccin de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 6 (Santiago,
1865), p. 72.
"^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 395 .
^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 25.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garca
de Mendoza, 1557-1561 (Santiago, 1914), 56. See also
J. Solorzano Pereira, Poltica Indiana (Madrid, 1930),
Vol. 3, p. 135.
Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 25.
-^Douglas-Irvine, oja. cit. p. 474.
l^McBride, op_. cit. p. 71.
-^Lockhart, "Encomienda and Haciendq p. 420.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garca
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 443-444.
-^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-15 6 3 (Santiago, 1914) pp. 8 8-89 .
81


96
citizenry comprised seventy Captains and soldiers, three
priests, two monks, and one Spanish woman, Valdivia, .in
fact, was always afraid of a mass Spanish exodus from the
colony, and consequently, overlooked the fact that many
Spaniards never petitioned for residency or citizenship.
As previously mentioned, Valdivia in 1552, denied a peti
tion from the procurador of Santiago that cited the unlaw
ful residence of several people in. the city. He wrote to
the cabildo his obstinant refusal to allow any Spaniard,
regardless of the citizenship question, to leave the colony
without his personal permission.'00 Moreover, in order to
make future immigration more attractive, he began to issue
solar concessions to artisans and other workers. These
> 31
new citizens were called moradores.
The daily life of the colony was rather grim in the
early years and certainly any attraction was necessary to
increase immigration. There were few children in the town.
"The women, mostly Indians, did not participate in meaning
ful social entertainment, and family life was practically
nonexistent. The day was spent in looking for and pre
paring food. At night there was a church service in the
pai
>* 1 V.W .A
ii-'use, mu
:terwatd the
sets were deserted ex-
32
cept for the alcalde and his night watch patrol. z It
was said, in fact, that Juah Pinel committed suicide in
1549 the first in Santiago -- because he was bored
with life.-3


154
One other Spanish aristocrat who contributed to the
1 y s
first family stock of Chile was Diego Garcia de Caceres.
Garcia was bom of a hidalgo family in Caceres in 1517.
Ee arrived in Venezuela in 1534, fought against the Indians
in Peru, and joined Valdivia at Tarapaca. He returned to
Peru, however, and attempted to get more financial backing
for the Chilean expedition. As a consequence, he did not
arrive in Santiago until 1546, He then became a vecino
encomendero of Santiago. He was also regidor perpetuo of
the cabildo from 1550 to 1553, aguacil mayor in 1553,
alferez real in 1556, alcalde ordinario in 1562, and procu
rador in 1568. He was married to Maria Osorio who arrived
1 r o
in the colony from Spain in 1555. Their daughters mar
ried Captain Ramirianez de Seravia (block thirty-nine),
Captain Juan de Rivadeneira, and Captain Juan de Ocampo de
San Miguel. Garcia also had two mestiza daughters
Catalina de Caceres, who married Francisco Rubio a rich
Santiago businessman. The family lived in block twenty-six
in 1566.-*- Rubio's daughter, Mariana de Caceres, married
Francisco Hernandez Lancha and lived in block twenty-five,
solar one from 1578 to 1599.^^ Another daughter, Juana
Rubio de Caceres, married Captain Juan de Ahumada
I O
Gavilan. Two of their children became priests. They
lived in block sixty-three, solar two in 1610.^^ Garcia's
other daughter, Isabel Garcia, married the conqueror
Garcia Hernandez and was the mother of Captain Juan Perez
de Caceres who perpetuated this name.^^


14
If one chief decided on war, he sent an emissary to his
neighbor, An arrow stained with the blood of a guanaco
served as the messenger's emblem. It was then passed from
tribe to tribe, and the act of proclaiming war 'was called
"correr de flecha (sending around the arrow). The next
step, if the situation appeared to be serious enough, 'was
the general assembly, which was commonly held in a large
open area. After lengthy speeches from the leadership-
contending chiefs, one man was chosen as supreme chief for
the campaign. He was designated the toqui and was almost
always the strongest, the most eloquent, or the bravest
n
man available.
None of the central valley Indians showed any great
propensity for intense physical activity. The Arau.can.ian
especially, except for wartime, led a lazy, quiet life.
In general, the Indian was only moved to a rigorous regimen
in his religious life when confronted by his many super
stitions and omens. His supreme god was Pilln, who was
believed to be the controller of clouds and winds and the
producer of thunder, tempest, lightning, and earthquakes. J
The Indians believed in the existence of evil and good gods
evil brought about sickness and death; good made the fields
produce a bountiful harvest, brought abundance of birds and
fish, and presided over human joys.^
They also believed in night-appearing ghosts, and a
concept of life after death. They spoke of chonchones --
human headed animals with winglike ears. These apparitions


85
area a number indicating nearly complete manpovier
mobilization.^ in any case, the total number of people
under the jurisdiction of the new Spanish city of Santiago
in 1541 was probably less than 20,000, and included 136
Spaniards, approximately 6,000 Peruvian yanaconas and the
rest native Chileans.
These natives, as explained earlier, spoke mostly
Quechua, were engaged mostly in agricultural pursuits and
food gathering, and lived in their primitive rucas along
stream banks. There was a small settlement in the area
named Huelen after the hill that dominated the region.
Valdivia stated in one letter to the King that he had been
entertained by these natives in a large house containing
many doors. The existence of such a building cannot be
denied, but it must have been a central meeting place be
cause all of the other buildings were of poor quality. The
principal Indian chiefs of the area were Colima, Lampa,
Batacura, Apoquindo, Cerrillos de Apochame, Talagante,
Melipilla, Milacura, and Huara-Huara.^
The importance of the Santa Lucia hill to the
Spaniards can easily be seen by any visitor to Santiago.
Located at that time between two branches of the Mapocho
River, it formed a natural refuge against Indian attacks.
(The size and area of the hill has been markedly reduced
through the years. The rocks and stones were used to
build houses and streets in the city when there was no
longer a need for protection,)^


23
15 .
Vernon, on. ext,, p. 36.
16 ....
Vicuna MacKenna, Historia critica y social de
Santiago, p. 23.
1 7
A 'Galdames, op. ext. p. 7
X 8
Francisco Esteve Barba, Descubrimiento y conquista
de Chi le (Barcelona and Buenos Aires', 19 46), p. 139.
^ ^ Gal dames op. cit. p, 7.
20
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 71-72,
21
Eberhardt, op. cit, pp, 16 7--173. and Gal dames,
op. cit., pp. 8-10.
22
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 33-34.
23Ibid., Vol. 1, pp, 97-98.
^Galdames, pp. ci_t. pp. 8-10.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 99.
26
Ibid., p. 102 .
2 7
Eberhardt, pp. cit. pp. 292-296.
^Frias, pp. cit. pp. 26-27.
29
Enema, His tori, a de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 10 3.
'^Eberhardt, op. cit. p. 243.
31Ibid., pp. 243-244.
"^Galdames, op. cit., p. 10.
33
Jorge Dowling, Religion, chamanismo y mitologa
mapuches (Santiago, 1973), pp. 40-62.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 91. See
also Frias, op. cit., p. 21. Totemism or belief in
inanimate objects was also a form of Indian worship.
35
Jose T. Medina, Los aborgenes de Chile (Santiago,
1952) p. 233.
-^Dowling, op. cit., pp. 63-112. This is the best
discription of the activities of the machis and dunguves.


156
became Valdivia'.s captain general of the sea. Vicencio de
Monte, a Milanese, became a royal treasurer of Chile and
the German, Bartolom Flores became procurador general of
Santiago. The situation was such that sailers going from
Lima to Chile had to oblige themselves specifically to
1
make the return trip.
Another consideration here is the economic-sociological
impact of the Chilean climate. The conquerors, who had es
caped the hardships of the homeland and the southern
Indian wars, naturally sought an outlet for their energy.
Industry and productive work provided this outlet. Combined
with the favorable climate, this industry led to a work
ethic virtually unknown in the other Spanish colonies.
Economic capacity, in reality, knows no racial or ethic
bounds. Thus, whether Spanish, mes tizo, or Indian, there
was a common bond among the most productive men in the
, 167
colony.
Another important factor was that most of the men in
volved in the conquest were in the 25 to 35 year age range.
They were certainly at a prime period of life for sexual
activity, and it is quite evident that their Spanish wives,
who remained behind, were soon forgotten at least in sexual
matters. The hardships endured during the conquest espe
cially the poor security situation in the south prevented
many Spanish women from joining their husbands. Francisco
Frias, in fact, estimates that there were not more than


1.1
the regional life of the tribe. Initial contact began with
a marriage in which -the bride was purchased from her
father < the price being calculated in animals, fruits, or
merchandise. Each individual man lived with as many women
as he bought, and was considered married to them all. He
could buy and sell these wives at will and could designate
them in these transactions either as a beasts of burden or
as instruments of pleasure. The object of these polygamous
relationships was mostly economic, however, rather than
sexual pleasure. Sons and daughters had to be produced in
great numbers to assist in agricultural production and de-
fense.
In general, the woman's lot in the Indian household
was difficult. She prepared the. food and made, all of the
clothing for the family. She followed her husband during
his military campaigns and carried his weapons and pro
visions - not unlike the camp followers associated with
24
the Spanish armies. In addition, she cultivated the
soil, wove the cloth, and made the clay utensils. The
husband, regardless of this service, generally treated her
very badly, and, more often than not, regarded her as no
better than a slave. This relationship was exacerbated
by the outright appropriation of women during wars. In
this case the captives were treated simply as concubines. D
The family was obviously often neglected in this sort
of situation, and children appear to have been tolerated


64
chiefs daughter. Thus, the kinship group often became the
common unit in. the distribution of the Chilean natives among
. 1 o
the Spaniards.
The encomendero maintained his residence primarily in
the city. He made periodic visits to the area of his enco
mienda, however, where he either temporarily occupied the
village chieftain's house or had a country house constructed
for his own use. Typically, several of the encomendero's
lieutenants or most trusted workers lived full time with
the Indians as foremen or stock workers. Later, this class
of Spaniards or mestizos evolved into the estanciero class
13
associated with the great landed estates or estancias.
For the Indians' part, they were bound to render cer
tain services to the Spanish' lords. They were obliged to
plant and care for a certain amount of crops, provide fire
wood, tend cattle, and perform personal duties for their
masters. The Indians, however, did retain the right to
unmolested occupation of their lands. In fact, tribal
leadership and membership were maintained by the Spaniards
by distributing Indian foodstuffs only through the office
of the tribal chief. The chief, therefore, functioned as
the Spaniards' Indian agent.14 Other duties performed for
the Spaniards by the Indians were, at first, so undefined
that many abuses occurred within the system. In 1537,
however, a set of regulations was authorized which condi
tioned Indian labor, especially work in the mines. These


16 4
family through an obligatory connectionf possibly as god-
1 7S
parent godchild ties or through some economic union.
The situation in Santiago is difficult to discern
during this early time because of the paucity of Church
documentation. A perusal of the genealogical ties of the
extended family of several of the early conquerors is very
revealing, however. For instance, the Lisperguer family
ultimately included members of the Flores, Velasco,
Betembergue, Machado, Estrada, Irarrazabal, Varas, Roco,
Gormaz, Lopez, Garcia, and Andia families all members of
176
the Santiago elite.
Other families also followed this practice of inter
marriage. The Aguirre family ultimately was related to the
families Jufre, Godoy, Pastene, Carvajal, and the Mendoza
Buitrn de Riberos. The family of Pedro de Cisternas was
related to the Pastenes. The family of Juan de las Cuevas
was related to the Barriaga, Ureta, Oyarzun, Ramirez, and
Cardenas families. The family of Lorenzo Suarez de
Figueroa he was married to Valdivia's sister-in-law,
Catalina Ortiz was related to the Gamboa, Riberos,
Quiroga, and Mendoza families. Andres Fuenzalida's descen
dants were related to the Mendozas, Peraltas, Guzmans, and
Escobars. Valdivia's brother-in-law, Diego Ortiz Nieto d.
Gaete, was related to the Unzueta, Rioseco, Mendez, Montaner,
Fuenzalida, Arrau, del Rio Zanartu, Moreira, Cifuentes, and
Menchaca families. The family of Pedro de Miranda was re
lated to the Juf re", Miranda, Guzman, Ramirez, and Corbalan


94
or any other Indians or Negroes from being on the streets
after dark. Those violating the curfew were sentenced to
receive 100 lashes in the public square. J
In addition to the administration of justice, the
cabildo took action to regulate transportation within the
colony and to Peru. It was always of primary importance
to maintain communication lines with Lima, but the hap
hazard comings and goings of yanaconas and their masters
proved to be inefficient. In 1554, the first organized
postal service was instituted. The cabildo also announced
that the mail was inviolate and that offenders would have
their right hand chopped off.
In general, these harsh laws reflected the Spaniards'
view of the Indians as being untrustworthy and animals in
capable of correction. Government leaders' statements and
cabildo documents reflect this spirit. Indian traditions,
which were offensive to the Spaniards particularly the
old religions, were vigorously opposed and persecuted. The
old priests and sorcerers were jailed or killed. Indians
were beaten for minor law infractions, or were beheaded for
petty theft. They were forced to carry cargo from Santiago
to Lima as beasts of burden. They were uprooted and re
located on the various encomiendas as agricultural workers,
or in the mines as laborers. The hard work they were sub
jected to brought about rapid depopulation. In fact, their
demise was so quick that both Spaniards and Indians thought


1 certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
ia jJjuM.
Lyl
McAlister, Chairman
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
C
/
'T¡ A
y
A.L. Funk
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

L
A."Suarez""
professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
ille
Professor of History
C


34
To continue the narrative of the distinctive features
of the Spanish conquerors, however, there is no question
that one of the most predominant characteristics was their
loyalty and reverence for their kings. Because the king
had led them to victory over their enemies and for their
religion for so long, the people believed these rulers
could exact the greatest sacrifice for them in return. The
Crown, therefore, became sacred, in medieval view, a repre
sentative of God on earth.^
Nothing better distinguished a Spaniard from most
other Europeans, however, than his obsession with religion.
He saw the hand of God everywhere, even intervening in his
least important affairs. In his battles, he believed that
he was being supported by the-Apostle Saint James, the
Patron of the army. He imagined James and other saints in
shining visions, assisting him in battle, and destroying
all enemies of Catholicism and his country. This religious
exclusivity made the Spaniard intolerant and fanatical. His
excessive preoccupation with divine intervention led him to
believe in many superstitions. He presumed that sorcerers,
spirits, and demons were responsible for his life.-*-2 Wars,
pestilence, famine, hunger, and earthquakes, which frequently
affected his life were compelling reasons for these feelings.
In this regard, his culture had progressed little beyond
that of the Indians he was about to conquer.
This religious view was fostered predominantly by ig
norance, Even when Spain, like other European nations,


93
The offices of the cabildo were permanently housed in
1.552* and the first public jail was erected in the same
year, A stone column was constructed in the plaza and
served as a symbol of the cabildors jurisdiction. Heads
of executed criminals were exhibited on this column and
public whippings were conducted under its shadow. Accord
ing to the cabildo documents, Indians and Negroes were
punished nearly every day. The laws were particularly
strict on Indian conduct. The natives were not allowed to
gather for meetings and drunkenness was prohibited within
the city limits. The cabildo was particularly obsessed
with trying to eliminate the use of alcoholic beverages.
Many deaths and crimes were attributed to this 'social
curse," and special constables were appointed to police
fiestas and arrest offenders. These "criminals" were
publicly whipped.
Nobody knows for sure if the Indians predisposition
for alcoholic beverages occurred before or after the ar
rival of the Spaniards. Intoxicants were always available
to the Indians, but there is no record of their use. It
is known, however, that Indian military victories over
the Spaniards were marked by several days of revelry in
which everyone drank a beer-like concoction to excess and
committed atrocities on the captives,^4 The situation was
so bad by 1551 that the Santiago cabildo established a
curfew and prohibited any Spanish-speaking Indian or Negro


151
t n Q
Santiago in 1582. 0 Their daughter married Juan Guerra,
and one of their sons became the first Chilean born doc-
l40
l O jC *
Alonso Sanchez Sanchez apparently accompanied
Almagro on the first expedition to Chile. He returned with
Valdivia in 1540. Later, he was a vecino fundador of
Concepcion and died in the destruction of the city in
141
1555. He was married to Catalina de Miranda, the mestizo
daughter of the conqueror Pedro de Miranda. After her hus
band's death, Catalina was named encomendera of Concepcion
14 2
and married the conqueror Bernabe Mejia.
Diego Sanchez de Morales Sanchez was born in Soria
in 1514. He arrived in Peru in 1534, and was instrumental
in the founding of Cuzco. He joined Valdivia's expedition
to Chile in 1540, and was at the founding of Santiago in
1541. He had an encomienda of Indians in the Huasco area
and was regidor of La Serena in 1549, 1550, 1552, and 1559.
He was also alcalde ordinario in 1553 and 1561. He mar
ried Dona Ines de Leon de Carvajal in 1563. Their children
included Captain Diego de Morales, Isabel de Morales, the
wife of General Miguel Gomez de Silva.This family
lived in block sixteen, solar three in 1600.^44 Sanchez'
mestizo children included Bartolom de Morales, Ana de
Morales, who was married to Gaspar Amaya a wealthy
Portuguese merchant who owned two ships, and another daugh
ter who married Martin Alonso de los Rios.^4^


128
Chile with Valdivia. He. was named alcalde ordinario of the
first Santiago cabildo, and served in this position again
in 1545 and 1549. He was named regidor in 1542, 1544, 1546,
1547, and .factor real 1541-1543. In 1544 he became Gov
ernor of Tucuman. He was married in Talaveria de la Reina
in 1527 to Maria de Torres y Meneses. Their children were
General Hernando de Aguirre, who arrived in Chile in 1553
and initially settled in La Serena; the Maestre de Campo,
Valeriano de Aguirre; Constanza de Meneses, the wife of
the conqueror Juan Jufre; and Isabel de Aguirre, the wife
13
of the conqueror Francisco de Godoy.
Aguirre acknowledged, in addition to these children,
more than 50 legitimate mestizo decendants. The most im
portant was Captain Marco Antonio Aguirre who lived in
Santiago in 1558. His father named him vecino encomendero
of Santiago de Estero. Later, he moved his family to La
Serena and Copiapcf where he was awarded the titleCaptain
and given a vineyard as a reward for his service in the
14
southern war. His importance is in the fact that, al
though he was a mestizo, he could receive an encomienda and
could aspire roughly to the same social level as his
father's legitimate Spanish children. Don Francisco and
his family, Spanish and mestizo, lived in block two on the
1 5
Plaza Mayor xn Santiago,
Francisco de Arteaga Arteaga was the hidalgo son of
Juan de Aluna and originated from Legorreta in Guipzcoa.


demonstrated good habits and had a proper occupation, he
could apply for a lot (solar) which following authorization
he had to enclose and build a house within a fixed time
period. After these provisions were complied with, he also
had the use of the commons or dehesa. He was then eligible
for elected office and was subject to the town's ordinances
Valdivia apparently overlooked the fact that many
people did not petition for residency and in 1552, denied a
petition from, the procurador of Santiago that cited the un
lawful residence of several people in the city. The gov
ernor was probably motivated to do this because of his con
stant fear that rumors of Chile's poverty would lead to a
mass exodus and inhibit immigration. In fact, at first he
refused to allow any Spaniard to leave the country for any
3
reason.J
The towns, therefore, became the strong points of the
Chilean colonial system. In each, the vecinos comprised a
local guard or garrison for the city's'protection. They
also had the responsibility of defending neighboring
friendly Indians and safeguarding territory that had theo
retically been fully liberated. In order to facilitate
this responsibility, they maintained rural fortifications
which served as strong-points during skirmishes with the
Indians.
In Santiago, the little city garden plots of the
vecinos soon proved to be insufficient for raising adequate


203
SPANIARDS WITH MESTIZO CHILDREN
:=
Ebpno-
Mesti
zos
Nerrros
o
mul.it os
Francisco de Aguirre ..
5

so
Segn declaraciones
Jernimo dc AJdcrctc..
1
Juan lie Alnionacid ....
12
Se supone espaoles, erar.
Pero Alonso
2.
\
legtimos
Rodrigo de Araya
1
1
Francisco ele Arteaga....
2
Lope dc Avala
1
Santiago de Azoca
5
4
jauir Bohon
1
Juan Cabrera
5
Martin de Canda
4
Se presume madre espaola
Juan dc Carmona
2
Alonso Caro
1
Se presume mestizo
Luis de Cartagena
3
\
Feo. Carretero
1
Se presume madre espaola
Diego de Cspedes
1
Pedro de Cisternas
10
1
Alonso de Crdoba
2
3
3
Juan Crespo
2
con X sangre india, Crespo
Gabriel de la Cruz
4
era mestizo
Juan dc Cuevas
4
Juan de Chilvez
1
Alonso de Chinchilla....
1
Juan DLvalos.
1
Cuartern, madre mulata.
legitimo ;
Clare: Daz dc_Castro ...
4
Legtimos dc sangre noble.
Pero Esteban del M
1
0
Juan Fdez. tic Aldercte .
1
Bartolom Flores
3
2 de india peruana y 1 cid-
lena 50 % alemn-indio.
Juan dc Funes
2
Juan Gala?.
1
Francisco Galdames,...
1
2
Juan Gallegos dc U
1
Legitimado
Pedro de Gamboa
2
D ego Garca de Cccrcs
5
. 2
Giraldo Gil '..
2
2
2 mcst.de morisca y 2 dc ir.d.
Juan Godinez
8
1
Juan Gmez dc Aim. ...
0
1
tic india peruana
Pedro Gmez de Don B.
6
1
de india mejicana
Pedro Gmez tic las M.,
2
1
de india peruana
Juan Gmez de Y
1
Juan Gonzlez
2
Pee!ro Gonz! ez ti e U trera
3
Garci Hernndez
10
madre mest. Hijos X s* iad.
Francisco Hernndez G
1
al parecer legitimo
Juan de Herrera
1
Pedro ele Herrera
2
-
Antonio Hidalgo
5
3deX sang., madre mestiza
y dos mestizos.
Juan Jimnez
-2
probables mestizos
Juan Jur
9
2


176
contained some Indian blood via the Indians and mestizas
that had married conquerors and sons of conquerors.) Other
members of this group were functionaries and descendants of
Crown appointees, who were designated in some cases as the
"aristocracy of the city," and high military officers and
clergy. Generally speaking, this group was quite
wealthy. The men married Spanish women of high birth and
19 3
were designated as hidalgos notorios or simply hidalgos.
The second group was made up of descendants of con-
querors without encomiendas, descendants of conquerors from
other towns who came to live and work in Santiago, and
later, descendants of southern citizens who came to Santiago
19 4
to escape the Indian wars. This group probably contained
a good portion of Indian blood via marriage with mestizas,
and certainly some descendants of mestizo military captains
would fit into this category. Generally speaking, however,
this group had less wealth than the former, the men married
Spanish women of lower birth, and were most often designated
1 Q C
as hombres de bien.
The next level of Santiago society was the artisan and
trading element, which at this point contained a sizeable
number of mestizos. A perusal of Thayer Ojeda's Formacin
de la sociedad Chilena clearly indicates that many Spanish
artisans had intermarried with Indians, Negroes, and
mestizos. Their mestizo progeny, since they were from a
somewhat lower class in society, married other mestizos,


116
in Chile), criollos or American-born Spaniards, and
legitimate mestizos. The Indians were subjects of the
Crown and classified as free vassals. The chiefs were
granted the noble rank of hidalgo, but more often than
not, they were included in the free vassal category.
Theoretically, therefore, Indian society was put on a par
with the Spaniards. In actuality, the Indians' legal
status was governed not only by his own leaders and customs,
but also by his Spanish superiors of whatever rank. Thus,
his liberties and obligations were designated specifically
1 5
and freedom of movement in general was restricted.
The other group considered to have special status was
that of the Negro slaves. These people had already earned
certain rights because of the long-term practice of slavery
on the Peninsula. Moreover, the laws and regulations re
garding their treatment and their own well being had long
been spelled out. Finally, in addition to these certain
and specific rights, they could be manumitted under certain
conditions. Obviously, because of the preferential treat
ment accorded to the Negroes in most cases, the Spaniards
did their best to keep them apart from the Indians. The
Spaniards claimed that the Negroes either bullied or were
a corrupting influence on the natives, and laws were passed
to restrict Negro-Indian racial contact.
As far as the mestizos were concerned, the first legal
restriction of their rights was decreed in 1549, "no


Accordingly, the urban-dwelling encomiendero-hacendado,
bourgeoise-merchants, miners, small manufacturers, some
government bureaucrats, and professional people, were the
persons most interested in stable government and rule by
law. These men, in fact, became the backbone of the
Chilean economy after the military had secured the area.
They were also instrumental in Chile for creating an urban
social middle class based more on economics than cn birth.
During the period of 1540-1565 in Santiago, they also ap
pear to be more racially tolerant than their counterparts
in Mexico and Peru. Perhaps, this situation was caused by
necessity, however, rather than mentality._
In any case, the bourgeoise played a significant role
in the development of the colony from the very beginning.
First, there was Martinez's partnership with Valdivia.
Then, there was the rapid establishment of the central
market in Santiago. As Kinsbruner relates, moreover, as
early as 1543, the first ship to arrive in the colony from
Peru contained not only military hardware for Valdivia, but
also a consignment of civilian goods destined for the
Santiago market. The second ship carried only goods for
C 1
sale.
There were many notable entrepreneurs among the ori
ginal settlers. Some will be discussed at length in a
later chapter. Suffice it to say here, however, that it
is worth mentioning Antonio Nunez de Fonseca, who founded


74
According to Helen Douglas-Irvine in her study of the
encomienda system in Chile, hereditary rights to the enco
miendas were most often maintained by one means or another.
These possessions were originally granted for two lifetimes
in .America. In 15 37, Charles V, however, ruled that when
an encomendero died, his rights to the encomienda Indians
passed on to his legitimate sons, in order of age, failing
them to his daughters similarly, and failing any legitimate
children, to his widow.4^
These pro\risions seem to have been followed in Chile
on most occasions. In several examples, the Governor peti
tioned that the vecinos might hold their encomiendas in
perpetuity. No matter what the Crowns decision was in
these cases, time and Chiles isolation from the political
mainstream strengthened the hereditary nature of the enco
miendas. In practice, most of the encomiendas remained in
one family until the system was abolished near the end of
the 18th century. Moreover, by an interesting custom that
was adopted by the family-conscious Chileans, the son who
received his father's encomienda was bound to feed his
mother, brothers, and sisters, thus maintaining the basic
family unit.42
Obviously, the Spanish settlers faced a difficult task
in Chile because of their small numbers. Douglas-Irvine
computes that by 155 8, only 1,100 Spanish men were in the
43
country. Thus, thus small number could not place an


painful fusion between conflicting Spanish and Indian heri
tages of her peoples. The key factor, of course, was Indian
resistance to Spanish subjugation for two centuries and the
maintenance and evolution of the original Chilean mestizo
racial base.2
Outwardly, the Spanish Chileans adopted many of the
Indian characteristics their dress, their games, and
many aspects of the Indian life style. This later became
the real crux of the criollo- peninsular dispute as depicted
by Encina. In any case, it is no accident that the Indian
poncho, described in the first chapter, became a kind of
Chilean national dress.3 it is uniquely adaptable to the
Chilean climate. In addition, Indian games were enjoyed by
the Spaniards. Polo, for instance, combined Spanish horse
manship and Indian field hockey. Even today, the so-called
mestizo pony in Chile is highly regarded as a polo horse --
a combination of the old and new breeds. Again, an inter
penetration of lifestyles and culture.
In Chile, apologists for the Indians and indigenistas
are certainly mistaken, however, when they attribute modern
Chile and its distinctive national temperament to the fight
ing characteristics of the Araucanian Indian. The evidence
is clear that these people did not contribute significantly
to the Chilean race in the early days of the conquest. The
Mapuche Indians of the Santiago area, and even the Peruvian
Incas were far more significant in the Chilean aristocracy.


20
increased Clay pot manufacturing, practiced for a long
time by the natives, now received new impetus. Vases and
clay pitchers became prime implements in the livelihood of
the Indians.^
The most important task, as far as the Incas were con
cerned, was the exploitation of gold, silver, and copper
mines. They concentrated their attention principally on
gold, however, because this metal made up the tribute that
was sent to the emperor. Among the gold mining operations,
the most important was Marga-Marga, near Quillota. Gold
and silver pins and chains were painstakingly made in
gypsum and clay molds and forwarded to the ruling Incas
4 8
in Cuzco.
The influence of the Chinchas and Quechuas was felt
also in the intellectual development of the Chilean Indian.
Idolatry was introduced into his religion, and this factor
made Christianity more acceptable at a later date, especially
in regard to reverence for the idol of the Virgin Mary. In
mathematics, the Indian learned to count to a thousand with
out confusing quantities. He also improved his vocabulary
by adding more discriptive words from the Quechua language.4^
During the fifteenth century and at the beginning of
the sixteenth, the circumstances of the Chilean Indians im
proved considerably. In their towns, in which the population
substantially increased, family and tribal ties became more
closely drawn. The cultivation of new land, the development


80
the shipbuilding and fishing industry in the colony,, and
Tuan Jufre, who owned a flour mill and cloth factory in
Santiago.
These men exercised influence far beyond their logical
means and structured social status because they were able
to exert their influence on the commerce between Santiago
and Lima. Because Santiago was the collection and distri
bution point for goods to be exported and goods to be dis
tributed among the first settlers, obviously the men con
trolling this commerce would be dominant in political life.
This was especially true in the Santiago area where the
encomiendas were dispersed and the Crown exerted little
political control. These men or their families later aug
mented their influence and control through a kinship network
(compadrazgo) which will be discussed later.


civilization in Peru and the wars in the south. Valdivia
never intended for Santiago to become the capital of the
colony because he was always looking for new territory to
be conquered in the south. As it turned out, however,
Santiago's agricultural production and the Spaniards'
inability to conquer the Araucanians caused a change in
plans. Santiago not only produced the food for the mili
tary campaign, but was also close enough to the action for
most of the colonial governors.
The most significant development in Santiago and in
Chile, for that matter, was, of course, mestizaje. This
point was touched on at length in the chapters on the
Indians and the Spaniards. The immensity of the creation
of the new society can be seen graphically, however, in one
small example. It was always the propensity of the Spanish
soldiers to appropriate Indian women for pleasure, as ser
vants., armor carriers, and general camp followers. When a
soldier went to the front, he most often took along a re
tinue of four to six Indian men and women. In one occupa
tion camp at the front where Spanish soldiers were stationed
for over a year, seventy mestizos were born to the camp
followers and local Indian women in one week.^
The constant warfare prevented the large-scale immigra
tion of Spanish women, caused the death of thousands of
Indian warriors, and completly disrupted Indian family life.
As a consequence, a great imbalance was created in the popu
lation in which women (primarily Indian) outnumbered men by


174
other. Thus, the Negro, as a distinct racial entity, prob
ably disappeared in Chile by the turn of the 19th century.
In reality, the Negro had little impact on the Chilean
189
race.
Social Change by 1575
By 1575, therefore, Chilean society had undergone a
major change. The Spanish conquerors and his descendants
comprised the aristocracy, but already a mestiza element had
been introduced and multiplied. At a slightly lower level
were the Spanish artisans, farmers, and soldiers. The
mestizo sons of conquerors, for the most part soldiers,
were integrated into this group. The mestizos, who fol
lowed the tradition of their Indian mothers occupied a
lower position. Negroes occupied the next lower rung, and
Indians, in general, were on the bottom. Clearly then,
with certain specified exceptions, Chilean society was al~
190
ready being divided by ethnic differences.
Returning for a moment to Moerner's classic social
status typology of Spanish colonial society, the Chilean
model would have the following variations.
1545
Spaniards
Spanjpized Negroes
Indian Friends
Indians of Service
Negro Slaves
Other Indians or Indian enemies


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2
Vicua Mackenna, however, does not believe that the area
could agriculturally support more than 10,000 Indians. The
priest Miguel de Olivares in his history of Chile agrees
with this low figure -to a certain extent claiming that not
more than 8,000 were there. In any case, there does not
seem to be any justifiable evidence for setting the indig-
eneous population total at more than 10,000.^
Although there were great population and cultural dif
ferences among the various Indian tribes on the west, coast
of South America, their habits and techniques of everyday
living were basically similar. Most of the tribes, with
the exception of the urbanized Incas, were primarily food
gatherers. Agriculture was secondary, and basic crops such
as corn, manioc, and potatoes only augmented their food
supply. These foods were supplemented -- depending on
locale and conditions with sweet potatoes, beans, squash,
as well as indigeneous fruits such as the avocado and pine
apple; whenever possible, fish and game were included.-^
In general, Indian technology was rudimentary. Although
architecturally advanced structures were constructed in Peru,
such accomplishment required little more than a large and
docile labor force. Tools and machines for complex construc
tion were unknown; as were the wheel, and the true arch.
The political systems of the area varied from anarchism
to the highly developed state of the Incas. Intercourse
with other tribes, in general, was based on war as defense


99
As a consequence of the settlement, the two rivals
returned to their respective camps Aguirre to La Serena
and Villagra to the southern war zone. Finally, the Crown
acted by ignoring the local competition and named Don
Garca Hurtado de Mendoza, only twenty years old, as
Valdivia's successor. Villagra graciously accepted the
decision in public, but according to his letters, bitterly
resented his humilitation in private. ^
Villagra had more important things to do, however,
than to fight for the leadership of the colony. Lautaro
and his band had attacked Pocoa, killed several Spaniards,
and were now threatening Santiago itself. In April,
Villagra and his 106 Spanish soldiers and 400 Indian friends
located Lautaro's camp near Mataquito. Losses on both
sides were enormous during the ensuing battle, but Lauraro's
42
death ended the immediate threat to Santiago.
Don Garca (1557-1561), the son of the Peruvian
Viceroy, meanwhile, took over the reins of government.
He journeyed from Lima to Santiago, but stayed there for
only a few days. In fact, much to the displeasure of the
Santiago citizenry, Don Garcia did not return to the old
capital during the first three years of his government.^
Santiago, thus, was the capital of the colony in name
only. In reality, the real power resided with the army
in the south. Don Garcia, in any case, preferred to stay
with his soldiers rather than remain encamped in comfort.


12
only as a byproduct of sexual relations. During a boy's in-
fancy, for example, the father took no notice of him. Only
when the lad reached the age of puberty was any interest
taken in teaching the use of weapons. When the boy learned
their use, he was considered to be an adult. Daughters were
ignored altogether in infancy, but became an important
26
source of income when they were of marriageable age.
Most of the Indians wanted their sons to develop into
vigorous men. For this reason, they also taught them to
play adult games after the use of weapons was mastered.
The favorite games required agility such as in handball and
hockey. In their field hockey, the sides were formed facing
each other in an open area. The object of the game like
modern ice hockey was to knock a wooden ball with a
curved wooden stick through the opposing team and across
a designated goal. In handball, again a wooden ball was
used. The object was simply to throw it from one to another
around a wide circle. In addition to the exercise brought
about by the participation in the games, friendly and
2 7
sporting coraradrie was developed by friendly wagers.
Another byproduct of this vigorous activity was the fact
that cleanliness was considered a function of athletic
prowess, and the Indians thought that their daily bath would
O O
preserve strength and health.
Shifting to political development, the tribal organi
zation of the central valley Indians, like their social


36
contrast to the natives. White skinned some with red
hair and light eyes; some with dark hair and dark eyes;
most with long beards they were usually rather stout
and of vigorous muscular strength. They were also well
schooled in horsemanship; well clothed, and well armed.
The conquerors were necessarily and psychologically aware
of their superiority to the unorganized Indian tribes they
encountered.
In retrospect, however, the Spanish colonial life style
more closely resembled its Indian counterpart than many
Spaniards would care to admit. These conquerors essentially
lived by the sword and were primarily interested in terri
torial and personal aggrandizment. Basically, the Indian
problem was to be solved by three possible methods: iso
lation, elimination, or integration. The Spaniards chose a
'combination of the latter two courses. The Indians were to
be subdued and used as slaves if necessary. Women were to
be exploited. In other words, the Spanish aim was basically
the same as a warring Indian tribe. The Spaniards only ra
tionale was that he was following this procedure for God and
country, whereas the Indian was interested in individual and
tribal enrichment.
The following physical discription of the Spaniard is
noted only to contrast him with the earlier picture of the
Indian. It is indicative of a superior social and military
organization and shows that these men were able, after solving


215
McBride, George M, \Chi.le< Lend and Society, Port
Washington, New York: Kenhiket Press, 1971,
Medina, Jose T.,-Blblio'grafia' de la imprenta en
Santiago de' Chile-desde sus orgenes hasta febrero 1817.
Santiago: Imprenta en casa de autor, 1891,
Medina, Jose T. Biblioteca hispano-chilena, 1523-1817,
Amsterdam N. Israel, 1965, v
Medina, Jose T. Coleccin de documentos inditos para
la' historia de Chile, 2 Ser., Santiago: Fondo Histrico
y Bibliogrfico J.T. Medina, 1956-
Medina, Jose T. Coleccin de documentos inditos para
la historia' 'de' Chile desde el viaje de Magallanes hasta
la-batalla de Maipo,- 1518-1818. 30 Vols., Santiago:
Imprenta Elzeviriana, 1888-1902.
Medina, Jos
Chile. Santiago:
T. Diccionario brografico colonial de
Imprenta Elzeyiriana, 1906.
Medina, Jos T. Historia del Tribunal de Sania Oficio
de la inquisition en Chile^ Santiago: Fondo Historie y
Bibliografico, 195 2.
Medina, Josa T. Los aborgenes de Chile -
Fondo Histrico y Bibliogrfico JosTrT Medina,
Santiago:
1952.
Me11afe, Rolando. La introduccin- de la esclavitud
hegraben Chile: Trafica y rutas. Santiago: La
Universidad de Chile, 1959.
Meza Villalobos, Nestor. -Politica indgena-en los
orgenes' 'de Ta sociedad chilena. Santiago:
Instituto de Investigaciones Historico-Culturas de la
Universidad de Chile, 1951.
Moemer, Magnus (ed.). Race and class in natin America.
New- York: Columbia University Press, 1970.
Moerner, Magnus. Race Mixture in the History of Latin
America. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967.
Molina J.I. The Geographical, Natural, and Civil
History of Chile. 2 Vols., Loaden, Smith and Co., 1909.
Mostny, Crete. Culturas precolombinas de Chile.
New York: Russell and Russell, 1964.
Munoz Feliu, Raul, La Real Audiencia de Chile.
Santiago: Escuela Tipogrfica, 1937.


'4-3
commission empowered him subjugate, and it was here that the
ceremonies took place- claiming the land in the name of the
King.22
The expedition now increased in size to 150 men with
the arrival of Gonzalo de los Rios and his group. (In
cluding two knights, twenty-five lesser nobles, 122 sol
diers, one Negro, and one woman) After remaining in the
Copiapi Va?lley for two months, the group pressed southward.
The Indians fought them all the way especially Chief
Michimalongo of the Aconcagua district. The vastly su
perior Spanish armaments proved decisive, however, and in
early December, the group arrived at the banks of the
Mapocho River. The conquerors pitched camp at the base of
a hill they named Santa Lucia- and Valdivia named the place
Santiago de Nueva Estremadura.22
The site of the new city was chosen for strategic pur
poses. Santa Lucia hill is 635 feet high and offers pro
tection as well as serving as an observation post. Moreover,
the two branches of the Mapocho River form a peninsula with
the hill in the center, protecting the promontory. Of course,
the Spaniards could only use the hill as their final refuge
in battle because their most effective 'weapon against the
Indians was -the mounted cavalry a totally ineffective
force on a hillside. Thus, Santa Lucia served primarily as
a focal point for the valley where horsemen could fight ef-
fectxvely. Once the decision was made by Valdivia/ to make'


CHAPTER I
THE INDIANS
One of tiie great controversies in modern anthropology
is over the population of the New World prior to its dis
covery by the Europeans. The most realistic estimate, as
far as my own data base is concerned, appears to be approx
imately 90 million as suggested by Dr. Henry Dobyns in 1966.
The study conducted by Dr. Dobyns considered projection
methods, dead reckoning, social structure, reconstruction,
additive methods, resource potential estimates, direct ob
servation, and a. disease depopulation scale. The conclu
sion as far as this study is concerned, is that there were
approximately 30 million Indians living in the west coast
area of Andean civilization, and about 3 to 6 million more
in the rest of present day Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina.
The original Araucanian population has been estimated as
being nearly 1.5 million. This figure, therefore, in ad
dition to the Andean Indians living north of the Biobio
River and those living in the extreme south probably totals
1
about 4.5 to 5 million in present day Chilean territory.
There has also been a protracted debate over the num
ber of Indians living in the Mapocho Valley when Valdivia
arrived on the scene. Many historians place the figure in
.the vicinity of 80,000, but others insist on numbers as
high as two million. The famous Chilean historian, Benjamin
1


92
they had very little gold at their disposal, and they were
not allowed to sell a Spanish manufactured product. They
ended up by selling foodstuffs and artifacts for low prices.
The Spanish view of the market was that it restored tradi
tion, was beneficial to the economy, and was useful for
public administration and commerce.2(^
The Indians resisted the Santiago market days also
at first because it was so alien to their culture. Their
necessities had always been at a minimum, and they were
able to live without any innovations the market offered.
As a consequence, the cabildo frequently renewed the orders
directing the vecinos to send two Indians to the market to
sell goods. The Indian resistance, in the end, succumbed
to this town ordinance because the market place became
the meeting place and cultural center.2^
Justice in the city was administered by the various
alcaldes, who were at first designated by Governor Valdivia
and later appointed by the cabildo. In 1549, Valdivia
named a high court judge for the whole province of Chile
who served as a reviewing officer for all sentences ad
ministered by the various alcaldes. Later, the Governor
came into conflict with this judge and had him removed
from office. The administration of justice in most cases,
thus, reverted to the local officials with no option for
review.22 Important legal questions, however, could be
reviewed by the Governor and by the Audiencia in Lima.


218
Thayer Ojeda, Tomas, MSantiago durante el siglo XVI,
constitucin de la propiedad urbana y noticias biogrficas
de sus primeros pobladores," Anales de la Universidad de
Chile,, No, 116, Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 190 5,
Thayer Ojeda, Tomas y Carlos J. Larrain. Valdivia
y sus comoaneros. Santiago: Academia Chilean de Historia,
19507 ^ ~
Valdivia, Pedro de. Cartas de Pedro de Valdivia que
tratan del descubrimiento y conquista de Chile, Ed.
xacsimilar dispuesta y anotada por J.T. Medina.
Introduccin de Jaime Eyzaguirre. Santiago: Fondo
Histrico y Bibliogrfico de J.T. Medina, 1953.
Valdivia, Pedro de. Cartas de relacin de la conquista
de Chile. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1970.
Vemon, Ida W. Pedro de Valdivia, Conquistador of
Chile. New York: Greenwood Press, 1969.
Vial Correa, Gonzalo. El africano en el reino de
Chile: ensayo historico-juridico. Santiago: Universidad
Catlica, 1957.
Vicuna Mackenna, Benjamin. Diego de Almagro.
Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 1889.
Vicuna Mackenna, Benjamin. Historia critica y social
de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundacin hasta nuestros
dias, 1511-1868. Valparaiso: Imprente del Mercurio, 1869.
Vicua Mackenna, Benjamin. Los Lisperguer y.la
.guintraa. Santiago: Zig Zag, 1950.
Vicuna Mackenna, Benjamin. nos medico de antano
en el reino de Chile. Santiago: Editorial Difusin,
19 47.
Villalobos, Sergio. El
.un mito de la independencia.
Chile, 1968.
comercio y
Santiago:
la crisis colonial:
La Universidad de


NOTES
^"Medina, Los aborgenes de Chile p. 7. Chili is
the Quechua word meaning ''better than something."
Alonso de Gongora. Marmolejo, Historia de Chile desde
el descubrimiento hasta el ano 1575 (Santiago, 1862),
pp. 30-37. See also Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1,
p. 40 8.
3Vernon, ojd. cit. p. 41.
A
Fras, ojo. cit. pp. 55-56.
5
Miguel de Olivares, Historia militar, civil y sagrada
de Chile (Santiago, 1864), p. 213.
g
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 385.
^Ibid., Vol. 3, pp, 23-27.
O
Maguire Ibar, ojd. cit. p. 7.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 523.
10Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 23-34.
^Eberhardt, ojd. cit., pp. 42-44.
12 .
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 388. Valdivia
himself spoke of religious and saintly assistance.
13
Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del desarrolla
intelectual de Chile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1903), pp. 375-
376. See also James Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca (Austin,
19 72) p. 112. Twenty percent of the conquerors of Chile
were functioning literates. The rest could sign their
names. Only nine percent were illiterate.
14Encina, Historia de
Chile,
Vol.
1,
pp. 386-387
l^Galdames, op. cit.,
pp. 34'
-35.
1 ft
DEncina, Historia de
Chile ,
Vol.
1,
p. 39 2 .
17
Galdames, ojd. cit.,
p. 35.
54


75
Iron-clad European social and legal structure over the
country, and the encomienda system was adapted to the con
querors needs and the natives' ability to participate. The
conquerors were basically opposed to manual labor, and con
sequently needed a large labor force to till the soil, tend
the animals, and so on. Since they had not found El Dorado
in Chile, they could not afford large numbers of Negro
slaves. Thus, in the end, they were forced to rely on the
Indians to provide manual labor particularly in mining and
agricultural pursuits. This was a severe hardship for the
Indians because they were not accustomed to hard work
either, but their labor fulfilled the most important neces
sity for the conquerors.
A further consideration, of course, was the missionary
aspect of colonization, which basically meant that the
Indians had to be preserved, if they were to be converted.
The Spanish religious ideal, therefore, was not to drive
the Indians out of the country, but to govern them within
it. The native institutions were not to be eradicated, but
were to be absorbed into the Spanish system.
This enterprise, although laudatory, was faulty. The
Spaniards apparently never fully understood the Chilean
Indians' complex social system and consequently many abuses
were built into the system from the beginning. Agreements
made with specific Indian chiefs were sometimes given to
the wrong individual. This practice, obviously, confounded


BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archival Catalogues
Archivo Nacional. Catalogo de la coleccin de
manuscritos de Jos Ignacio Victor Eyzaguirre. Santiago
Direccin general de prisiones, 1944.
Archivo de Real Audiencia. Catalogo del Archivo de
la Real Audiencia de Santiago. Santiago: Imprenta
Litografi y en cuadernacion Barcelona, 1898-1942.
Archival Collections
Archivo de la Capitania General. In 'the Biblioteca
Nactional, Santiago de Chile.
Archivo del Ministerio de lo Interior. In the
Biblioteca Nacional, Santiago de Chile.
Archivo de la Real Audiencia. In the Biblioteca
Nacional, Santiago de Chile.
Archivo del Arzobispado de Santiago. Santiago de
Chile.
Archivo Nacional.de Chile. Santiago de Chile.
Published Works
Actas del cabildo de Santiago de 1541 a 1557 y de
1558 a 1577. Coleccin de historiadores de Chile y de
documentos relativos a la historia nacional, Santiago:
Imprenta de Ferrocarril, (Vols. 1 and 17), 1861 and 1898
Alamparte, Julio, El cabildo en Chile colonial,
Santiago: Ediciones de la Universidad de Chile, 1940.
Alemparte, Julio, KE1 cabildo de Santiago en el
siglo XVI,!< Anales de la Universidad ce Chile, Santiago
1929-1930.
Alemparte, Julio. La regulacin econmica en Chile
durante le colonia. Santiago: La Universidad de Chile,
19 37.
208


31
Peru so that Almagro could press his claim for Cuzco.^ a
war ensued between the aggrieved Almagro faction and Pizarro
with the upshot being the capture and execution of Almagro
following his defeat at the battle of Salinas.
Although the ideal Spanish character is eulogized in
Miguel Olivares description of Francisco de Villagra, "just
in peace, valiant in war, religious with God, pious toward
the needy, moderate in the use of personal fortune, and con
stant in the fact of adversity." Almagro1 s character is
probably more indicative of a typical Spanish conquistador.
He was a low order noble and, in effect, demonstrated the
Castilian temperment and mentality of his class. He was
tenacious, brave, arrogant, greedy, and cruel. As in
Araucanian society, the Spanish placed a premium on machismo
and valor. The men of his band were also from basically the
same class and had similar characteristics.
All of the Spaniards were a product of their homeland
as it had developed to the 15th century, and of a Gothic-
Celtic-Iberian-Roman culture that had been transformed to a
certain extent by the introduction of Arab, Moorish, and
Jewish ingredients.^ The incessant turmoil in which Spain
developed, the warlike and aggressive habits of the Gothic
element, and the difficulty in making a living on most of the
Spanish people. Of course, their circumstances made them
somewhat immune and accustomed to suffering, but at the same
time added to their natural courage and gave them a special


153
de Sierra Ronquillo; Alonso de Toledo, a soldier in Caete;
the priest Agustn de Toledo Mejia; Leonor Toledo, who was
married to Captain Jose" de Castro; Bernadina Toledo who was
married to Captain Gomez Bravo de Laguna; and Catalina
1 53
Goledo, who was married to Captain Pedro de Sandoval.
Hernando de la Torre Torre was the mestizo son of
Juan de la Torre one of the conquerors of Peru. He was
with Valdivia in Santiago in 1541, and later lived in La
_ 154
Serena.~
Juan Valiente Valiente was the Negro slave of Alonso
Valiente. He accompanied Almagro on his expedition in 1535,
and returned with Valdivia in 1541. In 1546, the Santiago
cabildo gave him a chacra in the area. In 1550, he became
an encomendero in the Santiago area, and in 1553, he be
came a vecino of Concepcion. He married the Negro, Juana
Valdivia, in 1548 and died fighting Indians at Tucapel. His
son, Pedro Valiente, inherited the encomienda, but was
s 155
dispossessed by Don Garcia de Mendoza in 1568.
Sebastian Vazquez Vzquez was born in 1507, and ar
rived in Peru in 1537. He journeyed with Valdivia to
Santiago in 1540, and worked in the mines at Malga-Malga in
1549, then returning to Peru. He journeyed back to
Santiago in 1556, and became alcalde mayor de minas in
1564, and vecino of San Juan de la Frontera the following
156
year. He had three mestizo sons who lived in the
Santiago area and a mestiza daughter, Ana, who married a
. / 157
citizen of Lima, Juan Martin.


214
Konetzke, Richard, "El mestizaje v su importancia
en el desarrollo de la poblacin hispanoanerica,"
Revista de Indias, Nos, 23 and 24, 1946.
. s
Konetzke, Richard. Los mestizos en la legislacin
colonial," Revista de Estudios Politicos, No. 112, 1960.
Korth, Eugene H, Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile:
the Struggle for Social Justice, 1535-1700. Stanford:
Stanford University Press., 19 68.
Lara, Horacio. Crnica de la Araucania. Santiago:
El Progresso, 1889,
Latcham, Ricardo. La prehistoria chilena. Santiago:
Imprenta Universo, 1928.
Lizana, Elias. Coleccin de documentos historeos
de archivo del arzobispado de Santiago. 4 Vols., Santiago:
Imprenta Universo, 1919-1921.
Lockhart, James. "Encomienda and Hacienda: The
Evolution of the Great Estate in the Spanish Indies,"
Hispanit American Historical Review. Vol. 49 (August, 1969).
pp. 411-429.
Lockhart, James. Spanish Peru, 1532-1560. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1968.
Lockhart, James. The Men of Cajamarca. Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1972.
Maguire Ibar, Eugenia. Formacin racial chilena y
futuras proyecciones. Santiago: La Universidad de Chile,
1949.
Mander, John. The Unrevolutionarv Society. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1969.
Markham, Clements R. The Incas of Peru. London: Smith
and Elder Co., 1910.
Marino da Lobera, Pedro. Crnica del Reino de Chile.
Coleccin de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 6, Santiago:
Imprenta del Ferrocarril, 1865.
May, Stella B. The Conquerors -Lady: Ines de Suarez.
New York: Farrar and Reinhardt, 1930.
McAlister, Lyle. "Social Structure and Social Change
in New Spain," Hisoanic American Historical Review,
Vol. 4 3, No, 3 (Aucust,'19 6 3) pp, 349-370 .


126
9
may have had as many as 10 children in her lifetime. Of
course, the high rate of infant mortality reduced this
total considerably. Encina then estimates that approxi-
10
mateiy 40,000 mestizos were born between 1542 and 1598.
This figure is contrasted with the number of Spanish male
arrivals in the colony between 1540 and 1598 3,600.^
The situation, by any estimate, was one in which the number
of isestizos was increasing rapidlyy the number of pure
Indians was decreasing at a fast rate because of a typhus
epidemic and the natural depopulation associated with over
work. The mestizo became the cement holding the population
together.
The problem of creating a population cross section for
Santiago, therefore, is verycomplex. What I have done, in
effect, is to develop an index biography of the original
150 Spaniards and their decendants in order to catalog the
mestizo progeny of the original group by profession, legal
office attained, property owned, or notoriety. This whole
process essentially is an analysis determining the status
position of the various individuals. The system is a var
iation of that developed by Stephanie Blank in her study
of 17th century Caracas. Basically, her method measures
individuals by various economic, political, and social
factors such as possession of land grants or encomienda
1 2
Indians, formal political power, and social prominence.
In Chile, the system has to be extended to include military
rank..


196
they arrived in Santiago and began the business of coloniza
tion, the persons possessing fertile and important farms
or businesses in the Santiago area became rather important
in the colonial hierarchy. The professional soldiers did
not fare as well, especially if they were not of either
Captain or general officer rank in the beginning.
In addition, later immigration was almost entirely
made up of military men. In 1549, the entire Spanish popu
lation in the country was only 500 and at the time of
Valdivia's death in 1553, it had only risen to 1,000.^
Thayer Ojeda calculates that there were only 1,100 Spaniards
in the country in 1558, seventeen years after the founding
of Santiago.6 Because of the homogeneity of the immigrants
there appears to be much less, racial and class discrimina
tion in Chile than in the other colonies. Hardships were
borne equally by all of the conquerors, and Valdivia di
vided the spoils almost equally among them. Men who face
common dangers generally forget discrimination.

The indiscriminate dispersal of lands and Indians also
had far reaching consequences for the colony. It meant, in
the first place, that a Spanish farmer-soldier had the right
of citizenship and the same opportunity to better himself as
the Spanish noble. The enterprising Flores and Lisperguer
families are examples of this. In addition, the food prob
lem of the early years of the colony put a premium on pro
duction by the Santiago chacras. Thus, a prosperous farmer


33
Gothic-Spanish element. The settlers coming after the
conquest, however, were not representative necessarily of
this group, and more than likely were from the worker-
farmer lower class element containing the least amount of
Gothic blood.
In Chile, this process was altered by the continuous
War of Arauco. The infusion of the Spanish-Gothic soldier
element was a continuing process; and according to Encina,
was not adulterated by essentially inferior blood lines.
Proof of this superior ancestry was the spirit exhibited
by the Spanish-Gothic-Chileans during the war against the
Indians. Other evidence was the fact that the interneccine
struggles, which occurred in the other Spanish colonies,
did not take place after the founding of Santiago. Encina
credits this to the Gothic regard for human life regardless
of the consequences.
Of course, Encina's thoughts are strictly theory and
have no empirical basis, especially when viewed in the con
text of present-day attitudes toward racism. On the other
hand, the basic differences in Chilean development when com
pared to the other colonies lends some credence to Encina's
theories. There is no doubt, whether a non-Chilean believes
it or not, that the Encina view has been turned through the
years into a kind of Chilean racism that differentiated
Chile, at least in the eyes of the Chileans, from the other
Andean countries.


60
crops. Two sets of new lands were then laid out: one
having a frontage on the south side of the Canada, as one
of the main channels of the Mapocho River; the other across
the main channel of the Mapocho on the north side. These
chacras or farms ran back from the rivers in long strips
with the rearward extension largely undefined. Eventually,
the haphazard nature of the border definitions of these
holdings led to many disputes that had to be arbitrated by
the cabildo office.
Initially, these chacras provided enough food for the
town. As the population increased, however, more food and
goods were needed not only for sustenance, but also to pro
vide some means of exchange at the city market. More land
had to be put into production, therefore, and the acquisi
tion of land to produce food and goods became increasingly
important. Because mining production was of relatively
little value in the country, ownership of land or control
of a labor force became the means for individuals to in
crease their fortunes and status in the colony.
The division of territory and the Indian work force
beyond the limits of the city of Santiago then became of
primary importance. Valdivia drew up the first partitions
in January 1544. The land from Aconcaqua to the Biobxo
River was divided into sixty portions. Valdivia's own sec
tion was located between Valparaiso and Qsillota and con
tained the mines of Marga-Marga. In July 1544 these


Reloneavi; and the Pehuenches (people of Pehuen) between
the Bxobxo and tile Copiapf?, The remaining native groups
were included in the common name of Mapuches, cr men of
the soil. All these Indians lived on the glacier-fed river
bottom lands from which they had easy access to fishing and
hunting grounds as well as their limited croplands.6
In addition, to the central valley Indians, there
were the Chonos, who lived on the Chono archipelago; the
Patagonians, in Patagonia; and the Fuegians or Tierra del
Fuego. The Changos and the Atacamians lived in the north
along the coast or in desert oases. These northern tribes
in all probability were related to the primitive people of
Bolivia and northwest Argentina, and only in certain time
periods had. any contact with the tribes of the central
7
regron.1
The Araucanian Indians were the dominant tribe of the
southern portion of the central valley area. Many Chilean
histories depict these Indians as characteristic of Chile's
pre-conquest Indians. This is misleading, as will be noted
later. In any case, Spanish contact was maintained with
the Araucanian civilisation for the next 300 years, and
gradually the Araucanian became accepted as the typical
pre-conquest Indian, and not as a separate entity. The
derivation of the name Araucanian, in fact, is probably
from the Spanish colonists, and referred to all of the
Indians living south of the Bxobxo, The word itself may


190
4 Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 77.
165prias Valenzuela, op cit. pp 157-158.
-^^Lockhart, Spanish Peru, p. 131.
"^7'Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 405-407.
168prias, od. cit,, p. 157.
-^-^Magnus Moerner (ed.) Race and Class in Latin
America. (New York, 1970), p. 224.
-^7*-*Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 35-70.
^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 151.
172 f
Tomas Thayer Ojeda, "Resena historico-biografica
de los eclesisticos en el descubrimiento y conquista de
Chile," Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia (Santiago,
1920-1921), ND. 36, pp. 385-388.
l7^Ibid. f
pp. 386-388.
174pr^as'
op. cit., pp. 154,
162.
175Blank,
"Patrons, Clients,
and Kin,
" p. 265.
'7^cuadra
Gormaz, Origen y desarrollo
, pp. 43-46.
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y
critica
de Santiago
p. 373.
177Ibid.,
pp. 4-113.
'47^Encina
, Historia de Chile,
Vol. 2,
p. 250.
1 79 ,
Thayer
Ojeda, Formacin de
la sociedad chilena
Vol. 2, p. 69. The mestizo Juan Gonzales, an Army 2nd
Lieutenant married Isabel de Caceres.
180
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
and Formacin de la sociedad chilena. The mestizo's
social mobility can be seen in a perusal of the various
biographies.
I^Ia.U. Hancock, History of Chile (Chicago, 1893),
p. 79.
*-^Barros Arana, o£. cit. Vol. 1, p. 312.


118
their Indians,^ Of course, the' reason for all of this was
the general reduction of the Indian population, and the
increasing rural disorders resulting from vagrancy. In
general, the Indians and most mestizos within the Indian
society were happy to be left alone, but the laws more or
less forced all mestizos to live within Spanish society
20
where in many cases they were uncomfortable.
Finally, no general discussion of race relations
would be complete without a reference to social stratifica
tion and the correspondence of ethnic terms to defined
strata within the social structure. According to Moerner,
the legal condition and the social status of the "castas"
was as follows:
A. Legal Condition
1. Spaniards
2. Indians
3. Mestizos
4. Free Negroes,
Mulattos, Zamboes
5. Slaves
B. Social Status
1. Peninsular
Spaniards
2. Criollos
3. Mestizos
4. Mulattoes,
Zamboes,
Free Negroes
5. Slaves
6. Indians
Obviously, the socioethnic groups fulfilled different
socioeconomic and occupational functions. In general,
Peninsular Spaniards performed the role of government
bureaucrats and merchants; the criollos were large land
owners; mestizos were artisans, shopkeepers, and tenants;


71
There is no question that many of the encomenderos
acted like property owners and took advantage of their
status as justification for receiving grants of land in
the area of their encomienda. Mario Gongora in his study
of the evolution of property in the Valley of Puangue shows
how the Chilean encomenderos used their position to receive
land grants (mercedes) within the limits of their enco
miendas and prevented concessions to others in the area.
In fact, the families of the greatest encomendero in a
particular area usually built a hacienda near the center
of the encomienda grant and maintained the best land as
35
their property.
Lockhart takes this example further by explaining how
the living styles of the encomenderos and hacendados were
similar. Moreover, both possessed in practice some juris
diction over their Indians which was exercised paternalis-
tically. He concludes that the two institutions enco
mienda and hacienda served the aristocracy in similar
fashion by essentially perpetuating its control over the
lower classes.^
Robert Keith takes the institutional relationship for
ward by describing their structural continuities. For
Keith the institution of the encomienda is not just a group
of Indians, but the encomendero with his dependents as well
as the property belonging to both the Indians and the
Spaniard. In addition, it is the complex set of


53
drawn between Spaniards and their allies mestizos and
Indian friends fighting against the Araucanians and
their allies some mestizos, renegade Indians, and
- R Q
Spanish deserters.
The presence of a strong enemy in the south had a tre
mendous effect on colonial life and attitudes, however. The
most important psychological factor was the sense of mutual
identity that was created among the Spaniards and their
mestizo half brothers. Social stability was necessary to
fight the common enemy and this factor, more than anything,
led to a mutual feeling of incipient nationhood. In ad
dition, the war absorbed a good portion of the colonys
early energy and forced the Crown to send naturally aggres
sive military men instead of traditional colonizers with
their families. This soldier class immigration led to a
vigorous pursuit of economic and territorial expansion to
support the war effort, changed traditional social patterns,
and ultimately brought about a social evolution involving
some mestizos in all facets of society.^


206


134
Their children included: Captain Ruy de Castro, who was
Governor Quiroga^s valet as a young man and later a vicino
encomendero of La Serena. One of Difaz' s other children
was Catalina Diaz de Castro, who was married to Governor
Gaspar de Medina.One of the sons of this union was
Garcia de Medina whose family ultimately was associated
37
with the famous Chilean family of Martinez de Prado.
Garcia's other daughter was Dona Mayor Diaz de Castro, who
was married to Juan Gonzales and two others in her life-
. 38
time.
Mateo Diez In a case similar to that of Diego
Delgado, Diez was an artisan or tradesman in this case
a blacksmith. He was alcalde of the mines at Malga-Malga
. . to
m 1550, and later an encomendero m Valdivia in 1560.^
His mestizo son, Juan, was unable to duplicate his father's
prominence and was a carpenter in Villarica.4^1
Pero Esteban Esteban was born in 1516 and arrived in
Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino founder of La
Serena and regidor of the cabildo there in 1547. Later, he
was alcalde ordinario of Concepcion (1550) and an enco
mendero in Imperial in 1556. He was killed by Indians in
41
1560. His mestizo son, Andres, married Magdalena de Mesa,
the mestiza daughter of Juan Mesa, a citizen of Santiago.42
Juan Fernandez de Alderete Alderete was born in 1503
and came to the New World in an expedition to the Island of
Cubagua in 1534. He joined in the expedition to Chile in


175
156 5
Spaniards
Mestizo -
Mestizo -
Mestizo -
Mestizo -
Negro -
Mestizo -
Mulatto -
Indian
Indian
Indian -
S1aves
Indian
Spanish-Mestiza
Spanish-Mes tizo
Spanish-Indian-Mestizo
Mes t i zo -Me s ti z a
Hispanicized
Mestizo-Indian
Spanish-Negro
Indian Friends
Indians of Service
Encomienda Indians
Negroes and Indians
enemies
There does not appear to be an differentiation between
Peninsular Spaniards and criollos even in 1565, probably
because there were not enough Peninsular Spaniards in
Santiago to form a separate entity. In fact, the number
of female peninsulares in the whole country in 1593 prob
ably did not exceed fifty. There were few Spanish children
being brought to the colony and many of the first women pen-
191
insulares proved to be barren for one reason or another.
Social developments during the rest of the century and
the remainder of the period of this study can be telescoped
because the basis for the evolution of society had already
been established in the first twenty years of the colony.
This process is clearly evident in the generations of
Chileans bom between 1560 and 1600 .
During this period, Spanish aristocracy was divided
into two groups. The first consisted of encomenderos
descended along the paternal or maternal line from the
grand encomenderos of the 1540s. (As noted, this group


43
with Valdivia Diego Garca de Caceres, Rodrigo de Quircga,
and Juan Gmez.44 The erosion of the strong position of the
governor vis-a-vis the cabildo can also be seen following
Valdivia's death and the institutionalization of the cabildo.
In order to become a cabildo member in Santiago, the
candidate had to be a citizen of the city. The age require
ments were a minimum of 26 for an alcalde ordinario; 18, for
a regidor; and 25, for an escribano. Criminals, illegitimate
sons, members of religious orders, debtors, and recent Chris-
d s
tian converts were excluded from office.
Cabildo sessions were of three types: ordinary, extra
ordinary, and open. Ordinary sessions took place on fixed
dates. Extraordinary sessions occurred on special occasions,
and open meetings were scheduled when the collaboration of
the citizenry of the whole town was needed to pass important
legislation, or for discussion of very important matters.
Elections occurred during the last days of December or the
first of January. Salaries were paid according to the city's
4 fi
ability and according to the job or position.
In the initial stages of its development in Santiago,
the open cabildo included all free men. This was later
modified, however, to Include only Spaniards or Hispanicized
criollos. The distinction was enacted to exclude Indianized
mestizos and Indians who were not considered to be of equal
status,47
The Santiago cabildo evolved Into a structure of two
alcaldes, who were charged with administering justice, and


137
with. Agueda de Flores is noted as the beginning of one of
the most important families in colonial Chile. Among their
many children were Captain Juan Rcdulfo, Captain Pedro
Lisperguer, Dorfa Maria Flores, the wife of General Juan de
Cardenas y Aasco; Doria Catalina Flores (the infamous La
Quintrala, who lived in block forty-seven in 1604)54 who
was married to General Gonzalo de los Rios their
daughter, Catalina, was married to Don Alonso de Campofrio;
this family lived in block forty-nine solar three in 1593
55
and block ninety-three in 1590) and Magdalena Flores,
5 6
who was married to General Pedro Ordonez Delgadillo.
5 7
This family lived in block sixteen, solar one in 1590.
Obviously, the orginal Indian blood had no effect on the
destination of this famous family.
Francisco Galdames Galdames was born in 1508, and
probably arrived in the New World in 1534. He accompanied
Valdivia to Chile in 1540, and became a vecino fundador and
encomendero of Imperial in 1558. One of his sons, ap
parently born of an unknown Spanish wife, was Francisco
Galdames de la Vega. He was a Captain and vecino enco
mendero of Imperial in 1589, and maestre de campo general
of the Army in 1610. His other son, Diego Galdames, mar
ried Lorenza Gonzalez. Their children included Captain
Juan Galdames de la Vega who married into the famous
Villalobos family. Why the apellation Vega reappeared in
this family is unknown, but it could indicate that Francisco
58
Jr. was a mestizo.


