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A syntactic description of the mood in the Old English complement clause.

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A syntactic description of the mood in the Old English complement clause.
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Faraci, Mary Elizabeth, 1945-
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ix, 184 leaves : ; 28 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Grammatical constructions ( jstor )
Grammatical moods ( jstor )
Indirect discourse ( jstor )
Linguistic complements ( jstor )
Linguistic subordination ( jstor )
Scribes ( jstor )
Sentences ( jstor )
Subjunctive mood ( jstor )
Verbs ( jstor )
Words ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- English -- UF
English language -- Clauses -- Old English, ca. 450-1100 ( lcsh )
English language -- Mood -- Old English, ca. 450-1100 ( lcsh )
English thesis Ph. D
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 180-183.
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Also available online.
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Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Mary Elizabeth Faraci

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A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE







By



Mary Elizabeth Faraci













A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1972

































Copyright by
Mary Elizabeth Faraci
1972














ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS



I wish to express my gratitude to Professor John T.

Algeo and Professor Robert H. Bowers for their encourage-

ment in this study. Professor Algeo's cooperation and his

expert criticism have been invaluable in this work. Pro-

fessor Bowers was available for critical reading and in-

formative conferences whenever I called upon him.

The suggestions of Professor Richard H. Green and

Professor Egbert Krispyn were very important to the improve-

ment of the study. For the statistical calculations, I am

especially indebted to Professor Clarence E. Davis.

























iii














PREFACE


The citations of Old English complement clauses from

Sweet's EETS editions of King Alfred's West-Saxon Version

of Gregory's Pastoral Care and King Alfred's Orosius are

identified by the page number and the number of the initial

line. Each citation from the Parker Manuscript of the

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is identified by the page number in

Earle and Plummer's 1892 edition, Two of the Saxon Chroni-

cles Parallel, and by the year of the entry.

In the presentation of the data, the graphemes ) and

; ) and ; / and F. are normalized to their Modern

English equivalents.

Only the exceptional and problematic constructions are

translated. The glosses are based on Sweet's translation

in his edition of King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of

Gregory's Pastoral Care, on J. A. Giles' 1858 edition, The

Whole Works of Alfred the Great, and on Dorothy Whitelock's

1961 edition, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.











iv















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . iii

PREFACE . . . . . iv

LIST OF FIGURES . . . .. vi

ABSTRACT . . . . .. vii

INTRODUCTION . . . ... 1

Previous Studies . . . 4
Primary Sources . . .. 16
Method of Investigation . .. 20
The Attraction Theory . . 21
Generative-Transformational Terminology 23

THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE . .. 25

A Description of the Data ... .. 25
The Classification of Introductory Verbs 27
Group A . . . . 28
Group B . . . . 49
Group C . . . . 117
Group D . . . . 147

CONCLUSION . . . . 165

Regular Choice of Mood . . . 166
Exceptional Choice of Mood . . .. 169
Results in the Original Prose . .. 170
The Introductory Verb Rule . . 171
The Subordination Rule . . .. 172
The Application of Rules 1 and 2 . 173
The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule .176
The Possibilities of Further Investigation 177

LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED .. . ... 180

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . ... 184





v















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure Page

1 Thyncan construction, Gregory's
Pastoral Care: 261-19 . . .41

2 Thyncan construction, Gregory's
Pastoral Care: 427-19 . . .. 42

3 Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface
to Gregory's Pastoral Care: 7-6 .... 44

4 Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18 45


































vi










Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE


By

Mary Elizabeth Faraci

June, 1972


Chairman: Robert H. Bowers
Co-Chairman: John T. Algeo
Major Department: English



The present dissertation investigates the apparently

arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English complement clause

following verbs which express mental processes and acts of

communication. The choice of mood in the recorded language

is perplexing because either the indicative mood or the sub-

junctive mood can occur in the Old English complement clause

and, furthermore, an individual verb can be followed by the

indicative mood in one clause and by the subjunctive in

another.

This investigation restricts its evidence to the early

West-Saxon texts, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, King Alfred's

West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, and King

Alfred's Orosius. When the investigation determined which

mood predominated in the complement clause following each

verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 'feel,' or the



vii









like, the significance of these occurrences was evaluated

according to the binomial method. The clauses containing

the less frequent mood were scrutinized in order to find the

influential formal feature.

The structural facts presented in the translations and

in the original prose showed that a syntactic rule, The

Introductory Verb Rule, determined the scribe's choice of

mood in the Old English complement clauses. Fourteen verbs

require the subjunctive verb form in each complement clause.

Seven merely expletory verbs are followed by the indicative

verb form in the complement clause except when the verb of

the complement clause is influenced by an unusual context

(the predominance of the subjunctive mood or complicated

clause constructions). Only ten verbs support the hypothe-

sis that no rule-determined the choice of mood. The no-

rule hypothesis is, therefore, weakly supported by the

Sstructural facts presented in these early West-Saxon texts.

The evidence also shows that when the regular influ-

ence of the introductory verb is interrupted, a distinguish-

ing formal feature explains the exception. The immediate

context of these exceptions has suggested that a principle

of attraction is operating between the moods of two or

more verbs in sentences containing the complement clause

structure. Sometimes unusual word order, distinctive under-

lying forms, and formulaic conventions altered the regular

choice of mood. Another syntactic rule, The Subordination


viii










Rule, designates the subjunctive verb form as the redundant

feature of clause construction to replace the indicative

form in complicated clause constructions.

It is possible that the meaning of the provisions in

both The Subordination Rule and in The Introductory Verb

Rule was extended for use in a third syntactic rule, The

Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule, which distinguishes a

complement clause which functions as a clause dependent on

a governing verb from a complement clause following a verb

which has a negligible influence on the clause. The rule

contains two parts: (a) As a redundant feature of clause

construction, the subjunctive verb from marks a statement,

in a complement clause, which has been adapted from an in-

dependent sentence to a dependent clause, as indirect dis-

course; (b) The seven expletory verbs are not followed by

the mood of indirect discourse because they introduce

direct and independent reports rather than indirect and

dependent reports. The subjunctive or marked verb form

in Old English is the structural sign for a semantic fea-

ture which distinguishes the complement clauses following

fourteen influential governing verbs as indirect reports

from the complement clauses which follow the seven merely

expletory verbs. The structural evidence provided by the

texts, therefore, does not illustrate that the subjunctive

form in the complement clause conveys more doubt or less

objectivity than the indicative form.


ix














INTRODUCTION



This study will investigate the apparently arbitrary

choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses fol-

lowing the verbs which express acts of communication and

mental processes. All such complement clause structures

have been defined as the Old English indirect discourse

construction by grammarians because the clause is intro-

duced by a verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,'

'feel,' or the like and a subordinator such as 'that,'

'how,' or 'what.' The grammar of these complement clauses,

like a dependent.clause of Modern English indirect dis-

course, is made to conform to the grammar of the main clause

with respect to person and tense. Otto Jespersen in Volume

IV of his Modern English Grammar series observes such ad-

justments in indirect discourse: "'I am glad to see you'

becomes in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was

glad to see me. 'I saw her on Tuesday' becomes: He said

(thought) that he had seen her on Tuesday. 'I have not

seen her yet' becomes: He said (thought) that he had not

seen her yet."1 In certain languages the mood as well as


1Otto Jespersen, A Modern English Grammar, IV (1931;
rpt. London, 1954),.151.


1





2



the person and tense of the report is affected in its

adaptation as an indirect report in a dependent clause.

Latin, for example, has certain rules which determine the

mood of the verb in the dependent clause of indirect dis-

course: "Statements which were in the indicative become

dependent statements in the accusative and infinitive."2

For indirect questions Latin employs the subjunctive mood

in the dependent clause.3 Thus, "Romulus urbem condidit

'Romulus founded a city'" becomes in indirect discourse

"Dicunt Romulum urbem condidisse 'They say that Romulus

founded a city.'" The question, "Quis eum occidit? 'Who

killed him?'" becomes in indirect question, "Quis eum

occiderit quaero 'I ask who killed him.'"4 The verb form,

then, is an important structural feature of indirect dis-

course. Just as the syntactic rules of Classical written

Latin designate the infinitive form of the verb to mark an

indirect statement and distinguish dependent clauses of

indirect question by the subjunctive verb form, it is pos-

sible that in Old English clauses the indicative and the

subjunctive verb forms have special structural significance

also. Throughout the Old English complement clauses re-

corded in the manuscripts, however, which, like the written


Bradley's Arnold Latin Prose Composition, ed. Sir James
Mountford (New York, 1938), p. 242.

3Ibid., p. 107.

4Ibid., pp. 107 and 242.






3



Latin dependent clauses of indirect discourse, follow verbs

like 'say,' 'think,' or 'perceive,' either the subjunctive

form or the indicative form may appear. This apparently

arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English clauses, there-

fore, does not seem to be determined by a syntax rule such

as that which designates certain verb forms as features of

the dependent clause of indirect discourse for Latin prose.

A structural analysis of the indicative verb forms and the

subjunctive forms following each introductory verb can

perhaps explain the influence of the introductory verb on

the mood of the following clause and can explain the sig-

nificance of the mood in the Old English complement clause.

Until the present study can determine whether a syntactic

rule in Old English distinguishes dependent clauses of

indirect discourse by means of a specific verb form, it is

more accurate to describe the construction generally as a

complement clause, and not to assume that every Old English

complement clause following verbs which express mental pro-

cesses or acts of communication functions as a dependent

clause of indirect discourse. A complement clause in an-

indirect discourse construction represents the adaption of

a mental process or an act of communication from an inde-

pendent sentence to a clause dependent on an introductory

verb; on the other hand, the complement clause is merely

the object-clause of an introductory verb, not dependent

on or inferior to the introductory verb.





4



Previous Studies


The puzzling mood variation in the Old English texts

has been treated in several studies, which readily conclude

that all of these complement clauses are indirect reports.

The apparently arbitrary mood choice has led grammarians to

conclude that the mood for the Old English indirect dis-

course construction of the written language is not determined

by a syntactic -rule such as that which determined that

the subjunctive mood would mark a clause as a subordinate

clause of indirect question for Latin prose. They, there-

fore, explain the subjunctive and the indicative moods in

this Old English construction by emphasizing the functions

of the moods more than their formal significance.

Previous investigations of the mood in this Old English

structure have argued that the mood of the complement clause

reflects the intention of the writer. The statement of

this explanation varies among the studies; however, it may

be summarized thus: The subjunctive mood conveys the un-

certain attitude of the reporter, while the indicative

mood emphasizes the assumed truth of the reported statement

or question. The essential remarks of these studies on the

mood in the complement clauses agree for the thaet and hu

and the hw- word clauses; it seems convenient, therefore,

to discuss all of them as one structure.

J. H. Gorrell in "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon"

offers a lengthy analysis of this construction. His









explanations for mood variation after the governing verbs

of indirect discourse are not clearly supported by the

texts used as the basis for the present study. He describes

the occurrences of the indicative and subjunctive moods

after cythan thus: "Cythan, as a verb of announcement,

possesses a strong objective force; the statement is pre-

sented as a bold reality, and hence the subjunctive of

simple reported statement is seldom found, and the more

objective indicative takes its place."5 It is true that

the indicative mood appears to be the established mood

after cythan while the subjunctive mood occurs in excep-

tional instances only; however, Gorrell's explanation for

the exceptional mood does not adequately account for the

evidence in Gregory's Pastoral Care. He maintains that

the subjunctive mood follows cythan when cythan acts "as

the expression of a wish contained in a command or admoni-

-tion."6 The subjunctive mood is not restricted to command

and admonition constructions in Gregory's Pastoral Care:

129-21, Thaes daeges tocyme hwelc he beo he cythde, tha
he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle
tha the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of
this day, whatever it is he showed when he said:
It comes just as a snare over all those who
dwell on the earth.'


5J. H. Gorrell, "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon,"
PMLA, 10 NS 3 C1895).
61bid., p. 358.





6



213-17, ne theah eow hwelc aerendgewrit cume, suelce hit
from us send sie, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes
daeg neah sie 'nor although to you any letter come,
as if it be sent from us, and therein shows that
the day of judgement be near.'

It seems far more promising to explain the exceptional sub-

junctive mood according to formal signals such as the word

order of a clause or its mood context. Such evidence is

provided by the available texts and,therefore, leads to an

accurate explanation for the exceptions to the rules for

mood .in the Old English complement clause construction.

Gorrell begins his analysis of tacnian thus: "Tacnian

sets forth the indirect statement in a more objective man-

ner than the ordinary verb of saying, and, when thus used,

is followed by the indicative." Wh Iile Gorrell argues that

the meaning of the governing verbs influences the mood

choice in the complement clause, he often seems to be using

the mood choice as a key to the meaning of the introductory

-verb. His explanation for the occurrence of the subjunctive

mood is not clearly supported by his evidence. He maintains

that when tacnian acts "as an introduction to a command or

admonition," the subjunctive replaces the indicative in the

dependent clause.8 For the indicative mood after tacnian

he cites from Gregory's Pastoral Care:

279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes
bith toflowen, the nele forhabban tha ungemetgodan


7
Gorrell, p. 364.

Ibid., p. 365.






7



spraece 'That then signifies that the virtue of
the mind is dispersed, which will not give up
immoderate speech.'

Gorrell's illustration of the subjunctive mood following

tacnian hardly conveys a greater sense of admonition or a

lesser degree of objectivity than his indicative illustra-

tion. He quotes from Gregory's Pastoral Care:

85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet eall thaette thaes sacerdes
ondgit thurhfaran maege, sie ymb tha hefonlican
lufan 'That then signifies that all that the mind
of the priest may contemplate is for the sake of
divine love.'9

It is seldom evident from the texts what intentions or

state of mind each mood reflects; therefore, the structural

facts can better account for the mood variation in the com-

plement clause. Although Gorrell began his study by acknowl-

edging Gerold Hotz's sound formal description of the sub-

junctive mood as a sign merely of a reported statement, he

abandoned the examination of structural facts for the less

promising meaning-based arguments.

In his 1882 dissertation, Gerold Hotz presented a

formal explanation for the occurrences of the subjunctive

mood in the Old English complement clauses. "As to whether

the statement refers to a fact or not, whether the subject-

matter be vouched by the reporter, as regards its objective

reality and truth, the subjunctive does not tell. It

simply represents a statement as reported." Hotz suggests


9Grrellp 3
Gorrell,.p. 365.





8



a meaning-based definition for the indicative mood in the

complement clause: "If the reporter wishes to set off a

statement in its objective truth, the indicative with its

sub-implication of fact has to come in. The statement then

turns out to be a reported fact; whereas with the sub-

junctive it is report and nothing more."10 Hotz is con-

vinced that form and purport operated in this Old English

construction: "In the struggle between form and purport

of the indirect speech, now the form is uppermost, now the

purport: Hence frequent interchange of moods."11

Hotz's opening remarks that the subjunctive mood in

the Old English complement clause has a formal purpose are

important to the understanding of the construction. His

insistence that the indicative mood underscores the truth

of the report, however, leads him to observations which can

be proven neither right nor wrong. These weak observations

on the indicative mood even confuse his discussion of the

subjunctive mood. So his explanation of the few instances

of the indicative mood after cwethan is unsuccessful.

Hotz assumes that each mood reflects a different meaning.

of cwethan: "As soon as cwethan gets to imply the notion

of asserting it may be followed by the indicative to

mark the contrast with cwethan = to utter."12 Cythan, as


10Gerold Hotz, On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in
Anglo-Saxon, Diss. Zurich 1882 (Z-urich,c1882), p. 89.

1Ibid., p. 94.
12bid., p. 91.
Ibid., p. 91.





9



an introductory verb for complement clauses,is difficult

to describe because it is followed by both the indicative

and subjunctive moods. Hotz does not solve the problem

very well: "Cythan = to announce, to proclaim so vigor-

ously suggests the notion of the subject-matter being a

fact (else it would not be accounced or proclaimed), that

the formal mood of dependence is cast aside to allow the

indicative to represent the subject matter in its objective

truth." His explanation for the subjunctive mood after

cythan is also disappointing: "If the action of cythan

turns out to be wished for, commanded, the subject-matter

of the dependent sentence keeps for the reporter and

hearer its character of mere report, and the subjunctive,

the mood of formal dependence, cannot be overpowered by

the indicative as before."13 It is difficult to see. such

distinctions in Gregory's Pastoral Care: 103-3, Thus the

indicative appears in and cythde hwaet hie wyrcean and

healdan scoldon 'and proclaimed what they should perform

and cherish,' 409-21, and the subjunctive in and eac cythde

hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden 'and also proclaimed

how carefully they should cherish it.'

Hotz describes the operation of mood after verbs of

inquiry and verbs of thinking separately. While his con-

clusions for the verbs of inquiry are not much different



13Hotz, p. 92.





10



from those for verbs of saying, he notes that the sub-

junctive mood after verbs meaning 'think' and 'know' does

not have a strictly formal purpose. Yet Hotz makes one

interesting formal observation. Of witan he notes that

sometimes the mood of the verb in the complement clause

agrees with the mood of the main verb: "As for mood after

the subjunctival vitan [witan] in the concessive sentence

after theah and the conditional sentence after buton, it

agrees with the mood of the governing verb." He presents

as an example a sentence from J. Bosworth's edition, The

Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels Parallel with the Versions

of Wycliffe and Tyndale: John, 7, 51, buton aer wite

hwaet he do 'unless first he knows what he does.'14 His

"concordance of mood"discussion proves more successful

than his subsequent discussion. In another case, however,

Hotz goes so far from the formal description that he ex-

plains the consistency of the subjunctive mood after wenan

in psychological terms: "The substance of the opinion

uttered is a fact; nonetheless the subjunctive has to come

in to denote that the subject-matter, though true, is the

object of imagination. Thus the subjunctive appears as

the mood of subjunctive reflexion."15 He seems here to be

extracting meaning which cannot be proved to exist.



1Hotz,, p. 104.
15
Ibid., pp. 106-107.






11



Hans Glunz's Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten-

glischen contains the argument that each mood in the com-

plement clause conveys a particular intention of the writer.

His distinctions between the moods are not so detailed as

those of Gorrell. Indeed, he is perhaps guilty of over-

simplification. Glunz describes two general categories:

the subjunctive mood draws attention to the subjunctive,

even uncertain nature of the report; the indicative mood

emphasizes the certainty of the report.

In his treatment of geliefan, for instance, Glunz ex-

plains: "Auch nach Verben des Glaubens steht, obwohl der

Glaubensinhalt im allgemeinen etwas Sicheres ist, der

Konjunktiv, wenn das Geglaubte als von etwas Irrigem,

Unsicherem ("glauben" = vermuten) begingt gesehen wird."

About the occurrence of the indicative mood, he adds: "Soll

dagegen zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, dass der Glaube fest

und sicher ist, wenn alle Zweifel am Glauben und seinem

Inhalt wegfallen, so setz der dies erkennende Verfasser den

Indikativ." Although he repeatedly maintains that the mood

of the complement clause reflects the attitude of the

erzahler and dichter toward the material in the clause, he

eventually admits: "Es lasst sich aber hier, wie iberall

beim Konjunktivgebrauch, keine Regel aufstellen, wann der

eine oder der andere Modus gebraucht wird."16 These



16Hans Glunz, Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten-
glischen, Beitrege zur Englischen Philologie, Heft-11
(Leipzig, 1929), 99.






12



meaning-based speculations, then, do not satisfy even

him.

These studies have been criticized because they pre-

sume to understand the subtle and implicit intentions of

the Old English scribes; their insistence, however, that

the introductory verbs are influential in determining the

mood of these constructions is sound. Their detailed

accounts of the operation of each introductory verb in

these studies encourages further investigation.

On the other hand, Frank Behre in The Subjunctive in

Old English Poetry argues that the introductory verb is

not the factor which determines the mood of the complement

clause. He rejects its importance because the mood of the

complement clause is not entirely consistent: "The basis

of the use of the subjunctive after verbs of thinking

is not merely, as is generally maintained, the form and

nature of the governing verb. In the Old English language

verbs of thinking and believing do not 'require' the se-

quence of the subjunctive." Behre suggests, instead, that

"the main factor determining the use of the subjunctive is

an attitude of meditation or reflection on the part of the

speaker towards the content of the dependent thaet-clause."17

He slightly modifies his argument to account for the


7Frank Behre, The Subjunctive in Old English Poetry,
G6teborgs Hbgskolas Arrskrift, 40 (1934), pp. 202-203.






13



subjunctive after verbs of saying: "I admit that the sub-

junctive as used in thaet-clauses dealt with in the present

chapter may have originated in thaet-clauses dependent on

verbs of thinking (originally verbs of wishing), but in

that case I consider the analogical basis for the extension

of the use of the subjunctive to thaet-clauses after verbs

of saying to have been not only the nature of the governing

verb, but, what is more important, the meditative character

of the subjunctive as occurring after verbs of thinking."l8

This modification is his concession to T. Frank's respected

etymological argument.

T. Frank, in the article "On Constructions of Indirect

Discourse in Early Germanic Dialects," studies the earliest

use of the introductory verbs of complement clauses to ex-

plain the frequency of the subjunctive mood in the clauses.

Frank suggests, for instance, that wenan and geliefan

govern the subjunctive mood in Old English indirect dis-

course because they were originally verbs of emotion which

retained the subjunctive mood in their dependent clauses.

Of the verbs of saying and telling, he speculates: "All

we can say at present is that by some principle of differen-

tiation a logical distribution of labor took place, illus-

trated well in Anglo-Saxon where cwethan usually takes the

optative, cythan the indicative, and secgan divides its


18 e p. 213.
Behre, p. 213.






14



allegiance between them, while sprecan usually introduces

direct discourse. It is impossible to say whether such

distinctions are due to a late division of labor or whether

they actually represent an inheritance of previous semantic

differences from a time when the predecessor of qithan may

have contained volitional content."19

Frank's theory that cwethan takes the optative (i.e.,

subjunctive) because of an earlier logical distribution of

labor is very interesting. His suggestion that an early

rule which was based on logical distinctions established

that these verbs would require the subjunctive mood is a

plausible grammatical explanation. His caution is also

helpful: "Care must be observed not to recognize logical

distinctions as ever thoroughly established. Divisions of

labor between synonymous verbs on a purely economic basis,

a lingering of old habits in spite of newly adopted seman-

tic changes, and all the insidious forces of analogy help,

and successfully so, to prevent the establishment of any

thorough-going principle."20

Unfortunately, he extends this argument to suggest,'

like Gorrell, Hotz, and others, that each Old English

writer expressed a certain degree of verisimilitude through

the mood in the complement clause. He contrasts the


1Tenney Frank, "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse
in Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-1908), 74-75.
20bid., p. 75.
Ibid., p. 75.






15



Germanic dialects with Latin and Greek thus: "In Old-High-

German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old-Norse, etc., .

verbs of speaking are divided in their allegiance, often

showing, however, a tendency to use the optative in quota-

tions, the truth or exactness of which the reporter does

not vouch for. Such logical distinctions do not for a

moment hold.for Latin or Greek, for in those languages the

verba sentiendi et declarandi are on a par in the use of

subjunctive or optative regardless of the degree of veri-

similitude to be expressed. Nor is there any trace of any
21
previous existence of such logical distinctions."21 Later

he concludes from his investigation a similar explanation

for the mood variation: "Thus it is that to a remarkable

extent the optative comes to serve as the mood of doubtful,

questioned, unvouched-for discourse, while the indicative

persists in cases of greater certainty. There even arises

a feeling that witan should take the indicative whereas

ni witan deserves an optative.22 While Frank's discussion

of etymological evidence is interesting, his speculations

based on "a feeling" are misleading.

These analyses have assumed that the indicative and

subjunctive moods in the complement clauses carried meanings

similar to their meanings in other grammatical constructions.


21
Frank, p. 70.

22Ibid., p. 75.






16



They have insisted that logical distinctions explain the

mood variation in this Old English construction. But the

manuscript sources do not illustrate that the moods have

distinctive meanings within the complement clause; there-

fore, it is not possible to prove these explanations either

right or wrong. Yet the texts do provide the substantive

evidence necessary for a syntactic description. The pur-

pose of the present investigation is to ascertain the in-

fluence of the introductory verb on the mood in the comple-

ment clause by paying attention to the syntactic signals.



Primary Sources


Because my study will restrict its evidence to formal

signals, the manuscript sources need to be as reliable as

possible. It will use, therefore, the works which make the

clearest distinctions between the endings for the subjunc-

tive and indicative moods.

Eduard Sievers in the Altenglische Grammatik,as re-

vised by Karl Brunner in 1951, divides the Old English

literature of the West-Saxon dialect into an early and late

period. He restricts the early period to only those works

preserved in manuscripts contemporary with Alfred's reign

(871-901): Alfred's translation of Gregory's Pastoral Care,

Alfred's Orosius, and the Parker manuscript of the Anglo-

Saxon Chronicle "in ihrem altesten Teil bis 891." The






17



later period, he notes, is represented especially by the

works of AElfric (c.1000).23

These West-Saxon works, then, have certain features

which recommended such a classification. When compared

with the early manuscripts, those of the later period re-

flect, in their various spellings of certain suffixes, a

confusion that results from an important sound change. The

weakening of unaccented vowels in final syllables, whereby

/a/,/o/,/u/, and /e/ merged as schwa, influenced the

spellings of the plural verb endings, among others, so that

the formal distinctions between the indicative and subjunc-

tive moods are not so clear as they were in the early

period. In his discussion of the weakening of vowels in

final syllables, Sievers explains this change: "Andere

spatws. Schwankungen in der Bezeichnung unbetonter Vokale

sind -on, -an im Opt. Prat. und Opt. Pras. fur -en,

. ., -an, -en statt -on im Ind. Prit. PI."24 In a later

chapter he specifically compares the forms of the subjunc-

tive, present tense: "Diese -e, -en gelten durchaus im

Altws. bis auf einige vereinzelte -aen und -an. Das

letzere wird spdter haufiger: auch dringt spitws. die

Endung -on, -un wie im Opt. Prat. aus dem Prat. Ind. ein."



23Altenglische Grammatik nach der angelsachsischen
Grammatik von Eduard Sievers neubearbeitet, ed. Karl
Brunner (Halle, 1951), pp. 6-7.

24Ibid., p. 31.






18



Sievers points out that the forms of the preterit are not

so easily classified, because changes in the forms occurred

early, "Ziemlich frih dringt aber das -on, -an des Ind.

PI. auch in den Opt. ein (erst spater erscheint auch -un)."25

Because of the eventual conflation of endings, an accurate

study of the Old English verb form in complement clauses

should try to avoid using examples from the writings of the

later period. Indeed the -e or -en inflection, where

spelling is more consistently reliable in the early period,

is the only reliable sign that the verb is, in fact, the

subjunctive form.

There are, however, even in the works of the early

West-Saxon period, indeterminate forms, the endings of which

are common to the indicative and the subjunctive moods. The

past tense, first person and third person singular form of

weak verbs are identical in both moods: saegde 'I, he

said'; lifde 'I, he lived.' The form for the present tense,

first person singular of weak and strong verbs is likewise

the same for the indicative and subjunctive moods: secge

'I say'; bide 'I wait.' These indeterminate forms of the

early period are, then, no more useful for this formal

study than are the confused spellings for the conflated

endings of the later West-Saxon period.


25
Brunner, pp. 305 and 308.






19



While it is difficult enough to determine the signifi-

cance of these doubtful endings, a student of the verb

form in the complement clause discovers also that in the

later period the -e and -en forms seem to be replaced by

endings previously reserved for designating the indicative

form. Thus Alistair Campbell in his Old English Grammar ex-

plains that in the West-Saxon dialect after 1000 "-st is

frequently extended to the 2nd sg. past subj., so that

past indic. and subj. are no longer distinguished."26 The

later writings, therefore, contain far too many problems

for a convincing descriptive study of the mood in the com-

plement clause. Gorrell examines these late West-Saxon

works. Because it is difficult for him to distinguish the

subjunctive mood from the indicative mood on the basis of

verb spellings alone, his explanations are unconvincing.