95
that the numerous deaths were caused by evil spirits. An
acuerdo of the cabildo, in January 1552 made an official in-
quiry into the possible murder of large numbers of Indians
by an evil force.^
There was a small number of Negroes in the country
from the very beginning. Laws, initially at least, dealt
more harshly with them than with the Indians. Negroes were
net allowed on the street after they were the target of a
curfew in 1549 under penalty of whipping or having a hand
cut off. They were also prohibited from carrying arms or
serving as servants to the Indians. In general, however,
the Negroes adapted more readily to the Spanish system,
and, because of their small numbers, were more easily as
similated. Negroes, more often than not, did not work in
the fields, but were destined for domestic service for the
Spanish families. On some occasions they went to war as
armor bearers or as aides to their masters. They, also
became street venders (criers), executioners, and lesser
officials of the public administration. Negro slaves
continued to suffer indignities, however, and by 1577, the
penal code for Negroes as applied to runaways, slaves
bearing unauthorized arms, drunkenness,- and robbery,
included whipping, cutting off a foot, and, or death.
During Valdivia's term as governor, more than 1,000
immigrants passed through or settled in Chile. In the
first ye-ars of Santiago, however, the permanent Spanish'


157
fifty Spanish women in the colony until the latter days of
the century. Therefore, the only natural way to live was
with an Indian or mestiza woman.0
Several conclusions can be drawn from the Spanish
man Indian woman relationship especially from the raw
data provided by Thayer Ojeda. The most interesting con
cept, as far as Chilean history is concerned, is that the
Araucanian Indian has no role as an ethnic factor in the
early colonial aristocracy. The evidence is clear that
most of the Indians participating in a sexual relationship
with the Spanish conquerors in the Santiago area were
either Peruvian yanaconas or local central valley Indians
such as the Mapuches. There is no evidence that any
Araucanian woman either married a Spanish conqueror or had
a child legitimized by the father. The revelation is in
teresting in view of Francisco Encinas attempts to show
that the Gothic background of the conquerors and the
quality" Araucanian Indians produced a superior Chilean
race.
In the second place, in the other colonial areas the
Indian spouse was soon forgotten when Spanish women ap
peared on the scene. There is no evidence in Chile of this
occurrence. As a matter of fact, there is contrary infor
mation indicating that a Spanish conqueror married to a
Spanish woman more than likely would marry a mestiza after
his first wife's death. In other cases, an Indian or


55
^Xbid,
-^Encina, Historia 'de-Chile, Vol. 1, p. 176. Vernon,
op. cit., pp. 17-18.
29Galdames, og. cit., p. 37.
2^Gongora Marmolejo, op. cit. pp. 36-40.
0 0 /
^Crecente Errazunz, Historia de Chale: Pedro de
Valdivia (Santiago, 1911-1912), Vol. 1, p. 4.
23Diego Barros Arana, Orgenes de Chile (Santiago,
1934), Vol. 1, p. 209.
3^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile: La
transformacin de la guerra de Arauco y la esclavitud de
los indios (Santiago, 1971), p. 20. See also Eugene H.
Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile: the Struggle for
Social Justice (Stanford, 1968), p. 24.
^Vernon, op. cit. p. 43.
26Ibid., pp. 44-45.
^Declaracin de Pedro de Miranda in Jose T. Medina,
Coleccin de documentos inditos para, la historia de Chile
desde el viaje de Magallanes hasta la batalla de Maioo,
1518-1818 (Santiago, 1888-1902), Vol. 16, p. 2127
^Vernon, ojo. cit. pp. 26-27. There is ample evidence
that Valdivia's marriage to Dona Marina was unhappy. He
had, at this time, been married to her for ten years and
there were no children. Dona Marina has been characterized
as being quite colorless; so there is reason to believe that
Valdivia became infatuated with Doha In^s, perhaps in
Venezuela. Dona Ines did not meet Valdivia in Peru until
her husband died.
29Ibid., 52-54.
30Errzuriz, Historia de Chile: Pedro de Valdivia,
Vol. 1, p. 60.
31Vernon, op_. cit. pp. 56-64.
32Errazuriz, Historia de Chile: Pedro de Valdivia,
Vol. 1, p. 130.
33Ibid., p. 147.


9
straw over the sticks of the ceiling framework. Finally, a
wooden fence generally enclosed the compound which the
Indians called a ruca.15 Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna believes
that ruca may be the Indian word from which the Spaniards
16
derived the term rancho as applied to small farms.-
This poorly built house was obviously the Indians most
important possession. Within it he ate, slept, bred, and
protected himself from the elements. There was no furni
ture, and the bed was simply a heap of straw on the floor
in the corner. The pillow was either a log or a tree trunk.
A fire was kept burning in the center of the hut because re
lighting was a major operation. All eating and working was
done at this fire because it provided the only warmth and
light. The extended family including married children
built new houses in the vicinity leading to the creation of
a village.
Few foods were cooked by the primitive Indians, but
ultimately it became customary to boil fish and meat. For
cooking, clay pots and dishes came into use. Other utensils
viere simply made of hollowed out tree trunks. The meat and
fish were put into the clay container with water and a few
vegetables. Stones were then heated in a fire and when they
became red hot, they were thrown into the pot and stirred
with the other contents.1^ The most common Indian foods
were almost by necessity vegetables, roots, wild tubors,
and beans. Some fruits were also eaten and an alcoholic
1 O
beverage or sorts was concocted and drunk.


179
blood were becoming the largest social class in the country
side.20^
This does not mean to say that the thirty years from
1540 to 1570 was a period of peaceful transition in which
the Mestizo gradually took over. Obviously, there was dis
crimination at every level of society. The mestizos' bad
characteristcs especially drunkenness has been
202
chronicled by many Chilean historians and sociologists.
And, obviously, there is a profound difference between the
average ignorant mestizo of 1560 and the mestizo of the
latter part of the century in terms of awareness and edu
cation. It is certain, however, that most of Chilean
society, including the aristocracy, was mestizo to one de
gree or another by 1600.
The rest of Chilean society continued to be divided
into Negroes and Indians. No figures are available on the
number of Negroes in Chile in 1600, but according to Encina
their percentage of total population was always decreasing.
In addition, cdulas in 1594 and 1595 prohibited the im
portation of Negroes from Buenos Aires, although some
on p
small scale slave trading probably continued. Negroes
or mulattoes continued to occupy household positions with
the wealthy families during this period, and continued to
function in the multi-racial artisan class of the city.
The pure Indians, as described before, were rapidly
dying off. In a letter from Alonso de Ribera to the King


24
plant as well as capsicum, kidney beans, and chinchona.
Cultivation was now undertaken by the households in conjunc
tion with the other households in the district. This larger
social unit was knov/n as a cava. Apparently, cavas were
united by blood ties and ranged in size from thirty to sixty
men, women, and children. The Spaniards, however seemingly,
did not think that the cava was large enough to designate
57
as a town.
All of the Indians living in the cava had had collec
tive rights on the land. Preliminary tillage and harvesting
were collective enterprises, and each person in the cava had
a particular task to perform for the larger community. It
is certain that the harvest produce was divided among the
various households. Landlordship, therefore, was heredi
tary from the cacique to his family as long as the collec
tive rights of the cava or lero were observed. Thus, the
Spaniards after the conquest could inherit property by mar
rying into the cacique's family. This phenomenon made the
implementation of the encomienda system an easier task.
The next larger unit to the cava (this system should
not be misconstrued as being rigid in all cases because the
disintegration of the Inca empire had mostly destroyed the
governing institutions) was known as a regua. Five to seven
cavas comprised a regua, which was also known as a lebo by
the Spaniards. Each lebo or regua was presided over by a
chief.^8


2^2p)0mj_Rg0 Amunategui Solar, La sociedad de Santiago
en el siglo diez y siete (Santiago, 1937), p. 136.
2l^2Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 52-5 3.
204
Barros Arana, ojd. cxt. Vol. 1, p. 314.
205Ibid.
^O^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 49.
2^Rainon Folch, op_. cit. pp. 225-227. It appears
that the second group did~have considerable social mobility
within itself. Again, the criterion foradvancement was
acquired wealth.


62
encomienda system and really -understand what it was all
about.^ The system evolved differently from colony to
colony and, in reality, was what the local encomenderos
wanted it to be. According to the original terms, however,
all of the encomenderos had certain public obligations.
Among these were the keeping of a horse and arms in prep
aration for military service. Sometimes this duty was spe
cific such as the maintenance of a distinct fort. This
became a particular arduous duty for the citizenry in
Santiago because of the incessant warfare. On more than
one occasion, vecinos protested against their liability to
serve in the army and fight against the Indians in the
south. Eventually, their protests were alleviated by the
recruitment of professional Spanish and mestizo soldiers
o
to conduct the war.
It should be noted that wealthy encomenderos, particu
larly those possessing gold mines, could buy their way out
q
of their military obligation. Most encomenderos, although
certainly interested in their own welfare, genuinely felt
that their duty was to complete their military contract with
the King, Alvaro Jara, in fact, describes the major differ
ence between the Indian and Spanish armies as the fact that
the latter was created by a contract between the individual
and the Crown. The Indian, on the other hand, had no such
vassalage agreement with a centralized higher authority.
His position was as a result of his relationship with his


47
disputes were settled by the cabildo rather than himself.
Thus, ha appointed alcaldes ordinarios, Juan Jufre and
Francisco Aguirre; councilors*, Juan Fernandez de A1 derate,
Juan. Bohdfn, Francisco de Villagra, Don Matin de Solier,
Gaspar de Villarroel, and Jeronimo de Aiderste; majordorao,
Antonio Zapata; and the procurador, Antonio de Pastrana.
Valdivia maintained his title as Lieutenant Governor and
Captain General.^ Despite the legalistic nature of these
assignments, none of the appointees had attended college
and none were accredited lawyers... Later in the colonial
era, the Crown licensed lawyers and office holders requiring
a law degree. It was not necessary to have completed a col
lege education, however.^
The most important development from a political, eco
nomic, and social standpoint at this time was the establish
ment of the cabildo. Basically, this organization was
nothing more than the transfer of the ancient Spanish munici-
*pal tradition to the Mew World. Each organization varied
from country to country, however, and, in essence, mostly
reflected the structural interpretation of the governor or
expedition leader.^ Cabildo meetings in Santiago, in fact,
were held in Valdivia's house.until .the regular meeting house
was constructed. One example of Valdivias structual inter
pretation was the fact, that from 1550 until 1557, there
were three regidores perpetuos in the city instead of the
usual five by virtue of a prior agreement and arrangement


161
Secular Clergy
Regular
Total
Conquerors
15
25
40
*Criollos; pure
blood
100
150
250
Criollos;
Cuarterones
15
25
40
Criollos;
Mestizos
10
10
10
Totals
140
210
350
*Some one/eights blood Mestizos are included in
this category.
Finally, one interesting phenomenon of the Spanish-
IncLian-mestizo relationship among the Chilean aristocracy
is that, although many of the newly created families re
mained in Santiago, more journeyed to other cities and
towns. In these places, they naturally assumed the aris
tocratic role and were active in governmental affairs at
the highest level. They also dominated the ownership of
land.. These families through these colonial connections
later became the oligarchs that came to dominate both
colonial and independent Chile.
It is readily apparent from all of this information,
that the Chilean aristocracy became a partial product of
miscegenation. This does not mean that all of the Spanish
nobility married Indian women and their progeny were inte
grated into Spanish-Chilean society. It does mean, howr
ever, that Indian blood became an integral part of the
Chilean aristocracy in the early days, although it was
diluted as time passed by the infusion of more Spanish


158
mestiza woman marrie more than one conqueror leading one
to conclude that the woman in question was socially ac
ceptable to the community as well as being a good wife.
Despite this position as an acceptable wife, however,
most Indian women simply became mistresses to the various
conquerors. Not much is known of this relationship from
the Spanish point of view except that women were necessary
for sexual relationship, and certainly provided a diversion
from more mundane matters. We do not know, however, what
happened to the Indian girl after the conqueror tired of
her services. We do know, however, that the children of
the union were accepted by their fathers especially the
daughters and presumably the children saw to their
mother's comfort.
This leads us to a discussion of the mestizo's role
in the aristocracy. From the evidence presented, it ap
pears that the Spaniards doted on their mestiza daughters
and immediately accepted them as being Spanish. Moreover,
these girls were married later by aging conquerors a
situation resulting in a great deal of intermarriage within
the aristocracy. They were also married by newly arriving
hidalgos and caballeros; thus perpetuating the Indian blood
170
in the aristocracy.
In addition to their marriage position, these girls
had a significant legal status in that they were allowed to
inherit property and pass it on to their children. This


135
the company of Bohon and Villagra, and joined with Valdivia
at Tarapaca. He was one of the original members of the
Santiago cabildo and served as alcalde ordinario nine times
He was also one of the original encomenderos of Santiago
and maintained his position after the 1545 reduction. In
43
1546, he had a chacra in Tobalaba. In 1553, he donated
his town house, which was located near Santa Lucia (block
. 44
two), to the Franciscans. His mistress was a Peruvian
Indian, Juana Xicana. Their daughter, Ines de Alderete,
was later married to Captain Juan de Barros, who had ar
rived in Chile in 1557, and received from his father-in-law
the encomiendas of Tango, Malloco, Tobalaba, and Ligueimo.
He was regidor of Santiago in 1567 and 1573, and alcalde
. 45
ordinario m 1576. The family lived in block twenty-six,
solar three in 1607; block forty-nine, solar four in 1585;
block fifty-six, solar three in 1566; and block fifty-
4 f
seven, solar three in 1563. One of the Barros children,
Captain Juan de Barros Alderete, who lived in block sixteen
solar three in 1596, inherited all of the encomiendas and
passed them on to his son Captain Juan de Barros Araya who
died in 1625,^ Juan de Barros Alderete was married to
Dona Maria de Araya, the daughter of Captain Marcos Veas
Duran and Ines de Araya. His daughter was married to
another Captain. The Alderete family, therefore, is
certainly an example of Indian blood being diluted by sub
sequent marriages with Spaniards until all traces of native
ancestry have been removed.


23
The Araucanians were able to resist the Spaniards suc
cessfully because of an evolution of military tactics and
weaponry. Araucaniari weapons progressed from sticks, stones,
and arrows to lances and horse garrotes in the first four
years of the war. Later captured Spanish horses were uti
lized, and ultimately captured cannons and arquebuses were
turned on the enemy. Of course, the most important element
remained the Indians' basic, inherent courage.
The Araucanians, not withstanding, it is fairly obvious
that by the time of the conquest the Indians' social insti
tutions had evolved into a fairly viable system. Valdivia,
himself, noted the strong family ties of the people he en
countered and commented on the importance of the family
dwellings that apparently housed generations of the same
household. The lowest unit of native society was still the
main family and immediate relatives living together and
grouped around a chief.56
The title of cacique or chief was given at this time
to every head of a household or to any man on whom women
and children were dependent. The wife remained, as in ear
lier times, her husband's chattel. Women continued to be
treated as an investment, and it was still their duty to
bear children, cook, weave, and cultivate the land.
In agricultural development, the central valley, as
mentioned before, was under extensive cultivation. The
natives grew maize, potatoes, and madia an oil yielding


TABLE 0? CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. ............... iii
ABSTRACT. ........ ... v
Chapter
I.The Indians ............... 1
Chilehn Indians (4)Notes (27)
II.The Spaniards .............. 30
Valdivia and the Conquest (39)--Notes (54)
III.The Division of Land and Indians 5 3
Chilean System (67)Notes (31)
IV.Santiago. ................ 84
Notes (106)
V.Race Relations; General 110
Notes (120)
VI.Race Relations: Santiago ........ 122
Mestizos in the Aristocracy (155) ---Middle
Class Mestizos (166)-Indians and Negroes
(171)-Social Change in 1575 (174)--Notes
(131)
VII.Conclusion. ............... 193
Notes (201)
APPENDIX. ................... 202
BIBLIOGRAPHY.. ................. 208
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 23.9
iv


70
land and Indians bureaucratically rested with two different
agencies. Following Valdivia's death, however, the cabildo
did authorize the grant of several encomiendas. The cabildo
record the Libro Becerro following the cabildo's legi
timate authority divided property into the categories of
vaci.no lots, chacras, and estancias and these grants were
*3 O
distributed as the cabildo saw fit. ^
There has been a long drawn out controversy among Latin
American scholars over the link between the encomienda and
landholding. Silvio Zavala has shown in his study of the
encomienda system that the original encomienda of the
Antilles was a grant of the right to use labor, with no
link to royal tribute in fact or theory. Tribute was later
extended to labor use following a long legislative and
administrative campaign by the Crown which also restricted
the encomandero1s rights to tribute alone.
According to Lockhart, there are two strands of in
stitutional development involved in the evolution of the
encomienda. The first was the "encomienda'1 created by
high officials which basically was a concession to collect
and enjoy the king's tribute. The other was a locally in
spired "repartimiento" which was essentially concerned with
dividing the Indians into labor groups. The latter arrange
ment and the term "repartimiento" became the official usage
to designate the actual area_of the grant. What was as
signed to the encomendero, however, was Indians and not
34
tribute.


90
the lav restricting water rights to the Spaniards all.
others could be whipped for violating the law. The safe
keeping of horses was also of primary importance in the
city and laws were passed to ensure their protection. In
1549, it was decreed that any Indian who shot a breeding
mare with a bow and arrow was to be beheaded,^
Although these early lav/s were directed against the
Indians and Negroes, life in Santiago was not especially
pleasant for anyone. Food prices, although regulated very
early by the cabildo, were very high. The people lived
primarily on some form of corn, and not until 1555 were
vegetables and wine available in large quantities. The
cabildo authorized the establishment of butcher shops in
town in 1549, but all failed because the farms, for the
most part, consumed their own meat and could not provide
any for market for many years. Wood cutting was regulated,
and after July 1549, no one was allowed to chop down a
tree without permission from the Governor.
During the first days of the colony, manual labor
artisan type work was done by the soldiers. Santiago
had, among its military ranks, men who were capable of
shoemaking, tailoring, carpentry. The town blacksmith was
particularly indispensible because he was always needed to
repair military equipment, shoe horses, and construct agri
cultural and mining tools. Prices for this work were set
by the cabildo and initially were very high. Subsequently,


184
3Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p.' 292.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-156 3,, p. 255.
4^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2 p. 282. ' ' ' 1 '
42Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 326-327.
43Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 334-337.
44Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 49 and 115.
45Ibid., p. 123.
46Ibid., pp. 62-63, 75-75, 79-81.
4^Ibid., pp. 56 and 124. and Thayer Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena, Vol. 1, 142-143.
43Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 239.
4^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 346-348,
50Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 142-143.
51Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 172-173.
52Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 269.
~^2Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 48, 74, 150.
54Ibid., p. 54.
55Ibid., pp. 132-133; pp. 76, 94.
tr r /
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 213-214.
K 7
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 56 and 195.
c p /
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 8-9.


195
It is true, however, that the Araucanians were the
only Indians of South America to mount an important resis
tance against Spanish domination. These Indians became the
object of a ruthless extermination policy and were enslaved
to replace the vanishing Indian laborers in the north.
Still, against all odds, they continued their resistance for
almost 300 years. If their character did not rub off on the
rest of the Chileans, it certainly was an object of envy and
admiration.
In addition, the Araucanians made their own contribu
tion to mestizaje. During the southern wars, many Spanish
cities were captured and the female Spanish captives were
divided among their Indian conquerors. The resulting pro
geny:' were raised as Indians and many occupied high posi
tions in the Indian hierarchy. Don Antonio Chicahuala, an
Araucanian chief, was the son of Chief Gualacan and Dona
Aldonsa Aguilera de Castro, a Spanish woman of noble back
ground who was captured by the Indians as a child.^
The Spaniards, for their part, seem not to have been
motivated so much by the lure of gold in Chile as by the
spirit of adventure. (Lockhart would probably argue that
poverty kept them there.) Valdivia himself left a very
comfortable life in Peru for what at best was an uncertain
future. His band of men only had twenty-seven who could be
described as members of the nobility. The rest were miners,
farmers, artisans, and soldiers of fortune. Moreover, when


170
certainly brought about by proximity and acceptance. Car
ried to its logical conclusion, the cities became the great
melting pot for the middle class mestizo mixture, whereas
persons with a greater amount of Indian blood gravitated
to the countryside and along with the Indians created a
labor force.
Thus, if one had to draw up a statement on the relative
position of the mestizo-mestiza in society circa 1540-1575
in Santiago, the conclusion would be that the mestiza was
furnishing part of the ethnic base of the Chilean colonial
aristocracy. The mestizo, on the other hand, although
functioning within the confines of the aris-tocracy, was
basically associated with the plebian class. Carried to
its logical judgement, the mestiza, marrying either a
Spaniard or a mestizo, would create a group that was pre
dominantly Spanish in character and blood relationship.
This group would live primarily in the original vecino de
velopments of the city or on large estancias. The mestizo,
on the other hand, marrying either a mestiza or an Indian,
would create a group with a greater percentage of Indian
blood or gravitating toward Indian culture. He would
live in the countryside or small towns and would work in
laboring or trade occupations if he lived in the city.
Therefore, Chilean society, already predominantly mestizo,
developed along parallel mestizo-mestiza lines which have
probably not fully converged to this day.


133
in 1569, and the procurador de causas in Santiago for more
than thirty years. Later, he was corregidor of the Indian
towns of Aconcagua, Curimon, Putaendo, and Colima. One of
* 1 3
his sons became a priest at the end of the century.
Gabriel's other daughter, Maria, married Captain Juan
Alvarez de Luna, a wealthy Spaniard who arrived with twenty
soldiers and their families in his own ship in 1555.
Alvarez was named maestre de campo in 1581. His son was
apparently wealthy enough to donate several large estancias
s* 34
to the Convent of San Agustn.
Diego Delgado Delgado is one of the interesting ex
ceptions among the original conquerors. He arrived in
Chile in 1540, and had a background as a miner rather than
a soldier. He was one of the founders of Imperial, how
ever, and a regidor of that city in 1558. He resided in
Santiago in 1565. His mestizo son, Pedro, was a soldier,
apparently of lower rank, and lived in Caete in 1569 and
Imperial in 1601.
Garcia Diaz de Castro Diaz was born in 1508, and was
with Almagro during the first expedition to Chile. Later,
he joined with Valdivia. He was a vecino encomendero of La
Serena, and held several official positions in that cabildo
at various times including regidor, alcalde ordinario, and
tesorero real. He was married to Dona Bartola Diaz de la
Coya, the niece of the Inca of Peru and the cousin of Doa
Beatriz Clara Coya, the wife of Governor Onez de Loyola.


7
to that of southern Europeans. Their undraped breasts were
also noted by the early conquistadors. Completing the total
picture was a grave sober manner that in both sexes showed
resolution and commanded respect.^ Pedro Valdivia himself
described the Araucanians as "tall . amiable, and white,
with handsome faces, both men and women ..." also as great
husbandmen, and as great drinkers.^ Years later Alonso
Gonzales de Najera noted that the Indians were very similar
in physical appearance to his fellow Spaniards.^1
All in all, these characteristics have been accepted
as the national native type and probably represent a good
approximation of the first Chilean natives contacted by the
Spaniards. H.R.S. Pocock in his book Conquest of Chile,
however, notes that there were physiological and personality
differences between the Araucanians and the Indians origi
nally located near Santiago.^ The fact remains, however,
that all of the Indians spoke the same language and, except
for the difference in temperment and in fighting quality,
seem to be basically the same people.
The central valley native dressed in light clothing
made from various colored woolen rags and the skins of
guanacos, foxes, and other animals. Others dressed in bark
or woven straw. In all cases, however, the Indians' arms,
legs below the knees, and feet were uncovered. His head
was capped with some animal skin usually crowned with
feathers, and his face was painted in red and black
streaks.


51
which had again been destroyed by the Indians, was rebuilt
and communications with Peru were secured again. At this
point, approximately 500 Spaniards populated the colony,
and the total population of Santiago proper including
Spaniards, mestizos, and Indians was probably about 1,000.
The vast majority of Spaniards were employed against the
growing Araucanian threat in the south. By 1553, the total
number of Spaniards had risen to 1,000 this number being
partially made up of men from the detachment of Don Martin
de Avendano and Gasper de Villarroel which arrived from
5 4
Peru m November of 1552.
It should always be recognized that the majority of
Spaniards were engaged in the war effort, but some were
mining for gold or were engaged in raising livestock. At
this time, Valdivia could look with some satisfaction on
his accomplishments of conquering the Indians in the Santiago
area and dividing their labor force among his men. He had
led successful expeditions into Araucanian territory and had
founded the towns of Imperial, Valdivia, and Villarica.
There were also forts at Arauco, Tucapel, and Puren. Thus,
the conquest of all of the country seemed assured.
This victory was delayed, however, and later postponed
indefinitely by renewed Araucanian resistance. In December
1553, a band of these Indians under the leadership of Lautaro,
Valdivia's former groom, destroyed the fort at Tucapel.
Valdivia marched south to join in the battle, but he was


129
He assisted in the founding of Santiago and was regidor of
the city in 1542. He maintained his encomienda when
Valdivia reduced the number in the Santiago area. He died
in the city in 1546. His mestizo son, Melchor de Arteaga,
lived in the city and became a monk at the church of San
Francisco.16
Juan Bohon Bohon was a hidalgo of German origin who
arrived in Peru in 1534. He was with Valdivia during the
trek to the south, and served as Regidor of Santiago's
first cabildo in 1541. Later, he assisted in the founding
of La Serena, and was killed near there in the Copiapo
Valley in 1548. His mestizo son Juan was named alcalde
mayor of mines in the Santiago and La Serena areas in 1579.
Juan also served in che army .in the southern war before
17
dying in 1591. His residence in the city was block 66,
1 8
solar two.
Juan de Cabrera Cabrera was born in 1478 and served
under Pizarro in Peru. He joined Valdivia later in the
conquest of Chile. In 1553, he moved to Concepcion and
became an encomendero vecino of that city. He was killed,
however, two years later during an Indian uprising. His
mestizo son Hernando was born in 1539 in Peru. Hernando
was one of the first military men to return to Concepcion
after the disaster of 1555 and buried his father. He be
came an encomendero of Osorno in 1562, and later of
Santiago. He was named Captain and corregidor of Concepcion


189
143Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 200-2Q2.
3-4 4 Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 56.
145 . /
Thayer O^eda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 100-101.
146Ibid., Vol. 3, pp, 237-238.
147Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 175-176.
*-43Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 58, 126.
149Ibid.. pp. 58, 119.
150Ibid., pp. 58, 294.
-Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, pp. 245-247.
152Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 272.
152Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 249. Cuadro Gormaz, Origen y
desarrollo. p. 110.
l^^ibid.,
Vol. 3, p. 252.
155Ibid.,
Vol. 3, pp. 320-
322.
156Ibid.,
Vol. 3,' p. 328.
q c¡ 7
J'Thayer
p. 239.
Ojeda, "Santiago
durante
el
siglo XVI,"
158Thayer
Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 2 5-
-26 .
^89Thayer
p. 221.
Ojeda, "Santiago
durante
el
siglo XVI,"
160Ibid.,
p. 111.
161Ibid.,
pp. 61, 168.
162ihayer
Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 152.
163Thayer
pp. 55, 115.
Ojeda, "Santiago
durante
el
siglo XVI,"


186
SlThayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,H
p. 157.
on \ \
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 57-58.
83Ibid,, Vol. 2, p, 57.
8^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 49, 51, 91, 112.
85Ibid.,
p. 158

8^Thayer
Ojeda,
. ^
Formacin
de la sociedad chilena,
2, p. 60.
87Ibid.,
Vol. 1
, p.
243.
88Ibid,,
Vol. 2
, P-
69.
89Ibid.,
Vol. 2
/ P-

r-
co
"ibid. ,
Vol. 2
/ PP-
267-
268.
91lbid,,
Vol. 2
/ P>
73.
92Thayer
Oj eda,
"Santiago
durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 59, 64, 72, 165.
98Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad ehilena,
Vol. 2, p. 133.
9^Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 25-27. and Thayer Ojeda,
"Santiago durante el siglo XVI," pp. 129, 165.
9^lbid.,
Vol. 3,
P-
11.
96lbid.,
Vol. 2,
P-
141.
9 7
Thayer
Ojeda,
"Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 55, 71, 166, 168, 54, 65, 157.
98Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 239.
99Ibid. Vol. 2, pp. 142-144.
100Ibid,, Vol. 2, p. 149.
101Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 39.
102
Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 244.


130
19
in 1590 and died in 1612. Juan Cabrera5s mestiza
daughter, Ana, in 1566, married Francisco Sanchez de
Merlo, a noted ecclesiastic, who had come, to Santiago in
1553.20
Alonso Caro Caro was a member of Aguirres original
troop from Peru. He was a resident of Santiago until 1549
when he was killed by Indians near the city. His mestizo
son Juan was born between 1539 and 1541 and served as a
soldier in the southern war. He lived in Santiago in 1564,
/ 21
but later moved to Concepcion where he had an encomienda.
He married Luisa de Cardenas, the daughter of Alonso and
Leonor Galiano. (Leonor was a freed Moorish slave.) Luisa
herself had been secretly married to Pedro Guerra who died
in 1563. She married Domingo de Onate in 1561 while still
married to Guerra. Pedro de Villagra was later accused
of affirming this marriage of his friend Onate despite the
2 3
fact that Luisa was already married. In any case, al
though there is no record, Luisa must have been a beautiful
woman because there were always suitors after her charms.
Luis de Cartagena Cartagena was born in Granada in
1513. He arrived in Lima in 1537, and left Cuzco with
Valdivia in 1540. He served in the expedition as writer
and secretary. In 1557, he moved from Santiago to La
Serena where he was given an encomienda of Indians. He
then married the mestiza, Isabel de Zurbano, possibly the
daughter of the conqueror Juan de Zurbano. Their son


140
Dona Ana Mejia, the wife of General Don Alvaro de
Villagra.^ Godinez'' mestiza daughter, Leonor Godinez,
married the actuary, juan Hurtado, Symbolic, perhaps, of
this family's good standing is the fact that Doa Leonor
donated block thirty-three, solar two to the Company of
74
Jesus in 1604. Hurtado served as Actuary for the city
from 1561 until his death in 1595. He was also a merchant
in the city and was elected regidor of the cabildo in 1581,
1587, 1592, and alcalde ordinario in 1592. The marriages
of their children are probably the most illustrative of
the inbreeding of Santiago society by the turn of the
century. Captain Juan Hurtado married in 1597 with Doa
Jeronima Justiniano and lived in block thirty-four
Dona Beatriz de Hurtado married Captain Juan Perez de
Caceres. Dona Catalina de Hurtado married in 1580 with
vecino encomendero, Captain Juan de Ahumada. This family
lived in block four, solar three in 1605, block thirty-nine,
solar one from 1588 until 1605, and block eighty-three out-
7 F
right until 1590. Their daughter married Pedro de
Contreras Aranda Valdivia and lived in bloc sixty-three in
1609. Their descendants were Don Tomas de Contreras Aranda
Valdivia, Don Raimundo Contreras, and Dona Catalina de
Ahumada.^ Returning to Leonor Godinez1 final daughter,
Doa Angela de Hurtado, she married initially with Juan de
Torres and later with Captain Andres Hernandez de la
7 8
Serna. In every case, another aristocratic Santiago
family was added to the Godinez-Hurtado family tree.


32
spirit, of adventure. The frequent plundering by marauding
invaders accompanied by family uprooting stimulated this
spirit. As a consequence, the search for adventure and
wealth led to the discovery of the New World and became a
major factor in the psyche of all of the Spanish conquer
ors.^ It should be noted here that most of these men came
from the Castiles, where these aforementioned character
istics were emphasized more than in any other part of the
country.
Some reference must also be made at this point to the
inherently "racist'1 theory developed by the Chilean his
torian Francisco Encina. In essence, he hypothesizes that
the basic difference between other southern Europeans and
Spaniards was the introduction, during the middle ages, of
nordic blood into the peninsula by invading northern tribes,
particularly the Goths. He continues that the percentage
of Gothic blood, perhaps as high as 20 percent, was most
heavily concentrated in the upper class, prince or knightly
elements of Spanish society. As a consequence, the military
adventurers, who expelled the Moors, were probably ethni
cally and by nature and temperment part of this Gothic-
Spanish element. It follows, therefore, that it was this
group that was most likely to produce conquerors of the
New World, following the peace established on the peninsula
in 1492.9
This reasoning would tend to indicate that many of the
conquerors in all areas of the New World were from this


4
population loss could be replaced initially by docile
Indians living in the countryside. The Araucanians, how
ever, fought the Spanish for every foot of soil; thus
forcing the conquerors of Chile to replace the Indian
losses in conquered territory with mestizos or Indians
captured and enslaved in the south.
Chilean Indians
This brings us to a discussion of the Indian population
of Chile, which was destined to become a part of a new mes
tizo society, which evolved distinct from the Indian-Spanish
societies in the other west coast countries. In order to
understand the Indian's role in this undertaking, it is
necessary to know something about the development of Chilean
Indian society, its characteristics, and why the civiliza
tion would resist, but ultimately succumb to the technolog
ical advances brought to the New World by the Spaniards.
The distinct regions of present-day Chile included di
verse races and groups of natives in prehispanic times. The
major portion of the population, as now, was concentrated in
the central valley area from the Chacabuco south of the
Aconcagua River to the Gulf of Reloncavr. Before the
Spanish invasion, this part of the country was a vast forest
broken only by river bottom lands. The many tribes scat
tered throughout the area formed various groups and took
their names from geographical localities. The most prominent
were the Huilliches (people of the south) from Valdivia to


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NOTES
^Magnus Moerner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin
America' (Boston, 19 6 7), p. 3.
2 Ibid., p. 5.
3Ibid., P. 7 .
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 83-84.
^Pedro Pizarro, Relation of the Discovery and Conquest
of the Kingdoms of Peru (Nev/ York, 1921), Vol. 2, p. 406.
6
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 402.
7Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 39-40.
%6emer, ojd. cit. p. 23.
9
Jose T. Medina, Historia del Tribunal de Santa Oficio
de la inquisition en Chile (Santiago, 1952), p. 85.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 140-144.
^Moerner, ojo. cit. p. 37.
12Ibid.
XJJose T, Medina, Coleccin de documentos inditos
de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 268-269.
^Schurz, ojo. cit., p. 177.
^^Moerner, ojd. cit. p. 41,
^Ibid. p. 43.
17Ibid.
13Ibid_. p. 44. See also Tomas Thayer Ojeda, :Resena
historico-biografica de los eclesisticos en el
descubrimiento y conquista de Chile," Revista Chilena de
Historia y Geografa, Nos. 37 and 38, 1920-1921.
120


103
these early years, thus, proved to be the many medical
5 8
quacks that tried to pass themselves off as doctors.
The Spanish were very much concerned with educating
their children whether mestizo or pure Spanish. Again,
the colonys poverty at first prohibited local subsidation
of mass education. Children were tutored in the Spanish
language, however, and girls received instruction in cooking
and sewing while their brothers learned weaponry.
The first attempt to organize higher education oc
curred in 1567, when the Church petitioned the Crown to
establish a seminary in Imperial. The idea was rejected,
however, because the Crown felt that Imperial was too
close to the fighting against the Indians. The first
school in Santiago, meanwhile, was organized by the
mestizo parish priest, Juan Bias, who located his grammar
school within the cathedral.6^
Spanish women began to arrive in the colony in the
50s to join the illustrious Ins de Suarez. Dona Ins
had already been presiding over the social life of the
city and had instructed many Indian and mestiza maidens in
the finer things in life. These girls had already been
integrated into Spanish society. Among the new arrivals
was Marina de Gaete, Pedro Valdivia's widow, and her
sister Doa Catalina. These women were very active in
Church affairs, and were probably instrumental in origi-
/- -j
nating the cult of the Virgin de la Soledad in the city.D


141
/ /
Juan Gomez de Almagro ^ Gomez was born in 1517, and
came to Peru where he was a vecino encomendero of Lima. He
made the trek to Chile with Valdivia, however, and became
the first alguacil mayor Santiago. He was named regidor
perpetuo of the cabildo in 1550, and had encomiendas of
Indians at Topcalma, Palloquier, and Gualauquen. He later
moved to Imperial where he became alcalde ordinario in 1554.
Later, he returned to Santiago and finally traveled all the
way back to Spain in 1564. He was immortalized in the poem
"La Araucana." He was married to Dona Francesca de
Escobedo in 1561 and had one son, Captain Juan de
79
Rivadeneira. He also had one mestizo son as a result
80
of his liaison with a Peruvian Indian, Cecilia Palla.
The son, named Alvaro Gomez, became a priest in Santiago
81
and lived m La Chimba.
Pedro Gomez de las Montanas Gomez was a noble, who
went to the Indies before 1530, and served Alonso de
Alvarado in the discovery of the Chachapoyas. In 1541, he
was with Valdivia in Santiago and was wounded in a battle
with the Indians. He had an encomienda at Quinel near
Concepcion. He was a regidor of that city and was killed
in the battle of 1555. He was married to Doria Leonor de
82 /
Rueda and had two children. One was Captain Alonso Gomez
V /
de Montanas, and the other was Jeronima who was married to
Captain Francisco Ramirez de la Cueva. He also had a
mestizo son named Francisco Gomez de las Montaras. This


21
19
Moerner, op. cit,, p. 46.
2^Ibid,, p. 47,
^^Ibid., p. 60.
22
Ibid., p. 61.


145
1548. Juan had a solar in La Serena in 1549, and became
a regidor in the city in 1570. One of the sons of this
marriage became a priest.
101
A d
daughter, Juana, married
Gonzalo de Toledo, a regidor of Santiago in 1593 and
1601.102
Anton Hidalgo Hidalgo was born between 1512 and 1515.
In 1539, he was with the Diego de Rojas expedition to
Tarija, and later joined Valdivia at Tarapaca. He moved
from Santiago to Valdivia in 1559, and later to Imperial.
He was married to Jeronima Cortes, the mestiza daughter of
Leonardo Cortes, who had arrived in Chile in 1548.
Cortes was a navy captain, who had been directed by the
Crown to search for and destroy Sir Francis Drake.Anton
Hidalgo!s other children also included Captain Francisco
Hidalgo Cortes, and Juan Hidalgo, who served as an inter-
j r
preter with the army.
Juan Jufre' Jufre" was a hidalgo from Medina de
Rioseco. He was born in 1516, the legitimate son of
Francisco Jure^ and Candida de Montesa, the aunt of
Governor Villagra's wife. He arrived in Peru in 1537,
and joined Valdivia at Tarapaca for the journey to
Santiago. He was elected regidor of the city in 1551,
1556, 1557, and 1560. In 1561, he was designated as
Teniente Governor of Cuyo. He was corregidor of Santiago
in 1561 and 1562, later becoming Teniente and Captain of
the City. In addition to his military prowess and honors,


124
Adding to the family name problem is the fact that the
conqtierors of Chile had outstanding longevity and conse
quently outlived several wives. In fact, of the men who
journeyed to Chile with Valdivia, one lived more than 100
years, six from eighty and ninety, nineteen from seventy
and eighty, and twenty-three from sixty and seventy. A
most, unusual record for those perilous times,^
The problems of tracing a genealogical chart aside,
some sort of social model has to be constructed as clearly
resembling the Santiago situation as possible. Basically,
their pre-Santiago status not withstanding, one would sup
pose that the original conquerors would constitute the
colonial aristocracy as long as they held encomiendas and
had a solar in the city. Of the original 150 men and one
woman in Valdivia's band, more than half were either killed
by Indians, executed for crimes, died another type of vio
lent death or left the country. The remainder as cited
before lived out their lives in the colony in one ca
pacity or another and they are the primary interest for the
social model.
The Spanish regional background for all of these con
querors was as follows:
Audalusians 26 percent
New Castilians 16 percent
Extremadurans 14 percent
Leons 13 percent


56
^Eberhardt, o£. cit., p. 112.
-^Gongoro Marinle jo, op. cit. p. 43.
^Vernon, o£, cit. pp, 76-79 .
37
'Vernon, op. crt., pp. 56-57.
88Frias, op. cit., pp. 63-65.
^Eberhardt, o£. cit. p. 74.
40Ibid., p. 119.
41Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 197.
42
Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del desarrolla
intelectual de Chile, 1541-1810, pp. 375-420.
48Eberhardt, oja, cit., p. 115.
44Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 266-267.
4^Julio Alemparte, El cabildo en Chile colonial
(Santiago, 1940 ), pp. 67-71.
4SIbid., pp. 72-86.
4^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 267.
48Ibid., pp. 267-268.
4^Ibid., pp. 269-272. See also the Libro Becerro de
cabildo de Santiago, Actas de 1541 a 1557. In the
Biblioteca Nacional.
CT A
-''Alamparte, ojo. cit. pp. 52-61. See also Medina,
Documentos inditos, Vol. 8, pp. 69-70.
Slprias, op_. cit. pp. 67-68.
C A
Eberhardt, o£. cit., p. 113.
^8Ibid., p. 111.
54Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Los conquistadores de Chile
(Santiago 190 8-1910) Vol. 2, p. 36. See also figures in
Barros Arana, op_. cit. Vol. 1, p. 117.
c r / .
--'Crecente Errazunz ,\Hrstona de Chile sm
gobernador, 1554-1557 (Santiago, 1912), pp. 406-426.


LAND AND SOCIETY IN EARLY COLONIAL
SANTIAGO DE CHILE,, 1540 1575
By
THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS' FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
19 75

COPYRIGHT
BY
THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN
1975

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am very grateful to all of the persons who have
made this study possible. I owe special appreciation to
Milton H. Brown, who proposed that I take a years sab
batical to finish ray class work, and to Richard Lehman,
who supported my continued study and research trip. Of
course, nothing would have been possible without the
guidance of Dr. Lyle McAlister.
I am very grateful also to Joyce R. Miller, who
has looked after my interests in Gainesville, and to
Francine Prokoski, who encouraged me to finish. To
all of these people and my helpers at the office, espe
cially John Orban and Linda Senft, this dissertation is
thankfully dedicated..
Thomas C. Braman
Langley, Virginia
June 5, 1975
iii

TABLE 0? CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. ............... iii
ABSTRACT. ........ ... v
Chapter
I.The Indians ............... 1
Chilehn Indians (4)Notes (27)
II.The Spaniards .............. 30
Valdivia and the Conquest (39)--Notes (54)
III.The Division of Land and Indians 5 3
Chilean System (67)Notes (31)
IV.Santiago. ................ 84
Notes (106)
V.Race Relations; General 110
Notes (120)
VI.Race Relations: Santiago ........ 122
Mestizos in the Aristocracy (155) ---Middle
Class Mestizos (166)-Indians and Negroes
(171)-Social Change in 1575 (174)--Notes
(131)
VII.Conclusion. ............... 193
Notes (201)
APPENDIX. ................... 202
BIBLIOGRAPHY.. ................. 208
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 23.9
iv

Abstract of Dissertation Presented t;o the Graduate
Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
LAND AND SOCIETY IN EARLY COLONIAL
SANTIAGO DE CHILE, 1540 1575
By
THOMAS CHAPIN BRAMAN
June, 1975
Chairman: Lyle N. McAlister
Major Department: History
The colonial development of Santiago de Chile from
1540 to 1575 is described in detail, particularly the
peculiar love-hate relationship between the Indians and
the Spaniards, This association, sometimes distinguished
by outright hostility and cultural animosity and at other
times by friendship and acculturation, had a great effect
on the economic, political, 'and social development of the
colony.
Chile was the frontier and Santiago was its most
important outpost. The entire area was almost the last
battleground between Spaniard and Indian, and perhaps,
with the exception of northern Mexico, the last chance
for the Indians to thwart Spanish aggression. They gave
their best effort, but in the end succumbed to superior
Spanish arms and organization. For the Spaniards, the
hostile environment and poverty led initially to a fight
v

for survival and a concentration on subsistence farming.
The continuous warfare prevented normal immigration pat
terns and the colony primarily attracted a soldier-im-
migrant class that arrived in the colony without families
and bent on adventure.
The natural temperament of these soldiers, their
spirit, and their desire to make the best of a bad situa
tion led to many liaisons with Indian women and the
creation of extensive mestizaje. Because the rigid
Spanish social structure initially did not exist in the
colony, the mestizos flourished. There was a great amount
of social mobility, and a man could achieve fame and status
even if he had Indian blood in his veins. Females with
mixed blood did even better than their male counteparts,
and many were integrated into the highest aristocratic
level of the colony. As a result of these experiences,
Chiles social evolutionary process during the period of
conquest subtly differed in many ways from that of its
colonial neighbors.
vi

CHAPTER I
THE INDIANS
One of tiie great controversies in modern anthropology
is over the population of the New World prior to its dis
covery by the Europeans. The most realistic estimate, as
far as my own data base is concerned, appears to be approx
imately 90 million as suggested by Dr. Henry Dobyns in 1966.
The study conducted by Dr. Dobyns considered projection
methods, dead reckoning, social structure, reconstruction,
additive methods, resource potential estimates, direct ob
servation, and a. disease depopulation scale. The conclu
sion as far as this study is concerned, is that there were
approximately 30 million Indians living in the west coast
area of Andean civilization, and about 3 to 6 million more
in the rest of present day Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina.
The original Araucanian population has been estimated as
being nearly 1.5 million. This figure, therefore, in ad
dition to the Andean Indians living north of the Biobio
River and those living in the extreme south probably totals
1
about 4.5 to 5 million in present day Chilean territory.
There has also been a protracted debate over the num
ber of Indians living in the Mapocho Valley when Valdivia
arrived on the scene. Many historians place the figure in
.the vicinity of 80,000, but others insist on numbers as
high as two million. The famous Chilean historian, Benjamin
1

2
Vicua Mackenna, however, does not believe that the area
could agriculturally support more than 10,000 Indians. The
priest Miguel de Olivares in his history of Chile agrees
with this low figure -to a certain extent claiming that not
more than 8,000 were there. In any case, there does not
seem to be any justifiable evidence for setting the indig-
eneous population total at more than 10,000.^
Although there were great population and cultural dif
ferences among the various Indian tribes on the west, coast
of South America, their habits and techniques of everyday
living were basically similar. Most of the tribes, with
the exception of the urbanized Incas, were primarily food
gatherers. Agriculture was secondary, and basic crops such
as corn, manioc, and potatoes only augmented their food
supply. These foods were supplemented -- depending on
locale and conditions with sweet potatoes, beans, squash,
as well as indigeneous fruits such as the avocado and pine
apple; whenever possible, fish and game were included.-^
In general, Indian technology was rudimentary. Although
architecturally advanced structures were constructed in Peru,
such accomplishment required little more than a large and
docile labor force. Tools and machines for complex construc
tion were unknown; as were the wheel, and the true arch.
The political systems of the area varied from anarchism
to the highly developed state of the Incas. Intercourse
with other tribes, in general, was based on war as defense

3
of territory governed relations. In the simpliest form,
intertribal conflicts consisted of raiding enemy villages
for sacraficial victims, slaves, and women". Sometimes the
motive was the enslavement of an entire tribe. For the
Incas, in fact, war was the imperialistic subjugation of
people and the acquisition of land. In any case, in socie
ties that put such a value on the conduct of war, personal
valor offered the supreme test of manhood, and the bravest
were rewarded with the highest social standing in the tribe.
The Indian did not have a money economy and most people
had no sense of worldly gain or worth. The individual ac
cumulation of capital had no meaning. Where gold and silver
were available, they were used only in the arts and not for
coinage. Barter, therefore, was the usual means of exchange,
and open air markets in the towns were the most common places
for trading commodities.^
The Indians of Chile fit into this general pattern, but
there were several important differences. The most prominent
is the fact that the Araucanian Indians in the southern part
of the country were virtually uncivilized compared to the
Peruvian Indians. Moreover, while the Spaniards made a
great effort to use or initiate the Incas into a Hispano-
Peruvian population, there was really no such opportunity
in Chile. The Chilean Indians, living in proximity to the
Spaniards, suffered tremendous population reduction in the
'first years after the Spanish conquest. In Peru, this

4
population loss could be replaced initially by docile
Indians living in the countryside. The Araucanians, how
ever, fought the Spanish for every foot of soil; thus
forcing the conquerors of Chile to replace the Indian
losses in conquered territory with mestizos or Indians
captured and enslaved in the south.
Chilean Indians
This brings us to a discussion of the Indian population
of Chile, which was destined to become a part of a new mes
tizo society, which evolved distinct from the Indian-Spanish
societies in the other west coast countries. In order to
understand the Indian's role in this undertaking, it is
necessary to know something about the development of Chilean
Indian society, its characteristics, and why the civiliza
tion would resist, but ultimately succumb to the technolog
ical advances brought to the New World by the Spaniards.
The distinct regions of present-day Chile included di
verse races and groups of natives in prehispanic times. The
major portion of the population, as now, was concentrated in
the central valley area from the Chacabuco south of the
Aconcagua River to the Gulf of Reloncavr. Before the
Spanish invasion, this part of the country was a vast forest
broken only by river bottom lands. The many tribes scat
tered throughout the area formed various groups and took
their names from geographical localities. The most prominent
were the Huilliches (people of the south) from Valdivia to

Reloneavi; and the Pehuenches (people of Pehuen) between
the Bxobxo and tile Copiapf?, The remaining native groups
were included in the common name of Mapuches, cr men of
the soil. All these Indians lived on the glacier-fed river
bottom lands from which they had easy access to fishing and
hunting grounds as well as their limited croplands.6
In addition, to the central valley Indians, there
were the Chonos, who lived on the Chono archipelago; the
Patagonians, in Patagonia; and the Fuegians or Tierra del
Fuego. The Changos and the Atacamians lived in the north
along the coast or in desert oases. These northern tribes
in all probability were related to the primitive people of
Bolivia and northwest Argentina, and only in certain time
periods had. any contact with the tribes of the central
7
regron.1
The Araucanian Indians were the dominant tribe of the
southern portion of the central valley area. Many Chilean
histories depict these Indians as characteristic of Chile's
pre-conquest Indians. This is misleading, as will be noted
later. In any case, Spanish contact was maintained with
the Araucanian civilisation for the next 300 years, and
gradually the Araucanian became accepted as the typical
pre-conquest Indian, and not as a separate entity. The
derivation of the name Araucanian, in fact, is probably
from the Spanish colonists, and referred to all of the
Indians living south of the Bxobxo, The word itself may

6
be derived from auca, a Peruvian word meaning free, or
from ragco (clay water), an Indian word for the location
Q
of the first Spanish fort on the Arauco River.
It is best at this point to concentrate on some des
cription of the basic Indian type and life style in the
Santiago area the purpose being to develop some com
parison with the Spaniards who would eventually inhabit
the region. In retrospect, in many ways the Indians and
Spaniards were very similar. The most outstanding dif
ferences were in weaponry and social organization. The
Araucanians, certainly among the most primitive tribes in
the country, however, did demonstrate more adaptability
than any other South American Indian, and were able to
withstand capably the Spanish onslought for many years.
The Araucanian, of course, is the Chilean Indian most
studied by modern anthropologists. In physical appearance
he was of short or medium stature and had well proportioned
limbs; a well developed chest and body trunk region; a
large head with a round face and narrow forehead; small
usually dark eyes; a short, flat, but straight nose; a
large mouth with thick lips and white teeth; pronounced
cheek bones; medium sized ears; dark, thick and smooth
hair usually worn in bangs over the forehead. Their com
plexion was brown, but did not have the yellow cast of the
Peruvian Indians. The women were especially attractive.
According to the Spaniards, their complexions were similar

7
to that of southern Europeans. Their undraped breasts were
also noted by the early conquistadors. Completing the total
picture was a grave sober manner that in both sexes showed
resolution and commanded respect.^ Pedro Valdivia himself
described the Araucanians as "tall . amiable, and white,
with handsome faces, both men and women ..." also as great
husbandmen, and as great drinkers.^ Years later Alonso
Gonzales de Najera noted that the Indians were very similar
in physical appearance to his fellow Spaniards.^1
All in all, these characteristics have been accepted
as the national native type and probably represent a good
approximation of the first Chilean natives contacted by the
Spaniards. H.R.S. Pocock in his book Conquest of Chile,
however, notes that there were physiological and personality
differences between the Araucanians and the Indians origi
nally located near Santiago.^ The fact remains, however,
that all of the Indians spoke the same language and, except
for the difference in temperment and in fighting quality,
seem to be basically the same people.
The central valley native dressed in light clothing
made from various colored woolen rags and the skins of
guanacos, foxes, and other animals. Others dressed in bark
or woven straw. In all cases, however, the Indians' arms,
legs below the knees, and feet were uncovered. His head
was capped with some animal skin usually crowned with
feathers, and his face was painted in red and black
streaks.

8
The Indians' principal garment, therefore, resembled
the modern poncho and was shaped like a sleeveless shirt.
It was made of two pieces, one in the front and one in the
back. These were fastened together on the sides and on the
shoulders with wool cords or strips of rawhide. It was
generally blue in color and called a chamal. It was used
by both men and women. Later, when woven textiles came
into common use, the men joined the chamal between the legs
and drew it in at the waist. This garment was called a
chirip. The women, on the other hand, tightened the chamal
at the waist with a belt or girdle, thus forming an outer
skirt, and wrapped a full scarf over their shoulders. They
also adorned their heads, necks, and arms with necklaces or
bracelets made of beads, stones, or shells. Some wore metal
jewelry, but this practice seems to have varied from place
to place. Children generally went naked, only wearing the
"poncho when the weather was very cold.-1^
Indian houses were very simple and were probably con
structed to serve the temporary nature of the Indians life
as well as to protect him against earthquakes. These houses
were located in sheltered places, frequently in ravines, on
stream banks, or in the forests. They were constructed of
a few forked poles or posts planted upright in the ground
and joined at the top with cross beams, forming either a
circle or a rectangle. The walls were generally made of
stone or an adobe concoction. The roof was formed by laying

9
straw over the sticks of the ceiling framework. Finally, a
wooden fence generally enclosed the compound which the
Indians called a ruca.15 Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna believes
that ruca may be the Indian word from which the Spaniards
16
derived the term rancho as applied to small farms.-
This poorly built house was obviously the Indians most
important possession. Within it he ate, slept, bred, and
protected himself from the elements. There was no furni
ture, and the bed was simply a heap of straw on the floor
in the corner. The pillow was either a log or a tree trunk.
A fire was kept burning in the center of the hut because re
lighting was a major operation. All eating and working was
done at this fire because it provided the only warmth and
light. The extended family including married children
built new houses in the vicinity leading to the creation of
a village.
Few foods were cooked by the primitive Indians, but
ultimately it became customary to boil fish and meat. For
cooking, clay pots and dishes came into use. Other utensils
viere simply made of hollowed out tree trunks. The meat and
fish were put into the clay container with water and a few
vegetables. Stones were then heated in a fire and when they
became red hot, they were thrown into the pot and stirred
with the other contents.1^ The most common Indian foods
were almost by necessity vegetables, roots, wild tubors,
and beans. Some fruits were also eaten and an alcoholic
1 O
beverage or sorts was concocted and drunk.

10
The Indians used a. wooden or bone fishhook for fishing.
They were able to construct small boats out of bushes,
weeds, and straw. Sometimes they hollowed a canoe out of
a large tree. In general, however, fishing activities were
confined to slow moving streams and the ocean shore because
no complex, framework boats were ever developed.
The boleadoras and the arrow were the most important
weapons used for hunting. The former similar to the
Argentine bolas was composed of two or three stones tied
to the ends of leather strips. The hunter took one of these
stones in his hand, swung the others over his head, and
threw it at the legs of his quarry. Arrows were fashioned
from a twenty-inches long, slender shaft, and were shot from
a wooden bow which was strung with a leather thong. The
size of the bow seems to have varied from tribe to tribe,
but the Araucanians generally preferred a short one." The
Indian also carried a lance and a short war club. The do
mesticated dog was a frequent and useful companion for
flushing game. The origin of the domestic dog in the coun
try is still a debatable question, however, and many histo-
21
nans insist that the dog was introduced by the Spanish.
The social structure of the Indians, especially the
Araucanaians, was very rudimentary. It consisted of the
patriarchial family and the tribe, although Francisco
Encina insists that the Chincha-Atacamena^-Diaguita civiliza-
22
txon contained a trace of matriarchy. Relationship was
the foundation of the family and proximity contributed to

1.1
the regional life of the tribe. Initial contact began with
a marriage in which -the bride was purchased from her
father < the price being calculated in animals, fruits, or
merchandise. Each individual man lived with as many women
as he bought, and was considered married to them all. He
could buy and sell these wives at will and could designate
them in these transactions either as a beasts of burden or
as instruments of pleasure. The object of these polygamous
relationships was mostly economic, however, rather than
sexual pleasure. Sons and daughters had to be produced in
great numbers to assist in agricultural production and de-
fense.
In general, the woman's lot in the Indian household
was difficult. She prepared the. food and made, all of the
clothing for the family. She followed her husband during
his military campaigns and carried his weapons and pro
visions - not unlike the camp followers associated with
24
the Spanish armies. In addition, she cultivated the
soil, wove the cloth, and made the clay utensils. The
husband, regardless of this service, generally treated her
very badly, and, more often than not, regarded her as no
better than a slave. This relationship was exacerbated
by the outright appropriation of women during wars. In
this case the captives were treated simply as concubines. D
The family was obviously often neglected in this sort
of situation, and children appear to have been tolerated

12
only as a byproduct of sexual relations. During a boy's in-
fancy, for example, the father took no notice of him. Only
when the lad reached the age of puberty was any interest
taken in teaching the use of weapons. When the boy learned
their use, he was considered to be an adult. Daughters were
ignored altogether in infancy, but became an important
26
source of income when they were of marriageable age.
Most of the Indians wanted their sons to develop into
vigorous men. For this reason, they also taught them to
play adult games after the use of weapons was mastered.
The favorite games required agility such as in handball and
hockey. In their field hockey, the sides were formed facing
each other in an open area. The object of the game like
modern ice hockey was to knock a wooden ball with a
curved wooden stick through the opposing team and across
a designated goal. In handball, again a wooden ball was
used. The object was simply to throw it from one to another
around a wide circle. In addition to the exercise brought
about by the participation in the games, friendly and
2 7
sporting coraradrie was developed by friendly wagers.
Another byproduct of this vigorous activity was the fact
that cleanliness was considered a function of athletic
prowess, and the Indians thought that their daily bath would
O O
preserve strength and health.
Shifting to political development, the tribal organi
zation of the central valley Indians, like their social

13
organisation, was elementary. Many families resulting from
some common ancestor, but. related most strongly by the area
in which they lived, made up a tribe. This small society,
as noted before, most often occupied a valley, lived on the
banks of a river, or in a forest. It was basically a free
association, however, and recognized no distinct chief ex
cept in times of war. In more peaceful times, the father
of the oldest family or rhe most respected and courageous
man was usually expected to perform some leadership func
tion. He was called the gulmen or cacique. Later the
richest person in the area generally occupied this position.
In any case, it appears that the post was usually hereditary
in times of peace, but was relinquished in war especially if
o o
a better or more courageous man were available. *'
Most tribes generally distrusted each other, but fre
quently allied together to face a common enemy. This was
true during the period of the Inca invasions and was espe
cially true when the Spaniards arrived. These federations
united the Indians for a common cause and such alliances,
of course, are a classic example of the basic social cohe
siveness of all of the Indians.^
In other aspects, the central valley Indians never con
stituted a nation with an organized government. Their only
governmental institutions, in fact, were military alliances.
The meetings called for war discussions always started with
the caciques of each tribe summoning his tribe together.

14
If one chief decided on war, he sent an emissary to his
neighbor, An arrow stained with the blood of a guanaco
served as the messenger's emblem. It was then passed from
tribe to tribe, and the act of proclaiming war 'was called
"correr de flecha (sending around the arrow). The next
step, if the situation appeared to be serious enough, 'was
the general assembly, which was commonly held in a large
open area. After lengthy speeches from the leadership-
contending chiefs, one man was chosen as supreme chief for
the campaign. He was designated the toqui and was almost
always the strongest, the most eloquent, or the bravest
n
man available.
None of the central valley Indians showed any great
propensity for intense physical activity. The Arau.can.ian
especially, except for wartime, led a lazy, quiet life.
In general, the Indian was only moved to a rigorous regimen
in his religious life when confronted by his many super
stitions and omens. His supreme god was Pilln, who was
believed to be the controller of clouds and winds and the
producer of thunder, tempest, lightning, and earthquakes. J
The Indians believed in the existence of evil and good gods
evil brought about sickness and death; good made the fields
produce a bountiful harvest, brought abundance of birds and
fish, and presided over human joys.^
They also believed in night-appearing ghosts, and a
concept of life after death. They spoke of chonchones --
human headed animals with winglike ears. These apparitions

15
were vampires that sucked the blood of the sick. They also
dreamed of pihuchenes or winged serpents, Their omens took
the forms of cloud directions and formations,, flights of
birds, and peculiar animal behavior. Such occurrences
were sufficient to make them suspend a campaign or feast,
convinced that the happening portended disaster for them.
With all of these disastrous possibilities, it is no wonder
that a major portion of their physical activity was taken
up with religion and war.35
This mixture of superstitions and omens produced a
priesthood. The ministers of the various cults served
both as soothsayers and physicians. The dunguves and the
machis were the most important of this group.35 The dunguve
was the soothsayer who uncovered thieves and solved secret
crimes. A witness, who was present at one such ceremony
to search for a missing object, implied that the scene
was a kind of extra sensory perception phenomenon coupled
with some clever ventriloquism. In any case, the lost
object was soon located. The machi, on the other hand,
v/as the healer. The Indian had no medical knowledge and
believed that illness was punishment by an offended deity
or injury caused by some unknown evil. The machi, in ef
fect, exorcized the illness or evil not unlike the under
takings by the Catholic Church in 'the 16th century7 and
the current revival of interest in exorcism in psychiatry.
The cure for such an affliction consisted of a very
showy ceremony called a machitn. The relatives of the

16
sick, person gathered together with, him in a hut and placed
him on the floor in the middle of a circle. The mach
planted a cinnamon tree branch by his pillow. He had a
guanaco brought in, quartered it, took out its heart, and
sprinkled the branch with blood. Following this, he burned
some herbs and filled the room with smoke. Then he went
to the patient, pretended to search the part of the body
where the suffering or wound was located, spit red, and
at a given moment, showed those present a lizard, a spider,
or some other object the source of the evil. During
these ceremonies, the women sang in a mournful voice and
accompanied their song with a rhythmic noise produced by
O O
rattling dried gourds containing small pebbles.
The Indian language or Mapuche was adapted to the
harangues associated with tribal politicking and poetic
verses associated with these religious functions because
of its lyrical style. Thousands of Indian words are in
corporated into the modern Chilean language including most
of the countrys geographical names. There is less to be
said, however, of the Indians' artistic productions. He
did not paint. His stone or wood carvings are t coarse
to be called sculpture, and only a few utilitarian clay
jars were produced. His music was sad and monotonous,
probably because wood flutes and gourd tambourines were
all that he had. One captured Spanish soldier was kept
alive, in fact, simply because he could play the flute so
39
well.

It is not too difficult to determine the outstanding
characteristics of the southern central valley Indians, if
one knows something of their lives, customs, and beliefs.
Three admirable qualities were outstanding; they were
brave, loyal, and vigorous. They also had three grave
faults: they were cruel, superstitious, and drunken.
They preferred war above all other occupations, but in
everything else they were incurably lazy. Tribal war,
in general, and Spanish oppression, in particular, made
them into a cruel, vengeful people.^
The native Chileans living north of the Brobio be
longed only in part to the same race as the Araucanians.
The so-called Picunches or Mapuches extended to the
Copiapo and were divided into numerous sub-groups. From
the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, they suffered
first the invasion of the Diaguitas, coming from northwest
Argentina, particularly the present-day provinces of Salta,
Tucurnan, and Santiago de Estero. This was followed by an
invasion of the Chinchas from southern Peru; and, finally,
that of the Quechuas, who at the time of the arrival of
the Spaniards, formed part of the Inca empire extending
from Ecuador to Bolivia and Chile, with their capital in
Cuzco. None of these invasions went farther south than
the Maipo. From these Indians, however, came the culture
of the Chilean natives who inhabited the north and north
41
center of the country,

18
Of the three invaders, the Chinchas were the most pro
gressive. They imposed their material civilization and many
of their beliefs and customs on Chile. They were shepherds,
agriculturalists, miners, and small industrialists. Their
most useful domestic animal, the llama, provided wool for
their clothing. They cultivated potatoes, peas, and corn.
They distributed water to these crops by using extensive
irrigation canals. They exploited copper, silver, and
gold. They manufactured all kinds of articles, and made
utensils of wood, metal, and clay. They built cities con
taining temples and palaces. And, finally, they constructed
roads and a system of hostelries to maintain a postal
service and carry on trade with the other sections of
the country.
The Chinchas were conquered by the Quechuas, an ag
gressive dominating people who appropriated all elements
of the Chinchas' culture and who, with the ruling Incas,
formed the most extensive and prosperous state in America.
Two of these Inca rulers --- Inca Pachacuti and his son Topa
Inca Yupanqui led an expedition against Chile in 1460
and conquered the country as far south as the Maul.^
In this territory, they did not find a completely barbarous
population, but one already semi-civilized by the influence
of the Chinchas, a condition that had prevailed for more
than two hundred years.^
For a long time it was thought that the level of ma
terial progress at which the Spaniards later found the

19
Chilean natives on the northern 'zone Vas because of the
beneficial influence of the Quechuas. According to Luis
Galdames, however, archaeological discoveries some fifteen
years ago have corrected this opinion, which did not ac-
4 R
count adequately for the native Chilean state of culture.
This is so because the Incan domination had lasted only
until the date of the Almagro expedition in 1536, a little
more than eighty years.
The Chilean natives continued to develop their culture
under the rule of the Quechuas. The northern and the cen
tral zone of the country were crossed by roads certainly
unpretentious in Chile and probably no more than stone
marked trails. There was a postal system carried on by
Indians on foot, with inns every fifteen or twenty miles.
The curacas or governors were engaged in developing the
prosperity of their hamlets and villages, where the natives
earned their livelihood, and in encouraging productive ac
tivities 46
For cultivating the fields, these natives dug irri
gation canals. Among those constructed during the Indian
epoch and still existing today is the Vitacura Canal, which
decends from the hills of Salta in the vicinity of Santiago
and irrigates the neighboring farms. From the time the
canals were opened, the crops of squash, corn, beans, and
potatoes, which were native to the country, became more
abundant. Guanaco, vicuna, and llama wool production also

20
increased Clay pot manufacturing, practiced for a long
time by the natives, now received new impetus. Vases and
clay pitchers became prime implements in the livelihood of
the Indians.^
The most important task, as far as the Incas were con
cerned, was the exploitation of gold, silver, and copper
mines. They concentrated their attention principally on
gold, however, because this metal made up the tribute that
was sent to the emperor. Among the gold mining operations,
the most important was Marga-Marga, near Quillota. Gold
and silver pins and chains were painstakingly made in
gypsum and clay molds and forwarded to the ruling Incas
4 8
in Cuzco.
The influence of the Chinchas and Quechuas was felt
also in the intellectual development of the Chilean Indian.
Idolatry was introduced into his religion, and this factor
made Christianity more acceptable at a later date, especially
in regard to reverence for the idol of the Virgin Mary. In
mathematics, the Indian learned to count to a thousand with
out confusing quantities. He also improved his vocabulary
by adding more discriptive words from the Quechua language.4^
During the fifteenth century and at the beginning of
the sixteenth, the circumstances of the Chilean Indians im
proved considerably. In their towns, in which the population
substantially increased, family and tribal ties became more
closely drawn. The cultivation of new land, the development

21
of clay pottery, the exploitation of metals, and the use of
wool clothing provided better living standards. The cooking
of meat and vegetables became general; corn and potatoes
served as the principal ingredient of cooked dishes; and,
in time, the bean became the most common and nutritious
food. Wool shirts, ponchos, belts, and hair ribbons --- with
which the women braided their hair - came into common usage.
In addition, footwear in the form of leather sandals and hats
called chupallas were adopted as the native dress.^
The advance of Indian civilization, thus, was important
in the 16th century. The transformation brought about during
this period of Inca rule cost only the payment of an annual
tribute to the sovereigns in large stamped blocks of gold;
with the curacas serving as intermediaries. This was cer
tainly a period of peace unknown before Inca rule,-*!
At the end of some eighty years of peaceful co-exis
tence the Indians of the north and central Chile had vir
tually recovered their freedom. At the beginning of the
sixteenth century, hardly any traces of Inca rule remained.
Shortly thereafter the Inca, Huayna Capac, died and a civil
war for the throne began in Peru between his two sons. Be
cause of the war, the Inca garrisons in Chile were depleted
and the local curacas and caciques became independent. *
The civilization now native to this north-central por
tion of the country spread southward as a result of contacts
between the various tribes. This southward progression con
tinued until it made contact with the Araucanians where it

22
met resistance. In any case, despite the influence of the
civilization over the southern tribes, there was no unifi
cation among them. In fact, there was a situation in this
part of the country where the population was increasing and
material progress was decreasing. Obviously these Indians
still had not learned enough technology to support a city-
oriented population.
The situation of the Araucanians to the south of the
contact point is obviously of special interest to any serious
student of Chilean history. One can make the initial asses
sment, nevertheless, that these Indians have not substan
tially contributed directly to the formation of the Chilean
race, but their presence south of the Maul River had a
profound influence on the political and social development
of the colony.
The defiance demonstrated by the Araucanians against
the European invaders for over three centuries stands in
contrast with, the almost immediate submission of the north
ern central valley Indians. Moreover, it appears that the
Incan .invasion late in the fifteenth century was opposed
and bea.ten back solely by the Araucanians. Valdivia him
self commented that he had no difficulty with any of the
Indians until he crossed the Itata. Later, he said that
:'I have warred with men of many nations, but never have I
seen such fighting tenacity as is displayed by these In
dians,"54

23
The Araucanians were able to resist the Spaniards suc
cessfully because of an evolution of military tactics and
weaponry. Araucaniari weapons progressed from sticks, stones,
and arrows to lances and horse garrotes in the first four
years of the war. Later captured Spanish horses were uti
lized, and ultimately captured cannons and arquebuses were
turned on the enemy. Of course, the most important element
remained the Indians' basic, inherent courage.
The Araucanians, not withstanding, it is fairly obvious
that by the time of the conquest the Indians' social insti
tutions had evolved into a fairly viable system. Valdivia,
himself, noted the strong family ties of the people he en
countered and commented on the importance of the family
dwellings that apparently housed generations of the same
household. The lowest unit of native society was still the
main family and immediate relatives living together and
grouped around a chief.56
The title of cacique or chief was given at this time
to every head of a household or to any man on whom women
and children were dependent. The wife remained, as in ear
lier times, her husband's chattel. Women continued to be
treated as an investment, and it was still their duty to
bear children, cook, weave, and cultivate the land.
In agricultural development, the central valley, as
mentioned before, was under extensive cultivation. The
natives grew maize, potatoes, and madia an oil yielding

24
plant as well as capsicum, kidney beans, and chinchona.
Cultivation was now undertaken by the households in conjunc
tion with the other households in the district. This larger
social unit was knov/n as a cava. Apparently, cavas were
united by blood ties and ranged in size from thirty to sixty
men, women, and children. The Spaniards, however seemingly,
did not think that the cava was large enough to designate
57
as a town.
All of the Indians living in the cava had had collec
tive rights on the land. Preliminary tillage and harvesting
were collective enterprises, and each person in the cava had
a particular task to perform for the larger community. It
is certain that the harvest produce was divided among the
various households. Landlordship, therefore, was heredi
tary from the cacique to his family as long as the collec
tive rights of the cava or lero were observed. Thus, the
Spaniards after the conquest could inherit property by mar
rying into the cacique's family. This phenomenon made the
implementation of the encomienda system an easier task.
The next larger unit to the cava (this system should
not be misconstrued as being rigid in all cases because the
disintegration of the Inca empire had mostly destroyed the
governing institutions) was known as a regua. Five to seven
cavas comprised a regua, which was also known as a lebo by
the Spaniards. Each lebo or regua was presided over by a
chief.^8

25
The unit above the regua was called an uttaiuapo which
first appeared as a military organization to combat the
Spaniards. The whole country was apparently divided into
these uttamapos or vutamapus, which were made up of several
reguas. Each had its own chief whose office was hereditary.
He could be superceded, however, by an elected commander in
times of dire emergency. In addition to these division,
there were four more districts in the south called amapus.
Each had a chief who spoke at the congresses the Spaniards
later convened. These divisions were then called Butalma-
pus.5^
The whole system was held together by the authority of
the chiefs and the regular meetings of each group. Justice
and administration as well as the distribution of food were
undertaken at these gatherings. In addition, feasts and
dances were held in conjunction with the festivities and
were presided over by the religious leaders.
In a sense, therefore, the Indians were participating
in a familiar ritual at the time of the Spanish take-over
of the area around Santiago in 1541. In this case, they
were clearly at a military disadvantage despite superior
numbers, and Spanish domination appeared inevitable. Al
though resentment surely filled the hearts of many of the
chiefs on this occasion, their later support for the new
Spanish leadership, their adoption of Christianity, and
their gift of marriageable daughters to the conquerors

26
marked the beginning of the end of the distinct Indian race
and culture. Although years of war would ensue, the paral
lel Spanish and Indian societies were eventually welded
as much as possible into one.

MOTES
1-Henry F. Dobyns, "Estimating .Aboriginal American
Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New
Hemisphere Estimate," Current Anthropology, Vol. 7
(Oct., 1966), p. 415.
2Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna, Historia critica y social
de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundacin hasta nuestros
dias, 1541-1868 (Valparaiso, 1869), p. 16.
2ida W. Vernon, Pedro de Valdivia, Conquistador of
Chile (New York, 19 691^ p. 34.
4j.I. Molina, The Geographical, Natural, and Civil
History of Chile (London, 1909), Vol. 2, p. 12.
Sjaime Eyzaguirre, Historia de Chile: genesis de la
nacionalidad (Santiago, 1965), p. 27.
6lus Galdames, A History of Chile (New York, 1964),
p. 6.
^Francisco Frias Valenzuela, Historia de Chile
(Santiago, 1950), pp. 10-14.
^Horacio Lara, Crnica de la Araucania (Santiago, 1889),
Vol. 1, p. 28.
^Francisco Antonio Encina, Historia de Chile (Santiago,
1944) Vol. 1, pp. 83-84 .
lOpedro de Valdivia to Emperor Charles V., September
25, 1551, reprinted in Pedro de Valdivia, Cartas de
relacin de la conquista de Chile (Santiago, 1970), p. 172.
^Alonso Gonzlez de Najera, Desengao y reparo de la
guerra del reino de Chile (Santiago, 1971), p. 40.
l-2Hugh R.S, Pocock, The Conquest of Chile (New York,
1967) p. 239.
-^Galdames, oj3. cit. pp. 6-8.
^Enrique C. Eberhardt, Historia de Santiago de Chile
(Santiago, 1916), pp. 196-207.
27

23
15 .
Vernon, on. ext,, p. 36.
16 ....
Vicuna MacKenna, Historia critica y social de
Santiago, p. 23.
1 7
A 'Galdames, op. ext. p. 7
X 8
Francisco Esteve Barba, Descubrimiento y conquista
de Chi le (Barcelona and Buenos Aires', 19 46), p. 139.
^ ^ Gal dames op. cit. p, 7.
20
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 71-72,
21
Eberhardt, op. cit, pp, 16 7--173. and Gal dames,
op. cit., pp. 8-10.
22
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 33-34.
23Ibid., Vol. 1, pp, 97-98.
^Galdames, pp. ci_t. pp. 8-10.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 99.
26
Ibid., p. 102 .
2 7
Eberhardt, pp. cit. pp. 292-296.
^Frias, pp. cit. pp. 26-27.
29
Enema, His tori, a de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 10 3.
'^Eberhardt, op. cit. p. 243.
31Ibid., pp. 243-244.
"^Galdames, op. cit., p. 10.
33
Jorge Dowling, Religion, chamanismo y mitologa
mapuches (Santiago, 1973), pp. 40-62.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 91. See
also Frias, op. cit., p. 21. Totemism or belief in
inanimate objects was also a form of Indian worship.
35
Jose T. Medina, Los aborgenes de Chile (Santiago,
1952) p. 233.
-^Dowling, op. cit., pp. 63-112. This is the best
discription of the activities of the machis and dunguves.

29
^^Eberhardt. ojo, cit. p. 236.
~Galdames, op. cit. p. 11.
29Eberhardt, op, cit. p, 73.
49Gonzales de Najera, op. cit., pp. 57-61.
4^Eyzaguirre, op. cit. p. 28.
^Galdames, op. cit. p 15.
43Crete Mostny, Culturas precolombinas de Chile (New
York, 1964), pp. 152-153.
44Eugenia Maguire Ibar, Formacin racial chilena y
futuras proyecciones (Santiago, 1949), p. 5.
45Galdames, op. cit. p. 15.
^^Mostny, op. cit., p. 157.
4^Galdames, op. cit., p. 15.
4^Ibid., p. 16,
49Ibid.
50Ibid., p. 17.
5^Ibid.
92Clements R, Markham, The Incas of Peru, (London,
1910) pp. 95, 19 8.
5 3
Galdames, op. cit., p. 18.
94Pocock, op. cit., pp. 237-238.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 112-117.
9^Helen Douglas-Irvine, "The Landholding System of
Colonial Chile," Hispanic American Historical Review,
Vol. 8 (Nov. 1928) p. 452.
9^Ibid. p. 455.
^Encina, Historia de Chi, le, Vol. 1, pp. 104-105.
99Douglas-Irvine, op. cit., p. 459.

CHAPTER II
THE SPANIARDS
The first Spanish expedition to Chile was led by Diego
Almagro in 1535. Almagro was tired of the peaceful life he
was leading in Peru and his second rank social status to the
Pizarro family. His longterm dispute with the Pizarros, in
fact, was settled only after an agreement was reached allow
ing the Pizarros to consolidate their holdings in Peru, while
giving Almagro free reign in the south. Almagro agreed to
tiie terms of this agreement primarily because he was enthused
by tales of wealth in the land of "Chili."'*" Using all the
money he could gather, he outfitted 500 Spaniards and sev
eral thousand auxiliary Indians (yanaconas) for the expedi
tion. The group met incredible hardship in the desert area
of northern Chile, however, and was able to proceed only to
the vicinity of present-day Aconcagua by 1536. In August
of that year, the War of Arauco, which was destined to last
for nearly 300 years, began when the Mapuche Indians attacked
Almagro's band at Reinoguelen,^
Following the fighting, any Indians contacted by Span
iards were treated severely. They were chained together,
beaten, and given little water or food after capture. The
growing hostility of the natives and the failure to uncover
any great wealth soon convinced Almagro that Chile was not
a land of plenty. Accordingly, the expedition returned to
30

31
Peru so that Almagro could press his claim for Cuzco.^ a
war ensued between the aggrieved Almagro faction and Pizarro
with the upshot being the capture and execution of Almagro
following his defeat at the battle of Salinas.
Although the ideal Spanish character is eulogized in
Miguel Olivares description of Francisco de Villagra, "just
in peace, valiant in war, religious with God, pious toward
the needy, moderate in the use of personal fortune, and con
stant in the fact of adversity." Almagro1 s character is
probably more indicative of a typical Spanish conquistador.
He was a low order noble and, in effect, demonstrated the
Castilian temperment and mentality of his class. He was
tenacious, brave, arrogant, greedy, and cruel. As in
Araucanian society, the Spanish placed a premium on machismo
and valor. The men of his band were also from basically the
same class and had similar characteristics.
All of the Spaniards were a product of their homeland
as it had developed to the 15th century, and of a Gothic-
Celtic-Iberian-Roman culture that had been transformed to a
certain extent by the introduction of Arab, Moorish, and
Jewish ingredients.^ The incessant turmoil in which Spain
developed, the warlike and aggressive habits of the Gothic
element, and the difficulty in making a living on most of the
Spanish people. Of course, their circumstances made them
somewhat immune and accustomed to suffering, but at the same
time added to their natural courage and gave them a special

32
spirit, of adventure. The frequent plundering by marauding
invaders accompanied by family uprooting stimulated this
spirit. As a consequence, the search for adventure and
wealth led to the discovery of the New World and became a
major factor in the psyche of all of the Spanish conquer
ors.^ It should be noted here that most of these men came
from the Castiles, where these aforementioned character
istics were emphasized more than in any other part of the
country.
Some reference must also be made at this point to the
inherently "racist'1 theory developed by the Chilean his
torian Francisco Encina. In essence, he hypothesizes that
the basic difference between other southern Europeans and
Spaniards was the introduction, during the middle ages, of
nordic blood into the peninsula by invading northern tribes,
particularly the Goths. He continues that the percentage
of Gothic blood, perhaps as high as 20 percent, was most
heavily concentrated in the upper class, prince or knightly
elements of Spanish society. As a consequence, the military
adventurers, who expelled the Moors, were probably ethni
cally and by nature and temperment part of this Gothic-
Spanish element. It follows, therefore, that it was this
group that was most likely to produce conquerors of the
New World, following the peace established on the peninsula
in 1492.9
This reasoning would tend to indicate that many of the
conquerors in all areas of the New World were from this

33
Gothic-Spanish element. The settlers coming after the
conquest, however, were not representative necessarily of
this group, and more than likely were from the worker-
farmer lower class element containing the least amount of
Gothic blood.
In Chile, this process was altered by the continuous
War of Arauco. The infusion of the Spanish-Gothic soldier
element was a continuing process; and according to Encina,
was not adulterated by essentially inferior blood lines.
Proof of this superior ancestry was the spirit exhibited
by the Spanish-Gothic-Chileans during the war against the
Indians. Other evidence was the fact that the interneccine
struggles, which occurred in the other Spanish colonies,
did not take place after the founding of Santiago. Encina
credits this to the Gothic regard for human life regardless
of the consequences.
Of course, Encina's thoughts are strictly theory and
have no empirical basis, especially when viewed in the con
text of present-day attitudes toward racism. On the other
hand, the basic differences in Chilean development when com
pared to the other colonies lends some credence to Encina's
theories. There is no doubt, whether a non-Chilean believes
it or not, that the Encina view has been turned through the
years into a kind of Chilean racism that differentiated
Chile, at least in the eyes of the Chileans, from the other
Andean countries.

34
To continue the narrative of the distinctive features
of the Spanish conquerors, however, there is no question
that one of the most predominant characteristics was their
loyalty and reverence for their kings. Because the king
had led them to victory over their enemies and for their
religion for so long, the people believed these rulers
could exact the greatest sacrifice for them in return. The
Crown, therefore, became sacred, in medieval view, a repre
sentative of God on earth.^
Nothing better distinguished a Spaniard from most
other Europeans, however, than his obsession with religion.
He saw the hand of God everywhere, even intervening in his
least important affairs. In his battles, he believed that
he was being supported by the-Apostle Saint James, the
Patron of the army. He imagined James and other saints in
shining visions, assisting him in battle, and destroying
all enemies of Catholicism and his country. This religious
exclusivity made the Spaniard intolerant and fanatical. His
excessive preoccupation with divine intervention led him to
believe in many superstitions. He presumed that sorcerers,
spirits, and demons were responsible for his life.-*-2 Wars,
pestilence, famine, hunger, and earthquakes, which frequently
affected his life were compelling reasons for these feelings.
In this regard, his culture had progressed little beyond
that of the Indians he was about to conquer.
This religious view was fostered predominantly by ig
norance, Even when Spain, like other European nations,

-35
became what could be considered civilized, its culture was
not general; only the higher classes of society the king,
nobility, and high clergy possessed culture and edu
cation, and usually only in proportion to their resources.
For example, of all of Valdivia's companions only Bartolom
Rodrigo Gonzales had attended college.^ The other members
of the petty nobility were mostly "home-educated.'' The
lower class representatives, farmers and villagers, lacked
the most elementary sophistication and education. In gen
eral, this situation was probably reflected in the rest of
Europe, but the Spanish temperment only exacerbated the
condition.
According to Encina, however, it would be a gross error
to describe the first comers to America merely as soldiers.
They were centainly not members of the higher nobility;
these only came later as governors. The lower nobility
(hidalgos) also came at first only in small number, but as
leaders and drivers of the various expeditions. The major
ity, therefore, were from the lower classes and were com
pletely uneducated. The spirit of adventure was most de
veloped in them, however, because of the hardships endured
in the homeland and the lack of any outlet there for their
1 4
considerable ambitions and spirit.
In spite of all of the defects, the Spaniards' culture
and technology were much more advanced than that of the
Indians. Their physical appearance was also a significant

36
contrast to the natives. White skinned some with red
hair and light eyes; some with dark hair and dark eyes;
most with long beards they were usually rather stout
and of vigorous muscular strength. They were also well
schooled in horsemanship; well clothed, and well armed.
The conquerors were necessarily and psychologically aware
of their superiority to the unorganized Indian tribes they
encountered.
In retrospect, however, the Spanish colonial life style
more closely resembled its Indian counterpart than many
Spaniards would care to admit. These conquerors essentially
lived by the sword and were primarily interested in terri
torial and personal aggrandizment. Basically, the Indian
problem was to be solved by three possible methods: iso
lation, elimination, or integration. The Spaniards chose a
'combination of the latter two courses. The Indians were to
be subdued and used as slaves if necessary. Women were to
be exploited. In other words, the Spanish aim was basically
the same as a warring Indian tribe. The Spaniards only ra
tionale was that he was following this procedure for God and
country, whereas the Indian was interested in individual and
tribal enrichment.
The following physical discription of the Spaniard is
noted only to contrast him with the earlier picture of the
Indian. It is indicative of a superior social and military
organization and shows that these men were able, after solving

many problems, to adapt to the changing situations and en-
vironment of the New World. They were sustained by better
technology than that which was available to the Indians.
Regardless of this superiority, however, their life style
in the early days of the colony was little better than that
of tiie Indians they were conquering. In the end, organi
zation was the deciding factor.
The clothing of the Spaniard was rather simple. It
consisted only of short pantaloons reaching to the knees,
where they were tied with a cord; a top coat belted at the
waist; sandal shaped shoes with leather soles; and sometimes
wool stockings covering the leg and joined at the knee to
the pantaloon. Some, better clothed, used a kind of gaiter
buttoned in front which was called a buskin, and on the
calves of the legs jarabes of leather, like leggings. The
head was covered with a casque or steel helmet. It was
padded on the inside and was fastened with a chin strap.
Commanders and officers usually had an attached wire cover
1 7
to protect their faces.
Of greater significance than their different physical
appearance, however, was the difference in their weaponry.
The Spanish soldier used defensive and offensive types de
pending on the occasion. The defensive gear were the hel
met, the mail coat, and the leather shield. The infantry's
offensive weapons were the harquebus and the short sword.
The cavalryman carried a short sword, a lance or pike, and

-33
a steel covered club. The artillerymen were equipped with
cannons.
The superiority of the Spanish civilization over the
Indian was thus shown principally in better and heavier of
fensive military equipment, Each Spaniard equaled at least
100 natives in battle, and that demonstrated superiority
had consequences other than military7 as will be noted later.
The Spaniards brought to the New World all of their ideas,
their beliefs, their arts, their customs in a word, their
civilization. This together with their military superiority
triumphed over the natives. Then, their more advanced po
litical organization and social discipline were imposed on
the conquered with equal determination.
These thoughts aside for a moment, it is best to recall
that the Spanish conquest and colonization of America was
essentially an economic venture financed in part by the
Crown and, in part, by private enterprise. Religious
idealism and militarism certainly had a role in this en
deavor, but basically these were subordinate to a primary
quest for precious metals, raw materials, and captive mar
kets. The Spanish successes in Mexico and Peru, however,
did little to prepare them for the poverty and resistance
they encountered initially in Chile, and this is precisely
why Chilean colonial development is an interesting field of
s tudy.

39
Valdivia and the Conquest
The conqueror of Chile, Pedro Valdivia. was born some
time around the year 1502 in the La Serena district of Spain.
No one knows for certain what village he came from, but it
appears quite probable that he was from a good family and
received a home education well above the average of his
day. As a matter of fact, according to Luis Galdames,
Valdivia regarded the men in his company as well as Pizarro
y 0
to be intellectual inferiors. In any case, from the time
of his 19th birthday, he followed a military career, leaving
it in 1525 to marry Marina Ortiz de Gaete. For the next ten
years presumably he led a quiet life of marital bliss in his
old village.^
In 1535, he left his wife and family never to see
them again to travel to the Indies. He spent the fol
lowing year in the discovery and conquest of Venezuela. His
friend and companion during this adventure was Jeronimo de
Alderete who later became one of his principal followers in
the expedition to Chile. The Venezuelan interlude, although
certainly entertaining for Valdivia, gave him little oppor
tunity for advancement of personal glory and he welcomed the
opportunity to join Francisco Pizarro in Peru as quarter
master of the army. Following his successful performance

.40
in that duty, he was given a silver mine in Porco and a valu
able estate called "La Canela" for his services. This lat
ter property alone produced an estimated income of about
$500,000 per year.^
It was a complete surprise to Pizarro, therefore, when
Valdivia applied for a commission to undertake an expedi
tion to Chile. Valdivia was certainly a wealthy man at this
time and was well aware of Almagro's utter failure in the
south.^3 The point is that Valdivia, apparently unlike
many of his contemporaries, was more interested in the
prestige and fame of a successful expedition, than just en
riching himself. Many historians believe that he had a
driving ambition to found and build, but it appears that
prestige played an importantrole in his decision. In any
case, it is more likely that he came to Chile as a conqueror
24
colonizer than merely a despoiler.
Pizarro granted him the commission in April 1539, and
Valdivia immediately began planning for the long trek. It
proved to be very difficult to raise money for the project,
however, as no one was interested in financing an expedi
tion that appeared to follow its predecessor into failure.
Even Pizarro was reluctant to risk any money from the
Peruvian treasury. Valdivia's problems were solved, how
ever, when a newly arrived Spanish merchant, Francisco
Martinez, offered to pay half of the money needed on the
2 5
condition that a partnership be formed.

41
Upon the scene at this time'appeared Pero Sancho de
Hoz, who had just returned to Lima after a four year ab
sence. Sancho had squandered his money in the homeland and
was looking for an opportunity to regain his fortunes. He
was titled as Governor for the King, and with Pizarro's
blessing over Valdivia's opposition, became another partner
for the Chilean expedition.
In January 1540, Valdivia finally left Cuzco accom
panied by seven Spaniards 17 others joined him at the
outskirts of the city; others joined along the road a few
days later. In addition, he had gathered about a thousand
yanaconas to serve as porters and camp followers of one sort
or another. These Indians were regarded as hardly better
than animals at the beginning-of the journey and were usu-
ally referred to as "pieces of service." Valdivia was
also accompanied by his mistress, Ines de Suarez, who was
the only Spanish woman in the train.
The route followed by the band of adventurers was that
traced by Almagro during his retreat. They progressed from
Cuzco to Tarapaca by way of Arequippa, Moquegua, and Tacna.
There were very few incidents with the Indians, but the usual
problems of fatigue, cold, and hunger inhibited rapid ad
vance. Francisco Martinez was injured in one incident with
some marauding Indians and another Spaniard was killed.
Valdivia then decided that Martinez needed medical atten
tion in Cuzco, and dispatched two other Spaniards to return

v i til him to Peru.
Thus, of the original 24 men, Valdivia
O Q
arrived in Tarapaca with only twenty.
The situation changed for the better there, however,
when Rodrigo de Araya rode into camp with sixteen other
Spaniards bringing the total complement of thirty-six.
Not long afterward, about seventy-five more arrived with
Francisco de Villagra the expedition now7 suddenly in
creasing to 111 men. Once again the group set out, this
time facing the tractless v/astes of the Atacama desert.
Impossible as it may seem with a group already facing
a great ordeal from hostile terrain and natives, Sancho de
Hoz began plotting against Valdivia to take over the ex
pedition for himself. During Valdivia's absence from camp
one night, Sancho and his followers began discussing rebel
lion among the other troops. Valdivia arrived back the
next morning, however, accompanied by Francisco de Aguirre
and twenty-five Spaniards. This force and Valdivia's pointed
effort to ignore the incident ended the intrigue for the pre-
3 i
sent. The. camp now included 137 Spaniards. x
The group next arrived in the Copiapo Valley and was
immediately set upon by the Indians. The natives of the
district were following a "scorched earth" policy and des
troyed all of their food stores before the Spaniards could
capture them. They also inflicted a terrible death and in
jury toll on the yanaconas who unlike the Spaniards were not
protected by armor. This was finally the area that Valdivia's

'4-3
commission empowered him subjugate, and it was here that the
ceremonies took place- claiming the land in the name of the
King.22
The expedition now increased in size to 150 men with
the arrival of Gonzalo de los Rios and his group. (In
cluding two knights, twenty-five lesser nobles, 122 sol
diers, one Negro, and one woman) After remaining in the
Copiapi Va?lley for two months, the group pressed southward.
The Indians fought them all the way especially Chief
Michimalongo of the Aconcagua district. The vastly su
perior Spanish armaments proved decisive, however, and in
early December, the group arrived at the banks of the
Mapocho River. The conquerors pitched camp at the base of
a hill they named Santa Lucia- and Valdivia named the place
Santiago de Nueva Estremadura.22
The site of the new city was chosen for strategic pur
poses. Santa Lucia hill is 635 feet high and offers pro
tection as well as serving as an observation post. Moreover,
the two branches of the Mapocho River form a peninsula with
the hill in the center, protecting the promontory. Of course,
the Spaniards could only use the hill as their final refuge
in battle because their most effective 'weapon against the
Indians was -the mounted cavalry a totally ineffective
force on a hillside. Thus, Santa Lucia served primarily as
a focal point for the valley where horsemen could fight ef-
fectxvely. Once the decision was made by Valdivia/ to make'

44
the site a permanent settlement, messag
35
es were
sent to the
Indians requesting a meeting.
The Indian attitude toward all of this activity was
sullen at best. They had been fighting the Spaniards ever
since Valdivia had arrived in their valley. They had been
beaten, however, and fearing the loss of their unharvested
crops, agreed to meet with the invaders. Valdivia told them
that he had. been sent by his King to build a city and re
quested their help. The Indians, hiding their real feelings,
agreed to assist in the project. 'Thus, Santiago was begun
as a permanent settlement on February 12, 1541.
In September, the Indians having completed much of the
construction in the city and patiently waiting for the har
vest to becompleted, finally rebelled. On the*11th, .they
stormed the city and fought the Spaniards tooth and nail
all day. The most conservative accounts estimate that the
attacking force consisted of between eight and ten thousand
warriors. Regardless of the estimates, the force was so
great that the Spaniards, who expected the onslaught, were
forced to withdraw from their defensive lines to the Plaza,
de Armas. As they retreated, the Indians fired the town
mattered the domestic animals
In 'the end, only two
Spaniards were killed, but most of the- rest suffered some
kind of injury. Ines de Surez is credited with saving the
day by ordering several Indian chief captives to be executed,
and their heads thrown out of the strongpoint and into the

45
Indian melee. The Indians were panic stricken by the sight
O -7
of their dead leaders and. fled.
Valdivia, who was reconnoitering the area near the pre
sent seaport town of Concon, arrived back in the city four
days later to view the still smoking ruins. All of the
Spaniards' possessions except their arms, horses, and clothes
had been destroyed. Ines de Suarez had managed, however, to
salvage three pigs, a cock and hen, and two handfuls of grain.
In effect, the Indians had come within a hair-breadth of des
troying the colony by direct attack and appeared ready to
O O
finish the job as soon as possible.
Despite the severe Spanish losses, the Indians were In
no position to follow up their advantage, and decided to
witdidraw from the immediate area. Villagra and Quiroga
were dispatched to the Quillota area west of Santiago and
were able to break up Indian concentrations and prevent an
immediate attack.
Meanwhile, the city was reconstructed; this time with
an adobe wall eight feet high and five feet thick sur
rounding the interior nine blocks. The Indians, meanwhile,
adopted a guerrilla warfare plan and waited in ambush for
any Spaniard who wandered too far from the settlement. The
town's inhabitants were thus reduced to eating herbs and
bugs while waiting for the cavalry to return with game.
Most of them also adopted the native dress as there was
nothing European to replace their worn-out clothes. Soon,

46
it became very difficult to tell' the Indians and Spaniards
o q
in the city apart by their outward appearance. J This sort
of existence continued throughout 1542 and lasted until
December 1543 when Monroy arrived with a force of 70 men.
The second Spanish woman to arrive in the colony may have
been on Monroy's ship. The first record of a Spanish woman's
arrival, however, does not occur until 1544 when a Spanish
woman named Balcazar arrived. It is safe to assume, there
fore, that most of the children reported to be in Santiago
from 1541 to 1544 were either Indians or mestizos.^
With the arrival of the 70 men detachment, the Spaniards
were able to take the initiative and the Indians were forced
to withdraw to the south. Valdivia attacked them at the
Maipo, destroyed their fortifications, and forced a general
retreat of more than 150 miles to the southern banks of the
Maul River. In the north, meanwhile, Chief Michimalongo
was routed in a pitched battle in the Limari Valley and
Santiago was reasonably secured.
With the easing of the Indian threat, Valdivia's atten
tion was again returned to the colonial organization. A
cabildo had been set up as early as March 1541. Despite
the fact that the little band of Spaniards functioned on a
war footing with military directions from Valdivia, the
governor felt that the delegation of responsibilities would
eliminate claims of preferential treatment. He decided that
he could avoid a great deal of ill will and trouble If all

47
disputes were settled by the cabildo rather than himself.
Thus, ha appointed alcaldes ordinarios, Juan Jufre and
Francisco Aguirre; councilors*, Juan Fernandez de A1 derate,
Juan. Bohdfn, Francisco de Villagra, Don Matin de Solier,
Gaspar de Villarroel, and Jeronimo de Aiderste; majordorao,
Antonio Zapata; and the procurador, Antonio de Pastrana.
Valdivia maintained his title as Lieutenant Governor and
Captain General.^ Despite the legalistic nature of these
assignments, none of the appointees had attended college
and none were accredited lawyers... Later in the colonial
era, the Crown licensed lawyers and office holders requiring
a law degree. It was not necessary to have completed a col
lege education, however.^
The most important development from a political, eco
nomic, and social standpoint at this time was the establish
ment of the cabildo. Basically, this organization was
nothing more than the transfer of the ancient Spanish munici-
*pal tradition to the Mew World. Each organization varied
from country to country, however, and, in essence, mostly
reflected the structural interpretation of the governor or
expedition leader.^ Cabildo meetings in Santiago, in fact,
were held in Valdivia's house.until .the regular meeting house
was constructed. One example of Valdivias structual inter
pretation was the fact, that from 1550 until 1557, there
were three regidores perpetuos in the city instead of the
usual five by virtue of a prior agreement and arrangement

43
with Valdivia Diego Garca de Caceres, Rodrigo de Quircga,
and Juan Gmez.44 The erosion of the strong position of the
governor vis-a-vis the cabildo can also be seen following
Valdivia's death and the institutionalization of the cabildo.
In order to become a cabildo member in Santiago, the
candidate had to be a citizen of the city. The age require
ments were a minimum of 26 for an alcalde ordinario; 18, for
a regidor; and 25, for an escribano. Criminals, illegitimate
sons, members of religious orders, debtors, and recent Chris-
d s
tian converts were excluded from office.
Cabildo sessions were of three types: ordinary, extra
ordinary, and open. Ordinary sessions took place on fixed
dates. Extraordinary sessions occurred on special occasions,
and open meetings were scheduled when the collaboration of
the citizenry of the whole town was needed to pass important
legislation, or for discussion of very important matters.
Elections occurred during the last days of December or the
first of January. Salaries were paid according to the city's
4 fi
ability and according to the job or position.
In the initial stages of its development in Santiago,
the open cabildo included all free men. This was later
modified, however, to Include only Spaniards or Hispanicized
criollos. The distinction was enacted to exclude Indianized
mestizos and Indians who were not considered to be of equal
status,47
The Santiago cabildo evolved Into a structure of two
alcaldes, who were charged with administering justice, and

-49
six regidores who wrote the .municipal regulations. There
were also several other important functionaries including
the procurador of the city, who represented the people; the
mayordomo or treasurer, who took meeting notes; the alguacil
mayor, who was the chief jailer and administeifed punishment;
and the alfrerez real whose position was mainly symbolic,
but, generally in Chile, he was in charge of fiestas and
other ceremonies. The fiel ejecutor supervised prices and
4 8
trade guilds and the alarife directed public works.
The Santiago cabildo documents during this early period
reveal a preoccupation with licensing medical doctors and
approving their work; concern over the building and location
of a hospital, decisions regarding fiestas and religious
holidays, and settlements of land disputes involving the
49
farms in the Santiago area.
Meanwhile, returning to political developments, Pizarro
was assassinated in June 1541. When the news of his death-
reached Santiago, the cabildo was in a quandary. Pizarro's
death meant that Valdivia's governing powers had ceased to
exist because his commission had been issued by the Peruvian
conqueror. On the other hand, no one in the colony had a
better claim for a royal appointment than Valdivia and the
cabildo drew up a petition asking that Valdivia be elected
governor. At first, Valdivia refused because he was still
uncertain of PizarroJs fate. The will of the open cabildo
finally prevailed, however, and Valdivia accepted the post

50
of Governor of the Colony. Alonso de Monroy was appointed
Lieutenant Governor, Jeronimo de Alderete was named treas
urer, Francisco de Arteaga was controller, Juan Fernandez
de Alderete was overseer, and Francisco de Aguirre was named
commissioner.
As noted earlier, this political structure was virtually
meaningless in a colony wTith no visible means of support and
under siege by marauding Indians. Valdivia was in charge of
virtually every order of business, however, and following
his military successes, he turned his attention to the
colony's economy. Indian laborers were put to work in the
mines and a ship was constructed at Concon .to enable Santiago
to maintain communications with Lima. The overland route
between the two cities was secured with the construction of
a fort at La Serena.
At the same time, Valdivia was interrupted in his
economic program by the continuation of the anti-Pizarro
insurrection in Peru. He journeyed there in 1547 and joined
with the King's envoy, Pedro de la Gasea, to defeat his
former sponsor's brother in the Battle of Jaguijahuana.
In gratitude, the King officially proclaimed him governor
of Chile in 1548.
With Peru pacified, Valdivia was able to secure more
men and supplies for his colony. Another company of 100
men was sent to Santiago and the conqueror himself returned
in 1549 along with some women and families.
La Serena,

51
which had again been destroyed by the Indians, was rebuilt
and communications with Peru were secured again. At this
point, approximately 500 Spaniards populated the colony,
and the total population of Santiago proper including
Spaniards, mestizos, and Indians was probably about 1,000.
The vast majority of Spaniards were employed against the
growing Araucanian threat in the south. By 1553, the total
number of Spaniards had risen to 1,000 this number being
partially made up of men from the detachment of Don Martin
de Avendano and Gasper de Villarroel which arrived from
5 4
Peru m November of 1552.
It should always be recognized that the majority of
Spaniards were engaged in the war effort, but some were
mining for gold or were engaged in raising livestock. At
this time, Valdivia could look with some satisfaction on
his accomplishments of conquering the Indians in the Santiago
area and dividing their labor force among his men. He had
led successful expeditions into Araucanian territory and had
founded the towns of Imperial, Valdivia, and Villarica.
There were also forts at Arauco, Tucapel, and Puren. Thus,
the conquest of all of the country seemed assured.
This victory was delayed, however, and later postponed
indefinitely by renewed Araucanian resistance. In December
1553, a band of these Indians under the leadership of Lautaro,
Valdivia's former groom, destroyed the fort at Tucapel.
Valdivia marched south to join in the battle, but he was

52
ambushed, captured, and killed by the Indians. The uprising,
which had not appeared possible earlier in the year, con
tinued. and three towns including Concepcion fell to the ad-
vancing Indians. The War of Arauco was intensified,
Francisco de Villagra, who had become Commander-in-Chief
in the south, after the news of Valdivia's death reached
C f.
Santiago on 11 January 1554, finally managed to capture
and kill his chief adversary near Santiago three years later,
Lautaro1s head was exhibited on a pike in the plaza for many
days, but it was a symbolic gesture because his place was
soon taken by bolder and more capable Indian generals. The
southern part of the country was reconquered, for the most
part, during the next several years through the efforts of
Don Garca Hurtado de Mendoza and Captain Alonso de Reinoso,
who fought against the great Indian Chief Caupolican.
Thus, the Araucanian War, which varied in intensity
through the years, became a real and present factor in
Chilean colonial life. Towns were destroyed and were re
built. Immigrants arrived and lives were lost. In general,
however, the Spaniards were able to maintain enough pressure
on their Indian adversaries for the next forty years to keep
them off balance. The Spanish action essentially became a
defensive, holding action.
It should be mentioned at this point that the War of
Arauco was not necessarily fought by Spaniards solely against
Indians. In reality, by this time, the battle lines were

53
drawn between Spaniards and their allies mestizos and
Indian friends fighting against the Araucanians and
their allies some mestizos, renegade Indians, and
- R Q
Spanish deserters.
The presence of a strong enemy in the south had a tre
mendous effect on colonial life and attitudes, however. The
most important psychological factor was the sense of mutual
identity that was created among the Spaniards and their
mestizo half brothers. Social stability was necessary to
fight the common enemy and this factor, more than anything,
led to a mutual feeling of incipient nationhood. In ad
dition, the war absorbed a good portion of the colonys
early energy and forced the Crown to send naturally aggres
sive military men instead of traditional colonizers with
their families. This soldier class immigration led to a
vigorous pursuit of economic and territorial expansion to
support the war effort, changed traditional social patterns,
and ultimately brought about a social evolution involving
some mestizos in all facets of society.^

NOTES
^"Medina, Los aborgenes de Chile p. 7. Chili is
the Quechua word meaning ''better than something."
Alonso de Gongora. Marmolejo, Historia de Chile desde
el descubrimiento hasta el ano 1575 (Santiago, 1862),
pp. 30-37. See also Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1,
p. 40 8.
3Vernon, ojd. cit. p. 41.
A
Fras, ojo. cit. pp. 55-56.
5
Miguel de Olivares, Historia militar, civil y sagrada
de Chile (Santiago, 1864), p. 213.
g
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 385.
^Ibid., Vol. 3, pp, 23-27.
O
Maguire Ibar, ojd. cit. p. 7.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 523.
10Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 23-34.
^Eberhardt, ojd. cit., pp. 42-44.
12 .
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 388. Valdivia
himself spoke of religious and saintly assistance.
13
Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del desarrolla
intelectual de Chile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1903), pp. 375-
376. See also James Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca (Austin,
19 72) p. 112. Twenty percent of the conquerors of Chile
were functioning literates. The rest could sign their
names. Only nine percent were illiterate.
14Encina, Historia de
Chile,
Vol.
1,
pp. 386-387
l^Galdames, op. cit.,
pp. 34'
-35.
1 ft
DEncina, Historia de
Chile ,
Vol.
1,
p. 39 2 .
17
Galdames, ojd. cit.,
p. 35.
54

55
^Xbid,
-^Encina, Historia 'de-Chile, Vol. 1, p. 176. Vernon,
op. cit., pp. 17-18.
29Galdames, og. cit., p. 37.
2^Gongora Marmolejo, op. cit. pp. 36-40.
0 0 /
^Crecente Errazunz, Historia de Chale: Pedro de
Valdivia (Santiago, 1911-1912), Vol. 1, p. 4.
23Diego Barros Arana, Orgenes de Chile (Santiago,
1934), Vol. 1, p. 209.
3^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile: La
transformacin de la guerra de Arauco y la esclavitud de
los indios (Santiago, 1971), p. 20. See also Eugene H.
Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile: the Struggle for
Social Justice (Stanford, 1968), p. 24.
^Vernon, op. cit. p. 43.
26Ibid., pp. 44-45.
^Declaracin de Pedro de Miranda in Jose T. Medina,
Coleccin de documentos inditos para, la historia de Chile
desde el viaje de Magallanes hasta la batalla de Maioo,
1518-1818 (Santiago, 1888-1902), Vol. 16, p. 2127
^Vernon, ojo. cit. pp. 26-27. There is ample evidence
that Valdivia's marriage to Dona Marina was unhappy. He
had, at this time, been married to her for ten years and
there were no children. Dona Marina has been characterized
as being quite colorless; so there is reason to believe that
Valdivia became infatuated with Doha In^s, perhaps in
Venezuela. Dona Ines did not meet Valdivia in Peru until
her husband died.
29Ibid., 52-54.
30Errzuriz, Historia de Chile: Pedro de Valdivia,
Vol. 1, p. 60.
31Vernon, op_. cit. pp. 56-64.
32Errazuriz, Historia de Chile: Pedro de Valdivia,
Vol. 1, p. 130.
33Ibid., p. 147.

56
^Eberhardt, o£. cit., p. 112.
-^Gongoro Marinle jo, op. cit. p. 43.
^Vernon, o£, cit. pp, 76-79 .
37
'Vernon, op. crt., pp. 56-57.
88Frias, op. cit., pp. 63-65.
^Eberhardt, o£. cit. p. 74.
40Ibid., p. 119.
41Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 197.
42
Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del desarrolla
intelectual de Chile, 1541-1810, pp. 375-420.
48Eberhardt, oja, cit., p. 115.
44Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 266-267.
4^Julio Alemparte, El cabildo en Chile colonial
(Santiago, 1940 ), pp. 67-71.
4SIbid., pp. 72-86.
4^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 267.
48Ibid., pp. 267-268.
4^Ibid., pp. 269-272. See also the Libro Becerro de
cabildo de Santiago, Actas de 1541 a 1557. In the
Biblioteca Nacional.
CT A
-''Alamparte, ojo. cit. pp. 52-61. See also Medina,
Documentos inditos, Vol. 8, pp. 69-70.
Slprias, op_. cit. pp. 67-68.
C A
Eberhardt, o£. cit., p. 113.
^8Ibid., p. 111.
54Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Los conquistadores de Chile
(Santiago 190 8-1910) Vol. 2, p. 36. See also figures in
Barros Arana, op_. cit. Vol. 1, p. 117.
c r / .
--'Crecente Errazunz ,\Hrstona de Chile sm
gobernador, 1554-1557 (Santiago, 1912), pp. 406-426.

57
-^Eberhardt, bp. cit., p. 146.
57
3'Frias,
op. cit.,
p. 71 and 219
^^Encina
, Historia
de Chile, Vol
59Ibid,
Vol. 1, p.
411.
60Ibid.,
Vol. 2, p.
191.
p. 189.

CHAPTER III
THE DIVISION OF LAND AND INDIANS
James Lockhart contends that the Spanish colonial per
iods contribution to pre-Columbian America can be described
briefly as the contents of two complementary master insti
tutions, the Spanish city and the great estate.-'- While
neither city structure nor the evolution of the great es
tate have been explored in great detail, more is known about
the city because of its continuity of location, property and
governmental records, and function.
European civilization, in fact, manifested itself most
apparently in the towns where the Spanish population was
concentrated. Santiago, by far the largest urban center in
Chile, had a European population that fluctuated between the
original 150 in 1541 to about 500 by the turn of the cen
tury. This group theoretically was divided into three cat
egories from 1541 on encomenderos, moradores, and tran
sients. In fact, however, there were not enough Spaniards
in the early years to develop this stratification to any
great extent. The first two categories were always called
vecinos or citizens. The transient group of soldiers sim
ply did not settle in one location long enough to qualify
for citizenship.
The right of citizenship in a locale following the
conquest was, nevertheless, easy to obtain. If a man
58

demonstrated good habits and had a proper occupation, he
could apply for a lot (solar) which following authorization
he had to enclose and build a house within a fixed time
period. After these provisions were complied with, he also
had the use of the commons or dehesa. He was then eligible
for elected office and was subject to the town's ordinances
Valdivia apparently overlooked the fact that many
people did not petition for residency and in 1552, denied a
petition from, the procurador of Santiago that cited the un
lawful residence of several people in the city. The gov
ernor was probably motivated to do this because of his con
stant fear that rumors of Chile's poverty would lead to a
mass exodus and inhibit immigration. In fact, at first he
refused to allow any Spaniard to leave the country for any
3
reason.J
The towns, therefore, became the strong points of the
Chilean colonial system. In each, the vecinos comprised a
local guard or garrison for the city's'protection. They
also had the responsibility of defending neighboring
friendly Indians and safeguarding territory that had theo
retically been fully liberated. In order to facilitate
this responsibility, they maintained rural fortifications
which served as strong-points during skirmishes with the
Indians.
In Santiago, the little city garden plots of the
vecinos soon proved to be insufficient for raising adequate

60
crops. Two sets of new lands were then laid out: one
having a frontage on the south side of the Canada, as one
of the main channels of the Mapocho River; the other across
the main channel of the Mapocho on the north side. These
chacras or farms ran back from the rivers in long strips
with the rearward extension largely undefined. Eventually,
the haphazard nature of the border definitions of these
holdings led to many disputes that had to be arbitrated by
the cabildo office.
Initially, these chacras provided enough food for the
town. As the population increased, however, more food and
goods were needed not only for sustenance, but also to pro
vide some means of exchange at the city market. More land
had to be put into production, therefore, and the acquisi
tion of land to produce food and goods became increasingly
important. Because mining production was of relatively
little value in the country, ownership of land or control
of a labor force became the means for individuals to in
crease their fortunes and status in the colony.
The division of territory and the Indian work force
beyond the limits of the city of Santiago then became of
primary importance. Valdivia drew up the first partitions
in January 1544. The land from Aconcaqua to the Biobxo
River was divided into sixty portions. Valdivia's own sec
tion was located between Valparaiso and Qsillota and con
tained the mines of Marga-Marga. In July 1544 these

61
concessions were modified and the number of allotments were
reduced to thirty-two. The reason for this was that the
number of Indians living in the granted areas in 1541 had
diminished during the following three years because of
disease and flight to the Indian-controlled south.^
Valdivia, according to his Governors commission of
1548 and his earlier predilection and assumed authority,
made two types of grants to his compatriots. The first, as
noted before, were sites for houses and farms in or near
the cities. The second was the distribution of enco
miendas essentially Indians in the larger territorial
area that was being pacified. The distribution of these
encomiendas, however, was impeded initially by the fighting
in the Santiago area and the fact that the local Indians
were already serving as Indian allies or as cargo carriers
against the enemy Indians.
Under his encomienda distribution authority, Valdivia
had the right to commend" (encomendar) to the conquerors
the Indians located in vaguely defined areas. The governor
was very careful in his apportionment, however, to make the
Spanish grants align closely with the Indians' own tribal
jurisdictions. The whole process, therefore, essentially
the institutionalization of Spanish senorialism in Chile
and many of the Indians henceforth became vassals to the
encomenderos,^
At best described by Francisco Encina, no historian
can look at the legislative acts pertaining to the

62
encomienda system and really -understand what it was all
about.^ The system evolved differently from colony to
colony and, in reality, was what the local encomenderos
wanted it to be. According to the original terms, however,
all of the encomenderos had certain public obligations.
Among these were the keeping of a horse and arms in prep
aration for military service. Sometimes this duty was spe
cific such as the maintenance of a distinct fort. This
became a particular arduous duty for the citizenry in
Santiago because of the incessant warfare. On more than
one occasion, vecinos protested against their liability to
serve in the army and fight against the Indians in the
south. Eventually, their protests were alleviated by the
recruitment of professional Spanish and mestizo soldiers
o
to conduct the war.
It should be noted that wealthy encomenderos, particu
larly those possessing gold mines, could buy their way out
q
of their military obligation. Most encomenderos, although
certainly interested in their own welfare, genuinely felt
that their duty was to complete their military contract with
the King, Alvaro Jara, in fact, describes the major differ
ence between the Indian and Spanish armies as the fact that
the latter was created by a contract between the individual
and the Crown. The Indian, on the other hand, had no such
vassalage agreement with a centralized higher authority.
His position was as a result of his relationship with his

63
local chief, and the fact that he and his tribe were "ac-
10
cidentially" in the path of the aggressors.
Each encomendero in Chile was also obliged to maintain
roads and bridges within the limits of his encomienda. This
function appears to make the territorial demarcation of the
encomienda there more meaningful and somewhat different from
the primarily labor division typical of encomiendas in
other colonies.
Another duty related to the missionary side of coloni
zation. Every encomendero was obligated to teach religion
to his charges. In the Chilean case, the natives were dis
tributed into religious territories called doctrinas which
were presided over by a priest. Although this situation
evolved slowly in Chile, by 1585, there were twenty-four
doctrinas in the Santiago district. ^
The final condition of the grants was the established
method of colonization. It stipulated that the principal
Indian caciques should maintain their wives and children
as well as the other Indians that served them. This, in
effect, was the Spaniard^ attempt to adopt the native
system of control described earlier into their own system.
The chiefs were to be apportioned to the encomenderos, and,
thus, the fealty of these Indians would be transferred from
the Indians to the Spanish overlords. An elaborate ceremony
usually accompanied the loyalty oath and sometimes it was
sealed by the marriage of the encomendero to the principal

64
chiefs daughter. Thus, the kinship group often became the
common unit in. the distribution of the Chilean natives among
. 1 o
the Spaniards.
The encomendero maintained his residence primarily in
the city. He made periodic visits to the area of his enco
mienda, however, where he either temporarily occupied the
village chieftain's house or had a country house constructed
for his own use. Typically, several of the encomendero's
lieutenants or most trusted workers lived full time with
the Indians as foremen or stock workers. Later, this class
of Spaniards or mestizos evolved into the estanciero class
13
associated with the great landed estates or estancias.
For the Indians' part, they were bound to render cer
tain services to the Spanish' lords. They were obliged to
plant and care for a certain amount of crops, provide fire
wood, tend cattle, and perform personal duties for their
masters. The Indians, however, did retain the right to
unmolested occupation of their lands. In fact, tribal
leadership and membership were maintained by the Spaniards
by distributing Indian foodstuffs only through the office
of the tribal chief. The chief, therefore, functioned as
the Spaniards' Indian agent.14 Other duties performed for
the Spaniards by the Indians were, at first, so undefined
that many abuses occurred within the system. In 1537,
however, a set of regulations was authorized which condi
tioned Indian labor, especially work in the mines. These

regulations were modified from time to time, but generally
stated that yearly work in the mines began on February 1
and ended on September 30, They also said that only resi
dents of a specific area were allowed to work the mines and
set the work day as beginning a half an hour before sufitup
and ending a half an hour after sunset. Religious instruc
tion was to be regulated and controlled by the resident
priest.
Despite the protective legal tone of these regulations
and others, the Indians were still subjected to strict
treatment. For instance, following rumors of an Indian
rebellion in May 1549, Alcalde Juan Gomez of Santiago
ordered the encomenderos in the district to torture or
burn any Indian suspected of-being involved in dissident
activity.As of 1553, any Indian mine worker caught
concealing gold nuggets was to be whipped and have his nose
17
and ears cut off. The most agonizing torture for the
poor Indian was the practice of "disjointing, which con
sisted of cutting the foot a little bit above the toe joint
18
to prevent flight. The basic inequality of colonial lav;
is graphically shown in the various punishments for blas
phemy for the accused Spaniard, 30 days in jail and a
40 peso fine; for the Indian, 50 lashes in the public
square.^
Although the system was clearly designed to harness
the native work force, by any means possible, to benefit

fro
the encomendero, the Indian did receive some advantages in
Chile, One example is the fact that in 1567, there were
about 150,000 sheep in the vicinity of Santiago, and enco
mienda Indians had personal ownership of 50,0.00 of them.
Encomienda Indians in other parts of the country also owned
livestock and could sell them for their own benefit at fair
20
market value.
There is no doubt, however, that overall the enco
mienda system especially forced work in the mines
was a tremendous burden on the Indians. Hernando de
Santillan, in studying the abuses of the system in 1557,
noted that many Indian women preferred to have their chil
dren die rather than see them seized later for service in
2 "I
the mines, Santillan was directed by the Crown to go to
Chile and get a first hand view of the situation, because
the King always feared that the destruction of the native
work force would ultimately destroy the colonial system.
In 1559, therefore, Santillan formulated some new regula
tions designed to reduce the amount of work done by the
encomienda Indians and protect them from the abuses of the
system. Among other things, these regulations authorized
payment for services rendered. This measure was opposed
by the encomenderos, however, and was only half-heartedly
enforced. The major problem with reform was the fact that
a long and difficult war was going on in the south against
the Indians. The Spaniards, who had lost sons or friends

67
in the fighting, were opposed to assistance of any kind to
the native population. Ironically, had the Indians suc
cumbed after a brief fight, reform measures may have been
more popular. Thus, this measure merely became the first
of many attempts during the colonial era to correct the
abuses of the encomienda system.
Some apologists for the encomienda system insist that
its implementation was the salvation of the Indians. One
Indian detractor said, for instance, that without some
orderly system, the Indians would simply eat their work
animals and not produce food. There was some historical
basis for this phenomenon, because it apparently occurred
when the Chilean Indians were freed from Incan bondage and
returned to their old food gathering methods. Thus, the
encomendero was merely providing a civilized service by
teaching the Indians animal husbandry and agricultural
techniques.^
Chilean System
Valdivia's Chilean encomienda distribution plan cer
tainly showed more foresight than many other colonial gov
ernors and enabled his colony to escape the civil war epi
sode endured in Peru. Of the original 150 members of his
expedition, he named 132 as encomenderos. Of the other IS,
merely 12 percent of the total force, two left the country,
and the others either were killed by the Indians or died
soon after their arrival.^5 Thus, the number of potential

68
dissidents was very low, and there was little plotting
against Valdivia's leadership. Moreover, all of the ori
ginal band had started the invasion on almost the same
economic and social footing and, with only a few exceptions,
there appears to have been little social antagonism among
the group. The later reduction of the original sixty
encomienda grants in the Santiago area to thirty-two,
however, did cause somewhat of a problem for the governor.
The promise of new lands and Indians in the south dissipated
the hostility enough to prevent any long lived antagonism
directed against the governor.^
The change from Indian to Spanish control through the
encomienda system was facilitated by the fact that the
Indians under Inca domination were already held in a type
of vassalage. The Mapocho Valley Indians, who were culti
vating the land in the Santiago area, were known as mitamaes
2 7
or vassals of the Inca. In fact, the Peruvian yanaconas
differentiated themselves from the Chilean Indians by re
ferring to them as mitamaes in derogatory fashion. Thus,
the Indians, in effect, were simply exchanging one lord
7 P
for another with the arrival of the Spaniards.
In most cases, the Spanish encomienda grants were sim
ilar in Chile to their antecedents in Mexico and Peru.
While the encomienda that provided the Indian's service was
the most common type, there are clearly documented instances
in which the encomienda was a territoral grant and was

-69
specifically denoted as "consisting of the Indians and their
land." This situation was possible only when there were
clusters or permanently located Indians in a specific area.
Ines de Suarez occupied one such encomienda as did Juan
Bautista de Pastene, Francisco Martinez, Gonzalo de los
Rios, and Francisco Hernandez Gallego. In each case,
Valdivia defined the particular Indian settlement and its
boundaries as the encomienda. For instance, one such
directive defines as the grant "la mitad de los valles de
la Ligua i del Papudo, con todos sus caciques."^0 Another
example is "y mas el cacique llamado Apoquindo, con todos
sus principales e indios sujetos, que tienen su asiento en
este valle de Mapocho y dseos su tierra e indios, para que
os sirvis de todos ellos.Such encomiendas formed large
estates of rural property and obviously were much sought
after rewards for personal service to the Governor and
King.. Many soldiers and others not necessarily qualified
to receive encomiendas under the original rules were recom
pensed for their service with these estates. In any case,
the granting of Indian labor in a predominantly agricul
tural environment was not worth much more than the land they
inhabited. Agricultural labor without land and crops would
be an impossible situation.
All land grants were eventually distributed by the
local cabildo, and encomiendas were generally authorized
only by the Governor. Thus, in theory, the distribution of

70
land and Indians bureaucratically rested with two different
agencies. Following Valdivia's death, however, the cabildo
did authorize the grant of several encomiendas. The cabildo
record the Libro Becerro following the cabildo's legi
timate authority divided property into the categories of
vaci.no lots, chacras, and estancias and these grants were
*3 O
distributed as the cabildo saw fit. ^
There has been a long drawn out controversy among Latin
American scholars over the link between the encomienda and
landholding. Silvio Zavala has shown in his study of the
encomienda system that the original encomienda of the
Antilles was a grant of the right to use labor, with no
link to royal tribute in fact or theory. Tribute was later
extended to labor use following a long legislative and
administrative campaign by the Crown which also restricted
the encomandero1s rights to tribute alone.
According to Lockhart, there are two strands of in
stitutional development involved in the evolution of the
encomienda. The first was the "encomienda'1 created by
high officials which basically was a concession to collect
and enjoy the king's tribute. The other was a locally in
spired "repartimiento" which was essentially concerned with
dividing the Indians into labor groups. The latter arrange
ment and the term "repartimiento" became the official usage
to designate the actual area_of the grant. What was as
signed to the encomendero, however, was Indians and not
34
tribute.

71
There is no question that many of the encomenderos
acted like property owners and took advantage of their
status as justification for receiving grants of land in
the area of their encomienda. Mario Gongora in his study
of the evolution of property in the Valley of Puangue shows
how the Chilean encomenderos used their position to receive
land grants (mercedes) within the limits of their enco
miendas and prevented concessions to others in the area.
In fact, the families of the greatest encomendero in a
particular area usually built a hacienda near the center
of the encomienda grant and maintained the best land as
35
their property.
Lockhart takes this example further by explaining how
the living styles of the encomenderos and hacendados were
similar. Moreover, both possessed in practice some juris
diction over their Indians which was exercised paternalis-
tically. He concludes that the two institutions enco
mienda and hacienda served the aristocracy in similar
fashion by essentially perpetuating its control over the
lower classes.^
Robert Keith takes the institutional relationship for
ward by describing their structural continuities. For
Keith the institution of the encomienda is not just a group
of Indians, but the encomendero with his dependents as well
as the property belonging to both the Indians and the
Spaniard. In addition, it is the complex set of

72
relationships tying, these people together and connecting
them to the larger society outside of the encomienda. 1
The most important part of the encomienda relation
ship to external society was its evolution from the early
system to the creation of landed estates. Keith argues
that the Crown's intervention in the institutional aspects
of the system on the side of the natives prevented the dis
appearance of Indian society. By taking advantage of the
weakness of the encomendero class, the Crown was able to
reform the encomienda, separating the traditional from the
capitalistic elements, and insuring the dominance of the
traditional in a remodeled institution, the corregimiento.
As a result, the Indian communities were able to reorganize
and survive, while the Spaniards were free to organize their
own estates as capitalistic institutions largely independent
3 o
of Indian society.
In Chile, however, this situation evolved somewhat
differently because Indian society was virtually eliminated
in the Santiago area as a result of the wars, rapid Indian
depopulation, and the creation of mestizaje, which filled
the population void. The new mestizo class had an easier
time being accepted into Spanish society and the capital
istic environment of the hacienda. Thus, the original po
litical and institutional strength of the encomendero class
in Chile; their early realization that land was wealth;
and the destruction of pure Indian society facilitated the

73
evolution of the encomienda system to the landed estates so
prominent in later colonial history.
The estancias or large farm estates became the backbone
of Chilean agriculture by the beginning of the 17th century.
The origin of this rural property as separate entities was
more likely the result of a land concession than an enco-
on
mienda grant. Conversely, some of the encomienda grants,
as noted before, were maintained from generation to genera-
tion as rural property. In fact, almost all of the best
land in the colony was included in the limits of the orig
inal large encomienda divisions, and there was very little
rural property available for newly arrived Spaniards to oc
cupy. Thus, the land distribution system either as conces
sions or encomiendas led to a largely agricultural colony
in which most of the large parcels of land were devoted to
stock raising.
These large estates were maintained during the balance
of the colonial period by the system of mayorazgos or en
tailed estates. Many of the leading families, desiring
primarily to maintain their social rank, had their property
entailed by order of the Crown. In this way, the large
holdings were kept intact from generation to generation.
Although formal limitation of the property to a specific
line of heirs did not begin until the close of the 17th
century land was held in virtual occupational entailment
40
by the first families until that time.