He does have enough formal evidence from early West-Saxon

texts to support this opening statement on cwethan:

"Cwethan is the most generally used of verbs of direct

utterance and the most consistent in calling forth the

subjunctive." He notes, however, that he found examples

of the indicative mood with cwethan in the late West-Saxon

works: AElfric's Lives of Saints and his Catholic Homilies.

He accounts for these instances thus: "the reference is

to well-known biblical facts, and the time of writing was



26Alistair Campbell, Old English Grammar (Oxford, 1959),
p. 325.





20



in the late Anglo-Saxon period when there was a decided

tendency to pass over to the indicative."27 Gorrell inter-

rupts his discussion often with such unsatisfactory reason-

ing. Because the evidence from the later period is known

to be weak, it is better not to use such late manuscript

sources. This study will, therefore, concentrate on the

early West-Saxon works: Alfred's translation of Gregory's

Pastoral Care, Alfred's Orosius, and the Parker manuscript

of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle up to 891 for its examples of

the complement clause construction.



Method of Investigation


For this description of syntax, then, I have collected

evidence of the complement clauses from the most reliable

texts. Each of the verbs which express acts of communica-

tion or mental processes was studied separately. Special

attention has been given to listing the occurrences of the

subjunctive mood and those of the indicative mood in the

complement clauses after each verb. When all the clauses

after each introductory verb had been collected and a count

revealed which mood predominated, I have compared the

clauses which contained the predominant mood with the ex-

ceptional clauses. The clause containing the less frequent


27
Gorrell, op.cit., pp. 353-354.






21



mood has been scrutinized in an effort to determine the

influential formal feature. In order to find the formal

characteristics which perhaps influenced the choice of the

exceptional mood, I have noted word order, negation,

introductory words (thaet, hu, and hw- words), and the

immediate context for the presence of gif clauses, theah

clauses, magan, sculan, and willan constructions, and

formulaic devices. The study of context was the most

effectual, because it suggested that a principle of attrac-

tion is operating between the moods of two or more verbs

in sentences containing the complement clause structure.



The Attraction Theory


This "concordance of mood" or "attraction theory" is

discussed with reference to specific introductory verbs

later, but I will define it 1ere. Henry Sweet in his

Anglo-Saxon Reader accounts for the exceptional occurrences

of the subjunctive mood by citing the operation of attrac-

tion. He does not limit his discussion to complement

clauses, but his observation is still valuable to this

study: "It [the subjunctive] is so used in clauses depen-

dent on another clause containing a subjunctive, by a sort

of attraction. In many cases it is doubtful whether

the subjunctive in such cases is simply due to attraction

or to some idea of uncertainty, hypothesis, etc."28


28Henry Sweet, An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse
(Oxford, 1885), pp. xcvii-xcviii.





22



This operation is not peculiar to Old English grammar. In

Volume IV of his Modern English Grammar series, Otto Jes-

persen notes that a sort of attraction operates in the

tense-shifting in Modern English indirect speech. He labels

as back-shifting the process whereby the present, preterit,

and the perfect tenses in direct speech shift back to the

past tense of the main clause in indirect speech. He pre-

sents a typical example: "'I am glad to see you' becomes

in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was glad to

see me." Jespersen explains that the shifting is sometimes

required logically, but very frequently "is due simply to

mental inertia": "The speaker's mind is moving in the past,

and he does not stop to consider whether each dependent

statement refers to one or the other time, but simply goes

on speaking in the tense adapted to the leading idea." He

cites this speech from Dickens to illustrate the almost

unconscious attraction between tenses: "'I told her how I

loved her how I was always working with a courage

such as none but lovers knew how a crust well-earned

was sweeter than a feast inherited.'"29 Jespersen's ex-

planation for this sort of attraction in terms of "mental

inertia" seems especially relevant for an understanding of

the exceptions to the rule for mood in the complement clause


29n, op.it., pp. 151-152.
Jespersen, op.cit., pp. 151-152. .





23



following each Old English verb that means 'say,' 'think,'

'perceive,' 'feel,' or the like.

A study of the structural facts which the Old English

scribes have recorded, in order to arrive at an accurate

description of the choice of mood in the Old English com-

plement clause is, then, "as far as a syntactic analysis

can go."30



Generative-Transformational Terminology


In the explanations of these structural facts which

have influenced the mood of the complement clause, it is

sometimes convenient to use the terms of a generative-

transformational framework. The ideas of "deep structure"

and "surface structure" are important for explaining cer-

tain constructions. It is customary to distinguish the

deep structure as that aspect which determines the phonetic

interpretation of the actual spoken or written sentence.31

Chomsky illustrates the usefulness of making such distinc-

tions for sentences such as these:

A. "I persuaded John to leave."

B. "I expected John to leave."



30Charles Carlton, Descriptive Syntax of the Old English
Charters, Janua Linguarum, Series Practica 111T The Hague,
1970),p.26. Mr. Carlton's successful adaptation of Charles
Fries' method especially confirms the validity of this
attempt to describe the mood in the Old English complement
clause.

31Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts", 1965 5 p. 16.






24



He warns that these sentences with similar surface struc-

tures are "very different in the deep structure that under-

lies them and determines their semantic interpretations."

When analyzed, the deep structure of sentence A shows that

"'John' is the Direct Object of the Verb Phrase [persuaded]

as well as the grammatical Subject of the embedded sentence

['John will leave']." In sentence B, however, the deep

structure reveals that "John" has "no grammatical function

other than [that which is] internal to the embedded sen-

tence." "John" is the logical Subject in the embedded

sentence, "John will leave."32 The underlying deep struc-

tures for A and B are written here to illustrate further

the relationship between the sentence parts. Each embedded

sentence is underlined:

A. I---persuaded---John---John will leave.

B. I---expected---John will leave.

Thus the similarly written forms of certain complement

clause constructions might be derived from very different

deep structures. When semantic investigations are rele-

vant, such formal analyses seem to be more accurate for .a

description of the semantic aspect than the methods of the

Sprevious attempts at semantic interpretations of the com-

plement clause construction.


32
Chomsky, pp. 22-24.














THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE



A Description of the Data


The examples of the complement clause discussed in

this study are grouped according to the verb that intro-

duces each clause. Verbs like these, expressing mental

processes or acts of communication, may have as their com-

plements various grammatical constructions and parts of

speech: (1) infinitives., (2) noun phrases, (3) adjectives,

and (4) clauses:

(1) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 304-10, We willath nu

faran to thaere stowe 'We intend now to proceed

to the place.'

(2) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 91-4, and noldon eow

gecythan eowre [un]ryhtwisnesse 'and would not

show to you your unrighteousness.'

(3) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 113-16, thaette tha tha

he him selfum waes lytel gethuht 'that when he

himself was thought little.'

(4) Orosius, 162-27, thaet hie ne cuthan angitan

thaet hit Godes wracu waes 'that they could not

perceive that it was the wrath of God.'




25





26



Of these complements, the clauses occur most frequently;

they are, therefore, the special concern of the present

study. They may have one of the following beginnings:

(1) Thaet, which is the most common introductory word:

Orosius, 162-29, hie saedon thaem folce thaet heora godas

him waeron irre 'they said to that nation that their gods

were angry.' (2) Hu or hw- words: Orosius, 17-33, ac he

nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes 'but he knew not what was of

truth.' (3) The gif...thonne connector: Gregory's Pastoral

Care, 383-31, hie gethencen, gif mon on niwne we[a]ll

unadrugodne and unastithodne micelne hrof and hefigne

onsett, thonne ne timbreth he no healle ac hyre 'they think,

if one set on a new wall undried and not firm a big and

heavy roof, then he builds not a hall but a ruin.' (4) In

some cases, no subordinator: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 405-

12, wenestu recce he hire aefre ma 'thinkest you he care

for her ever more.' This description of the mood in the

noun clauses will restrict its evidence to those clauses

beginning with thaet, hu and hw- words. Although the verb

of the main clause usually has only one complement clause,

in some instances two or three clauses follow it. When

they are introduced by the thaet or the hu and hw- word

connectors, each of these clauses will be described. A

typical example follows: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 161-15,

and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe gesiehth,

and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefonlice wundor





27



'and show them which is the sight of exalted peace, and how

in vain one understands that heavenly wonder of God.'


The Classification of Introductory Verbs


The apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the comple-

ment clause has led grammarians to ignore the possibility

that there is a fixed syntactic rule operating in Old

English complement clauses. I have tested the hypothesis

that no rule governs the choice of mood by applying the

binomial method in my investigation of the degree of con-

sistency with which the introductory verbs require either

the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood in the follow-

ing clause. The probability values are based on the

assumption that if there were no fixed rule predetermining

a scribe's choice of mood after each introductory verb,

then after each verb the indicative and the subjunctive

mood would each occur half of the time. I have classified

the introductory verbs through the findings of this statis-

tical test. The six verbs in Group A are exclusively fol-

lowed by the subjunctive mood in at least five constructions

and, therefore, weakly support the no-rule hypothesis in

probability values less than .05. Group B includes the

verbs which, like the verbs of Group A, show a decided

preference for one mood, yet require the other mood in pre-

dictable contexts. The verbs in Group C have probability






28



values greater than .05, thus favoring the no-rule hypothe-

sis. A final group contains the verbs which introduce in-

direct discourse in less than five instances and, therefore,

do not qualify as conclusive evidence for this description

of the mood in the complement clause.



Group A

Indicative Subjunctive Probability Values
Mood in the Mood in the Calculated
Complement Complement According to the
Clause Clause Binomial Method

Geascian
and Geacsian 8 0" p < .005

Geleornian 0 5 p < .03

Manian 0 86 p < .00001

Thyncan 0 16 p < .00002

Willan 0 10 p < .005

Wilnian 0 25 p < .00001



There is little doubt that these six verbs of Group A

require the subjunctive mood in the complement clause. If

there were no syntax rule predetermining the influence of

each verb, the probability that manian and wilnian could be

followed so exclusively by the subjunctive mood is less

than one chance in 100,000. The highest probability value

in this group is that for geleornian at less than three

chances in one hundred. These verbs, then, do not support

the no-rule hypothesis.





29



Geascian and Geacsian

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Orosius 8 0


Geascian consistently requires the indicative mood in

the complement clause construction.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause

Orosius

132-10, tha geascade he thaet ercol se ent thaet waes.

148-16, Tha hio thaet geascade thaet thaes folces waes swa
fela to him gecirred.

160-1, AEfter thaem the Tarentine geacsedan thaet Pirrus
dead waes.

196-9, Tha Romane geacsedan thaet tha consulas on Ispanium
ofslagen waeron.

200-11, Ac siththan Scipia geascade thaet tha foreweardas
waeron feor thaem faestenne gesette.

230-4, thaer he geascade thaet Geowearthan goldhord waes.

236-8, Tha Silla geacsade on hwelc gerad Marius com to
Rome.

282-7, Tha Maximianus geacsade thaet his sunu feng to
thaem onwalde.



Geleornian

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 5


The subjunctive mood occurs in each complement clause

following geleornian.






30



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause

Gregory's Pastoral Care

81-25, thaet[is thaet] he geleornige thaet he selle Gode
his agne breosth.

191-1, Geleornigen eac tha beam thaet hi sua hieren hira
ieldrum.

191-4, Geleornigen eac tha faederas and tha hlafurdas
thaet hie wel libben[de] gode bisene astellen.

275-24, Thy we sculon geleornian thaet we suithe waerlice
gecope tiid aredigen.

319-7, thaet tha oferetolan geleornoden thaet hie to
ungemetlice ne wilnoden flaescmetta.



Manian

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 86


Manian introduces a complement clause in Gregory's

Pastoral Care only. The construction follows either of

these two patterns with such consistency that it might be

determined by formulaic conventions:

Eac
(1) ForEthaem + sint + to manianne + noun phrase
[Ongean thaet
+ (subordinate clause) + thaet and a

conventional complement clause.

(2) noun phrase + sint + to manianne + (subordinate clause)

+ thaet and a conventional complement clause.

Neither variation of the patterns nor indicative verb forms

in certain subordinate clauses alters the choice of mood in

the complement clause.





31



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause

Gregory's Pastoral Care

191-12, Eac sint to manianne tha underthioddan and tha
anlepan menn the aemtige beoth thaes thaet hie for
othre menn suincen thaet hie huru hie selfe
gehealden.

191-16, Tha ofer othre gesettan sint to manianne thaet hie
for hira monna gedwolan ne weorthen gedemde.

191-21, Tha ofergesettan sint to monianne thaet hie sua
otherra monna giemenne gefyllen.

195-15, Ac tha sint to manianne the fore othre beon sculan,
thaet hie geornlice tha ymb sion the hie ofer beon
sculon, thaet hie thaere geornfulnesse geearnigen.

197-3, Ac hie sient suithe georne to maniganne thaet hi
for hira untheawum hie ne forsion.

201-10, Tha theowas sint to manianne thaet hie simle on
him haebben tha eathmodnesse with hira hlafordas.

201-11, Tha hlafordas sint to manianne thaet hie naefre
ne forgieten hu gelic hira [ge]cynd is.

201-13, Tha thiowas sint to monianne thaette hie hiera
hlafordas ne forsion.

203-6, Tha lytegan sint to manianne thaet hi oferhycggen
thaet hie thaer wieton.

229-3, Tha gethyldegan sint to manianne thaette hie hira
heortan getrymigen.

229-13, Tha welwillendan sint to manianne thaet hie sua
faegenigen othra monna godra weorca.

237-13, Thy sint to manianne tha bilwitan anfealdan thaette,
sua sua hie tha leasunga nyttwyrthlice fleoth,
thaet hie eac thaet soth nytwyrthlice secgen.

247-6, Tha truman sint to manianne thaet hie gewilnigen
mid thaes licuman trumnesse thaet him ne losige
sio haelo thaes modes.

247-11, Forthon sint to manianne tha halan thaet hie ne
forhycgen.






32



251-20, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha metruman thaet
hie ongieten.

253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie
gethencen.

255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie
gethencen.

257-19, Eac sint tha seocan to monianne thaet hie ongieten.

261-1, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman to thaem thaet
hie gehealden.

273-2, Eac sint to manianne tha suithe suigean thaet hie
geornlice tiligen to wietanne.

275-1, Eac hie sint to manianne, gif hie hiera nihstan
lufien swa sua hie silfe, thaet hie him ne helen.

281-19, Tha slawan sint to manianne thaet hie ne forielden.

289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongieten
hwaet hie on him selfum habbath.

289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie
ongieten hwaet hi nabbath.

291-3, Tha monthwaeran sint to monianne thaet hie geornlice
tiligen.

302-13, Forthaem sint to manianne tha upahaefenan thaet hie
ne sien bealdran.

302-15, Tha eathmodan sint to manianne thaet hie ne sien
suithur underthiedde.

307-3, Tha anstraecan thonne sint to monianne thaet hie
ongieten.

307-7, Eac hie sint to manianne thaet hie gethencen.

307-19, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha unbealdan and tha
unfaesthraedan thaet hie hera mod mid stillnesse
and gestaeththignesse gestrongien.

313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah
hie [ne] maegen thone untheaw forlaetan thaere
gifernesse and thaere oferwiste, thaet he huru
hine selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy unryhtaemedes.





33



315-8, Ond theah hie sint to manianne thaet hie no hiera
faesten ne gewanigen.

319-16, To manianne sint tha the hira god mildheortlice
sellath thaette hie ne athinden on hiora mode.

327-12, Eac sint to manianne tha the nu hiera mildheortlice
sellath, thaet hie geornlice giemen.

327-24, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet
wilniath othre menn to reafigeanne, thaet hie
geornlice gehieren thone cuide.

335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie geornlice gethencen.

337-5, Eac hie sint to manien(n)e thaet hie geornlice
gethencen.

339-6, Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie
ongieten.

339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.

341-7, Ac hie sint aerest to manianne thaet hie cunnen
hiora aegen gesceadwislice gehealdan.

345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie
gewisslice wieten.

349-18, Ac tha ungesibsuman sint to manien(n)e, gif hie
nyllen hiera lichoman earan ontynan to gehieranne
tha godcundan lare, -haet hie ontynen hiera modes
eagan.

351-18, Eac sint to manianne tha gesibsuman thaet hie to
ungemetlice thaere sibbe ne wilnigen.

355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie him
ne ondraeden.

355-11, Ond eft hie sint to manianne thaet hie theah tha
sibbe anwealge oninnan him gehealden.

361-5, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha sibbe,
thaet hie swa micel weorc to recceleaslice and to
unwaerlice ne don.

363-8, Eac sint to manianne tha the on tham beoth abisgode
thaet hie sibbe tiligath, thaet hie aerest tilgen
to kythanne.





34



365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne
ongietath, thaette hie gethencen.

365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.

371-1, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie hie selfe ongieten.

371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen.

375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet thaet hie be thaem
laessan thingum ongieten.

383-31, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.

383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.

387-8, Tha thonne sint to manianne the simle habbath
thisse worulde thaet thaet hie wilniath'thaet hie
ne agiemeleasien.

387-16, Eac hie sint to monienne thaette hie no ne geliefen.

389-27, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde
orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongieten.

391-20, Tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen.

391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra
thinga wilniath, and him theah sum broc and sumu
witherweardnes hiera forwiernth, thaette hie
geornfullice gethencen.

393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.

393-23, Tha sint to manigenne the mid thaem gebundene
bioth, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu
hiera aegther othres willan don scyle, thaet hira
swa tilige aegther othrum to licianne on hiora
gesinscipe .and thaet hie swa wyrcen thisses
middangeardes weorc.

395-31, To manigenne sint tha gesomhiwan, theah hira
hwaethrum hwaethwugu hwilum mislicige on othrum,
thaet hie theat gethyldelice forberen.

397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen.

401-1, tha sint to manienne thaet hie swa micle ryhtlecor
tha hefonlican bebodo healden.






35



401-22, Eac sint to manienne tha Godes thiowas thaet hie
ne wenen.

401-31, Forthaem hi sint to manigenne, gif hie tha halwendan
forhaefdnesse gehabban ne maegen, and tha scuras
thaere costu[n]ga adreogan ne maegen, thaet hie
wilnigen.

403-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie gemunen.

405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna
onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wacore mode
ongeiten.

407-19, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet
ungefandod habbath flaesclicra scylda, thaette hie
swa micle swithor thone spild thaes hryres him
ondraeden.

407-22, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi witen.

407-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie unablinnendlice
thara leana wilnigen.

409-22, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath
thaes lichoman scylda thaet hie witen.

409-27, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten.

411-20, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath
thissa flaesclicena scylda, thaet hie ne wenen.

413-14, Hi sint [eac] to manienne thaet hi unathrotenlice
tha gedonan synna gelaeden.

413-22, Forthaem hie sint to manienne thaet hi aelce synne
gethencen.

413-31, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi gelefen.

415-8, and eft hi sint to manienne thaet hi swa hopigen
to thaere forgiefnesse.

417-3, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha g[e]thohtan
synna wepath, thaet hie geornlice giemen.

417-31, Ac tha sint to manienne tha the tha gethohtan synna
hreowsiath thaet hie geornfullice giemen.





36



419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna wepath,
and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice
ongieten.

421-35, Tha thonne sint to manienne the tha [ge]donan
scylda wepath, and [hi] swatheah ne forlaetath,
thaette hi ongiten.

423-28, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna
forlaetath, and hi theah ne betath ne ne hreowsiath,
thaet hi ne wenen.

437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thenne hi oft syngiath
lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten.

449-20, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the god diegellice
doth, and swatheah on sumum weorcum geliccetath
thaet hi openlice yfel don, and ne reccath hwaet
men be him sprecen, hi sint to manienne thaet hi
mid thaere licettunge othrum monnum yfle bisene
ne astellen.



Thyncan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 12

Orosius 0 4

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 0 16


Whether thyncan 'seem' can legitimately be said to

introduce the conventional sort of complement clause con-

struction is moot because the subordinate clause functions

as the subject rather than the object of the main verb:

Pastoral Care, 415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne

sie 'it seems to him that it is no sin.' Yet the Old






37



English thyncan constructions are parallel in word order

with constructions like 'they (he) think(s) that': Orosius,

182-25, he thencth thaet he hit adwaesce 'he thinks that he

increases it.' Pastoral Care, 209-16, thonne hie wenen

thaet hie haebben betst gedon 'when they think that they

have done best.' In the thyncan construction as well as

in the thencan and wenan constructions, the verbs are fol-

lowed by thaet clauses which regularly employ the sub-

junctive mood. In all cases the thaet clauses represent

the adaption of the expression of a mental process from an

independent sentence to a subordinate clause. It is true

that the thaet clause of the thyncan constructions is not

the object of the main verb -- a feature common to all

other complement clause constructions -- but rather it is

the subject of the main verb. The most accurate, though

awkward, rendering of the thyncan construction reads:

415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nanscyld ne sie 'that it is

no sin seems to him.' With minor variations, the word

order in these constructions follows its own distinctive

pattern: pronoun in the dative case + thyncan + thaet +

subject clause. Because thyncan consistently requires the

subjunctive mood in its complement clause, it was not

necessary to investigate the mood context of each clause.






38



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause

Gregory's Pastoral Care

113-10, AEresth him thuhte selfum thaet thaet he waere::
suithe unmedeme.

115-19, him thuhte thaet he waere his gelica.

203-14, him selfu[m] thync(th) thaette wisdom sie.

203-20, him selfum thynce thaette wisusth sie.

209-24, him thonne thynce thaet he nan yfel ne doo.

231-20, thonne thyncth him thaet hie wiellen acuelan.

285-4, thenne him thyncth thaet he ryhte lade funden
haebbe.

321-23, him thenne thynceth thaet he suithe wel atogen
haebbe.

415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne sie.

415-34, him thyncth thaet he haebbe fierst genogne to
hreowsianne.

There are two instances in which adverbs and adverb

phrases are introduced into the clause; nevertheless, the

subjunctive mood follows thyncan in its complement clause.

241-4, him fulneah thyncth thaette his nawuht sua ne sie
sua sua he aer witedlice be him wende 'it almost
seems to him that nothing about it is not just as
he formerly undoubtedly thought about it.'

415-32, him thyncth, theah hit scvld sie, thaet othre men
hefiglicor syngien 'it seems to him, though it is
a sin, that other men sin more gravely.'

In all the foregoing examples the verb thyncan has a

thaet clause as its subject; however, it often happens that

thyncan has not a thaet clause, but only a noun phrase as

subject and an adjective as complement. Alfred's Preface

to Gregory's Pastoral Care offers an example:





39



25-9, and thyncet him suithe leoht sie byrthen thaes

lareowdomes 'and to them the burden of instruction seems

very light.' Of course, such adjectival constructions are

not counted here as illustrations of the complement clause

construction; however, it is possible to assume that the

verb beon of a thaet clause has been deleted. Before dele-

tion, then, the sentence would read like the ten illustra-

tions of complement clauses listed above: and thyncet him

thaet sie byrthen suithe leoht sie 'and it seems to them

that the burden of instruction is very light.'

Of the several sentences which contain adjective com-

plements after thyncan, four might be mistakenly taken for

complement clause constructions because they have thaet

clauses closely following the verb thyncan.

261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan to rethe
oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes suingellan
gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why, then, shall
it seem to any man too severe or too hard that he
endure the castigation of God for his evil deeds.'

The adjectives may be taken as complements of thyncan in

the surface sentence, but can be derived from an embedded

sentence in which they are complements of deleted beon.

Before the deletion of beon and the thaet subordinator,

the sentence reads like a conventional complement clause:

261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan thaet hit
sie to rethe oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes
suingellan gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why,
then, shall it seem to any man that it be too
severe or too hard that he endure the castigation
of God for his evil deeds.'






40



Before deletion of the copula, then, the thaet clause which

introduces the adjectives is the subject of thyncan. The

second thaet clause which occurs in the surface sentence

is in turn the subject of the underlying clause from which

the copula has been deleted. A tree diagram (Figure 1)

with each clause numbered illustrates the underlying rela-

tionships between subjects and predicates. Similarly, the

following thyncan construction includes a thaet clause

which could be mistaken for a complement clause construc-

tion:

427-19, ac thaet him thynce genog on thaem thaet hi hit
selfe dyden 'but that seems to them enough, in
this, that they did it themselves.'

Before deletion, the structure reads as a conventional com-

plement clause construction: 'but that seems to them that

it be enough, in this, that they did it themselves.'

Thaet in the last clause is not a subordinator introducing

a complement clause. In the underlying structure repre-

sented in the tree diagram (Figure 2) it introduces the

noun clause that is the subject of the complement clause,

of which the predicate is "be enough."

The third illustration of a possibly misleading thaet

Sclause occurs in Alfred's original prose in his Preface to

Gregory's Pastoral Care:

7-6, Forthy me thyncth betre, gif iow swae thyncth,
thaet we eac sumae bec, tha the niedbethearfosta
sien eallum monnum to wiotonne, thaet we tha on
thaet gethiode wenden the we eall gecnawan maegen
'Therefore it seems better to me, if it seems so











S



Adv Adv NP VP



S2 V NP




NP VP


S V Adj







Forhwy thonne thaet hit thaet he Godes suingellan sie to rethe oththe sceal aenigum
gethafige for his yfelum to uniethe thyncan menn
daedum


Figure 1. Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care: 261-19.












S
s3



NP VP



S
SV NP Adv



NP VP



Si V Adj





thaet hit thaet hi hit selfe sie genog thynce him on thaem
dyden

Figure 2. Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care: 427-19.






43



to you, that we also translate some books, which
are most needful for all men to know, into that
language which we all can understand.'

When the deep structure is established, it becomes clear

that the complement clause construction has been partly

deleted: 'Therefore it seems to me, if it seems so to you,

that it is better. As in the other two examples,

the thaet clause is not, therefore, itself a complement

clause structure with thyncan as the governing verb, but

only the truncated remains of one. Its underlying relation-

ship to the complement clause is represented by the follow-

ing diagram (Figure 3).

One misleading thaet construction occurs in the Orosius:

154-18, thaet him wislecre thuhte thaet hie tha ne forluren
'that it seemed wiser to them that they then not
lose.'

The underlying complement clause can be reconstructed thus:

'that it seemed to them that it was wiser that they then

not lose.' The second thaet clause like the previous prob-

lem constructions is the subject of the underlying comple-

ment clause (Figure 4).

The Orosius contains some regular constructions. The

subjunctive mood occurs in the complement clause in all

the following thyncan illustrations:

102-28, tha him thuhte thaet heo heora deadra to lyt
haefden.

246-25, for thon the hiere thuhte thaet hit on thaem lime
unsarast waere.

Hu and hwaether replace thaet as the subordinator in











S3






Adv V




S
V NP Adv


NP
VP



V Adj


Forthy thaet hit thaet we eac sumae sie betre thyncth me gif iow
bec wenden swae thyncth


Figure 3. Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care: 7-6.












S
-3



NPVP







V NP




NP VP



S1 V Adj





thaet hit thaet hie tha ne waere wislecre thuhte him
forluren


Figure 4. Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18.






46



questions:182-22, Hu thyneth eow (nu) Romanum hu seo sibb

gefaestnad waere, hwaether hie sie thaem gelicost 'How does

it seem to you, Romans, how the peace was made fast, does

it appear whether it be most likened to that.'



Willan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 10


Willan consistently requires the subjunctive verb form

in its complement clause. The subjunctive form occurs in

Alfred's original prose, his Preface to Gregory's Pastoral

Care, and his translation.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause

Gregory's Pastoral Care

5-24, and woldon thaet her,thy mara wisdom on londe
waere.

9-5, io wolde thaet[te] hie ealneg aet thaere stowe
waeren.

57-2, Thonne he wilnath on his mode thaet he sciele
ricsian.

107-22, ac wile thaet simle se other beo araered from thaem
othrum.

165-11, hie wiellath thaet hie hiene eft haebben.

237-18, Ic wille thaet ge sien wise.

267-19, and wolde thaet hie wurden.

347-15, forthaem he wolde thaet we haefden aegther ge
sibbe ge wisdom.






47



355-18, Ic wolde, gif hit swa beon meahte, thaet ge with
aelcne monn haefden sibbe eowres gewealdes.

457-26, Gif thu wille thaet thu ne thyrfe the ondraedan
thinne Hlaford.



Wilnian

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 23

Orosius 0 2

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 0 25


The subjunctive verb form occurs in the complement

clause throughout the wilnian constructions in Gregory's

Pastoral Care and the Orosius-.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause

Gregory's Pastoral Care

23-16, Nu ic wilnige thaette theos spraec stigge.

93-19, and wilnath thaet he thy wi[s]ra thynce.

135-18, hie wiliniath thaet hie thyncen tha betstan.

135-19, hie wilniath thaet hie mon haebbe for tha betstan.

141-16, thaet he thonne ma ne wilnige thaet he self licige
his hieremonnum thonne Gode.

145-12, and wilnath theah thaet thaes othre menn sugigen.

145-13, he wilnath ma thaet hine mon lufige thonne
ryhtwisnesse.





48



145-15, Se thonne wilnath suithur thaet mon lufge
sothfaesthnesse.

145-16, se the wilnath thaet mon nanre ryhtwisnesse fore
him ne wandige.

147-5, tha godan recceras wilnigen thaet hie monnum
licigen.

239-25, and wilniath thaet hie hie gehyden.

255-1, hie wilniath thaet we him gethwaere sien.

265-8, se wilnath thaette nan thing ne sie.

301-11, ac he wilnode thaet he waere ongieten.

339-24, hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen.

351-4, and ne wilniath na thaet hie to thaere ecean sibbe
becumen.

365-21, and wilniath thaet hie gegitsien.

367-22, Ac gif we wilnigen thaet hie thaes wos geswicen.

387-9, hie wilniath thaet hie ne agiemeleasien.

431-24, ac hit wilnath thaet hit to thon onwaecne.

431-26, and wilnath thaet hit sie ofordruncen his agnes
willan.

439-35, hi wilniath thaet hi micel thyncen.

447-15, Forthaem wilnath God to aelcum men thaet he sie.


Orosius

224-18, and wilnade thaet he Parthe begeate.

290-20, and wilnedon to him thaet hie mosten on his rice
mid frithe gesittan.





49



Group B

Indicative Subjunctive Probability Values
Mood in the Mood in the Calculated
Complement Complement According to the
Clause Clause Binomial Method

Ascian
and Acsian 1 7 p < .05

Awritan 1 25 p < .0005

Bebeodan 3 26 p < .00001

Biddan 2 20 p < .00001

Cwethan 6 48 p < .00001

Gecythan 16 1 p < .0003

Gehieran 40 2 p < .00001

Gethencan 42 16 p < .0001

Laeran 3 14 p < .004

Ne Witan 23 4 p < .001

Ondraedan 1 14 p < .0009

Ongietan 69 16 p < .0001

Thencan 2 '12 p < .01

Wenan 3 81 p < .00001

Witan 50 8 p < .0001



The verbs in Group B are not followed exclusively by

one mood as are the six verbs in Group A. Yet the occur-

rences of an exceptional mood after each verb in Group B

are so few that the probability values, like those of the

verbs in Group A, are less than five chances in one hundred

that the no-rule hypothesis is correct. Indeed, were there





50



no rule, there would be less than one chance in 100,000

that bebeodan, biddan, or cwethan would be followed so

regularly by the subjunctive mood and less than one chance

in 100,000 that gehieran would be followed so consistently

by the indicative mood.

The exceptions to the regular mood in the complement

clauses are also not explained by the no-rule hypothesis.

In these instances structural facts provided by the texts

show that attraction of moods and word order can explain

the exceptions. There is no clear evidence, in spite of

earlier arguments, that the meaning of the introductory

verb has shifted and thus altered the regular mood of the

complement clause.



Ascian and Acsian

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Orosius 1 7


Ascian and acsian are followed by the subjunctive verb

form in all but one case. The exception can beexplained

by its immediate context.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause

Orosius

68-25, tha acsedon hie hine hu fela thaer swelcerra manna
waere swelce he waes.

120-33, het ascian thone cyning his faeder, the thaer aet
ham waes, hwaether him leofre waere.






51



156-29, Tha ascedan hiene his thegnas hwy he swa heanlice
word be him selfum gecwaede.

162-9, and hie acsedon for hwy hie thaet dyden.

162-24, ne acsedon hwaer thara gefarenra waere.

214-11, ascian thonne Italie hiera agne londleode, hu him
tha tida gelicoden.

224-26, and ascade hie for hwy hie nolden gethencan.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause

Orosius

54-2, and acsedon, gif hie feohtan ne dorsten, hwider
hie fleon woldon 'and asked, if they dared not
fight, whether they wished to flee.'

The influence of the indicative form of ascian on the mood

of the past tense of willan in the complement clause might

explain this exception; however, the subjunctive verb form

of the gif clause makes an attraction explanation less

likely. It is possible that the gif construction deter-

mined the mood of the hwideroclause. The gif dorsten

clause and the hwider .. woldon clause constitute the

gif construction. In this sentence the entire gif con-

struction is the complement of ascian. The influence of

this gif context is, then, a possible explanation for the

exceptional choice of mood.


Awritan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 1 25






52



The subjunctive mood regularly follows awritan in the

complement clause. The construction has a particular order:

(beon } + awritan + (preposition + noun phrase) + thaet
+ subject noun phrase + verb phrase. The pattern is rarely

altered in the twenty-five subjunctive mood clauses; how-

ever, the only instance of the indicative mood occurs in a

construction of unusual order. It is possible, then, that

the unusual word order explains the exceptional mood. The

indicative mood of the main verb perhaps also influenced

the verb of the complement clause by attraction.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

93-11, Hit waes awriten thaet thaes sacerdes hraegl waere
behongen mid bellum.

199-16, Forthaem [hit] is awriten thaette Dauid, tha he
thone laeppan forcorfenne haefde, thaet he sloge
on his heortan.

215-21, Hit [is] awriten on Paules bocum thaet sio Godes
lufu sie gethyld, and se the gethyldig ne sie,
thaet he naebbe tha Godes lufe on him.

233-18, the be him awriten is thaette for his aefeste
death become ofer ealle eorthan.

235-4, Be thaem is awriten thaet Dr[y]hten besawe to Abele
and to his lacum.

235-12, Be thaem is awriten thaette this flaesclece lif
sie aefesth.

243-15, Gehirath eac thaette thaeraefter awriten is thaette
he haebbe his getheaht.

275-15, and eft hit is awriten on Salomonnes bocum .
thaette hwilum sie spraece tiid.





53



277-18, Swa hit awriten is on Salomonnes cwidum thaette se
mon se the ne maeg his tungan gehealdan sie gelicost
openre byrig.

301-7, hit is awriten thaet he sie kyning ofer eal tha
oferhydigan beam.

323-25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is on Salamonnes bocum,
hit is awrieten thaet mon ne scyle cwethan to his
friend.

345-10, Hit is awrieten on sancte Paules bocum thaette
thaes gaestes waesthm sie lufu.

353-15, and forthaem hit is awriten thaet hiera honda
waeren gehalgode Gode.

357-16, Be thaem aworpnan engle is awriten on thaem god-
spelle thaet he sewe thaet weod on tha godan aeceras.

359-3, Be thaem is ryhtlice awriten thaet he bicne mid
thaem eagum.

371-23, hit is awriten thaette God anscunige aelcne ofer-
modne man.

385-19, Hit is awriten on thaem godspelle thaette ure
Haelend wurde beaeftan his meder.

401-33, forthaem hit is awriten thaet hit sie betere thaet
mon gehiewige thonne he birne.

403-1, Hit is awrieten on thaem godspelle thaet nan mon
ne scyle don his hond.

427-32, Be thaem is eft awriten on Genesis thaette swithe
wacre gemanigfalthod Sodomwara hream and Gomorwara.

431-29, hit waes awriten thaet hit waere swelce se stiora
slepe on midre sae.

437-19, Be thaem is awriten o(n) Salomonnes bocum thaette
se thaet he wille gelisian to maran.

445-32, hit is awriten thaet him waere betere.

445-35, hit is awriten thaet se engel cwaede be thaem
biscepe.






54



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

157-6, Suithe ryhtlice hit waes awriten aefter thaem
nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede 'Very
rightly it was written that the idols were painted
after the beasts.'

Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the sub-

ordinate clause is a possible explanation for this excep-

tion. The unusual word order perhaps also influenced the

scribe; in no other construction is the verb phrase broken

up so that the adverbial phrase stands outside the thaet

clause: aefter thaem nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron

atiefrede, instead of thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede

aefter thaem nitenum.

Besides the possibility of attraction between the

indicative context and the verb of the complement clause,

the presence of waeron geiewde, also in a governing verb

position, might explain the indicative mood in this comple-

ment clause after awritan:

195-18, tha waeron geiewde, sua hit awritan is thaet hie
waeron ymb eal utan mid eagum besett 'those seemed,
as it is written, that they were all around cove.red
outside with eyes.'





55



Bebeodan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 7

Orosius 3 19

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 3 26



The subjunctive mood follows bebeodan in the comple-

ment-clause. The word order regularly follows this pattern:

bebeodan + (nominative noun phrase) + (dative noun phrase)

+ subordinator and complement clause. The nominative or

the dative noun phrase, or both if they are pronouns, may

be shifted to the front of bebeodan. Relative clauses and

one gif construction occur in certain constructions without

varying the mood choice in the complement clause. Attrac-

tion between the indicative moods best explains the three

rare instances of the indicative mood.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

81-18, Forthaem babiet sio halige ae thaet se sacerd scyle
onfon thone suithran bogh aet thaere of[f]runge.

319-22, Thaem hlafordum is beboden thaet hie him doon thaet
h[i]ra thearf sie.

321-1, and thaem thegnum is beboden thaet hie him thaet
to genyhte don.





56



381-23, he bebead thaet menn namen hiora sweord.

459-22, Forthaem waes eac beboden thurh Noyses, gif hwa
adulfe pytt, and thonne forgiemeleasode thaet he
hine betynde, and thaer thonne befeolle on oththe
oxa oththe esol, thaet he hine scolde forgieldan.


Orosius

122-5, and se aetheling bebead sumum his folce thaet hie
gebrohten Romana consulas.

126-26, Tha bebead Alexander thaem haethnan biscepe thaet
he becrupe on thaes Amones anlicnesse.

140-19, Tha bebead se faeder thaem consule thaet hi mid
his fierde angean fore.

144-14, he thaeron bebead thaet mon ealle tha wraeccan an
cyththe forlete.

150-5, AEfter thaem Antigones bebead thaet mon aegther
hete cyning.

204-7, him bebead se consul thaet hie eal hiera heafod
besceaten.

206-16, tha bebead he sumum thaem folce thaet hie from
thaem faestenne aforen.

228-9, he bebead his twaem sunum thaet hie thaes rices
thriddan dael Geoweorthan sealden.

248-15, Sum waes aerest thaet he bebead ofer ealne middan-
geard thaet aelc maegth ymbe geares ryne togaedere
come.

248-23, Thridde waes thaet he bebead thaet aelc thara the
on eltheodignesse waere, come to his agnum earde.

248-25, he bebead thaet mon tha ealle sloge.

260-30, and bebead his agnum monnum thaet hie simle gegripen
thaes licgendan feos swa hie maest mehten.

264-26, and ge bebead his aldormon(n)um thaet hie waeren
cristenra monna ehtend.

266-16, and he bebead thaet mon timbrede on otherre stowe
Hierusalem tha burg, and thaet hie mon siththan hste
be noman Helium.






57



268-4, and hie bebudon thaet mon aelcne cristenne mon
ofsloge.

282-28, On thaem dagum Lucin(i)us bebead thaet nan cristen
mon ne come.

288-6, He him bebead thaet he forlete thon(n)e his
cristendom oththe his folgath.

290-1, swa thaet he bebead thaet munecas-the woroldlica
thing forgan sculon, and waepna gefeoht-thaet hie
waepena namen.

296-31, thaet he bebead thaet mon naenne mon ne sloge.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

The following bebeodan constructions occur in Alfred's

Preface:

5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic
geliefe thaet thu eille.

9-2, Ond ic bebiode on Godes naman thaet nan mon thone
aestel from thaere bec ne do.

It is not clear whether the ;haet geaemetige clause in

the following sentence is the complement of bebeodan, gelie-

fan, or willan; therefore, I merely present it without

counting it as evidence of bebeodan's influence on the verb

of the complement clause:

5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic
geliefe thaet thy wille, thaet thu the thissa
woruldthinga to thaem genemetige swae thu oftost
maege[l]'and therefore I command you that you do
as I believe that you will, that you free yourself
of these worldly matters to such an extent as you
most often may.'






58



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Orosius

114-30, and him bebead thaet hie thaet lond hergieade waeron
oth hie hit awesten 'and commanded them that they
were (to keep on) plundering until they destroyed
it.'

248-26, Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden thaet we
sculon cuman of thisse worolde to ures faeder
oethle 'That showed that it is commanded to all of
us that we ought to come from this world to the
realm of our father.'

262-19, and he bebead Tituse his suna thaet he towearp
thaet templ on Hierusalem 'and he commanded Titus
his son that he destroy the temple in Jerusalem.'



Biddan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 4

Orosius 1 15

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 1


Total 2 20



The subjunctive mood.occurs regularly after biddan

in complement clause constructions. Two exceptional indica-

tive clauses appear in the Orosius and the Anglo-Saxon

Chronicle. The indicative form of biddan introduces all

but one of the clauses in the entire stock of regular sub-

junctive clauses, and in those two cases has apparently

altered the scribe's choice of mood.






59



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

63-12, se se the-bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with
otherne the he bith eac ierre.

304-4, and we hie thonne biddath thaet hie for urum thingum
hira untheawa gesuicen.

413-19, Ic the bidde thaet thu no ne locige on mine.synna.

467-23, Ac ic the bidde thaet thu me on thaem scipgebroce
thisses andweardan lifes sum bred geraece thinra
gebeda.


Orosius

64-28, mid thaem the hie baedon thaet hie him fylstan
mosten.

66-1, and heora faederum waeron to fotum feallende, and
biddende thaet hie for thara cilde lufan thaes
gewinnes sumne ende gedyden.

82-18, He baed hie eac thaet hie gemunden thara ealdena
treowa.

82-20, and hie bidde(nde) waes thaet hie mid sume seara-
wrence from Xerse thaem cyninge sume hwile awende.

92-7, and hie baedon thaet hie frith with hie haefden.

98-14, and baedon thaet hie tidlice hamweard waere.

98-19, and hine baedon thaet he him on fultume waere.

118-14, and baedon thaet hie ealle gemaenelice cunnoden.

140-15, Tha baed his faeder-waes eac Fauius haten-thaet
tha senatum forgeafen thaem suna thone gylt.

146-29, and hiene baedon thaet he him ageafe thaet he
(aer) on him gereafade.

200-31, and baedon thaet he him to fultume come.

212-4, oth tha burgware baedon thaet hie mosten beon
hiera undertheowas.






60



268-13, Tha baedon hie tha cristnan men thaet hi heora an
sume wisan gehulpen.


Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

8-An.167, baed thaet he waere cristen gedon.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Orosius

114-21, Aefter thaem Atheniense baedan Philippus, thaet
he heora ladtheow waere with Focenaes thaem folce.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement-Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Orosius

100-6, and baeden thaet hie thaes gefeohtes geseicen.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Orosius

192-22, AEfter thaem Centenus Penula se consul baed thaette
senatus him fultum sealdon.


Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

68-An.868, and Burgraed Miercna cyning and his wiotan
baedon AEthered West Seaxna cyning and Aelfred
his brothur thaet hie him gefultumadon.





61



Cwethan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 2 29

Orosius 3 16

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 3


Total 6 48



The subjunctive mood regularly follows cwethan in the

complement clause. The word order follows the usual pat-

tern: cwethan + thaet + subject noun phrase + verb + object.

As with another verb that expresses an act of communication,

secgan 'say,' which will be considered later, the word

order in the exceptional clauses differs from the normal

pattern; for most of the exceptions, the verb is the last

item of the series. While tge verb occurs as the last item

in some clauses which contain the subjunctive mood, that is

the predominant order in the exceptional indicative mood

clauses; nevertheless, attraction between the indicative

moods seems also to be an.important influence in the

scribe's use of the exceptional mood in the complement

clause.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

73-2, tha he cwaeth thaet aelces yfeles wyrttruma waere.






62



91-8, and cuaeth thaet hie scolden leasunga witgian.

107-18, Ic cuaeth thaet aeghwelc monn waere gelice othrum
acenned.

115-20, He cuaeth to him thaet he waere his gelica.

135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth na thaet tha
giemmas waeren, forsceadne aefter [thaem] straetum.

157-5, the sanctus Paulus cuaeth thaet waere hearga and
idelnesse gefera.

197-19, and cuaeth thaet hit no gedaefenlic naere.

211-5, sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes.

249-15, Ond eac cuaeth Salomonn thaet fremde ne scolden
beon gefyllede ures maegenes.

279-24, he cwaeth thaette sio suyge waere thaere
ryhtwisnesse fultum midwyrhta.

281-7, he cwaeth thaet hio waere unstille, yfel and
deathberendes atres full.

319-4, he cuaeth thaet hit waere good thaet mon foreode
flaesc and win for bisene his brothrum.

335-18, and ryhtlicor we magon cwethan thaet we him gielden
scylde.

341-1, swa swa we aer bufan cwaedon .thaet hie thonne
for waedle weorthen on murcunga and on ungethylde.

381-24, and cwaeth thaet tha scolden bion synderlice Godes
thegnas.

387-26, and cwaeth thaet hie wolden weorthan forlorene and
oferwunene mid orsorgnesse.

399-24, He cwaeth thaet hio waere swithe neah.

403-33, He cwaeth thaet hi hi forlaegen on Egiptum on hira
gioguthe.

409-3, swa swa we aer cwaedon, thaet hie sceolden habban
ece eardungstowe on thaes faeder huse furthor.

409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen.






63



409-33, Thios sae cwith thaet thu thin scamige, Sidon.

419-11, tha he cwaeth thaet hio him sona forgiefen waere.

419-13, he cwaeth thaet him waere aer forgiefen.

423-17, Hwaet, sanctus Paulus cwaeth thaet he gesawe
otherne gewunan.

449-6, Be swelcum monnum cwaeth Dryhten thaet hi waeren
gelicost deadra manna byrgennum.

449-15, Be thaem cwaeth Dryhten on his godspelle thaet
thaet waere hira med.


Orosius

The first two illustrations come from Alfred's original

prose, "Ohthere's Narrative":

17-2, He cwaeth thaet he bude on thaem lande northweardum
with tha Westsae.

19-10, He cwaeth thaet nan man ne bude be northan him.

44-11, and cwaedon thaet hit gemalic waere.

54-29, and cwaeth thaet thaem weorce nanum men aer ne
gerise bet to fandianne.

56-20, and cwaedon thaet hie to rathe wolden fultumlease
beon aet heora bearnteamum.

58-1, to thon thaet hie cwaedon thaet hie Mesiana folce
withstondan mehten.

82-31, and cwaeth thaet hit gerisenlic[re] weare.

92-35, and cwethath thaet him Gotan wyrsan tida gedon
haebben thonne hie aer haefdon.

174-25, tha cwaedon hie thaet him leofre waere.

178-15, and cwaeth thaet him to micel aewisce waere.

194-11, and cwaedon thaet hie tha burg werian wolden.

202-17, and cwaedon thaet him soelest waere.

210-22, hie cwaedon thaet him leofre waere.





64



214-8, thonne magon hie ryhtor cwethan thaet thaet waeren
tha ungesaelgestan.

252-26, swa thaette sume men cwaedon thaet hio waere mid
gimstanum gefraetwed.


Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

48-An.755, and tha cuaedon hie thaet him naenig maeg
leofra naere thonne hiera hlaford.

48-An.755, and hie cuaedon thaet thet ilce hiera geferum
geboden waere.

48-An.755, Tha cuaedon hie thaet hie [hieJ thaes ne
onmunden thon ma the eowre geferan.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

43-7, buton he cuethan wielle thaet he ne lufige thone
Hlaford.


Orosius

80-7, thaet mon eathe cwethan mehte thaet hit wundor
waere.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

323-8, thonne cuethe ge thaet ge sien unnytte theowas.

377-20, thonne wille we cwethan thaet he sie genog ryhtlice
his brothor deathes scyldig.


About verbal forms without final -n, like that in

sentence 323-8, Wright states: "Final -n disappeared in

verbal forms before the pronouns we, wit; ge, git."l


Joseph Wright and Elizabeth Mary Wright, Old English
Grammar (London, 1908), p. 138.






65



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

The indicative mood occurs only twice after cwethan

in Gregory's Pastoral Care; both instances occur in the

same sentence. It is difficult to explain the exceptional

mood when the regular subjunctive mood occurs in another

cwethan construction also within the same sentence:

211-3, sua thaette sume suaedon thaet hie waeron Apollan,
sume cuaedon thaet hi waeron Saules, sume Petres,
sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes 'so that some
said that they were Apollo's,some said that they
were Saul's, some Peter's, one said that he was
Christ's.'

The attraction principle can explain the rare instance of

the indicative mood after cwethan in the first two clauses

of the series. It is, then, possible that the interruption

in the sume cuaedon pattern by the elliptic clause, sume

Petres, explains the scribe's return to the use of the

subjunctive mood in the final clause of the same series.


Orosius

214-7, Gif hie thonne cwethath thaet tha tida goda waeron.

254-28, and cwaedon thaet.hie niene for god habban noldon.


Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

80-An.887, and hi cuedon thaet hie thaet to his honda
healdan sceoldon.






66



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Orosius

One exceptional.instance of the indicative mood after

cwethan cannot be explained according to attraction:

214-3, Thaet sindon tha godan tida the hie ealneg fore-
gielpath, gelicost thaem the hie nu cwethen thaet
tha tida him anum gesealde waeren and naeren eallum
folcum 'That those are the good times of which
they always boast; as if they now said that those
times were given to them alone and were not (given)
to all people.'

The indicative waeron juxtaposed against the subjunctive

naeren is perhaps the scribe's attempt to contrast the two

verbs-. A stylistic explanation of this sort seems to be

the best solution for the problem.



Gecythan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 12 1

Orosius 4 0

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 16 1



Gecythan requires the indicative mood in the comple-

ment clause construction. The subjunctive mood in the one

instance in which it occurs appears to be a marker for

contrast.





67



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

33-6, thy we woldon gecythan hu micel sio byrthen bith
thaes lareowdomes.

163-11, thonne he him gecythth hu sio byrthen wiexth and
hefegath.

163-15, thonne he him gecyth mid hu scearplicum costungum
we sint aeghwonon utan behrincgde.

211-14, ge habbath gecythed thaet ge ures nanes ne siendon.

409-2, Thaem monnum is gecythed hwelce stowe he moton
habban beforan urum faeder.


Orosius

100-8, Thaet is mid Crecum theaw thaet mid thaem worde
bith gecythed hwaether healf haefth thonne sige.

142-25, hie thonne gecythath on thaem aete hwelc heora
maest maeg gehrifnian.

296-3, Ac hie gecythdon rathe thaes hwelce hlafordhylde
hi thohton to gecythanne on hiora ealdhlafordes
bearnum.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

115-15, and mid thy anwalde gecythde thaet he waes ieldesth
ofer tha halgancirican.

117-5, hraedlice he gecythde thaet he waes magister and
ealdormonn.

281-6, Eft bi tham ilcan he gecythde hwaet thaere tungan
maegen is.

343-6, Ac Dryhten gecythde thurh Salomon thone snottran
hu micel his irsung aefter thaere daede bith.

401-26, He gecythde hwelc sio scyld bith.





68



405-16, and swatheah us gecythde .. .thaet us waere
gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to
us showed that his mercy was ready for us,
that (his) justice was not.'

Such inverted word order rarely happens in the thaet clause:

gecythan + verb phrase + thaet + subject noun phrase. Even

so, it seems better to translate thaet as a subordinator

than as the neuter determiner, 'the justice was not.'

451-6, he us gecythde forhwy he hit forbead.

Orosius

60-21, Thaet wille ic gecythan, thaet tha ricu of nanes
monnes mihtum swa gecraeftgade [ne] wurdon.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

405-16, and swatheah us gecythde, gif we aefter thaem
hryre urra scylda to him gecierdon, thaet us waere
gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to us
showed, if we after the fall of our sins came to
him, that his mercy was ready for us, that (his)
justice was not.'

The principle of attraction does not adequately explain

this occurrence of the subjunctive mood; not only is the

main verb an indeterminate form, but also the verb of the

gif clause immediately preceding the thaet clause is in

the indicative mood. Perhaps a better explanation is that

the scribe thus emphasizes the contrast between mercy which

waere gearo and justice which naes (gearo).





69



Gehieran

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 39 2

Orosius No evidence available

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 0


Total 40 2



The indicative mood regularly occurs in the comple-

ment clause introduced by gehieran. The main verb is often

in the subjunctive mood and apparently determined the excep-

tional mood of the complement clauses in two instances.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

111-11, suelce he gehierth thaet his olicceras secgath.

265-24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaet on him bith gefyllad.

315-23, Ac us is suithe geornlice to gehieranne hwaet
Gryhten threatigende cuaeth.

355-6, Be thaem we magon gehieran thaette sua micle sua
we us swithur gethiedath.

373-2, Eac hie sculon gehieran hwaet to thaem lareowum
gecweden is thurh Salomon.

379-15, Eac hi sculon gehieran hu sanctus Iohannes waes
gemanod.

379-24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaette thurh Salomon is
gehaten.

387-31, Be thaem wordum we maegon gehieran thaet hie waeron
swithe suithlice getaelde.






70



401-10, Ac hi scoldon gehira[n] hwaet Paulus cwaeth.

407-32, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh Essaias thone
witgan gecweden is.

409-5, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh sanctus Iohannes
gecweden is.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

48-An.755, Tha on morgenne gehierdun thaet thaes cyninges
thegnas the him beaeftan waerun thaet ae cyning
ofslaegen waes.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjuhctive Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

243-10, Gehieren tha unclaenen and tha lytegan hu hit
awriten is.

299-7, Gehieren-'tha eathmoden hu ece thaet is and
hu unagen thaet is.

299-13, Gehieren eac tha upahaefenan hu gewitende tha thing
sint.

299-15, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Salomon cuaeth.

299-16, Gehieren eac the upahaefenen on hira mode hu he
eft cuaeth.

299-18, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet God cuaeth thurh
Essaim thone witgan.

299-21, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet Salomon cuaeth.

299-22, Gehieren tha eathmodan hweat on psalmum gecueden
is.

301-1, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Crist cuaeth.

301-3, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hweat Salomon cuaeth.

301-6, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet awriten is.






71



317-13, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth.

317-15, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus
cuaeth.

317-19, Gehieren eft tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth.