74
According to Helen Douglas-Irvine in her study of the
encomienda system in Chile, hereditary rights to the enco
miendas were most often maintained by one means or another.
These possessions were originally granted for two lifetimes
in .America. In 15 37, Charles V, however, ruled that when
an encomendero died, his rights to the encomienda Indians
passed on to his legitimate sons, in order of age, failing
them to his daughters similarly, and failing any legitimate
children, to his widow.4^
These pro\risions seem to have been followed in Chile
on most occasions. In several examples, the Governor peti
tioned that the vecinos might hold their encomiendas in
perpetuity. No matter what the Crowns decision was in
these cases, time and Chiles isolation from the political
mainstream strengthened the hereditary nature of the enco
miendas. In practice, most of the encomiendas remained in
one family until the system was abolished near the end of
the 18th century. Moreover, by an interesting custom that
was adopted by the family-conscious Chileans, the son who
received his father's encomienda was bound to feed his
mother, brothers, and sisters, thus maintaining the basic
family unit.42
Obviously, the Spanish settlers faced a difficult task
in Chile because of their small numbers. Douglas-Irvine
computes that by 155 8, only 1,100 Spanish men were in the
43
country. Thus, thus small number could not place an

75
Iron-clad European social and legal structure over the
country, and the encomienda system was adapted to the con
querors needs and the natives' ability to participate. The
conquerors were basically opposed to manual labor, and con
sequently needed a large labor force to till the soil, tend
the animals, and so on. Since they had not found El Dorado
in Chile, they could not afford large numbers of Negro
slaves. Thus, in the end, they were forced to rely on the
Indians to provide manual labor particularly in mining and
agricultural pursuits. This was a severe hardship for the
Indians because they were not accustomed to hard work
either, but their labor fulfilled the most important neces
sity for the conquerors.
A further consideration, of course, was the missionary
aspect of colonization, which basically meant that the
Indians had to be preserved, if they were to be converted.
The Spanish religious ideal, therefore, was not to drive
the Indians out of the country, but to govern them within
it. The native institutions were not to be eradicated, but
were to be absorbed into the Spanish system.
This enterprise, although laudatory, was faulty. The
Spaniards apparently never fully understood the Chilean
Indians' complex social system and consequently many abuses
were built into the system from the beginning. Agreements
made with specific Indian chiefs were sometimes given to
the wrong individual. This practice, obviously, confounded

76
Indian society, and led to serious morale problems among the
various sub-groups. In addition, readjustments in Spanish
society such as changes in*encomienda proprietorship
caused confusion among the Indians as to who really was
their lord and master. Additional disorder was caused by
moving -the Indians from place to place creating a consequent
loss of identity. Finally, confusion was caused.among
the encomenderos and the Indians by the court fights over
'the encomiendas that were left vacant by the proprietor's
4 S
death or his departure for Spain.-
Some Indians, living near town, never fully partici
pated in the encomienda system, but were granted illegally
to the Spaniards as personal servants. These Indians
adopted useful handicrafts such as carpentry, shoemaking,
and masonry. They were also used as porters carrying goods
from Santiago to Valparaiso, and as builders. Of course,
this idea of personal service and seizure was really against
*the law, but the abuse was never checked. In fact, the ex
action of personal service prevented the mass assimilation
of the Chilean Indians by the colony because the social
stigma of personal service assured the fact that pure-
blooded Indians would always be considered the lower
class.
By disease, bad treatment, flights to the free south,
the Indian settlements around Santiago were emptied. A
report dated 1610, indicates that encomiendas that had

77
once included two or three thousand Indians, now only had
a hundred, and most only forty, fifty, or sixty. There
were at that time not over 2,899 encomienda Indians in the
entire Santiago district. In all of Chile, there were no
more than 5,000 Indians still serving in encomiendas. One
particular encomienda of 1,500 Indians, that had been
granted to Ines de Suarez in 1546, contained only 800 in
1579,47
These Indians no longer were plentiful enough for
agricultural work and gradually a new "pay for labor" class
v/as formed to take the place of the encomienda. It was com
prised of the Indians involved in personal service, mestizos,
who followed the cultural patterns of their Indian mothers,
and enslaved Araucanian Indians who were captured in the
fighting in the south. This new class was known as the
Inquilinos who are still cultivating the central valley to
this day.
These people were distinguished from the encomienda
Indians because they lived on their master's estancias.
They had certain rights including 200 days per year for
their own personal labor plus a special piece of land for
their own crops. In addition, they were paid for their
work on the Lord's estancia, and one out of every four was
appointed as overseer. This system proved superior to the
encomienda, which degenerated, lost its Indian population,
and finally was abolished near the end of the 18th cen-
48
tury.

73
Despite the development of the encomienda system in
Chile and the creation of large landed estates originally
utilizing forced labor, the essential capitalistic nature
of the Chilean colonial economy has long been ignored.
Afterall, even the encomienda system was nothing more than
a measure designed to harness cheap labor for sustainment
and ultimately the world capitalist market. The passing
of the encomienda system occurred primarily because it was
49
uneconomical.
Moreover, as Jay Kinsbruner points out in his Chile:
A Historical Interpretation, the capitalistic system in
Chile was spurred during the colonial period < especially
during the end of the 16th and during the 17th centuries
because land was continually being subdivided and ownership
increased. For example, the original five estates bounded
by the Perquilauquen, Loncomilla, and the Maul Rivers and
the Andes had been joined by 40 additional estates by the
end of the 17th century. Of these 40, only 13 contained
more than 4,000 acres. Additionally, these estates were
made up of more arable land than the original five, so this
was not even a consideration of the sub-division process.^
One further consideration about the control of economic
activity was the fact that the mayorazgos living in the
country never exerted much influence or political pressure
on Santiago during the early colonial period, simply be
cause most of the economic activity was in Santiago and its
environs and not on the large estates.

Accordingly, the urban-dwelling encomiendero-hacendado,
bourgeoise-merchants, miners, small manufacturers, some
government bureaucrats, and professional people, were the
persons most interested in stable government and rule by
law. These men, in fact, became the backbone of the
Chilean economy after the military had secured the area.
They were also instrumental in Chile for creating an urban
social middle class based more on economics than cn birth.
During the period of 1540-1565 in Santiago, they also ap
pear to be more racially tolerant than their counterparts
in Mexico and Peru. Perhaps, this situation was caused by
necessity, however, rather than mentality._
In any case, the bourgeoise played a significant role
in the development of the colony from the very beginning.
First, there was Martinez's partnership with Valdivia.
Then, there was the rapid establishment of the central
market in Santiago. As Kinsbruner relates, moreover, as
early as 1543, the first ship to arrive in the colony from
Peru contained not only military hardware for Valdivia, but
also a consignment of civilian goods destined for the
Santiago market. The second ship carried only goods for
C 1
sale.
There were many notable entrepreneurs among the ori
ginal settlers. Some will be discussed at length in a
later chapter. Suffice it to say here, however, that it
is worth mentioning Antonio Nunez de Fonseca, who founded

80
the shipbuilding and fishing industry in the colony,, and
Tuan Jufre, who owned a flour mill and cloth factory in
Santiago.
These men exercised influence far beyond their logical
means and structured social status because they were able
to exert their influence on the commerce between Santiago
and Lima. Because Santiago was the collection and distri
bution point for goods to be exported and goods to be dis
tributed among the first settlers, obviously the men con
trolling this commerce would be dominant in political life.
This was especially true in the Santiago area where the
encomiendas were dispersed and the Crown exerted little
political control. These men or their families later aug
mented their influence and control through a kinship network
(compadrazgo) which will be discussed later.

NOTES
Ajames Lockhart, ''Encomienda and Hacienda; The
Evolution of the Great Estate in the Spanish Indies,"
Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 49 (August 1969),
p. 411.
^Galdames, op. cit., p. 79.
^Barros Arana, op. cit., Vol. 1, p.,144.
^Eugene H. Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile:
The Struggle for Social Justice, 1535-1700 (Stanford,
1968) p. 24.
^Manuel Salvat Monguillot, "El regimen de encomiendas
en ios primeros tiempos de la conquista," Revista Chilena
de Historia y Geografa, No. 132, 1964, p. 57.
^Pedro Marino de Lobera, Crnica del Reino de Chile,
Coleccin de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 6 (Santiago,
1865), p. 72.
"^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 395 .
^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 25.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garca
de Mendoza, 1557-1561 (Santiago, 1914), 56. See also
J. Solorzano Pereira, Poltica Indiana (Madrid, 1930),
Vol. 3, p. 135.
Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 25.
-^Douglas-Irvine, oja. cit. p. 474.
l^McBride, op_. cit. p. 71.
-^Lockhart, "Encomienda and Haciendq p. 420.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garca
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 443-444.
-^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-15 6 3 (Santiago, 1914) pp. 8 8-89 .
81

82
^Barros Arana, ojd. cit, Vol. i, p. 248.
^Korth, ^Galdames, ojo. cit. p. 88.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-1563, p. 91.
20jay Kinsbruner, Chile: A Historical Interpretation
(New York, 1973), p. 9.
3j-Korth, og_. cit. p. 32.
3^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 398; Vol. 3,
p. 71.
33Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 424-438: Historia de Chile.
Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563, pp. 70-93.
34Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 402.
33Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 22.
3^Korth, oj3. cit. p. 25.
^'Domingo Amunategui Solar, Formacin de la
nacionalidad chilena, (Santiago, 1943) p. 12. Amunategui
describes the mitamaes as small colonies of Inca Indians
who had replaced the local leadership during the 16th
Century Inca invasion. By the time the Spaniards had ar
rived in the country, however, intermarriage with the
local" inhabitants had occurred.
OO ^
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, pp. 18-19.
^George m. McBride, Chile: Land and Society (New
York, 1971), pp. 72-74.
30 /
Domingo Amunategui Solar, Las encomiendas de
indgenas en Chile (Santiago, 1910), Vol. 2, p. 73.
31Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 8.
33McBride, ojd. cit. pp. 90-95,
3 3
Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda," p. 414.
34Ibid., p. 415.

83
33Ibid., p. 416.
36Ibid., pp. 42Q-421.
Robert Keith, 'Encomienda, Hacienda and Corrgimento
in Spanish America: A Structural Analysis," Hispanic
American Historical Review, Vol. 51 (Aug. 1971), p. 432.
38Ibid., p, 446.
3^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol, 1, pp. 396-397.
^McBride, op_. cit. p. 110.
^Douglas-Irvine, cjd. cit. p. 480.
43Ibid., p. 481.
^3Ibid., p. 484.
44Ibid.
43McBride, ojd. cit. p. 75.
48Korth, 0£. cit., pp. 25-26.
4^Douglas-Irvine, 0£. cit., p. 492.
48Korth, ojd, cit. p. 113.
^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 18.
38Kinsbruner, o£. cit., p. 15.
51 Ibid., p. 18. See also Vernon, op. cit., pp. 108-
109 .
52
Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, p. 18.

CHAPTER IV
SANTIAGO
Anyone who has flown over or traveled overland from
northern Chile to the Central Valley is certainly aware of
the rugged terrain and geographical inconsistency of the
land. The small fertile valleys, for instance, quickly
give way to barren, arid, hills, and the lush vegetation is
transformed into scrub growth. Only in the vicinity of
Santiago does the great panorama open to a wide fertile
valley dominated by the hills of Santa Lucia and San
Cristobal. With the towering Andes in the background, it
makes a fantastic setting. This surely was the scene that
enraptured Valdivia when he arrived at Huelen in 1541. He
commented, "This land is such that one can live and prosper.
There is no better place in the world. ..." Of course,
it must be remembered that most of the conquerors were
from the Castillian meseta where according to an old French
expression, "there are eight months of winter and four of
hell.1,1
The only problem for the Spaniards was that the
Mapocho Valley was already inhabited by approximately 10,000
Indians who were not anxious to be displaced by the new
comers. In fact, according to the old historian, Alonso
Gongora Marmolejo, approximately four thousand warriors
actually fought against the Spaniards in the Santiago
84

85
area a number indicating nearly complete manpovier
mobilization.^ in any case, the total number of people
under the jurisdiction of the new Spanish city of Santiago
in 1541 was probably less than 20,000, and included 136
Spaniards, approximately 6,000 Peruvian yanaconas and the
rest native Chileans.
These natives, as explained earlier, spoke mostly
Quechua, were engaged mostly in agricultural pursuits and
food gathering, and lived in their primitive rucas along
stream banks. There was a small settlement in the area
named Huelen after the hill that dominated the region.
Valdivia stated in one letter to the King that he had been
entertained by these natives in a large house containing
many doors. The existence of such a building cannot be
denied, but it must have been a central meeting place be
cause all of the other buildings were of poor quality. The
principal Indian chiefs of the area were Colima, Lampa,
Batacura, Apoquindo, Cerrillos de Apochame, Talagante,
Melipilla, Milacura, and Huara-Huara.^
The importance of the Santa Lucia hill to the
Spaniards can easily be seen by any visitor to Santiago.
Located at that time between two branches of the Mapocho
River, it formed a natural refuge against Indian attacks.
(The size and area of the hill has been markedly reduced
through the years. The rocks and stones were used to
build houses and streets in the city when there was no
longer a need for protection,)^

86
In addition to this strategic consideration, Valdivia
was merely following the Spanish governments interest in
city planning and Charles V's 1523 law prescribing the
conditions for laying out new cities. First, the new
towns were to be located near water, building materials,
pasture lands, and firewood. Second, cities were to be
located in moderate altitudes. Places subject to fog or
located near swamps were to be avoided. In addition, the
area was expected to have clean air and, as a precaution,
"all dirty and smelly businesses" were to be located on
the outskirts of town.5
Once the site had been chosen, the most suitable place
for the central plaza was picked. The street plan was
then laid out from the plaza in a checker-board pattern
devised by Pedro de Gamboa, the city's first surveyor.
The plaza was located several hundred yards in front of
Santa Lucia between the Mapocho and Canada Rivers. (The
Canada has since dried up and has been covered by the
boulevard Alameda.) Originally, eight streets ran north
to south between the rivers; and ten ran from east to west
along the slope of Santa Lucia. Each block measured ex
actly 138 yards in each direction, and was subdivided into
four lots; thus allowing all of Valdivia's soldiers to have
a lot or solar on which he could build a house. It appears
from the original plot that the most important citizens were
to occupy the streets running north to south because these

37
received the night breezes and had a better distribution of
sun and shade. Of course, a hone located near the plaza .
was the most desireable.
The rapid and constant flow of both rivers, along with
the primitive aqueduct system, formed a fairly efficient
supply of drinking and irrigation water, as well as a
relatively workable waste removal system. Vicuna Makenna
comments that the disposal system of old Santiago would
have been the envy of any city in Europe. It remained as
such until population pressures forced people to move up
stream from Santa Lucia and consequently fouled the water.^
For the most part, the original street names of the
city have been forgotten because they were only identifiable
as the home of the first great men of the city. General
practice in all Spanish colonial cities initially was to
identify the solar Or street lots by the inhabitants name.
It is known, however, that present day Estado Street was
always known as Rei Street before the war for independence.
After the first citizens of the city had died, many streets
were named after the more illustrious conquistadores such
as Valdivia and Ahumada, saints, principle buildings, and
7
metals such as Gold Street, Silver Street, etc.
The first homes were constructed of logs and straw.
Following the Indian attack in 1542, however, a kind of
adobe-like material was concocted and used to prevent wide
spread distruction by fire. Valdivia also increased the

88
city's protection by constructing an adobe wall around trie
interior nine blocks surrounding the central plaza. All
traces of this wall have disappeared with time, however,
and there is still some question regarding its exact lo
cation. All that is known for certain is that it was lo
cated in the vicinity of the present. Plaza de Armas. ^
Regardless of the exact location, we do know, that
Valdivia emplaced the church stone that he had carried
with him from Cuzco in the junction of two of the walls.
The first church was, thus, located facing the plaza and
was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Valdivias own house
the first permanent home in the city 1 was built in May
1542 up against the fort's opposite wall facing the church,
Apparently, subsequent buildings housing Captain Generals
and Presidents of the Republic were built on the same spot
after the original structure was destroyed. The other
solares that faced the plaza were distributed among the
principal pobladores such as Juan Jufre", whose two-story
building became one of the better known in the city, and
that belonging to Antonio de Pastrana which was later given
to the Church as the Archbishop's residence. These houses
were still essentially rude dwellings. In fact, it is re
ported -that Francisco de Villagra's house originally did
not have any doors.
The rest of the blocks were divided into eight
solares four on each side of the streets that ran east

89
to west. The houses of the early aristocracy were grouped
in this area and were surrounded by the shacks of their
servant yanaconas. Soldiers and men of lesser rank were,
forced to live farther away from the plaza in camps near
the dehesa or common ground.H
No matter what his social status was, however, the
individual Spaniard was virtually king within his solar.
All of his slaves, concubines, and yanaconas lived within
the enclosure. These people were by necessity dedicated
to the success of their master after all their liveli
hood was dependent on him. Within the solar they tended
his animals and took care of all of his needs,^ On
the other hand, urbanization of this kind had its drawbacks
because the servants could no longer live off the land as
they had during the trek from Cuzco, and the master was
hard pressed to provide for so many eager mouths. Even
tually, the situation got so bad in the city, in fact, that
the the population concentration began to cause health
problems. An ordinance was passed by the cabildo as early
as 1550 directing the citizens to get rid of at least half
of their servants and keep the rest away from the front of
the houses. In 1554, a charge of two pesos for each in
fraction was levied to put teeth onto the law.^
Other city problems are easily discernible from the
cabildo records. For instance, the population concentra
tion of Indians, Negroes, and mestizos in the city led to

90
the lav restricting water rights to the Spaniards all.
others could be whipped for violating the law. The safe
keeping of horses was also of primary importance in the
city and laws were passed to ensure their protection. In
1549, it was decreed that any Indian who shot a breeding
mare with a bow and arrow was to be beheaded,^
Although these early lav/s were directed against the
Indians and Negroes, life in Santiago was not especially
pleasant for anyone. Food prices, although regulated very
early by the cabildo, were very high. The people lived
primarily on some form of corn, and not until 1555 were
vegetables and wine available in large quantities. The
cabildo authorized the establishment of butcher shops in
town in 1549, but all failed because the farms, for the
most part, consumed their own meat and could not provide
any for market for many years. Wood cutting was regulated,
and after July 1549, no one was allowed to chop down a
tree without permission from the Governor.
During the first days of the colony, manual labor
artisan type work was done by the soldiers. Santiago
had, among its military ranks, men who were capable of
shoemaking, tailoring, carpentry. The town blacksmith was
particularly indispensible because he was always needed to
repair military equipment, shoe horses, and construct agri
cultural and mining tools. Prices for this work were set
by the cabildo and initially were very high. Subsequently,

91
prices were reduced as the number of capable artisans in
creased from immigration. For example, in 1553 for tailor
ing a cloak, the cost was two and a half pesos, for a
jacket, two pesos, for a robe, eight, shoes were five pesos,
etc.-^ The number of skilled workers was augmented later
by mestizo trainees. In fact, industrial work in the col
ony almost passed completely to mestizos and Indians.-^
By 1556, the number of artisans was such that the guild
system that was prevalent in Europe was fully established
in Santiago.
In 1549, when Valdivia began his southern campaign,
the citizens of Santiago requested that some blacksmiths
remain in town. Valdivia ordered three to remain two
in town and one at the mines of Marga-Marga. In 1553,
however, only one smith resided permanently in Santiago
and he, wanting to leave town, was ordered by the cabildo
to remain. Obviously, most of the blacksmiths enjoyed the
action and furor of Indian battles to the every day activity
of shoeing horses in Santiago,-^
In July 1552, a public market was established in the
town plaza. Apparently, the idea was resisted by the
Indians who were accustomed to unregulated barter, but the
cabildo ordered goods to be sold at the market. Trans
actions, moreover, were to be conducted in gold that had
been authorized and minted as official currency in 1549.
The Indians, therefore, were faced with two problems:

92
they had very little gold at their disposal, and they were
not allowed to sell a Spanish manufactured product. They
ended up by selling foodstuffs and artifacts for low prices.
The Spanish view of the market was that it restored tradi
tion, was beneficial to the economy, and was useful for
public administration and commerce.2(^
The Indians resisted the Santiago market days also
at first because it was so alien to their culture. Their
necessities had always been at a minimum, and they were
able to live without any innovations the market offered.
As a consequence, the cabildo frequently renewed the orders
directing the vecinos to send two Indians to the market to
sell goods. The Indian resistance, in the end, succumbed
to this town ordinance because the market place became
the meeting place and cultural center.2^
Justice in the city was administered by the various
alcaldes, who were at first designated by Governor Valdivia
and later appointed by the cabildo. In 1549, Valdivia
named a high court judge for the whole province of Chile
who served as a reviewing officer for all sentences ad
ministered by the various alcaldes. Later, the Governor
came into conflict with this judge and had him removed
from office. The administration of justice in most cases,
thus, reverted to the local officials with no option for
review.22 Important legal questions, however, could be
reviewed by the Governor and by the Audiencia in Lima.

93
The offices of the cabildo were permanently housed in
1.552* and the first public jail was erected in the same
year, A stone column was constructed in the plaza and
served as a symbol of the cabildors jurisdiction. Heads
of executed criminals were exhibited on this column and
public whippings were conducted under its shadow. Accord
ing to the cabildo documents, Indians and Negroes were
punished nearly every day. The laws were particularly
strict on Indian conduct. The natives were not allowed to
gather for meetings and drunkenness was prohibited within
the city limits. The cabildo was particularly obsessed
with trying to eliminate the use of alcoholic beverages.
Many deaths and crimes were attributed to this 'social
curse," and special constables were appointed to police
fiestas and arrest offenders. These "criminals" were
publicly whipped.
Nobody knows for sure if the Indians predisposition
for alcoholic beverages occurred before or after the ar
rival of the Spaniards. Intoxicants were always available
to the Indians, but there is no record of their use. It
is known, however, that Indian military victories over
the Spaniards were marked by several days of revelry in
which everyone drank a beer-like concoction to excess and
committed atrocities on the captives,^4 The situation was
so bad by 1551 that the Santiago cabildo established a
curfew and prohibited any Spanish-speaking Indian or Negro

94
or any other Indians or Negroes from being on the streets
after dark. Those violating the curfew were sentenced to
receive 100 lashes in the public square. J
In addition to the administration of justice, the
cabildo took action to regulate transportation within the
colony and to Peru. It was always of primary importance
to maintain communication lines with Lima, but the hap
hazard comings and goings of yanaconas and their masters
proved to be inefficient. In 1554, the first organized
postal service was instituted. The cabildo also announced
that the mail was inviolate and that offenders would have
their right hand chopped off.
In general, these harsh laws reflected the Spaniards'
view of the Indians as being untrustworthy and animals in
capable of correction. Government leaders' statements and
cabildo documents reflect this spirit. Indian traditions,
which were offensive to the Spaniards particularly the
old religions, were vigorously opposed and persecuted. The
old priests and sorcerers were jailed or killed. Indians
were beaten for minor law infractions, or were beheaded for
petty theft. They were forced to carry cargo from Santiago
to Lima as beasts of burden. They were uprooted and re
located on the various encomiendas as agricultural workers,
or in the mines as laborers. The hard work they were sub
jected to brought about rapid depopulation. In fact, their
demise was so quick that both Spaniards and Indians thought

95
that the numerous deaths were caused by evil spirits. An
acuerdo of the cabildo, in January 1552 made an official in-
quiry into the possible murder of large numbers of Indians
by an evil force.^
There was a small number of Negroes in the country
from the very beginning. Laws, initially at least, dealt
more harshly with them than with the Indians. Negroes were
net allowed on the street after they were the target of a
curfew in 1549 under penalty of whipping or having a hand
cut off. They were also prohibited from carrying arms or
serving as servants to the Indians. In general, however,
the Negroes adapted more readily to the Spanish system,
and, because of their small numbers, were more easily as
similated. Negroes, more often than not, did not work in
the fields, but were destined for domestic service for the
Spanish families. On some occasions they went to war as
armor bearers or as aides to their masters. They, also
became street venders (criers), executioners, and lesser
officials of the public administration. Negro slaves
continued to suffer indignities, however, and by 1577, the
penal code for Negroes as applied to runaways, slaves
bearing unauthorized arms, drunkenness,- and robbery,
included whipping, cutting off a foot, and, or death.
During Valdivia's term as governor, more than 1,000
immigrants passed through or settled in Chile. In the
first ye-ars of Santiago, however, the permanent Spanish'

96
citizenry comprised seventy Captains and soldiers, three
priests, two monks, and one Spanish woman, Valdivia, .in
fact, was always afraid of a mass Spanish exodus from the
colony, and consequently, overlooked the fact that many
Spaniards never petitioned for residency or citizenship.
As previously mentioned, Valdivia in 1552, denied a peti
tion from the procurador of Santiago that cited the unlaw
ful residence of several people in. the city. He wrote to
the cabildo his obstinant refusal to allow any Spaniard,
regardless of the citizenship question, to leave the colony
without his personal permission.'00 Moreover, in order to
make future immigration more attractive, he began to issue
solar concessions to artisans and other workers. These
> 31
new citizens were called moradores.
The daily life of the colony was rather grim in the
early years and certainly any attraction was necessary to
increase immigration. There were few children in the town.
"The women, mostly Indians, did not participate in meaning
ful social entertainment, and family life was practically
nonexistent. The day was spent in looking for and pre
paring food. At night there was a church service in the
pai
>* 1 V.W .A
ii-'use, mu
:terwatd the
sets were deserted ex-
32
cept for the alcalde and his night watch patrol. z It
was said, in fact, that Juah Pinel committed suicide in
1549 the first in Santiago -- because he was bored
with life.-3

97
The city's greatest problem'In the beginning was its
extreme poverty. Despite the introduction of the market
place,. there was still not enough money in circulation to
make the venture worthwhile. Fines for committing lesser
crimes were worked off through labor rather than in a cash
payment. For example, in 1552, two carpenters, who were
charged with cutting wood without a permit, were ordered
to install some doors, a window, and build some benches
for the cabildo office as their penalty.^ It is probable
that this penal labor was utilized to construct the first
bridge over the Mapocho River in 1556.
Despite this poverty, however, the political scene was
mostly calm under Valdivia's leadership. One plot by the
infamous Sancho de Hoz was ended with the culprits' execu
tion. After that, Valdivia was never seriously challenged.
Following the Governor's death in 1553, however, an end to
strong one-man rule occurred. Immediately, a dispute
erupted among Francisco de Aguirre, Rodrigo de Quiroga,
and Francisco de Villagra over who would succeed to the
governor's office. Aguirre was the best military man in
the colony. He had been active in the discovery and set
tlement of Tucuman, and was presently living in La Serena
on the coast, Quiroga was elected, at least as temporary
governor, by the Santiago cabildo primarily because he was
in residence. He was, however, one of the most popular men
in the colony, Villagra, the most blood-thirsty of the lot,

98
was engaged in military operations in the south against the
Araucanians, Ultimately, he would be victorious over the
O
other pretenders.
When he heard the news of Valdivia's death, Villagra,
who had the official title of Captain General and Justicia
Mayor of Concepcion, Confines, and Valdivia, rode to
o n
Santiago with his men. The city, because it was loyal to
Quiroga, was prepared to resist the southern intruders.
The citizens followed Quiroga1s wishes, however, and
greeted Villagra warmly and without trouble. The Captain
apparently assisted his cause by campaigning among the
soldiers camped in the city and paid them off with money
and favors.In the end, Quirogas patience was success
ful. Villagra, realizing that his property and Indians
were in the south anyway, did not press any demands on the
city other than requesting assistance for the war.39
Scarcely had the Quiroga-Villagra confrontation been
settled peacefully, however, when Aguirre sent his son
Hernando and sixteen soldiers as emissaries to the city.
Hernando attempted to post his soldiers at the parish
house, but Villagra and his 200 veterans were too much for
the little band which was disarmed, Franciso Aguirre was
angered by this turn of events and rode to Santiago to con
front Villagra, The old priest Gonzalez Marmolejo inter
vened at this point, however, and the disputants were
obliged to have their argument arbitrated by the Real
40
Audiencia of Lima.

99
As a consequence of the settlement, the two rivals
returned to their respective camps Aguirre to La Serena
and Villagra to the southern war zone. Finally, the Crown
acted by ignoring the local competition and named Don
Garca Hurtado de Mendoza, only twenty years old, as
Valdivia's successor. Villagra graciously accepted the
decision in public, but according to his letters, bitterly
resented his humilitation in private. ^
Villagra had more important things to do, however,
than to fight for the leadership of the colony. Lautaro
and his band had attacked Pocoa, killed several Spaniards,
and were now threatening Santiago itself. In April,
Villagra and his 106 Spanish soldiers and 400 Indian friends
located Lautaro's camp near Mataquito. Losses on both
sides were enormous during the ensuing battle, but Lauraro's
42
death ended the immediate threat to Santiago.
Don Garca (1557-1561), the son of the Peruvian
Viceroy, meanwhile, took over the reins of government.
He journeyed from Lima to Santiago, but stayed there for
only a few days. In fact, much to the displeasure of the
Santiago citizenry, Don Garcia did not return to the old
capital during the first three years of his government.^
Santiago, thus, was the capital of the colony in name
only. In reality, the real power resided with the army
in the south. Don Garcia, in any case, preferred to stay
with his soldiers rather than remain encamped in comfort.

100
As a consequence of this life-style, Concepcion became the
real seat of government.^ Santiago was the capital from
1541 until 1565, when King Philip II decided to install an
audiencia in Concepcion. It was formerly located there in
1567, but only remained until 1575. From that time until
1609, the Audiencia of Santiago was preeminent. 45
When Don Garca finally returned to Santiago, he met
his constituents in the parish house still the only
stone building in the city. Spanish troops moving to the
front in the south also quartered in the city from time to
time, but that is as close to political and military action
that Santiago came. Pedro Cortes Monroi, in his letters,
noted that his detachment of 500 soldiers arrived in
Santiago at about the same time as the new governor.^
Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that from the time of
Don Garcia until the end of the century, the problems of
49
Santiago were secondary to the war.
Following Don Garcia's recall in 1561, Francisco de
Villagra was able to gain the governorship. He held the
post only briefly, however, as he died in Concepcion in
M Q
1563* During his tenure in office, Santiago continued
to decline in political importance. In 1563, however,
the Santiago citizenry were almost back in the thick of
fighting when an Indian advance threatened areas near the
city. The danger finally passed, and life in the city re-
turned to normal. In the meantime, Pedro de Villagra

101
succeeded to ais father*s position, and continued to press
the offensive in the south until 1565 when he was recalled
50
by the Peruvian Viceroy.
Meanwhile, back in Santiago, Rodrigo, de Quiroga
(1565-1567} also learned the virtue of patience as he
too was given the opportunity to be governor. The pop
ular Quiroga should be considered as the true civil founder
of the city as he did much to end the military encampment
51 ~
lifestyle. Vicuna Mackenna comments that Quiroga's
stamp was on everything pertinent to the life of the
city including the economic and social activities. During
Quirogas brief leadership of the colony, the extent of
his belief in democratic participation in local government
can foe seen in the fact that the cabildo met 75 times,
whereas under Valdivia's twelve-year tenure, it met 156
times, Quiroga was recalled to Lima in 1567, and the
Real Audiencia of Concepcion was created with Don Melchor
Bravo de Saravia as the President of the Tribunal from
1568 until 1575. The tribunal was ultimately succeeded
by another Quiroga administration, but that development
is beyond the limits of this study.
Meanwhile, to return to non-political developments
in the Santiago area, a gold discovery was made north of
the city at Choapa in 1557. With the unveiling of these
riches., the colony experienced a mini-economic boom and was
able to make some significant economic improvements. Most

102
of the money was used to increase the domestic cattle
herds in the Santiago area, In fact, it was estimated
that 2,000 cows were imported in 1558 alone. By 1556, a
great number of cattle buyers were already located in the
city because production was greater than the colony's need
and some supplies could be exported. Despite the in
creased supply of meat, however, there was still no
official meat market in the city until .1567, and even
5 4
then fresh meat was only available twice a week.
At the same time as meat production was increasing,
wheat and other grains were produced in greater quantities
also. By 1575, in fact, wheat was being exported to Peru.
All of the farms in the Santiago area had increased pro
duction, and Chile's fame as a fertile agricultural land
was spreading,^
Meanwhile, other services in the city were either
being improved or were increasing. The first pharmacy
was opened by Francisco Bilbao in 1557, and the cabildo
promptly passed a law prohibiting doctors from owning
pharmacies. The law was enacted because there were so
many medical charlatans coming into the colony.A doc
tor named Castro is acknowledged as being the first phy
sician in the colony in 1551. He was reportedly hired to
staff the city hospital founded by Governor Valdivia,
In reality, there was no permanent doctor in the city to
staff it until 1566. The great local scandal during

103
these early years, thus, proved to be the many medical
5 8
quacks that tried to pass themselves off as doctors.
The Spanish were very much concerned with educating
their children whether mestizo or pure Spanish. Again,
the colonys poverty at first prohibited local subsidation
of mass education. Children were tutored in the Spanish
language, however, and girls received instruction in cooking
and sewing while their brothers learned weaponry.
The first attempt to organize higher education oc
curred in 1567, when the Church petitioned the Crown to
establish a seminary in Imperial. The idea was rejected,
however, because the Crown felt that Imperial was too
close to the fighting against the Indians. The first
school in Santiago, meanwhile, was organized by the
mestizo parish priest, Juan Bias, who located his grammar
school within the cathedral.6^
Spanish women began to arrive in the colony in the
50s to join the illustrious Ins de Suarez. Dona Ins
had already been presiding over the social life of the
city and had instructed many Indian and mestiza maidens in
the finer things in life. These girls had already been
integrated into Spanish society. Among the new arrivals
was Marina de Gaete, Pedro Valdivia's widow, and her
sister Doa Catalina. These women were very active in
Church affairs, and were probably instrumental in origi-
/- -j
nating the cult of the Virgin de la Soledad in the city.D

104
Overall, life in Santiago could best be described
as simple - almost primitive with few happy diversions,
The Spaniards arrived in the country with their culture,
but the war and the problems involved in day to day living
did not allow for culture refinements. There were diver
sions such as fiesta days, however, and, of course, no
one worked on Sunday. On these occasions, the women of
the city dressed in their best clothes, particularly dif
ferent colored velvets. Furniture was also improved and
the few rude pieces of the early days were replaced to
hand crafted productions. Music was also brought from
Spain and Peru and was quickly adopted and modified by the
mestizo majority. Indian music or an adaptation was re-
ft
vived and also used for entertainment.
Despite these overall improvements, however, the
best estimate is that even at the end of the century,
there were only 170 houses in the city. The population
estimate is that there were not more than 500 Spaniards
ft 3
and more than 2,000 mestizos and Indians, In 1575,
the Spanish population was obviously less, although about
2,500 Spaniards had presumably passed through the city on
the way to the front,^ In any case, Santiago was still
classified as a poor city even at the close of the cen
tury. Materially, it was reported to be inferior to the
little city of Melipilla.65 Even Alonso Gonzales de
Najera complained in 1607 that, although Santiago had

10 5
many beautiful houses, it still resembled a military camp
r £
with all of the soldiers stationed there.
Thus, as the first thirty years of the citys exist
ence drew to a close, there was no longer any doubt in the
minds of the citizenry that the city would survive. The
death of Quiroga in 1580 was considered to be a calamity
by many of the old timers, but civil law and order had
been firmly established and the process of development
could not be reversed. Social problems were the next
consideration, and these will be discussed in the next
chapter.

106
NOTES
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 404.
9 ^
Vi-cuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 16.
^Valdivia to Carlos V, September 25, 1551, reprinted
in Vicua Mackenna, Ibid., pp. 20-22.
^Eberhardt, op_. cit. p. 55.
^William L. Schurz, This New World; The Civilization
of Latin America (New York, 1964), p. 343.
£
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 27.
^Ibid., p. 28.
9Ibid., p. 29.
^Tornas Thayer Ojeda, ''Santiago durante el siglo XVI,
constitucin de la propiedad urbana y noticias biogrficas
de sus primeros pobladores, Anales de la Universidad de
Chile, No. 116 (Santiago, 1905), p. 26.
1QIbid., p. 27.
^McBride, op_. cit. p. 63.
12Ibid., p. 74.
13Ibid., p. 72.
14
Barros Arana, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 121.
15Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 121-122.
Julio Alemparte, La regulacin econmica en Chile
durante la colonia (Santiago, 1937) p~! T7
-*-^Ibid. p. 29 .
x Barros Arana, ojo. cit. Vol. 1, p. 12 4.
19Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 125.

Alemparte, La reculacin econmica, p. 40.
Barros Arana, o ja,' cit. Vol. lf p. 129,
22Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 139.
? -3
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 24 2-243.
24 /
Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-1563, p. 300.
o n:
Barros Arana, ojd, cit. p. 140.
26 / y
Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, La evolucin social
de Chile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1906), p. 363.
27
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 244.
2 8
Barros Arana, oja. cit., Vol, 1, p. 145.
29
Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 248-249.
30Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 144.
34Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 73.
32Ibid., p. 74.
3 3
Eberhardt, oja. cit., p. 112.
34
Vi cufia Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 75.
^Barros Arana, ojo. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 122-123.
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 258.
32Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin
gobernador, 1554-1557, pp. 9-11.
38 /
Miguel Luis Amunategui, Descubrimiento y conquista
de Chile (Santiago, 1862), pp. 353-356.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin
gobernador, 1554-1557, pp. 107-110.
40Ibid., pp. 211-223; 327-347.
4^Amunategui, Descubrimiento y conquista de Chile,
pp. 357-363.

A *) S ,
Pedro de Cordoba y Figueroa, Historia de Chile,
Coleccin de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 2 (Santiago,
1862) pp. 90-95.
43 y
'Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, p. 452. "
44' v*
Alonso de Gongora Mamle jo, Historia de Chile
desde el descubrimiento hasta el ano 1575 (Coleccin de
Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 2) (Santiago, 1862),
pp. 66-73.
45
C.H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New
York, 1947), p. 88.
^Domingo Amunategui Solar, Un soladado de la
conquista de Chile (Santiago, 1898), p. 5.
^Frias, og_, cit. pp. 79-80 .
4 o y
Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-1563, pp. 1-37.
49Ibid., p. 455.
Frias ojd, cit. pp. 79-80 .
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 184.
5 2
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 94.
^Frias, op_. cit. p. 81. See also Gongora
Marmolejo, Historia de Chile, pp. 166-171. Saravia
followed his predecessors by basing his government in
Concepcion.
5 4
Barros Arana, op_. cut., Vol. 1, p. 120.
55
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 97.
JUBarros Arana, ojd. cit. Vol. 1, pp. 141-142.
5 7 f
Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del
desarrolla intelectual de Chile, 1541, 1810 (Santiago,
1903) p. 423.
^Ibid. pp. 421-428. See also Vicuna Mackenna,
Historia social y critica de Santiago, p. 97.
5 Q
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, p. 276.

109
60Ibid., p. 277.
61 **
Vicuna Mackenna,;.Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 104.
62Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 252-257.
63Ibid., p. 247.
Domingo Amunategui Solar, Formacin de la
nacionalidad chilena (Santiago, 1943), p. "ll.
OJDomingo Amunategui Solar, La sociedad de Santiago
en el siglo diez y siete (Santiago, 1937), p. 53.
^Gonzlez de Najera, op. cit. p. 12.
I

GENERAL
CHAPTER V
RACE RELATIONS:
Although politics and economics certainly have a place
in Chilean colonial history, the greatest single factor af
fecting the development of the country was the interaction
of people particularly the creation of a. mestizo society
from the original Spanish and Indian base. As an intro
duction to this phenomenon, certain definitions have to be
derived so that a useful discussion can be conducted.
Magnus Moerner's Race Mixture in the History of Latin
America is the classic study in the field of race relations
and his terminology is an excellent introduction for this
chapter. According to Moerner, the most important defini
tion is that of the word race. Properly speaking, he says,
the word race should be reserved to designate one of the
great divisions of mankind sharing well-defined character
istics, or populations characterized by the frequency in
which certain genes appear. Since the physical appearance
may partly reflect the environment, the hereditary composi
tion of the genotype is what matters.^ We have already
seen the differentiation of the racial characteristics of
Spaniards and Indians in earlier chapters.
Moerner continues that miscegenation or race mixture
in itself is really of limited interest. Its only impor
tance lies in its intimate relationship with two social
110

Ill
processes: acculturation, the mixture of cultural ele
ments, and assimilation, or the absorption of one people
into another's culture. Miscegenation, therefore, could
occur rather easily. What is really important, however, is
the degree of acculturation and assimilation that occurred
between the races. This factor would lead to either a
predominantly mestizo culture in some areas, or one that
9
was separately Spanish and Indian m others.
The adjustment of the "mixed blood mestizo" to the
environment and the acceptance of him by the ruling class
became another factor. In this case, one measuring stick
of mestizo acceptance or the degree of discrimination
against him is the scale of vertical social mobility. One
would expect, therefore, to find less social discrimination
in a social climate that accepted mestizos according to
O
their class of origin their birthright. This was cer
tainly true in Chile for the period 1540 to 1575, and was
probably also a fact at least in the beginning of most of
the other colonies.
These definitions and thoughts aside, let us turn to
the conquest of the New World itself in general racial
terminology, the conquest of indigeneous women. From the
very beginning of this process, Spanish and Portuguese
chroniclers described the beauty of Indian maidens. In
Chile, according to Encina, the same thoughts prevailed
especially in regard to the southern central valley Indians,

who were described as being lighter in skin color than the
Peruvian Indians.^ Other descriptions of west coast
Indians, however, were equally enthusiastic particularly
that of the Coyas or Inca nobility.
The securing of women was accomplished through mar
riage, concubinage, or rape. Encina credits the enco
mienda system as a factor in the creation of mestizaje
because of the proximity that occurred between the con
querors and the conquered. The institution of Indian
slavery was a factor in Mexico and Peru in the early days,
but it was prohibited by the New Laws of 1542 and gradually
disappeared in most places except Chile where it was rein
troduced in 1608 as a control tool directed against the
Araucanians.
The rape and concubinage factors could possibly be
overdone because many of the Indians were simply unaware
in many cases of the relationship between intercourse and
k
reproduction. In addition, there is good reason to believe
that the women complied with the desires of the conquista-
dores because it was the natural sequence of life as pat
terned in the past by one tribe conquering another. More
over, the Spaniards may have appeared physically different
and attractive to the women, especially if their treatment
by the Spaniards was better than that offered by their
tyrannical Indian husbands. The tremendous male-female
Indian population imbalance may have been a factor here.

113
The Indian men had been killed ox exiled to the mines.
Thus, the women had no other sexual outlet except the
Spaniards.'* Finally, the Spaniards often obtained women
as gifts or tokens of friendship from the various Indian
chiefs. The Indians viewed this process as a means of
allying themselves with the Spaniards, and the progeny
created by the union brought about an extended family re
lationship not unlike the Spaniards own godfather kinsman-
ship.
Regardless of the process, the Spanish conqueror lived
his life surrounded by women. The Chilean conquerors, for
example, had their yanaconas -- including women carrying
baggage and supplies from Peru. Also included in the ret
inue were free servants, camp, followers, and any native
woman that caught his eye during the trek from Cuzco.
Francisco Aguirre, who officially recognized at least
fifty mestizo sons, best stated the Spanish attitude toward
sex with the Indians when he declared, "the service rend
ered to God in producing mestizos is greater than the sin
Q
commited in the same act.'
During the combat in the south, following the founding
of Santiago, many of the new Spanish military recruits suf
fered the same fears and trepidations of generations of
successive soldiers over their future. In this hostile
environment, pleasure was a rare commodity and satisfaction
was most often'accomplished in the arms of a native woman.

114
Indiscriminate sexual relationships, therefore, became a
way of life.'*-0
Intermarriage was also a contributing factor to race
mixture and was specifically endorsed by the Crown in 1501.
In this case, the Crown stated that Indian women should not
be held against their wishes, and that marriage should be
voluntary on both sides.The Spaniards viewed marriage
simply as a means to legitimize their offspring in many
cases, but there is no doubt that many Indian wives per
formed capably as partners, lovers, and companions particu
larly in frontier settlements. In the Chilean situation,
with its homestead and agricultural emphasis, Indian
women either as wives or concubines were a necessary
fixture of the home. The legal bases for their marriage
relationship was the Crown's 1516 order for conquerors to
marry the daughters of Indian chiefs, and the other was the
1539 directive that encomenderos should marry natives
within three years or send to Spain for their wives. Obvi
ously, the latter path was improbable in Chile where female
.12
hardiness was a necessity.
The result of miscegenation the mestizo in gen
eral, fared well throughout the New World in the first gen
eration, particularly if he was a product of a marriage
relationship or had been legitimized by his father. The
mestizos of this group also identified with their paternal
background and were able to inherit their fathers' property,

115
even an encomienda grant. In Chile, many of the first
generation mestizos were active in the army fighting
against, the Araucanians in the south. As late as 1585
certainly the second generation of Chilean mestizaje in
a letter from the Governor of the colony to the Crown, the
Governor acknowledged the receipt of a Royal Decree re
stricting the rights of mestizos. The Governor referred
to the fact that there were 150 mestizos in the army, most
of them sons of conquistadores. Without them, Chile would
havj? been lost, he exclaimed; "I should pray to God that
there were as many good people among those sent to us from
Spain as there are among those mestizos."
So far in this discussion, the role of the Negro has
been mostly omitted. This is not an oversight. There
were Negroes in Chile, but their numbers were few, and
they never constituted a significant racial factor. (This
does not mean that individual Negroes did not contribute
to Chilean colonial history. For example, Captain Juan
Beltran a Negro settler became a legendary figure
during his one-man war against the Araucanians.^) In many
cases, Negroes were a social factor, however, and some
discussion of their legal status would be useful at this
point.
The original unofficial pattern simply broke society
down into two categories: Spaniards and Indians. The
Spanish group included Peninsular Spaniards (gauchupines

116
in Chile), criollos or American-born Spaniards, and
legitimate mestizos. The Indians were subjects of the
Crown and classified as free vassals. The chiefs were
granted the noble rank of hidalgo, but more often than
not, they were included in the free vassal category.
Theoretically, therefore, Indian society was put on a par
with the Spaniards. In actuality, the Indians' legal
status was governed not only by his own leaders and customs,
but also by his Spanish superiors of whatever rank. Thus,
his liberties and obligations were designated specifically
1 5
and freedom of movement in general was restricted.
The other group considered to have special status was
that of the Negro slaves. These people had already earned
certain rights because of the long-term practice of slavery
on the Peninsula. Moreover, the laws and regulations re
garding their treatment and their own well being had long
been spelled out. Finally, in addition to these certain
and specific rights, they could be manumitted under certain
conditions. Obviously, because of the preferential treat
ment accorded to the Negroes in most cases, the Spaniards
did their best to keep them apart from the Indians. The
Spaniards claimed that the Negroes either bullied or were
a corrupting influence on the natives, and laws were passed
to restrict Negro-Indian racial contact.
As far as the mestizos were concerned, the first legal
restriction of their rights was decreed in 1549, "no

117
Mulatto nor mestizo or person who is born out of wedlock
may be allowed to have encomienda Indians.* According to
Moeriier, therefore, the words "mestizo" and "illegitimate'*
had become synonymous. Of course, this situation did not
prevail in Chile which was still in the early stage of
conquest and colonization. As described in the earlier
chapter on land distribution, mestizos were still an im
portant factor in the development of the country. In most
of the colonies, however, the mestizos' relative position
in society was beginning to become more and more restricted.
They were excluded from their positions of Protector of
Indians, Notary Public, and Chief of the Tribe. In 1568,
they were denied ordainment, but this law was later re
scinded and "legitimate" mestizos could serve in the
T O
priesthood.x
Mestizo vagrancy also became a problem in.the early
days of the various colonies because many of the mixed
breeds became victims of acculturation, and as outcasts
could not participate in either Spanish or Indian society.
They essentially became 16th century street people, home
less and ignored. This situation brought about restrictions
prohibiting mestizo vagrants from living among the Indians
as recorded in the laws of 1536 and 1563. In addition,
as cited earlier, Negro overseers at first (1541), overseers
in general, but particularly mestizos (1550), and finally
encomenderos themselves (1563) were banned from living with

118
their Indians,^ Of course, the' reason for all of this was
the general reduction of the Indian population, and the
increasing rural disorders resulting from vagrancy. In
general, the Indians and most mestizos within the Indian
society were happy to be left alone, but the laws more or
less forced all mestizos to live within Spanish society
20
where in many cases they were uncomfortable.
Finally, no general discussion of race relations
would be complete without a reference to social stratifica
tion and the correspondence of ethnic terms to defined
strata within the social structure. According to Moerner,
the legal condition and the social status of the "castas"
was as follows:
A. Legal Condition
1. Spaniards
2. Indians
3. Mestizos
4. Free Negroes,
Mulattos, Zamboes
5. Slaves
B. Social Status
1. Peninsular
Spaniards
2. Criollos
3. Mestizos
4. Mulattoes,
Zamboes,
Free Negroes
5. Slaves
6. Indians
Obviously, the socioethnic groups fulfilled different
socioeconomic and occupational functions. In general,
Peninsular Spaniards performed the role of government
bureaucrats and merchants; the criollos were large land
owners; mestizos were artisans, shopkeepers, and tenants;

119
Mulattoes were urban manual workers; and Indians were
rural workers within their own society or unskilled hands
00
for the Spaniards, There were variations to this
picture, but, in general, it is correct.
Eventually, the different "castas'1 were separated by
other means such as segregated public rooms, churches,
public schools, and seating arrangments at public functions.
In addition, guilds, cofradias, consulados, universities,
etc., practiced their own kind of discrimination. All of
these separations occurred more or less after the 16th
century, however, and are not pertinent to this study.
The basic model of social stratification should be kept
in mind and compared to the Chilean example.

NOTES
^Magnus Moerner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin
America' (Boston, 19 6 7), p. 3.
2 Ibid., p. 5.
3Ibid., P. 7 .
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 83-84.
^Pedro Pizarro, Relation of the Discovery and Conquest
of the Kingdoms of Peru (Nev/ York, 1921), Vol. 2, p. 406.
6
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 402.
7Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 39-40.
%6emer, ojd. cit. p. 23.
9
Jose T. Medina, Historia del Tribunal de Santa Oficio
de la inquisition en Chile (Santiago, 1952), p. 85.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia
de Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 140-144.
^Moerner, ojo. cit. p. 37.
12Ibid.
XJJose T, Medina, Coleccin de documentos inditos
de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 268-269.
^Schurz, ojo. cit., p. 177.
^^Moerner, ojd. cit. p. 41,
^Ibid. p. 43.
17Ibid.
13Ibid_. p. 44. See also Tomas Thayer Ojeda, :Resena
historico-biografica de los eclesisticos en el
descubrimiento y conquista de Chile," Revista Chilena de
Historia y Geografa, Nos. 37 and 38, 1920-1921.
120

21
19
Moerner, op. cit,, p. 46.
2^Ibid,, p. 47,
^^Ibid., p. 60.
22
Ibid., p. 61.

CHAPTER VI
RACE RELATIONS: SANTIAGO
My own search for additional material in the Chilean
National Library to be used in constructing a social model
for the colonial period was relatively unsuccessful. For
tunately, Luis de Roa y Ursua in his El reyno de Chile,
1535 1810, J.T. Medina in his Diccionario biogrfico
colonial de Chile, and Tomas Thayer Ojeda in his Formacin
de la sociedad chilena y censo de la poblacin de Santiago
en los anos 1540 a 1565, have provided colonial historians
with an excellent collection of raw data. All collections
were compiled from material located in the Archivo de la
Real Audiencia de Santiago, the Archivo Antiguo de la
Biblioteca Nacional, the Archivos de Indias de Sevilla, the
Archivo Nacional de Chile, the Archivo del Arzobispado de
Santiago, the Coleccin de documentos inditos para la
historia de Espaa, and the Coleccin de documentos inditos
para la historia de Chile. This information could be an
alyzed by using computer techniques, and family relation
ships and marriage relationships for several generations
could be determined.
There are many problems involved in using this raw
data, however. The first is that many of the Spaniards
listed never lived in Santiago. Many others lived in the
122

123
city only a short time, then moved to the south, settled
in Tucuman, or migrated to a coastal area in the north.
Finally, there is a confusion of names in colonial society
As Vicuna Mackenna comments, "the genealogical study of
Chile is a virtual tower of Babel.The greatest problem
however, is that there were so many mestizo children pro
duced by the conquerors legitimate and illegitimate
that many decided to make up their own names after rivers,
mountains, etc., or claimed kinship with one of the con
querors ^
The fifty legitimate sons of Francisco Aguirre are a
case in point. One other example is the situation of Juan
Rodufo Lisperguer who was married three times and produced
twenty children. From his first wife, Maria de la Torre y
Machado, there were four children -- Pedro Lisperguer
Betambergue, Fermn de Lisperguer y Machado, Aguedo Flores
Lisperguer, and Maria Clara de Velasco. From the second
wife, Catalina de Irarrazabal y Andia, he had nine chil
dren seven sons and two girls. Almost all of them
carried the family name Andia except the oldest girl who
was named Antonia de Velasco y Estrada. His third wife
was Ines de Aguirre y Cortes, and his children from her
added more family names. At the end of the 17th century,
therefore, the decendants of Juan Lisperguer had ten dif
ferent family names including Lisperguer, Flores, Velasco,
Betembergue, Machado, Estrada, Irarrazabal, and Andia.

124
Adding to the family name problem is the fact that the
conqtierors of Chile had outstanding longevity and conse
quently outlived several wives. In fact, of the men who
journeyed to Chile with Valdivia, one lived more than 100
years, six from eighty and ninety, nineteen from seventy
and eighty, and twenty-three from sixty and seventy. A
most, unusual record for those perilous times,^
The problems of tracing a genealogical chart aside,
some sort of social model has to be constructed as clearly
resembling the Santiago situation as possible. Basically,
their pre-Santiago status not withstanding, one would sup
pose that the original conquerors would constitute the
colonial aristocracy as long as they held encomiendas and
had a solar in the city. Of the original 150 men and one
woman in Valdivia's band, more than half were either killed
by Indians, executed for crimes, died another type of vio
lent death or left the country. The remainder as cited
before lived out their lives in the colony in one ca
pacity or another and they are the primary interest for the
social model.
The Spanish regional background for all of these con
querors was as follows:
Audalusians 26 percent
New Castilians 16 percent
Extremadurans 14 percent
Leons 13 percent

125
Old Castilians*n percent
Galicians, Valenciana,
Catalans, Navarres,
Aragonese, Asturians,
and Canary Islanders 12 percent
Foreigners 3 percent
According to an analysis of the Chilean situation by
Francisco Frias, the Audalusians, old Castilians, and the
Extremadurans (56%) formed the first Santiago aristocracy.
The old Castilians and the Leons (24%) gravitated to the
provinces where they formed the well to do class.^
In any case, if these men, in one degree or another,
formed the aristocracy of the country, where did the other
inhabitants fit in? According to Thayer, these original
Spaniards sired a total of 226 "legitimate"- mestizo chil
dren. Thayer calculates that each Spaniard was responsible
for an average of one mestizo child per year. This rate
would have led to the production of more than 20,000
mestizos by the year 1565, by which time only 1,500
Spaniards had settled in the whole colony, and probably
not more than 500 lived in Santiago. In addition by 1565,
the mestizo sons and daughters of the conquerors were of
child-producing age themselves and began to contribute to
O
the population mixture.
All of the figures mentioned, in fact, may be too low.
According to Encina, who quotes Ovalle's calculations of
1642, fertile Araucanian women usually produced an average
of four sons in their lifetime. Probably, an equal number
of daughters were born indicating that each Indian woman

126
9
may have had as many as 10 children in her lifetime. Of
course, the high rate of infant mortality reduced this
total considerably. Encina then estimates that approxi-
10
mateiy 40,000 mestizos were born between 1542 and 1598.
This figure is contrasted with the number of Spanish male
arrivals in the colony between 1540 and 1598 3,600.^
The situation, by any estimate, was one in which the number
of isestizos was increasing rapidlyy the number of pure
Indians was decreasing at a fast rate because of a typhus
epidemic and the natural depopulation associated with over
work. The mestizo became the cement holding the population
together.
The problem of creating a population cross section for
Santiago, therefore, is verycomplex. What I have done, in
effect, is to develop an index biography of the original
150 Spaniards and their decendants in order to catalog the
mestizo progeny of the original group by profession, legal
office attained, property owned, or notoriety. This whole
process essentially is an analysis determining the status
position of the various individuals. The system is a var
iation of that developed by Stephanie Blank in her study
of 17th century Caracas. Basically, her method measures
individuals by various economic, political, and social
factors such as possession of land grants or encomienda
1 2
Indians, formal political power, and social prominence.
In Chile, the system has to be extended to include military
rank..

127
My exercise, therefore, fundamentally consists of de
ciding if the mestizo son or daughter of the original con
queror and their decendants either maintained his or her
father's position in society, declined in status, or rose
above the founding father in prominence. This supposes
that all mestizos had an equal opportunity to achieve im
portance a condition that is simply not true. Many were
endowed with more intelligence than others. Some had
greater fighting ability. And some had greater luck or a
more famous or well-to-do father. In any case, the fol
lowing selected biographic sketches and genealogical de
velopment of those conquerors having mestizo children il
lustrate the place of mestizo aristocratic progeny in
Santiago society. All sketches do not have to be perused,
and this section can be treated more or less as an annex.
It is important, however, to note the relative position of
the mestizos vis-a-vis their fathers and their Spanish
brothers and sisters. Another theme can be developed by
noting the location of family houses during the generations.
As a general rule, the more prominent a man became in colo
nial society, the closer he moved his family to the central
plaza. A convenient locater map is provided as an annex to
test this theory.
Sketches
Francisco de Aguirre Aguirre was born in Spain in
1508, and was a noted caballero by the time he arrived in

128
Chile with Valdivia. He. was named alcalde ordinario of the
first Santiago cabildo, and served in this position again
in 1545 and 1549. He was named regidor in 1542, 1544, 1546,
1547, and .factor real 1541-1543. In 1544 he became Gov
ernor of Tucuman. He was married in Talaveria de la Reina
in 1527 to Maria de Torres y Meneses. Their children were
General Hernando de Aguirre, who arrived in Chile in 1553
and initially settled in La Serena; the Maestre de Campo,
Valeriano de Aguirre; Constanza de Meneses, the wife of
the conqueror Juan Jufre; and Isabel de Aguirre, the wife
13
of the conqueror Francisco de Godoy.
Aguirre acknowledged, in addition to these children,
more than 50 legitimate mestizo decendants. The most im
portant was Captain Marco Antonio Aguirre who lived in
Santiago in 1558. His father named him vecino encomendero
of Santiago de Estero. Later, he moved his family to La
Serena and Copiapcf where he was awarded the titleCaptain
and given a vineyard as a reward for his service in the
14
southern war. His importance is in the fact that, al
though he was a mestizo, he could receive an encomienda and
could aspire roughly to the same social level as his
father's legitimate Spanish children. Don Francisco and
his family, Spanish and mestizo, lived in block two on the
1 5
Plaza Mayor xn Santiago,
Francisco de Arteaga Arteaga was the hidalgo son of
Juan de Aluna and originated from Legorreta in Guipzcoa.

129
He assisted in the founding of Santiago and was regidor of
the city in 1542. He maintained his encomienda when
Valdivia reduced the number in the Santiago area. He died
in the city in 1546. His mestizo son, Melchor de Arteaga,
lived in the city and became a monk at the church of San
Francisco.16
Juan Bohon Bohon was a hidalgo of German origin who
arrived in Peru in 1534. He was with Valdivia during the
trek to the south, and served as Regidor of Santiago's
first cabildo in 1541. Later, he assisted in the founding
of La Serena, and was killed near there in the Copiapo
Valley in 1548. His mestizo son Juan was named alcalde
mayor of mines in the Santiago and La Serena areas in 1579.
Juan also served in che army .in the southern war before
17
dying in 1591. His residence in the city was block 66,
1 8
solar two.
Juan de Cabrera Cabrera was born in 1478 and served
under Pizarro in Peru. He joined Valdivia later in the
conquest of Chile. In 1553, he moved to Concepcion and
became an encomendero vecino of that city. He was killed,
however, two years later during an Indian uprising. His
mestizo son Hernando was born in 1539 in Peru. Hernando
was one of the first military men to return to Concepcion
after the disaster of 1555 and buried his father. He be
came an encomendero of Osorno in 1562, and later of
Santiago. He was named Captain and corregidor of Concepcion

130
19
in 1590 and died in 1612. Juan Cabrera5s mestiza
daughter, Ana, in 1566, married Francisco Sanchez de
Merlo, a noted ecclesiastic, who had come, to Santiago in
1553.20
Alonso Caro Caro was a member of Aguirres original
troop from Peru. He was a resident of Santiago until 1549
when he was killed by Indians near the city. His mestizo
son Juan was born between 1539 and 1541 and served as a
soldier in the southern war. He lived in Santiago in 1564,
/ 21
but later moved to Concepcion where he had an encomienda.
He married Luisa de Cardenas, the daughter of Alonso and
Leonor Galiano. (Leonor was a freed Moorish slave.) Luisa
herself had been secretly married to Pedro Guerra who died
in 1563. She married Domingo de Onate in 1561 while still
married to Guerra. Pedro de Villagra was later accused
of affirming this marriage of his friend Onate despite the
2 3
fact that Luisa was already married. In any case, al
though there is no record, Luisa must have been a beautiful
woman because there were always suitors after her charms.
Luis de Cartagena Cartagena was born in Granada in
1513. He arrived in Lima in 1537, and left Cuzco with
Valdivia in 1540. He served in the expedition as writer
and secretary. In 1557, he moved from Santiago to La
Serena where he was given an encomienda of Indians. He
then married the mestiza, Isabel de Zurbano, possibly the
daughter of the conqueror Juan de Zurbano. Their son

131
Andres de Cartagena was a soldier and occupied a chacra in
the Santiago area. One of his sons, Captain Juan de
Cartagena, had a large estancia near San Antonio in the
next generation.^ Luis de Cartagena's daughter Ana
married Juan Paez, one of A.guirre's companions in Tucuman.
Paez later lived in La Serena where he was regidor and
alcalde ordinario. The. Paez children later married into
/ 25
the famous Garcia de Caceres and Godoy families.
Alonso de Cordoba Cordoba was born in 1508. He
was one of the founders of Santiago and one of the city's
first vecino encomenderos. In 1550, he returned to Spain
where he was named a member of the nobility by the King.
He arrived back in Santiago in 1555 and served the city as
regidor in 1556, 1558, 1561, 1563, 1564, 1568, 1572, 1578,
and 1580. He was also alcalde ordinario in 1559, 1562, and
1581, and procurador in 1557. He was married to Olalla de
Merlo de Valdepeas and had two children: Captain Alonso
de Cordoba and Luisa de Cordoba. He also had three other
children including Captain Juan de Cordoba, a mestizo born
between 1544 and 1546. Captain Juan married Dona Jeronima
de Ahumada, the mestiza daughter of Governor Augustin de
2 6
Ahumada. The family lived in block four, solar three by
2 7
the year 1600. The Ahumada's daughter, Teresa, married
Captain Martinez de Vergara, a descendant of the conquis-
OO
tador of the same name. Alonso's daughter, Catalina,
married Pedro Lopez, a mestizo tailor living in Santiago.

132
Alonso was also the father of another mestiza and the
mulatto Pedro de Cordoba, neither of which apparently were
29
significant in Santiago society.
Juan Crespo Crespo was the mestizo son of Miguel
Crespo de Mazariegos and .participated in Balboa's search
for the Pacific Ocean in Panama. He accompanied Valdivia
to Santiago in 1541. Apparently, he had a liaison with a
mestiza because his son, Juan Crespo, is characterized as
being either mestizo or part Indian. In any case, Governor
Valdivia in 1545 allowed him to keep his father's chacra in
Santiago.^ He lived in block eight, solar four in the
city until 1566.^
Gabriel de la Cruz Cruz was born in Toledo in 1516
and accompanied Pizarro to Peru. He was with Aguirre's
band during the Atacama campaign, and was rewarded for his
exploits by being granted an encomienda near Santiago in
1541. He also had a chacra near the school in the location
of the agricultural school today. He was named regidor of
the city in 1545. Later, he was involved in Valdivia's
trial as one of the Governor's accusers. As a result of
this mistake in judgement, he lost his property in
32
Santiago. There is no record of him having a Spanish
wife, but he did have mestizo children. Among them are
Beatriz de la Cruz who married Francisco Gomez de las
Montanas. Francisco Gomez was the mestizo son of the con
queror Pedro Gomez. Francisco was the actuary of Caete

133
in 1569, and the procurador de causas in Santiago for more
than thirty years. Later, he was corregidor of the Indian
towns of Aconcagua, Curimon, Putaendo, and Colima. One of
* 1 3
his sons became a priest at the end of the century.
Gabriel's other daughter, Maria, married Captain Juan
Alvarez de Luna, a wealthy Spaniard who arrived with twenty
soldiers and their families in his own ship in 1555.
Alvarez was named maestre de campo in 1581. His son was
apparently wealthy enough to donate several large estancias
s* 34
to the Convent of San Agustn.
Diego Delgado Delgado is one of the interesting ex
ceptions among the original conquerors. He arrived in
Chile in 1540, and had a background as a miner rather than
a soldier. He was one of the founders of Imperial, how
ever, and a regidor of that city in 1558. He resided in
Santiago in 1565. His mestizo son, Pedro, was a soldier,
apparently of lower rank, and lived in Caete in 1569 and
Imperial in 1601.
Garcia Diaz de Castro Diaz was born in 1508, and was
with Almagro during the first expedition to Chile. Later,
he joined with Valdivia. He was a vecino encomendero of La
Serena, and held several official positions in that cabildo
at various times including regidor, alcalde ordinario, and
tesorero real. He was married to Dona Bartola Diaz de la
Coya, the niece of the Inca of Peru and the cousin of Doa
Beatriz Clara Coya, the wife of Governor Onez de Loyola.

134
Their children included: Captain Ruy de Castro, who was
Governor Quiroga^s valet as a young man and later a vicino
encomendero of La Serena. One of Difaz' s other children
was Catalina Diaz de Castro, who was married to Governor
Gaspar de Medina.One of the sons of this union was
Garcia de Medina whose family ultimately was associated
37
with the famous Chilean family of Martinez de Prado.
Garcia's other daughter was Dona Mayor Diaz de Castro, who
was married to Juan Gonzales and two others in her life-
. 38
time.
Mateo Diez In a case similar to that of Diego
Delgado, Diez was an artisan or tradesman in this case
a blacksmith. He was alcalde of the mines at Malga-Malga
. . to
m 1550, and later an encomendero m Valdivia in 1560.^
His mestizo son, Juan, was unable to duplicate his father's
prominence and was a carpenter in Villarica.4^1
Pero Esteban Esteban was born in 1516 and arrived in
Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino founder of La
Serena and regidor of the cabildo there in 1547. Later, he
was alcalde ordinario of Concepcion (1550) and an enco
mendero in Imperial in 1556. He was killed by Indians in
41
1560. His mestizo son, Andres, married Magdalena de Mesa,
the mestiza daughter of Juan Mesa, a citizen of Santiago.42
Juan Fernandez de Alderete Alderete was born in 1503
and came to the New World in an expedition to the Island of
Cubagua in 1534. He joined in the expedition to Chile in

135
the company of Bohon and Villagra, and joined with Valdivia
at Tarapaca. He was one of the original members of the
Santiago cabildo and served as alcalde ordinario nine times
He was also one of the original encomenderos of Santiago
and maintained his position after the 1545 reduction. In
43
1546, he had a chacra in Tobalaba. In 1553, he donated
his town house, which was located near Santa Lucia (block
. 44
two), to the Franciscans. His mistress was a Peruvian
Indian, Juana Xicana. Their daughter, Ines de Alderete,
was later married to Captain Juan de Barros, who had ar
rived in Chile in 1557, and received from his father-in-law
the encomiendas of Tango, Malloco, Tobalaba, and Ligueimo.
He was regidor of Santiago in 1567 and 1573, and alcalde
. 45
ordinario m 1576. The family lived in block twenty-six,
solar three in 1607; block forty-nine, solar four in 1585;
block fifty-six, solar three in 1566; and block fifty-
4 f
seven, solar three in 1563. One of the Barros children,
Captain Juan de Barros Alderete, who lived in block sixteen
solar three in 1596, inherited all of the encomiendas and
passed them on to his son Captain Juan de Barros Araya who
died in 1625,^ Juan de Barros Alderete was married to
Dona Maria de Araya, the daughter of Captain Marcos Veas
Duran and Ines de Araya. His daughter was married to
another Captain. The Alderete family, therefore, is
certainly an example of Indian blood being diluted by sub
sequent marriages with Spaniards until all traces of native
ancestry have been removed.