317-21, Gehiren eft tha oferetolan hwaet he to him cuaeth.

317-23, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth.

319-3, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus cwaeth.

319-5, Gehiren tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth.

323-6, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.

323-18, ac gehiren hwaet awriten is.

323-25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.

359-9, ac gehiren tha wrohtsaweras hwaet awriten is.

371-13, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.

409-16, Gehieren eac tha the ungefandod habbath thara
flaesclicana scylda hwaet sio Sothfaesthnes thurh
hie selfe cwaeth.

441-19, Ac gehiren hi thaet thas andwearda[n] god bioth
from aelcre lustfulnesse swithe hraedlice gewitende.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

303-6, thaet hit sie the lusthbaerre to gehieranne sua
hwaet sua we him auther oththe lean oththe laera
wiellen 'that it be the more cheerful to hear
whatever we wish for them either to blame or to
teach.'

379-17, Se the gehire thaet hine mon clipige 'he who hears
that one calls him.'

Attraction between the mood of the main verb and the verb

of the complement clause in these exceptions best explains

the scribe's choice of mood.






72



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

243-13, Gehirath hwaet of thaes wisan Salomonnes muthe waes
gecueden.

381-12, Gehierath hwaet on Cantica Canticorum is awriten.



Gethencan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 37 16

Orosius 5 0

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 42 16



Although both the indicative and subjunctive moods

follow gethencan in complement clause constructions,the

indicative mood predominates. The order of the items in

the construction varies with both moods, and interrupting

words and phrases frequently occur around the main items of

the constructions. Attraction between moods can explain

the exceptional occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the

complement clause construction, because in the majority of

such clauses, gethencan is in the subjunctive mood. The

established indicative mood naturally occurs whether the

indicative mood or the subjunctive mood occurs in the main

clause or in another subordinate clause.






73



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

29-6, thonne is to gethencanne hwaet Cristh self cueth on
his godspelle.

37-23, ne gethencan ne con hwaet him losath on thaere
gaelinge the he tha hwile amierreth and hu swithe
he on tham gesyngath.

107-21, se godcunda dom gethencth thaette ealle men gelice
beon ne magon.

109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth othrum
monnum on hira gecynde.

117-16, and eac we magon suigende gethencean on urum
inngehygde, theah we hit ne sprecen, thaet hie
beoth beteran thonne we.

127-16, Monige theah nyllath na gethencean hu gelice hie
beoth othrum brothrum ofergesett.

313-13, Ac we sculun gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand
doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet
we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde.

329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu micles wites tha
beoth weorthe the othre menn reafiath.

343-14, Ac tha reaferas gethenceath swithe oft hu micel hie
sellath.

349-14, Of thissum bebode we magon gethencean hu unaberendlic
gylt sio towesnes bith.

359-11, By thaem worde we magon gethencean, nu tha sint
Godes beam genemned the sibbe wyrcath, thaette tha
sindon butan tweon diofles beam.

377-3, Hwy ne magon hie thonne gethencean, gif hie on
thaem gesyngiath, hu micle swithur hie gesyngiath.

383-28, Hwaet hie magon gethencean thaet fugla briddas,
gif hie aer wilniath to fleoganne, aer hira fethra
fulwe[a]xene sin, thaette sio wilnung hie genithrath
the hi aer upahefth.





74



385-23, Thonne is us [thaet] swithe wocorlice to gethen-
ceanne thaette ure Haelend, tha tha he twelfwintre
waes, tha waes he gemet sittende tomiddes thara
lareowa.

397-5, thonne hie gethenceath hwaet hi othrum monnum
forberath.

397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftraed-
lice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe.


Orosius

122-15, and nellath gethencan hu lath eow selfum waes to
gelaestanne eowre athas thaem the ofer eow anwald
haefdon.

146-11, hie gethoht haefdon thaet hie hiene besaetedon.

152-32, and nyllath gethencan hwelc hit tha waes.

200-10, and gethoht haefdon thaet hie thaer sceoldon
wintersetl habban.

296-21, Ge magon eac gethencan hu hean he eft wearth his
geblota and his diofolgilda the he on gelifde.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

77-5, Gethencen hie thonne betwuh him selfum hu suithe
hie sculon beon geclaensode.

81-6, gethence he thonne thaet he is efnmicel nied.

117-15, gethence he thaet he bith self suithe gelic tham
ilcan monnum.

233-14, Gethencen be thysum tha aefstigan hu micel maegen
bith.

Besides the rule established for gethencan complement

clauses, the formulaic nature of the manian-gethencan con-

structions is perhaps determining the indicative mood in

the complement clause also.





75



253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie
gethencen mid hu monigfaldum ungetaesum and mid hu
heardum brocum us swingath 'Then the unhealthy are
to be admonished that they consider with how mani-
flod severities and with how hard afflictions (our
worldly fathers and masters) chastise us.'

255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie
gethencen hu micel haelo thaet bith 'Also the sickly
are to be admonished that they consider how much
health there is.'

335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie eornlice gethencen
thaet thios eorthe, the him thaet gestreon of com,
eallum mannum is to gemanan geseald 'they are to
be admonished that they carefully consider that
this earth, from which the gain came to them, is
given to all men in common.'

337-5, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice
gethencen thaette se fiicbeam, the on thaem god-
spelle gesaed is thaette nanne waesthm ne baere,
stod unnyt 'Also they are to be admonished that
they earnestly consider that the fig tree, which
in the gospel is said that it bore no fruit, stood
useless.'

357-15, Tha wrohtgeornan sint to manigenne thaet hie
gethencen hwaes folgeras hie sindon 'The lovers
of strife are to be admonished that they consider
whose followers they are.

365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen thaet
tha halgan gewritu sint us to leohtfatum gesald
'Also they are to be admonished that they consider
that the Holy Scriptures are given to us as lan-
terns.'

383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hi gethencen
thaette tha wif the tha geeacnodan beam cennath
the thonne git fulborene ne bioth, ne fyllath hie
no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also they are to be
admonished that they consider that those women,
who bring forth the conceived children, when they
are not yet full born, fill not by that houses but
tombs.'

391-20, tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen
mid hu micelre giefe ofer him wacath se Scippend
'those are to be admonished that they carefully
consider with how much favor the Creator watches
over them.'






76



391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra
thinga wilniath thaette hie geornfullice
gethencen thaette oft ryhtwise menn mid thys
hwilendlican anwealde weorthath upahaefene 'Also
those who desire these transitory things are
to be admonished that they consider carefully that
often righteous men become exalted with this transi-
tory power.'

393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen hu
hit awriten is be Salamonne, hu he aefter swa
miclum wisdome afioll, emne oththaet he dioflum
ongan gieldan 'Also they are to be admonished that
they consider how it is written about Solomon, how
he after so much wisdom fell, even until he began
to sacrifice to devils.'

397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen hwaet othre
men him forberath 'One ought to admonish the married
persons, and also everyone else, that they not
consider less what other men tolerate in them.'

445-26, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi geornlice
gethencen thaette hit bith wyrse thaet mon a onginne
faran on sothfaestnesse weg, gif mon eft wile
ongeancierran, and thaet ilce on faran 'Also they
are to be admonished that they carefully consider
that it is worse that one begins to travel on the
road of truth, if one will afterwards turn back and
travel on that same (way).'

447-28, Tha thonne sint to manienne tha the yfel degellice
doth, and god openlice, thaet hi gethencen hu
hraedlice se eorthlica hlisa ofergaeth, and hu
unanwendenlice se go[d]cunda Turhwunath 'Those
then are to be admonished who do evil secretly,
and good openly, that they consider how quickly
earthly fame passes away, and how firmly the divine
(fame) lasts.'

The manian and gethencan combination governs the sub-

junctive mood in four of the eighteen complement clause

constructions. While attraction in these instances can

explain the subjunctive mood, the underlying forms of these

exceptional clauses reveal significant differences when com-

pared with the indicative clauses.






77



339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen, ongemang
thaem the hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen,
thaet hie for thaem godan hlisan thy forcuthran ne
weorthen 'they are to be admonished that they con-
sider, while they wish that they seem generous,
that for that good fame they do not become the more
depraved.'

For the first problem illustration Sweet translates the

gethencan construction thus:

'[they] are to be admonished to take care .
that for that good fame they do not become
the more depraved.'

A direct command, 'Do not become the more depraved,' is the

underlying form for this surface sentence, rather than a

description of a situation, which the fourteen regular com-

plement clauses represent.

The second problem sentence is also different from the

indicative complement clauses which follow manian and

gethencan:

365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne ongietath,
thaette hie gethencen thaette hie thone halwendan
drync thaes aethelan wines ne gehwyrfen him selfum
to attre, and isen thaet hie menn mid lacnian
souldon, thaet hie mid thaem hie selfe to feore ne
gewundigen 'Those are to be admonished who do not
understand the law rightly, that they consider
that they not turn the salutary draught of noble
wine into poison for themselves, and the iron that
they should cure men with, that they with that not
wound themselves too deeply.'

Sweet translates this problem sentence thus:

'Those who do not understand the law rightly
are to be admonished not to turn the salutary
draught of noble wine into poison for them-
selves, and not to wound themselves mortally
with the lancet with which they should cure men.'

A direct command underlies each surface structure: 'Do not





78



turn the salutary draught of noble wine into poison for

yourself,' and 'do not wound yourself too deeply.'

A negative command, 'Do not cause discord with the

words,' underlies the fourth exceptional clause:

371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen thaette
hie selfe ne geunthwaerigen thaem wordum the hie
laerath 'But one ought to admonish them that they
consider that they themselves not cause discord
with the words which they teach.'

It is possible, then, that these different underlying forms

explain the exceptional mood in the clause after the manian

and gethencan combination.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

85-11, Be thaem gethence sacerd, thonne he othre men
healice laerth, thaet he eac on him selfum healice
ofthrysce tha lustas his untheawa.

95-8, Forthaem gethence se lariow thaet he unwaerlice
forth ne raese on tha spraece.

159-14, thonne gethence ge hwaet ge sien and hwelce ge sien.

273-4, ac him is micle mare thearf thaet hie gethencen
hwelce hi hie innan geeowigen Gode, and thaet hi
swithor him ondraeden for hiera gethohtum thone
diglan Deman.

289-25, ac gethencen thaet he sie gesceadwislic and
gemetlic.

306-2, gif hie be aenegum daele wolden gethencean hwaet
hie selfe waeren.

321-13, and eac him is micel thearf thaet hie geornlice
gethencen thaet hie to unweorthlice ne daelen thaet
him befaesth bith.






79



363-12, forthon, thonne thonne hie gethencath tha ryhtan
lufe, thaet hie eac gethencen thaet hie ne weorthen
beswicene mid thaere uterran lufe.

In one instance the subjunctive mood occurs in the comple-

ment clause even though the main verb is in the indicative

mood; it is true, however, that the clause between the main

verb and the thaet clause contains a verb in the subjunctive

mood. It is possible, then, that an attraction is operating:

325-17, For thy mon sceal aer gethencean, aer he hwaet
selle, thaet he hit eft forberan maege butan
hreowe, thylaes he forleose tha lean 'Therefore
one ought previously to consider, before he gives
up anything, that he may afterwards forgo it
without regret, lest he lose the reward.'

Besides the possibility that attraction is operating between

the subjunctive moods, the underlying structure of this

complement clause construction is different from those con-

structions noted above which govern the indicative mood in

predominately indicative environments. The sculon and

gethencan combination governs the indicative mood in clauses

which describe the actual facts of a situation.

109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth
othrum monnum on hira gecynde 'they ought to con-
sider how similar they are to other men of their
kind.'

313-13, Ac we sculon gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand
doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet
we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde 'But
we ought to consider as often as we put our hand
to our mouth for excessive greediness, that we
renew and recall to mind the sin.'

397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftra-
edlice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe






80



'Therefore they ought to consider if too often and
too excessively they associate in the marriage that
they are not in lawful wedlock, if they hold that
as a habit.'

The underlying structure for the sculon and gethencan con-

struction which governs the subjunctive mood is not a state-

ment about a situation but a question. Sweet freely trans-

lates the sentence substituting whether for thaet: 'There-

fore he must consider, before he gives away anything,

whether he can afterwards forego it without regret.' The

direct question, 'May he forego it later without regret?'

has been subsumed in this indirect discourse construction.

The scribe has substituted thaet for hu and the hw- words

which usually introduce such object clauses.

Gethencan occurs only three times in the imperative

mood. The regular indicative mood is found in two of the

three constructions.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

It is significant that the original prose follows the

rule established for gethencan. That the original prose

such as Alfred's Preface should conform to the same pattern

which recurs throughout the translations is further evidence

that a fixed rule is determining the mood in the complement

clause:

Alfred's Preface, 5-5, Gethenc hwelc witu us tha becemon
for thisse worulde.

467-1, ac gethenc hwaet thu eart.





81



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

329-12, gethenceath thonne hwelces wites ge wenen thaem the
othre menn refiath 'consider then of what punish-
ment you expect for those who rob other men.'

The subjunctive mood here might be explained merely as a

feature of clause construction which helps to set off the

hwelces wites ge wenen clause from the rest of the sentence.

A feature of subordination is necessary because the inter-

rogative adjective hwelces is not such an obvious subordina-

tor as is, for instance, hu in the similar sentence above:

329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu micles wites tha
beeth weorthe the othre menn reafiath 'By that we
ought to consider of how much punishment those be
worthy who rob other men.'

The need for a marked feature of subordination then in the

imperative mood construction possibly explains the scribe's

choice of the subjunctive mood.



Laeran

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 3 12

Orosius 0 2

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 3 14






82



The subjunctive mood is the predominant mood in com-

plement clauses following laeran. The three rare instances

of the indicative mood seem to be the result of attraction.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

203-15, Ne tharf mon na thone medwisan laeran thaet he tha
lotwrencas forlaete.

225-24, otherne he laerth thaet.he onginne sume scande bi
thaem othrum oththe sprecan oth(the) don.

227-1, otherne he laerth thaet he [tha] scande forgielde.

233-23, Eac sint to laeranne tha aefstigan thaette hie
ongieten.

271-10, Tha suithe suigean mon sceal laeran thaette hie
thaet hie ne sien to wyrsan gecirde.

277-3, Ongean thaet sint to laeranne tha oferspraecean
thaet hie wacorlice ongieten.

367-23, thonne sculon we hie ealra thinga aerest and
geornost laeran thaet hie ne wilnigen leasgielpes.

409-24, and swatheah hi sint to laeranne thaet hi hi ne
ahebben ofer tha othre.

441-6, ne sint hi no to laerenne hwaet hi don scylen.


Orosius

82-28, Se hiene waes georne laerende thaet he ma hamweard
fore.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

291-20, and thone otherne laerde thaet he him anwald ontuge.

389-18, Tha he laerde hu we aegther lufian sceolden.





83



425-36, AErest he laerde thaet and siththan thaet
hi wurden gefulwode.


Orosius

242-31, tha laerde he his sunu thaet he him ongean fore.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

131-3, Tha tha he laerde thaet thaere ciricean thegnas
scoldo[n] stilnesse thaere thenunga habban 'Then
when he directed that the servants of the Church
ought to have quietness in the service.'

131-4, tha laerde he hi eac hu hie hie geaemettian scoldon
otherra weorca 'then directed he also them how they
ought to free themselves of other works.'

425-36, AErest he laerde thaet hi hreowsodon, and siththan
thaet hi wurden gefullwode 'First he directed that
they repent, and afterwards that they become bap-
tized.'

There is no proof that the indeterminate form laerde is the

subjunctive form; nevertheless, it is possible that the

unmarked form of laeran influenced the mood in these excep-

tional clauses. In the third sentence, 425-36, the indica-

tive mood occurs in one thaet clause and the regular sub-

junctive mood occurs in the other. This construction is.

less surprising if one notes that the clause farthest from

the indeterminate (indicative) form follows the rule illus-

trated by the majority of other laeran constructions and

that it is not influenced by attraction with the main verb

as the first clause seems to be.






84



Ne Witan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 13 2

Orosius 9 2

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 0


Total 23 4



Like witan, the form ne witan also governs the indica-

tive mood in complement clauses; the rare occurrences of the

subjunctive mood in the clause can be explained according

to the principle of attraction between moods. It is not to

be supposed that the predominant mood necessarily influences

the mood of the complement clause; attraction between moods

is an explanation only for the occurrence of the exceptional

mood. The predominant mood lurrounding each instance of the

regular indicative mood in a complement clause is noted,

nevertheless, for comparison with the subjunctive mood cita-

tions.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

105-9, ac we nyton hwelc hira inngethonc bith beforan
thaem thearlwisan.

207-1, Tha scamleasa nyton thaet hie untela doth.

241-12, thu nast hwaer him awther cymth.






85



265-4, Thonne nat thaet mod thaet him bith freodom
forgiegen.

287-16, ac he nat on hwaet he gaeth.

289-9, sua thaet he self nat huaet he on thaet irre doth.

289-10, Tha irran nyton hwaet hie on him selfum habbath.

293-24, hie nyton hwaet hie thonne gehierath.

343-21, and nat hwaer he hiene forliesth.

361-7, and huru thaer thaer hie nyton hwaether sio sibb
betre betwux gefaestnod bith.

411-26, thaette nyte thaette on gimma gecynde carbunculus
bith dio[r]ra thonne iacinctus.

429-26, tha the nyton hwonne hi untela doth.


Orosius

120-1, Ic nat, cwaeth Orosius, for hwi eow Romanum sindon
tha aerran gewin swa wel gelicad and for hwy
ge tha tida swelcra broca swa wel hergeath.

124-13, Nat ic, cwaeth Orosius, hwaether mare wundor waes.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

213-24, tha spraec he suelce he hit thagiet nyste thaet
hie hit him tha io ondredon.


Orosius

The first two illustrations are very interesting,

because they appear in Alfred's original prose, "Ohthere's

Narrative."

17-13, Tha beag thaet land thaer eastryhte, oththe sec
sae in on thaet lond, he nysse hwaether. Such
inverted word order is rare among the Old English
complement clause constructions.






86



17-32, ac he nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes.

180-16, thaet nan mon nyste hwonan hit com.

206-3, swa he nyste hu he him to com.

252-21, swa nan mon nyste hwonan thaet fyr com.

286-18, thaet nan mon nyste thaes faereltes hwaer he com.


Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

54-An.787, and hie wolde drifan to thaes cyninges tune thy
he nyste hwaet hie waeron.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

241-23, suelce se lareow haebbe an cliwen on his honda
suithe nearwe and suithe smealice gefealden, and
nyte hwaer se ende sie.


Orosius

78-15, thaet hie siththan nysten hu hie thonan comen.

134-23, Nyte we nu hwaether tie swithor to sundrianne. Of
the disappearance of final -n Joseph Wright notes:
"Final -n disappeared in verbal forms before the
pronouns we, wit; ge, git, as bide we, 'let us
bind'; bind ge, 'bind ye'; bunde we? 'did we bind?'"


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

117-2, Eft he spraec suelce he nysse thaet he a furthor
waere thonne othre brothor 'Again he speaks as if
he knew not that he were greater than the other
brothers.'




Wright, p. 138.






87



Suelce is usually known to govern the subjunctive mood.

Henry Sweet notes that one of."the chief cases" of the use

of the subjunctive mood in "dependent sentences" is "to

express hypothetical comparison (as if): Ic swugode swelce

ic hit ne gesawe (I was silent, as if I had not seen it

S. .)."3 It is possible that in this instance and in the

only other instance of the subjunctive mood after ne witan

in Gregory's Pastoral Care (241-23), suelce did influence

the scribe to use the exceptional mood. The subjunctive

mood is apparently not the rule in the complement clause

after a suelce + ne witan construction because the indica-

tive mood also occurs:

213-24, tha spraec he suelc he hit thagiet nyste thaet hie
hit him tha io ondredon 'then spoke he as if he
did not yet know that they feared it for themselves
formerly.'



Ondraedan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 0 10

Orosius 1 4

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 1 14




Sweet, An Anglo-Saxon Reader, pp. xcv-xcvi.






88



Ondraedan appears to require the subjunctive mood in

the complement clause. Only once does the indicative mood

occur after ondraedan. In this instance it is possible

that attraction as well as unusual word order altered the

scribe's choice of mood.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

49-19, Other ondred thaet he forlure sprecende tha
gestrion.

57-5, he ondraet thaet he ne mote to cuman.

63-10, he maeg ondraedan thaet he for his aegnum scyldum
mare ierre gewyrce.

73-20, ond eac hwelc se bith the him ondraedan sceal
thaet he unmedome sie.

91-8, thaet sindon tha tha the him ondraedath thaet hie
menn for hira scyldum threagen.

119-8, suelcne suelcne he ondraett thaet hi sie.

143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie ondraedath
thaet him derian maege aet thaem gielpe.

339-20, swa hie magon ondraedan thaet him weorthen tha
wyrttruman faercorfene.


Orosius

48-16, hie alle from him ondredon thaet hi hie mid gefeogten.

98-16, Ahteniense waeron tha him swithe ondraedende thaet
Laecedemonie ofer hie ricsian mehten.

144-16, forthon [hie] ondredon thaet hie on him
gewraecentha teonan.






89



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment

Orosius

138-5, and hi him thaet swithe ondraedan hu he with him
eallum emdemes mehten.


Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie
him ne ondraeden thaet hie thas laenan sibbe ongean
his selfe gedrefen.

427-20, theah hi him nyllen thaet ondraedan thaet hi yfele
sien.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Orosius

52-3, He angan sierwan mid thaem folce the he ofer waes,
hu he hiene beswican mehte, and aspon him from ealle
tha the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon
'He began to plot with the people whom he was over,
how he might deceiveshim, and to withdraw him from
all those who he feared would support him.'

The indicative form of ondraedan would support an explana-

tion of attraction for this rare occurrence of the indica-

tive mood in the complement clause; nevertheless, it.is .also

possible that the unusual syntax of the ondraedan construc-

tion subordinated in a relative clause explains the excep-

tional mood. There is no subject noun phrase in this

complement clause; instead, the same relative pronoun which

is the object of ondraedan in the relative clause construc-

tion is the understood subject of the complement clause:






90



the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon 'who he

feared would support him.' Ondraedan occurs one other time

in such a relative clause, but the unusual syntax does not

affect the mood of the complement clause:

Pastoral Care, 143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie
ondraedath thaet him derian maege aet
thaem gielpe 'they approve such for
him who they fear may hinder them in
that glory.'

Since it is apparently not the rule, therefore, for such

relative clause constructions to alter the mood of a com-

plement clause, it is possible that, in one case, syntax of

such an exceptional nature might have distracted the scribe

from an established rule for mood in complement clauses

following ondraedan.



Ongietan

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause

Pastoral Care 61 15

Orosius 8 1

Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available


Total 69 16



Ongietan occurs frequently in the texts as a verb

introducing complement clauses. The indicative mood appears

regularly in the complement clause. The word order of the





91



ongietan construction follows the pattern common to most of

the regular constructions of indirect discourse: ongietan

+ subordinator (thaet, hu, and hw-words) + subject noun

phrase + verb phrase. This order is rarely interrupted.

The subjunctive mood occurs in the object clause when attrac-

tion operates from the subjunctive mood of the main verb to

the verb in the object clause. There are, however, certain

problems among these exceptional clauses which cannot be

explained according to attraction.


Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment

Gregory's Pastoral Care

101-13, He ongeat thaet he oferstag hine selfne on thaere
sceawunge thaere godcundnesse.

109-14, Forthaem thonne tha lareowas ongitath thaet tha the
him underthiedde beoth him to hwon God andraedath.

161-17, gif he ne ongiett hu monega constunga thaes lytegan
feondes him on feallath.

165-20, thonne se retha reccere ongiett thaet he his
hieremonna mod suithur gedrefed haefth thonne he
scolde.

181-21, sua man ongiet thaet hie for thissum woruldwlencum
bioth suithur upahafene.

183-12, the he ongiet thaet thaes monnes onngethonc bith.

183-16, sua he ongiet thaet he eathmodra bith.

213-22, Tha he ongeat thaet hie waeron onstyrede mid thaem
we nan.

241-16, thonne mon maeg ongietan of hwam hit aeresth con.

241-17, thonne mon ongiet mid hwelcum staepum thaet nawht
waes th-urhtogen.




Full Text
CONCLUSION
The preceding structural analysis set out to determine
whether the choice of mood in the Old English complement
clauses following verbs which express acts of communication
and mental processes was arbitrary or whether it was estab
lished by syntactic rules. The choice of mood is perplexing
in the manuscripts because either the indicative mood or
the subjunctive mood can occur in the Old English comple
ment clause construction and, furthermore, an individual
verb can be followed by the indicative mood in one clause

and by the subjunctive mood in another.
This study has restricted its evidence to the early
West-Saxon texts, Gregory's Pastoral Care, the Orosius, and
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, because the scribes in their
spellings of verb forms made relatively clearer distinc
tions between the indicative and the subjunctive moods
than the scribes of 1000 or later. The conclusions of
this investigation are based primarily on such written
evidence.
165


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
PREFACE iv
LIST OF FIGURES vi
ABSTRACT vii
INTRODUCTION 1
Previous Studies 4
Primary Sources . 16
Method of Investigation 20
The Attraction Theory 21
Generative-Transformational Terminology ... 23
THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE 25
A Description of the Data .... 25
The Classification of Introductory Verbs ... 27
Group A 28
Group B 49
Group C 117
Group D 147
CONCLUSION 165
Regular Choice of Mood 166
Exceptional Choice of Mood 169
Results in the Original Prose 170
The Introductory Verb Rule 171
The Subordination Rule 172
The Application of Rules 1 and 2 173
The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule .... 176
The Possibilities of Further Investigation . 177
LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED 180
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 184
v


134
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
433-14, Forthaemthe nan mon ne maeg on niht gesion hu
neah him hwelc frecenes sie, him is thearf thaet
he haebbe his sweord be his hype 'Since no one
may not at night see how near to him be any
danger, for him is need that he have his sword
by his hip.'
The subjunctive mood in such a case appears to be simply
a marker of subordination demanded by the accumulation of
several clauses. It is thus employed to make clear the
relationship of the complement clause to its main verb
which is also within a subordinate clause. This structure
is similar to an exceptional witan construction:
51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum inenn
to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy
orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga 'But because
it is so difficult for any man to know when he
is purified, he may, the more secure, shun the
ministration.'
This rare occurrence of the subjunctive mood after witan
in a predominantly indicative context can be explained
also when the subjunctive mood is understood as a formal
signal of subordination; therefore, as a feature of clause
construction the subjunctive mood replaces the mood as
signed to these geseon and witan complement clause con
structions .
Adjective: Gesiene
The adjective construction wesan + gesiene is followed
by the indicative mood in its one occurrence:


132
192-27, Hu magon nu Romane, cwaeth Orosius, to sothe
gesecge[a]n thaet hie tha haefden beteran tida
thonne hie nu haebben, tha hie swa monega gewin
hadfdon emdenes underfongen?
Geseon
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 10 4
Orosius 1 0
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total
11
4
The indicative mood appears to be the established
mood following geseon in complement clause constructions.
Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the
subordinate clause best explains the occurrences of the
exceptional subjunctive mood. Yet one exception occurs
after an indicative form of geseon.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
5-8, hu ic geseah . hu tha ciricean giond eall
Angelcynn stodon mathma and boca gefyldae. Such
illustrations from Alfred's original prose are
noteworthy as they demonstrate that rules for the
mood in the complement clause are so fixed that
they are practiced in original works as well as
in translations.
.111-17, sua he gesihth that he mare maeg doon thonne othre
menn.


81
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
329-12, gethenceath thonne hwelces wites ge wenen thaem the
othre menn refiath 'consider then of what punish
ment you expect for those who rob other men.'
The subjunctive mood here might be explained merely as a
feature of clause construction which helps to set off the
hwelces wites ge wenen clause from the rest of the sentence.
A feature of subordination is necessary because the inter
rogative adjective hwelces is not such an obvious subordina-
tor as is, for instance, hu in the similar sentence above:
329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu mieles wites tha
beeth weorthe the othre menn reafiath 'By that we
ought to consider of how much punishment those be
worthy who rob other men.'
The need for a marked feature of subordination then in the
imperative mood construction possibly explains the scribe's
choice of the subjunctive mood.
f
Laeran
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 3 12
Orosius 0 2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total
3
14


140
36-20, and hy saedon thaet he waere ealles gewinnes
waldend.
40-9, ac saedon thaet hio waere for Fetontis forscapunge.
44-8, and him untwreogendlice secgan het thaet hie other
sceolden, oththe thaet lond aet him alesan.
44-20, and him saedon thaet hie other dyden.
46-33, the mon saegth thaet on an scith maege an thusend
manna.
296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet . and eac thaet eow
selfum waere betere.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
279-14, Ac se wisa Salomon saede thaette suithe deop pol
waere gewered.
409-20, and eac saede thaet he uniethe waere to gehealdenne.
Orosius
The first four illustrations are noteworthy because
they are in Alfred's original prose, the narratives of
Ohthere and Wulfstan.
17-3, He saede theah (thaet) thaet land sie swithe lang
north thonan.
18-24, He saede thaet Northmanna land wraere sw^ythe lang
and swythe smael.
19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethem, thaet
he wraere on Truso on syfan dagum and nihtum.
34-13, and saede Moyses waere thaes losepes sunu.
232-5, aer him mon saede thaet hie wolden faran on
I tali am, Romana lond.
264-2, he saegde thaet he forlure thone daeg the he noht
on to gode ne gedyde.


89
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Prosius
138-5, and hi him thaet swithe ondraedan hu he with him
eallum emdemes mehten.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie
him ne ondraeden thaet hie thas laenan sibbe ongean
his selfe gedrefen.
427-20, theah hi him nyllen thaet ondraedan thaet hi yfele
sien.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Prosius
52-3, He angan sierwan mid thaem folce the he ofer waes,
hu he hiene beswican mehte, and aspon him from ealle
tha the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon
'He began to plot with the people whom he was over,
how he might deceive,! him, and to withdraw him from
all those who he feared would support him.
The indicative form of ondraedan would support an explana
tion of attraction for this rare occurrence of the indica
tive mood in the complement clause; nevertheless, it.is .also
possible that the unusual syntax of the ondraedan construc
tion subordinated in a relative clause explains the excep
tional mood. There is no subject noun phrase in this
complement clause; instead, the same relative pronoun which
is the object of ondraedan in the relative clause construc
tion is the understood subject of the complement clause:


23
following each Old English verb that means 'say,' think,'
'perceive,' 'feel,' or the like.
A study of the structural facts which the Old English
scribes have recorded, in order to arrive at an accurate
description of the choice of mood in the Old English com
plement clause is, then, "as far as a syntactic analysis
,,30
can go."
Generative-Transformational Terminology
In the explanations of these structural facts which
have influenced the mood of the complement clause, it is
sometimes convenient to use the terms of a generative-
transformational framework. The ideas of "deep structure"
and "surface structure" are important for explaining cer
tain constructions. It is customary to distinguish the
deep structure as that aspect which determines the phonetic
31
interpretation of the actual spoken or written sentence.
Chomsky illustrates the usefulness of making such distinc
tions for sentences such as these:
A. "I persuaded John to leave."
B. "I expected John to leave."
30
Charles Carlton, Descriptive Syntax of the Old English
Charters, Janua Linguarum, Series PractTca, 111 (The Hague,
1970),p.26. Mr. Carlton's successful adaptation of Charles
Fries' method especially confirms the validity of this
attempt to describe the mood in the Old English complement
clause.
31
Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cam
bridge, Massachusetts, 1965T7 p. 161


PREFACE
The citations of Old English complement clauses from
Sweet's EETS editions of King A1fred's West-Saxon Version
of Gregory's Pastoral Care and King Alfred's Prosius are
identified by the page number and the number of the initial
line. Each citation from the Parker Manuscript of the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is identified by the page number in
Earle and Plummer's 1892 edition, Two of the Saxon Chroni
cles Parallel, and by the year of the entry.
In the presentation of the data, the graphemes T? and
are normalized to their Modern
English equivalents.
Only the exceptional an^ problematic constructions are
translated. The glosses are based on Sweet's translation
in his edition of King Alfred's West Saxon Version of
Gregory's Pastoral Care, on J. A. Giles' 1858 edition, The
Whole Works of Alfred the Great, and on Dorothy Whitelock's
1961 edition, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
iv


. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Mary Elizabeth Faraci ivas born February 2 1945 in
New York, New York. In May, 1963, she was graduated from
Mt. Trinity Academy in Watertown, Massachusetts. She re
ceived the degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in
English from the University of Kentucky in June, 1967.
In August, 1967, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the
University of Kentucky. She was a teaching assistant from
August, 1967, to December, 1968, when she received the
degree of Master of Arts with a major in English. In
January, 1969, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the
University of Florida. Until the present time, she has
worked as a teaching assistant and has pursued her \ toward the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
184


7
spraece 'That then signifies that the virtue of
the mind is dispersed, which will not give up
immoderate speech.'
Gorrell's illustration of the subjunctive mood following
tacnian hardly conveys a greater sense of admonition or a
lesser degree of objectivity than his indicative illustra
tion. He quotes from Gregory's Pastoral Care:
85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet eall thaette thaes sacerdes
ondgit thurhfaran maege, sie ymb tha hefonlican
lufan 'That then signifies that all that the mind
of the priest may contemplate is for the sake of
divine love.19
It is seldom evident from the texts what intentions or
state of mind each mood reflects; therefore, the structural
facts can better account for the mood variation in the com
plement clause. Although Gorrell began his study by acknowl
edging Gerold Hotz's sound formal description of the sub
junctive mood as a sign merely of a reported statement, he
abandoned the examination of structural facts for the less
promising meaning-based arguments.
In his 1882 dissertation, Gerold Hotz presented a
formal explanation for the occurrences of the subjunctive
mood in the Old English complement clauses. "As to whether
the statement refers toa fact or not, whether the subject-
matter be vouched by the reporter, as regards its objective
reality and truth, the subjunctive does not tell. It
simply represents a statement as reported."
Gcrrell, p. 365.
Hotz suggests


117
51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum menn
to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy
orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga But because
it is so difficult for any man to know when he is
purified, he may, the more secure, shun the minis
tration, '
The demand for a formal signal of subordination perhaps
influenced the scribe away from the regular mood in this
case; thus, the subjunctive mood here simply acts as a mark
of subordination in order to make clear the relationship
among all these subordinate clauses. The governing verb
witan itself is contained within the larger subordinate
clause introduced by forthaemthe, so the sie after to_ witanne
is a useful signal for its subordination in the embedded
complement clause construction.
Group C
Indicative
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Subjunctive
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Probability Values
Calculated
According to the
Binomial Method
Aetiewan 2 6
Cythan 14 7
Gecwethan 6 14
Gemunan 4 1
Gesecgan 8 4
Geseon 11 4
Getacnian 3 3
On cn aw an 4 1
Secgan 17 27
Tacnian 5 4
p < 10
p < .12
p < .07
p < .31
p < .19
p < .10
p < .99
p < .31
p < .16
p < .48


26
Of these complements, the clauses occur most frequently;
they are, therefore, the special concern of the present
study. They may have one of the following beginnings:
(1) Thaet, which is the most common introductory word:
Orosius, 162-29, hie saedon thaem folce thaet heora godas
him waeron irre 'they said to that nation that their gods
were angry.' (2) Hu or hw- words: Orosius, 17-33, ac he
nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes 'but he knew not what was of
truth.' (3) The gif...thonne connector: Gregory's Pastoral
Care, 383-31, hie gethencen, gif mon _on niwne we [a] 11
unadrugodne and unastithodne micelne hrof and hefigne
onsett, thonne ne timbreth he no healle ac hyr'e 'they think,
if one set on a new wall undried and not firm a big and
heavy roof, then he builds not a hall but a ruin.' (4) In
some cases, no subordinator: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 405-
12, wenestu recce he hire aefre ma 'thinkest you he care
for her ever more.' This description of the mood in the
noun clauses will restrict its evidence to those clauses
beginning with thaet, hu and hw- words. Although the verb
of the main clause usually has only one complement clause,
in some instances two or three clauses follow it. When
they are introduced by the thaet or the hu and hw- word
connectors, each of these clauses will be described. A
typical example follows: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 161-15,
and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe gesiehth,
and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefonlice wundor


87
Suelee is usually known to govern the subjunctive mood.
Henry Sweet notes that one of-"the chief cases" of the use
of the subjunctive mood in "dependent sentences" is "to
express hypothetical comparison (as if) : Ic_ swugode swelce
ic hit ne gesawe (I was silent, as if I had not seen it
3
. .)." It is possible that in this instance and in the
only other instance of the subjunctive mood after ne_ witan
in Gregorys Pastoral Care (241-23), suelee did influence
the scribe to use the exceptional mood. The subjunctive
mood is apparently not the rule in the complement clause
after a suelee + ne_ witan construction because the indica
tive mood also occurs:
213-24, tha spraec he suele he hit thagiet nyste thaet hie
hit him tha io ondredon 'then spoke he as if he
did not yet know that they feared it for themselves
formerly.'
Ondraedan
Indicative Mood in
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
0
10
Orosius
1
4
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence
available
Total
1
14
3
Sweet,
An Anglo-Saxon Reader, pp. xcv-xcvi.


75
253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie
gethencen mid hu monigfaldum ungetaesum and mid hu
heardum brocum us swingath 'Then the unhealthy are
to be admonished that they consider with how mani-
flod severities and with how hard afflictions (our
worldly fathers and masters) chastise us.'
255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie
gethencen hu micel haelo thaet bith 'Also the sickly
are to be admonished that they consider how much
health there is.'
335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie eornlice gethencen
thaet thios eorthe, the him thaet gestreon of com,
eallum mannum is to gemanan geseald 'they are to
be admonished that they carefully consider that
this earth, from which the gain came to them, is
given to all men in common.'
337-5, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice
gethencen thaette se fiicbeam, the on thaem god-
spelle gesaed is thaette nanne waesthm ne baere,
stod unnyt 'Also they are to be admonished that
they earnestly consider that the fig tree, which
in the gospel is said that it bore no fruit, stood
useless 1
357-15, Tha wrohtgeornan sint to manigenne thaet hie
gethencen hwaes folgeras hie sindon 'The lovers
of strife are to be admonished that they consider
whose followers they are.'
- 365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen thaet
tha halgan gewritu sint us to leohtfatum gesald
'Also they are to be admonished that they consider
that the Holy Scriptures are given to us as lan
terns '
383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hi gethencen
thaette tha wif the tha geeacnodan beam cennath
the thonne git fulborene ne bioth,
no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also
admonished that they consider that
ne fyllath hie
they are to be
those women,
who bring forth the conceived children, when they
are not yet full born, fill not by that houses but
tombs.'
391-20, tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen
mid hu micelre giefe ofer him wacath se Scippend
'those are to be admonished that they carefully
consider with how much favor the Creator watches
over them.'


LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED
Primary Sources
Birch, Walter De Gray, ed. Cartularinm Saxonicum: A
Collection of Charters Relating to Anglo-Saxon History.
3 vols. 1S85-93; rpt. New York, 196 4.
Carnicelli, Thomas A., ed. King Alfred's Version of St.
Augustine's Soliloquies. Cambridge, Mass., 1969.
Earl, John, and Charles Plummer, ed. Two of the Saxon
Chronicles Parallel. 2 vols. 1892-99; rpt. London,
195 2.
Giles, John Allen, ed. and trans. The Whole Works of King
Alfred the Great. 2 vols. 1858; rpt. New York, 1969.
Sweet, Henry, ed. King Alfred1s Orosius. EETS OS 79-89.
London, 1883-89.
Sweet, Henry, ed. and trans. King Alfred's West Saxon
Version of Gregory' s Pastoral Care.. EETS OS 45-50.
London, 1871-72.
Whitelock, Dorothy, David C. Douglas and Susie I. Tucker,
ed. and trans. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. New
Brunswick, N. J,, T961.
Secondary Sources
Alteng_lische Grammatik nach der ange 1 sachs 1 schen Grammatik
von Eduard Sievers neubearbeitet. Ed. Karl Brunner.
Halle, 1951.
Andrew, S. 0. Syntax and Style in Old English. Cambridge,
Eng., 1940.
180


A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE
By
Mary Elizabeth Faraci
A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1972

Copyright by
Mary Elizabeth Faraci
1972

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my gratitude to Professor John T.
Algeo and Professor Robert H. Bowers for their encourage
ment in this study. Professor Algeo' s cooperation and his
expert criticism have been invaluable in this work. Pro
fessor Bowers was available for critical reading and in
formative conferences whenever I called upon him.
The suggestions of Professor Richard H. Green and
Professor Egbert Krispyn were very important to the improve
ment of the study. For the statistical calculations, I am
especially indebted to Professor Clarence E. Davis.
iii

PREFACE
The citations of Old English complement clauses from
Sweet's EETS editions of King A1fred's West-Saxon Version
of Gregory's Pastoral Care and King Alfred's Prosius are
identified by the page number and the number of the initial
line. Each citation from the Parker Manuscript of the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is identified by the page number in
Earle and Plummer's 1892 edition, Two of the Saxon Chroni
cles Parallel, and by the year of the entry.
In the presentation of the data, the graphemes T? and
are normalized to their Modern
English equivalents.
Only the exceptional an^ problematic constructions are
translated. The glosses are based on Sweet's translation
in his edition of King Alfred's West Saxon Version of
Gregory's Pastoral Care, on J. A. Giles' 1858 edition, The
Whole Works of Alfred the Great, and on Dorothy Whitelock's
1961 edition, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
PREFACE iv
LIST OF FIGURES vi
ABSTRACT vii
INTRODUCTION 1
Previous Studies 4
Primary Sources . 16
Method of Investigation 20
The Attraction Theory 21
Generative-Transformational Terminology ... 23
THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE 25
A Description of the Data .... 25
The Classification of Introductory Verbs ... 27
Group A 28
Group B 49
Group C 117
Group D 147
CONCLUSION 165
Regular Choice of Mood 166
Exceptional Choice of Mood 169
Results in the Original Prose 170
The Introductory Verb Rule 171
The Subordination Rule 172
The Application of Rules 1 and 2 173
The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule .... 176
The Possibilities of Further Investigation . 177
LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED 180
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 184
v

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1 Thyncan construction, Gregory's
Pastoral Care: 261-19 41
2 Thyncan construction, Gregory's
Pastoral Care: 427-19... 42
3 Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface
to Gregory's Pastoral Care: 7-6 44
4 Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18 . 45
vi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE
By
Mary Elizabeth Faraci
June, 1972
Chairman: Robert H. Bowers
Co-Chairman: John T. Algeo
Major Department: English
The present dissertation investigates the apparently
arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English complement clause
following verbs which express mental processes and acts of
communication. The choice of mood in the recorded language
is perplexing because either the indicative mood or the sub
junctive mood can occur in the Old English complement clause
and, furthermore, an individual verb can be followed by the
indicative mood in one clause and by the subjunctive in
another.
This investigation restricts its evidence to the early
West-Saxon texts, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, King Alfred's
West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, and King
Alfred's Orosius. When the investigation determined which
mood predominated in the complement clause following each
verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 'feel,' or the
vii

like, the significance of these occurrences was evaluated
according to the binomial method. The clauses containing
the less frequent mood were scrutinized in order to find the
influential formal feature.
The structural facts presented in the translations and
in the original prose showed that a syntactic rule, The
Introductory Verb Rule, determined the scribe's choice of
mood in the Old English complement clauses. Fourteen verbs
require the subjunctive verb form in each complement clause.
Seven merely expletory verbs are followed by the indicative
verb form in the complement clause except when the verb of
the complement clause is influenced by an unusual context
(the predominance of the subjunctive mood or complicated
clause constructions). Only ten verbs support the hypothe
sis that no rule determined the choice of mood. The no
rule hypothesis is, therefore, weakly supported by the
structural facts presented in these early West-Saxon texts.
The evidence also shows that when the regular influ
ence of the introductory verb is interrupted, a distinguish
ing formal feature explains the exception. The immediate
context of these exceptions has suggested that a principle
of attraction is operating between the moods of two or
more verbs in sentences containing the complement clause
structure. Sometimes unusual word order, distinctive under
lying forms, and formulaic conventions altered the regular
choice of mood. Another syntactic rule, The Subordination
viii

Rule, designates the subjunctive verb form as the redundant
feature of clause construction to replace the indicative
form in complicated clause constructions.
It is possible that the meaning of the provisions in
both The Subordination Rule and in The Introductory Verb
Rule was extended for use in a third syntactic rule, The
Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule, which distinguishes a
complement clause which functions as a clause dependent on
a governing verb from a complement clause follox^ing a verb
which has a negligible influence on the clause. The rule
contains two parts: (a) As a redundant feature of clause
construction, the subjunctive verb from marks a statement,
in a complement clause, which has been adapted from an in
dependent sentence to a dependent clause, as indirect dis
course; (b) The seven expletory verbs are not followed by
the mood of indirect discourse because they introduce
f
direct and independent reports rather than indirect and
dependent reports. The subjunctive or marked verb form
in Old English is the structural sign for a semantic fea
ture which distinguishes the complement clauses following
fourteen influential governing verbs as indirect reports
from the complement clauses which follow the seven merely
expletory verbs. The structural evidence provided by the
texts, therefore, does not illustrate that the subjunctive
form in the complement clause conveys more doubt or less
objectivity than the indicative form.
IX

INTRODUCTION
This study will investigate the apparently arbitrary
choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses fol
lowing the verbs which express acts of communication and
mental processes. All such complement clause structures
have been defined as the Old English indirect discourse
construction by grammarians because the clause is intro
duced by a verb that means 'say,' think,' perceive,
'feel,' or the like and a subordinator such as 'that,'
'how,' or 'what.' The grammar of these complement clauses,
like a dependent.clause of Modern English indirect dis
course, is made to conform to the grammar of the main clause
with respect to person and tense. Otto Jespersen in Volume
IV of his Modern English Grammar series observes such ad
justments in indirect discourse: "I am glad to see you'
becomes in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was
glad to see me. 'I saw her on Tuesday' becomes: He said
(thought) that he had seen her on Tuesday. 'I have not
seen her yet' becomes: He said (thought) that he had not
seen her yet."'*' In certain languages the mood as well as
LOtto Jespersen, A Modern English Grammar, IV (1931;
rpt. London, 1954)', .151.
1

2
the person and tense of the report is affected in its
adaptation as an indirect report in a dependent clause.
Latin, for example, has certain rules which determine the
mood of the verb in the dependent clause of indirect dis
course: "Statements which were in the indicative become
dependent statements in the accusative and infinitive.
2
For indirect questions Latin employs the subjunctive mood
in the dependent clause. Thus, "Romulus urbem condidit
'Romulus founded a city'" becomes in indirect discourse
"Dicunt Romulum urbem condidisse 'They say that Romulus
founded a city.'" The question, "Quis eum occidit? 'Who
killed him?'" becomes in indirect question, "Quis eum
occiderit quaero 'I ask who killed him.
! 1|4
The verb form,
then, is an important structural feature of indirect dis
course. Just as the syntactic rules of Classical written
Latin designate the infinitive form of the verb to mark an
indirect statement and distinguish dependent clauses of
indirect question by the subjunctive verb form, it is pos
sible that in Old English clauses the indicative and the
subjunctive verb forms have special structural significance
also. Throughout the Old English complement clauses re
corded in the manuscripts, however, which, like the written
7
"Bradley's Arnold Latin Prose Composition, ed. Sir James
Mount ford (New York, 19 38) pT 2T2.
"ibid. p. 10 7.
4Ibid., pp. 107 and 242.

3
Latin dependent clauses of indirect discourse, follow verbs
like 'say,' 'think,' or 'perceive,' either the subjunctive
form or the indicative form may appear. This apparently
arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English clauses, there
fore, does not seem to be determined by a syntax rule such
as that which designates certain verb forms as features of
the dependent clause of indirect discourse for Latin prose.
A structural analysis of the indicative verb forms and the
subjunctive forms following each introductory verb can
perhaps explain the influence of the introductory verb on
the mood of the following clause and can explain the sig
nificance of the mood in the Old English complement clause.
Until the present study can determine whether a syntactic
rule in Old English distinguishes dependent clauses of
indirect discourse by means of a specific verb form, it is
more accurate to describe the construction generally as a

complement clause, and not to assume that every Old English
complement clause following verbs which express mental pro
cesses or acts of communication functions as a dependent
clause of indirect discourse. A complement clause in an-
indirect discourse construction represents the adaption of
a mental process or an act of communication from an inde
pendent sentence to a clause dependent on an introductory
verb; on the other hand, the complement clause is merely
the object-clause of an introductory verb, not dependent
on or inferior to the introductory verb.

4
Previous Studies
The puzzling mood variation in the Old English texts
has been treated in several studies, which readily conclude
that all of these complement clauses are indirect reports.
The apparently arbitrary mood choice has led grammarians to
conclude that the mood for the Old English indirect dis
course construction of the written language is not determined
by a syntactic rule such as that which determined that
the subjunctive mood would mark a clause as a subordinate
clause of indirect question for Latin prose. They, there
fore, explain the subjunctive and the indicative moods in
this Old English construction by emphasizing the functions
of the moods more than their formal significance.
Previous investigations of the mood in this Old English
structure have argued that the mood of the complement clause
reflects the intention of the writer. The statement of
this explanation varies among the studies; however, it may
be summarized thus: The subjunctive mood conveys the un
certain attitude of the reporter, while the indicative
mood emphasizes the assumed truth of the reported statement
or question. The essential remarks of these studies on the
mood in the complement clauses agree for the thaet and hu
and the hw- word clauses; it seems convenient, therefore,
to discuss all of them as one structure.
J. H. Gorrell in "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon"
offers a lengthy analysis of this construction. His

5
explanations for mood variation after the governing verbs
of indirect discourse are not clearly supported by the
texts used as the basis for the present study. He describes
the occurrences of the indicative and subjunctive moods
after cythan thus: "Cythan, as a verb of announcement,
possesses a strong objective force; the statement is pre
sented as a bold reality, and hence the subjunctive of
simple reported statement is seldom found, and the more
objective indicative takes its place.It is true that
the indicative mood appears to be the established mood
after cythan ^^rhile the subjunctive mood occurs in excep
tional instances only; however, Gorrell's explanation for
the exceptional mood does not adequately account for the
evidence in Gregory's Pastoral Care. He maintains that
the subjunctive mood follows cythan when cythan acts "as
the expression of a wish contained in a command or admoni-
6 *
tion." The subjunctive mood is not restricted to command
and admonition constructions in Gregory's Pastoral Care:
129-21, Thaes daeges tocyme hwelc he beo he cythde, tha
he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle
tha the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of
this day, whatever it is he showed when he said:
It comes just as a snare over all those who
dwell on the earth.'
^J. H. Gorrell, "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon,"
PMLA, 10 NS 3 C1895).
^Ibid., p. 358.

6
213-17, ne theah eow hwelc aerendgewrit cume, suelee hit
from us send sie, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes
daeg neah sie 'nor although to you any letter come,
as if it be sent from us, and therein shows that
the day of judgement be near.'
It seems far more promising to explain the exceptional sub
junctive mood according to formal signals such as the word
order of a clause or its mood context. Such evidence is
provided by the available texts and,therefore, leads to an
accurate explanation for the exceptions to the rules for
mood in the Old English complement clause construction.
Gorrell begins his analysis of tacnian thus: "Tacnian
sets forth the indirect statement in a more objective man
ner than the ordinary verb of saying, and, when thus used,
7
is followed by the indicative." While Gorrell argues that
the meaning of the governing verbs influences the mood
choice in the complement clause, he often seems to be using
the mood choice as a key to the meaning of the introductory
verb. His explanation for the occurrence of the subjunctive
mood is not clearly supported by his evidence. He maintains
that when tacnian acts "as an introduction to a command or
admonition," the subjunctive replaces the indicative in the
g
dependent clause. For the indicative mood after tacnian
he cites from Gregory's Pastoral Care:
279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes
bith toflowen, the nele forhabban tha ungemetgodan
^Gorrell, p. 364.
^Ibid. p 36 5 .

7
spraece 'That then signifies that the virtue of
the mind is dispersed, which will not give up
immoderate speech.'
Gorrell's illustration of the subjunctive mood following
tacnian hardly conveys a greater sense of admonition or a
lesser degree of objectivity than his indicative illustra
tion. He quotes from Gregory's Pastoral Care:
85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet eall thaette thaes sacerdes
ondgit thurhfaran maege, sie ymb tha hefonlican
lufan 'That then signifies that all that the mind
of the priest may contemplate is for the sake of
divine love.19
It is seldom evident from the texts what intentions or
state of mind each mood reflects; therefore, the structural
facts can better account for the mood variation in the com
plement clause. Although Gorrell began his study by acknowl
edging Gerold Hotz's sound formal description of the sub
junctive mood as a sign merely of a reported statement, he
abandoned the examination of structural facts for the less
promising meaning-based arguments.
In his 1882 dissertation, Gerold Hotz presented a
formal explanation for the occurrences of the subjunctive
mood in the Old English complement clauses. "As to whether
the statement refers toa fact or not, whether the subject-
matter be vouched by the reporter, as regards its objective
reality and truth, the subjunctive does not tell. It
simply represents a statement as reported."
Gcrrell, p. 365.
Hotz suggests

8
a meaning-based definition for the indicative mood in the
complement clause: "If the reporter wishes to set off a'
statement in its objective truth, the indicative with its
sub-implication of fact has to come in. The statement then
turns out to be a reported fact; whereas with the sub
junctive it is report and nothing more."^ Hotz is con
vinced that form and purport operated in this Old English
construction: "In the struggle between form and purport
of the indirect speech, now the form is uppermost, now the
11
purport: Hence frequent interchange of moods."
Hotz's opening remarks that the subjunctive mood in
the Old English complement clause has a formal purpose are
important to the understanding of the construction. His
insistence that the indicative mood underscores the truth
of the report, however, leads him to observations which can
be proven neither right nor wrong. These weak observations

on the indicative mood even confuse his discussion of the
subjunctive mood. So his explanation of the few instances
of the indicative mood after ewethan is unsuccessful.
Hotz assumes that each mood reflects a different meaning.
of ewethan: "As soon as ewethan gets to imply the notion
of asserting ... it may be followed by the indicative to
12
mark the contrast with ewethan = to utter." Cythan, as
^Gerold Hotz, On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in
Anglo-Saxon, Diss. Zurich 1882 (Zurich,- 1882) p. 89.
lb id. p. 94.
^ Ibid. p 91.