136
Bartolom*Flores Plores was born in Nurenberg,
Germany, in 1506 the son of Juan Blumen and Agueda Jubert.
He arrived in Lima in 1537, and journeyed to Santiago
with Valdivia in 1541. He was procurador of the city in
1541, 1545, and 1547. He was also mayordomo in 1548.
Flores was a carpenter by profession, and built many
benches, carts, and other objects for the city government.
He also owned the first mill in the Santiago area which
,, 49
was located north of Santa Lucia. He died in 1586.
His mestiza daughter, Bartola, married successively
Francisco Hernandez Gallego, Pedro Bonal, and Francisco
de Urbina the first two were original conquerors.^0
Hermandez was a miner at Malga-Malga where he had an enco
mienda. Bonal was a vecino founder of Concepcion where he
also had an encomienda. He was killed in the distraction
of that city in 1555.51 Urbina was a caballero hidalgo
who arrived in Chile in 1556. He later became a vecino
52
encomendero of Mendoza. Flores' other daughter, Agueda
de Flores, resulted from his liaison with Elvira, the
daughter of Chief Talagante. Agueda married Captain Pedro
Lisperguer, a caballero notorio of German background. The
couple lived in block two in 1575 and Doa Agueda owned
this'property and block forty-seven, solar four outright
C *5
by 1611. J Lisperguer had arrived in Chile in 1564, and
was elected regidor of Santiago in 1566, alcalde ordinario
in 1572, and regidor again in 1574 and 1576. His marriage

137
with. Agueda de Flores is noted as the beginning of one of
the most important families in colonial Chile. Among their
many children were Captain Juan Rcdulfo, Captain Pedro
Lisperguer, Dorfa Maria Flores, the wife of General Juan de
Cardenas y Aasco; Doria Catalina Flores (the infamous La
Quintrala, who lived in block forty-seven in 1604)54 who
was married to General Gonzalo de los Rios their
daughter, Catalina, was married to Don Alonso de Campofrio;
this family lived in block forty-nine solar three in 1593
55
and block ninety-three in 1590) and Magdalena Flores,
5 6
who was married to General Pedro Ordonez Delgadillo.
5 7
This family lived in block sixteen, solar one in 1590.
Obviously, the orginal Indian blood had no effect on the
destination of this famous family.
Francisco Galdames Galdames was born in 1508, and
probably arrived in the New World in 1534. He accompanied
Valdivia to Chile in 1540, and became a vecino fundador and
encomendero of Imperial in 1558. One of his sons, ap
parently born of an unknown Spanish wife, was Francisco
Galdames de la Vega. He was a Captain and vecino enco
mendero of Imperial in 1589, and maestre de campo general
of the Army in 1610. His other son, Diego Galdames, mar
ried Lorenza Gonzalez. Their children included Captain
Juan Galdames de la Vega who married into the famous
Villalobos family. Why the apellation Vega reappeared in
this family is unknown, but it could indicate that Francisco
58
Jr. was a mestizo.

138
Juan Gallegos de Rubias Gallegos was born in 1510,
and came to Santiago with. Valdivia in 1540 He was a
vecino encomendero of' Imperial and procurador of that city
as well as its regidor in 1554 and 1564, and alcalde
ordinario in 1559 and 1563. He lived in block eight, solar
59
four in Santiago in 1561. His mistress was a Peruvian
Indian named Juana,^ Their children included, Juan de
Rubias, an evangelical clergyman who married Dona Mencia
de Acuna, the daughter of Captain Luis Barba and Dona Mencia
de Torres. This particular marriage was the most notable
61
case of a mestizo marrying a Spanish woman in Chile.
Pedro de Gamboa Gamboa joined Valdivia's expedition
at Tarapaca and accompanied the Governor to Santiago in
1540. He apparently was one of the older members of the.
expedition and died in 1552. One of his mestiza daugh
ters, Isabel de Bamboa, married Francisco de Ortega a
blacksmith and shopkeeper in Santiago. One of their
children was Captain Francisco de Gamboa y Ortega, who
married Dona Catalina de Artaza the daughter of Juanes
_ 6 4
de Artaza a regidor of Tucuman. Pedro Gamboa's other
daughter was married to Luis Perez de Canseco, a merchant
in La Serena. One of their children later became a priest
in Santiago.^
Giraldo Gil Gil arrived in the Indies in 1534, and
came to Santiago with Valdivia in 1540. He was a tailor by
profession. He married a Moorish slave, Juana de Lezcano,

139
who had the characteristic slave brands on her face. Gil
later became a citizen of Concepcion and had an encomiendo
of Indians in Itata. He was killed in the distraction of
Concepcion in 1555. His son, Giraldo, inherited his enco
mienda, but was himself subsequently killed in combat in
156 4.^ Gil's daughter, Barbla Gil, married Marcos Griego
6 7
Seriche a carpenter in Santiago, The family lived in
6 8
block thirty-six, solar one from 1586 to 1607. Their
children included Jose Seriche, Melchor Seriche, Ines
Marcela, the wife of Miguel de Utrera; Catalina Gil, and
Mariana de la Rosa, who married Gonzalo Alvarez and moved
6 9
into the old family homestead in 1586. Gils other
daughter maintained the working class relationship of
the family by marrying Vicente Jimenez, a Santiago lathe
maker.70
Juan Godinez Godinez was born in Ubeda, Jaen, in
1517. He came to the Indies in 1532, and became a part of
the Almagro expedition. Later, he joined Valdivia and took
part in the founding of Santiago in 1541. He was a vecino
encomendero of the city and served as regidor, procurador,
and alcalde ordinario. He lived in block thirty-four, solar
four in 1554, and passed the property on to his son Juan
Godinez de Benavides,7"*" He also lived in block forty-three,
"7 O
solar two in 1556. He married Dona Catalina de Monsalve
de la Cueva. Among their children were Captain Juan Godinez
de Benavides, who inherited his father's encomienda, and

140
Dona Ana Mejia, the wife of General Don Alvaro de
Villagra.^ Godinez'' mestiza daughter, Leonor Godinez,
married the actuary, juan Hurtado, Symbolic, perhaps, of
this family's good standing is the fact that Doa Leonor
donated block thirty-three, solar two to the Company of
74
Jesus in 1604. Hurtado served as Actuary for the city
from 1561 until his death in 1595. He was also a merchant
in the city and was elected regidor of the cabildo in 1581,
1587, 1592, and alcalde ordinario in 1592. The marriages
of their children are probably the most illustrative of
the inbreeding of Santiago society by the turn of the
century. Captain Juan Hurtado married in 1597 with Doa
Jeronima Justiniano and lived in block thirty-four
Dona Beatriz de Hurtado married Captain Juan Perez de
Caceres. Dona Catalina de Hurtado married in 1580 with
vecino encomendero, Captain Juan de Ahumada. This family
lived in block four, solar three in 1605, block thirty-nine,
solar one from 1588 until 1605, and block eighty-three out-
7 F
right until 1590. Their daughter married Pedro de
Contreras Aranda Valdivia and lived in bloc sixty-three in
1609. Their descendants were Don Tomas de Contreras Aranda
Valdivia, Don Raimundo Contreras, and Dona Catalina de
Ahumada.^ Returning to Leonor Godinez1 final daughter,
Doa Angela de Hurtado, she married initially with Juan de
Torres and later with Captain Andres Hernandez de la
7 8
Serna. In every case, another aristocratic Santiago
family was added to the Godinez-Hurtado family tree.

141
/ /
Juan Gomez de Almagro ^ Gomez was born in 1517, and
came to Peru where he was a vecino encomendero of Lima. He
made the trek to Chile with Valdivia, however, and became
the first alguacil mayor Santiago. He was named regidor
perpetuo of the cabildo in 1550, and had encomiendas of
Indians at Topcalma, Palloquier, and Gualauquen. He later
moved to Imperial where he became alcalde ordinario in 1554.
Later, he returned to Santiago and finally traveled all the
way back to Spain in 1564. He was immortalized in the poem
"La Araucana." He was married to Dona Francesca de
Escobedo in 1561 and had one son, Captain Juan de
79
Rivadeneira. He also had one mestizo son as a result
80
of his liaison with a Peruvian Indian, Cecilia Palla.
The son, named Alvaro Gomez, became a priest in Santiago
81
and lived m La Chimba.
Pedro Gomez de las Montanas Gomez was a noble, who
went to the Indies before 1530, and served Alonso de
Alvarado in the discovery of the Chachapoyas. In 1541, he
was with Valdivia in Santiago and was wounded in a battle
with the Indians. He had an encomienda at Quinel near
Concepcion. He was a regidor of that city and was killed
in the battle of 1555. He was married to Doria Leonor de
82 /
Rueda and had two children. One was Captain Alonso Gomez
V /
de Montanas, and the other was Jeronima who was married to
Captain Francisco Ramirez de la Cueva. He also had a
mestizo son named Francisco Gomez de las Montaras. This

142
mestizo was procurador de las causas in Santiago for more
than thirty years and was corregidor of the Indian towns
of Aconcagua, Curimon, Putaendo, and Colima. He was mar
ried to Beatriz de la Cruz, the daughter of the conqueror
83
Gabriel de la Cruz. The family lived in block two A,
solar one in 1601; block seven, solar three from 1585 to
1605; block eighty-one, solars one and two in 1599, block
117 in 1586, and also had a solar donated to them by the
84
cabildo in 1578. Their children included Dona Micaela de
Ruisenada, the wife of Gonzalo Lopez; Francisco Gomez de
Ruisenada, presbiter, Diego Gomez de las Montanas; Jeronimo
f o5
Gomez, and Juan Antonio de la Cruz.
Juan Gomez de Yevenes Gomez was born in 1508, and
came to Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino of
Imperial in 1552, Santiago 1558-1559, and a vecino enco-
86
mendero of San Juan 1562-1574. His mestiza daughter,
Juana, was married to Juan de Contreras, who arrived in
Chile in 1560. Later the family moved to Mendoza where
8 7
he was named regidor in 1574 and again in 1583.
Juan Gonzales Gonzales was born in 1518, and arrived
in Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He became an alcalde
ordinario of La Serena in 1554, and regidor in 1555 and
1563. He later was a vecino of Tucuman. His mestizo son,
Juan, was an army lieutenant in La Serena and married a
Spanish girl, Isadora de Caceres of the influential Caoeres
-1 88
family.

143
Pedro Gonzalez de Utrera Gonzalez arrived in Peru in
1537, and accompanied Valdivia to Santiago in 1540. He was
given a chacra by the cabildo in 1546, and had an encomienda
in the Santiago area. He had three mestizo children: Pedro
89
Gonzalez, Rodrigo de Utrera, both relatively unknown.
His daughter, Beatriz, however, was married to Bartolom de
Medina, one of the conquerors of Tucuman. One of their
children was Alonso Gonzalez de Medina, a second lieutenant
91
in the army.
Garcia Hernandez Hernandez was born in 1510, and
arrived in Santiago in 1540. He lived in block twenty-one,
solar one in 1556, block twenty-eight, solar two in 1556,
and block forty-two, solars one and three in the same
9 9
year. He was mayordomo of the city in 1554, procurador
in 1556, regidor in 1555, 1558, 1566, and 1568. He was
married in 1560 to Isabel Garcia, the mestiza daughter of
Captain Diego Garca de Canceres. Garca was one of the
first vecino encomenderos of Santiago and was regidor
perpetuo of the city from 1550 to 1553. He held numerous
other offices in the cabildo from 1553 until 1583.Among
Garcia and Isabel's more important children were Captain
Juan Perez de Caceres, a corregidor of Quillota in 1602,
1607, and 1608. Perez married Beatriz Hurtado, the daugh
ter of the contador, Juan Hurtado, and the mestiza, Leonor
Godinez.^ Another child was Dona Mariana de Caceres, the
wife of Captain Andres Hernndez de la Serna, a vecino

144
96
encomendero of San Juan de la Frontera. This family lived
in block twelve, solar three from 1568 to 1595, and owned
block thirty-one, solar two in 1616 as well as a vineyard
97
near Santa Lucia from 1586. The children from the mar
riage included Garca Hernandez de Caceres, Doria Isabel de
Carvajal, an Augustiman nun, and Jeronimo Hernandez, a
Franciscan. Other Perez children included Juana de Caceres,
who was married to Melchor Hernandez de la Serna. This
family lived in block thirteen, solar one in 1610, and
9 7
block forty-one, solar four in 1595.' Another Perez was
Leonor de Caceres, who married Diego de Cisternas, the
p q o
son of Pedro Cisternas a vecino fundador of Concepcion.
Francisco Hernandez Gallego Hernandez was born in
1511, and arrived in Santiago in 1540. He was a miner at
MalgaMalga in 1548. In 1552, he married Bartola Flores,
the mestiza daughter of Bartolom" Flores. He died in 1554
99
with no children.
Pedro de Herrera Herrera was born between 1505 and
1512. He was the mayordomo of Captain Diego de Rojas in
1533, and came to Chile with Aguirre. He held an office
in the Santiago cabildo in 1545, moving later to La Serena
where he was regidor for several years and alcalde ordinario
in 1558. He died in 1589. He had a mestizo son, Pedro, who
remained in La Serena and married the criolla, Isabel de
Narvaez.'00 Pedro's daughter, Juana, married Juan de Gijon,
a declared traitor who was exiled from Peru to Chile in

145
1548. Juan had a solar in La Serena in 1549, and became
a regidor in the city in 1570. One of the sons of this
marriage became a priest.
101
A d
daughter, Juana, married
Gonzalo de Toledo, a regidor of Santiago in 1593 and
1601.102
Anton Hidalgo Hidalgo was born between 1512 and 1515.
In 1539, he was with the Diego de Rojas expedition to
Tarija, and later joined Valdivia at Tarapaca. He moved
from Santiago to Valdivia in 1559, and later to Imperial.
He was married to Jeronima Cortes, the mestiza daughter of
Leonardo Cortes, who had arrived in Chile in 1548.
Cortes was a navy captain, who had been directed by the
Crown to search for and destroy Sir Francis Drake.Anton
Hidalgo!s other children also included Captain Francisco
Hidalgo Cortes, and Juan Hidalgo, who served as an inter-
j r
preter with the army.
Juan Jufre' Jufre" was a hidalgo from Medina de
Rioseco. He was born in 1516, the legitimate son of
Francisco Jure^ and Candida de Montesa, the aunt of
Governor Villagra's wife. He arrived in Peru in 1537,
and joined Valdivia at Tarapaca for the journey to
Santiago. He was elected regidor of the city in 1551,
1556, 1557, and 1560. In 1561, he was designated as
Teniente Governor of Cuyo. He was corregidor of Santiago
in 1561 and 1562, later becoming Teniente and Captain of
the City. In addition to his military prowess and honors,

146
Jufre is noted for his wealth which he gained because of
his entrepreneurs! talents. His various business ventures
included ownership of a flour mill on the Mapocho River
and a bakery. In addition to several important Spanish
children born from his marriage in 1555 to Constanza de
Meneses, the daughter of Francisco Aguirre and Maria de
j nr
Torres, he had several mestizo children. These include
Captain Rodrigo Jufre, who served more than twenty years
in the army, and married Maria de Aguirre, yet another
107
daughter of Francisco Aguirre in 1583. The family lived
in block sixteen, solar one in 1590; block fifty-four,
solar four in 1615, block eighty-three, solar four in 1574,
10 8
and block 113, in 1585. Their daughter, Maria de
Aguirre, married Jorge Delgadillo Barba and later Francisco
] fl Q
Venegas de Sotomayer.
Francisco de Leon Leon was born in 1513, and came to
the Indies in 1535. He joined Valdivia in 1540, and became
an encomendero in Santiago at first and later in Concepcion.
He was married during a subsequent trip to Spain to Maria
Lopez de Ahumada and returned to Santiago in 1565 taking
a job as a grave digger at the church of San Francisco.'*''1'^
He lived in block thirty-five, solars three and four from
1556 to 1559 and in block fifty-eight, solar four until
1591. His mestiza daughter, Juana Diaz de Leon, mar
ried Tomas Gallegos, a seaman of the navy of Pedro de
Malta. Their children were not out of their adolescence
112
until after 1600.

147
Pedro Martin Parras Martin was born in Extremadura
in 1515. He arrived in Santiago with. Valdivia and became
the first concierge of the city: later the alguacil alarife,
and the juez de aguas. He married Elvira Nunez, the mestiza
daughter of the conqueror, Diego Nunez de Castro. Their
daughter, Elvira Parras, was married to the surgeon
Francisco Garcia. Other children included Pedro Parras,
who was married to Maria de Lara, Diego Nunez, Lucia Nunez,
who was married to Diego Lopez, and Mari Nunez, who was
married to Bias Pereira.-*-14 The Martin family received all
of block fifty-one from the cabildo in 1562, and owned solar
one outright until 1601. The family moved to block twenty-
seven, solar one in 1576 and remained their until 1601.
Later, block 10 8 was purchased.!-*-***
Pedro de Miranda Miranda was a hidalgo from Navarra
and was born in 1517. He served with Pizarro in Peru, and
arrived in Santiago with Valdivia. He was a vecino enco
mendero of the city, regidor in 1550, 1551, 1553, 1555,
1558, 1563, alcalde ordinario in 1556, 1559, 1561, 1566,
procurador 1549, fiel ejecutor 1550, mayordomo 1552, and
alfrez real in 1558 and 1568. He was married to Esperanza
de Rueda and had eight children. Among them was Captain
Don Pedro de Miranda, Dona Juana de Miranda, who was mar
ried to Captain Bernadino de Quiroga, and Dona Ana de Rueda,
who was married to Captain Pedro Cisternas de la Serna.'''^
Miranda also had two mestizo children; Jeronimo tutored his

148
Spanish brother and sisters. He was married to Ana de Dos
Hermanos and lived in block 107 in 1580; and Catalina
de Miranda, who was married to Alonso Sanchez, one of the
original conquerors of Chile who died in the distruction
of Concepcion in 1555. Catalina was named encomendero
11B /
after her husband's death. She married Bernab Mejia
later and died with him in 15 73.
Alonso de Monroy Monroy was a hidalgo from Salamanca
and arrived in Peru in 1537, then making the trek to
Santiago with Valdivia. He was named Teniente General of
the Santiago cabildo in 1541, and served as Valdivias
emissary to Peru on several occasions. His mestizo son
120
was named encomendero of Imperial in 1564,
Diego Nunez de Castro Nunez came to Chile with
Valdivia in 1540, and later lived in Concepcion. He
19 9
was married to an Indian named Catalina. Their mestiza
^ 19 3
daughter married the conqueror Pedro Martin Parras.
Juan Nunez de Castro Nunez was a participant in
the conquest of Chile. He owned a chacra in the Santiago
area in 1546, and had a small encomienda. His son, Juan,
was the concierge of Santiago in 15 85,
Diego de Oro Oro arrived in Santiago with Valdivia,
and became one of the Governor's trusted companions during
the journey. Later, he became the first corregidor of
Concepcion, and regidor perpetuo of the city until he was
killed by Indians in 1553,
His mestiza daughter, Isabel

149
married Alonso Lopez de la Arraigada, a much decorated
soldier who fought in the Concepcion area after the 1555
i pr
disaster. The family lived in Santiago in block forty-
1 2*j
nine, solar one from 1565 to 1592. ^ One of the children,
Jeronimo Lopez de la Arraigada, became a clergyman, and
another, Dona Ines de la Arraigada married Captain Juan de
Larrate and later, Captain Nicolas Perez.
Rodrigo de Quiroga Quiroga was a hidalgo and was born
in San Juan de Boime in 1512. In 1535, he arrived in Peru
and later joined Aguirres band for the trek to Santiago.
He was alcalde ordinario of the city in 1548, 1558, 1560;
regidor 1549, corregidor 1550, 1551, 1552, 1553, 1558; and
governor of the cabildo after Tucapel. He was interim
governor of the colony from 1565 to 1567 and governor from
1575 to 1580. He married Valdivia's mistress, Ines de
Suarez, in 1549. They lived in block sixteen, solar
three from 1556 to 1566. They also owned block forty-eight,
solars three and four in 1565 and block eighty-four, which
129
was donated to the cxty m 1575. Quiroga's mestiza
daughter, Isabel de Quiroga, married Don Pedro de Avendano,
who came to Chile with Villagra's transandean expedition
of 1551. He was a Captain and vecino encomendero of Caete.
130
He was killed by Indians m 1561. Isabel was then mar
ried to Martn Ruiz de Gamboa, a vecino encomendero of Los
Confines,They lived in block forty-eight, solars
three and four from 1565 to 1590.1,32 Their daughter, Ines

150
de Gamboa de Quiroga, was married to Antonio de Quiroga, a
133
caballero of Santiago. One of their sons, Rodrigo, be
came a Dominican and lived in block forty-eight, solars
three and four in 159 3.
Gonzalo de los Rios Rios was born in Naveda in 1516.
He originally was involved with Pedro Sancho de Hoz in the
plot against Valdivia. Later, he was named vecino enco
mendero of Santiago, however, and maintained his encomiendo
when the number was reduced in 1546. He was mayordomo of
the city in 1551 and 1553, procurado in 1559, regidor in
1557, 1572, 1574, 1577, and alcalde ordinario in 1570. He
married Catalina, the mulatta maid of Ines de Suarez.^4
Later, this marriage was nullified and he married Maria de
Encio Sarmiento of Bayona in,Galicia, His son by this mar
riage, General Gonzalo de los Rios, took part in the
founding of Chilian and later became a vecino encomendero
T O/*
of Santiago. He married Dona Catalina Flores Lisperguer
the daughter of Pedro Lisperguer and the niece of Chief
Talagante. Their daughter married Alonso Campofrio
137
Carvaja. The family lived in block nine, solar one in
1609 and block thirty, solar one in 1603.
Gabriel de Salazar Not much is known of Salazar's
life except that he arrived with Valdivia in 1541. Two of
his mestizo sons, Andres and Hernando, were soldiers and
the other, Juan, was a merchant in Santiago. Juan was mar
ried to Beatriz de Arriola and their son was a priest in

151
t n Q
Santiago in 1582. 0 Their daughter married Juan Guerra,
and one of their sons became the first Chilean born doc-
l40
l O jC *
Alonso Sanchez Sanchez apparently accompanied
Almagro on the first expedition to Chile. He returned with
Valdivia in 1540. Later, he was a vecino fundador of
Concepcion and died in the destruction of the city in
141
1555. He was married to Catalina de Miranda, the mestizo
daughter of the conqueror Pedro de Miranda. After her hus
band's death, Catalina was named encomendera of Concepcion
14 2
and married the conqueror Bernabe Mejia.
Diego Sanchez de Morales Sanchez was born in Soria
in 1514. He arrived in Peru in 1534, and was instrumental
in the founding of Cuzco. He joined Valdivia's expedition
to Chile in 1540, and was at the founding of Santiago in
1541. He had an encomienda of Indians in the Huasco area
and was regidor of La Serena in 1549, 1550, 1552, and 1559.
He was also alcalde ordinario in 1553 and 1561. He mar
ried Dona Ines de Leon de Carvajal in 1563. Their children
included Captain Diego de Morales, Isabel de Morales, the
wife of General Miguel Gomez de Silva.This family
lived in block sixteen, solar three in 1600.^44 Sanchez'
mestizo children included Bartolom de Morales, Ana de
Morales, who was married to Gaspar Amaya a wealthy
Portuguese merchant who owned two ships, and another daugh
ter who married Martin Alonso de los Rios.^4^

152
Antonio de Tarabajano Tarabajano was born in 1508 in
Las Navas de Villafranca and arrived in Peru in 1536. He
took part in the founding of Santiago in 1541, and helped
in the settling of Valdivia, Villarica, and Imperial. In
146
1567, he led an expedition to Chiloe, His mestiza daugh
ter, Francisca de Tarabajano, married Agustn Bricerfo, who
was a notary in La Serena and later a vecino encomendero in
Santiago. ^ They lived in block twenty, solar one in
14 8
1590. Tarabajano's other daughter, Ana, married Babiles
de Arellano, the Secretary of Government and regidor of the
city from 1578 to 1588. They lived in block twenty, solar
two from 1590 to 1605; block 120 from 1585 to 1596; and
149
owned block 124 in 1585. Later, Ana married Don
Francisco Ponce de Leon, a vecino encomendero of Santiago.
They lived in block twenty, solar two from 1590 to 1603.
Luis de Toledo Toledo was born in 1517 and arrived
in Peru in 1539. He came to Chile in 1540, and assisted in
the founding of Santiago and La Serena. He was a vecino
encomendero of Concepcion and later regidor perpetuo of the
City. In 1580, he was named vecino encomendero of
151
Chilian. In 1554, he married Isabel Mejia, the mestiza
daughter of the conqueror Hernn Mejia Mirabal and the
IS 2
widow of Francisco Rodriguez de Zamora. Their children
included sargeant major Luis Toledo Mejia, who was instru
mental in the settling of Chilian and had a large estate
in that area; Captain Juan de Toledo, who married Maria

153
de Sierra Ronquillo; Alonso de Toledo, a soldier in Caete;
the priest Agustn de Toledo Mejia; Leonor Toledo, who was
married to Captain Jose" de Castro; Bernadina Toledo who was
married to Captain Gomez Bravo de Laguna; and Catalina
1 53
Goledo, who was married to Captain Pedro de Sandoval.
Hernando de la Torre Torre was the mestizo son of
Juan de la Torre one of the conquerors of Peru. He was
with Valdivia in Santiago in 1541, and later lived in La
_ 154
Serena.~
Juan Valiente Valiente was the Negro slave of Alonso
Valiente. He accompanied Almagro on his expedition in 1535,
and returned with Valdivia in 1541. In 1546, the Santiago
cabildo gave him a chacra in the area. In 1550, he became
an encomendero in the Santiago area, and in 1553, he be
came a vecino of Concepcion. He married the Negro, Juana
Valdivia, in 1548 and died fighting Indians at Tucapel. His
son, Pedro Valiente, inherited the encomienda, but was
s 155
dispossessed by Don Garcia de Mendoza in 1568.
Sebastian Vazquez Vzquez was born in 1507, and ar
rived in Peru in 1537. He journeyed with Valdivia to
Santiago in 1540, and worked in the mines at Malga-Malga in
1549, then returning to Peru. He journeyed back to
Santiago in 1556, and became alcalde mayor de minas in
1564, and vecino of San Juan de la Frontera the following
156
year. He had three mestizo sons who lived in the
Santiago area and a mestiza daughter, Ana, who married a
. / 157
citizen of Lima, Juan Martin.

154
One other Spanish aristocrat who contributed to the
1 y s
first family stock of Chile was Diego Garcia de Caceres.
Garcia was bom of a hidalgo family in Caceres in 1517.
Ee arrived in Venezuela in 1534, fought against the Indians
in Peru, and joined Valdivia at Tarapaca. He returned to
Peru, however, and attempted to get more financial backing
for the Chilean expedition. As a consequence, he did not
arrive in Santiago until 1546, He then became a vecino
encomendero of Santiago. He was also regidor perpetuo of
the cabildo from 1550 to 1553, aguacil mayor in 1553,
alferez real in 1556, alcalde ordinario in 1562, and procu
rador in 1568. He was married to Maria Osorio who arrived
1 r o
in the colony from Spain in 1555. Their daughters mar
ried Captain Ramirianez de Seravia (block thirty-nine),
Captain Juan de Rivadeneira, and Captain Juan de Ocampo de
San Miguel. Garcia also had two mestiza daughters
Catalina de Caceres, who married Francisco Rubio a rich
Santiago businessman. The family lived in block twenty-six
in 1566.-*- Rubio's daughter, Mariana de Caceres, married
Francisco Hernandez Lancha and lived in block twenty-five,
solar one from 1578 to 1599.^^ Another daughter, Juana
Rubio de Caceres, married Captain Juan de Ahumada
I O
Gavilan. Two of their children became priests. They
lived in block sixty-three, solar two in 1610.^^ Garcia's
other daughter, Isabel Garcia, married the conqueror
Garcia Hernandez and was the mother of Captain Juan Perez
de Caceres who perpetuated this name.^^

155
Finally, one important marriage in the colonial aris
tocracy was that of Gonzalo Martnez de Vergara, the il
legitimate son of Francisco Martnez Valdivia's part
ner and the Indian Princess, Mariana Pico de Plata, to
165
Teresa de Ahumada. This was another linking of the
Martinez and Ahumada families.
Mestizos in the Aristocracy
Obviously, there are great discrepancies in wealth
and status even among this cross section of the original
Chilean aristocracy. Many persons were not in an aristo
cratic social or financial status when they arrived in the
country. Others were not decendants of noble Spanish fami
lies. The common ground was reached during the struggle
against the Indians, the quest for food, and the enco
mendero status granted to most of the original conquerors.
As a result, everyone' started at virtually the same eco
nomic and social level. What each person did with his
lands and his Indians determined his future status. It
was up to his own initiative. In other words, there was
very little to interfere with his financial and social ad
vancement and, in fact, the togetherness and comradrie of
the first conquerors was the important determinant.
As an example of the early social leveling process, it
was well known in Peru that foreigners could achieve posi
tions of honor and command in Chile that were denied to
them in Lima. The Genoese seaman Juan Bautista Pastene

156
became Valdivia'.s captain general of the sea. Vicencio de
Monte, a Milanese, became a royal treasurer of Chile and
the German, Bartolom Flores became procurador general of
Santiago. The situation was such that sailers going from
Lima to Chile had to oblige themselves specifically to
1
make the return trip.
Another consideration here is the economic-sociological
impact of the Chilean climate. The conquerors, who had es
caped the hardships of the homeland and the southern
Indian wars, naturally sought an outlet for their energy.
Industry and productive work provided this outlet. Combined
with the favorable climate, this industry led to a work
ethic virtually unknown in the other Spanish colonies.
Economic capacity, in reality, knows no racial or ethic
bounds. Thus, whether Spanish, mes tizo, or Indian, there
was a common bond among the most productive men in the
, 167
colony.
Another important factor was that most of the men in
volved in the conquest were in the 25 to 35 year age range.
They were certainly at a prime period of life for sexual
activity, and it is quite evident that their Spanish wives,
who remained behind, were soon forgotten at least in sexual
matters. The hardships endured during the conquest espe
cially the poor security situation in the south prevented
many Spanish women from joining their husbands. Francisco
Frias, in fact, estimates that there were not more than

157
fifty Spanish women in the colony until the latter days of
the century. Therefore, the only natural way to live was
with an Indian or mestiza woman.0
Several conclusions can be drawn from the Spanish
man Indian woman relationship especially from the raw
data provided by Thayer Ojeda. The most interesting con
cept, as far as Chilean history is concerned, is that the
Araucanian Indian has no role as an ethnic factor in the
early colonial aristocracy. The evidence is clear that
most of the Indians participating in a sexual relationship
with the Spanish conquerors in the Santiago area were
either Peruvian yanaconas or local central valley Indians
such as the Mapuches. There is no evidence that any
Araucanian woman either married a Spanish conqueror or had
a child legitimized by the father. The revelation is in
teresting in view of Francisco Encinas attempts to show
that the Gothic background of the conquerors and the
quality" Araucanian Indians produced a superior Chilean
race.
In the second place, in the other colonial areas the
Indian spouse was soon forgotten when Spanish women ap
peared on the scene. There is no evidence in Chile of this
occurrence. As a matter of fact, there is contrary infor
mation indicating that a Spanish conqueror married to a
Spanish woman more than likely would marry a mestiza after
his first wife's death. In other cases, an Indian or

158
mestiza woman marrie more than one conqueror leading one
to conclude that the woman in question was socially ac
ceptable to the community as well as being a good wife.
Despite this position as an acceptable wife, however,
most Indian women simply became mistresses to the various
conquerors. Not much is known of this relationship from
the Spanish point of view except that women were necessary
for sexual relationship, and certainly provided a diversion
from more mundane matters. We do not know, however, what
happened to the Indian girl after the conqueror tired of
her services. We do know, however, that the children of
the union were accepted by their fathers especially the
daughters and presumably the children saw to their
mother's comfort.
This leads us to a discussion of the mestizo's role
in the aristocracy. From the evidence presented, it ap
pears that the Spaniards doted on their mestiza daughters
and immediately accepted them as being Spanish. Moreover,
these girls were married later by aging conquerors a
situation resulting in a great deal of intermarriage within
the aristocracy. They were also married by newly arriving
hidalgos and caballeros; thus perpetuating the Indian blood
170
in the aristocracy.
In addition to their marriage position, these girls
had a significant legal status in that they were allowed to
inherit property and pass it on to their children. This

159
seems to be an important factor in keeping property and the
various encomiendas within the original aristocracy, and
is certainly one of the reasons why aristocratic suitors
pursued the wealthy mestiza widows.
The mestizo sons, on the other hand, in general did
not fare as well as their sisters. Their road for advance
ment was always through the military ranks. Even in this
endeavor, however, they were limitedto the grade of Captain
and there is no evidence of a mestizo becoming a general.
Certainly, the mestizo military officers acquitted them
selves well and were mostly on the same social footing as
their half brothers in the same family.
The only other route open for advancement to the
mestizo child of the aristocrat was through the church.
There are many examples of mestizos becoming monks, minor
clergymen, and priests. In fact, the most notable case of
a mestizo marrying a Spanish woman in the early days was
the wedding of the evangelical clergyman Juan de Rubias,
the son of the conqueror Juan Gallegos de Rubias, to the
Spanish daughter or Captain Luis Barba. In general,
however, mestizos were limited in advancement in the church
presumably by prejudice and at times by the law.
Mestizo priests did prove to be particularly useful in
dealing with the natives especially because of their know
ledge of the Indian language. For example, the Archbishop
of Santiago recommended the mestizo Juan Bias to the

160
priesthood because of his language capability. Other im
portant mestizo priests v/ere Gabriel de Villagra, the son
of General Gabriel de Vailiagra, Juan de Oces, Francisco
de Aguirre, the son of the conqueror, Francisco de Tapia,
Juan Barga, Jeronimo Bello, Juan Salguero, Juan, de Armente,
172
and Melchor de Arteaga.
The mestizo priests who were grandsons of indigeneous
Chileans were: Garcia Hernandez de Caceres, the son of
Garca Hernandez and the mestiza Isabel Garcia de Caceres;
Marcos Rubio, the son of Francisco Rubio and the mestiza
Catalina de Caceres; Juan de la Fuente Loarte, the son of
Pedro de Burgos and the mestiza Beatriz de Loarte; Lazaro
Hernandez de la Serna, the son of Andres Hernandez and the
mestiz Magdalena de la Serna; Juan Velez de Lara, the son
of Juan Fernandez and the mestiza Ines de Lara; Rodrigo de
Gamboa y Quiroga, the son of Marshal Martin Ruiz de Gamboa
and the mestiza Isabel de Quiroga. Juan de Ahumada, the
son of Juan de Ahumada and Leonor Hurtado the daughter of
a mestiza; Juan and Bernardo de Toro Mazte, sons of Gines
de Toro Mazte and Elena de la Serna the daughter of a
mestiza. The following chart shows the probable number of
conquerors and their sons admitted to the clergy as of
1580.173

161
Secular Clergy
Regular
Total
Conquerors
15
25
40
*Criollos; pure
blood
100
150
250
Criollos;
Cuarterones
15
25
40
Criollos;
Mestizos
10
10
10
Totals
140
210
350
*Some one/eights blood Mestizos are included in
this category.
Finally, one interesting phenomenon of the Spanish-
IncLian-mestizo relationship among the Chilean aristocracy
is that, although many of the newly created families re
mained in Santiago, more journeyed to other cities and
towns. In these places, they naturally assumed the aris
tocratic role and were active in governmental affairs at
the highest level. They also dominated the ownership of
land.. These families through these colonial connections
later became the oligarchs that came to dominate both
colonial and independent Chile.
It is readily apparent from all of this information,
that the Chilean aristocracy became a partial product of
miscegenation. This does not mean that all of the Spanish
nobility married Indian women and their progeny were inte
grated into Spanish-Chilean society. It does mean, howr
ever, that Indian blood became an integral part of the
Chilean aristocracy in the early days, although it was
diluted as time passed by the infusion of more Spanish

162
blood with no comparable replacement of the Indian element.
It is singificsnt*. that the newly created race, therefore,
looked more European than Indian. The mestizo was taller,
had lighter hair, and lighter skin than the Indian from
the beginning, and even these characteristics became more
European as time went by. The extent of the mestizo ele
ment in the Santiago area can be seen in the statement by
the eminent genealogist, Jose Manuel Astorga, about the
Lisperguer family. "In Santiago, he, who is not a
Lisperguer, is a Mulatto, "
It is also apparent that a certain amount of ac
culturation took place at the aristocratic level in
society. Indian farming methods were adopted and improved
upon, for instance, and Indian dress was adopted to a cer
tain extent. In many cases, there is no doubt that the
Spanish aristocrat, living with his mistress in his
Santiago hovel, probably existed in a state more closely
resembling the Indian's subsistence life rather than the
Spanish life-style that he had left behind in Europe.
There is no question that the Indian was also assimi
lated into Spanish culture at the aristocratic level. The
adoption of the Church as well as certain elements of
Spanish life style, customs, and mores are clearly evident.
Certainly, those Indians selected by the Spaniards because
of their beauty, talent, or royal Indian blood were absorbed
by Spanish aristocratic society and all that remained of

163
their original Indian status was a superficial amount of
'their old culture.
In dealing with the Chilean aristocracy, some mention
should also be made of the ritual kinship (compadrazgo) and
patron-client relationships. Through these associations,
the bulk of the population was able to attach itself to
the influential aristocrat or sponsor. These unions were
sealed by a godfather relationship, marriage alliances, or
business contracts. Essentially, these association were
designed to provide adequate security, justice, and a
social fabric distinct from that provided by law. In
addition, the feudal relationship of mutual obligation was
carried one step farther.
Although the priod from .1541 to 1570 does not com
pletely demonstrate the development of an elite capable of
supporting these extra-family connections, one can surmise
that these associations were evolving, and certainly would
become important later in the century.
Stephanie Blank in her study of this relationship in
Caracas posits that there were two methods for the first
generation of settlers to structure their unorganized and
unintegrated nature of their society. One was the marriage
of the original residents to sisters and older daughters of
other members of the new urban community. The second was
through the extended family relationship in which persons of
lower economic and social standing were related to the basic

16 4
family through an obligatory connectionf possibly as god-
1 7S
parent godchild ties or through some economic union.
The situation in Santiago is difficult to discern
during this early time because of the paucity of Church
documentation. A perusal of the genealogical ties of the
extended family of several of the early conquerors is very
revealing, however. For instance, the Lisperguer family
ultimately included members of the Flores, Velasco,
Betembergue, Machado, Estrada, Irarrazabal, Varas, Roco,
Gormaz, Lopez, Garcia, and Andia families all members of
176
the Santiago elite.
Other families also followed this practice of inter
marriage. The Aguirre family ultimately was related to the
families Jufre, Godoy, Pastene, Carvajal, and the Mendoza
Buitrn de Riberos. The family of Pedro de Cisternas was
related to the Pastenes. The family of Juan de las Cuevas
was related to the Barriaga, Ureta, Oyarzun, Ramirez, and
Cardenas families. The family of Lorenzo Suarez de
Figueroa he was married to Valdivia's sister-in-law,
Catalina Ortiz was related to the Gamboa, Riberos,
Quiroga, and Mendoza families. Andres Fuenzalida's descen
dants were related to the Mendozas, Peraltas, Guzmans, and
Escobars. Valdivia's brother-in-law, Diego Ortiz Nieto d.
Gaete, was related to the Unzueta, Rioseco, Mendez, Montaner,
Fuenzalida, Arrau, del Rio Zanartu, Moreira, Cifuentes, and
Menchaca families. The family of Pedro de Miranda was re
lated to the Juf re", Miranda, Guzman, Ramirez, and Corbalan

165
families. Diego Sanches de Morales' descendants were re
lated to the Gomez, Chacon, Quiroga, Morales and Fastens
families. Bartolom de Rojas* Puebla, who arrived in Chile
in 1601, was the originator of a new line including some
of the old conqueror families Carvajal, Meneses, Bravo
de Saravia, Gomez, Ortiz, Ahumada, and the Lisperguer fam
ilies. The descendants of Diego de Sevillano Silva were
related to, the families Salazar, Toledo, Vega, Ureta,
Perez, Lisperguer, Gaete, and Moreno. The family of Luis
de Toledo was related to the Herreras, Cuadras, Serranos,
Sotomayors, and Errazuriz. These are just a few examples.
The family ties are quite obvious with the repitition of
the names Lisperguer, Ahumada, Irrazaval, Barros,
__ f 177
Valenzuela, Gaete, Ortiz, jufre, and Pastene.
It is obvious from the preceding list that the most
prevalent method fo cementing family ties among the con
querors was the practice of marrying mestizo or Spanish
-daughters to other conquerors or newly arrived Spaniards
of high social standing. This process facilitated
mestizaje in Santiago because of the lack of marriageable
Spanish women. Another method was the marriage of Indian
widows of one conqueror to another. The half-brother/
half-sister relationships in the next generation were an
important connective factor.
Finally, it must be remembered that the individual
conqueror had a clientel family to begin with, comprised -

166
of mestizos and Indians so numerous that the extended family
was difficult to total. Included were the wife and her
children, the concubines and their children, the servants
and their children, and the numerous slaves and retainers.
All of these people looked to the conqueror's home as a
refuge and the family head as their protector. The inter
marriage of these compadrazgo and patron-clientel "kin"
simply increased the total number of people owing fealty
to the Spanish godfather.
In conclusion, a developing patron-clientel system can
be discerned in Santiago during this period. Ritual kin
ship, blood relationships, and outright dependence pro
vided the basis for social integration of the diverse
peoples of the community. Moreover, the elite group that
would ultimately control the economic and social life of
the city was bound into a tight-knit group distinguished
by the economic, political, and social power it wielded.
Middle Class
The middle class in Chile developed along lines sim
ilar to the aristocracy. Initially, there was hardly any
middle class because almost everyone was an encomendero or
occupied a definite lower class position. With the arrival
of new immigrants especially soldiers, however, the struc
ture of society began to change.
Theoretically, the newly arrived Spaniards no matter
what their background enjoyed a higher legal and social

167
status than most of the mestizo element of the population.
Certainly, their social ranking was superior to that of
the Negroes, Mulattoes, and Indians. Because of the lim
ited immigration, the soldier-class roots and mores of the
new arrivals, and the continuing security problems, most
of the social constrictions were temporarily set aside.
(This was particularly true in the zone of conflict in the
south.) As in the aristocracy, the most important deter
mining factor was the lack of Spanish women and the avail
ability of attractive mestiza girls as substitutes.
What constituted the middle class? The most important
factor among the Spanish element was the fact that its
members were not encomenderos. Presumably, therefore, all
Spaniards, who were not encomenderos, fit into this cate
gory. There were exceptions, of course, but this rule is
acceptable as applied to the early days of the colony. In
addition, every Spaniard below the military rank of Captain
would be a member. Another determinant was occupation with
various artisans, tradesmen, and businessmen fitting into
the middle class category. Thus, miners, shoemakers,
leatherworkers, hosiers, blacksmiths, and carpenters, in
general, were middle class. Lower members of the clergy
or independent evangelical clergymen with some sort of
income would also qualify.
The mestizo part of the middle class comprised lower
ranking soldiers, blacksmiths, hosiers, carpenters, shoe
makers, tailors, merchants, and lower clergymen. The most

158
.important factor, however, was the marriage of Spanish
middle class members with mestiza women and the subsequent
continuation of Indian blood -in the middle class. There
was also one example of a middle class mestizo marrying a
Spanish girl, however, and instances of Spanish middle
179
class merchants marrying Indians.
As in the aristocracy, it is somewhat difficult to
trace the mestizo element in the middle class. Of the
thousands of individuals listed in Thayer Ojeda's three
volum.es, for instance, not more than seventy persons can
be identified clearly as mestizo and probably middle class
under the defined occupational categories. Most of these
mestizos were either soldiers or army interpreters. Others
were carpenters, silversmiths, sailors,- shoemakers, tailors,
school teachers, hosiers, blacksmiths, scribes, or clerics.
These mestizos generally married mestiza or Indian women
and presumably their sons continued in the same profession
or at least were accepted as being middle class socially.
From the sparse evidence available, therefore, it ap
pears that the mestizo fits into the middle class category
* "* -**£
in most instances. There were examples of a mestiza re
ceiving a solar from the Santiago^cabildo in 1558 Juan
de Mesa, and there was one example of a mestizo Luis de
Santa Clara owning a chacra along the Canada River near
Santiago.' Most, however, were bound by some rule of
stratification or more biographic data would be
social

169
available to point to some upward social mobility. This
last point, of course, was also true of the Spanish middle
class. It is clear that there was some social and occupa
tional mobility among the mestizo soldiers at the front and
in the frontier towns. Bravery in battle would probably
lead to a reward of some social consequence.
Some of the mestizos, however, found life too harsh
and alien in Spanish society. These "marginal men" fled
to the south and joined the Indians in their flight against
the Spaniards. The most famous of these runaways was
Alonso Diaz, who was known by the Indians as Painancu. He
left Santiago in 1560, and spent the next ten years fighting
Spaniards. By 1575, he had been named an Araucanian chief
tain and continued his anti-Spanish struggle until 1583,
when he was captured and executed by Governor Sotomayor.
Another example of this type was Francisco Gaseo, a mestizo
1 oi
soldier who also deserted to the Indians.
In conclusion, there is no doubt that the Chilean
middle class became the great bastion of the mestizo from
the early days. The upper middle class appears to be a
combination of merchants and artisans, predominantly Spanish,
but, in general, married to first generation mestiza women.
The lower middle class consisted of mestizos married to
mestizas or Indian women, but having the same vocation as
their Spanish counterparts. Some time in the future, these
ethnic lines were blurred by more intermarriage which was

170
certainly brought about by proximity and acceptance. Car
ried to its logical conclusion, the cities became the great
melting pot for the middle class mestizo mixture, whereas
persons with a greater amount of Indian blood gravitated
to the countryside and along with the Indians created a
labor force.
Thus, if one had to draw up a statement on the relative
position of the mestizo-mestiza in society circa 1540-1575
in Santiago, the conclusion would be that the mestiza was
furnishing part of the ethnic base of the Chilean colonial
aristocracy. The mestizo, on the other hand, although
functioning within the confines of the aris-tocracy, was
basically associated with the plebian class. Carried to
its logical judgement, the mestiza, marrying either a
Spaniard or a mestizo, would create a group that was pre
dominantly Spanish in character and blood relationship.
This group would live primarily in the original vecino de
velopments of the city or on large estancias. The mestizo,
on the other hand, marrying either a mestiza or an Indian,
would create a group with a greater percentage of Indian
blood or gravitating toward Indian culture. He would
live in the countryside or small towns and would work in
laboring or trade occupations if he lived in the city.
Therefore, Chilean society, already predominantly mestizo,
developed along parallel mestizo-mestiza lines which have
probably not fully converged to this day.

171
Indians and Negroes
Ths rest of Santiago society as late as 1565 com
prised Indians and Negroes. The encomienda system with
personal service granted to the Spaniards was formally es
tablished in 1559. Santillan's new regulations were de
signed to reduce the amount of work done by the encomienda
Indians. In reality, however, the regulations systematized
the relationship between the encomendas and his Indians.
Thus, despite the intent of the law, the Indians really had
182
no choice but to accept their servitude. The Indians
who had escaped the system earlier through marriage or any
other means could breathe a sigh of relief.
For the other Indians, the only respite from hardship
was religion and alcoholic beverages. The Indians had
finally been weaned over to Christianity by this time.
After being forced to attend mass for nearly twenty years,
some of the religious spirit of the priests must have rubbed
off. Moreover, the Church fiesta days gave the Indians an
escape from their miserable existence. Many turned to al
cohol for release from the drudgery, and tales of druken
Indians were as prevalent in Chile as they were in the lore
of the western part of the United States more than three
hundred years later.
Some further differentiation among the Indians should
be made here. Captain Bernardo de Vargas Machuca, the
author of Milicia y descripcin de las Indias, which was
published in 1599, clearly distinguishes between Indians

172
of service and Indian friends. The Indians of service
carried the Spaniard's equipment and performed other func
tions for them. Many were free from any obligation to
their masters and worked for a cash payment. The Indian
friends, on the other hand, were military allies and as-
sisted the Spanish in the conquest. Again, there is
some blurring of the differences between Indian friends
and yanaconas. Mariano de Lobera, in fact, refers to the
assistance of the yanaconas in defending a Spanish position
184
after the Battle of Tucapel.
In many instances, moreover, it is very difficult to
separate the Indians of service from the Indian friends.
The general rule appears to be that the Peruvian yanaconas
were likely to be included in the general term Indian
friend. Chilean Indians of service, however, were not
likely to be included as military allies or Indian friends.
Obviously, this situation would be very difficult to sort
out as far as social stratification is concerned. It ap
pears, however, that some method was used by the Spaniards
to ensure that the treatment of Indian friends was better
than that of Indians of service, and both were above the
other Indians in status. Crecente Errazuriz makes his dif
ferentiation by referring to the yanaconas as a separate
"third class" of Indians as opposed to local enemies and
185
encomienda Indians.
Negro slaves at this time continued to occupy a some-
what higher position in society than most of the Indians.

173
Almost all of them lived in the cities except in cases
where they were serving their masters in warfare. Most'
worked as majordomos in the households or as apprentices
to tailors, shoemakers, silversmiths, and carpenters.
Chilean historians tend to be evasive about the issue of
Negro slavery, however, and statistics probably are not
very reliable. Diego Barros Arana, for example, says that
by 1650, there were only three to four thousand Negroes in
Chile. He also states, however, that the 1778 census in
Santiago indicated that there were25,500 Negroes and
mulattoes in the city.^0 Encina, on the other hand, states
that there were 2,500 Negroes in Santiago in 1650, but be
cause of Chile's climate and disease, pure Negro blood dis
appeared from the Chilean race during the next century...
This claim would tend to invalidate the census of 1778. ^
In any case, judging from the available material,
the Negro, because of his adaptability to Spanish culture,
* *
the fact that some Hispanicized Negroes had arrived in the
country as conquerors, and the close relationship of Negroes
with the Spanish families in their position as personal ser
vants, came to occupy a higher position in society than the
Indians. Moreover, through meritorious service or manu
mission, slaves could be freed. Andrea (El Valiente), for
instance, a Negro slave was freed by his master as a reward
for valor in the southern wars in 1555. Further, it ap
pears that intermarriage was prevalent between Spaniards and
Negro women on one hand, and Negroes and Indians on the

174
other. Thus, the Negro, as a distinct racial entity, prob
ably disappeared in Chile by the turn of the 19th century.
In reality, the Negro had little impact on the Chilean
189
race.
Social Change by 1575
By 1575, therefore, Chilean society had undergone a
major change. The Spanish conquerors and his descendants
comprised the aristocracy, but already a mestiza element had
been introduced and multiplied. At a slightly lower level
were the Spanish artisans, farmers, and soldiers. The
mestizo sons of conquerors, for the most part soldiers,
were integrated into this group. The mestizos, who fol
lowed the tradition of their Indian mothers occupied a
lower position. Negroes occupied the next lower rung, and
Indians, in general, were on the bottom. Clearly then,
with certain specified exceptions, Chilean society was al~
190
ready being divided by ethnic differences.
Returning for a moment to Moerner's classic social
status typology of Spanish colonial society, the Chilean
model would have the following variations.
1545
Spaniards
Spanjpized Negroes
Indian Friends
Indians of Service
Negro Slaves
Other Indians or Indian enemies

175
156 5
Spaniards
Mestizo -
Mestizo -
Mestizo -
Mestizo -
Negro -
Mestizo -
Mulatto -
Indian
Indian
Indian -
S1aves
Indian
Spanish-Mestiza
Spanish-Mes tizo
Spanish-Indian-Mestizo
Mes t i zo -Me s ti z a
Hispanicized
Mestizo-Indian
Spanish-Negro
Indian Friends
Indians of Service
Encomienda Indians
Negroes and Indians
enemies
There does not appear to be an differentiation between
Peninsular Spaniards and criollos even in 1565, probably
because there were not enough Peninsular Spaniards in
Santiago to form a separate entity. In fact, the number
of female peninsulares in the whole country in 1593 prob
ably did not exceed fifty. There were few Spanish children
being brought to the colony and many of the first women pen-
191
insulares proved to be barren for one reason or another.
Social developments during the rest of the century and
the remainder of the period of this study can be telescoped
because the basis for the evolution of society had already
been established in the first twenty years of the colony.
This process is clearly evident in the generations of
Chileans bom between 1560 and 1600 .
During this period, Spanish aristocracy was divided
into two groups. The first consisted of encomenderos
descended along the paternal or maternal line from the
grand encomenderos of the 1540s. (As noted, this group

176
contained some Indian blood via the Indians and mestizas
that had married conquerors and sons of conquerors.) Other
members of this group were functionaries and descendants of
Crown appointees, who were designated in some cases as the
"aristocracy of the city," and high military officers and
clergy. Generally speaking, this group was quite
wealthy. The men married Spanish women of high birth and
19 3
were designated as hidalgos notorios or simply hidalgos.
The second group was made up of descendants of con-
querors without encomiendas, descendants of conquerors from
other towns who came to live and work in Santiago, and
later, descendants of southern citizens who came to Santiago
19 4
to escape the Indian wars. This group probably contained
a good portion of Indian blood via marriage with mestizas,
and certainly some descendants of mestizo military captains
would fit into this category. Generally speaking, however,
this group had less wealth than the former, the men married
Spanish women of lower birth, and were most often designated
1 Q C
as hombres de bien.
The next level of Santiago society was the artisan and
trading element, which at this point contained a sizeable
number of mestizos. A perusal of Thayer Ojeda's Formacin
de la sociedad Chilena clearly indicates that many Spanish
artisans had intermarried with Indians, Negroes, and
mestizos. Their mestizo progeny, since they were from a
somewhat lower class in society, married other mestizos,

177
Indians or Negroes; thus maintaining a distinct blood line
from the aristocracy. This group was also joined by the
common Spanish soldier who kept arriving in Santiago on
his way to the front in the south. These men, for the most
part, married mestizas while they were encamped in Santiago,
or later when they were stationed in the frontier towns.
The creation of a permanent army in 1601 had a direct ef
fect on these soldiers as professionalism freed the aristo
cratic establishment from military service and gave In
creased stature and importance to the regular soldier. -^6
Therefore, at relatively the same social level, a distinct
military, commercial, and industrial class was established
which had as one of its chief characteristics a high per
centage of Indian blood. This group showed the most
social mobility in that its members were able to move into
the lower aristocracy category. The upper aristocracy
level was unattainable for any lower group. It was a
closed society in this period and maintained itself by
197
proper marriages and family relationships.
It is appropriate to mention here that all of the
groups discussed thus far the artistocracy, artisans,
tradesmen, clergy, and soldiers had, on the average,
more Spanish than Indian blood, and certainly the cultural
aspects of the Spaniards. Perhaps, the importance of
mestizaje can be seen in the statistics that by 1592, there
were only 2,000 pure blooded Spaniards in the country, and

178
the population of Santiago consisted of only 500 Spanish or
sons of Spanish inhabitants. (This figure apparently in
cludes legitimate mestizo sons of which there were many.)
No population figures are available on the number of
mestizos in the city, but there may have been as many as
5,000 in 1570, and certainly that number by the turn of the
19 8
century.
Another phenomenon was taking place in the countryside.
As noted earlier, the number of Indians in the encomiendas
of Santiago was diminishing, and by 1600 their number was
19 9
down to 4,000. There were not enough Indians to make
the encomienda system viable, let alone provide labor for
the farms and mines. Mestizos were integrated into agri
cultural operations via the inquilino system, and
Araucanian prisoners from the south were imported as vir
tual slaves to work the farms. Despite these methods, the
lack of cheap labor became so acute that the mining oper
ations were mostly abandoned.
The mestizos, who followed their Indian mothers' cul
tural patterns, however, were able to fill the labor void
on the farms. They soon became the most numerous labor
force because they were vigorous, hard working, and adapt
able. Thus, a new Inquilino society, composed of
mestizos and Indians, began to evolve. Just as mestizos,
with a high percentage of Spanish blood were taking over
positions in the city, mestizos, with predominatly Indian

179
blood were becoming the largest social class in the country
side.20^
This does not mean to say that the thirty years from
1540 to 1570 was a period of peaceful transition in which
the Mestizo gradually took over. Obviously, there was dis
crimination at every level of society. The mestizos' bad
characteristcs especially drunkenness has been
202
chronicled by many Chilean historians and sociologists.
And, obviously, there is a profound difference between the
average ignorant mestizo of 1560 and the mestizo of the
latter part of the century in terms of awareness and edu
cation. It is certain, however, that most of Chilean
society, including the aristocracy, was mestizo to one de
gree or another by 1600.
The rest of Chilean society continued to be divided
into Negroes and Indians. No figures are available on the
number of Negroes in Chile in 1600, but according to Encina
their percentage of total population was always decreasing.
In addition, cdulas in 1594 and 1595 prohibited the im
portation of Negroes from Buenos Aires, although some
on p
small scale slave trading probably continued. Negroes
or mulattoes continued to occupy household positions with
the wealthy families during this period, and continued to
function in the multi-racial artisan class of the city.
The pure Indians, as described before, were rapidly
dying off. In a letter from Alonso de Ribera to the King

180
in 1603, however, the Indians are still parceled into three
groups: "the Indians on the encomiendas, Indians that are
yanaconas, and Indians that are in the power of the
. 204
priests. Interestingly enough, Ribera ignores the
racial characteristics of the population and simply sepa
rated society into Indians, "vecinos, moradores, estantes,
one
habitantes, clerics, encomenderos, and military men."
It may be an oversight on Ribera^ part, but, perhaps,
Encima*s contention that by the middle of the 17th century,
a mestizo was not distinguishable from a Spaniard may have
y o f)
been appropriate also in 1600.
Santiago's social structure by the end of the century,
therefore, like that of 1575 had been profoundly altered by
the integration of the mestizo at all levels. The only
difference between the groups having the largest percentage
of Spanish blood, in fact, seems to be the original social
rank or wealth of the Spanish progenitors, and the amount of
Indian blood subsequently mixed into the family. (Jose
Armando de Ramon Folch puts heavy emphasis on the economic
standing of the original conqueror in his study the
rich being at the top of society and the poorest on the
bottom.) An increasing amount of Indian blood in any
family seems, however, to indicate a lower social status
in most cases. Pure Negroes and Indians appear to occupy
the same relative social position as they did in 1540 and
1560 except that their numbers were decreasing because of
disease, over work, or simply by being bred out of exis
tence .

181
SANTIAGO 1575: POPULATION AND OCCUPATION
...
t
Governor and Crown
Officials
Encomenderos, High
Clergy, Captains
7
Merchants, Ranchers,
Soldiers
i
A
Salaried Workers and
Farmers
p
Encomienda Laborers
[
1
*>** 1
Slaves

i
1
;3ilQL j2LH.!A
LOXUlf .

'
iaa_^
Subsistence Livers
Ifl
Population
SPANIARDS
INDIANS ffWHf+HJW
NEGROES

NOTES
1 ^
"-Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 373.
^Alejandr Fenzalida Grandon, La evolucin social de
Chile 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1906) pp. 1-24.
3Vi cuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de
Santiago, p. 373.
4 ...
Tomas Thayer Ojeda and Carlos J. Larrain, Valdivia
y sus compaeros (Santiago, 1950), pp. 65-68.
5Ibid., pp. 115-117.
bEncina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 31.
^Frias, o£. cit., pp. 150-151.
^Thayer Ojeda and Larrain, ojo. cit. p. 16.
q
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 101.
10Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 193-194.
33Eyzaguirre, Historia de Chile, p. 162.
33Stephanie Blank, "Patrons, Clients, and Kin in
Seventeenth Century Caracas; A Methodological Essay in
Colonial Spanish American History," Hispanic American
Historical Review, Vol. 5 4 (May, 19 74), p. 277.
33Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena
y censo de la poblacin de Chile entre los anos de 1540 a
1565, con datos estadistieos, bigraficos, tnicos y
demogrficos (Santiago, 1939-1941), Vol. 1, pp. 24-61.
3^Luis Silva Lezaeta, El conquistador Francisco de
Aguirre (Santiago, 1953), p. 56. and Thayer Ojeda,
Formacin de la sociedad chilena, Vol. 1, pp. 65-66.
15
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 113.
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 119.
182

183
/Ibid. p. 190,
^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,
pp. 86 and 125.
-^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 183-184.
28Ibid., p. 200. and Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante
el siglo XVI," p. 220.
7] /
* Thayer Oj eda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 202-203.
22Ibid., Vol.
2,
P-
10.
23Ibid., Vol.
2,
pp.
361-362
24Ibid., Vol.
1,
PP-
208-209
25Ibid., Vol.
3,
PP-
10-11.
2Ibid., Vol.
1,
PP-
244-247
*7 7
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 50.
28Ibid., p. 136.
7Q X
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 222.
2Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 264-265.
33Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 52.
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 265-266.
33Ibid-, Vol. 2, p. 57.
34Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 94-95.
33Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 281-282.
36Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 288-289.
37
Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 269-270.
3
JOGuillermo Cuadra Gormaz, KE1 apellido Castro durante
la colonia," Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografa
(Santiago, 1921), Vol. 37, p. 303.

184
3Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p.' 292.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco
de Villagra, 1561-156 3,, p. 255.
4^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2 p. 282. ' ' ' 1 '
42Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 326-327.
43Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 334-337.
44Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 49 and 115.
45Ibid., p. 123.
46Ibid., pp. 62-63, 75-75, 79-81.
4^Ibid., pp. 56 and 124. and Thayer Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena, Vol. 1, 142-143.
43Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 239.
4^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 346-348,
50Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 142-143.
51Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 172-173.
52Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 269.
~^2Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 48, 74, 150.
54Ibid., p. 54.
55Ibid., pp. 132-133; pp. 76, 94.
tr r /
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 213-214.
K 7
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 56 and 195.
c p /
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 8-9.

185
^Thayer Ojeda, '^Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 52.
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 17.
^~*~Ibid. Vol. 3, p. 151.
62Ibid,, Vol. 2, pp. 18-19.
63Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 368.
^4Ibid. Vol. 1, pp. 118-119 .
65Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 78.
S^Ibid,f Vol. 2, p. 41.
^7Ibid, Vol. 2, p. 105.
6^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 68 and 116.
69Ibid., p. 163.
7^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 105.
73Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 67.
72Ibid. pp. 72 and 156.
73Ibid., pp. 67 and 79. and Thayer Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena, Vol. 2, pp. 41-42.
74Ibid,, pp. 65-66, 169.
75Ibid., p. 170.
76Ibid., pp. 50, 51, 69, 114, 115.
77Ibid., p. 136.
73Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 155-156.
7^Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 50-54.
80
Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 46.

186
SlThayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,H
p. 157.
on \ \
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 57-58.
83Ibid,, Vol. 2, p, 57.
8^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 49, 51, 91, 112.
85Ibid.,
p. 158

8^Thayer
Ojeda,
. ^
Formacin
de la sociedad chilena,
2, p. 60.
87Ibid.,
Vol. 1
, p.
243.
88Ibid,,
Vol. 2
, P-
69.
89Ibid.,
Vol. 2
/ P-

r-
co
"ibid. ,
Vol. 2
/ PP-
267-
268.
91lbid,,
Vol. 2
/ P>
73.
92Thayer
Oj eda,
"Santiago
durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 59, 64, 72, 165.
98Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad ehilena,
Vol. 2, p. 133.
9^Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 25-27. and Thayer Ojeda,
"Santiago durante el siglo XVI," pp. 129, 165.
9^lbid.,
Vol. 3,
P-
11.
96lbid.,
Vol. 2,
P-
141.
9 7
Thayer
Ojeda,
"Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 55, 71, 166, 168, 54, 65, 157.
98Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 239.
99Ibid. Vol. 2, pp. 142-144.
100Ibid,, Vol. 2, p. 149.
101Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 39.
102
Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 244.

187
Vol. 2, p. 151.
P-
103Ibid.,
104Ibid.,
105Ibid.,
106Thayer
172.
Vol. 1, 'pp, 235^239, and Vol. 2, p. 152.
Vol. 2, p. 152.
Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 186-190.
^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 56, 79, 91, 99.
10SIbid., P. 173.
Ibid., p. 176. and Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la
soviedad chilena, Vol. 2, p. 205.
Hllbid. pp. 68, 81.
Vol.
112 y
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
2, p. 17.
n 3
iJIbid., Vol. 2, pp. 21-22.
114Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 182.
115Ibid., pp. 63, 76, 98.
3.]_0Thayer Qjeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. '2, pp. 285-287.
117
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 185-186; 97-98.
XJ-Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 191.
119
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 186. Guillermo Cuadra Gormaz, Origen y desarrollo de
las familias chilenas (Santiago, 1948-1949), p. 53.
12Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 297-300.
^~3^Ibid. Vol. 2, p. 339 .
122Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 182.

188
'-^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, p. 255.
124Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 339-340.
125Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 366.
126Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 224-225.
127Tha yer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 75, 119.
1 2 Q ^
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, pp. 100-104.
*-2^Thaye.r Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 56, 75, 92.
130Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 122-123.
131Ibid., Vol. 3, 161-163.
^32Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 75, 207.
133 x
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 105.
^-34Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 75.
JJThayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, pp. 124-127.
136Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 127.
^37Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 211.
138Ibid., pp. 52, 58.
3-39Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 185.
140Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 109.
l4lThayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 186.
-*-42Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 191.

189
143Ibid., Vol. 3, pp. 200-2Q2.
3-4 4 Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
p. 56.
145 . /
Thayer O^eda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, pp. 100-101.
146Ibid., Vol. 3, pp, 237-238.
147Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 175-176.
*-43Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
pp. 58, 126.
149Ibid.. pp. 58, 119.
150Ibid., pp. 58, 294.
-Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, pp. 245-247.
152Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 272.
152Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 249. Cuadro Gormaz, Origen y
desarrollo. p. 110.
l^^ibid.,
Vol. 3, p. 252.
155Ibid.,
Vol. 3, pp. 320-
322.
156Ibid.,
Vol. 3,' p. 328.
q c¡ 7
J'Thayer
p. 239.
Ojeda, "Santiago
durante
el
siglo XVI,"
158Thayer
Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 2, pp. 2 5-
-26 .
^89Thayer
p. 221.
Ojeda, "Santiago
durante
el
siglo XVI,"
160Ibid.,
p. 111.
161Ibid.,
pp. 61, 168.
162ihayer
Ojeda, Formacin
de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 152.
163Thayer
pp. 55, 115.
Ojeda, "Santiago
durante
el
siglo XVI,"

190
4 Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 77.
165prias Valenzuela, op cit. pp 157-158.
-^^Lockhart, Spanish Peru, p. 131.
"^7'Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 405-407.
168prias, od. cit,, p. 157.
-^-^Magnus Moerner (ed.) Race and Class in Latin
America. (New York, 1970), p. 224.
-^7*-*Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 35-70.
^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 3, p. 151.
172 f
Tomas Thayer Ojeda, "Resena historico-biografica
de los eclesisticos en el descubrimiento y conquista de
Chile," Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia (Santiago,
1920-1921), ND. 36, pp. 385-388.
l7^Ibid. f
pp. 386-388.
174pr^as'
op. cit., pp. 154,
162.
175Blank,
"Patrons, Clients,
and Kin,
" p. 265.
'7^cuadra
Gormaz, Origen y desarrollo
, pp. 43-46.
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y
critica
de Santiago
p. 373.
177Ibid.,
pp. 4-113.
'47^Encina
, Historia de Chile,
Vol. 2,
p. 250.
1 79 ,
Thayer
Ojeda, Formacin de
la sociedad chilena
Vol. 2, p. 69. The mestizo Juan Gonzales, an Army 2nd
Lieutenant married Isabel de Caceres.
180
Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"
and Formacin de la sociedad chilena. The mestizo's
social mobility can be seen in a perusal of the various
biographies.
I^Ia.U. Hancock, History of Chile (Chicago, 1893),
p. 79.
*-^Barros Arana, o£. cit. Vol. 1, p. 312.

191
183crecente Errazuriz, Historia
de
Chile.
Den Garca
de
Mendoza, 1557-1561, p. 430,' and Jara,
Guerra
y sociedad
en
Chile, p. 85,
l^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia
de
Chile.
Francisco
de
Villagra, 1561-1563. p. 307.
^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia
de
Chile.
Don Garca
de
Mendoza, 1557-1561, pp. 424-438.
--88Barros Arana, op. cit. p. 312.
1 07
Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 54.
188 f
Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 102.
1 QQ
Maguire Ibar, ojo. cit. p. 9.
19 0.
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 69.
191Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 193.
^9^Mario Gongora, Encomenderos y estancieros:
estudios acerca de la constitucin social aristocrtica
de Chile despus de la conquista, 1580-1660 (Santiago,
1970)", p. 139.
19 3
Jos Armado de Ramn Folch, "La sociedad espaola
de Santiago de Chile entre 1581 y 1596," Historia
(Santiago, 1965), Vol. 4, p. 192.
^9^Gongora, Encomenderos y estancieros, p. 139.
^^Ramon Folch, op_. cit., p. 192.
l^Barros Arana, op_. cit. Vol. 1, p. 313.
197
Ramon Folch, ojd. cit. pp. 205-207. See also
Guillermo de la Cuadra, Origen y desarrollo de las
familias Chilenas, under (Lisperguer).
-'-98Barros Arana, ojd. cit. Vol. 1, p. 2 46.
199Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 252.
^"Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol, 3, p. 136.
xAlvaro Jara, Los asientos de trabajo y la
provision de mano de obra para los no-encomenderos en la
ciudad de Santiago, 1586-1600 (Santiago, 1959), pp. 59-60.

2^2p)0mj_Rg0 Amunategui Solar, La sociedad de Santiago
en el siglo diez y siete (Santiago, 1937), p. 136.
2l^2Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 52-5 3.
204
Barros Arana, ojd. cxt. Vol. 1, p. 314.
205Ibid.
^O^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 49.
2^Rainon Folch, op_. cit. pp. 225-227. It appears
that the second group did~have considerable social mobility
within itself. Again, the criterion foradvancement was
acquired wealth.

CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSION
Francisco Encina once described the conflict between
criollos and peninsulares in the following manner:
The Spaniard was irritated by the indolence, the
frivolity, and the superficiality of the criollo, and
especially of the tropical criollo. At heart he felt
him to be an inferior, a bastard off-shoot of his race,
an empty-headed chatterbox, incapable of any serious
task. For his part, the criollo hated the peninsulares
with all his soul; he regarded the mental deliberation
of the Galician as stupidity; he saw the Catalan as a
miser, and the Basque as a bird of prey, and he regarded
all of them as parvenus and climbers, who wanted to
monopolise wealth, and marry the richest heiresses...
Viewing this antipathy from another point of view, we
can see that the social ideals and values of the penin
sulares and criollos were quite different. The criollos
delighted in extreme generosity, in bold adventure and
reckless courage, in skill at criollo sports and exer
cises, and in intense enjoyment of the present without
thought of tomorrow. But for the Spaniards who came
to America after the discovery and the first generation
criollos, regularity of conduct, economy, and foresight
were everything.^
'What brought about this attitude and the criollo-penin
sulares conflict? Obviously the answer lies in the mixture
of race life styles created in the New World. In Chile, as
in most of the colonies, the term mestizo has a cultural as
well as a racial meaning. It implies an interpenetration
of native and European beliefs and modes of behavior, not
blood intermixture alone. For this reason, mestizo charac
teristics soon became prevalent among the Spaniards and
their descendants, even if they had no Indian blood at all.
Chile, therefore, became a mestizo culture because of the
19 3

painful fusion between conflicting Spanish and Indian heri
tages of her peoples. The key factor, of course, was Indian
resistance to Spanish subjugation for two centuries and the
maintenance and evolution of the original Chilean mestizo
racial base.2
Outwardly, the Spanish Chileans adopted many of the
Indian characteristics their dress, their games, and
many aspects of the Indian life style. This later became
the real crux of the criollo- peninsular dispute as depicted
by Encina. In any case, it is no accident that the Indian
poncho, described in the first chapter, became a kind of
Chilean national dress.3 it is uniquely adaptable to the
Chilean climate. In addition, Indian games were enjoyed by
the Spaniards. Polo, for instance, combined Spanish horse
manship and Indian field hockey. Even today, the so-called
mestizo pony in Chile is highly regarded as a polo horse --
a combination of the old and new breeds. Again, an inter
penetration of lifestyles and culture.
In Chile, apologists for the Indians and indigenistas
are certainly mistaken, however, when they attribute modern
Chile and its distinctive national temperament to the fight
ing characteristics of the Araucanian Indian. The evidence
is clear that these people did not contribute significantly
to the Chilean race in the early days of the conquest. The
Mapuche Indians of the Santiago area, and even the Peruvian
Incas were far more significant in the Chilean aristocracy.

195
It is true, however, that the Araucanians were the
only Indians of South America to mount an important resis
tance against Spanish domination. These Indians became the
object of a ruthless extermination policy and were enslaved
to replace the vanishing Indian laborers in the north.
Still, against all odds, they continued their resistance for
almost 300 years. If their character did not rub off on the
rest of the Chileans, it certainly was an object of envy and
admiration.
In addition, the Araucanians made their own contribu
tion to mestizaje. During the southern wars, many Spanish
cities were captured and the female Spanish captives were
divided among their Indian conquerors. The resulting pro
geny:' were raised as Indians and many occupied high posi
tions in the Indian hierarchy. Don Antonio Chicahuala, an
Araucanian chief, was the son of Chief Gualacan and Dona
Aldonsa Aguilera de Castro, a Spanish woman of noble back
ground who was captured by the Indians as a child.^
The Spaniards, for their part, seem not to have been
motivated so much by the lure of gold in Chile as by the
spirit of adventure. (Lockhart would probably argue that
poverty kept them there.) Valdivia himself left a very
comfortable life in Peru for what at best was an uncertain
future. His band of men only had twenty-seven who could be
described as members of the nobility. The rest were miners,
farmers, artisans, and soldiers of fortune. Moreover, when

196
they arrived in Santiago and began the business of coloniza
tion, the persons possessing fertile and important farms
or businesses in the Santiago area became rather important
in the colonial hierarchy. The professional soldiers did
not fare as well, especially if they were not of either
Captain or general officer rank in the beginning.
In addition, later immigration was almost entirely
made up of military men. In 1549, the entire Spanish popu
lation in the country was only 500 and at the time of
Valdivia's death in 1553, it had only risen to 1,000.^
Thayer Ojeda calculates that there were only 1,100 Spaniards
in the country in 1558, seventeen years after the founding
of Santiago.6 Because of the homogeneity of the immigrants
there appears to be much less, racial and class discrimina
tion in Chile than in the other colonies. Hardships were
borne equally by all of the conquerors, and Valdivia di
vided the spoils almost equally among them. Men who face
common dangers generally forget discrimination.

The indiscriminate dispersal of lands and Indians also
had far reaching consequences for the colony. It meant, in
the first place, that a Spanish farmer-soldier had the right
of citizenship and the same opportunity to better himself as
the Spanish noble. The enterprising Flores and Lisperguer
families are examples of this. In addition, the food prob
lem of the early years of the colony put a premium on pro
duction by the Santiago chacras. Thus, a prosperous farmer

or mill owner naturally would have importance and stature
far in excess of what he would have been entitled to under
the rigid Spanish social code.
Another interesting development in Chile was the close
association of the encomienda grants of Indians and a
physical piece of land. The difficulty in some instances
of separating the encomienda grant from a specific land
grant gives rise to speculation that in Chile an encomienda
was much more than a grant of Indians.
Of additional importance is the fact that an Indian
wife or a mestizo son or daughter could inherit the enco
mienda. In practice, the Chilean encomienda remained in
one family until grants were abolished in the 18th century.
Moreover, the son who inherited the encomienda had to take
care of his mother, brothers, and sisters with its bene
fits .
Thus, there was a situation in Chile in which the grant
of Indians was sometimes confined to a specific area near
which or within which the Spaniards constructed a haci
enda therefore, creating the latifundia or hacienda
system that was to dominate the late colonial epoch. A
premium was placed on food production and the economics of
producing cheap food the hacienda was the answer.
Of course, Santiago's position in this development was
rather important not only because of the fertility of the
area, but because of its central location between the

civilization in Peru and the wars in the south. Valdivia
never intended for Santiago to become the capital of the
colony because he was always looking for new territory to
be conquered in the south. As it turned out, however,
Santiago's agricultural production and the Spaniards'
inability to conquer the Araucanians caused a change in
plans. Santiago not only produced the food for the mili
tary campaign, but was also close enough to the action for
most of the colonial governors.
The most significant development in Santiago and in
Chile, for that matter, was, of course, mestizaje. This
point was touched on at length in the chapters on the
Indians and the Spaniards. The immensity of the creation
of the new society can be seen graphically, however, in one
small example. It was always the propensity of the Spanish
soldiers to appropriate Indian women for pleasure, as ser
vants., armor carriers, and general camp followers. When a
soldier went to the front, he most often took along a re
tinue of four to six Indian men and women. In one occupa
tion camp at the front where Spanish soldiers were stationed
for over a year, seventy mestizos were born to the camp
followers and local Indian women in one week.^
The constant warfare prevented the large-scale immigra
tion of Spanish women, caused the death of thousands of
Indian warriors, and completly disrupted Indian family life.
As a consequence, a great imbalance was created in the popu
lation in which women (primarily Indian) outnumbered men by

193
P
tiie ratio of nine to one. It is no wonder, therefore, that
Chile has become known as a country in many ways dominated
by women. Certainly, the first encounters of Spanish men
and Indian women were dominated by the conquerors. The
women must have seen eventually, however, that their position
and that of their children would be improved by a liaison
or marriage with a Spaniard. There is every reason to
believe, therefore, that later relationships were brought
about to some degree by the traditional guiles of women.
Finally, marriage was an important factor in Chilean
development and has continued to be an important institu
tion to this day. While many of the Spanish conquerors in
Peru, Mexico, and the Caribbean area abandoned their Indian
women when Spanish girls arrived on the scene, there is no
such evidence of this in Chile. In fact, the second mar
riage between two Spaniards in Santiago did not occur until
1543, when Alonso Escobar married Beatriz de Baleazar, some
seven years after the city was founded.^ The conquerors,
for the most part, honored their relationship with the
Indian women by either marrying them or legitimizing the _,v
offspring. This simply did not occur with the same regular
ity in the other colonies.
In conclusion, therefore, Chile was a unique experiment
from the beginning. There was no gold to speak of, the
Indians were hostile from the outset, there was a certain
esprit da corps among the conquerors that led to mutual
respect and spoils were divided equally. Finally, there was

200
a lasting relationship created between the Spaniards and
Indian women that would carry over into subsequent genera
tions. Although these mestizo children were subject to
some of the rigid class and social structures prevalent in
Spain and in the other colonies, there was a certain amount
of social mobility. Certainly, during the first twenty
five years of the colony, a man could achieve fame and posi-
i
tion even if he had Indian blood.
In summary, Chile's unique colonial development pro
duced subtle differences between Chileans and other Latin
American colonists in the 16th century. I am always re
minded of the lines from Voltaire's Candide: "What
country can this be? It must be unknown to the world,
because everything is so different from what we are used
to. "

201
NOTES
^Francisco Encina, reprinted in John Mander, The
Unrevolutionary Society (New York, 1969), p. 209.
2
Maguire Ibar, o£_. cit. p. 11.
^Eberhardt, op_. cit. p. 19 6.
^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 49.
5
Barros Arana, og_. cit. Vol. 1, p. 114.
r
Douglas-Irvine, op_. cit. p. 480. Quoting from
statistics from Thayer Ojeda.
7
Enema, Historia de Chile, Vol. 3, p. 37.
g
Maguire Ibar, op. cit., p. 12.
Q /
^Thayer Ojeda, Formacin de la sociedad chilena,
Vol. 1, p. 74.

202
APPENDIX
CONQUERORS OF CHILE
Francisco de Aguirre
Juan da Alnonaci-i
pero Alvares *
Rodrigo de .4raj'a "
. Francisco da Arteaga -
- Juan de Avalos Jorr
. Lops d& Ayala
Santiago de Azoca -
Juan Benitez Monga
Juan Bolln
Juan ce Bolaftoa
Juan s Cabrera
Alonso del Campo.
Juan Martn de Canda.
Juan e Carmona
Alonso Caro
Luis da Cartagena
--Francisco Carretero
Antonio Carrillo
Gaspar de las Cusas
- Martn de Castro
Diego de Cspedes
Pedro Cisternas
- Alonso da Crdoba
Juan Crespo
Gabriel de la Cruz
Jan de Cuevas Busloa y Tern
. Juan de Chayes
Alonso ce Chinchilla''
Diego Delgado
Antonia Daz ce Rivera
Bartolom Bran
Garca Daz -de Castro
Mateo Diez -
.Pedro Domnguez '
Pero- Esteban del Manzano
Juan Fernndez de Alele-reto
Bartolom Flores -
Juan do Funis .
Juan Calas .
Francisco de Galea-.es
Juan Gallegos ce Rubias
Pedro ds Gambc-a
Ruy Garca .;
Diego de Cacar es 1 -
_Gstardo Gil
Juan Godinez
Juan Gmez de Almagro
Pedro Gmez ce las Montaas
Juan Gmez ce Y tenes
Juan O o amlen
Pedro de Herrera
Antn Hidalgo
Juan cela Juguera
Martn de Ibarrola
Pascual Jananes
Juan Jimnez
Orl a Jimnez
Juan Jur
Lope de Banda
Francisco de Len
P-edro ce Len
Juan Lobo (priest)
Bartolom Mrquez .
Bernal Martnez
Pero Mareta Parras
i
rs-a
leo va./\;-> danz
(priest)
Juan Gutirrez
Garca Hernndez
Francisco Kernr.d
Juan de Herrera
--a -crsrj
rz Ma;
"e¡ -tj o-
Galle tg>
Redro de Miranda
Alonso de Monroy
Alonso Moreno *
Salvador de Montoya.-' .
Bartolom Muoz
Juan Navarro
Juan Negrete
Alvar Nez
Diego Nez
Francisco Nez
Lorenzo Nez
Juan Nez de Castro
Olea
Juan de Oliva
Domingo de Oribe
Diego de Oro
Juan Ortiz Pacheco
Martin de Ortuo
Juan. Pacheco
Antonio ce. Pastrana
' Luis de la Pea .
Alonso Prez . -
Diego Prez -
. Santiago Prez
Juan Pinel
Don Francisco Penca e Len
Rodrigo de Quircga
Francisco ce Rabdora
.Juan. Rasquido
Francisco de Pie erro
Gonzalo de lo3 Ros
Francisco Rodrguez
Juan Romero
Juan Ruis '
Gabriel de Salazar
A i; -?¡ y i i Sai o. o re
AiorS? b-c.'hcx.
Ida J rig £ inch ri
Diego Snchez ce Mtales
Pero Sancho de Hez
Don. Martin de Soltar
Ins Surez
Antonio Tar abajan o '
Luis Ternero
Luis de Toledo.
'Hernando de I3 Torre
Antonio de Uiioa
Francisco ce Vanadio
Juan Valiente (negro)
Hernando do Vallejo
Sebastin Vzquez
Marco3 Veas £ '
Diego ce Velasco
Jernimo de Vera -
Juan de Vera
Gaspar de Vergara .
Francisco de Villages
Pedro de Vinagra
Gaspar de Yillarroel
Antonio Zapata
Juan Zurbino

203
SPANIARDS WITH MESTIZO CHILDREN
:=
Ebpno-
Mesti
zos
Nerrros
o
mul.it os
Francisco de Aguirre ..
5

so
Segn declaraciones
Jernimo dc AJdcrctc..
1
Juan lie Alnionacid ....
12
Se supone espaoles, erar.
Pero Alonso
2.
\
legtimos
Rodrigo de Araya
1
1
Francisco ele Arteaga....
2
Lope dc Avala
1
Santiago de Azoca
5
4
jauir Bohon
1
Juan Cabrera
5
Martin de Canda
4
Se presume madre espaola
Juan dc Carmona
2
Alonso Caro
1
Se presume mestizo
Luis de Cartagena
3
\
Feo. Carretero
1
Se presume madre espaola
Diego de Cspedes
1
Pedro de Cisternas
10
1
Alonso de Crdoba
2
3
3
Juan Crespo
2
con X sangre india, Crespo
Gabriel de la Cruz
4
era mestizo
Juan dc Cuevas
4
Juan de Chilvez
1
Alonso de Chinchilla....
1
Juan DLvalos.
1
Cuartern, madre mulata.
legitimo ;
Clare: Daz dc_Castro ...
4
Legtimos dc sangre noble.
Pero Esteban del M
1
0
Juan Fdez. tic Aldercte .
1
Bartolom Flores
3
2 de india peruana y 1 cid-
lena 50 % alemn-indio.
Juan dc Funes
2
Juan Gala?.
1
Francisco Galdames,...
1
2
Juan Gallegos dc U
1
Legitimado
Pedro de Gamboa
2
D ego Garca de Cccrcs
5
. 2
Giraldo Gil '..
2
2
2 mcst.de morisca y 2 dc ir.d.
Juan Godinez
8
1
Juan Gmez dc Aim. ...
0
1
tic india peruana
Pedro Gmez de Don B.
6
1
de india mejicana
Pedro Gmez tic las M.,
2
1
de india peruana
Juan Gmez de Y
1
Juan Gonzlez
2
Pee!ro Gonz! ez ti e U trera
3
Garci Hernndez
10
madre mest. Hijos X s* iad.
Francisco Hernndez G
1
al parecer legitimo
Juan de Herrera
1
Pedro ele Herrera
2
-
Antonio Hidalgo
5
3deX sang., madre mestiza
y dos mestizos.
Juan Jimnez
-2
probables mestizos
Juan Jur
9
2

204
7". i
Me.i i- '
Af-irij j
? i
Lope de Lauda

Francisco ce Len
1
4
1
Pedro'de Len
2
Juan Lpez
1
Pedro Martn Parras .. .
s
sangre, madre mestiza.
Berna! Martnez
2
1
Antn Martn Moreno ..
2
Pedro ele Miranda......
s
2
Iiartolom Muoz
2
Probables mestizos y el pa*
dre tambin
Juna Xe^rcte ...
1
Alvar Nez
1
Diego Nez de Castro.
1
Juan Nez ele Castro..
O
Juan de Oliva
3
Diego de Oro
1
2
Juan Ortiz Pacheco

.
Antonio de Pastrana...
1
Probablemente espae!.
Alonso Prez

Francisco Prez ........
Santiago Prez
3
i
Juan Pin el
S
i Feo. Ponce de I.en ....
2
1 Rodrigo de Quiroga
1
jlian Rasquido
1
. Francisco de Riberos ...
11
9 Iegft. y 2 al parecer natura-
les, pero de madre espaola.
Gonzalo de ios Ros ....
6
1
Feo. Rodrguez de H....
1
1
i Gabriel ele Salazar
7
] Alonso Salguero.
i
Alonso Snchez
i
de india peruana.
:: Diego Snchez
6
3
Pero Sancho de Hoz ..'.
1
i
' Agustn de la Serna ....
3
presuntos mestizos.
¡ Antonio Tarabajano....
2
de distinguida calidad.
Luis Ternero
1
Luis de Toledo
18/20
madre mest. sang, india;
legtimos.
Antonio de Ulloa
1
1
: Juan Valiente
2
negros o -} de negro.
Hernando Vallejo
1
2
Sebastin Vzquez
4
Marcos Veas
i*
1
Diego de Velasco
7
2
Juan de Vera
1
jcr6nirto ele Vera
1
Gaspar de Vergara
3
al parecer mestizos.
Francisco de Vilagra...
4
1
Uno legtimo y 3 naturales de
madre espaola y 1 mestizo
Caspar de Villarroel. ...
3
Juan de Zurbano
2
150
¡ 226
1 7

Actual calc de la Bandera
Actual calle de Santo Domingo
' O O S7 :
rasxxcsr
I 6
11
pwaxcf
Plaza p
}
1 j
ttyr-angy*
M
LL
9
Mayor p
i
> B ej V
14 \
Trazado hecho por e alarife Pedro de
Gamboa, para ¡a ciudad de Santiago, y
! distribucin de loo primeros solares, se
jjrtn investigaciones prncticudas hasta el
ao 1929 por el seor Don Toms Tha-
yer Ojeda.
I
*
'
f
I
f
t *4
AeJv-3? cJth e fifrevef
i r
i i
ii
5 I
j:
i to <
9 rjattrci
re
.13KXJI
i r
$ *
*
* *
t t
s <
Q qj Ve l
~i r
i i
* *
* j
!
7 ^
!
'-i6
i

&
p
!
7
L ,
v'/P rp/zv d
Mmmm
Cilla A.C! 1 i r> £ s
!. Pedro de Valdivia.2, >o. de Vi Harto
-Ji. tero Gmp.r o , -
de ¡
- VV* "Ye- '-TTal ^
L- V /y', a,,:. i,A s -vj- N.
_4 iVm r V/ i- "*h3,. Diego G, do Coeres.', Bv>.
. a. ro Gomez, o. Rodrigo-deQiurogn.6. Juan de Oliva.7. Juan
de FscnuSn f L f Mayor 7-9. Antonio de Pastrami.--.10. Alfonso
Anton 11(7 M'nwida.12. I rancisco de Aguirre.13.
Molmr/dnWan. Hernndez.15. Rodrigo de Arava.JG.
j.,v Mq1 rr0S;r eU;Ui 1'cmudcz de Alderclc,18. Molino de
rtfayu.- J y. Lrinita de Santa Luca.
%r,m'
y^j8
go
ANTIAGO 1541

206

)
i
)
2 07

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Thomas Chapin Braman was born on December 20, 1939,
at Princeton, Hew Jersey. In June, 1963, he received the
degree of Bachelor of Arts from Franklin and Marshall
College. He received a Master of Arts degree from the
University of Florida in August, 1964. Since then, he
has worked as an intelligence analyst for the Central
Intelligence Agency in Washington, D.C.
219

1 certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
ia jJjuM.
Lyl
McAlister, Chairman
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
C
/
'T¡ A
y
A.L. Funk
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

L
A."Suarez""
professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
ille
Professor of History
C

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
N.M. Wilensky
Professor of History
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate
Faculty of the Department of History in the College of
Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
June, 1975
Dean, Graduate School




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lain^d and society in early colonial santiago de chile, 15 40 1575 By TH0I4AS CHAP IN BRAMAN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OB' FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREflENTS FOR THE DEGPvEE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1975

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COPYRIGHT BY TEQKAS CHAPIN BRAMAN 1975 0.1

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ACKITOWLED GEMENT S I _ain very grateful to all of the persons v/ho have made this study possible. I owe special appreciation to Milton K. Brown, v^'ho proposed that I take a year's sabbatical to finish my class work, and to Richard Lehraan who supported iry continued study and research trip. Of course, nothing would have been possible without the guidance of Dr. Lyle McAlister. I am very grateful also to Joyce R. Miller, v/ho has looked after my interests in Gainesville, and to Francine Prokoski, who encouraged me to finish. To all of these people and ray helpers at the office, .especially John Orban and Linda Senft, this dissertation is thankfully dedicated. Thomas C. Braman Langley, Virginia June 5, 19 75 iix

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TABLE 0? CONTEZ^TS # Page ACKHOWLEDGSMEMTS iii AB3TPAGT.. V Chsipter I. The Indians ............... 1 Chile'an' Indians (4)— -Notes (27) II. The Spaniards ......... 30 Valdivia and the Conquest (39) --Notes (54) III. The Division of Land and Indians. .... 58 Chilean System (67) ---Notes (31) IV. Santiago. ................ 84 Notes (10 5) V. Reice Relations: General 110 Notes (120) VI. Race Relations: Santiago .....-,. 122 Mestizos in the Aristocracy (155) ---Middle Class I-lestizos (165 ) —Indians and Negroes (171) Social Change in 1575 (174) -Notes (181) VII. Co.nclusion. ............, = 193 Notes (201) BIBLIOGRAPHY.. .,.....,..,.,.... 20 S BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 23.9 rv

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy LAND A.ND SOCIETY IN EARLY COLONIAL SANTIAGO DE CHILE, 1540 1575 By THOf^AS CHAPIN BEAI4AN June,19 75 Chairman: Lyle N. McAlister Major Department; History The colonial development of Santiago de Chile from 1540 to 1575 is described in detail, particularly the peculiar love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Spaniards, This association, sometimes distinguished by outright hostility and cultural animosity and at other times by friendship and acculturation, had a great effect on the economic, political, 'and social development of the colony Chile was the frontier and Santiago v/as its most important outpost. The entire area vzas almost the last battleground between Spaniard and Indian, and perhaps, v/ith the exception of northern Mexico, the last chance for the Indians to thwart Spanish aggression. They gave their best effort, but in the end succumbed to superior Spanish arms and organization. For the Spaniards, the hostile environment and poverty led initially to a fight V

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for survival and a concentration on subsistence farmingo The continuous warfare prevented normal immigration patterns and the colony primarily attracted a soldier-immigrant class that arrived in the colony without families and bent on adventure „ The natural temperament of these soldiers their spirit, and their desire to make the best of a bad situation led to many liaisons with Indian women and the creation of extensive mestizaje. Because the rigid Spanish social structure initially did not exist in the colony, the mestizos flourished. There was a great amount of social mobility, and a man could achieve fame and status even if he had Indian blood in his veins Females with mixed blood did even better than their male counteparts and many were integrated into the highest aristocratic level of the colony. As a result of these experiences, Chile's social evolutionary process during the period of conquest subtly differed in many v/ays from that of its colonial neighbors. VI

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CEi^j;>TER I THE INDIA?:S One of tiie great controversies in modern antlTropology is over the population of the New World prior to its discovery by the Europeans. The most realistic estimate, as far as my ov-rn data base is concerned, appears to be eipproximately 90 million as suggested by Dr. Henry Dobyns in 19 66. The study conducted by Dr. Dobyns considered projection methods, dead reckoning, social structure, reconstruction j, additive methods, resource potential estimates, direct observation, and a. disease depopulation scale. The conclusion as far as this study is concerned, is that there were approximately 30 million Indians living in the v/est coast area of Andean civilization, and about 3 to 6 million more in the rest of present day Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina, The original Araucanian population has been estimiated as being nearly 1.5 million. This figure, therefore, in addition to the Andean Indians living north of the Biobio River and those .living in the extrem.e south probably totals about 4.5 to 5 million in present day Chilean territory. There has also been a protracted debate over the num.-ber of Indians living in the Mapocho Valley when Valdivia arrived on the scene. Many historians place the figure in .the vicinity of 80,000, but others insist on numbers as high as tv/o million. The fam.ous Chilean historian, Benjamin 1

PAGE 8

Vicuna xMackenna, however, does not believe that the area could agriculturally support more than 10,000 Indians. The priest Miguel de Olivares in his xhi story of Chile agrees with this lov7 figure to a certain extent claiming that not more than 8,00 v/ere there. In any case, there does not seem to be any justifiable evidence for setting the indigeneous population total at more than 10, 000. ^ Although there v/ere great population and cultural differences among the various Indian tribes on the west coast of South America, their habits and techniques of everyday living v;ere basically similar. Most of the tribes, v/ith the exception of the urbanized Incas, were primarily food gatherers. Agriculture was secondary, and basic crops such as corn, manioc, and potatoes only augmented their food supply. These foods were supplemented — depending on locale and conditions — with sweet potatoes, beans, squash, as V7ell as indigeneous fruits such as the avocado and pineapple; whenever possible, fish and game V7ere included.-^ In general, Indian technology was rudimentary. Although architecturally advanced structures V7ere constructed in Peru, such accomplishment required little more than a large and docile labor force. Tools and machines for comiplex construction were unknown; as V7ere the wheel, and the true arch. The political systems of the area varied from anarchism. to the highly developed state of the Incas. Intercourse witii other tribes, in general, was based on war as defense

PAGE 9

of territory governed relations. In the simpliest form, intertribal conflicts consisted of raiding eneitiy villages for sacraficial victims, slaves, and women". Sometimes the motive was the enslavem^ent of an entire tribe. For the Incas, in fact, war was the imperialistic subjugation of people and the acquisition of land. In any case, in societies that put such a value on the conduct of war, personal valor offered the supreme test of manhood, and the bravest were rewarded with the highest social standing in the tribe. The Indian did not have a money economy and most people had no sense of vrorldly gain or worth. The individual accumulation of capital had no meaning. Where gold and silver were available, they were used only in the arts and not for coinage. Barter, therefore, v/as the usual m.eans of exchange, and open air markets in the tov/ns v/ere the m.ost common places for trading comm.odities ^ The Indians of Chile fit into this general pattern, but there were several im>portant differences. The most prominent is the fact that the Araucanian Indians in the southern part of the country were virtually uncivilized compared to the Peruvian Indians. Moreover, while the Spaniards made a great effort to use or initiate the Incas into a HispanoPeruvian population, there was really no such opportunity in Chile. The Chilean Indians, living in proximity to the Spaniards, suffered tremendous population reduction in the first years after the Spanish conquest. In Peru, this

PAGE 10

population loss could be replaced initially by docile Indians living in the countryside. The Araucanians however, fought the Spanish for every foot of soil; thus • forcing the conquerors of Chile to replace the Indian losses in conquered territory v/ith mestizos or Indians captured and enslaved in the south. C hilean Indi ans This brings us to a discussion of the Indian population of Chile, which was destined to become a part of a new mestizo society, which evolved distinct from the Indian-vSpanish societies in the other V7est coast oo'untries In order to understand the Indian's role in tlriis undertaking, it is necessary to knowsomething about the development of Chilean Indian society, its characteristics, and vzhy the civilization would resist, but ultimately succumb to the technological advances brought to the New World by the Spaniards The distinct regions of present-day Chile included diverse races and groups of natives in prehispanic times. The major portion of the population, as now, was concentrated in the central valley area from, the Chacabuco south of the Aconcagua River to the Gulf of Reloncavi. ^ Before the Spanish invasion, this part of the country was a vast forest broken only by river bottom lands. The m.any tribes scattered throughout the area formed various groups and took their names from geographical localities. The m.ost prominent v;ere the Huilliches (people of the south) from Valdivia to

PAGE 11

Reloncavi; and the Pehuenches (people of Peh^aen) between the Biobio and Llie Copiap^, The remaining native groups were included in the coniraon name of Mapuches or men of the soil. All these Indians lived on the glacier-fed river bottom lands from which they had easy access to fishing and hunting grounds as well as their limited croplands. ^ In addition, to the central valley Indians, there were the Chonos who lived on the Chono archipelago; the Patagonians, in Patagonia; and the Fuegians or Tierra del Fuego. The Changes and the Atacamians lived in the north along the coast or in desert oases. These northern tribes in all probability were related to the primitive people of Bolivia and northwest Argentina, and only in certain time periods had any contact with the tribes of the central 7 region. The Araucanian Indians vT'ere the dominant tribe of the southern portion of the central valley area. Many Chilean histories depict these Indians as characteristic of Chile's pre-conquest Indians. This is misleading, as will be noted laterIn any case, Spanish contact was maintained v/ith the Araucanian civilization for the next 300 years, and gradually the Araucanian became accepted as the typical pre-conquest Indian, and not as a separate entity. The derivation of the name Araucanian, in fact, is probal^ly from the Spanish colonists, and referred to all of the Indians living south of the Biobio, The v/ord itself m^ay

PAGE 12

6 be derived from auca a Peruvian v/ord meaning free, or from rag CO (clay water) an Indian word for the location of the first Spanish fort on the Arauco River. It is best at this point to concentrate on some description of the basic Indian type and life style in the Santiago area — the purpose being to develop some comparison v/ith the Spaniards v;ho would eventually inhabit the region. In retrospect, in many ways the Indians and Spaniards v/ere very similar. The most outstanding differences V7ere in v/eaponry and social organization. The Araucanians, certainly among the most primitive tribes in the country, however, did demonstrate more adaptability than any other South American Indian, and were able to withstand capably the Spanish onslought for miany years. The Araucanian, of course, is the Chilean Indian most studied by modern antliropologists In physical appearance he was of short or medium stature and had well proportioned limbs; a well developed chest and body trunk region; a large head v/ith a round face and narrow forehead; small usually dark eyes; a short, flat, but straight nose; a large m.outh with thick lips and white teeth; pronounced cheek bones; medium sized ears; dark, thick and smootli hair usually v/orn in bangs over the forehead. Their complexion was brov;n, but did not have the yellow cast of the Peruvian Indians. The women v/ere especially attractive. According to the Spaniards, their com.plexicns were similar

PAGE 13

7 to that of southern Europeans. Their undraped breasts were also noted by the early conquistadors. Completing the total picture was a grave sober raanner that in both sexes showed resolution and commanded respect.^ Pedro Valdivia himself described the Araucanians as "tall amiable, and v;hite, with handsome faces, both men and v/omen ..." also as great husbandm.en, and as great drinkers.-'Years later Alonso Gonzales de Najera noted that the Indians v/ere very similar in physical appearance to his fellow Spaniards.. All in all, these characteristics have been accepted as the national native type and probably represent a good approximation of the first Chilean natives contacted by the Spaniards. H.R.S. Pocock in his book Conques t of Chile, however, notes that there v/ere physiological and -personality differences between the Araucanians and the Indians originally located near Santiago -'-^ The fact remains, however, that all of the Indians spoke the same language and, except for the difference in temperment and in fighting quality, seem, to be basically the same people. The central valley native dressed in light clothing made from various colored woolen rags and the skins of guanacos foxes, and other animals. Others dressed in bark or woven stravj. In all cases, hov/ever the Indians' arms, legs below the knees, and feet were uncovered. His head v/as capped with some animal skin usually crowned with feathers, and his face V7as painted in red and black streaks -'-•^

PAGE 14

8 The Indians' principal garment, therefore, resembled the itiodern poncho and was shaped like a sleeveless shirt. It was made of two pieces, one in the front and one in the. back. These were fastened together on the sides and on the shoulders v;ith wool cords or strips of rawhide. It was generally blue in color and called a chamal. It was used by both men and v7omen. Later, when woven textiles came into common use, the men joined the chamal between the legs and drev/ it in at the v/aist. This garment was called a chiripa. The women, on the other hand, tightened the chamal at the v;aist v/ith a belt or girdle, thus forming an outer .skirt;, and v;rapped a full scarf over their shoulders. They also adorned their heads, necks, and arms witli necklaces or bracelets made of beads, stones, or shells. Some wore metal jewelry, but this practice seems to hc'ive varied from place to place. Children generally v/ent naked, only vzearing the "poncho" when the v/eather was very cold. Indian houses v/ere very simple and were probably constructed to serve tJie tei'flporary nature of the Indians life as V7ell as to protect him against earthquakes. These houses were located in sheltered places, frequent.ly in ravines, on stream banks, or in the forests. They v;ere constructed of a few forked poles or posts planted upright in the ground and joined at the top with cross beams, forming either a circle or a rectangle. The v^alls v/ere generally m.ade of stone or an adobe concoction. The roof was formed by laying

PAGE 15

9 straw over the sticks of the cerling fraiaew^ork. Finally, a wooden fence generally enclosed the compound which the Indians called a ruca ^^ Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna believes that ruca may be the Indian word from v/hich the Spaniards 16 derived the term rancho as applied to small farms,This poorly built house was obviously the Indians' most important possession. Within it he ate, slept, bred, and protected himself from the elements. There was no furniture, and the bed was simply a heap of straw on the floor in the corner. The pillov; v/as either a log or a tree tr^onk. A fire was kept burning in the center of the hut because relighting V7as a major operation. All eating and working was done at this fire because it provided the only warmth and light. The extended family ^including m.arried children — built nev7 houses in the vicinity leading to the creation of a village. Fev/ foods V7ere cooked by the primitive Indians, but ultimately it became customary to boil fish and meat. For cooking, clay pots and dishes came into use. Other utensils vj-ere simply made of hollowed out tree trunks. The meat and fish v/ere put into the clay container with vzater and a fewvegetables. Stones were then heated in a fire and when they became red hot, they were thrown into the pot and stirred with the other contents.-'-^ The most common Indian foods were almost by necessity vegetables, roots, wild tubors and beans. Some fruits were also eaten and an alcoholic -1 p beverage or sorts was concocted and drunk.

PAGE 16

10 The Indians used a. wooden or bone fishliook for fishing. They were able to construct small boats out of bushes, vreeds and straw. Sometimes they hcllov/ed a canoe out of a large tree. In general, hov/ever, fishing activities v/ere confined to slow moving streams and the ocean shore because no complex,, framework boats v/ere ever developed. -^^ The boleadoras and the arrow v/ere the most important weapons used for hunting. The former -similar to the Argentine bolas — was composed of two or three stones tied to the ends of leather strips. The hunter took one of these stones in his hand, sv/ung the otfiers over his head, and threw it at the legs of his quarry. Arrovrs were fashioned from a tv/enty-inches long, slender shaft, and were shot from a wooden bow which was strung v;ith a leather thong. The size of the bow seems to have varied from tribe to tribe, but the Araucanians generally preferred a short one." The Indian also carried a lance and a short war club. The domesticated dog v/as a frequent and useful companion for flushing game. The origin of the dom.es tic dog in the country is still a debatable question, however, and many histo2 1 nans xnsist that the dog v/as introduced by the Spanish. The social structure of the Indians, especially the A.raucanaians was very rudimentary. It consisted of the patriarchial family and the tribe, altliough Francisco Encina insists that the Chincha-Atacamena^Diaguita civiliza22 t3-on contained a trace of matriarchy. Relationship was the foundation of the family and proximity contributed to.

PAGE 17

1.1 the regional life of the tribe. Inxtial contact began with a marriage in which -the bride was purchased frora her father — the price being calculated in animals ^ fruits, or merchandise Each individual man lived with as many women as he bought, and was considered married to them all. He could buy and sell these wives at will and could designate them in these transactions either as a beasts of burden or as instruments of pleasure. The object of these polygairious relationships was mostly economic, however, rather than sexual pleasure. Sons and daughters had to be produced in great numbers to assist in agricultural production and defense. In general, the v;oman's lot in the Indian household v/as difficult. She prepared the food and made all of the clothing for the family. She followed her husband during his military campaigns and carried his v;eapons and provisions — not unlike the camp followers associated v/ith 24 the Spanish armies. In addition, she cultivated the soil, wove the cloth, and made the clay utensils. The husband, regardless of this service, generally treated her very badly, and, more often than not, regarded her as no better than a slave. This relationship v/as exacerbated by the outright appropriation of women during wars. In this case the captives were treated simply as concubines. -* The family v/as obviously often neglected in this sort of situation, and children appearto have been tolerated

PAGE 18

12 only as a byproduct of sexual relations. During a boy's infancy r for example, the fa-her took no notice of him. Only when the lad reached the age of puberty was any interest taken in teaching the use of v;eapons When the boy learned their use, he v/as considered to be an adult. Daughters were ignored altogether in infancy, but became an important source of income when tney were of m.arriageaDle age. Most of the Indians v/anted their sons to develop into vigorous men. For this reason, they also taught them to play adult games after the use of weapons v/as mastered. The favorite games required agility such as in handball and hockey. In their field hockey, the sides were formed facing each other in an open area. The object of the game — like modern ice hockey — was to knock a wooden ball with a curved -wooden stick through the opposing team and across a designated goal. In handball, again a wooden ball was used. The object was simply to throw it from one to another around a wide circle. In addition to the exercise brought about by the participation in the games, friendly and 27 sporting comra(ferie was developed by friendly wagers. Anotlier byproduct of this vigorous activity v/as the fact that cleanliness was considered a function of athletic prowess, and the Indians thought that their daily bath would preserve strength and health," Shifting to political development, the tribal organization of the central valley Indians, like their social

PAGE 19

13 organisation, was elementary. Many families resulting from, some cornraon ancestor, but related most strongly by the area in which they lived, made up a tribe. This small society, as noted before, most often occupied a valley, lived on the banks of a river, or in a forest. It was basically a free association, hovvever, and recognized no distinct chief except in times of war. In more peaceful times, the father of the oldest family or the most respected and courageous raan was usually expected to perform some leadership function. Pie was called the gulm^en or cacique. Later the richest person in the area generally occupied this position. In any case, it appears that the post was usually hereditary in times of peace, but was relinguished in war especially if a better or m.ore courageous m.an were available. ^^ Most tribes generally distrusted each other, but frequently allied together to face a common enemy. This was true during the period of the Inca invasions and was especially true Vvhen the Spaniards arrived. These federations united the Indians for a coiamon cause and such alliances, of course, are a classic example of the basic social cohesiveness of all of the Indians ^0 In other aspects, the central valley Indians never constituted a nation with an organized government. Their only governmental institutions, in fact, were m.ilitary alliances. The meetings called for war discussions always started with the caciques of each tribe summoning his tribe together.

PAGE 20

14 If one diief decided on war, he 'sent an emissary to his neighbor, 2\n arrov; stained witli the blood of a guanaco served as the messenger's emblem. It V7as then passed from tribe to tribe, and the act of proclaiming war 'was called correr de f lech a (sending around the arrov?) The next step, if the situation appeared to be serious enough, was the general asseiribly, which v;as commonly held in a large open area. After lengthy speeches from the leadershipcontending chiefs, one man was chosen as supreme chief for the campaign. He was designated the togui^ and was alm.ost always the strongest, the most eloquent, or the bravest 31 man available. None of the central valley Indians shov/ed any great propensity for intense physical activity. The Arau.canian especially, except for wartime, led a lazy, quiet life. In general, the Indian was only moved to a rigorous regimen in his religious life when confronted by his many superstitions and omens. His supreme god was Pillan, who v/as believed to be the controller of clouds and winds and the producejr of thunder, tempest, lightning, and earthquakes, -^ The Indians believed in the existence of evil and good gods: evil brought about sickness and death; good miade the fields produce a bountiful harvest, brought abundance of birds and fish, and presided over human joys." They also believed in night-appearing ghosts, and a concept of life after death. Th^ spoke of cho nchones — human headed animals vzith v.'inglike ears. These apparitions

PAGE 21

15 were vair.pires that sucked the blood of the sick. They also dreamed of p ihuch enes or winged serpents Their omens took the forjxis of cloud directions and formations, flights of birds, and peculiar animal behavior. Such occurrences were sufficient to make them suspend a campaign or feast, convinced that the happening portended disaster for them. With all of these disastrous possibilities, it is no wonder that a major portion of their physical activity was taken up with religion and war.-^^ This mixture of superstitions and om^ens produced a pries tliood. The ministers of the various cults served both as soothsayers and physicians. The dunguves and the machi!'s were tlie most important of this group. -^^ The dunguve was the soothsayer who uncovered thieves and solved secret crimes. A v/itness who was present at one such ceremony to search for a missing object, implied that the scene was a kind of extra sensory perception phenomenon coupled with som-e clever ventriloquism. In any case, the lost object was soon located. The machx on the other hand, v;as the healer. The Indian had no medical knowledge, and believed that illness was punishment by an offended deity or injury caused by some unknown evil. The miachi, in effect, exorcized the illness or evil not unlike the undertakings by the Catholic Church in -the 16th centuryand the current revival of interest in exorcism in psychiatry "" The cure for such an affliction consisted of a very showy ceremony called a mtachitun. The relatives of the

PAGE 22

16 sic}'person gathered together \s'"ith him in v^ hut and placed him on the floor in the raiddle of a circle. The raachi planted a cinnamon tree branch by his pillow. He had a gvianaco brought in, quartered it, took out its heart, and spx'inkled the branch vrith blood. Following this, he burned soirte herbs and filled the room with siuoke Then he went to the patient, pretended to search the part of the body where tiie suffering or wound was located, spit red, and at a given moment, showed those present a lizard, a spider, or some other object — the source of the evil. During these ceremonies the women sang in a mournful voice and accompanied their song v/itli a rhythmic noise produced by -5 Q rattling dried gourds containing small pebbles. The Indian language or Mapuche v/as adapted to the harangues associated v/ith tribal politicking and poetic verses associated with these religious functions because of its lyrical style. Thousands of Indian words are incorporated into the modern Chilean language including most of the country's geographical namies There is less to be said, hov/ever, of the Indians' artistic productions. He did not paint. His stone or wood carvings are t coarse to be ce-illed sculpture, and only a fev/ utilitarian clay jars were produced. His miusic was sad and monotonous, probably because wood flutes and gourd tambourines v/ere all that he had. One captured Spanish soldier was kept alive, in fact, simply because he could play the flute so well.-''^

PAGE 23

17 It is not too difficult to determine the outstanding characteristics of the southern central valley Indians, if one knows something of their lives, customs, and beliefs. Three ad:mirable qualities were outstanding; they were brave, loyal, and vigorous. They also had three grave faults: they were cruel, superstitious, and drunken. They preferred war above all other occupations, but in everything else they were incurably lazy. Tribal v/ar, in general, and Spanish oppression, in particular, made them into a cruel, vengeful people. The native Chileans living north of the Biobio belonged only in part to the same race as the Araucanians The so-called Picunches or Mapuches extended to the Copiapo and were divided into numerous sub-groups, From^ the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, they suffered first the invasion of the Diaguitas coming from northwest Argentina, particularly the present-day provinces of Salta, Tucurnan and Santiago de Estero. This was followed by an invasion of the Chinchas from southern Peru; and, finally, that of the Quechuas who at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards formed part of the Inca empire extending from Ecuador to Bolivia and Chile, with their capital in Cuzco. None of these invasions v/ent farther south than the Maipo, From these Indians, hov/ever, came the culture of the Chilean natives who inhixbited the north and north r, 41 center of the country.

PAGE 24

18 Of the three invaders, the Chinchas were the most proaressive. They imposed their material civilization and many of tlieir beliefs and customs on Chile. They were shepherds, agriculturalists, miners, and small industrialists. Their most useful domestic animal, the llama, provided wool for their clothing. They cultivated potatoes, peas, and corn. They distributed water to these crops by using extensive irrigation canals. They exploited copper, silver, and gold. They manufactured all kinds of articles, and made utensils of wood, metal, and clay. They built cities containing temples and palaces. And, finally, they constructed roads and a system of hostelries to m.aintain a postal service and carry on trade with the other sections of the country. The Chinchas were conquered by the Ouechuas an aggressive dominating people who appropriated all elements of the Chinchas' culture and who, with the ruling Incas formed the most extensive and prosperous state in America. Two of these Inca rulers — Inca Pachacuti and his son Topa Inca Yupanqui — led an expedition against Chile in 1460 43 and conquered the country as far south as the Maule. In this territory, they did not find a com.pletely barbarous population, but one already semi-civilized by the influence of the Chinchas, a condition that had prevailed for more than two hundred, years. For a long time it V7as thought that the level of material progress at which the Spaniards later found the

PAGE 25

19 Chilean natives on the northern 'zone v;as because of the beneficial influence of the Quechuas. According to Luis Gal dame s however, archaeological discoveries some fifteen years ago have corrected this opinion, v/hich did not account adequately for the native Chilean state of culture. "^-^ This is so because the Incan domination had lasted only imtil the date of the Alro.agro expedition in 1536, a little more than eighty years The Chilean natives continued to develop their culture under the rule of the Quechuas. The northern and the central zone of the country were crossed by roads — certainly unpretentious in Chile and probably no more than stone marked trails. There was a postal system carried on by Indians on foot, with inns every fifteen or twenty miles. The curacas or governors were engaged in developing the prosperity of their hamlets and villages, where the natives earned their livelihood, and in encouraging productive activities ^" For cultivating the fields, these natives dug irrigation canals. Among those constructed during the Indian epoch and still existing today is the Vitacura Canal, which decends from the hills of Salta in the vicinity of Santiago and irrigates the neighboring f anus From the time the canals v/ere opened, the crops of squash, corn, beans, and potatoes, which were native to trie country, became m-ore abundant. Guanaco, vicuna, and llama wool production also

PAGE 26

20 increasedClay pot manufacturing, practiced for a long time by the natives, now received nev/ impetus. Vases and clay pitchers became prime implements in the livelihood of 47 the Indians. • The most important task, as far as the Incas were concerned, was the exploitation of gold, silver, and copper mines. They concentrated their attention principally on gold, however, because this metal made up the tribute that was sent to the emperor. Among the gold mining operations, the most important was Marga-Marga, near Quillota, Gold and silver pins and chains were painstakingly made in gypsxxm and clay molds and for^'^arded to the ruling Incas 48 m Cuzco. The influence of the Chinchas and Quechuas was felt also in the intellectual development of the Chilean Indian. Idolatry was introduced into his religion, and this factor made Christianity more acceptable at a later date, especially in regard to reverence for the idol of the Virgin Mary. In mathematics, the Indian learned to count to a thousand without confusing quantities. He also improved his vocabulary 49 by adding more discriptive v7ords from the Quecnua language. During the fifteenth century and at the beginning of the sixteenth, the circumstances of the Chilean Indians improved considerably. In their towns, in which the population substantially increased, family and tribal ties became niore closely dravm. The cultivation of nev; land, the development

PAGE 27

21 of clay pottery, the exploitat.ion of metals, and the use of wool clothing provided better living standards. The cooking of meat and vegetables became general; corn and potatoes served as the principal ingredient of cooked dishes; and, in time, the bean became the most common and nutritious food. Wool shirts, ponchos, belts, and hair ribbons — v/ith which the women braided their hair -came into common usage. In addition, footwear in the form of leather sandals and hats called chupallas were adopted as the native dress. ^*^ The advance of Indian civilization, thus, was important in the 15th century. The transformation brought about during this period of Inca rule cost only the paym^ent of an annual tribute to the sovereigns in large stamped blocks of gold; with the curacas serving as intermediaries. This was certainly a period of peace unknown before Inca rule,^-*At the end of some eighty years of peaceful co-existence the Indians of the north and central Chile had virtually recovered their freedom. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, hardly any traces of Inca rule rem.ained. Shortly tliereafter the Inca, Huayna Capac, died and a civil war for the throne began in Peru between his two sons. Because of the war, the Inca garrisons in Chile were depleted 52 and the local curacas and caciques became independent. The civilization now native to this north-central portion of the country spread soutliward as a result of contacts betvreen the various tribes. Tliis southward progression continued -until it made contact witli the Araucanians where it

PAGE 28

22 inet resistance. In any cuse despite tlie influence of the civilization over the southern tribes there v/as no unification among them. In fact, there vras a situation in this part, of the country where th.e population was increasing and material progress was decreasing. Obviously these Indians still had not learned enough technology to support a cityorxented population. -^~^ The situation of the Araucanians to the south of the contact point is obviously of special interest to any serious student of Chilean history. One can make the initial assessment,nevertheless, that these Indians have not substantially contributed directly to the formation of the Chilean race^ but their presence south of the Maule River had a profound influence on the political and social developirient of the colony The defiance demonstrated by the Araucanians against the European invaders for over three centuries stands in contrast with, the almost immediate submission of the northern central valley Indians. Moreover, it appears that the Incan invasion late in the fifteenth century was opposed and bea.ten back solely by the Araucanians. Valdivia himself commented that he had no difficulty with any of the Indians until he crossed the Itata. Later, he said that "I have warred with men of many nations, but never have I seen such fighting tenacity as is displayed by these Indians, "^4

PAGE 29

23 The Araucanians were able to resist the Spaniards s-uccessfully because of an evolution of military tactics and weaponry. Araucaniari weapons progressed from sticks, stones, and arrows to lances and horse garrotes in the first four years of the war. Later captured Spanish horses were utilized, and ultimately captured cannons and arquebuses were turned on the enemy. Of course, the most important element remained the Indians' basic, inherent courage.---' The Araucanians, not withstanding, it is fairly obvious that by the time of the conquest the Indians' social institutions had evolved into a fairly viable system, Valdivia, himself, noted the strong family ties of the people he encountered and commented on the importance of the family dwellings that apparently housed generations of the same household. The lov/est unit of native society was still the main family and immediate relatives living together and grouped around a chief. ^ 6 The title of cacique or chief was given at this time to every head of a household or to any man on whom vromen and children were dependent. The wife remained, as in earlier tim.es, her husband's chattel. Women continued to be treated as an investment, and it was still their duty to bear children, cook, weave, and cultivate the land. In agricultural development, the central valley, as mentioned before, was under extensive cultivation. The natives grew maize, potatoes, and madia — an oil yielding

PAGE 30

24 plant — as well as capsicuia, kidney beans, and chinchona. Cultivation was new undertaken by the households in conjunction with the other households in the district. ':.?his larger social unit was knovm as a cava. Apparently, cavas were united by blood ties and ranged in size from thirty to sixty men, women, and children. The Spaniards, hov/ever seemingly, did not think that the cava was large enough to designate 57 as a -cown. All of the Indians living in the cava had had collective rights on the land. Preliminary tillage and harvesting were collective enterprises, and each person in the cava had a particular task to perform for the larger community. It is certain that the harvest produce was divided among the various households. Landlordship therefore, was hereditary from the cacique to his famdly as long as the collective rights of the cava or lero were observed. Thus, the Spaniards after the conquest could inherit property by marrying into the cacique's family. This phenomenon made the implementation of the encomienda system an easier task. The next larger unit to the cava (this system should not be misconstrued as being rigid in all cases because the disintegration of the Inca empire had mostly destroyed the governing institutions) was known as a regua. Five to seven cavas comprised a regua, which was also known as a lebo by the Spaniards. Each lebo or regua was presided over by a chief .58

PAGE 31

25 The unit above the regua was called an uttaitiapo which first appeared as a military organization to combat the Spaniards. The whole country was apparently divided into these uttamapos or vuta ma pu s which were made up of several reguas. Each had its own chief whose office v/as hereditary. He could be superceded, however, by an elected commander in tim.es of dire emergency. In addition to tiiese division, thex-e v/ere four more districts in the south called amapus Each had a chief who spoke at the congresses the Spaniards later convened. These divisions were then called Butalmapus.^^ The whole system was held together by the authority of the chiefs and the regular meetings of each group. Justice and administration as well as the distribution of food were undertaken at these gatherings. In addition, feasts and dances were held in conjunction with the festivities and were presided over by the religious leaders. In a sense, therefore, the Indians v/ere participating in a familiar ritual at the time of the Spanish take-over of the area around Santiago in 1541. In this case, they were clearly at a military disadvantage despite superior numbers, and Spanish domination appeared inevitable. Although resentment surely filled the hearts of many of the chiefs on this occasion, their later support for the new Spanish leadership, their adoption of Christianity, and their gift of m.arriageable daughters to the conquerors

PAGE 32

26 marked the beginning of the end of the distinct Indian race and culture. Although years of war would ensue, the paral'lel Spanish and Indian societies v.^ere eventually v;elded — as much as possible — into one.

PAGE 33

NOTES ^H^nry F. Dobyns "Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques v/ith a New Hemi-sphere Estimate," Current Ant hro pology ^ Vol. 7 (Oct. 1966) p. 415. 2Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna, Historia critica y social de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundecion hasta nuestros dias, 1541-1868 (Valparaiso, 1869), p. 16. 3lda W, Vernon, Pedro de Valdivia, Conquistador of Chile (New York, 19697, p. 34. 4 J I Mo 1 ina Th_e__Geographi cal Natural, and Civil History o f Chile (London, 19G9), Vol. 2, p. 12. 5 Jaime Eyzaguirre, Hist oria de Chile ^; ge nesis de la naci onalidad (Santiago, 196 5) p. 27. ^Luis Galdames A History of Chile (Nev7 York, 1964), p, 6 "^Fi^-ancisco Frias Valenzuela, His toria de Chile (Santiago, 1950), pp. 10--14. ^Horacio Lara, Cro nica de l a Araucan ia (Santiago, 1889), Vol. 1, p. 28. ^Francisco Antonio Encina, His tori a de Chile (Santiago, 19 44) Vol. 1, pp. 83-84. lOpedro de Valdivia to Emperor Charles V. September 25, 1551, reprinted in Pedro de Valdivia, Cartas de r elacion de la conquista d e Chil e (Santiago, 19 70), p. 172. l^Alonso Gonzalez de Najera, Desenga no y re p aro de la guerra del reino de Chile (Santiago, 1971), p. 40. l^Hugh R.S, Pocock, The Conquest of Chile (New York, 1967) p. 239. -'-^Galdairies op_. cit • / PP* 6-8. -'-^Enrique C. Eberhardt, Histo ria de Santiago de Chile (Santiago, 1916), pp. 196-207\ 27

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28 15 Vernon, od. cit. p. 36. 16 Vxcuna Mackenna, Historia criti c a y social de Santiago, p 23 1 7 •^ 'Galdames o£. cit. p. 7 18 Francisco Esteve Barba, De^cub xj..ini e^ii t o_ y co nq ui s t a de Chile (Barcelona and Buenos Aires", 1946)", p. 139. ^Galdames o£_. cit. p, 7. 20 Enema, His tori a de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 71-72. 21 Eberhardt,, o£. cit, pp. 16 7-173. and Galdames 0£. cit pp. 8-10. 22 Enema, Kistoria de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 33-34. 23 Ibid. Vol. 1, pp. 9 7-9 8. ^'^Galdarues, op. cit., pp. 8-10. 25 -'Enema, Hx s to r i a de Cji il_e Vol. 1, p. 99. c Ibid. p. 102. 27 Eberhardt, 0£. cit pp. 292-296. 28 Frias, o£. cit pp. 26-27. 29 Enema, Hj._storia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 10 3. ^'^ Eberhardt, o£. cit p. 243. 31 Ibid. pp. 2 4 3-2 44. -^ ^ Gal dames od. cit p. 10. 33 Jorge Dowlmg, I^]J._gi^on ,_chamanismo_v mitologia inapuche s (Santiago, 1973), pp ,~ 40-62". •^'^Encina, Hi_stori_a__de_ChJJ^ Vol, 1, p. 91. See also Frias, op. cit.,' p. 21. Totemism or belief in inanimate objects was also a form of Indian worship. 35 Jose T. Medina, Los abcrigenes de Chile (Santiago, 19 52), p,. 2 33. ^^Dowling, op_. cit., pp. 63-112. This is the best discription of the activities of the machis and dunguves

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29 -^"^Eberhardt o_£. cit. p. 256. ~^Galdames, o£_, ci t p. 11. ^^Eberhardt J op, cit p, 73. ^^Gonzales de Najera, op cit pp. 57-61. ^'-Eyzaguirre op_. cit p. 28. 4 2 Gal dame s o£^. cit. p.15. '^^Grete Mostny, Cult uras p recoloinb ina s de Chile (New York, 1964), pp. 152-153'. '^^Eugenia Maguire Ibar, For macion racial chilena y fu turas proyecciones (Santiago, 1949), p. 5.. ^^Galdames, o£_. cit. p. 15. ^^Mostny, o]3. cit. p. 157. ^"^Galdames, o£, cit. p. 15. ^^Ibid. p. 16. 4Sibid. -: SOibid. p. 17. ^llbid. • ^ ^Clements R. Markham, The In cas of Peru, (London, 1910) ", pp. 95, 198. 5 3 Galdames op. cit p. 18. -'^Pocock, o£. cit,, pp. 237-238. -^~ Enema, Histori a de Chi.le_, Vol. 1, pp. 112-117. ^Helen Douglas-Irvine, "The Landholding System of Colonial Chile," H ispanic Ame rican Historical Revi ew, Vol. 8 (Nov., 1928), p. 452, ^'^Ibid. p. 455. ^SEncina, Histori a de Chile Vol, 1, pp. 10 4-10 5, ^^Douglas-Irvine,
PAGE 36

CHAPTER II THE SPANIARDS The first Spanish expedition to Chile was led by Diego Almagro in 1535, Almagro was tired of the peaceful life he was leading in Peru and his second rank social status to the Pizarro farrdly. His longterna dispute v^ith the Pizarros, in fact, was settled only after an agreement was reached allowing the Pizarros to consolidate their holdings in Peru, while giving Almagro free reign in the south. Almagro agreed to tlie terms of this agreement primarily because he was enth.used by tales of wealth in the land of "Chili." Using all the money he could gather, he outfitted 50 Spaniards and several thousand auxiliary Indians (yanaconas) for the expedition. The group met incredible hardship in the desert area of northern Chile, however, and was able to proceed only to the vicinity of present-day Aconcagua by 1536. In August of that year, the War of Arauco which was destined to last for nearly 300 years, began vrhsn the Mapuche Indians attacked Almagro 's band at Reinoguelen, ^ Following the fighting, any Indians contacted by Spaniards were treated severely. They v/ere chained together, beaten, and given little v/ater or food after capture. The growing hostility of the natives and the failure to uncover any great wealth soon convinced Almagro that Chile V7as not a land of plenty. Accordingly, the expedition returned to 30:

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.31 Peru so that Alnagro could press his claim for Cuzco.-^ A war ensued bet\%'-een the aggrieved Alraagro faction and Pizarro witli the upshot being the capture and execution of Aliaagro following his defeat at the battle of Salinas.^ Although the ideal Spanish character is eulogized in Miguel Olivares description of Francisco de Villagra, "just in peace, valiant in war, religious with God, pious toward the needy, moderate in the use of personal fortune, and constant in the fact of adversity, ^'^ Almagro s character is probably more indicative of a typical Spanish conquistador. He was a low order noble and, in effect, demonstrated the Castilian temperment and mentality of his class. He v/as tenacious, brave, arrogant, greedy, and cruel. As in Araucanian society, the Spanish placed a premium on machismo and valor. The men of his band were also from basically the same class and had similar characteristics. All of the Spaniards were a product of their homeland as it had developed to the 15th century, and of a GothicCelticIberian-Roman culture that had been transformed to a certain extent by the introduction of Arab, Moorish, and Jevzish ingredients.^ The incessant turmoil in v/hich Spain developed, the warlike and aggressive habits of the Gothic element, and tlie difficulty in m-aking a living on most of the Spanish people. Of course, their circumstances miade them somewhat immune and accustomed to suffering, but at the same tim.e added to their natural courage and gave them a special

PAGE 38

32 spirit, of adventure. The frequent plundering by marauding invaders accompanied by family uprooting stimulated this spirit. As a consequence, the search for adventirce and wealth led to the discovezr/ of the New World and became a major factor in the psyche of all of the Spanish conquerors, It should be noted here that most of these men came from the Castiles, where these aforementioned characteristics were emphasized more than in any otlier part of the country Some reference must also be m.ade at this point to the inherently "racist" tlieory developed by the Chilean historian Francisco Encina. In essence, he hypothesizes that the basic difference between other southern Europeans and Spaniards was the introduction,, during the middle ages,, of nordic blood into the peninsula by invading northern tribes, particularly the Goths He continues that the percentage of Gothic blood, perhaps as high as 20 percent, was most heavily concentrated in the upper class, prince or knightly elements of Spanish society. As a consequence, the militaryadventurers, who expelled the Moors, were probably ethnically and by nature and temperment part of this GothicSpanish element. It follov/s therefore, that it was this group that was most likely to produce conquerors of the New Vforld, following the peace established on the peninsula in 149 2,^ This reasoning would tend to indicate that many of the conquerors in all areas of the New World v/ere from this

PAGE 39

:33 GothicSpanish element. The settlers corning after the conquest, however, vfere not representative necessarily of this group, and more than likely were from the workerfarrr-er lower class element containing the least ajnount of Gothic blood. In Chile, this process was altered by the continuous War of Arauco. The infusion of the Spanish-Gothic soldier element was a continuing process; and according to Encina, was not adulterated by essentially inferior blood lines. Proof of this superior ancestry was the spirit exhibited by the Spanish-Gothic-Chileans during the war against the Indians. Other evidence was the fact that the interneccine struggles, which occurred in the other Spanish colonies, did not take place after the founding of Santiago. Encina credits this to the Gothic regard for human life regardless of the consequences 10 Of course, Plncina's thoughts are strictly theory and have no empirical basis, especially when viewed in the context of present-day attitudes toward racism. On the other hand, the basic differences in Chilean development when compared to the other colonies lends some credence to Encina 's theories. There is no doubt, whether a non-Chilean believes it or not, that the Encina view has been turned through the years into a kind of Chilean racism that differentiated Chile, at least in the eyes of the Chileans, from the other Andean countries.