9
an introductory verb for complement clauses,is difficult
to describe because it is followed by both the indicative
and subjunctive moods. Hotz does not solve the problem
very well: "Cythan = to announce, to proclaim so vigor
ously suggests the notion of the subject-matter being a
fact (else it would not be accounced or proclaimed), that
the formal mood of dependence is cast aside to allow the
indicative to represent the subject matter in its objective
truth." His explanation for the subjunctive mood after.
cythan is also disappointing: "If the action of cythan
turns out to be wished for, commanded, the subject-matter
of the dependent sentence keeps for the reporter and
hearer its character of mere report, and the subjunctive,
the mood of formal dependence, cannot be overpowered by
13
the indicative as before." It is difficult to see. such
distinctions in Gregory's Pastoral Care: 103-3, Thus the
indicative appears in and cythde hwaet hie wyrcean and
healdan scoldon 'and proclaimed what they should perform
and cherish,' 409-21, and the subjunctive in and eac cythde
hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden 'and also proclaimed
how carefully they should cherish it.'
Hotz describes the operation of mood after verbs of
inquiry and verbs of thinking separately. While his con
clusions for the verbs of inquiry are not much different
13
Hotz, p. 92.

10
from those for verbs of saying, he notes that the sub
junctive mood after verbs meaning 'think' and 'know' does
not have a strictly formal purpose. Yet Hotz makes one
interesting formal observation. Of witan he notes that
sometimes the mood of the verb in the complement clause
agrees with the mood of the main verb: "As for mood after
the subjunctival vitan [witan] in the concessive sentence
after the ah and the conditional sentence after buton, it
agrees with the mood of the governing verb." He presents
as an example a sentence from J. Bosworth's edition, The
Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels Parallel with the Versions
of Wycliffe and Tyndale: John, 7, 51, buton aer wite
14
hwaet he do 'unless first he knows what he does.' His
"concordance of mood"discussion proves more successful
than his subsequent discussion. In another case, however,
Hotz goes so far from the formal description that he ex-
#
plains the consistency of the subjunctive mood after wenan
in psychological terms: "The substance of the opinion
uttered is a fact; nonetheless the subjunctive has to come
in to denote that the subject-matter, though true, is the
object of imagination. Thus the subjunctive appears as
the mood of subjunctive reflexion.He seems here to be
extracting meaning which cannot be proved to exist.
i 4
Hotz, p. 104.
"^Ibid. pp. 106-107.

11
Hans Glunz's Die Verwundung des Kon junktivs im A1ten-
glischen contains the argument that each mood in the com
plement clause conveys a particular intention of the writer.
His distinctions between the moods are not so detailed as
those of Gorrell. Indeed, he is perhaps guilty of over
simplification. Glunz describes two general categories:
the subjunctive mood draws attention to the subjunctive,
even uncertain nature of the report; the indicative mood
emphasizes the certainty of the report.
In his treatment of geliefan, for instance, Glunz ex
plains: "Auch nach Verben des Glaubens steht, obwohl der
Glaubensinhalt im allgemeinen etwas Sicheres ist, der
Konjunktiv, wenn das Geglaubte als von etwas Irrigem,
Unsicherem ("glauben" = vermuten) begingt gesehen wird."
About the occurrence of the indicative mood, he adds': "Soil
dagegen zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, dass der Glaube fest
und sicher ist, wenn alie Zweifel am Glauben und seinem
Inhalt wegfallen, so setz der dies erkennende Verfasser den
Indikativ." Although he repeatedly maintains that the mood
of the complement clause reflects the attitude of the
erzahler and dichter toward the material in the clause, he
eventually admits: "Es lasst sich aber hier, wie iiberall
beim Konjunktivgebrauch, keine Regel aufstellen, wann der
eine oder der andere Modus gebraucht wird.""^ These
^Hans Glunz, Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten-
glischen, Beitrage zur Englischen Philologie, Heft-11
(Leipzig, 1929), 99.

12
meaning-based speculations, then, do not satisfy even
him.
These studies have been criticized because they pre
sume to understand the subtle and implicit intentions of
the Old English scribes; their insistence, however, that
the introductory verbs are influential in determining the
mood of these constructions is sound. Their detailed
accounts of the operation of each introductory verb in
these studies encourages further investigation.
On the other hand, Frank Behre in The Subjunctive in
Old English Poetry argues that the introductory verb is
not the factor which determines the mood of the complement
clause. He rejects its importance because the mood of the
complement clause is not entirely consistent: "The basis
of . the use of the subjunctive after verbs of thinking
is not merely, as is generally maintained, the form and
# '
nature of the governing verb. In the Old English language
verbs of thinking and believing do not 'require' the se
quence of the subjunctive." Behre suggests, instead, that
"the main factor determining the use of the subjunctive 'is
an attitude of meditation or reflection on the part of the
17
speaker towards the content of the dependent thaet-clause."
He slightly modifies his argument to account for the
17
Frank Behre, The Subjunctive in Old English Poetry,
Goteborgs Hogskolas Arrskrift, 40 (1934), pp. 202t203.

13
subjunctive after verbs of saying: "I admit that the sub
junctive as used in thaet-clauses dealt with in the present
chapter may have originated in thaet_-clauses dependent on
verbs of thinking (originally verbs of wishing), but in
that case I consider the analogical basis for the extension
of the use of the subjunctive to thaejt-clauses after verbs
of saying to have been not only the nature of the governing
verb, but, what is more important, the meditative character
18
of the subjunctive as occurring after verbs of thinking."
This modification is his concession to T. Frank's respected
etymological argument.
T. Frank, in the article "On Constructions of Indirect
Discourse in Early Germanic Dialects," studies the earliest
use of the introductory verbs of complement clauses to ex
plain the frequency of the subjunctive mood in the clauses.
Frank suggests, for instance, that wenan and geliefan
govern the subjunctive mood in Old English indirect dis
course because they were originally verbs of emotion which
retained the subjunctive mood in their dependent clauses.
Of the verbs of saying and telling, he speculates: "All
we can say at present is that by some principle of differen
tiation a logical distribution of labor took place, illus
trated well in Anglo-Saxon where ewethan usually takes the
optative, cythan the indicative, and seegan divides its
18
Behre, p. 213.

14
allegiance between them, while sprecan usually introduces
direct discourse. It is impossible to say whether such
distinctions are due to a late division of labor or whether
they actually represent an inheritance of previous semantic
differences from a time when the predecessor of qithan may
19
have contained volitional content."
Frank's theory that ewethan takes the optative (i.e.,
subjunctive) because of an earlier logical distribution of
labor is very interesting. His suggestion that an early
rule xvhich was based on logical distinctions established
that these verbs \vould require the subjunctive mood is a
plausible grammatical explanation. His caution is also
helpful: "Care must be observed not to recognize logical
distinctions as ever thoroughly established. Divisions of
labor between synonymous verbs on a purely economic basis,
a lingering of old habits in spite of newly adopted seman-
f
tic changes, and all the insidious forces of analogy help,
and successfully so, to prevent the establishment of any
2 0
thorough-going principle."
Unfortunately, he extends this argument to suggest,
like Gorrell, Hotz, and others, that each Old English
writer expressed a certain degree of verisimilitude through
the mood in the complement clause. He contrasts the
19
Tenney Frank, "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse
in Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-1908), 74-75.
20Ibid., p. 75.

15
Germanic dialects with Latin and Greek thus: "In Old-High-
German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old-Norse, etc., . .
verbs of speaking are divided in their allegiance, often
showing, however, a tendency to use the optative in quota
tions, the truth or exactness of which the reporter does
not vouch for. Such logical distinctions do not for a
moment hold.for Latin or Greek, for in those languages the
verba sentiendi et declarandi are on a par in the use of
subjunctive or optative regardless of the degree of veri
similitude to be expressed. Nor is there any trace of any
21
previous existence of such logical distinctions." Later
he concludes from his investigation a similar explanation
for the mood variation: "Thus it is that to a remarkable
extent the optative comes to serve as the mood of doubtful,
questioned, unvouched-for discourse, while the indicative
persists in cases of greater certainty. There even arises
a feeling that witan should take the indicative whereas
2 2
ni witan deserves an optative." While Frank's discussion
of etymological evidence is interesting, his speculations
based on "a feeling" are misleading.
These analyses have assumed that the indicative and
subjunctive moods in the complement clauses carried meanings
similar to their meanings in other grammatical constructions.
Frank,
P-
70.
Ibid.,
P-
75.

16
They have insisted that logical distinctions explain the
mood variation in this Old English construction. But the
manuscript sources do not illustrate that the moods have
distinctive meanings within the complement clause; there
fore, it is not possible to prove these explanations either
right or wrong. Yet the texts do provide the substantive
evidence necessary for a syntactic description. The pur
pose of the present investigation is to ascertain the in
fluence of the introductory verb on the mood in the comple
ment clause by paying attention to the syntactic signals.
Primary Sources
Because my study will restrict its evidence to formal
signals, the manuscript sources need to be as reliable as
possible. It will use, therefore, the works which make the
clearest distinctions between the endings for the subjunc
tive and indicative moods.
Eduard Sievers in the Altenglische Grammatik,as re-
vised by Karl Brunner in 1951, divides the Old English
literature of the West-Saxon dialect into an early and late
period. He restricts the early period to only those works
preserved in manuscripts contemporary with Alfred's reign
(871-901): Alfred's translation of Gregory's Pastoral Care,
Alfred's Orosius, and the Parker manuscript of the Anglo-
Saxon Chronicle "in ihrem altesten Teil bis 891." The

17
later period, he notes, is represented especially by the
works of AElfric (c.lOQO).^
These West-Saxon works, then, have certain features
which recommended such a classification. When compared
with the early manuscripts, those of the later period re
flect, in their various spellings of certain suffixes, a
confusion that results from an important sound change. The
weakening of unaccented vowels in final syllables, whereby
/a/,/o/,/u/, and /e/ merged as schwa, influenced the
spellings of the plural verb endings, among others, so that
the formal distinctions between the indicative and subjunc
tive moods are not so clear as they were in the early
period. In his discussion of the weakening of vowels in
final syllables, Sievers explains this change: "Andere
spatws. Schwankungen in der Bezeichnung unbetonter Vokale
sind . -on., -an_ im Opt. Prat, und Opt. Pras. fr -en,
2 4
~en statt -on im Ind. Prat. P1.M In a later
chapter he specifically compares the forms of the subjunc
tive, present tense: "Diese -e_, -en gelten durchaus im
Altws. bis auf einige vereinzelte -aen und -an. Das
letzere wird spater haufiger: auch dringt spatws. die
Endung -on, -un wie im Opt. Prat, aus dem Prat. Ind. ein."
2 3
Altenglische Grammatik nach der angelsachsischen
Grammatik von Eduard Sievers neubearbeitet, ed. Karl
Brunner (Halle, 1951), pp. 6-7.
^^Ibid., p. 31.

18
Sievers points out that the forms of the preterit are not
so easily classified, because changes in the forms occurred
early, "Ziemlich frh dringt aber das -on, an des Ind.
2 5
PI. auch in den Opt. ein (erst spater erscheint auch -un)."
Because of the eventual conflation of endings, an accurate
study of the Old English verb form in complement clauses
should try to avoid using examples from the writings of the
later period. Indeed the -e or -en inflection, where
spelling is more consistently reliable in the early period,
is the only reliable sign that the verb is, in fact, the
subjunctive form.
There are, however, even in the works of the early
West-Saxon period, indeterminate forms, the endings of which
are common to the indicative and the subjunctive moods. The
past tense, first person and third person singular form of
weak verbs are identical in both moods: saegde 'I, he
said'; lifde 'I, he lived.1 The form for the present tense,
first person singular of weak and strong verbs is likewise
the same for the indicative and subjunctive moods: secge
'I say'; bide 'I wait.' These indeterminate forms of the
early period are, then, no more useful for this formal
study than are the confused spellings for the conflated
endings of the later West-Saxon period.
25
Brunner, pp. 305 and 308.

19
While it is difficult enough to determine the signifi
cance of these doubtful endings, a student of the verb
form in the complement clause discovers also that in the
later period the -e and -en forms seem to be replaced by
endings previously reserved for designating the indicative
form. Thus Alistair Campbell in his Old English Grammar ex
plains that in the West-Saxon dialect after 1000 11 -st is
frequently extended to the 2nd sg. past subj. so that
2 6
past indie, and subj. are no longer distinguished." The
later writings, therefore, contain far too many problems
for a convincing descriptive study of the mood in the com
plement clause. Gorrell examines these late West-Saxon
works. Because it is difficult for him to distinguish the
subjunctive mood from the indicative mood on the basis of
verb spellings alone, his explanations are unconvincing.
He does have enough formal evidence from early West-Saxon
texts to support this opening statement on ewethan:
"Cwethan is the most generally used of verbs of direct
utterance and the most consistent in calling forth the
subjunctive." He notes, however, that he found examples
of the indicative mood with cwethan in the late West-Saxon
works: AElfric's Lives of Saints and his Catholic Homilies.
He accounts for these instances thus: "the reference is
to well-known biblical facts, and the time of writing was
^Alistair Campbell, Old English Grammar (Oxford, 1959),
p. 32S.

20
in the late Anglo-Saxon period when there was a decided
2 7
tendency to pass over to the indicative." Gorrell inter
rupts his discussion often with such unsatisfactory reason
ing. Because the evidence from the later period is known
to be weak, it is better not to use such late manuscript
sources. This study will, therefore, concentrate on the
early West-Saxon works: Alfred's translation of Gregory's
Pastoral Care, Alfred's Orosius, and the Parker manuscript
of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle up to 891 for its examples of
the complement clause construction.
Method of Investigation
For this description of syntax, then, I have collected
evidence of the complement clauses from the most reliable
texts. Each of the verbs which express acts of communica
tion or mental processes was studied separately. Special
attention has been given to listing the occurrences of the
subjunctive mood and those of the indicative mood in the
complement clauses after each verb. When all the clauses
after each introductory verb had been collected and a count
revealed which mood predominated, I have compared the
clauses which contained the predominant mood with the ex
ceptional clauses. The clause containing the less frequent
27
Gorrell, op.cit., pp. 353-354.

21
mood has been scrutinized in an effort to determine the
influential formal feature. In order to find the formal
characteristics which perhaps influenced the choice of the
exceptional mood, I have noted word order, negation,
introductory words (thaet, hu, and hvr- words), and the
immediate context for the presence of gif clauses, theah
clauses, magan, sculan, and willan constructions, and
formulaic devices. The study of context was the most
effectual, because it suggested that a principle of attrac
tion is operating between the moods of two or more verbs
in sentences containing the complement clause structure.
The Attraction Theory
This "concordance of mood" or "attraction theory" is
discussed with reference to specific introductory verbs
later, but I will define it gere. Henry Sweet in his
Anglo-Saxon Reader accounts for the exceptional occurrences
of the subjunctive mood by citing the operation of attrac
tion. He does not limit his discussion to complement
clauses, but his observation is still valuable to this
study: "It [the subjunctive] is so used in clauses depen
dent on another clause containing a subjunctive, by a sort
of attraction. ... In many cases it is doubtful whether
the subjunctive in such cases is simply due to attraction
2 8
or to some idea of uncertainty, hypothesis, etc."
2 8
Henry Sweet, An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse
(-Oxford, 18 85) pp~ xcvii -xcviii .

22
This operation is not peculiar to Old English grammar. In
Volume IV of his Modern English Grammar series, Otto Jes-
persen notes that a sort of attraction operates in the
tense-shifting in Modern English indirect speech. He labels
as back-shifting the process whereby the present, preterit,
and the perfect tenses in direct speech shift back to the
past tense of the main clause in indirect speech. He pre
sents a typical example: '"I am glad to see you' becomes
in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was glad to
see me." Jespersen explains that the shifting is sometimes
required logically, but very frequently "is due simply to
mental inertia": "The speaker's mind is moving in the past,
and he does not stop to consider whether each dependent
statement refers to one or the other time, but simply goes
on speaking in the tense adapted to the leading idea." He
cites this speech from Dickens to illustrate the almost
unconscious attraction between tenses: "'I told her how I
loved her . how I was always working with a courage
such as none but lovers knew . how a crust well-earned
29
was sweeter than a feast inherited.'" Jespersen's ex
planation for this sort of attraction in terms of "mental
inertia" seems especially relevant for an understanding of
the exceptions to the rule for mood in the complement clause
29
op.cit., np. 151-152.
Jespersen,

23
following each Old English verb that means 'say,' think,'
'perceive,' 'feel,' or the like.
A study of the structural facts which the Old English
scribes have recorded, in order to arrive at an accurate
description of the choice of mood in the Old English com
plement clause is, then, "as far as a syntactic analysis
,,30
can go."
Generative-Transformational Terminology
In the explanations of these structural facts which
have influenced the mood of the complement clause, it is
sometimes convenient to use the terms of a generative-
transformational framework. The ideas of "deep structure"
and "surface structure" are important for explaining cer
tain constructions. It is customary to distinguish the
deep structure as that aspect which determines the phonetic
31
interpretation of the actual spoken or written sentence.
Chomsky illustrates the usefulness of making such distinc
tions for sentences such as these:
A. "I persuaded John to leave."
B. "I expected John to leave."
30
Charles Carlton, Descriptive Syntax of the Old English
Charters, Janua Linguarum, Series PractTca, 111 (The Hague,
1970),p.26. Mr. Carlton's successful adaptation of Charles
Fries' method especially confirms the validity of this
attempt to describe the mood in the Old English complement
clause.
31
Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cam
bridge, Massachusetts, 1965T7 p. 161

24
He warns that these sentences with similar surface struc
tures are "very different in the deep structure that under
lies them and determines their semantic interpretations."
When analyzed, the deep structure of sentence A shows that
"John' is the Direct Object of the Verb Phrase [persuaded]
as well as the grammatical Subject of the embedded sentence
[John will leave']." In sentence B, however, the deep
structure reveals that "John" has "no grammatical function
other than [that which is] internal to the embedded sen
tence." "John" is the logical Subject in the embedded
3 2
sentence, "John will leave. "'5 The underlying deep struc
tures for A and B are written here to illustrate further
the relationship between the sentence parts. Each embedded
sentence is underlined:
A. I persuaded John John will leave .
B. I expected John wil 1 1 eave .
t
Thus the similarly written forms of certain complement
clause constructions might be derived from very different
deep structures. When semantic investigations are rele
vant, such formal analyses seem to be more accurate for -a
description of the semantic aspect than the methods of the
previous attempts at semantic interpretations of the com
plement clause construction.
32
Chomsky, pp
22-24.

THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE
A Description of the Data
The examples of the complement clause discussed in
this study are grouped according to the verb that intro
duces each clause. Verbs like these, expressing mental
processes or acts of communication, may have as their com-,
plements various grammatical constructions and parts of
speech: (1) infinitives., (.2) noun phrases, (3) adjectives,
and (4) clauses:
(1) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 304-10, We willath nu
faran to thaere stowe 'We intend now to proceed
to the place.1
(2) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 91-4, and noldon eow
gecythan eowre [un]ryhtwisnesse 'and would not
show to you your unrighteousness.'
(3) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 113-16, thaette tha tha
he him selfum waes lytel gethuht 'that when he
himself was thought little.'
(4) Orosius, 162-27, thaet hie ne cuthan angitan
thaet hit Godes wracu waes 'that they could not
perceive that it was the \vrath of God.'
25

26
Of these complements, the clauses occur most frequently;
they are, therefore, the special concern of the present
study. They may have one of the following beginnings:
(1) Thaet, which is the most common introductory word:
Orosius, 162-29, hie saedon thaem folce thaet heora godas
him waeron irre 'they said to that nation that their gods
were angry.' (2) Hu or hw- words: Orosius, 17-33, ac he
nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes 'but he knew not what was of
truth.' (3) The gif...thonne connector: Gregory's Pastoral
Care, 383-31, hie gethencen, gif mon _on niwne we [a] 11
unadrugodne and unastithodne micelne hrof and hefigne
onsett, thonne ne timbreth he no healle ac hyr'e 'they think,
if one set on a new wall undried and not firm a big and
heavy roof, then he builds not a hall but a ruin.' (4) In
some cases, no subordinator: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 405-
12, wenestu recce he hire aefre ma 'thinkest you he care
for her ever more.' This description of the mood in the
noun clauses will restrict its evidence to those clauses
beginning with thaet, hu and hw- words. Although the verb
of the main clause usually has only one complement clause,
in some instances two or three clauses follow it. When
they are introduced by the thaet or the hu and hw- word
connectors, each of these clauses will be described. A
typical example follows: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 161-15,
and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe gesiehth,
and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefonlice wundor

27
'and show them which is the sight of exalted peace, and how
in vain one understands that heavenly wonder of God.'
The Classification of Introductory Verbs
The apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the comple
ment clause has led grammarians to ignore the possibility
that there is a fixed syntactic rule operating in Old
English complement clauses. I have tested the hypothesis
that no rule governs the choice of mood by applying the
binomial method in my investigation of the degree of con
sistency with which the introductory verbs require either
the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood in the follow
ing clause. The probability values are based on the
assumption that if there were no fixed rule predetermining
a scribe's choice of mood after each introductory verb,
then after each verb the indicative and the subjunctive
mood would each occur half of the time. I have classified
the introductory verbs through the findings of this statis
tical test. The six verbs in Group A are exclusively fol
lowed by the subjunctive mood in at least five constructions
and, therefore, weakly support the no-rule hypothesis in
probability values less than .05. Group B includes the
verbs which, like the verbs of Group A, show a decided
preference for one mood, yet require the other mood in pre
dictable contexts. The verbs in Group C have probability

28
values greater than .05, thus favoring the no-rule hypothe
sis. A final group contains the verbs which introduce in
direct discourse in less than five instances and, therefore,
do not qualify as conclusive evidence for this description
of the mood in the complement clause.
Group A
Indicative
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Subjunctive
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Probability Values
Calculated
According to the
Binomial Method
Geascian
and Geacsian
8
0
P
<
. 005
Geleornian
0
5
P
<
.03
Manian
0
86
p
<
.00001
Thyncan
0
16
P
<
.00002
Wi11an
0
10
P
<
. 005
Wilnian
0
25
P
<
.00001
There is little doubt that these six verbs of Group A
require the subjunctive mood in the complement clause. If
there were no syntax rule predetermining the influence of
each verb, the probability that manian and wilnian could be
followed so exclusively by the subjunctive mood is less
than one chance in 100,000. The highest probability value
in this group is that for geleornian at less than three
chances in one hundred. These verbs, then, do not support
the no-rule hypothesis.

29
Geascian and Geacsian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Orosius 8 0
Geascian consistently requires the indicative mood in
the complement clause construction.
132-10
148-16
160-1,
196-9 ,
200-11
230-4,
236-8,
282-7,
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
tha geascade he thaet ercol se ent thaet waes.
Tha hio thaet geascade thaet thaes folces waes swa
fela to him gecirred.
AEfter thaem the Tarentine geacsedan thaet Pirrus
dead waes.
Tha Romane geacsedan thaet tha consulas on Ispanium
ofslagen waeron.
Ac siththan Scipia geascade thaet tha foreweardas
waeron feor thaem faestenne gesette.
thaer he geascade thaet Geowearthan goldhord waes.
Tha Silla geacsade on hwelc gerad Marius com to
Rome .
Tha Maximianus geacsade thaet his sunu feng to
thaem onwalde.
Geleornian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the' Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 5
The subjunctive mood occurs in each complement clause
follo\\ring geleornian.

30
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregorys Pastoral Care
81-25, thaet[is thaet] he geleornige thaet he selle Gode
his agne breosth.
191-1, Geleornigen eac tha beam thaet hi sua hieren hira
ieldrum.
191-4, Geleornigen eac tha faederas and tha hlafurdas
thaet hie wel libben[de] gode bisene astellen.
275-24, Thy we sculon geleornian thaet we suithe waerlice
gecope tiid aredigen.
319-7, thaet tha oferetolan geleornoden thaet hie to
ungemetlice ne wilnoden flaescmetta.
Manian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 86
Manian introduces a complement clause in Gregorys
Pastoral Care only. The conltruction follows either of
these two patterns with such consistency that it might be
determined by formulaic conventions:
(1)
Eac
Eorthaem
Ohgean thaet
' + sint + t_o. manianne + noun phras
+ (subordinate clause) + thaet and a
conventional complement clause.
(2) noun phrase + sint + to_manianne + (subordinate clause)
+ thaet and a conventional complement clause.
Neither variation of the patterns nor indicative verb forms
in certain subordinate clauses alters the choice of mood in
the complement clause.

31
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
191-12, Eac sint to manianne tha underthioddan and tha
anlepan menn the aemtige beoth thaes thaet hie for
othre menn suincen thaet hie huru hie selfe
gehealden.
191-16, Tha ofer othre gesettan sint to manianne thaet hie
for hira monna gedwolan ne weorthen gedemde.
191-21, Tha ofergesettan sint to monianne thaet hie sua
otherra monna giemenne gefyllen.
195-15, Ac tha sint to manianne the fore othre beon sculan,
thaet hie geornlice tha ymb sion the hie ofer beon
sculon, thaet hie thaere geornfulnesse geearnigen.
197-3, Ac hie sient suithe georne to maniganne thaet hi
for hira untheawum hie ne forsion.
201-10, Tha theowas sint to manianne thaet hie' simle on
him haebben tha eathmodnesse with hira hlafordas.
201-11, Tha hlafordas sint to manianne thaet hie naefre
ne forgieten hu gelic hira [gejcynd is.
201-13, Tha thiowas sint to monianne thaette hie hiera
hlafordas ne forsion.
203-6, Tha lytegan sint to manianne thaet hi oferhycggen
thaet hie thaer wieton.
229-3, Tha gethyldegan sint to manianne thaette hie hira
heortan getrymigen.
229-13 Tha x^elwillendan sint to manianne thaet hie sua
faegenigen othra monna godra weorca.
237-13, Thy sint to manianne tha bilwitan anfealdan thaette,
sua sua hie tha leasunga nyttwyrthlice fleoth,
thaet hie eac thaet soth nytwyrthlice secgen.
247-6, Tha truman sint to manianne thaet hie gewilnigen
mid thaes licuman trumnesse thaet him ne losige
sio haelo thaes modes.
247-11, Forthon sint to manianne tha halan thaet hie ne
forhycgen.

32
251-20, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha metruman thaet
hie ongieten.
253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie
gethencen.
255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie
gethencen.
257-19 ,
Eac sint tha seocan to monianne thaet hie ongieten.
261-1,
Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman to thaem.thaet
hie gehealden.
273-2,
Eac sint to manianne tha suithe suigean thaet hie
geornlice tiligen to wietanne.
275-1, Eac hie sint to manianne, gif hie hiera nihstan
lufien swa sua hie silfe, thaet hie him ne helen.
281-19, Tha slawan sint to manianne thaet hie ne forielden.
289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongieten
hwaet hie on him selfum habbath.
289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie
ongieten hwaet hi nabbath.
291-3, Tha monthwaeran sint to monianne thaet hie geornlice
tiligen.
302-13, Forthaem sint to manianne tha upahaefenan thaet hie
ne sien bealdran.
302-15, Tha eathmodan sint to manianne thaet hie ne sien
suithur underthiedde.
307-3,
307-7 ,
Tha anstraecan thonne sint to monianne thaet hie
ongieten.
Eac hie sint to manianne thaet hie gethencen.
307-19, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha unbealdan and tha
unfaesthraedan thaet hie hera mod mid stillnesse
and gestaeththignesse gestrongien.
313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah
hie [ne] maegen thone untheaw forlaetan thaere
gifernesse and thaere oferwiste, thaet he huru
hine selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy unryhtaemedes.