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,'3 4' .;•.,.,.. To continue the narrati'/e cf the distinctive features of the Spanish conquerors, however, there is no question that one of the ir.ost predominant characteristics v;-as their loyalty and reverence for their kings. Because the king had led them to victory over their enemies and for their religion for so long, the people believed these rulers could exact the greatest sacrifice for them in return. The Crov7n, therefore, became sacred, in medieval view, a representative of God on earth. Nothing better distinguished a Spaniard from most otJier Europeans, however, than his obsession v/ith religion. He saw the hand of God everywhere, even intervening in his least important affairs. In his battles, he believed that he was being supported by theApostle uSaint James, the Patron of the army. He imagined James and other saints in shining visions, assisting him in battle, and destroying all enemies of Catholicism and his country. This religious exclusivity m^ade the Spaniard intolerant and fanatical. His excessive preoccupation with divine intervention led him to believe in many superstitions. He presumed that sorcerers, spirits, and demons were responsible for his life.-'-^ Wars, pestilence, fam.ine, hunger, and earthquakes, which frequently affected his life were com.pelling reasons for these feelings. In this regard, his culture had progressed little beyond that of the Indiajis he was about to conquer. This religious viev7 was fostered predominantly by ignorance. Even when Spain, like other European nations.

PAGE 41

:35 became what could be considered civilized, its cnlture was not general; only the higher classes of society — the king, nobility, and high clergy — possessed culture and education, and usually only in proportion to tiieir resources. For example, of all of Valdivia's companions only Bartolom^ Rodrigo Gonzales had attended college, ^-^ The other members of the petty nobility were mostly "home-educated." The lov/er class representatives, farmers and villagers, lacked the most elementary sophistication and education. In general, this situation was probably reflected in the rest of Europe, but the Spanish temperment only exacerbated the condition. According to Encina, however, it v/ould be a gross error to describe the first com.ers to America merely as soldiers. They were centainly not members of the higher nobility; these only came later as governors. The lower nobility (hidalgos) also came at first only in small number, but as leaders and drivers of the various expeditions. The majority, therefore, were from the lower classes and were completely uneducated. The spirit of adventure was most developed in them, however, because of the hardships endured in the homeland and the lack of any outlet there for their considerable ambitions and spirit. In spite of all of the defects, the Spaniards' culture and teclmology were much more advanced than that of the Indians. Their physical appearance was also a significant

PAGE 42

36 contrast to the natives. White skinned — some with red hair and light eyes; some v/ith dark hair and dark eyes; most witli long beards — they were usually rather stout and of vigorous muscular strength. They were also v/ell schooled in horsemanship; well clothed, and well armed. The conquerors were necessarily and psychologically av^are of their superiority to the unorganized Indian tribes they encountered.-'-^ In retrospect, however, the Spanish colonial life style more closely resembled its Indian counterpart than many Spaniards would care to admit. These conquerors essentially lived by the sword and were primarily interested in territorial and personal aggrandizment. Basically, the Indian problem was to be solved by three possible methods: isolation, elimination, or integration. The Spaniards chose a combination of the latter two courses. The Indians were to be subdued and used as slaves if necessary. VJomen ^^rere to be exploited. In other words, the Spanish aim was basically the same as a warring Indian tribe. The Spaniards only rationale was that he was following this procedure for God and country, whereas the Indian v/as interested in individual and tribal enrichment. The following physical discription of the Spaniard is noted only to contrast him with the earlier picture of the Indian. It is indicative of a superior social and military organization and shows that these men vrere able, after solving

PAGE 43

many problems, to adapt to th.e changing situations and en^vironment of the 'blew World. They v/ere sustained by better teciinology than that which was available to the Indians. Regardless of this superiority, however, their life style in the early days of the colony was little better than that of tiie Indians they were conquering. In the end, organization was the deciding factor. The clothing of the Spaniard was rather simple. It consisted only of short pantaloons reaching to the knees, where they v/ere tied with a cord; a top coat belted at the waist; sandal shaped shoes with leather soles; and sometimes wool stockings covering the leg and joined at the knee to the pantaloon. Some, better clothed, used a kind of gaiter buttoned in front which was called a buskin, and on the calves of the legs jarabes of leather, like leggings. The head was covered with a casque or steel helmet. It was padded on the inside and was fastened with a chin strap. Commanders and officers usually had an attached wire cover 1 7 to protect their faces. Of greater significance than their different physical appearance, however, was the difference in their v;eaponry. The Spanish soldier used defensive and offensive types depending on the occasion. The defensive gear v/ere the helmet, the mail coat, and the leather shield. The infantry's offensive weapons v/ere the harquebus and the short sword. The cavalryman carried a short sv/ord, a lance or pike, and

PAGE 44

a steel covered club. The artillerymen were equipped with cannons -"-^ The superiority of the Spanish civilization over the Indian was thus shown principally in better and heavier offensive military equipment. Each Spaniard equaled at least 100 natives in battle, and that demonstrated superiority had consequences other than military as v/ill be noted later. The Spaniards brought to the Nev7 World all of their ideas, their beliefs, their arts, their customs — in a word, their civilization. This together with their military superiority triumphed over the natives. Then, their more advanced political organization and social discipline were imposed on the conquered with equal determination. These thoughts aside for a mom.ent, it is best to recall that the Spanish conquest and colonization of America was essentially an economic venture financed in part by the Crown and, in part, by private enterprise. Religious idealism and militarism certainly had a role in this endeavor, but basically these v/ere siibordinate to a prim.ary quest for precious metals, raw materials, and captive markets. The Spanish successes in Mexico and Peru, however, did little to prepare them for the poverty and resistance they encountered initially in Chile, and this is precisely why Chilean colonial development is an interesting field of study. I ta— -^-nf'l ^WhU'* a'*-

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39 Valdivia and the Conquest The conqueror of Chile, Pedro Valdivi^. was born sometime around the year 150 2 in the La Serena district of Spain. No one knows for certain what village he came from, but it appears quite probable that he was from a good family and received a home education well above the average of his day. As a matter of fact, according to Luis Galdames, Valdivia regarded the men in his company as well as Pizarro on to be intellectual inferiors. In any case, from the timte of his 19th birthday, he followed a m.ilitary career, leaving it in 1525 to marry Marina Ortiz de Gaete For the next ten years presumaJDly he led a quiet life of marital bliss in his old village. •'In 1535, he left his v/ife and family — never to see them again — to travel to the Indies, He spent the following year in the discovery and conquest of Venezuela. His friend and companion during this adventure was Jeronimo de Alderete who later became one of his principal followers in the expedition to Chile. The Venezuelan interlude, although certainly entertaining for Valdivia, gave him little opportunity for advancement of personal glory and he welcomed the opportunity to join Francisco Pizarro in Peru as quartermaster of the airoy. Following his successful performance

PAGE 46

'M in tiiat duty, he was given a silver mine in Porco and a valuable estate called '"'La Canela" for his services. This latter property alone produced an estimated incom.e of about $500,000 per year.^^^ It was a complete surprise to Pizarro, therefore, when Valdivia applied for a commission to undertake an expedition to Chile. Valdivia v/as certainly a wealthy man at this time and was well av/are of Almagro's utter failure in the souths ^^ The point is that Valdivia, apparently unlike many of his contemporaries, was more interested in the prestige and fame of a successful expedition, than just enriching himself. Many historians believe that he had a driving ambition to found and build, but it appears that prestige played an important -role in his decision. In any case, it is more likely that he came to Chile as a conqueror24 colonizer than merely a despoiler. Pizarro granted him the commission in April 1539, and Valdivia immediately began planning for the long trek. It proved to be very difficult to raise money for the project, however, as no one was interested in financing an expedition that appeared to follow its predecessor into failure. Even Pizarro v/as reluctant to risk any money from the Peruvian treasury. Valdivia' s problems were solved, hov7ever, when a newly arrived Spanish merchant, Francisco Martxnez, offered to pay half of the m.oney needed on the condition that a partnership be formed,

PAGE 47

41 Upon the scene at this time' appeared Psro Sancho deHoz, v;ho had just returned to Lima after a four year absence. Sancho had squandered his money in the homeland and was looking for an opportunity to regain his fortunes. He was titled as Governor for the King, and with Pizarro's blessing over Valdivia's opposition, becam.e another partner for the Chilean expedition. "^^ In January 1540, Valdivia finally left Cuzco accompanied by seven Spaniards — 17 others joined him at the outskirts of the city; others joined along the road a few days later. In addition, he had gathered about a thousand yanaconas to serve as porters and camp follpv/ers of one sort or another. These Indians were regarded as hardly better than animals at the beginningof the journey and v/ere usually referred to as "pieces of service. "^"^ Valdivia was also accompanied by his mistress, Ines de Suarez, who was the only Spanish woman in the train. ^^ The route follov/ed by the band of adventurers v/as that traced by Almagro during his retreat. They progressed from Cuzco to Tarapaca by way of Arequippa, Moquegua, and Tacna. There were very few incidents with the Indians, but the usual problems of fatigue, cold, and hunger inhibited rapid advance. Francisco Martinez was injured in one incident v/ith some marauding Indians and another Spaniard was killed. Valdivia then decided that Martinez needed medical attention in Cuzco, and dispatched tv/o other Spaniards to return

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42 with, him to Peru. Thus, of che original 2 4 men, Valdivia arrived in Tarapaca with onlytwenty. ^ The situation changed for the better there, however, when Rodrigo de Araya rode into camp with sixteen other Spaniards bringing the total complement of thirty-six. Not long after^vard, about seventy-five more arrived' with Francisco de Villagra — the expedition nov7 sudden.ly increasing to 111 mien. Once again the group set out, this 30 time facing the tractless v/astes of the Atacama desertImpossible as it may seem with a group already facing a great ordeal from hostile terrain and natives, Sancho de Hoz began plotting against Valdivia to take over the expedition for himself. During Valdivia' s absence from camp one night, Sancho and his followers began discussing rebellion among the other troops Valdivia arrived back the next, morning, however, accompanied by Francisco de Aguirre and twenty-five Spaniards. This force and Valdivia' s pointed effort to ignore the incident ended the intrigue for the present. The. camp now included 137 Spaniards. The group next arrived in the Copiapo Valley and was immediately set upon by the Indians. The natives of the district were following a "scorched earth" policy and destroyed all of their food stores before the Spaniards could capture them. They also inflicted a terrible death and injury toll on the yanaconas who unlike the Spaniards were not protected by armor. This was finally the area that Valdivia' s

PAGE 49

commission erapowered him subjugate and it was hera that the ceremonies took placeclaiming the land in the name of the TV3 2 ^ jKing, The expedition now increased in size to 150 mien v;ith the arrival of Gonzalo de los Rios and his group. (Including two knights, twenty-five lesser nobles, 122 soldiers, one Negro, and one v/oman) After remaining in the Copiapd Valley for two months, the group pressed southward. The Indians fought them all the way — especially Chief Michimalongo of the Aconcagua district.. The vastly superior Spanish armaments proved decisive, however, and in early Dgcemhier, the group arrived at the banks of the Mapocho River. The conquerors pitched camp at the base of a hill they named Santa Lucia and Valdivia named the place Santiago de Nueva Estrem.adura. The site of the new city was chosen for strategic purposes. Santa Lucia hill is 635 feet high and offers protection as well as serving as an observation post. Moreover, the two branches of the Mapocho River form a peninsula with the hill in the center, protecting the prom.ontory. Of course, the Spaniards could only use the hill as their final refuge in battle because their most effective -weapon against the Indians -,vas the m.ounted cavalry -a totally ineffective force on a hillside. Thus, Santa Luclfa served primarily as a focal point for the valley w^here horsem.en could fight effeccively. -^^ Once the decision v/as m.ade by Valdivia' to make'

PAGE 50

43 i ^ the sxte a pennaTient settlement, ix'.es sages were sent to the Indians requesting a meeting. "''^ The Indian attitude toward all of this activity was sullen at best. They had been fighting the Spaniards ever I since Valdivia had arrived in their valley. They had been ^ beaten, however, and fearing the loss of their unharvested 1 crops, agreed to meet with the invaders. Valdivia told them that he had been sent by his King to build a city and re, quested their help. The Indians, hiding their real feelings, agreed to assist in the project. "Thus, Santiago "was begun i as a permanent settlement on February 12, 1541.^^ In September;, the Indians having completed miuch of the construction in the city and patiently waiting for the harvest-to be -ccm.pleted, finally rebelled. On the' 11th, -they stormed the city and fought the Spaniards tooth and nail all day. The most conservative accounts estimate that the attacking force consisted of betv/een eight and ten thousand warriors. Regardless of the estimates, the force v/as so ^ great that the Spaniards, who expected the onsla-ught, were 1 forced to withdraw from their defensive lines to the Plaz-a de Armas. As they retreated, the Indians fired the town and scattered the domestic animals. In the end, only two Spaniards were killed, but m.ost of therest suffered som:e kind of injury. Ines de Suarez is credited with saving the day by ordering several Indian chief captives to be executed, ..... and their heads thrown out of tiae strongpoint and into the

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45 Indian melee. The Indians were panic stricken by the sight of their dead leaders and fled. • Valdivia, V7ho v/as reconnoitering the area near the present seaport town of Concon, arrived back in the city four days later to view the still smoking ruins. All of the Spajiiards' possessions except their arms, horses, and clothes had been destroyed. Ines de Suarez had managed, however, to salvage three pigs, a cock and hen, and two handfuls of grain. In effect, the Indians had come vrithin a hair-breadth of destroying the colony by direct attack and appeared ready to finish the job as soon as possible, -^^ Despite the severe Spanish losses, the Indians were in no position to follovz up their advantage, and decided to witPidraw from tlie immediate area. Villagra and Quiroga were dispatched to the Quillota area west of Santiago and V7ere able to break up Indian concentrations and prevent an irairiediate attack. Meanwhile, the city was reconstructed; this time with an adobe v;all -eight feet high and five feet thick — surrounding the interior nine blocks. The Indians, meanv7hile, adopted a guerrilla warfare plan and waited in ambush for any Spaniard v/ho wandered too far from the settlement. The town's inhabitants were thus reduced to eating herbs and bugs while waiting for the cavalry to return v/ith game. Most of them also adopted the native dress as there was nothing European to replace their vrorn-out clothes. Soon,

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u it became very difficult to teli the Indians and Spaniards in the city apart by their outward appearance, ^ This sort of exi.st.ence continued throughout 1542 and lasted until Decatnber 1543 v;hen Monroy arrived with a force of 70 men. The second Spanish woman to arrive in tiie colony may have been on Monroy s ship. The first record of a Spanish woman's arrival, however, does not occur until 1544 when a Spanish woman named Balcazar arrived. It is safe to assume, therefore, that m.ost of the children reported to be in Santiago 40 from 1541 to 1544 were either Indians or mestizos. Witii the arrival of the 70 men detachment, the Spaniards were able to take the initiative and the Indiana were forced to withdraw to the south. Valdivia attacked them, at the Maipo, destroyed their fortifications, and forced a general retreat of more than 150 miles to the southern banks of the Maule River. In the north, meanwhile. Chief Michimalongo vjas routed in a pitched battle in the Limari Valley and Santiago was reasonably secured. With the easing of the Indian threat, Valdivia 's attention was again returned to the colonial organization. A cabildo had been set up as early as March 1541. Despite the fact that the little band of Spaniards functioned on a war footing vzith military directions from Valdivia, the governor felt that the delegation of responsibilities would eliminate claims of preferential treatment. He decided that he could avoid a great deal of ill will and troiible if all

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47 disputes were settled bv' the ca-bildo rather than himself. Thus, he appointed alcaldes ordinaries, Juart Jufre and Francisco Agnirre; councilors-^ Juan Fernandez de Alderete, Juan Boh c5h, Francisco de Villagra^ Don Maitxn de Solier, Caspar de Villarroel, and JercSnimo de Alderete; majordomo, Antonio Zapata; and the procurador, Antonio de Pastrana. Valdivia maintained his title as Lieutenant Governor and Captain General. Despite the legalistic nature of these assicrnitients none of the appointees had attended college and none were accredited lawyers... Later in the colonial era, the Crown licensed lav/yers and office holders requiring a larrf degree. It was not necessary to have completed a college education, however. The most important development from a political, "economic, and social standpoint at this tim:e v;as the establishment: of the caibildo. Basically,, this organization was nothing m.cre than the transfer of the ancient Spanish municipal tradition to the Mew World. Each organization varied from country to country, however, and, in essence, mostly reflected the structural interpretation of the governor or expedition leader.--^ Cabildo m.eetings in Santiago, in fact, were held in Valdivia' s house. u_ntil .the regular m.eeting house was constructed. One example of Valdivia' s structual interpretation was the fact, thEit from 15 50 until 155 7, there were three regidores perpetuos in the city instead of the usual five by virtue of a prior agreement and arraiigement'

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with Valdivia — Diego Garcfa de Caceres, Rodrigo de Quircga, and Juan G(5iuez. '* The erosion of the strong position of the governor vis-a-vis the cabildo can also be seen following Valdivia 's death and the institutionalization of the cabildo. In order to become a cabildo member in Santiago, the candidate had to be a citizen of the city. The age requirements were a minimum of 2 6 for an alcalde ordinario; 18, for a regidor; and 25, for an escribano. Criminals, illegitimate sons, members of religious orders, debtors, and recent Christian converts were excluded from office. ^ Cabildo sessions were of three types: ordinary, extraordinary, and open. Ordinary sessions took place on fixed dates. Extraordinary sessions occurred on special occasions, and open meetings were scheduled when the collaboration of the citizenry of the whole town was needed to pass important legislation, or for discussion of very important matters. Elections occurred during the last days of December or the first of January. Salaries were paid according to the city's ability and according to the job or position. In the initial stages of its development in Santiago, the open cabildo included all free men. This was later modified, however, to include only Spaniards or Hispanicized criollos. The distinction was enacted to exclude Indianized mestizos and Indians who were not considered to be of equal status.'^' Tke Santiago cabildo evolved into a structure of two alcaldes, who were charged with administering justice, and

PAGE 55

•49 six regidores who wrote tie municipal regulations There v/ere also several other iraportant functionaries including the procurador of the city, vjho represented the people; the mayordomo or treasurer, who took meeting notes; the alguacil mayor, who was the chief jailer and administeifed punishment; and the alfrerez real whose position was mainly symbolic, but, generally in Chile, he was in charge of fiestas and other ceremonies. The fiel ejecutor supervised prices and trade guilds and the alarife directed public works. The Santiago cabildo docunients during this early period reveal a preoccupation with licensing medical doctors and approving their work; concern over the building and location of a hospital, decisions regarding fiestas and religious holidays,, and settlements of land disputes involving the 49 farms m the Santiago area. Meanwhile, returning to political developm.ents Pizarro was assassinated in June 1541. When the news of his deathreached Santiago, the cabildo was in a quandary. Pizarro 's death meant that Valdivia's governing powers had ceased to exist because his commission had been issued by the Peruvian conqueror. On the other hand, no one in the colony had a better claim for a royal appointment than Valdivia and the cabildo drev/ up a petition asking that Valdivia be elected governor. At first, Valdivia refused because he v/as still uncertain of Pizarro 's fate. The will of the open cabildo finally prevailed, hovj"ever and Valdivia accepted the post

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5b of Governor of the Colony, Aloriso de Monroy vms appointed Lieutenant Governor, Jeronimo de Alderete was named treasurer, Francisco de Arteaga was controller, Juan Fernandez de Alderete was overseer, and Francisco de Aguirre was named 50 comtui s s .1 on e r As noted earlier, this political structure was virtually meaningless in a colony with no visible means of support and under siege by marauding Indians Valdivia was in charge of virtually every order of business, however, and following his military successes, he turned his attention to the colony's economy. Indian laborers V7ere put to work in the mines and a ship was constructed at Con con .to enable Santiago to maintain communications with Lima. The overland route between the two cities was secured with the construction of a fort at La Serena. At the same time, Valdivia was interrupted in his economic program by the continuation of the anti-Pizarro insurrection in Peru. He journeyed there in 1547 and joined with the King's envoy, Pedro de la Gasca, to defeat his former sponsor's brother in the Battle of Jaqui jahuana. In gratitude, the King officially proclaimed him governor of Chile in 1548.^^ With Peru pacified, Valdivia was able to secure more men and supplies for his colony. Another company of 10 men was sent to Santiago and tJie conqueror himself returned in 1549 along with some women and families. ^2 ^^ Serena,

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5-i v-'hich had again been destroyed by the Indians, was rebiailt and communications with Peru vzere secured again. At this point, approximately 500 Spaniards populated the colony, and the total population of Santiago proper including Spaniards, mestizos, and Indians vms probably about 1,000,^-^ The vast majority of Spaniards were employed against the growing Araucanian threat in the south. By 155 3, the total number of Spaniards had risen to 1,000 — this number being partially made up of men from the detachment of Don Martin de Avendano and Gasper de Villarroel which arrived from Peru in November of 1552.^'^ It should always be recognized that the majority of Spaniards were engaged in the war effort, but some were mining for gold or were engaged in raising livestock. At this time, Valdivia could look with some satisfaction on his accomplishments of conquering the Indians in the Santiago area and dividing their labor force among his men. He had led successful expeditions into -Araucanian territory and had foimded the towns of Imperial, Valdivia, and Villarica. There were also forts at Arauco, Tucapel, and Puren. Thus, the conquest of all of the country seemed assured. This victory was delayed, hov/ever, and later postponed indefinitely by renewed Araucanian resistance. In December 1553, a band of these Indians under the leadership of Lautaro, Valdivia' s former groom, destroyed the fort at Tucapel. Valdivia marched south to join in the battle, but he was

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52 aiBbushed, captured, and killed by the Indians. Tiie uprising, vxhich had not appeared possible earlier in the year, continued and three towns including Concepcxon fell to the ad55 vancing Indians. The War of Arauco v/as intensifxed, Francisco de Villagra, who had become Commander-in-Chief in the south, after the nev7s of Valdivia's death reached Santiago on 11 January 1554,^^ finally managed to capture and kill his chief adversary near Santiago three years later, Lautaro's head v/as exhibited on a pike in the plaza for many days, but it was a symbolic gesture because his place was soon taken by bolder and more capable Indian generals. The southern part of the country was reconquered, for the most part, during the next several years through the efforts of Don Garcxa Hurtado de Mendoza and Captain Alonso de Reinoso, who fought against the great Indian Chief Caupolican. ^ Thus, the Araucanian War, which varied in intensity through the years, became a real and present factor in Chilean colonial life. Towns were destroyed and were rebuilt. Immigrants arrived and lives were lost. In general, however, the Spaniards were able to maintain enough pressure on their Indian adversaries for the next forty years to keep them off balance. The Spanish action essentially became a defensive, holding action. It should be mentioned at this point that the War of Arauco was not necessarily fought by Spaniards solely against Indians. In reality, by this tim.e the battle lines were

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53 drawn between Spaniards and their allies — mestizos and Indian friends — fighting against the Araucanians and their allies — some mestizos, renegade Indians, and Spanxsh deserters. The presence of a strong enemy in the south had a tremendous effect on colonial life and attitudes, however. The most important psychological factor was the sense of mutual identity that was created among the Spaniards and their mestizo half brothers. Social stability was necessary to fight the common enemy and this factor, more than anything, led to a mutual feeling of xncipient nationhood. In addition, the war absorbed a good portion of the colony's early energy and forced the Crown to send naturally aggressive military men instead of traditional colonizers v/ith their families. This soldier class immigration led to a vigorous pursuit of economic and territorial expansion to support the war effort, changed traditional social patterns, and ultimately brought about a social evolution involving some mestizos in all facets of society.

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NOTES 1 Medxnar Los aborigeiies de Chiles p. 7. Chili is tiie Quechua word meaning ''better than something." •J Alonso de Gongora Marmolejo, Historia d e Chile desde el descubrimiento hasta el ano 15 75 (Santiago, 1852), pp.. 30-3 7, See also Encina, His tori a de Chile Vol. 1, p. 40 8. ^Vernon, og_cit. p. 41, 4 Frias og_. cit pp. 55-56. 5 Miguel de Olivares His toria rail itar, civ il y sagrada de Chile (Santiago, 1864) / p. 213, g Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 385. "^Ibid Vol. 3, pp. 23-2 7. o Maguire Ibar, o£. cit p. 7. ^Encina, Histori a de Chile, Vol, 3, p. 523. ^^ Ibid Vol. 3, pp. 23-34. Eberhardt, o£_. cit., pp. 42-44, 12 Encina, Histo ria de Chile, Vol, 1, p, 388. Valdivia himself spoke of religious and saintly assistance, 13 Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del d esarroll a intelectual de C hile 1541-1810 (Santiago, 19 3) pp. 375376. See also Jaiues Lockhart, Me n of Cajamarca (Austin, 1972), p. 112. Twenty percent of the conquerors of Chile were functioning literates. The rest could sign their names. Only nine percent were illiterate. 'Encina, Historia de Ch ile, Vol. 1, pp. 386-387. 15 Galdames og_. cit pp. 34-35, •^"Encina, Historia de Chile Vol, 1, p. 39 2. 17 Galdames, o£_. cit p. 35. 54

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55 ^^Encina, Historia "de Chile Vol. 1, p, 176. Vernon, op ci t pp. 17-18, '" 2 "^ Gal dames ; o£. cit. p. 37. Gongora Marmolejo, op. cit. pp. 36-40. 9 9 / ^'^Crecente Errazuriz, Historxa de Chile : Pedro de Valdivia (Santiago, 1911-1912) /Vol. 1, pT" 4 ^^Biego Barros Arana, O rigen e s de Chile (Santiago, 1934) Vol. 1, p. 209. Alvaro Jar a, Guerra y sociedad en Chil e: L a trans formaci on d e la^ guerra ___de Arau co y la escJaviTud de los indies (Santiago, 1971), p. 20.' See also Eugene H, Korth Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile: the Struggle for Social Justice (Stanford, 1968) 'p. 24. 9 S '^-'Vernon, op_, cit. p. 43. ^^ Ibid pp. 44-45. ^ 'Declaracion de Pedro de Miranda in Jose T. Medina, Coleccidn de documentos ineditos par a la historia de Chile desde el viaje de Magall an es has'ta la bat alla de Ilaipo 1518-1818 (Santiago, 1888-1902), Vol. 16," p. 2127 ^^Vernon, op_. cit. pp. 2 6-2 7. There is ample evidence that Valdivia 's marriage to Dona Marina was unhappy. Fie had, at tliis time, been married to her for ten years and there were no children. Dona Marina has been characterized as being quite colorless; so there is reason to believe that Valdivia became infatuated with Dona In^s perhaps in Venezuela. Dona Ines did not meet Valdivia in Peru until her husband died. 29 Ibid., 52-54. -^'-'Errazuriz, Historia de Chil e: Pedro de Valdivia Vol. 1, p. 60. ^-'-Vernon, op_. cit pp. 56-64. "39 /* ^''Errazuriz, Hrstoria de Chile: Pedro d e Valdivia Vol. 1, p. 130. ^^Ibid. p. 14 7.

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56 ^'^Eberhardt, op_. cit. p. 112. •^-*Gongoro Marmolejo, C3£. cit p, 43, •^^Vernon, o£, cit., pp, le^-lS 37 ^'Vernon, op, cit, pp. 56-5 7. 38' Frias op. cit pp. 53-65. ^^Eberhardt, o£. cit. p. 74. ^Ibid. p. 119. ^-^Encxna, H xstoria de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 19 7. 42 • Fuenzalida Grandon, H istoria del des arrolla intelectual de Chi le, 1541-1810, pp. 375^=l~2"cr: ^^Eberhardt, o£_, cit. p. 115. ^^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 266-267. ^ Julio Alemparte, El cabildo en Chile colon ial (Santiago, 19 40), pp. 6 7=^71^ — _— ~ ^^Ibid. pp. 72-86. ^'^Encina, Historia de Chi le, Vol. 2, p. 267. ^^Ibid. pp. 267-268. ^Ibid. pp. 269-272. See also the Libro Becerro de cabildo de Santiago, Actas de 1541 a 1557 In the Biblioteca Nacional. 5Alemparte, o£. cit., pp. 52-61. See also Medina, Documentos ineditos Vol. 8, pp. 69-70. ^Iprias, op. cit pp. 67-68. 52 •^'^Eberhardt, o£. cit p. 113. ^^Ibid. p. 111. '^Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Los_ conquistadores de Chile (Santiago 1908-1910), Vol. 2, p. 36. See als^llgur^ in Barros Arana, op_. cit. Vol. 1, p. 117. ^^Crecente Err az uriz \ His toria de C hile sin gobernador, 15 54-1557 (Santiago, 19 12) pp. 406-426.

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57 ^^Eberhardt, op. cit p. 146. -^ Frias, o£. cit_. p. 7.1 and 219. ^^Encina, His tori a de Chile, Vol. 2. p. 189. ^^Ibid, Vol. 1, p. 411. ^^Ibid. Vol. 2, p. 191.

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CHAPTER III THE DIVISION OF LAND AND INDIANS James Lockhart contends that the Spanish colonial period's contribution to pre-Columbian America can be described briefly as the contents of tv/o complementary master institutions, the Spanish city and the great estate. While neither city structure nor the evolution of the great estate have been explored in great detail, more is known about the city because of its continuity of location, property and governmental records, and function. European civilizationin fact, manifested itself most apparently in the towns where the Spanish population was concentrated. Santiago, by far the largest urban center in Chile, had a European population that fluctuated between the original 150 in 1541 to about 500 by the turn of the century. This group theoretically v/as divided into three categories from 1541 on — encom.enderos moradores and transients. In fact, however, there v/ere not enough Spaniards in the early years to develop this stratification to any great extent. The first two categories were alv/ays called vecinos or citizens. The transient group of soldiers simply did not settle in one location long enough to qualify for citizenship. The right of citizenship in a locale following the conquest was, nevertheless, easy to obtain. If a man 58

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deraonstrated good habits and had a proper occupation, he coi4ld apply for a lot (solar) which following authorization, he had to enclose and build a house within a fixed time period. After these provisions were complied with, he also had the use of the coiranons or dehesa. He vzas then eligible for elected office and was subject to the town's ordinances. Valdivia apparently overlooked the fact that many people did not petition for residency and in 1552, denied a petition from the procurador of Santi.ago that cited the unlav/ful residence of several people in the city. The governor was probably motivated to do this because of his constant fear that rumors of Chile's poverty would lead to a mass exodus and inhibit immigration. In fact, at first he refused to allow any Spaniard to leave the country for any reason. ^ The towns, therefore, becam.e the strong points of the Chilean colonial system. In each, the vecinos comprised a local guard or garrison for the city s protection. They also had the responsibility of defending neighboring friendly Indians and safeguarding territory that had theoretically been fully liberated. In order to facilitate this responsibility, they m.aintained rural fortifications which served as strong-points during skirmishes with the Indians. In Santiago, the little city garden plots of the vecinos soon proved to be insufficient for raising adequate

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60 crops. T-v/o sets of new lands were then laid out: one having a frontage on the south side of the Canada, as one of rfie main channels of the Mapocho River; the other across the main channel of the Mapocho on the north side. These chacra s or farms ran back from the rivers in long strips with the rearward extension largely undefined. Eventually, the haphazard nature of the border definitions of these holdings led to many disputes that had to be arbitrated by the c.abildo office. Initially, these chacras provided enough food for the town. As the population increased, however, more food and goods were needed not only for sustenance, but also to provide some means of exchange at the city market. More land had to be put into production, therefore,and the acquisition of land to produce food and goods became increasingly important. Because mining production was of relatively little value in the count.ry, ownership of land or control of a labor force became the means for individuals to increase their fortunes and status in the colony. The division of territory and the Indian work force beyond the limits of the city of Santiago then became of priiaary importance. Valdivia drew up the first partitions in January 1544. The land from Aconcagua to the Biobxo River was divided into sixty portions. Valdivia 's own section was located between Valparaxso and Qsillota and contained the mines of Marga-Marga. In July 1544, these

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"61 concessions were modified and the nuinber of allotments were reduced to tliirty-two. The reason for this was that the number of Indians living in the granted areas in 1541 had dimi.nished during the following three years because of disease and flight to the Indian-controlled south. Valdivia, according to his Governor's commission of 1548 and his earlier predilection and assumed authority, made two types of grants to his compatriots. The first, as noted before, were sites for houses and farms in or near the cities. The second was the distribution of encomiendas — essentially Indians — in the larger territorial area that was being pacified. The distribution of these encoraiendas however, was impeded initially by the fighting in the Santiago area and the fact that the local Indians •were already serving as Indian allies or as cargo carriers against the enemy Indians. Under his encomienda distribution authority, Valdivia had the right to "'commend" (encom.endar) to the conquerors the Indians located in vaguely defined areas. The governor was very careful in his apportionment, however, to make the Spanish grants align closely v;ith the Indians' own tribal jurisdictions. The whole process, therefore, essentially the institutionalization of Spanish senorialism in Chile a.nd many of the Indians henceforth became vassals to the encomenderos At best described by Francisco Encina, no historian can look at the legislative acts pertaining to the

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g2 encornienda system and really understand v/iiat it was all about. "^ The system evolved differently from colony to colony and, in reality, was v/hat the local encomenderos wanted it to be. According to the original terms, however, all of the encomenderos had certain public obligations. Among these v;ere the keeping of a horse and arms in preparation for military'service. Sometimes this duty vj-as specific such as the maintenance of a distinct fort. This becam.e a particular arduous duty for the citizenry in Santiago because of the incessant warfare. On more than one occasion, vecinos protested against their liability to serve in the army and fight against the Indians in the south. Eventually, their protests were alleviated by the recruitment of professional Spanish and mestizo soldiers g to conduct the war. It should be noted that wealthy encomenderos, particularly those possessing gold mines, could buy their way out 9 of their military obligation. Most encomenderos, although certainly interested in their own welfare, genuinely felt that their duty was to complete their military contract v/ith the King. Alvaro Jara, in fact, describes the m.ajor difference between the Indian and Spanish armies as the fact that the latter was created by a contract betv/een the individual and the Crovm. The Indian, on the other hand, had no such vassalage agreement with a centralized higher authority. His position was as a result of his relationship with his

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63 local chief, and the fact that he and his tribe were "ac10 cidentially" in the path of the aggressors. Each encomendero in Chile was also obliged to maintain roads and bridges v;ithin the limits of his encomienda. This function appears to make the territorial demarcation of the encomienda there more meaningful and somewhat different from the primarily labor division typical of encomiendas in other colonies Another duty related to the missionary side of colonization. Every encomendero was obligated to teach religion to his charges. In the Chilean case, the natives were distributed into religious territories called doctrinas vrhich were presided over by a priest. Although this situation evolved slowly in Chile, by 15 85, there were twenty-four doctrinas in the Santiago district. The final condition of the grants was the established method of colonization. It stipulated that the principal Indian caciques should maintain their wives and children as well as the other Indians that served them. This in effect, was the Spaniards? attempt to adopt the native system of control described earlier into their own system. The chiefs were to be apportioned to the encomenderos and, thus, the fealty of these Indians would be transferred from the Indians to the Spanish overlords. An elaborate ceremony usually accom.panied the loyalty oath and sometim.es it v7as sealed by the marriage of the encomendero to the principal

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64 chief's daughter. Thus, the kinship group often became the common unit in_ the distribution of the Chilean natives among the Spaniards. The encomendero maintained his residence primarily in the city. He m,ade periodic visits to the area of his encomienda, however, where he either temporarily occupied the village chieftain's house or had a country house constructed for his own useTypically, several of the encomendero s lieutenants or most trusted workers lived full tim.e with the Indians as foremen or stock workers. Later, this class of Spaniards or mestizos evolved into the e stanciero class 13 associated with the great landed estates or estancia s. For the Indians' part, they were bound to render certain services to the Spanish' lords. They were obliged to plant and care for a certain aniount of crops, provide firewood, tend cattle, and perform personal duties for their masters. The Indians, however, did retain the right to unmolested occupation of their lands. In fact, tribal leadership and membership v/ere maintained by the Spaniards by distributing Indian foodstuffs only through the office of the tribal chief. The chief, therefore, functioned as the Spaniards' Indian agent "^ Other duties performed for the Spaniards by the Indians were, at first, so undefined that many abuses occurred within the system. In 1537, however, a set of regulations v/as authorized v/hich conditioned Indian labor, especially work in the mines. These

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^5 regulations were modified from time to time, but generally stated that yearly v7ork in the mines began on February 1 and ended on Septairber 30, They also said that only residents of a specific area v/ere allov/ed to v/ork the nines and set the work day as beginning a half an hour before susEupand ending a half an hour after sunset. Religious instruction V7a3 to be regulated and controlled by the resident ^ 15 priest. Despite the protective legal tone of these regulations and others, the Indians were still subjected to strict treatment. For instance, following rumors of an Indian /* rebellion in May 1549, Alcalde Juan Gomez of Santiago ordered the encomenderos in the district to torture or burn any Indian suspected of -being involved in dissident activity. As of 155 3, any Indian mine worker caught concealing gold nuggets was to be whipped and have his nose 17 and ears cut off. The most agonxzmg torture for the poor Indian was the practice of "disjointing," which consisted of cutting the foot a little bit above the toe joint 1 8 to prevent flight. The basic inequality of colonial law is graphically shown in the various punishm.ents for blasphemy — for the accused Spaniard, 30 days in jail and a 40 peso fine; for the Indian, 50 lashes in the public square. Although the system was clearly designed to harness the native work force, by any means possible, to benefit

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&6 the encomendero, the Indian did receive some advantages in Chile, One exainple is the fact that in 1567, there were about 150,000 sheep in the vicinity of Santiago, and encoinienda Indians had personal ownership of 50,0,00 of them. Encomienda Indians in other parts of the country also owned livestock and could sell them for their own benefit at fair 20 market value. There is no doubt, however, that overall the encomienda system — especially forced work in the mines — was a tremendous burden on the Indians. Hernando de Santillan, in studying the abuses of the system in 1557, noted that m.any Indian women preferred to have their children die rather than see them seized later for service in 21 • the mines. Santillan v;as directed by the Crown to go to Chile and get a first hand view of the situation, because the King alv/ays feared that the destruction of the native work force v/ould ultimately destroy the colonial system. In 1559, therefore, Santillan formulated some new regulations designed to reduce the amount of work done by the encomienda Indians and protect them from the abuses of the system. Among other things, these regulations authorized 9 payment for services rendered. This m.easure v/as opposed by the encomenderos however, and v/as only half-heartedly enforced. The major problem, with reform was the fact that a long and difficult v/ar was going on in the south against the Indians. The Spaniards, who had lost sons or friends

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67 in the fighting, were opposed to assistance of any kind to the native population. Ironically, had the Indians succurabed after a brief fight, reform laeasures may have been more popular. Thus, this measure merely became tb.e first of many attempts during the colonial era to correct the abuses of the encomienda system.--^ Some apologists for the encomienda system insist that its implementation was the salvation of the Indians. One Indian detractor said, for instance, that without some orderly system, the Indians would simply eat their work animals and not produce food. There was some historical basis for this phenomenon, because it apparently occurred when the Chilean Indians were freed from Incan bondage and returned to their old food gathering methods. Thus, the encomendero was merely providing a civilized service by teaching the Indians animal husbandry and agricultural techniques."^ Chilean Syste m Valdivia's Chilean encomienda distribution plan certainly showed more foresight than many other colonial governors and enabled his colony to escape the civil war episode endured in Peru. Of the original 15Q members of his expedition, he named 132 as encomenderos Of the other IS, merely 12 percent of the total force, two left the country, and the others either v/ere killed by the Indians or died soon after their arrival, ^^ Thus, tlie number of potential

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68 dissidents was very low, and there was little plotting against Valdivia's leadership. Moreover, all of the original band had started the invasion on almost the same economic and social footing and, with only a few exceptions, there appears to have been little social antagonism among the group. The later reduction of the original sixty encomienda grants in tlie Santiago area to thirty-two, however, did cause somev/hat of a problem for the governor. The promise of new lands and Indians in the south dissipated the hostility enough to prevent any long lived antagonism directed against the governor. The change from Indian to Spanish control through the encomienda system was facilitated by the fact that the Indians under Inca domination were already held in a type of vassalage. The Mapocho Valley Indians, who were cultivating the land in the Santiago area, were known as mitamaes 27 or vassals of the Inca. In fact, the Peruvian yanaconas differentiated themselves from^ the Chilean Indians by referring to them as mitamaes in derogatory fashion. Thus, the Indians, in effect;, were simply exchanging one lord for another with the arrival of the Spaniards. In most cases, the Spanish encomienda grants were similar in Chile to their antecedents in Mexico and Peru. While the encomienda that provided the Indian's service was the most comirion type, there are clearly documented instances in which the encomienda v;as a territoral grant and v/as

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-6-9 specifically denoted as "consisting of the Indians and their land." This situation was possible only v/hen there were clusters or permanently located Indians in a specific area. Ines de Suarez occupied one such encomienda as did Juan Bautista de Pastene, Francisco Martinez, Gonzalo de los Rios, and Francisco Hernandez Gallego. In each case, Valdivia defined the particular Indian settlement and its boundaries as the encomienda. ^^ For instance, one such directive defines as the grant "la raitad de los valles de la Ligua i del Papudo, con todos sus caciques "-^^ Another example is "y mas el cacique llamado Apoquindo, con todos sus principales e indios sujetos, que tienen su asiento en este valle de Mapocho y daseos su tierra e indios, para que OS sirvais de todos ellos.""^"^ Such encoisiendas formed large estates of rural property and obviously v?ere much sought after rewards for personal service to the Governor and King.. Many soldiers and others not necessarily qualified to receive encomiendas under the original rules were recompensed for their service with these estates. In any case, the granting of Indian labor in a predoisinantly agricultural environment was not worth m.uch more than the land they inhabited. Agricultural labor v/ithout land and crops would be an impossible situation. All land grants were eventually distributed by the local cabildo, and encomiendas were generally authorized only by the Governor. Thus, in theory, the distribution of

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-70 land and Indians bureaucratically rested with two different agencies. Following Valdivia's death, however, the cabildo did authorize tlie grant of several encoraiendas The cabildo record — the Libro Becerro — following the cabildo 's legitimate authority divided property into the categories of vacino lots, chacras and estancias and these grants were distributed as the cabildo saw fit.^^ There has been a long drawn out controversy among Latin American scholars over the link between the encomienda and landholding, Silvio Zavala has shown in his study of the encomienda system that the original encomienda of the Antilles was a grant of the right to use labor, with no link to royal tribute in fact or theory. Tribute was later extended to labor use follov;ing a long legislative and administrative campaign by the Crown which also restricted the encomandero's rights to tribute alone. ^^ According to Lockhart, there are two strands of institutional development involved in the evolution of the encomienda. The first was the "encomienda'' created by high officials which basically was a concession to collect and enjoy the king's tribute. The other was a locally inspired "repartimiento" which v/as essentially concerned with dividing the Indians into labor groups. The latter arrangement and the term "repartimiento" became the official usage to designate the actual area. of the grant. What was assigned to the encomendero, hov/ever, was Indians and not X. -1. 34 tribute. "^^

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-71 There is no question that many of the encomenderos acted like property owners and took advantage of lAeir status as justification for receiving grants of la.nd in the area of their encoinienda. Mario Gongora in his study of the evolution of property in the Valley of Puangue shows how the Chilean encomenderos used their position to receive land grants (mercedes) v;itliin the limits of their enco-miendas and prevented concessions to others in the area. In fact, the families of the greatest encomendero in a particular area usually built a hacienda near the center of the encomienda grant and maintained the best land as their property Lockhart takes this example further by explaining how the living styles of the encomenderos and hacendados were similar. Moreover, both possessed in practice some jurisdiction over their Indians which v/as exercised paternalistically. He concludes that the two institutions — encomienda and hacienda — served the aristocracy in similar fashion by essentially perpetuating its control over the lower classes. -^^ Robert Keith takes the institutional relationship forward by describing their structural continuities. For Keith the institution of the encomienda is not just a group of Indians, but the encomendero with his dependents as well as the property belonging to both the Indians and the Spaniard. In addition, it is the complex set of

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-72 relationships tying; these people together and connecting them to the larger society outside of the encomienda. The most important part of the encomienda relationship to external society was its evolution from the early system to the creation of landed estates. Keith argues that the Crown's intervention in the institutional aspects of the system on the side of the natives prevented the disappearance of Indian society. By taking advantage of the weakness of the encom.endero class, the Crov/n was able to reform the encomienda, separating the traditional from the capitalistic elements and insuring the dominance of the traditional in a remodeled institution, the corregimiento. As a result, the Indian communities were able to reorganize and survi.ve, while the Spaniards were free to organize their own estates as capitalistic institutions largely independent TO of Indian society. In Chile, however, this situation evolved somewhat differently because Indian society v;as virtually eliminated in the Santiago area as a result of the wars, rapid Indian depopulation, and the creation of mestizaje which filled the population void. The new mestizo class had an easier time being accepted into Spanish society and the capital" istic environment of the hacienda. Thus, the original political and institutional strength of the encom.endero class in Chile; their early realization that land was wealth; and the destruction of pure Indian society facilitated the

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73 evolution of the encomienda system to the landed estates so prominent in later colonial histoiryThe estancias or large farm estates became the backbone of Chilean agriculture by the beginning of the 17th century. The origin of this rural property as separate entities v/as more likely the result of a land concession than an encomienda grant. ^ Conversely, some of the encomienda grants, as noted before were maintained from generation to generation as rural property. In fact, almost all of the best land in the colony was included in the limits of the original large encomienda divisions and there was very little rural property available for newly arrived Spaniards to occupy. Thus, the land distribution system either as concessions or encomiendas led to a largely agricultural colony in which most of the large parcels of land were devoted to stock raising. These large estates were maintained during the balance of the colonial period by the system of isayorazgos or entailed estates. Many of the leading families, desiring primarily to maintain their social rank, had their property entailed by order of the Crown. In this way, the large holdings v/ere kept intact from generation to generation. Although formal limitation of the property to a specific line of heirs did not begin until the close of the 17th century, land was held in virtual occupational entailment 40 by the first families until that time.

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'74 According to Helen Douglas-Irvine in her study of the encomienda system in Chile, hereditary rights to the enco]"niendas were most often maintained by one means or anotiier. These possessions were originally granted for two lifetimes in America. In 15 37, Charles V, however, ruled that v/hen an encomendero died, his rights to the encomienda Indians passed on to his legitimate sons, in order of age j, failing them to his daughters similarly, and failing any legitimate children, to his widow. These provisions seem to have been followed in Chile on most occasions. In several examples, the Governor petitioned that the vecinos might hold their encomiendas in perpetuity. No matter what the Crown's decision was in these cases, time and Chile's isolation from the political mainstream strengthened the hereditary natare of the encomiendas. In practice, most of the encomiendas remained in one family until the system was abolished near the end of the 18th century. Moreover, by an interesting custom that was adopted by the family-conscious Chileans, the son v/ho received his father's encomienda v;as bound to feed his mother, brothers, and sisters, thus maintaining the basic famxly unit. Obviously, the Spanish settlers faced a difficult task in Chile because of their small nurnbers. Douglas-Irvine computes that by 155 8, only 1,100 Spanish men were in the 43 coxintry. Thus, this small number could not place an

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-75 iron-clad European social and legal structure over the country, and the encomieiida system was adapted to the conquerors needs and the natives' ability to participate. The conquerors were basically opposed to manual labor, and consequently needed a large labor force to till the soil, tend tl-ie animals, and so on. Since they had not found El Dorado in Chile, they could not afford large numbers of Negro slaves. Thus, in the end, they were forced to rely on the Indians to provide manual labor particularly in mining and agricultural pursuits. This was a severe hardship for the Indians because they were not accustomed to hard work either, but their labor fulfilled the most important necessity for the conquerors. A further consideration, of course, V7as the missionary aspect of colonization, which basically meant that the Indians had to be preserved, if they were to be converted. The Spanish religious ideal, therefore, was not to drive the Indians cut of the country, but to govern them within it. The native institutions were not to be eradicated, but were to be absorbed into the Spanish system. • This enterprise, although laudatory, was faulty. The Spaniards apparently never fully understood the Chilean Indians' complex social system and consequently many abuses were built into the system from the beginning. Agreements made with specific Indian chiefs were sometimes given to the wrong individual. This practice, obviously, confounded

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75 Indian society, and led to serious morale prcbleir.s 'among the various sub-groups. In addition, readjustments in Soanish society — such as changes in'' enconienda proprietorship — caused confusion among the Indians as to who really was their lord and master. Additional disorder was caused by moving -hhe Indians from place to place creating a consequent loss of identity. ^Finally, confusion was caused am.ong the encomsaderos and the Indians by the court fights over the encomiendas that v/ere left vacant by the proprietor's dea-th or his departure for Spain. ^^ Some Indians, living near town, never fully participated 'in the encomienda system, but were granted illegally to the Spaniards as personal servants. These Indians adopted useful handicrafts such as carpentry, shoem.aking, and masonry. They were also used as porters carrying goods from Santiago to Valparaxso, and as builders. Of course, this idea of personal service and seizure v/as really against *the law, but tlie abuse was never checked. In fact, the exaction of personal service prevented the mass assimilation of the Chileaii Indians by the colony because the social stigma of personal service assured the fact that pure'• blooded Indians v-'ould a.lw.3ys be considered the lo'-^er class. By disease, bad treatm.ent, flights to the free south, the Indian settlements around Santiago v/ere emptied. A report dated 1610, indicates tliat encomiendas that had

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'7-7 once included two or three thousand Indians ;, now only had a hundred, and most only forty, fifty, or sixty. There were at that time not over 2,899 encoirdenda Indians in the entire Santiago district. In all of Chile, there were no more than 5,000 Indians still serving in encomiendas One particular encoinienda of 1,500 Indians, that had been granted to Ines de Suarez in 1546, contained only 800 in 1579,47 These Indians no longer v/ere plentiful enough for agricultural work and gradually a new "pay for labor" class was formed to take the place of the encomienda. It was comprised of the Indians involved in personal service, mestizos, who followed the cultural patterns of their Indian mothers, and enslaved Araucanian Indians who were captured in the fighting in the south. This new class was known as the Inquilinos who are still cultivating the central valley to this day. These people v/ere distinguished from the encom.ienda Indians because they lived on their master's estancias. They had certain rights including 200 days per year for their own personal labor plus a special piece of land for their own crops. In addition, they were paid for their work on the Lord's estancia, and one out of every four was appointed as overseer. This system proved superior to the encom.ienda, which degenerated, lost its Indian population, and finally was abolished near the end of the 18th century.^8

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.78 Despite the development of the encomienda system in Chile and the creation of large landed estates originally utilizing forced labor, the essential capitalistic nature of the Chilean colonial economy has long been ignored. Afterall, even the encomienda system was nothing more than a measure designed to harness cheap labor for sustainment and ultimately the world capitalist market. The passing of the encomienda system occurred primarily because it was 49 uneconomical. Moreover, as Jay Kinsbruner points out in his Chile : A Historical Interpretatio n, the capitalistic system in Chile was spurred during the colonial period — especially during the end of the 16th and during the 17th centuries — because land was continually being subdivided and ownership increased. For example, the original five estates bounded by the Perquilauquen, Loncomilla, and the Maule Rivers and the Andes had been joined by 40 additional estates by the end of the 17th century. Of these 40, only 13 contained more than 4,000 acres. Additionally, these estates were made up of more arable land than the original five, so this SO was not even a consideration of the sub-division process. One further consideration about the control of economic activity was the fact that the mayorazgos living in the country never exerted much influence or political pressure on Santiago during the early colonial period, simply because most of the economic activity was in Santiago and its environs and not on the large estates.

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79 ikccordingly the urban-dweriing encomiendero-hacendado bourgeoise-raerchants rainers ^ small manufacturers, some government bureaucrats, and professional people, were the persons most interested in stable government and rule by law. These men, in fact, became the backbone of the Chilean economy after the military had secured the area. They were also instrumental in Chile for creating an urban social middle class based more on economics than en birth. During the period ^f 1540-1565 in Santiago, they also appear to be more racially tolerant than their counterparts in Mexico and Peru. Perhaps, this situation was caused by necessity, however, rather than mentality. In any case, the bourgeoise played a significant role in the development of the colony from the very beginning. First, there was Martinez's partnership with Valdivia. Then, there was the rapid establishment of tlie central market in Santiago. As Kinsbruner relates, moreover, as early as 1543, the first ship to arrive in the colony from Peru, contained not only military hardware for Valdivia, but also a consignment of civilian goods destined for the • Santiago market. The second ship carried only goods for sale.-^-^ There were many notable entrepreneurs among the original settlers. Some will be discussed at length in a later chapter. Suffice it to say here, however, that it is worth mentioning Antonio Nunez de Fonseca, who founded

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80 the shipbuilding and fishing industry in the colony, and Juan Jufre", v/ho owned a flour mill and cloth factory in S anti ago These men exercised influence far beyond their logical means and structured social status because they were able to ejcert their influence on the comraerce between Santiago and Lima. Because Santiago was the collection and distribution point for goods to be exported and goods to be distributed among the first settlers, obviously the men controlling this commerce would be dominant in political life. This was especially true in the Santiago area where the encomiendas were dispersed and the Crovm exerted little political control. These men or their fam.ilies later augmented their influence and control through a kinship network (compadrazgo) which will be discussed later.

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NOTES ^ James Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda: The Evolution of the Great Estate in the Spanish Indies," Hispanic Ameri can Hist o rical Review ,, Vol, 49 (August 19 69) p. 411. ^Galdames od. cit p. 79. %arros Arana, 0£. cit Vol. 1, p.. 144. ^Eugene H. Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonia l Chile : The Struggle for Social Justice, 1535-1700 (Star ford, 1968) p. 24. ^lanuel Salvat Monguillot, "El regimen de encomiendas en los primeros tiempos de la conquista,'' Revista Chilena de His tori a y Geografia No. 132, 1964, p. 57. ^Pedro Marino de Lobera, Cronica del Reino de Chile Coleccic^n de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 6 (Santiago, 1855) p. 72. "^Encina, Historia de Chile Vol. 1, p. 395. ^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile p. 25. ^Crecente Errazuriz, His t oria de Chile. D on Garcia de Mendoza, 155 7-1561 (Santiago, 1914), 56. See also J. Solorzano Pereira, Politica Indian a (Madrid, 1930), Vol. 3, p. 135. -^^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile p. 25. l-'-Douglas-Irvine 02_, cit p. 474. •-^McBride, op_. cit p. 71. ^-^Lockhart "Encomienda and Haciend^ '' p. 420. -'-'^Crecente Errazuriz, H istoria de Chile. Don Garcia de Mendoza, 15 57-1561 pp. 443-444. -^^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco de Villagra, 1561-15 6 3 (Santiago, 1914'} pp. 88-89.

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82 16 Barros Arana, 0£. cit Vol, 1, p. 248. ^^Korth, op, cit f p. 30. '-^Galdames op. cit., p. 88. ^^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563 p. 91, 20 Jay Kinsbruner, Chile: A Historic al Interpretation (New York, 1973), p. 9. ^^Korth, o£. cit p. 32. 22Encina, Historia de Chile Vol. 1, p. 39 8; Vol. 3, p. 71. 2-^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia de Men doza, 1557-1561, pp 4 2 ^ ^3 8: His toria de Chile. Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563 pp. 70--'9 3. 2^Encina, Historia de Chile Vol. 1, p. 402, ^^Aivaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile p. 22. 2^Korth, o£. cit p. 25. 2'^Doiningo Amunategui Solar, Formac io n de la naciona lidad chilena (Santiago, 19 43) p. 12. Amunategui describes the mitaraaes as small colonics of Inca Indians who had replaced the local leadership during the 15th Century Inca invasion.' By the time the Spaniards had arrived in the country, hov/ever, intermarriage with the local' inhabitants had occurred. Vicuna Mackenna, H istoria social y critica de Santiago, pp. 18-19. 2^George M. McBride, Chi l e: Land and Society (New York, 1971) pp. 72-74. 30 / Domingo Amunategui Solar, Las enc omiendas de in digenas en Chile (Santiago, 1910), Vol. 2, p. 73. 31lbid.. Vol. 2, p. 8. ,, 32iyi(-.Bride, o£. cit pp. 90-95, ^ Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda," p. 414. 34ibid. p. 415.

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83 ^^Ibid, p. 416. 36ibid.> pp. 4 20-421. 37 Robert Keith, '''Encomienda, Hacienda and Corregimento in Spanish America: A Structural Analysis,'' Hispanic Americ an Historical Review Vol. 51 (Aug. 19 71), p. 432. ^^ Ibid p, 446. 30 -^Encma, His tori a de Chile Vol, 1, pp. 396-397. ^^McBride, op. cit p. 110. '^ ^Douglas -Irvine, op. cit p. 480. ^^Ibid. p. 481. "^^Ibid. p. 484. 44ibid. ^%cBride, 0£, cit., p. 75. ^^Korth, 0£. cit pp. 25-26. ^^Douglas-Irvine, o£. cit. p. 492. "^^orth, o£. cit p. 113. "^^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y socie d ad en Chile p. 18. ^^Kinsbruner, o£. cit. p. 15. IM^" P18. See also Vernon, 0£. cit pp. 108109 52 Alvaro Jara, Guerra y so c iedad en Chi le, p. 18.

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CHAPTER IV SANTIAGO Anyone who has flown over or traveled overland from northern Chile to the Central Valley is certainly avrare of the rugged terrain and geographical inconsistency of the land. The small fertile valleys, for instance, quickly give way to barren, arid, hills, and the lush vegetation is transformed into scrub growth. Only in the vicinity of Santiago does the great panorama open to a wide fertile valley dominated by the hills of Santa Lucia and San Cristobal. With the towering Andes in the background, it makes a fantastic setting. This surely was the scene that enraptured Valdivia when he arrived at Huelen in 15 41. He comm.ented, "This land is such that one can live and prosper. There is no better place in the world. '' Of course, it must be remembered that most of the conquerors were from, the Castillian meseta where according to an old French expression, "there are eight months of winter and four of hell,"-'The only problem for the Spaniards was that the Mapocho Valley was already inhabited by approximately 10,000 Indians v/ho were not anxious to be displaced by the newcomers. In fact, according to the old historian, Alonso Gongora Marmolejo, approxim,ately four thousand warriors actually fought against the Spaniards in the Santiago 84

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85 area — a number indicating nearly complete manpovi-er mobilization.'In any case, the total nuxiiber of people lander the jurisdiction of the new Spanish city of Santiago in 1541 was probably less than 20,000, and included 136 Spaniards, approximately 6,000 Peruvian yanaconas and the rest native Chileans. These natives, as explained earlier, spoke mostly Quechua, were engaged mostly in agricultural pursuits and food gathering, and lived in their primitive rucas along stream banks. There was a small settlement in the area named Huelen after the hill that dominated the region. Valdivia stated in one letter to the King that he had been entertained by these natives in a large house containing many doors. The existence of such a building cannot be denied, but it must have been a central meeting place because all of the other buildings were of poor quality. The principal Indian chiefs of the area were Colima, Lampa, Batacura, Apoquindo Cerrillos de Apochame, Talagante, Melipilla, Milacura, and Huara-Huara. The importance of the Santa Lucia hill to the Spaniards can easily be seen by any visitor to Santiago. Located at that time between two branches of the Mapocho River, it formed a natural refuge against Indian attacks. (The size and area of the hill has been markedly reduced through the years. The rocks and stones were used to build houses and streets in the city when there was no longer a need for protection.)

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86 In addition to this strategic consideration, Valdivia was merely following the Spanish government's interest in city planning and Charles V*s 152 3 law prescribing the conditions for laying out new cities. First, the new towns were to be located near water, building materials, pasture lands, and firewood. Second, cities were to be located in moderate altitudes. Places siiject to fog or located near swamps were to be avoided. In addition, the area was expected to have clean air and, as a precaution, "all dirty and smelly businesses'' were to be located on the. outskirts of tov/n.-' Once the site had been chosen, the most suitable place for the central plaza was picked. The street plan was then laid out from the plaza -in a checker-board pattern devised by Pedro de Garaboa, the city's first surveyor. The plaza was located several hundred yards in front of Santa Lucia between the Mapocho and Canada Rivers. (The Canada has since dried up and has been covered by the boulevard Alameda.) Originally, eight streets ran north to south between the rivers; and ten ran from east to west along the slope of Santa Lucia. Each block measured exactly 138 yards in each direction, and v/as subdivided into four lots; thus allowing all of Valdivia 's soldiers to have a lot or solar on v/hich he could build a house. It appears from the original plot that the most important citizens were to occupy the streets running north to south because these

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37 received the night breezes and had a better distribution of Bun and shade. Of course, a home located near the plaza was the most desiresible. The rapid and constant flow of both rivers, along v/ith the primitive aqueduct system, formed a fairly efficient supply of drinking and irrigation water, as well as a relatively v/orkable waste removal system. Vicuna Makenna comments that the disposal system of old Santiago v/ould have been the envy of any city in Europe. It remained as such until population pressures forced people to move upstream from Santa Lucia and consequently fouled the water. For the most part, the original street names of the city have been forgotten because they v/ere only identifiable as the home of the first great men of the city. General practice in all Spanish colonial cities initially was to identify the solar or street lots by the inhabitants name. It is known, however, that present day Estado Street was always known as Rei Street before the v/ar for independence After the first citizens of the city had died, many streets were named after the more illustrious coBquistadores such as Valdivia and Ahumada, saints, principle buildings, and 7 metals such as Gold Street, Silver Street, etc. The first homes were constructed of logs and straw. Following the Indian attack in 1542, however, a kind of adobe-like material was concocted and used to prevent widespread distruction by fire. Valdivia also increased the

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88 city's protection by constructing an adobe wall around trie interior nine blocks surrounding the central plaza. All traces of this wall have disappeared with time, however, and there is still some question regarding its exact location. All that is knov/n for certain is that it was located in the vicinity of the present Plaza de Armas. Regardless of the exact location, v/e do know, that Valdivia emplaced the church stone that he had carried with him from Cuzco in the junction of two of the walls. The first church was, thus, located facing the plaza and was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Valdivia 's own house — the first permanent home in the city — was built in May 1542 up against the fort's opposite wall facing the church,^ Apparently, subsequent buildings housing Captain Generals and Presidents of the Republic were built on the same spot after the original structure was destroyed. The other solares that faced the plaza were distributed among the principal pobladores such as Juan Juf re whose two-story building became one of the better known in the city, and that belonging to Antonio de Pastrana which was later given to the Church as the Archbishop's residence. These houses were still essentially rude dwellings. In fact, it is reported that Francisco de Villagra's house originally did not have any doors. The rest of the blocks were divided into eight solares — four on each side of the streets that ran east

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89 to west. The houses of the early aristocracy were grouped in this area and v/ere surrounded by the shacks of their servant yanaconas. Soldiers and men of lesser rank were, forced to live farther away from the plaza in camps near the dehesa or common ground. -'--'No matter what his social status was, however, the individual Spaniard was virtually king within his solar. All of his slaves, concubines, and yanaconas lived within the enclosure. These people were by necessity dedicated to the success of their master — after-all their livelihood was dependent on him. Within the solar they tended his animals and took care of all of his needs, ^ On the other hand, urbanization of this kind had its drawbacks because the servants could no longer live off the land as they had during the trek from Cuzco, and the master was hard pressed to provide for so many eager mouths. Eventually^ the situation got so bad in the city, in fact, that the the population concentration began to cause health problem,s. An ordinance v/as passed by the cabildo as early as 1550 directing the citizens to get rid of at least half of their servants and keep the rest away from the front of the houses. In 1554, a charge of tv/o pesos for each infraction was levied to put teeth onto the lav;.-'-"^ Other city problems are easily discernible from the cabildo records. For instance, the population concentration of Indians, Negroes, and mestizos in the city led to K. -*te l,.!— l-i, -iiMJ> H .e< -H

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90 the la'-v restricting water rigrits to the Spaniards — all others could be whipped for violating the law. The safekeeping of horses v/as also of primary importance in the city and laws were passed to ensure their protection. In 1549, it was decreed that any Indian who shot a breeding mare with a bow and arrow was to be beheaded, -^^ Although these early laws were directed against the Indians and Negroes, life in Santiago was not especially pleasant for anyone. Food prices, although regulated very early by the cabildo, were very high. The people lived primarily on some form of corn, and not until 1555 were vegetables and wine available in large quantities. The cabildo authorized the establishment of butcher shops in town in 1549, but all failed because the farms, for the most part, consumed their ov;n meat and could not provide any for market for many years. Wood cutting was regulated, and after July 1549, no one was allowed to chop down a tree without permission from the Governor.-'-^ During the first days of the colony, manual labor -— artisan type work — was done by the soldiers. Santiago had, amiong its military ranks, men who were capable of shoemaking, tailoring, carpentry. The town blacksmith was particularly indispensible because he was alvzays needed to repair military equipm.ent, shoe horses, and construct agricultural and mining tools. Prices for this work were set by the cabildo and initially were very high. Subsequently,

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91 prices were reduced as the number of capable artisans increased from iiTiiTvigration. For example, in 1553 for tailoring a cloak, the cost v/as two and a half pesos, for a jacket, two pesos, for a robe, eight, shoes were five pesos, etc.-^ The number of skilled v7orkers was augmented later by mestizo trainees. In fact, industrial work in the colony almost passed completely to mestizos and Indians. ^"^ By 1556, the number of artisans was such that the guild system that was prevalent in Europe was fully established in Santiago. 1^ In 1549, when Valdivia began his southern campaign, the citizens of Santiago requested that some blacksmiths remain in town. Valdivia ordered three to remain — two in town and one at the mines of Marga-Marga. In 1553, however, only one smith resided permanently in Santiago and he, wanting to leave town, was ordered by the cabildo to remain. Obviously, most of the blacksmitlis enjoyed the action and furor of Indian battles to the every day activity of shoeing horses in Santiago. ^^ In July 1552, a public market was established in the town plaza. Apparently, the idea was resisted by the Indians who were accustomed to unregulated barter, but the cabildo ordered goods to be sold at the market. Transactions, moreover, were to be conducted in gold that had been authorized and minted as official currency in 1549, The Indians, therefore, were faced with two problems:

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92 they had very little gold at their disposal, and they were not allowed to sell a Spanish manufactured product. They ended up by selling foodstuffs and artifacts for low prices The Spanish view of the market was that it restored tradition, was beneficial to the economy, and was useful for public administration and commerce. ^0 The Indians resisted the Santiago market days also at first because it was so alien to their culture. Their necessities had alv/ays been at a minimum, and they were able to live without any innovations the market offered. As a consequence, the cabildo frequently renewed the orders directing the vecinos to send two Indians to the market to sell goods. The Indian resistance, in the end, succumbed to this town ordinance because the market place became the meeting place and cultural center. ^-'^ Justice in the city was administered by the various alcaldes, who were at first designated by Governor Valdivia and later appointed by the cabildo. In 1549, Valdivia named a high court judge for the whole province of Chile who served as a reviewing officer for all sentences administered by the various alcaldes. Later, the Governor came into conflict with this judge and had him removed from office. The administration of justice in most cases, thus, reverted to the local officials with no option for review. ^^ Important legal questions, however, could be reviewed by the Governor and by the Audiencia in Lima.