33
315-8, Ond theah hie sint to manianne thaet hie no hiera
faesten ne gewanigen.
319-16, To manianne sint tha the hira god mildheortlice
sellath thaette hie ne athinden on hiora mode.
327-12, Eac sint to manianne tha the nu hiera mildheortlice
sellath, thaet hie geornlice giemen.
327-24, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet
wilniath othre menn to reafigeanne, thaet hie
geornlice gehieren thone cuide.
335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie geornlice gethencen.
337-5, Eac hie sint to manien(n)e thaet hie geornlice
gethencen.
339-6,
Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie
ongieten.
339-24,
hie sint
to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
341-7, Ac hie sint aerest to manianne thaet hie cunnen
hiora aegen gesceadwislice gehealdan.
345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie
gewisslice wieten.
349-18, Ac tha ungesibsuman sint to manien(n)e, gif hie
nyllen hiera lichoman earan ontynan to gehieranne
tha godcundan lare, £haet hie ontynen hiera modes
eagan.
351-18, Eac sint to manianne tha gesibsuman thaet hie to
ungemetlice thaere sibbe ne wilnigen.
355-8 ,
Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie him
ne ondraeden.
355-11, Ond eft hie sint to manianne thaet hie theah tha
sibbe anwealge oninnan him gehealden.
361-5, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha sibbe,
thaet hie swa micel weorc to recceleaslice and to
unwaerlice ne don.
363-8, Eac sint to manianne tha the on tham beoth abisgode
thaet hie sibbe tiligath, thaet hie aerest tilgen
to kythanne.

34
365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne
ongietath, thaette hie gethencen.
365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
371-1, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie hie selfe ongieten.
371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen.
375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet thaet hie be thaem
laessan thingum ongieten.
383-31, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
387-8, Tha thonne sint to manianne the simle habbath
thisse worulde thaet thaet hie wilniath'thaet hie
ne agiemeleasien.
387-16, Eac hie sint to monienne thaette hie no ne geliefen.
389-27, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde
orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongieten.
391-20, Tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen.
391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra
thinga wilniath, and him theah sum broc and sumu
witherweardnes hiera forwiernth, thaette hie
geornfullice gethencen.
393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
393-23, Tha sint to manigenne the mid thaem gebundene
bioth, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu
hiera aegther othres willan don scyle, thaet hira
swa tilige aegther othrum to licianne on hiora
gesinscipe . and thaet hie swa wyrcen thisses
middangeardes weore.
395-31, To manigenne sint tha gesomhiwan, theah hira
hwaethrum hwaethwugu hwilum mislicige on othrum,
thaet hie theat gethyldelice forberen.
397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen.
401-1, tha sint to manienne thaet hie swa miele ryhtlecor
tha hefonlican bebodo healden.

35
401-22, Eac sint to manienne tha Godes thiowas thaet hie
ne v.Tenen.
401-31, Forthaem hi sint to manigenne, gif hie tha halwendan
forhaefdnesse gehabban ne maegen, and tha scuras
thaere costu[n]ga adreogan ne maegen, thaet hie
wilnigen.
403-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie gemunen.
405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna
onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wacore mode
ongeiten.
407-19, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet
ungefandod habbath flaesclicra scylda, thaette hie
swa miele swithor thone spild thaes hryres him
ondraeden.
407-22, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi witen.
407-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie unablinnendiice
thara leana wilnigen.
409-22, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath
thaes lichoman scylda thaet hie witen.
409-27, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten.
411-20, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath
thissa flaesclicena scylda, thaet hie ne wenen.
413-14, Hi sint [eac] to manienne thaet hi unathrotenlice
tha gedonan synna gelaeden.
413-22, Forthaem hie sint to manienne thaet hi aelce synne
gethencen.
413-31, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi gelefen.
415-8 ,
417-3,
and eft hi sint to manienne thaet hi swa hopigen
to thaere forgiefnesse.
Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha g[e]thohtan
synna wepath, thaet hie geornlice giemen.
417-31,
Ac tha sint to manienne tha the tha gethohtan synna
hreowsiath thaet hie geornfullice giemen.

36
419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna wepath,
and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice
ongieten.
421-35, Tha thonne sint to manienne the tha [gejdonan
scylda wepath, and [hi] swatheah ne forlaetath,
thaette hi ongiten.
423-28, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna
forlaetath, and hi theah ne betath ne ne hreowsiath,
thaet hi ne wenen.
437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thenne hi oft syngiath
lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten.
449-20, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the god diegellice
doth, and swatheah on sumum weorcum geliccetath
thaet hi openlice yfel don, and ne reccath hwaet
men be him sprecen, hi sint to manienne thaet hi
mid thaere licettunge othrum monnum yfle bisene
ne astellen.
Thyn c an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 12
Orosius
0 ,
4
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 0 16
Whether thyncan 'seem' can legitimately be said to
introduce the conventional sort of complement clause con
struction is moot because the subordinate clause functions
as the subject rather than the object of the main verb:
Pastoral Care, 415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne
sie 'it seems to him that it is no sin.' Yet the Old

37
English thyncan constructions are parallel in word order
with constructions like 'they (he) think(s) that': Prosius,
182-25 he_ thencth thaet he hit adx^aesce 'he thinks that he
increases it.' Pastoral Care, 209-16 thonne hie wenen
thaet hie haebben betst gedon 'when they think that they
have done best.' In the thyncan construction as well as
in the thencan and wenan constructions, the verbs are fol
lowed by thaet clauses which regularly employ the sub
junctive mood. In all cases the thaet clauses represent
the adaption of the expression of a mental process from an
independent sentence to a subordinate clause. It is true
that the thaet clause of the thyncan constructions is not
the object of the main verb -- a feature common to all
other complement clause constructions -- but rather it is
the subject of the main verb. The most accurate, though
awkward, rendering of the thyncan construction reads:
415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nanscyld ne sie 'that it is
no sin seems to him.' With minor variations, the word
order in these constructions follows its own distinctive
pattern: pronoun in the dative case + thyncan + thaet +
subject clause. Because thyncan consistently requires the
subjunctive mood in its complement clause, it was not
necessary to investigate the mood context of each clause.

38
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
113-10,
AEresth him thuhte selfum thaet thaet he waere
suithe unmedeme.
115-19 ,
him thuhte thaet he waere his gelica.
203-14,
him selfufm] thync(th) thaette wisdom sie.
203-20 ,
him selfum thynce thaette wisusth sie.
209-24,
him thonne thynce thaet he nan yfel ne doo.
231-20 ,
thonne thyncth him thaet hie wiellen acuelan.
285-4 ,
thenne him thyncth thaet he ryhte lade funden
haebbe.
321-23,
him thenne thynceth thaet he suithe wel atogen
haebbe.
415-31,
him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne sie.
415-34 ,
him thyncth thaet he haebbe fierst genogne to
hreowsianne.
There are two instances in which adverbs and adverb
phrases are introduced into the clause; nevertheless, the
subjunctive mood follows thyncan in its complement clause.
241-4 ,
him fulneah thyncth thaette his nawuht sua ne sie
sua sua he aer witedlice be him wende 'it almost
seems to him that nothing about it is not just as
he formerly undoubtedly thought about it.'
415-32 ,
him thyncth. the ah hit scyld sie, thaet othre men
hefiglicor syngien 'it seems to him, though it is
a sin, that other men sin more gravely.'
In all the foregoing examples the verb thyncan has a
thaet clause as its subject; however, it often happens that
thyncan has not a thaet clause, but only a noun phrase as
subject and an adjective as complement. Alfred's Preface
to Gregory's Pastoral Care offers an example:

39
25 9 and thyncet him suithe leoht sie byrthen thaes
lareowdomes 'and to them the burden of instruction seems
very light.' Of course, such adjectival constructions are
not counted here as illustrations of the complement clause
construction; however, it is possible to assume that the
verb beon of a thaet clause has been deleted. Before dele
tion, then, the sentence would read like the ten illustra
tions of complement clauses listed above: and thyncet him
thaet sie byrthen suithe leoht sie 'and it seems to them
that the burden of instruction is very light.'
Of the several sentences which contain adjective com
plements after thyncan, four might be mistakenly taken for
complement clause constructions because they have thaet
clauses closely following the verb thyncan.
261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan to rethe
oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes suingellan
gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why, then, shall
it seem to any man too severe or too hard that he
endure the castigation of God for his evil deeds.'
The adjectives may be taken as complements of thyncan in
the surface sentence, but can be derived from an embedded
sentence in which they are complements of deleted beon.
Before the deletion of beon and the thaet subordinator,
the sentence reads like a conventional complement clause:
261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan thaet hit
sie to rethe oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes
suingellan gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why,
then, shall it seem to any man that it be too
severe or too hard that he endure the castigation
of God for his evil deeds.'

40
Before deletion of the copula, then, the thaet clause which
introduces the adjectives is the subject of thyncan. The
second thaet clause which occurs in the surface sentence
is in turn the subject of the underlying clause from which
the copula has been deleted. A tree diagram (Figure 1)
with each clause numbered illustrates the underlying rela
tionships between subjects and predicates. Similarly, the
following thyncan construction includes a thaet clause
which could be mistaken for a complement clause construc
tion :
427-19, ac thaet him thynce genog on thaem thaet hi hit
selfe dyden 'but that seems to them enough, in
this, that they did it themselves.1
Before deletion, the structure reads as a conventional com
plement clause construction: 'but that seems to them that
it be enough, in this, that they did it themselves.'
Thaet in the last clause is not a subordinator introducing
0
a complement clause. In the underlying structure repre
sented in the tree diagram (Figure 2) it introduces the
noun clause that is the subject of the complement clause,
of which the predicate is "be enough."
The third illustration of a possibly misleading thaet
clause occurs in Alfred's original prose in his Preface to
Gregory's Pastoral Care:
7-6, Forthy me thyncth betre, gif iow swae thyncth,
thaet we eac sumae bee, tha the niedbethearfosta
sien eallum monnum to wiotonne, thaet we tha on
thaet gethiode wenden the we eall gecnawan maegen
'Therefore it seems better to me, if it seems so

VP
Forhwy thonne
thaet hit thaet he Godes suingellan sie
gethafige for his yfelum
daedum
to rethe oththe
to uniethe
sceal aenigum
thyncan menn
Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care: 261-19.
Figure 1.

s
thaet
hit thaet hi hit selfe
dyden
sie
genog
thynce him
Figure 2. Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care: 427-19.

43
to you, that we also translate some boohs, which
are most needful for all men to know, into that
language which we all can understand.
When the deep structure is established, it becomes clear
that the complement clause construction has been partly
deleted: 'Therefore it seems to me, if it seems so to you,
that it is better. . .' As in the other two examples,
the thaet clause is not, therefore, itself a complement
clause structure with thyncan as the governing verb, but
only the truncated remains of one. Its underlying relation
ship to the complement clause is represented by the follow
ing diagram (Figure 3).
One misleading thaet construction occurs in the Orosius
154-18, thaet him xvislecre thuhte thaet hie tha ne forluren
'that it seemed wiser to them that they then not
lose. '
The underlying complement clause can be reconstructed thus :
'that it seemed to them that it was wiser that they then
not lose.' The second thaet clause like the previous prob
lem constructions is the subject of the underlying comple
ment clause (Figure 4).
The Orosius contains some regular constructions. The
subjunctive mood occurs in the complement clause in all
the following thyncan illustrations:
102-28, tha him thuhte thaet heo heora deadra to lyt
haefden.
246-25, for thon the hiere thuhte thaet hit on thaem lime
unsarast waere.
Hu and hwaether replace thaet as the subordinator in

Figure 3. Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care:
7-6.

thaet hit thaet hie tha ne
forluren
waere
wislecre
thuhte him
-p
Ln
Figure 4.
Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18.

46
questions:182-22, Hu thyneth eow (nu) Romanum hu seo sibb
gefaestnad waere, hwaether hie sie thaem gelicost 'How does
it seem to you, Romans, how the peace was made fast, does
it appear whether it be most likened to that.'
W i 11 an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 10
Wi11an consistently requires the subjunctive verb form
in its complement clause. The subjunctive form occurs in
Alfred's original prose, his Preface to Gregory's Pastoral
Care, and his translation.
5-24,
9-5,
57-2 ,
107-22
165-11
237-18
267-19
347-15
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
and woldon thaet her^thy mara wisdom on londe
itfaere.
io wolde thaet[te] hie ealneg aet thaere stowe
waeren.
Thonne he wilnath on his mode thaet he sciele
ricsian.
, ac wile thaet simle se other beo araered from thaem
othrum.
, hie wiellath thaet hie hiene eft haebben.
, Ic wille thaet ge sien wise.
, and wolde thaet hie wurden.
, forthaem he wolde thaet we haefden aegther ge
sibbe ge wisdom.

47
355-18, Ic wolde, gi£ hit swa beon meahte, thaet ge with
aelcne monn haefden sibbe eowres gewealdes.
457-26, Gif thu wille thaet thu ne thyrfe the ondraedan
thinne Hlaford.
Wilnian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 23
Orosius 0 2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 0 25
The subjunctive verb form occurs in the complement
clause throughout the wilnian constructions in Gregory's
Pastoral Care and the Orosius-.
23-16,
93-19,
135-18
135-19
141-16
145-12
145-13
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregorys Pastoral Care
Nu ic wilnige thaette theos spraec stigge.
and wilnath thaet he thy wi[s]ra thynce.
, hie wiliniath thaet hie thyncen tha betstan.
, hie wilniath thaet hie mon haebbe for tha betstan.
, thaet lie thonne ma ne wilnige thaet he self licige
his hieremonnum thonne Gode.
, and wilnath theah thaet thaes othre menn sugigen.
, he wilnath ma thaet hine mon lufige thonne
ryhtwisnesse.

48
145-15,
Se thcmne wilnath suithur thaet mon lufge
sothfaesthnesse.
145-16 ,
se the wilnath thaet mon nanre ryhtwisnesse fore
him ne wandige.
147-5,
tha godan recceras wilnigen thaet hie monnum
licigen.
239-25,
and wilniath thaet hie hie gehyden.
255-1,
hie wilniath thaet we him gethwaere sien.
265-8 ,
se wilnath thaette nan thing ne sie.
301-11,
ac he wilnode thaet he waere ongieten.
339-24,
hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen.
351-4,
and ne wilniath na thaet hie to thaere ecean sibbe
becumen.
365-21,
and wilniath thaet hie .gegitsien.
367-22,
Ac gif we wilnigen thaet hie thaes wos geswicen.
387-9 ,
hie wilniath thaet hie ne agiemeleasien.
431-24,
ac hit wilnath thaet hit to thon onwaecne.
431-26 ,
and wilnath thaet hit sie ofordruncen his agnes
willan.
439-35 ,
hi wilniath thaet hi micel thyncen.
447-15 ,
Forthaem wilnath God to aelcum men thaet he sie.
224-18 ,
Orosius
and wilnade thaet he Parthe begeate.
290-20 ,
and wilnedon to him thaet hie mosten on his rice
mid frithe gesittan.

49
Group B
Ascian
Indicative
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Subjunctive
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Probability Valu
Calculated
According to the
Binomial Method
and Acsian
1
7
P
<
.05
Awritan
1
25
P
<
. 0005
Bebeodan
3
26
P
<
.00001
Biddan
2
20
P
<
.00001
Cwethan
6
48
P
<
.00001
Gecythan
16
1
P
<
.0003
Gehieran
40
2
P
<
. 00001
Gethencan
42
16
P
<
.0001
Laeran
3
14
P
<
.004
Ne Witan
.23
4
P
<
.001
Ondraedan
1
14
P
<
. 0009
Ongietan
69
16
P
<
.0001
Thencan
2
*12
P
<
.01
Wenan
3
81
P
<
.00001
Witan
50
8
P
<
. 0001
The verbs in Group B are not followed exclusively by
one mood as are the six verbs in Group A. Yet the occur
rences of an exceptional mood after each verb in Group B
are so few that the probability values, like those of the
verbs in Group A, are less than five chances in one hundred
that the no-rule hypothesis is correct. Indeed, were there

50
no rule, there would be less than one chance in 100,000
that bebeodan, biddan, or ewethan would be followed so
regularly by the subjunctive mood and less than one chance
in 100,000 that gehieran would be followed so consistently
by the indicative mood.
The exceptions to the regular mood in the complement
clauses are also not explained by the no-rule hypothesis.
In these instances structural facts provided by the texts
show that attraction of moods and word order can explain
the exceptions. There is no clear evidence, in spite of
earlier arguments, that the meaning of the introductory
verb has shifted and thus altered the regular mood of the
complement clause.
Ascian and Acsian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Orosius 1 7
Ascian and acsian are followed by the subjunctive verb
form in all but one case. The exception can be explained
by its immediate context.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
68-25, tha acsedon hie hie hu fela thaer swelcerra manna
waere swelce he waes.
120-33, het ascian thone cyning his faeder, the thaer aet
ham waes, hwaether him leofre waere.

51
156-29, Tha ascedan hiene his thegnas hwy he swa heanlice
word be him selfum gecwaede.
162-9, and hie acsedon for hwy hie thaet dyden.
162-24, ne acsedon hwaer thara gefarenra waere.
214-11, ascian thonne Italie hiera agne londleode, hu him
tha tida gelicoden.
224-26, and ascade hie for hwy hie nolden gethencan.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
54-2, and acsedon, gif hie feohtan ne dorsten, hwider
hie fleon woldon 'and asked, if they dared not
fight, whether they wished to flee.'
The influence of the indicative form of ascian on the mood
of the past tense of willan in the complement clause might
explain this exception; however, the subjunctive verb form
of the gif clause makes an attraction explanation less
likely. It is possible that the gif construction deter
mined the mood of the hwider'clause. The gif . dorsten
clause and the hwider . woldon clause constitute the
gif construction. In this sentence the entire gif con
struction is the complement of ascian. The influence of
this gif context is, then, a possible explanation for the
exceptional choice of mood.
Awritan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
1
25

52
The subjunctive mood regularly follows awritan in the
complement clause. The construction has a particular order
"ben '
on + awritan + (preposition + noun phrase) + thaet
+ subject noun phrase + verb phrase. The pattern is rarely
altered in the twenty-five subjunctive mood clauses; hoxv-
ever, the only instance of the indicative mood occurs in a
construction of unusual order. It is possible, then, that
the unusual word order explains the exceptional mood. The
indicative mood of the main verb perhaps also influenced
the verb of the complement clause by attraction.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
93-11,
Hit waes awriten thaet thaes sacerdes hraegl waere
behongen mid bellum.
199-16 ,
Forthaem [hit] is awriten thaette Dauid, tha he
thone laeppan forcorfenne haefde, thaet he sloge
on his heortan.
215-21,
Hit [is] awriten on Paules bocum thaet sio Godes
lufu sie gethyld, and se the gethyldig ne sie,
thaet he naebbe tha Godes lufe on him.
233-18,
the be him awriten is thaette for his aefeste
death become ofer ealle eorthan.
235-4 ,
Be thaem is awriten thaet Dr[y]hten besawe to Abele
and to his lacum.
235-12 ,
Be thaem is awriten thaette this flaesclece lif
sie aefesth.
243-15 ,
Gehirath eac thaette thaeraefter awriten is thaette
he haebbe his getheaht.
275 -15 ,
and eft hit is axvriten on Salomonnes bocum . .
thaette hwilum sie spraece tiid.

53
277-18 ,
Swa hit awriten is on Salomonnes cwidum thaette se
mon se the ne maeg his tungan gehealdan sie gelicost
openre byrig.
301-7 ,
hit is awriten thaet he sie kyning ofer eal tha
oferhydigan beam.
323-25 ,
ac gehieren hwaet awriten is on Salamonnes bocum,
hit is awrieten thaet mon ne scyle cwethan to his
friend.
345-10 ,
Hit is awrieten on snete Paules bocum thaette
thaes gaestes waesthm sie lufu.
353-15,
and forthaem hit is awriten thaet hiera honda
waeren gehalgode Gode.
357-16 ,
Be thaem aworpnan engle is awriten on thaem god-
spelle thaet he sewe thaet weod on tha godan aeceras
359-3,
Be thaem is ryhtlice awriten thaet he bicne mid
thaem eagum.
371-23,
hit is awriten thaette God anscunige aelene ofer-
modne man.
385-19 ,
Hit is awriten on thaem godspelle thaette ure
Haelend . wurde beaeftan his meder.
401-33,
forthaem hit is awriten thaet hit sie betere thaet
mon gehiewige thonne he birne.
403-1,
Hit is awrieten on thaem godspelle thaet nan mon
ne scyle don his hond.
427-32,
Be thaem is eft awriten on Genesis thaette swithe
wacre gemanigfalthod Sodomwara hream and Gomorwara.
431-29 ,
hit waes awriten thaet hit waere swelce se stiora
slepe on midre sae.
437-19,
Be thaem is ax^riten o(n) Salomonnes bocum thaette
se . thaet he wille gelisian to uiaran.
445-32 ,
hit is awriten thaet him waere betere.
445-35 ,
hit is awriten thaet se engel ewaede be thaem
bis cepe.

54
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
157-6, Suithe ryhtlice hit waes awriten aefter thaem
nitenum "thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede 'Very
rightly it was written that the idols were painted
after the beasts.'
Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the sub
ordinate clause is a possible explanation for this excep
tion. The unusual word order perhaps also influenced the
scribe; in no other construction is the verb phrase broken
up so that the adverbial phrase stands outside the thaet
clause: aefter thaem nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron
atiefrede, instead of thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede
aefter thaem nitenum.
Besides the possibility of attraction between the
indicative context and the verb of the complement clause,
the presence of waeron geiewde, also in a governing verb
$
- position, might explain the indicative mood in this comple
ment clause after awritan:
195-18, tha waeron geiewde, sua hit awritan is thaet hie
waeron ymb eal utan mid eagum besett 'those seemed,
as it is written, that they were all around cove.red
outside with eyes.'

55
Bebeodan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
0
7
Orosius
3
19
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence available
Total
3
26
The subjunctive mood follows bebeodan in the comple
ment clause. The word order regularly follows this pattern
bebeodan + (nominative noun phrase) + (dative noun phrase)
+ subordinator and complement clause. The nominative or
the dative noun phrase, or both if they are pronouns, may
be shifted to the front of bebeodan. Relative clauses and
one gif construction occur in certain constructions without
varying the mood choice in the complement clause. Attrac
tion between the indicative moods best explains the three
rare instances of the indicative mood.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
81-18, Forthaem babiet sio halige ae thaet se sacerd scyle
onfon thone suithran bogh aet thaere of[f]runge.
319-22, Thaem hlafordum is beboden thaet hie him doon thaet
h[i]ra thearf sie.
321-1, and thaem thegnum is beboden thaet hie him thaet
to genyhte don.

56
381-23, he behead thaet menn namen hiora sweord.
459-22, Forthaem waes eac beboden thurh Noyses, gi£ hwa
adulfe pytt, and thonne forgiemeleasode thaet he
hine betynde, and thaer thonne befeolle on oththe
oxa oththe esol, thaet he hine scolde forgieldan.
Orosius
122
126
140
144
150
204
206
228
248
5, and se aetheling bebead sumum his folce thaet hie
26,
19,
-14
gebrohten Romana consulas
Tha bebead Alexander thaem haethnan biscepe thaet
he becrupe on thaes Amones anlicnesse.
Tha bebead se faeder thaem consule thaet hi mid
his fierde angean fore.
he thaeron bebead thaet mon ealle tha wraeccan an
cyththe forlete.
-5, AEfter thaem Antigones bebead thaet mon aegther
hete cyning.
-7, him bebead se consul thaet hie eal hiera heafod
bes ce aten.
-16, tha bebead he sumum thaem folce thaet hie from
thaem faestenne aforen.
-9, he bebead his twaem sunum thaet hie thaes rices
thriddan dael Geoweorthan sealden.
-15, Sum waes aerest thaet he bebead ofer ealne middan-
geard thaet aelc maegth ymbe geares ryne togaedere
come .
248-23, Thridde waes thaet he bebead thaet aelc thara the
on eltheodignesse waere, come to his agnum earde.
248-25, he bebead thaet mon tha ealle sloge.
260-30, and bebead his agnum monnum thaet hie simle gegripen
thaes licgendan feos swa hie maest mehten.
264-26, and ge bebead his aldormon(n)um thaet hie waeren
cristenra monna ehtend.
266-16, and he bebead thaet mon timbrede on otherre stowe
Hierusalem tha burg, and thaet hie mon siththan hte
be noman Helium.

57
268-4, and hie bebudon thaet mon aelcne cristenne mon
ofsloge.
282-28, On thaem dagum Lucin(i)us bebead thaet nan cristen
mon ne come.
288-6, He him bebead thaet he forlete thon(n)e his
cristendom oththe his folgath.
290-1, swa thaet he bebead thaet munecas-the woroldlica
thing forgan sculon, and waepna gefeoht-thaet hie
waepena namen.
296-31, thaet he bebead thaet mon naenne mon ne sloge.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
The following bebeodan constructions occur in Alfred's
Preface:
5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic
geliefe thaet thu eille.
9-2, Ond ic bebiode on Godes naman thaet nan mon thone
aestel from thaere bee ne do.
It is not clear whether the fehaet . geaemetige clause in
the following sentence is the complement of bebeodan, gelie-
fan, or xvillan; therefore, I merely present it without
counting it as evidence of bebeodan's influence on the verb
of the complement clause:.
5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic
geliefe thaet thy wille, thaet thu the thissa
woruldthinga to thaem genemetige swae thu oftost
maege[l]'and therefore I command you that you do
as believe that you will, that you free yourself
of these worldly matters to such an extent as you
most often may.'

58
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Orosius
114-30, and him behead thaet hie thaet lond hergieade waeron
oth hie hit awesten 'and commanded them that they
were (to keep on) plundering until they destroyed
it. '
248-26, Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden thaet we
sculon cuman of thisse worolde to ures faeder
oethle 'That showed that it is commanded to all of
us that we ought to come from this world to the
realm of our father.'
262-19 and he bebead Tituse his suna thaet he towearp
thaet tempi on Hierusalem 'and he commanded Titus
his son that he destroy the temple in Jerusalem.'
Biddan
Indicative Mood in
the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
; 0
4
Orosius
1
15
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
1
1
Total
2
20
The subjunctive mood occurs regularly after biddan
in complement clause constructions. Two exceptional indica
tive clauses appear in the Orosius and the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle. The indicative form of biddan introduces all
but one of the clauses in the entire stock of regular sub
junctive clauses, and in those two cases has apparently
altered the scribe's choice of mood.

59
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
63-12,
se se the-bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with
otherne the he bith eac ierre.
304-4 ,
and we hie thonne biddath thaet hie for urum thingum
hira untheawa gesuicen.
413-19,
Ic the bidde thaet thu no ne locige on mine synna.
467-23,
Ac ic the bidde thaet thu me on thaem scipgebroce
thisses andweardan lifes sum bred geraece thinra
gebeda.
64-28,
Orosius
mid thaem the hie badon thaet hie him fylstan
mosten.
66-1,
and heora faederum waeron to fotum feallende, and
biddende thaet hie for thara cilde lufan thaes
gewinnes sumne ende gedyden.
82-18 ,
He baed hie eac thaet hie gemunden thara ealdena
treowa.
82-20 ,
and hie bidde(nde) waes thaet hie mid sume seara-
wrence from Xerse thaem cyninge sume hwile awende.
92-7,
and'hie baedon thaet hie frith with hie haefden.
98-14 ,
and baedon thaet hie tidlice hamweard waere.
98-19 ,
and hine baedon thaet he him on fultume waere.
118-14, and baedon thaet hie ealle gemaenelice cunnoden.
140-15, Tha baed his £aeder-waes eac Fauius haten-thaet
tha senatum forgeafen thaem suna thone gylt.
146-29, and hiene baedon thaet he him ageafe thaet he
(aer) on him gereafade.
200-31, and baedon thaet he him to fultume come.
212-4, oth tha burgware baedon thaet hie mosten been
hiera undertheowas.