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93 The offices of the cabildo were permanently housed in 155 2;, and the first public jail was erected in the same year. A stone column v/as constructed in the plaza and served as a symbol of the cabildo 's jurisdiction. Heads of executed criminals were exliibited on this column and piiblic whippings were conducted under its shadow. According to the cabildo documents Indians and Negroes were punished nearly every day. The laws were particularly strict on Indian conduct. The natives were not allowed to gather for meetings and drunkenness was prohibited within the city limits. The cabildo was particularly obsessed with trying to eliminate the use of alcoholic beverages. Many deaths and crim.es were attributed to this "social curse," and special constables were appointed to police fiestas and arrest offenders. These "criminals" were publicly whipped. ^-^ Nobody knov/s for sure if the Indians predisposition for alcoholic beverages occurred before or after the arrival of the Spaniards. Intoxicants were always available to the Indians, but there is no record of their use. It is known, however, that Indian military victories over -the Spaniards were marked by several days of revelry in which everyone drank a beer-like concoction to excess and committed atrocities on the captives. ^ The situation v/as so bad by 1551 that the Santiago cabildo established a curfew and prohibited any Spanish-speaking Indian or Negro

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94 or any other Indians or Negroes from being on the streets after dark. Those violating the curfew were sentenced to o r. receive 100 lashes m the public square. -^ In addition to the administration of justice, the cabildo took action to regulate transportation within the colony and to Peru. It was always of primary importance to maintain communication lines with Lima, but the haphazard comings and goings of yanaconas and their masters proved to be inefficient. In 1554, the first organized postal service was instituted. The cabildo also announced that the mail was inviolate and that offenders would have their right hand chopped off.-^^ In general, these harsh laws reflected the Spaniards' view of the Indians as being untrustvv'orthy and aiaimals incapable of correction. Government leaders' statements and cabildo documents reflect this spirit. Indian traditions, which were offensive to the Spaniards — particularly the old religions, were vigorously opposed and persecuted. The 7 7 old priests and sorcerers were jailed or killed. Indians were beaten for minor law infractions or were beheaded for petty theft. They were forced to carry cargo from Santiago to Lirt\a as beasts of burden. They were uprooted and relocated on the various encomiendas as agricultural workers, or in the mines as laborers. The hard work they were subjected to brought about rapid depopulation. In fact, their demise was so quick that both Spaniards and Indians thought

PAGE 101

95 that the n^diTLerous deait.h3 v/"ere caused by e.vLl spirits. An acuerdo of the caJDildc in January 1552 mads an official incnii:ry into the possible murder of large numbers of Indians by an evil force. There was a small number of Negroes in the country from the very beginning. Laws, initially at least, dealt more harshly with them than with the Indians, Negroes v/ere not allov/ed on the street after they were the target of a curfew in 15 49 under penalty of whipping or having a hand cut off. They were also prohibited from carrying arm.s or serving as servants to -the Indians. In general, however, tjae Negroes adapted more readily to the Spanish system, 3zid f because of their sm.all numbers, were m.ore easily assimilated. Negroes, more often than not, did net v7ork_in' the fields but were destined for domiestic service for the Spanish fcim.ilies. On some occasions they v/ent to war as armor bearers or as aides to their m.asters. They, also became street venders (criers), executioners, and lesser officials of the public admdnistration. Negro slaves continued to suffer indignities, however, and by 1577, the penal code for Negroes as applied to runav/ays slaves bearing unauthorized arrn,^ drunkeiiness and rob-bery, included v/nippxng, cuttrng off a foot, and, or death." During Valdivia's term, as governor, more than 1,000 imjTigra_nts passed through or settled in Chile. In the first ye-ars of Santiago, however, rhe permanent Spanish' ':

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96 c5-ti2enry conprisad seventy Captains and soldiers, three priests, txv^o ip.onks and one Spanish woman, Valdivia, .in fact;, was alv^ays afraid of a iriass Spanish exodus from the colony, and consequently, overlooked the fact that m^any Spaniards never petitioned for residency or citizenship. As previously mentioned, Valdivia in 1552, denied a petition from the procurador of Santiago that cited the unlawful resideace of several people in. the city. He vvrote to the cabildo his obstinant refusal to allow any Spaniard, regardless of the citizenship question, to leave the colony v7ithout his personal permission. Moreover, in order to make future imjnigration more attractive, he began to issue solar concessions to artisans and other workers. These new cxtizens were called raoradores. .. • The daily life of the colony was rather grim, in the early years and certainly any attraction v/as necessary to increase immigration. There v;-ere fev/ children in the tov/n. *The women, mostly Indians, did not participate in meaningful social entertainm.ent, and family life was practically nonexistent. "^^le day weis spent in looking for and preparing food. At night there was a church service in the' paris,h. house, but afte.r-.7ard the -s'treets 'were dase.rted except for the alcalde and his night watch patrol."^It VJas said, in fact, that Juah Pinel corrimitted suicide in 1549 — the first in Santiago -because he w^as bored with life. 33

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97 TJi3 city-s greatest problenV in the beginning v/as its extreme poverty. Despite the introduction of the -.rriarketplace, there was still not enough money in circulation to make the venture worthwhile. Fines for committing lesser crimes were worked off through labor rather than in a cash payments For example, in 1552, two carpenters, who were charged with cutting wood without a permit, were ordered to install some doors, a window, and build some benches for the cabildo office as their penalty.-^'* It is probable that this penal labor was utilized to construct the first bridge over the Mapocho River in 1556."^^ Despite this poverty, however, the political scene was mostly calm under Valdivia's leadership. One plot by the infamous Sancho de Hoz was ended with the culprits' execution. After that, Valdivia was never seriously challenged. Following the Governor's death in 1553, however, an end to strong one-man rule occurred. Immediately, a dispute erupted among Francisco de Aguirre, Rodrigo de Quiroga, and Francisco de Villagra over who would succeed to the governor's office. Aguirre was the best military man in the colony. He had been active in the discovery and settlement of Tucuman, and was presently living in La Serena on the coast, Quiroga was elected, at least as temporary governor, by the Santiago cabildo primarily because he was in residence. He was, however, one of the most popular men in the colony, Villagra, the m.ost blood-thirsty of the lot.

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98 was engaged in military operations in the south against the Araucanians, Ultimately, he would be victorious over the other pretenders fifhen he heard the news of Valdivia's death, Villagra, who had the official title of Captain General and Justicia Mayor of Concepcion, Contines and Valdivia, rode to Santiago vj-ith his men. The city, because it was loyal to Quiroga, was prepared to resist the southern intruders. The citizens followed Quiroga's wishes, however, and greeted Villagra warmly and without trouble. The Captain apparently assisted his cause by campaigning among the soldiers camped in the city and paid them off with money and favors. ^ In the end, Quiroga's patience was successful* Villagra, realizing that his property and Indians were in the south anyway, did not press any demands on the city other than requesting assistance for the war.-^^ Scarcely had the Quiroga-Villagra confrontation been settled peacefully, however, when Aguirre sent his son Hernando and sixteen soldiers as emissaries to the city. Hernando attempted to post his soldiers at the parish house, but Villagra and his 200 veterans were too much for the little band which was disarmed, Franciso Aguirre was angered by this turn of events and rode to Santiago to confront Villagra, The old priest Gonzalez Marmolejo intervened at this point, however, and the disputants were obliged to have their argument arbitrated by the Real Audiencia of Lima."*^

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99 As a consequence of the settlement, the two rivals raturaed to their respective camps — Aguirre to La Serena and Villagra to the southern war zone. Finally, the Crown acted by ignoring the local competition and named Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, only twenty years old, as Valdivia's successor. Villagra graciously accepted the decision in public, but according to his letters, bitterly resented his humilitation in private. Villagra had more important things to do, however, than to fight for the leadership of the colony. Lautaro and his band had attacked Pocoa, killed several Spaniards, and were now threatening Santiago itself. In April, Villagra and his 106 Spanish soldiers and 400 Indian friends located Lautaro 's camp near Mataquito, Losses on both sides were enormous during the ensuing battle, but Lauraro's 42 death ended the immediate threat to Santiago. Don Garcra (1557-1561) the son of the Peruvian Viceroy, meanwhile, took over the reins of governmentHe journeyed from Lima to Santiago, but stayed there for only a fev/ days. In fact, much to the displeasure of the Santiago citizenry, Don Garci^a did not return to the old capital during the first three years of his government,'*^ Santiago, thus, was the capital of the colony in name only. In reality, the real power resided with the army in the south. Don Garcia, in any case, preferred to stay with his soldiers rather than remain encamped in comfort. •>~*t"Mi;.^r— •. "AJ*.— L_rW.J^yy.--St*iC:-

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100 As a consequence of this life-'Style, Concepcion became the real seat of governinent. Santiago was the capital from 1541 uatil 1565, V7hen King Philip II decided to install an audiencia in Concepcion. It was formerly located there in 1557, btit only remained until 1575, From that time until 1609, tie Audiencia of Santiago was preeminent. 45 Wfeen Don Garcxa finally returned to Santiago, he met his constituents in the parish house — still the only stone building in the city. Spanish troops moving to the front in the south also quartered in the city from time to time, but that is as close to political and military action that Santiago came. Pedro Cortes Monroi, in his letters, noted tiat his detachment of 500 soldiers arrived in Santiago at about the same time as the new governor. Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that from the time of Don Garcia until the end of the century, the problems of 49 Santxago were secondary to the war. Following Don Garcia' s recall in 1561, Francisco de Villagra was able to gain the governorship. He held the post only briefly, however, as he died in Concepcion in 1563.,^' During his tenure in office, Santiago continued to decline in political importance. In 156 3, however, the Santiago citizenry were almost back in the thick of fighting when an Indian advance threatened areas near the city. The danger finally passed, and life in the city re49 turned to normal. In the meantime, Pedro de Villagra J-B*>L<*^*jilliAJi1MMkt*(>**-

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. 101 succeeded to his fath.er.''s position, and continued to press the offensive in the south until 1565 when he was recalled SO by the Peruvian Viceroy. Meanwhile, back in Santiago, Rodrigo. de Quiroga (1565—1567) also learned the virtue of patience as he too was given the opportunity to be governor. The popular Quiroga should be considered as the true civil founder of the city as he did much to end the military encampment 51 • *' Ixfestyle. Vicuna Mackenna comments that Quiroga' s stamp was on everything pertinent to the life of the city including the economic and social activities. During Quiroga 's brief leadership of the colony, the extent of his belief in democratic participation in local government can be seen in the fact that the cabildo met 75 times, whereas under Valdivia's twelve-year tenure, it met 156 times, '^ Quiroga was recalled to Lima in 156 7, and the Real Audiencia of Concepcion was created with Don Melchor Bravo de Saravia as the President of the Tribunal from 1568 until 1575. The tribunal was ultimately succeeded by another Quiroga administration, but that development is beyond the limits of this study. Meanwhile, to return to non-political developments in the Santiago area, a gold discovery was made north of the city at Choapa in 1557. With the unveiling of these riches., the colony experienced a mini-economic boom and was able to make some significant economdc improvements. Most IMAgJu; 'x\ii--!*j*,f. M -^— **^;^*Cfe^lV| -F-'Ciit*HfcWlBl"

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10 2 of tb.e Tfloney was used to increase the domestic cattle herds in the Santiago area. In fact, it was estimated that 2/000 cows were imported in 155 8 alone. By 1556, a great npmber of cattle buyers were already located in the city because production v/as greater than the colony's need and some supplies could be exported. Despite the increased supply of meatf hov/ever, there was still no official meat market in the city iintil 1567, and even then fresh meat was only available twice a week. At the same time as meat production was increasing, wheat and other grains were produced in greater quantities also. By 15 75, in fact, wheat was being exported to Peru. All of the farms in the Santiago area had increased production, and Chile's fame as a fertile agricultural land was spreading, ^^ Meanwhile, other services in the city were either being improved or were increasing. The first pharmacy was opened by Francisco Bilbao in 1557, and the cabildo promptly passed a law prohibiting doctors from owning pharmacies The law was enacted because there were so many medical charlatans coming into the colony. ^^ A doctor named Castro is acknowledged as being the first physician in the colony in 1551. He was reportedly hired to staff the city hospital founded by Governor Valdivia,^'^ In reality, there was no permanent doctor in the city to staff it until 1566. The great local scandal during

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10 3 these early years thus proved to be the many medical quacks that tried to pass themselves off as doctors, ^^ The Spanish were very much concerrxed with educating their children — whether mestizo or pure Spanish. Again, the colony's poverty at first prohibited local subsidation of mass education. Children were tutored in the Spanish language, however, and girls received instruction in cooking and sewing while their brothers learned weaponry. ^^ The first attempt to organize higher education occurred in 1567, when the Church petitioned the Crown to establish a seminary in Imperial. The idea was rejected, however, because the Crown felt that Imperial was too close to the fighting against the Indians. The first school in Santiago, m.eanwhile, was organized by the mestizo parish priest, Juan Bias, who located his gramrr^ar school within the cathedral. ^^ Spanish women began to arrive in the colony in the 50s to join the illustrious Ines de Suarez. Dona Ines had already been presiding over the social life of the city and had instructed many Indian and mestiza m.aidens in the finer things in life. These girls had already been integrated into Spanish society. Among the new arrivals was Marina de Gaete, Pedro Valdivia's widow, and her sister Dona Catalina. These women V7ere very active in Church affairs, and were probably instrumental in originating the cult of the Virgin de la Soledad in the city.^-'"

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104 Overall, life in Santiago could best be described as simple -— almost primitive with few happy diversions. The Spaniards arrived in the country with their culture, but the war and the problems involved in day to day living did not allow for culture refinements There were diversions such as fiesta days, however, and, of course, no one worked on Sunday. On these occasions, the women of the city dressed in their best clothes, particularly different colored velvets. Furniture was also improved and the few rude pieces of the early days were replaced to hand crafted productions. Music was also brought from Spain an-d Peru and was quickly adopted and modified by the mestizo majority. Indian music or an adaptation was revived and also used for entertainment. Despite these overall improvements, however, the best estimate is that even at the end of the century, there were only 170 houses in the city. The population estimate is that there were not more than 500 Spaniards and more than 2,000 mestizos and Indians. In 1575, the Spanish population was obviously less, although about 2,500 Spaniards had presumably passed through the city on the way to the front, ^ In any case, Santiago was still classified as a poor city even at the close of the century. Materially, it was reported to be inferior to the little city of Melipilla.^S Even Alonso Gonzales de Na3era complained in 160 7 that, although Santiago had

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10 5 many beautiful houses, it still resembled a military camp with all of the soldiers stationed there. Thus, as the first thirty years of the city's existence drew to a close, there was no longer any doubt in the minds of the citizenry that the city would survive. The death of Quiroga in 15 80 v/as considered to be a calamity by many of the old timers, but civil law and order had been firmly established and the process of development could not be reversed. Social problems were the next consideration, and these will be discussed in the next chapter. il'V!.WM'.l.wi^SS

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106 NOTES -^Encina, Hi storia de Chile Vol. 1, p. 40 4. "Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de Santiago p. 16. ^Valdivia to Carlos V, September 25, 1551, reprinted in VicuKa Mackenna, Ibid pp. 20-22. 4 ^Eberhardt, o£_. cit p. 55. %illiam L. Schurz, This New World; Th e Civilization of Latin America (Nev/ York, 19 64) p. 343. Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de S anti ago p. 2 7. "^Ibid. p. 28. ^Ibid. p. 29. •^Tomas Thayer Ojeda, 'Santiago durante el siglo XVI, constitucion de la propiedad urbana y noticias biograficas de sus primeros pobladores, Anales d e la Universidad de Chile No. 116 (Santiago, 1905), p, 26. ^Ibid. p. 27. 11 McBride, op_. cit. p. 63. ^^Ibid. p. 74. '•^Ibid. p. 72. 14 Barros Arana, op. ci t Vol. 1, p. 121. """^Ibid. Vol. 1, pp, 121-12 2. Julio Alemparte, L a regulacic^n econoniica en Chile durante la colonia (Santiago, 1937) p. 7. I'^Ibid, p. 29. 1 8 Barros Arana, o£, cit Vol. 1, p. 12 4. l^Ibid. Vol. 1, p. 125. *it^ d R t^Htf3l ^ '^ (f *i-fty

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107 ^^Alemparte, La reguiacio n economica;. p. 40. Barros Arana, og_, x cit Vol. 1, p. 129, '^^Ibid. Vol. 1, p. 139. ^^Encina, His tori a de Chile Vol. 2, pp. 242-243, 24 r Crecente Errazuriz, H istoria de Chile. Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563 p. 30"oT 25, Barros Arana, 0£, ci_t p. 140. Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, La evolucion social deChile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1906), p. 363." 27 Enema, Hxs toria de Chxle Vol. 2, p. 244. 2 8 Barros Arana, og_. cit. Vol, 1, p. 145. 29 Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 248-249. ^^Ibid. Vol. 1, p. 144. -^-'-Viciina Mackenna, Histor ia s ocial y critica de Santiago p. 73. "^ ^^Ibid. p. 74. i^^Eberhardt, o£. cit p. 112.' 34 Vicu?Ia Mackenna, Historia social y critica de Santiago p. 75. ^^Barros Arana, 0£. cit. Vol. 1, pp. 122-123. 36 Encina, Historia de Chile Vol. 2, p. 25 8. ^'Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin go bernador, 155 4-15 5 7, pp. 9-11. 3 8 /" Miguel Luis Amunategui Descubrimiento y conquista de Chile (Santiago, 1862), pp. 353-356. 39 y •^^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin gob ernador, 1554-155 7 pp. 10 7-110. "^Qlbid., pp. 211-223; 327-347. '*-'Amunategui, Descubrimiento y conquista de Chile pp. 357-36 3. ^"^ ^^

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10 8 Pedro de Cordoba y Figueroa, His tor i a de Chile ?"2iof'''^-'' ^^ His tori adores de ChileTvSTr'r'lsSHtriiS',' 1852) pp. 90-95. 43 • Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia de_Me ndo2a, 1557 -15 61, p. 452T" ^^ ^— — ^44 y Alonso de Gongora Mamiolejo, Hi storia d e Chile gesjg_el descubrimiento hasta e l ano 15 75 {Col^U^i^rTde Historxadores de Chile, Vol. 2)"'~(slHtI"ii^, 1862), pp. 66-73. 45 C.H. Haring, The Spanish Em pire in America (New York, 1947), p. 88. ^' — — 46 ^ Domingo Amunategui Solar, Un solad ado de la conquista de Chile (Santiago, 189 sT,' p. 5". 4 7„ Frias, o£. cijt pp. 79-80, „.,,^^^^^^te Errazuriz, Historia de Chile Francisco de Villaqra, 156 1-156 3, pp. 1-3 7. 49; Frias, a£_. cit pp. 79-80 'ibid. p. 455 50 51 Enema, Historia de Chile Vol. 2, p. 184. Vicuna Mackenna, Historia s ocial y critica de Santiago p. 94. "~ """^ — 53„ •Frias, op. cit p. 81. See also Gongora Marmolejo, Histo ria__de_Chile pp. 16 6-171. Saravia followed his predecessors by basing his government in Concepcion. 54 Barros Arana op. cit.. Vol. 1, p. 120. tr c Vicuna Mackenna, Hi storia social y critica de Santiago, p. 9 7. Barros Arana, o£. cijt. Vol. 1 pp 141-142. Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del ^||^£OJ-la intelectual^de_Chil_e, 154lTr810 (Santiago, 19 03), p. 423. ^ — 5 8 ^. ^ .l^id.; pp. 421-428. See also Vicuna Mackenna, Historia s ocial y critica de Santiago p, / 59 Enema, Histo ria de Chile Vol. 2, p. 2 76

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109 ^Ibid., p. 277. Vicuna Mackenna ; Kis toria social y critica de S antiago p, 10 4. r— .-r— -r^^Encina, His tori a de Chile Vol. 2, pp. 252-257. ^^ ibid p. 247. "^Domingo Amunategui Solar, Formacion de la nacionalidad chilena (Santiago, 19 43), p. Tl. "-•Domingo Amunategui Solar, La socieda d de Santiago en el siglo diez y siete (Santiago, 1937), p. 53. Gonzalez de Najera, o£. cit. p. 12.

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CHAPTER V RACE R£L/\TIONS : GENERAL Although politics and economics certainly have a place in Chilean colonial history, the greatest single factor affecting the development of the country was the interaction of people — particularly the creation of a mestizo society from the original Spanish and Indian base. As an intro. duction to this phenomenon, certain definitions have to be derived so that a useful discussion can be conducted. Magnus Moerner's Race Mixture in the History of Latin America is the classic study in the field of race relations and his terminology is an excellent introduction for this chapter. According to Moerner, the m.ost important definition is that of the word race. Properly speaking, he says, the word race should be reserved to designate one of the great divisions of mankind sharing well-defined characteristics, or populations characterized by the frequency in which certain genes appear. Since the physical appearance may partly reflect the environment, the hereditary composition of the genotype is what matters. We have already seen the differentiation of the racial characteristics of Spaniards and Indians in earlier chapters. Moerner continues that miscegenation or race mixture in itself is really of limited interest. Its only importance lies in its intimate relationship with two social 110

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Ill processes: acculturation, the mixture of cultural elements, and assiiralation, or the absorption of one people into another's culture. Miscegenation, therefore, could occur rather easily. Wh.at is really important, however, is the degree of acculturation and assimilation that occurred between the races. This factor would lead to either a predominantly mestizo culture in some areas, or one that 2 was separately Spanish and Indxan rn others. The adjustment of the "mixed blood mestizo'' to the environment and the acceptance of him by the ruling class became another factor. In this case, one measuring stick of mestizo acceptance or the degree of discrimination against him is the scale of vertical social mobility. One vrould expect, therefore, to find less social discrimination in a social climate that accepted mestizos according to their class of origin — their birthright,"^ This was certainly true in Chile for the period 1540 to 1575, and was probably also a fact at least in the beginning of most of the other colonies These definitions and thoughts aside, let us turn to the conquest of the New World itself — in general racial terminology, the conquest of indigeneous women. From the very beginning of this process Spanish and Portuguese chroniclers described the beauty of Indian maidens. In Chile,, according to Encina, the same thoughts prevailed especially in regard to the southern central valley Indians,

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^ 112 who were described as being lighter in skin color than the Peruvian Indians, Other descriptions of west coast Indians, howevei", were equally enthusiastic particularly that of the Coyas or Ixica nobility. The securing of women was accomplished through marriage, concubinage, or rape, Encina credits the encomienda system as a factor in the creation of mestizaje because of the proximity that occurred between the conquerors and the conquered.^ The institution of Indian slavery was a factor in Mexico and Peru in the early days, but it was prohibited by the Nevr Laws of 1542 and gradually disappeared in most places except Chile where it was reintroduced in 160 8 as a control tool directed against the Araucanians. The rape and concubinage factors could possibly be overdone because many of the Indians v;ere simply unaware in many cases of the relationship between intercourse and reproduction. In addition, there is good reason to believe that the women complied with the desires of the conquistadores because it was the natural sequence of life as patterned in the past by one tribe conquering another. Moreover, the Spaniards may have appeared physically different and attractive to the women, especially if their treatment by the Spaniards was better than that offered by their tyrannical Indian husbands. The tremendous male-female Indian population imbalance may have been a factor here.

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113 The Indian men had been killed ox exiled to the mines. Thus, the women had no other sexual outlet except the Spaniards. Finally, the Spaniards often obtained women as gifts or tokens of friendship from the various Indian chiefs. The Indians viewed this process as a m.eans of allying themselves with the Spaniards, and the progeny created by the union brought about an extended family relationship not unlike the Spaniards own godfather kinsmanship Regardless of the process, the Spanish conqueror lived his life surrounded by women. The Chilean conquerors, for example, had their yanaconas — including women — carrying baggage and supplies froia Peru. Also included in the retinue were free servants, camp, follox/ers and any native woman that caught his eye during the trek from Cuzco. Francisco Aguirre, who officially recognized at least fifty mestizo sons, best stated the Spanish attitude toward sex with the Indians when he declared, "the service rendered to God in producing mestizos is greater than the sin commited m the seime act." During the combat in the south, following the founding of Santiago, many of the new Spanish militairy recruits suffered the sam.e fears and trepidations of generations of successive soldiers over their future. In this hostile environment, pleasxore was a rare commodity and satisfaction was most often "accomplished in the arms of a native woman.

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114 Indiscriminate sexual relationships, therefore, became a way of life. Intermarriage was also a contributing factor to race mixture and v/as specifically endorsed by the Crown in 1501. In tiiis case, the Crov/n stated that Indian women should not be held against their wishes, and that marriage should be voluntary on both sides. -^-^ The Spaniards viewed marriage simply as a means to legitimize their offspring in many cases, but there is no doubt that many Indian wives performed capably as partners, lovers, and companions particularly in frontier settlements. In the Chilean situation, with, its homestead and agricultural emphasis, Indian women — either as wives or conc;)ines — were a necessary fixture of the home. The legal bases for their marriage relationship was the Crown's 1516 order for conquerors to marry the daughters of Indian chiefs, and the other was the 1539 directive that encomenderos should marry natives within three years or send to Spain for their wives. Obviously, the latter path was improbable in Chile where female 1 2 hardxness was a necessity. The result of miscegenation — the niestizo — in general, fared well throughout the New World in the first generation, particularly if he was a product of a marriage relationship or had been legitimized by his father. The mestizos of this group also identified with their paternal background and were able to inherit their fathers' property.

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115 even art encoraienda grant. In Chile, many of the first generation mestizos were active in the army fighting against, the Araucanians in the south. As late as 15 85 — certainly the second generation of Chilean mestizaje — in a letter from the Governor of the colony to the Crown, the Governor acJinowi^dged the receipt of a Royal Decree restricting the rights of mestizos. The Governor referred to tie fact that there were 150 mestizos in the army, most of them sons of conquistadores Without them, Chile would hav^ been lost, he exclaimed; "I should pray to God that there were as many good people among those sent to us from Spain as there are among those mestizos. "^^ So far in this discussion, the role of the Negro has been mostly omitted. This is not an oversight. There were Negroes in Chile, but their numbers were few, and they never constituted a significant racial factor. (This does not mean that individual Negroes did not contribute to Chilean colonial history. For example, Captain Juan Beltran — a Negro settler — became a legendary figure during his one-man war against the Araucanians. ) In many cases, Negroes were a social factor, however, and some, discussion of their legal status would be useful at this point. The original unofficial pattern simply broke society down into two categories: Spaniards and Indians. The Spanish group included Peninsular Spaniards (gauchupines

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116 in Chile), criollos or American-born Spaniards, and "" legitimate mestizos. The Indians were subjects of the Crown and classified as free vassals. The chiefs were granted the noble rank of hidalgo, but more often than not, they were included in the free vassal category. Theoretically, therefore, Indian society was put on a par with the Spaniards. In actuality, the Indians' legal status was governed not only by his own leaders and customs, but also by his Spanish superiors of whatever rank. Thus, his liberties and obligations viere designated specifically and freedom of movement in general was restricted, "^^ The other group considered to have special status was that of the Negro slaves. These people had already earned certain rights because of the long-term practice of slavery on the Peninsula. Moreover, the laws and regulations regarding their treatment and their own well being had long been spelled out. Finally, in addition to these certain and specific rights, they. could be manumitted under certain conditions. Obviously, because of the preferential treatment accorded to the Negroes in most cases, the Spaniards did their best to keep them apart from the Indians. The Spaniards claimed that the Negroes either bullied or v/ere a corrupting influence on the natives, and laws were passed to restrict Negro-Indian racial contact. ^^ As far as the mestizos were concerned, the first legal restriction of their rights was decreed in 1549, "no

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117 Mulatto nor mestizo or person who is born out of wedlock may be allowed to have encomienda Indians." According to Moerner, therefore, the vrords "mestizo" and "illegitimate"' 1 7 had become synonymous. Of course, this situation did not prevail in Chile which was still in the early stage of conquest and colonization. As described in the earlier chapter on land distribution, mestizos were still an important factor in the development of the country. In most of the colonies, however, the mestizos' relative position in society was beginning to become more and more restricted. They were excluded from their positions of Protector of Indians, Notary Public, and Chief of the Tribe. In 156 8, they ii^ere denied ordainment, but this law was later rescinded and "legitimate-' mestizos could serve in the priesthood. -^ Mestizo vagrancy also became a problem in the early days of the various colonies because m.any of the mixed breeds became victims of acculturation, and as outcasts could not participate in either Spanish or Indian society. They essentially became 16th century street people, homeless and ignored. This situation brought about restrictions prohibiting mestizo vagrants from living among the Indians as recorded in the laws of 1536 and 156 3. In addition, as cited earlier, Negro overseers at first (1541) overseers in general, but particularly mestizos (1550), and finally encomenderos them.selves (156 3) were banned from living with

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118 tlieir Indians.-'-^ Of course, the' reason for all of this was the general reduction of the Indian population, and the increasing rural disorders resulting from vagrancy. In general, the Indians and most mestizos within the Indian society were happy to be left alone, but the laws more or less forced all mestizos to live within Spanish society 20 where in many cases they were uncomfortable. Finally, no general discussion of race relations v/ould be complete without a reference to social stratification and the correspondence of ethnic terms to defined strata within the social structure. According to Moerner, the legal condition and the social status of the ''castas" was as follows : A. Legal Condition B. Social Status 1. Spaniards 1. Peninsular 2. Indians Spaniards 3. Mestizos 2. Criollos 4. Free Negroes, 3. Mestizos Mulattos, Zamboes 4. Mulattoes 5. Slaves Zamboes, Free Negroes 5. Slaves 6. Indians Obviously, the socioethnic groups fulfilled different socioeconomic and occupational functions. In general. Peninsular Spaniards performed the role of government bureaucrats and merchants; the criollos were large land owners; mestizos were artisans, shopkeepers, and tenants;

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119 Mulattoes were urban manual workers; and Indians were rural workers witiin their own society or unskilled hands for the Spaniards, There were variations to this picture, but, in general, it is correct. Eventually, the different "castas" were separated by other means such as segregated public rooms, churches, public schools, and seating arrangments at public functions, In addition, guilds, cofradias, consulados, universities, etc., practiced their own kind of discrimination. All of these separations occurred more or less after the 15th century, however, and are not pertinent to this study. The basic model of social stratification should be kept in mind and compared to the Chilean example.

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NOTES Magnus Moerner Race Mixture in the History of Latin America' (Boston, 1967), p. 3. 2 I bid p. 5 ^Ibid P 7 4 Enema, Historia de Chile Vol. 1, pp. 83-84. 5pedro Pizarro, Relation of the Discovery and Conquest of the Kingdoms of Peru (Nev; York, 1921), Vol. 2, p. 406. Encina, Historia de Chile Vol. 1, p. 402. ^ Ibid Vol. 3, pp. 39-40. "Moemer, o£. cit. p. 23. 9 >' Jose T. Medina, Hist oria del Tribunal de San ta O ficio de la inquisi tion en Ch ile' (Santiago, 1952), p. 85. -'-^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Ch ile. D on Garcia de Mendoza, 1557-1561 pp. 140-144. Moerner, 0£. cit / p. 37. 12 Ibid. ^-•Jose T. Medina, Coleccion de documentos ineditos de Chile Vol. 3, pp. 268-269. -^Schurz, 0£. cit. p. 177. 15'' ^^Moerner, og_. cit p. 41, l^Ibid. p. 43. I'^ Ibid -'-^Ibid. p. 44. See also Tomas Thayer Ojeda, "Resena historico-biografica de los eclesisticos en el descubrimiento y conquista de Chile," Re vista Chilena de Historia y Geografia Nos 37 and 38, 1920-1921. 120

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121 19 •Moerner, op_. cit. p. 46, 2Ibid. p. 47, 21lbid. p. 60. 22ibid. p. 61.

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CHAPTER VI RACE RELATIONS: SANTIAGO My own search for additional material in the Chilean National Library to be used in constructing a social model for tlae colonial period was relatively unsuccessful. Fortunately, Luis de Roa y Ursua in his El reyno de Chile 1535 1810, J.T. Medina in his Diccionario bio grafico^ colonial de Chile and Tomas Thayer Ojeda in his Formacion de la sociedad chilena y censo de la pob l acion de Santiago en los anos 15 40 a 156 5 have provided colonial historians with an excellent collection of raw data. All collections were compiled from material located in the Archive de la Real Audiencia de Santiago, the Archive Antiguo de la Biblioteca Nacional the Archives de Indias de Sevilla, the Archivo Nacional de Chile, the Archive del Arzobispado de Santiago, the Coleccion de documentos inedites para la historia de Bspana, and the Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la historia de Chile This information could be analyzed by using computer techniques, and family relationships and marriage relationships for several generations could be determined. There are many problems involved in using this raw data, however. The first is that many of the Spaniards listed never lived in Santiago. Many others lived in the 122

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123 city only a short time, then moved to the south, settled in Tuciiman, or migrated to a coastal area in the north. Finally, there is a confusion of names in colonial society. As Vicuna Mackenna comments, "the genealogical study of Chile is a virtual tower of Babel." The greatest problem., however, is that there were so many mestizo children produced by the conquerors — legitimate and illegitimate — that many decided to make up their own names after rivers, mountains, etc., or claimed kinship with one of the conquerors The fifty legitimate sons of Francisco Aguirre are a case in point. One other exam.ple is the situation of Juan Rodufo Lisperguer who was married three times and produced twenty children. From his first wife, Maria de la Torre y Machado, there were four children -Pedro Lisperguer Betambergue, Fermm de Lisperguer y Machado, Aguedo Flores Lisperguer, and Maria Clara de Velasco. From the second wife, Catalina de Irarrazabal y Andia, he had nine children — seven sons and two girls. Almost all of them carried the family name Andia except the oldest girl who was named Antonia de Velasco y Estrada. His third wife was Ines de Aguirre y Cortes and his children from her added more family names. At the end of the 17th century, therefore, the decendants of Juan Lisperguer had ten different family names including Lisperguer, Flores, Velasco, Betembergue, Machado, Estrada, Irarrazabal, and Andia.

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124 Adding to the family name problem is the fact that the conqiiserors of Chile had outstanding longevity and consequently outlived several wives. In fact, of the men who journeyed to Chile with Valdivia, one lived more than 100 years, six from eighty and ninety, nineteen from seventy and eighty, and twentythree from sixty and seventy. A most unusual record for those perilous times. The problems of tracing a genealogical chart aside, some sort of social model has to be constructed as clearly resembling the Santiago situation as possible. Basically, their pre-Santiago status not withstanding, one would suppose that the original conquerors would constitute the colonial aristocracy as long as they held encomiendas and had a solar in the city. Of the original 150 men and one woman in Valdivia 's band, more than half were either killed by iBdians, executed for crimes, died another type of violent death or left the country. The remainder — as cited before — lived out their lives in the colony in one capacity or another and they are the primary interest for the 5 social model. The Spanish regional background for all of these conquerors was as follows: Audalusians 26 percent New Castilians 16 percent Extremadurans 14 percent Leons 13 percent i

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125 Old Castilians^ — .,__-,..._,^,_,^ — —11 percent Galicians, Valencians, Catalans Navarres AragonesSr Asturians, and Canary Islanders ^ 12 percent Foreigners — -^' •"-' — ^8 percent According to an analysis of the Chilean situation by Francisco Frias ^ the Audalusians old Castilians, and the Extremadurans (55%) formed the first Santiago aristocracy. The old Castilians and the Leons (24%) gravitated to the 7 provinces where they formed the well to do class. In any case, if these men, in one degree or another, formed the aristocracy of the country, where did the other inhabitants fit in? According to Thayer, these original Spaniards sired a total of 226 "legitimate"mestizo children. Thayer calculates that each Spaniard was responsible for an average of one mestizo child per year. This rate would have led to the production of more than 20,000 mestizos by the year 1565, by which time only 1,500 Spaniards had settled in the whole colony, and probably not more than 500 lived in Santiago. In addition by 1565, the mestizo sons and daughters of the conquerors were of child-producing age themselves and began to contribute to the population mixture. All of the figures mentioned, in fact, may be too low. According to Encina, who quotes Ovalle's calculations of 1642, fertile Araucanian women usually produced an average of four sons in their lifetime. Probably, an equal number of daughters were born indicating that each Indian woman

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126 9 may liave had as many as 10 children in her lifetime. Of course, the high rate of infant mortality reduced this total considerably. Encina then estimates that approximately 40,000 mestizos V7ere born between 1542 and 1598. Tliis figure is contrasted v/ith the number of Spanish male 11 arrivals in the colony between 15 40 and 159 8 — 3,6 00. The situation, by any estimate, was one in v/hich the number of mestizos was increasing rapidly^ the number of pure Indians was decreasing at a fast rate because of a typhus epidemic and the natural depopulation associated with overwork. The mestizo becamie the cement holding the population together. The problem of creating a population cross section for Santiago, therefore, is very complex. What I have done, in effect, is to develop an index biography of the original 150 Spaniards and their decendants in order to catalog the mest-izo progeny of the original group by profession, legal office attained, property owned, or notoriety. This whole process essentially is an analysis determining the status position of the various individuals. The system is a variation of that developed by Stephanie Blank in her study of 17th century Caracas. Basically, her method measures individuals by various economic, political, and social factors such as possession of land grants or encomienda 1 2 Indians, formal political power, and social prominence. In Chile, the system has to be extended to include military rank.

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127 My exercise, therefore, fundamentally consists of deciding if the mestizo son or daughter of the original conqueror and their decendants either maintained his or her father's position in society, declined in status, or rose above the founding father in prominence. This supposes that all mestizos had an equal opportunity to achieve importance — a condition that is simply not true. Many were endowed with m>ore intelligence than others. Some had greater fighting ability. And some had greater luck or a more famous or well-to-do father. In any case, the following selected biographic sketches and genealogical development of those conquerors having mestizo children illustrate the place of mestizo aristocratic progeny in Santiago society. All sketches do not have to be perused, and this section can be treated more or less as an annex. It is important, however, to note the relative position of the mestizos vis-a-vis their fathers and their Spanish brothers and sisters. Another theme can be developed by noting the location of family houses during the generations. As a general rule, the more prominent a man became in colonial society, the closer he moved his family to the central plaza. A convenient locater map is provided as an annex to test this theory. -• Sketches Francis co de Aguirre Aguirre was born in Spain in 150 8, and was a noted caballero by the time he arrived in

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128 Chile with Valdivia. He. was named alcalde ^ o rdinario of the first Santiago cabildo, and served in this position again in 1545 and 1549.. He was named regidor in 1542, 1544, 1546, 1547, and .factor real 1541-1543. In 1544, he became Governor of Tucuman. He was married in Talaveria de la Reina in 1527 to Maria de Torres y Meneses Their children v/ere General Hernando de Aguirre, who arrived in Chile in 155 3 and initially settled in La Serena; the Maestre de Campo, Valeriano de Aguirre; Constanza de Meneses, the wife of the conqueror Juan Jufre; and Isabel de Aguirre, the wife of the conqueror Francisco de Godoy.-'"^ Aguirre acknowledged, in addition to these children, more than 50 legitimate mestizo decendants The most important was Captain Marco Antonio Aguirre who lived in Santiago in 155 8. His father named him vecino encomendero of Santiago de Estero. Later, he moved his fairdly to La Serena and Copiapo where he was awarded the title Captain and given a vineyard as a reward for his service in the 14 southern war. His importance is in the fact that, although he was a mestizo, he could receive an encomienda and could aspire roughly to the same social level as his father's legitimate Spanish children. Don Francisco and his family, Spanish and mestizo, lived in block two on the Plaza Mayor in Santiago,-*-^ Francisco de Arteaga Arteaga was the hidalgo son of Juan de Aluna and originated from Legorreta in Gulpuzcoa.

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129 He assisted in the fourxding of Santiago and was regidor of the city in 1542. He maintained his encoroienda when Valdivia reduced the nuinber in the Santiago area. He died in the city in 1546. His mestizo son, Melchor de Arteaga, lived in the city and became a monk at the church of San Francisco. 1^ Juan Bohon Bohon was a hidalgo of German origin v/ho arrived in Peru in 1534. He was with Valdivia during the trek to the south, and served as Regidor of Santiago's first cabildo in 1541. Later, he assisted in the founding of La Serena, and was killed near there in the Copiapo Valley in 1548. His mestizo son Juan was named alcalde mayor of mines in the Santiago and La Serena areas in 15 79. Juan also served in -che army in the southern war before 17 dying in 1591. His residence in the city was block 56, solar tv7o. Juan de Cabrera Cabrera was born in 1478 and served under Pizarro in Peru. He joined Valdivia later in the conquest of Chile. In 1553, he moved to Concepcion and became an encoraendero vecino of that city. He was killed, howsver, two years later during an Indian uprising. His mestizo son Hernando was born in 1539 in Peru. Hernando was one of the first military men to return to Concepcion after the disaster of 1555 and buried his father. He became an encomendero of Osorno in 1562, and later of Santiago. He was named Captain and corregidor of Concepcion

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130 19 in 1590, and died xn 1612, Juan Cabrera's mestiza daughter, Ana, in 1566, married Francisco Sanchez de Merlo, a noted ecclesiastic, who had come, to Santiago in 1553.^^ Alonso Caro Caro was a member of Aguirre's original troop from PeruHe was a resident of Santiago until 15 49 when he was killed by Indians near the city. His mestizo son Juan was born between 1539 and 1541 and served as a soldier in the southern war. He lived in Santiago in 1564, but later moved to Concepcion v;here he had an encomienda. He married Luisa de Cardenas, the daughter of Alonso and Leonor Galiano. (Leonor was a freed Moorish slave.) Luisa herself had been seGretly married to Pedro Guerra who died in 156 3. She married Domingo de Onate in 1561 while still 22 marrxed to Guerra. Pedro de Villagra was later accused of affirming this marriage of his friend Onate despite the 2 3 fact that Luisa was already married. In any case, al-though there is no record, Luisa must have been a beautiful woman because there were always suitors after her charms. Luis de Cartagena Cartagena was born in Granada in 1513. He arrived in Lima in 1537, and left Cuzco with Valdivia in 1540, He served in the expedition as writer and secretary. In 1557, he moved from Santiago to La Serena where he was given an encomienda of Indians. He then married the mestiza, Isabel de Zurbano, possibly the daughter of the conqueror Juan de Zurbano. Their son

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131 Andres de Cartagena was a soldier and occupied a chacra in tiie Santiago area. One of h.is sons, Captain Juan de Cartagena, had a large estancia near San Antonio in the 24 next generation. Luis de Cartagena's daughter Ana married Juan Paez, one of Aguirre's companions in Tucuman. Paez later lived in La Serena where he v/as regidor and alcalde ordinario. The Paez children later married into /' ^ 25 the famous Garcia de Caceres and Godoy families. Alonso de Cordoba ~ Cordoba was born in 150 8. He was one of the founders of Santiago and one of the city's first vecino encomenderos In 1550, he returned to Spain where he was named a member of the nobility by the King. He arrived back in Santiago in 1555 and served the city as regidor in 1556, 1558, 1561, 1563, 1564, 1568, 1572, 1578, and 1580. He was also alcalde ordinario in 1559, 1562, and 1581, and procurador in 1557. He was married to Olalla de Merlo de Valdepenas and had two children: Captain Alonso de Cordoba and Luisa de Cordoba. He also had three other children including Captain Juan de Cordoba, a mestizo born between 1544 and 1545. Captain Juan married Dona Jeroniraa de Ahumada, the mestiza daughter of Governor Augustin de 6 Ahumada, The family lived in block four, solar three by 2 7 the year 1600. The Aliumada s daughter, Teresa, married Captain Martinez de Vergara, a descendant of the conquistador of the same name.^^ Alonso 's daughter, Catalina, married Pedro Lopez, a mestizo tailor living in Santiago.

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132 Alonso was also the father of another mestiza and the mulatto Pedro de Cordoba, neitrier of which apparently were 29 significant in Santiago society. Juan Crespo Crespo was the mestizo son of Miguel Crespo de Mazariegos and .participated in Balboa's search for the Pacific Ocean in Panama. He accompanied Valdivia to Santiago in 1541. Apparently, he had a liaison v/ith a mestiza because his son, Juan Crespo, is characterized as being either mestizo or part Indian. In any case, Governor Valdivia in 1545 allowed him to keep his father's chacra in 30 Santiago. He lived in block eight, solar four in the city until 1566. ^-' Gabriel de la Cruz Cruz v/as born in Toledo in 1516 and accompanied Pizarro to Peru. He was with Aguirre's band during the Atacama campaign, and was rewarded for his exploits by being granted an encomiienda near Santiago in 1541. He also had a chacra near the school in the location of the agricultural school today. He was named regidor of the city in 1545. Later, he was involved in Valdivia 's trial as one of the Governor's accusers. As a result of this mistake in judgement, he lost his property in 32 Santiago. There is no record of him having a Spanish wife, but he did have mestizo children. Among them are Beatriz de la Cruz who married Francisco Gomez de las Montanas Francisco Gomez was the mestizo son of the conqueror Pedro Gomez. Francisco was the actuary of Canete

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133 in 1559, and the procurador de causas in Santiago for more than thirty years. Later, he was corregidor of the Indian towns of Aconcagua, Curimon, Putaendo, and Co lima. One of his sons became a priest at the end of the century.^ Gabriel's other daughter, Maria, married Captain Juan Alvarez de Luna, a wealthy Spaniard who arrived v/ith twenty soldiers and their families in his own ship in 1555. Alvarez was named maestre de cam.po in 15 81. His son was apparently wealthy enough to donate several large estancias to the Convent of San Agustxn. Diego Delgado Delgado is one of the interesting exceptions among the original conquerors He arrived in Chile in 1540, and had a background as a miner rather than a soldier. He was one of the founders of Imperial, hov/ever, and a regidor of that city in 1558. He resided in Santiago in 1565. His mestizo son, Pedro, was a soldier, apparently of lower rank, and lived in Canete in 1569 and 35 Imperial in 1601. Garcia Diaz de Castro Diaz was born in 150 8, and was with Almagro during the first expedition to Chile. Later, he joined with Valdivia. He was a vecino encomenderd of La Serena, and held several official positions in that cabildo at various times including regidor, alcalde ordinario, and tesorero real. He was married to Dona Bartola Diaz de la Coya, the niece of the Inca of Peru and the cousin of Dona Beatriz Clara Coya, the wife of Governor Onez de Loyola.

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134 Their children included: Captain Ruy de Castro ^ who was Governor, Quiroga^s valet as a young man and later a vicino encomendero of La Serena. One of Diaz's other children was Catalina Diaz de Castro, v/ho was married to Governor Caspar de Medina. One of the sons of this union was Garcia de Medina whose family ultimately was associated • 37 with the famous Chilean family of Martinez de Prado. Garcia' s other daughter was Dona Mayor Diaz de Castro, who was married to Juan Gonzales and two others in her lifeSB time, Mateo Diez In a case similar to that of Diego Delgado, Diez was an artisan or tradesman — in this case a blacksmith. He was alcalde of the mines at Malga-Malga in. 1550, and later an encomendero m Valdivia in 1560. '^ His mestizo son, Juan, was unable to duplicate his father's prominence and was a carpenter in Villarica. Pero Esteban Esteban was born in 1516 and arrived in Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino founder of La Serena and regidor of the cabildo there in 1547. Later, he was alcalde ordinario of Concepcion (1550) and an encomendero in Imperial in 1556. He was killed by Indians in 41 1560. His mestizo son, Andres, married Magdalena de Mesa, the mestiza daughter of Juan Mesa, a citizen of Santiago.^" Juan Fernandez de Alderete Alderete was born in 150 3 and came to the New World in an expedition to the island of Cubagua in 1534. He joined in the expedition to Chile in

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135 the company of Bohon and Villagra, and joined with Valdivia at Tarapaca. He was one of the original members of the Santiago cabildo and served as alcalde ordinario nine times. He was also one of the original encomenderos of Santiago and maintained his position after the 1545 reduction. In 43 1545, he had a chacra in Tobalaba. In 155 3, he donated his town house, which was located near Santa Lucia (block 44 two) to the Franciscans. His mistress was a Peruvian Indian, Juana Xicana. Their daughter, Ines de Alderete, V7as later married to Captain Juan de Barros, who had arrived in Chile in 155 7, and received from his father-in-law the encomiendas of Tango, Mai loco, Tobalaba, and Ligueimo. He was regidor of Santiago in 1567 and 1573, and alcalde 45 ordmario m 1576. The family lived in block twenty-six, solar three in 160 7; block forty-nine, solar four in 15 85; block fifty-six, solar three in 1566; and block fifty4 6 seven, solar three in 1563. One of the Barros children. Captain Juan de Barros Alderete, who lived in block sixteen, solar three in 1596, inherited all of the encomiendas and passed them on to his son Captain Juan de Barros Araya who died in 1625,'*' Juan de Barros Alderete was married to Dona Maria de Araya, the daughter of Captain Marcos Veas Duran and Ines de Araya. His daughter was married to 4 another Captain. ^ The Alderete family, therefore, is certainly an example of Indian blood being diluted by subsequent marriages witli Spaniards until all traces of native ancestry have been removed.

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136 Bartoloxne Flores Floras was born in Nurenberg, Germany, in 1506 the son of Juan Bl-amen and Agueda Jubert, He arrived in Lima in 1537, and journeyed to Santiago with Valdivia in 1541. He was procurador of the city in 1541, 1545, and 1547. He was also mayordomo in 154 8. Flores was a carpenter by profession, and built many benches, carts, and other objects for the city government. He also owned the first mill in the Santiago area which 49 was located north of Santa Lucia. He died in 15 86. His mestiza daughter, Bartola, married successively Francisco Hernandez Gallego, Pedro Bonal, and Francisco de Urbina — the first two were original conquerors ^'^ Hermandez was a miner at Malga-Malga where he had an encomienda. Bonal was a vecino founder of Concepcion where he also had an encomienda. He was killed in the distruction of that city in 1555. Urbina was a caballero hidalgo who arrived in Chile in 1556. He later became a vecino 52 encomendero of Mendoza. Flores' other daughter, Agueda de Flores, resulted from his liaison with Elvira, the daughter of Chief Talagante. Agueda married Captain Pedro Lisperguer a caballero notorio of Germ.an background. The couple lived in block two in 15 75 and Dona Agueda owned this property and block forty-seven, solar four outright 5 T by 1611. -^-^ Lisperguer had arrived in Chile in 1564, and was elected regidor of Santiago in 1566, alcalde ordinario in 1572, and regidor again in 1574 and 1576. His marriage M 'F rst M^'-REsr I &• r^^

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137 with Agueda de Flores is noted as the beginning of one of the most important families in colonial Chile. .ZVmong their many children were Captain Juan Rodulfo Captain Pedro Lisperguer, Dona Maria Flores, the wife of General Juan de Cardenas y Anasco; Don'a CatalinaFlores (the infamous La Quintrala, who lived in block forty-seven in 1504)^'^ v/ho was married to General Gonz|j.o de los Rios — their daughter, Catalina, was married to Don Alonso de Campofrio; this family lived in block forty-nine solar three in 159 3 and block ninety-three in 1590)^ and Magdalena Flores, who was married to General Pedro Ordonez Delgadillo. This family lived in block sixteen, solar one in 1590.^"^ Obviously, the orginal Indian blood had no effect on the destination of this famous family. Francisco Galdames Galdames was born in 150 8, and probably arrived in the New World in 1534. He accompanied Valdivia to Chile in 1540, and became a vecino fundador and encomendero of Imperial in 1558. One of his sons, apparently born of an unknown Spanish wife, was Francisco Galdames de la Vega. He was a Captain and vecino encomendero of Imperial in 1589, and maestre de campo general of the Army in 1610. His other son, Diego Galdames, married Lorenza Gonzalez. Their children included Captain Juan Galdames de la Vega who married into the famous Villalobos family. limy the apellation Vega reappeared in this family is unknown, but it could indicate that Francisco c p Jr. was a mestizo.

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138 Juan Gallegos de Rubias Gallegos was born in 1510, and came to Santiago witti Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino encomendero of' Imperial and procurador of that city as well as its regidor in 1554 and 1564, and alcalde ordinario in 1559 and 156 3. He lived in block eight, solar 59 four in Santiago in 1561. His mistress was a Peruvian Indian named Juana, Their children included, Juan de Rubias, an evangelical clergyman who married Dona Mencia de Acuna, the daughter of Captain Luis Barba and Dona Mencia de Torres. This particular m.arriage was the most notable 6l case of a mestizo marrying a Spanish woman in Chile. Pedro de Gamboa Gambca joined Valdivia 's expedition at Tarapaca and accompanied the Governor to Santiago in 1540. He apparently was one of the older members of the. 6 2 expedition and died in 1552. One of his raestiza daughters, Isabel de Bamboa, married Francisco de Ortega a blacksmith and shopkeeper in Santiago. One of their children was Captain Francisco de Gamboa y Ortega, who married Dona Catalina de Artaza — the daughter of Juanes 64 de Artaza a regidor of Tucuman. Pedro Gamboa 's other daughter was married to Luis Perez de Canseco, a merchant in La Serena. One of their children later became a priest in Santiago. ^ Giraldo Gil Gil arrived in the Indies in 15 34, and came to Santiago with Valdivia in 1540. He was a tailor by profession. He married a Moorish slave, Juana de Lezcano,

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139 who h.ad the characteristic slave brands on her face. Gil later became a citizen of Concepcion and had an encomiendo of Indians in Itata. He was killed in the distruction of Concepcion in 1555. His son, Giraldo, inherited his encoinienda, but was himself subsequently killed in combat in 66 156 4. Gil's daughter, Barbola Gil, married Marcos Griego Seriche a carpenter in Santiago, The family lived in block thirty-six, solar one from 15 86 to 160 7.^ Their children included Jose Seriche, Melchor Seriche, Ines Marcela, the wife of Miguel de Utrera; Catalina Gil, and Mariana de la Rosa, who married Gonzalo Alvarez and moved into the old family homestead in 15 86, Gil's other daughter maintained the working class relationship of the family by marrying Vicente Jimenez, a Santiago lathe maker. Juan Godmez Godmez was born in Ubeda, Jaen in 1517. He came to the Indies in 1532, and became a part of the Almagro expedition. Later, he joined Valdivia and took part in the founding of Santiago in 1541. He was a vecino encoraendero of the city and served as regidor, procurador, and alcalde ordinario. He lived in block thirty-four, solar four in 1554, and passed the property on to his son Juan Godinez de Benavides, He also lived in block forty-three, solar two in 1556. He married Dona Catalina de Monsalve de la Cueva. Among their children were Captain Juan Godinez de Benavides, who inherited his father's encomienda, and

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140 Dona Ana Mejia, the wife of General Don Alvaro de Villagra. Godmez'' mestiza daughter, Leonor Godmez, married the actuary, juan Hurtado, Symbolic, perhaps, of this family's good standing is the fact that Dona Leonor donated block thirty-three, solar two to the Company of 74 Jesus in 160 4. Hurt ado served as Actuary for the city from 1561 until his death in 159 5. He was also a merchant in the city and was elected regidor of the cabildo in 15 81, 1587 j^ 159 2, and alcalde ordinario in 159 2. The marriages of their children are probably the most illustrative of the inbreeding of Santiago society by the turn of the century. Captain Juan Hurtado married in 159 7 with Dona Jeronima Justiniano and lived in block thirty-four. Dona Beatriz de Hurtado married Captain Juan Perez de Caceres Dona Catalina de Hurtado married in 15 80 with vecino encomendero Captain Juan de Ahumada. This family lived in block four, solar three in 1605, block thirty-nine, solar' one from 1588 until 1605, and block eighty-three outright until 1590. Their daughter married Pedro de Contreras Aranda Valdivia and lived in bloc sixty-three in 1609. Their descendants were Don Tomas de Contreras Aranda Valdivia, Don Raimundo Contreras, and Dona Catalina de Ahumada. Returning to Leonor Godinez' final daughter, Dona Angela de Hurtado, she married initially with Juan de Torres and later with Captain Andres Hernandez de la 7 8 Serna. In every case, another aristocratic Santiago family was added to the Godmez-Hurtado family tree-

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141 JuanGom ez^de Almagro -. Gomez was born in 1517, and came to Peru where he was a vecino encomendero of Lima. He made the trek to Chile x.th Valdivia, however, and became the first alguacil mayor Santiago. He was named regidor perpetuo of the cabildo in 1550, and had encomiendas of Indians at TopcaJjua, Palloquier, and Gualauquen. He later moved to Imperial where he became alcalde ordinario in 1554. Later, he returned to Santiago and finally traveled all the way back to Spain in 156 4. He was immortalized in the poem "La Araucana." He was married to Dona Frances ca de Escobedo in 1561 and had one son. Captain Juan de 79 Pdvadeneira, He also had one mestizo son as a result of his liaison with a Peruvian Indian, Cecilia Palla. ^ The son, named Alvaro Gomez, became a priest in Santiago 8l and lived in La Chimba. Pedro Gomez de las Mont anas Gomez was a noble, who went to the Indies before 1530, and served Alonso de Alvarado in the discovery of the Chachapoyas, In 15 41, he was with Valdivia in Santiago and was wounded in a battle with the Indians. He had an encomienda at Quinel near Concepcion. He was a regidor of that city and was killed in tlie battle of 1555. He was married to Dona Leonor de 82 y Rueda and had two children. One was Captain Alonso Gomez de Montanas and the other was Jeronima who was married to Captain Francisco Ramirez de la Cueva. He also had a mestizo son named Francisco Gomez de las Montanas. This

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142 mestizo was procurador da las causas in Santiago for more than th-irty years and was corregidor of the Indian towns of Aconcagua, Curimon, Putaendo, and Colima. He was married to Beatriz de la Cruz, the daughter of the conqueror Gabriel de la Cruz. The family lived in block two A, solar one in 1601; block seven, solar three from 15 85 to 1605; block eighty-one, solars one and two in 159 9, block 117 in 1586, and also had a solar donated to them by the 84 cabildo in 1578. Their children included Dona Micaela de Ruisenada, the wife of Gonzalo Lopez; Francisco Gomez de Ruisenada, presbiter, Diego Gomez de las Montanas ; Jeronimo ^ 85 Gomez, and Juan Antonio de la Cruz. Juan Gomez de Yev enes Gomez was born in 150 8, and came to Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino of In^erial in 1552, Santiago 155 8-1559, and a vecino enco86 mendero of San Juan 1562-1574. His mestiza daughter, Juana, was married to Juan de Contreras who arrived in Chile in 1560. Later the family moved to Mendoza V7here 87 he was named regidor in 15 74 and again in 15 83. Juan Gonzales Gonzales was born in 1518, and arrived in Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He became an alcalde ordinario of La Serena in 1554, and regidor in 1555 and 1563. He later was a vecino of Tucuman. His mestizo son, Juan, was an army lieutenant in La Serena and married a Spanish girl, Isadora de Caceres of the influential Caceres family. ^^ \ •."^Ifs— 3:*i>"-i'iiiR.iw?=fc?^i'=^.fieii!i

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143 Psdro Gonzalez de Utrera ^ Gonzalez arrived in Peru in 1537, and accompanied Valdivia to Santiago in 1540. He was given a chacra by the catiildo in 1546, and had an encomienda in the Santiago area. He had three mestizo children: Pedro Gonzalez, Rodrigo de Utrera, both relatively imknown.^^ His daughter, Beatriz, however, was married to Bartolome de Medina, one of the conquerors of Tucuman.^'^ One of their children was Alonso Gonzalez de Medina, a second lieutenant 9 1 m the army. Garcia Hernandez Hernandez was born in 1510, and arrived in Santiago in 1540. He lived in block twenty-one, solar one in 1556, block twenty-eight, solar two in 1556, and block forty-two, solars one and three in the same 92 year. He was mayordomo of the city in 1554, procurador in 1556, regidor in 1555, 1558, 1566, and 1568. He was married in 1560 to Isabel Garcia, the mestiza daughter of Captain Diego Garcia de Caceres.^^ Garcia was one of the first vecino encomenderos of Santiago and was regidor perpetuo of the city from 1550 to 1553. He held numerous other offices in the cabildo from 1553 \intil 1583.^^ Among Garcia and Isabel's more important children were Captain Juan Perez de Caceres a corregidor of Quillota in 160 2, 160 7, and 160 8. Perez m.arried Beatriz Hurtado the daughter of the contador, Juan Hurtado, and the mestiza, Leonor ^ 9 5 Godmez. Another child was Dona Mariana de Cax:eres the wife of Captain Andres Hernandez de la Serna, a vecino

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144 96 encomendero of San Juan de la Frontera,'' This family lived in block twelve, solar three from 1568 to 159 5, and owned block, tliirty-one solar two in 1615 as well as a vineyard near Santa Lucia from 1586. ^"^ The children from the marriage included Garcia Hernandez de c/ceres Dona Isabel de Carvajal, an Augustinian nun, and Jeronimo Hernandez, a Franciscan. Other Perez children included Juana de Caceres who was married to Melchor Hernandez de la Serna. This family lived in block thirteen, solar one in 1610, and block forty-one, solar four in 1595.^'^ Another Perez was Leonor de Caceres, who married Diego de Cisternas, the son of Pedro Cisternas — a vecino fundador of Concepcion. ^^ Francisco Herna n dez Gallego Hernandez was born in 1511,. and arrived in Santiago in 1540. He was a miner at Malga-Malga in 154 8. In 1552, he married Bartola Flores, the Biestiza daughter of Bartolome Flores He died in 1554 with no children.^ Pedro de Herrer a Herrera v/as born between 150 5 and 1512. He was the mayordomo of Captain Diego de Rojas in 1533, and came to Chile with Aguirre. He held an office in the Santiago cabildo in 1545, moving later to La Serena where he was regidor for several years and alcalde ordinario in 1558. He died in 1589. He had a mestizo son, Pedro, who remained in La Serena and married the criolla, Isabel de Narvaez. Pedro's daughter, Juana, married Juan de Gijon, a declared traitor who was exiled from Peru to Chile in r J^tww -I w ^ Ft^skm

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145 1548. Juan had a solar in La Serena in 1549, and became a regidor in the city in 1570. One of the sons of this marriage became a priest. -"-^^ A daughter, Juana, married Gonzalo de lEoledo, a regidor of Santiago in 159 3 and 1601. -"-^^ Anton Hidalgo Hidalgo was born between 1512 and 1515. In 1539, he v;as vvitli the Diego de Rojas expedition to Tarija, and later joined Valdivia at Tarapaca. He moved from Santiago to Valdivia in 1559, and later to Imperial. He was married to Jeronima Cortes, the mestiza daughter of Leonardo Cortes, who had arrived in Chile in 1548.-'^^ Cortes was a navy captain, who had been directed by the Crown to search for and destroy Sir Francis Drake. -''^^ Anton Hidalgo's other children also included Captain Francisco Hidalgo Cortes, and Juan Hidalgo, who