60
268-13, Tha baedon hie tha cristnan men thaet hi heora an
sume wisan gehulpen.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
8-An.l67, baed thaet he waere cristen gedon.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Orosius
114-21, Aefter thaem Atheniense baedan Philippus, thaet
he heora ladtheow waere with Focenaes thaem folce.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement-Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
100-6, and baeden thaet hie thaes gefeohtes geseicen.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Orosius
192-22, AEfter thaem Centenus Penula se consul baed thaette
senatus him fultum sealdon.
Anglo Saxon Chronicle
68-An.868, and Burgraed Miercna cyning and his wiotan
baedon AEthered West Seaxna cyning and Aelfred
his brothur thaet hie him gefultumadon.

61
Cwethan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 2 29
Orosius 3 16
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 3
Total
6
48
The subjunctive mood regularly follows cwethan in the
complement clause. The word order follox^s the usual pat
tern: cwethan + thaet + subject noun phrase + verb + object,
As with another verb that expresses an act of communication,
secgan 'say,' which will be considered later, the word
order in the exceptional clauses differs from the normal
pattern; for most of the exceptions, the verb is the last
item of the series. While t^e verb occurs as the last item
in some clauses which contain the subjunctive mood, that is
the predominant order in the exceptional indicative mood
clauses; nevertheless, attraction between the indicative
moods seems also to be an.important influence in the
scribe's use of the exceptional mood in the complement
clause.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
73-2 ,
tha lie cwaeth thaet aelces yfeles wyrttruma waere.

62
91-8, and cuaeth thaet hie scolden leasunga witgian.
107-18, Ic cuaeth thaet aeghwelc monn waere gelice othrum
acenned.
115-20, He cuaeth to him thaet he waere his gelica.
135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth na thaet tha
giemmas waeren, forsceadne aefter [thaem] straetum.
157-5, the sanctus Paulus cuaeth thaet waere hearga and
idelnesse gefera.
197-19, and cuaeth thaet hit no gedaefenlic naere.
211-5, sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes.
249-15, Ond eac cuaeth Salomonn thaet fremde ne scolden
beon gefyllede ures maegenes.
279-24, he cwaeth thaette sio suyge waere thaere
ryhtwisnesse fultum midwyrhta.
281-7, he cwaeth thaet hio waere unstille, yfel and
deathberendes atres full.
319-4, he cuaeth thaet hit waere good thaet mon foreode
flaesc and win for bisene his brothrum.
335-18,
341-1,
381-24,
387-26 ,
399-24 ,
403-33,
and ryhtlicor we magon cwethan thaet we him gielden
scylde.
swa swa we aer bufan cwaedon . thaet hie thonne
for waedle weorthen on murcunga and on ungethylde.
and cwaeth thaet tha scolden bion synderlice Godes
thegnas.
and cwaeth thaet hie wolden weorthan forlorene and
oferwunene mid orsorgnesse.
He cwaeth thaet hio xvaere swithe neah.
He cwaeth thaet hi hi forlaegen on Egiptum on hira
gioguthe.
409-3, swa swa we aer cwaedon, thaet hie sceolden habban
ece eardungstowe on thaes faeder huse furthor.
409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen.

63
409-33,
419-11,
419-13,
423-17,
449-6 ,
449-15,
Thios sae cwith thaet thu thin scamige, Sidon.
tha he cwaeth thaet hio him sona forgiefen waere.
he cwaeth thaet him waere aer forgiefen.
Hwaet, sanctus Paulus cwaeth thaet he gesawe
otherne gewunan.
Be swelcum monnum cwaeth Dryhten thaet hi waeren
gelicost deadra manna byrgennum.
Be thaem cwaeth Dryhten on his godspelle thaet
thaet waere hira med.
pro
17-
19-
44-
54-
56-
58-
82-
92-
174
178
194
202
210
The
se, "
2,
10,
11,
29,
20,
1,
31,
35 ,
-25 ,
-15,
-11,
-17,
-22 ,
Orosius
first two illustrations come from Alfred's original
Ohthere's Narrative":
He cwaeth thaet he bude on thaem lande northweardum
with tha Westsae.
He cwaeth thaet nan man ne bude be northan him.
and cwaedon thaet hit gemalic waere.
and cwaeth thaet thaem weorce nanum men aer ne
gerise bet to fandianne.
and cwaedon thaet hie to rathe wolden fultumlease
beon aet heora bearnteamum.
to thon thaet hie cwaedon thaet hie Mesiana folce
withstondan mehten.
and cwaeth thaet hit gerisenlic[re] weare.
and cwethath thaet him Gotan wyrsan tida gedon
haebben thonne hie aer haefdon.
tha cwaedon hie thaet him leofre waere.
and cwaeth thaet him to micel aewisce waere.
and cwaedon thaet hie tha burg werian wolden.
and cwaedon thaet him soelest waere.
hie cwaedon thaet him leofre waere.

64
214-8, thonne magon hie ryhtor cwethan ihaet thaet waeren
tha ungesaelgestan.
252-26, swa thaette sume men cwaedon thaet hio waere mid
gimstanum gefraetwed.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
48-An.755, and tha cuaedon hie thaet him naenig maeg
leofra naere thonne hiera hlaford.
48-An.755, and hie cuaedon thaet thet ilce hiera geferum
geboden waere.
48-An.755, Tha cuaedon hie thaet hie [hie] thaes ne
onmunden thon ma the eowre geferan.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
43-7, buton he cuethan wielle thaet he ne lufige thone
Hlaford.
Orosius
80-7, thaet mon eathe cwethan mehte thaet hit wundor
waere.
f
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
323-8, thonne cuethe ge thaet ge sien unnytte theowas.
377-20, thonne wille we cwethan thaet he sie genog ryhtlice
his brothor deathes scyldig.
About verbal forms without final -n, like that in
sentence 323-8, Wright states: "Final -n disappeared in
verbal forms before the pronouns we, wit; ge, git.
J'Joseph Wright and Elizabeth Mary Wright, Old English
Grammar (London, 1908), p. 138.

65
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
The indicative mood occurs only twice after cwethan
in Gregory's Pastoral Care; both instances occur in the
same sentence. It is difficult to explain the exceptional
mood when the regular subjunctive mood occurs in another
CTethan construction also within the same sentence:
211-3, sua thaette sume suaedon thaet hie waeron Apollan,
sume cuaedon thaet hi waeron Saules, sume Petres,
sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes 'so that some
said that they were Apollo's,some said that they
were Saul's, some Peter's, one said that he was
Christ's.'
The attraction principle can explain the rare instance of
the indicative mood after cwethan in the first two clauses
of the series. It is, then, possible that the interruption
in the sume cuaedon pattern by the elliptic clause, sume
Petres, explains the scribe's return to the use of the
subjunctive mood in the final clause of the same series.
Orosius
214-7, Gif hie thonne cwethath thaet tha tida goda waeron.
254-28, and cwaedon thaet hie niene for god habban noldon.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
80-An.887, and hi cuedon thaet hie thaet to his honda
healdan sceoldon.

66
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
One exceptional instance of the indicative mood after
ewethan cannot be explained according to attraction:
214-3, Thaet sindon tha godan tida the hie ealneg fore-
gielpath, gelicost thaem the hie nu ewethen thaet
tha tida him anum gesealde waeren and naeren eallum
folcum 'That those are the good times of which
they always boast; as if they now said that those
times were given to them alone and were not (given)
to all people.'
The indicative waeron juxtaposed against the subjunctive
naeren is perhaps the scribe's attempt to contrast the two
verbs. A stylistic explanation of this sort seems to be
the best solution for the problem.
Gecythan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 12 1
Orosius 4 0
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle Mo evidence available
Total
16
1
Gecythan requires the indicative mood in the comple
ment clause construction. The subjunctive mood in the one
instance in which it occurs appears to be a marker for
contrast.

67
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
33-6, thy we wofdon gecythan hu micel sio byrthen bith
thaes lareowdomes.
163-11, thonne he him gecythth hu sio byrthen wiexth and
hefegath.
163-15, thonne he him gecyth mid hu scearplicum costungum
we sint aeghwonon utan behrincgde.
211-14, ge habbath gecythed thaet ge ures nanes ne siendon.
409-2, Thaem monnum is gecythed Iwelce stowe he moton
habban beforan urum faeder.
Prosius
100-8, Thaet is mid Crecum theaw thaet mid thaem worde
bith gecythed hwaether healf haefth thonne sige.
142-25, hie thonne gecythath on thaem aete hwelc heora
maest maeg gehrifnian.
296-3, Ac hie gecythdon rathe thaes hwelce hlafordhylde
hi thohton to gecythanne on hiora ealdhlafordes
bearnum.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
115-15, and mid thy anwalde gecythde thaet he waes ieldesth
ofer tha halgancirican.
117-5, hraedlice he gecythde thaet he waes magister and
ealdormonn.
281-6, Eft bi tham ilcan he gecythde hwaet thaere tungan
maegen is.
343-6, Ac Dryhten gecythde thurh Salomon thone snottran
hu micel his irsung aefter thaere daede bith.
401-26, He gecythde hwelc sio scyld bith.

68
405-16, and swatheah us gecythde . thaet us waere
gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to
us showed . that his mercy was ready for us,
that (his) justice was not.'
Such inverted word order rarely happens in the thaet clause:
gecythan + verb phrase + thaet + subject noun phrase. Even
so, it seems better to translate thaet as a subordinator
than as the neuter determiner, 'the justice was not.'
451-6, he us gecythde forhwy he hit forbead.
Orosius
60-21, Thaet wille ic gecythan, thaet tha ricu of nanes
monnes mihtum swa gecraeftgade [ne] wurdon.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
405-16, and swatheah us gecythde, gif we aefter thaem
hryre urra scylda to him gecierdon, thaet us waere
gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to us
showed, if we after the fall of our sins came to
him, that his mercy was ready for us, that (his)
justice was not.
The principle of attraction does not adequately explain
this occurrence of the subjunctive mood; not only is the
main verb an indeterminate form, but also the verb of the
gif clause immediately preceding the thaet clause is in
the indicative mood. Perhaps a better explanation is that
the scribe thus emphasizes the contrast between mercy which
waere gearo and justice which naes (gearo).

69
Gehieran
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 39 2
Orosius No evidence available
Anglo Saxon
Chronicle 1 0
Total
40
2
The indicative mood regularly occurs in the comple
ment clause introduced by gehieran. The main verb is often
in the subjunctive mood and apparently determined the excep
tional mood of the complement clauses in two instances.
Ill
265
315
355
373
379
379
387
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
11, suelee he gehierth thaet his olicceras seegath.
24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaet on him bith gefyllad.
23, Ac us is suithe geornlice to gehieranne hwaet
Gryhten threatigende cuaeth.
6, Be thaem we magon gehieran thaette sua miele sua
we us swithur gethiedath.
2, Eac hie sculon gehieran hwaet to thaem lareowum
geeweden is thurh Salomon.
15, Eac hi sculon gehieran hu sanctus Iohannes waes
gemanod.
24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaette thurh Salomon is
gehaten.
31, Be thaem wordurn we maegon gehieran thaet hie waeron
swithe suithlice getaelde.

70
401-10, Ac hi scoldon gehira[n] hwaet Paulus cwaeth.
407-32, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh Essaias thone
witgan geeweden is.
409-5, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh sanctus Iohannes
geeweden is.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
48-An.755, Tha on morgenne gehierdun thaet thaes cyninges
thegnas the him beaeftan waerun thaet ae cyning
ofslaegen waes.
243-10 ,
299-7,
299-13,
299-15 ,
299-16 ,
299-18 ,
299-21,
299-22 ,
301-1,
301-3,
301-6 ,
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Gehieren tha unclaenen and tha lytegan hu hit
awriten is.
Gehieren'tha eathmoden hu ece thaet is . and
hu imagen thaet is.
Gehieren eac tha upahaefenan hu gewitende tha thing
s int.
Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Salomon cuaeth.
Gehieren eac the upahaefenen on hira mode hu he
e£t cuaeth.
Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet God cuaeth thurh
Essaim thone witgan.
Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet Salomon cuaeth.
Gehieren tha eathmodan hweat on psalmum gecueden
is .
Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Crist cuaeth.
Gehieren tha upahaefenan hweat Salomon cuaeth.
Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet awriten is.

71
317
317
317
317
317
319
319
323
323
323
359
371
409
441
13, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth.
15, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus
cuaeth.
19, Gehieren eft tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth.
21, Gehiren eft tha oferetolan hwaet he to him cuaeth.
23, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth.
3, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus cwaeth
5, Gehiren tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth.
6, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.
18, ac gehiren hwaet awriten is.
25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.
9, ac gehiren tha wrohtsaweras hwaet awriten is.
13, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.
16, Gehieren eac tha the ungefandod habbath thara
flaesclicana scylda hwaet sio Sothfaesthnes thurh
hie selfe cwaeth.
19, Ac gehiren hi thaet thas andwearda[n] god bioth
from aelcre lustfulnesse swithe hraedlice gewitende
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
303-6, thaet hit sie the lusthbaerre to gehieranne sua
hwaet sua we him auther oththe lean oththe laera
wiellen that it be the more cheerful to hear
whatever we wish for them either to blame or to
teach.'
379-17, Se the gehire thaet hine mon clipige 'he who hears
that one calls him.'
Attraction between the mood of the main verb and the verb
of the complement clause in these exceptions
best explains
the scribe's choice of mood.

72
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
243-13, Gehirath hwaet of thaes wisan Salomonnes muthe waes
gecueden.
381-12, Gehierath hwaet on Cantica Canticorum is awriten.
Gethencan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
37
16
Orosius 5 0
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 42 16
Although both the indicative and subjunctive moods
follow gethencan in complement clause constructions,the
indicative mood predominates. The order of the items in
the construction varies with both moods, and interrupting
words and phrases frequently occur around the main items of
the constructions. Attraction between moods can explain
the exceptional occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the
complement clause construction, because in the majority of
such clauses, gethencan is in the subjunctive mood. The
established indicative mood naturally occurs whether the
indicative mood or the subjunctive mood occurs in the main
clause or in another subordinate clause.

73
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
29-6 ,
~thonne is to gethencanne hwaet Cristh self cueth on
his godspelle.
37-23,
ne gethencan ne con hwaet him losath on thaere
gaeiinge the he tha hwile amierreth and hu swithe
he on than gesyngath.
107-21,
se godcunda dom gethencth thaette ealle men gelice
beon ne magon.
109-1,
sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth othrum
raonnum on hira gecynde.
117-16 ,
and eac we magon suigende gethencean on urum
inngehygde, theah we hit ne sprecen, thaet hie
beoth beteran thonne we.
127-16, Monige theah nyllath na gethencean hu gelice hie
beoth othrum brothrum ofergesett.
313-13,
Ac we sculun gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand
doth to urum rnuthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet
we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde.
329-9 ,
Be thaem we magon gethencean hu mieles wites tha
beoth weorthe the othre menn reafiath.
343-14,
t
Ac tha reaferas gethenceath swithe oft hu micel hie
sellath.
349-14,
Of thissum bebode we magon gethencean hu unaberendlic
gylt sio towesnes bith.
359-11,
By thaem worde we magon gethencean, nu tha sint .
Codes beam genemned the sibbe wyreath, thaette tha
sindon butan tweon diofles beam.
377-3,
Hwy ne magon hie thonne gethencean, gif hie on
thaem gesyngiath, hu miele swithur hie gesyngiath.
383-28,
Hwaet hie magon gethencean thaet fugla briddas,
gif hie aer wilniath to fleoganne, aer hira fethra
fulwe[a]xene sin, thaette sio wilnung hie genithrath
the hi aer upahefth.

74
385-23, Thonne is us [thaet] swithe wocorlice to gethen-
ceanne thaette ure Haelend, tha tha he twelfwintre
waes, tha waes he gemet sittende tomiddes thara
lareowa.
397-5, thonne hie gethenceath hwaet hi othrum monnum
forberath.
397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftraed-
lice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe.
Orosius
122-15, and nellath gethencan hu lath eow selfum waes to
gelaestanne eowre athas thaem the ofer eow anwald
haefdon.
146-11, hie gethoht haefdon thaet hie hiene besaetedon.
152-32, and nyllath gethencan hwelc hit tha waes.
200-10, and gethoht haefdon thaet hie thaer sceoldon
wintersetl habban.
296-21, Ge magon eac gethencan hu hean he eft wearth his
geblota and his diofolgilda the he on gelifde.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
77-5, Gethencen hie thonne betwuh him selfum hu suithe
hie sculon beon geclaensode.
81-6, gethence he thonne thaet he is efnmicel nied.
117-15, gethence he thaet he bith self suithe gelic tham
ilcan monnum.
233-14, Gethencen be thysum tha aefstigan hu micel maegen
bith.
Besides the rule established for gethencan complement
clauses, the formulaic nature of the manian-gethencan con
structions is perhaps determining the indicative mood in
the complement clause also.

75
253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie
gethencen mid hu monigfaldum ungetaesum and mid hu
heardum brocum us swingath 'Then the unhealthy are
to be admonished that they consider with how mani-
flod severities and with how hard afflictions (our
worldly fathers and masters) chastise us.'
255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie
gethencen hu micel haelo thaet bith 'Also the sickly
are to be admonished that they consider how much
health there is.'
335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie eornlice gethencen
thaet thios eorthe, the him thaet gestreon of com,
eallum mannum is to gemanan geseald 'they are to
be admonished that they carefully consider that
this earth, from which the gain came to them, is
given to all men in common.'
337-5, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice
gethencen thaette se fiicbeam, the on thaem god-
spelle gesaed is thaette nanne waesthm ne baere,
stod unnyt 'Also they are to be admonished that
they earnestly consider that the fig tree, which
in the gospel is said that it bore no fruit, stood
useless 1
357-15, Tha wrohtgeornan sint to manigenne thaet hie
gethencen hwaes folgeras hie sindon 'The lovers
of strife are to be admonished that they consider
whose followers they are.'
- 365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen thaet
tha halgan gewritu sint us to leohtfatum gesald
'Also they are to be admonished that they consider
that the Holy Scriptures are given to us as lan
terns '
383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hi gethencen
thaette tha wif the tha geeacnodan beam cennath
the thonne git fulborene ne bioth,
no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also
admonished that they consider that
ne fyllath hie
they are to be
those women,
who bring forth the conceived children, when they
are not yet full born, fill not by that houses but
tombs.'
391-20, tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen
mid hu micelre giefe ofer him wacath se Scippend
'those are to be admonished that they carefully
consider with how much favor the Creator watches
over them.'

76
391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra
thinga wilniath . thaette hie geornfullice
gethencen thaette oft ryhtwise menn mid thys
hwilendlican anwealde weorthath upahaefene 'Also
those who desire these transitory things . are
to be admonished that they consider carefully that
often righteous men become exalted with this transi
tory power.'
393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen hu
hit awriten is be Salamonne, hu he aefter swa
miclum wisdome afioll, emne oththaet he dioflum
ongan gieldan 'Also they are to be admonished that
they consider how it is written about Solomon, how
he after so much wisdom fell, even until he began
to sacrifice to devils.'
397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen hwaet othre
men him forberath 'One ought to admonish the married
persons, and also everyone else, that they not
consider less what other men tolerate in them.'
445-26, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi geornlice
gethencen thaette hit bith wyrse thaet mon a onginne
faran on sothfaestnesse weg, gif mon eft wile
ongeancierran, and thaet ilce on faran 'Also they
are to be admonished that they carefully consider
that it is worse that one begins to travel on the
road of truth, if one will afterwards turn back and
travel on that same (way).'
447-28, Tha thonne sint to manienne tha the yfel degellice
doth, and god openlice, thaet hi gethencen hu
hraedlice se eorthlica hlisa ofergaeth, and hu
unanwendenlice se go[d]cunda thurhwunath 'Those
then are to be admonished who do evil secretly,
and good openly, that they consider how quickly
earthly fame passes away, and how firmly the divine
(fame) lasts.'
The manian and gethencan combination governs the sub
junctive mood in four of the eighteen complement clause
constructions. While attraction in these instances can
explain the subjunctive mood, the underlying forms of these
exceptional clauses reveal significant differences when com
pared with the indicative clauses.

77
339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen, ongemang
thaem the hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen,
thaet hie for thaem godan hlisan thy forcuthran ne
weorthen 'they are to be admonished that they con
sider, while they wish that they seem generous,
that for that good fame they do not become the more
depraved.'
For the first problem illustration Sweet translates the
gethencan construction thus:
'[they] are to be admonished to take care . .
that for that good fame they do not become
the more depraved.'
A direct command, 'Do not become the more depraved,' is the
underlying form for this surface sentence, rather than a
description of a situation, which the fourteen regular com
plement clauses represent.
The second problem sentence is also different from the
indicative complement clauses which follow manan and
gethencan:
365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne ongietath,
thaette hie gethencen thaette hie thone halwendan
drync thaes aethelan wines ne gehwyrfen him selfum
to attre, and isen thaet hie menn mid lacnian
souldon, thaet hie mid thaem hie selfe to feore ne
gewundigen 'Those are to be admonished who do not
understand the law rightly, that they consider
that they not turn the salutary draught of noble
wine into poison for themselves, and the iron that
they should cure men with, that they with that not
wound themselves too deeply.'
Sweet translates this problem sentence thus:
'Those who do not understand the law rightly
are to be admonished not to turn the salutary
draught of noble wine into poison for them
selves, and not to wound themselves mortally
with the lancet with which they should cure men.'
A direct command underlies each surface structure: 'Do not

78
turn the salutary draught of noble wine into poison for
yourself,' and do not wound yourself too deeply.
A negative command, 'Do not cause discord with the
words,' underlies the fourth exceptional clause:
371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen thaette
hie selfe ne geunthwaerigen thaem wordum the hie
laerath 'But one ought to admonish them that they
consider that they themselves not cause discord
with the words which they teach.'
It is possible, then, that these different underlying forms
explain the exceptional mood in the clause after the manian
and gethencan combination.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
85-11, Be thaem gethence sacerd, thonne he othre men
healice laerth, thaet he eac on him selfum healice
ofthrysce tha lustas his untheawa.
95-8, Forthaem gethence se lariow thaet he unwaerlice
forth ne rese on tha spraece.
159-14, thonne gethence ge hwaet ge sien and hwelce ge sien.
273-4, ac him is miele mare thearf thaet hie gethencen
hwelce hi hie innan geeowigen Gode, and thaet hi
swithor him ondraeden for hiera gethohtum thone
diglan Deman.
289-25, ac gethencen thaet he sie gesceadwislic and
gemetlic.
306-2, gif hie be aenegum daele wolden gethencean hwaet
hie selfe waeren.
321-13, and eac him is micel thearf thaet hie geornlice
gethencen thaet hie to unweorthlice ne daelen thaet
him befaesth bith.

79
363-12, forthon, thonne thonne hie gethencath tha ryhtan
lu£e, thaet hie eac gethencen thaet hie ne weorthen
beswicene mid thaere uterran lufe.
In one instance the subjunctive mood occurs in the comple
ment clause even though the main verb is in the indicative
mood; it is true, however, that the clause between the main
verb and the thaet clause contains a verb in the subjunctive
mood. It is possible, then, that an attraction is operating
325-17, For thy mon sceal aer gethencean, aer he hwaet
selle, thaet he hit eft forberan maege butan
hreowe, thylaes he forleose tha lean 'Therefore
one ought previously to consider, before he gives
up anything, that he may afterwards forgo it
without regret, lest he lose the reward.'
Besides the possibility that attraction is operating between
the subjunctive moods, the underlying structure of this
complement clause construction is different from those con
structions noted above which govern the indicative mood in
predominately indicative environments. The sculn and
gethencan combination governs the indicative mood in clauses
which describe the actual facts of a situation.
109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth
othrum monnum on hira gecynde 'they ought to con
sider howr similar they are to other men of their
kind.1
313-13, Ac we sculon gethencean, sua oft sua w7e ure hand
doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet
\ve geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde 'But
we ought to consider as often as we put our hand
to our mouth for excessive greediness, that we
renew and recall to mind the sin.'
397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftra-
edlice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe

80
Therefore they ought to consider if too often and
too excessively they associate in the marriage that
they are not in lawful wedlock, if they hold that
as a habit.
The underlying structure for the sculon and gethencan con
struction which governs the subjunctive mood is not a state
ment about a situation but a question. Sweet freely trans
lates the sentence substituting whether for thaet: 'There
fore he must consider, before he gives away anything,
whether he can afterwards forego it without regret.' The
direct question, 'May he forego it later without regret?'
has been subsumed in this indirect discourse construction.
The scribe has substituted thaet for hu and the hw- words
which usually introduce such object clauses.
Gethencan occurs only three times in the imperative
mood. The regular indicative mood is found in two of the
three constructions.
f
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
It is significant that the original prose follows the
rule established for gethencan. That the original prose
such as Alfred's Preface should conform to the same pattern
which recurs throughout the translations is further evidence
that a fixed rule is determining the mood in the complement
clause:
Alfred's Preface, 5-5, Gethenc hwelc witu us tha becemon
for thisse worulde.
467-1, ac gethenc hwaet thu eart.

81
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
329-12, gethenceath thonne hwelces wites ge wenen thaem the
othre menn refiath 'consider then of what punish
ment you expect for those who rob other men.'
The subjunctive mood here might be explained merely as a
feature of clause construction which helps to set off the
hwelces wites ge wenen clause from the rest of the sentence.
A feature of subordination is necessary because the inter
rogative adjective hwelces is not such an obvious subordina-
tor as is, for instance, hu in the similar sentence above:
329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu mieles wites tha
beeth weorthe the othre menn reafiath 'By that we
ought to consider of how much punishment those be
worthy who rob other men.'
The need for a marked feature of subordination then in the
imperative mood construction possibly explains the scribe's
choice of the subjunctive mood.
f
Laeran
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 3 12
Orosius 0 2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total
3
14

82
The subjunctive mood is the predominant mood in com
plement clauses following laeran. The three rare instances
of the indicative mood seem to be the result of attraction.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
203-15, Ne tharf mon na thone medwisan laeran thaet he tha
lotwrencas forlaete.
225-24, otherne he laerth thaet.he onginne sume scande bi
thaem othrum oththe sprecan oth(the) don.
227-1, otherne he laerth thaet he [tha] scande forgielde.
233-23, Eac sint to laeranne tha aefstigan thaette hie
oneieten.
10, Tha suithe suigean mon sceal laeran thaette hie
. . thaet hie ne sien to wyrsan gecirde.
3,
Ongean thaet sint to laeranne tha oferspraecean
thaet hie wacorlice ongieten.
271
277
36 7
409
441-6, ne sint hi no to laerenne hwaet hi don scylen.
23, thonne sculon we hie ealra thinga aerest and
geornost laeran thaet hie ne wilnigen leasgielpes
24, and swatheah hi sint to laeranne thaet hi hi ne
ahebben ofer tha othre.
Orosius
82-28, Se hiene waes georne laerende thaet he ma hamweard
fore .
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
291-20, and thone otherne laerde thaet he him anwald ontuge
389-18, Tha he laerde hu we aegther lufian sceolden.

83
425-36, AErest he laerde thaet . and siththan thaet
hi wurden gefulwode.
Orosius
242-31, tha laerde he his sunu thaet he him ongean fore.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
131-3, Tha tha he laerde thaet thaere ciricean thegnas
scoldo[n] stilnesse thaere thenunga habban 'Then
when he directed that the servants of the Church
ought to have quietness in the service.'
131-4, tha laerde he hi eac hu hie hie geaemettian scoldon
otherra weorca 'then directed he also them how they
ought to free themselves of other works.'
425-36, AErest he laerde thaet hi hreowsodon, and siththan
thaet hi wurden gefullwode 'First he directed that
they repent, and afterwards that they become bap
tized. '
There is no proof that the indeterminate form laerde is the
subjunctive form; nevertheless, it is possible that the
unmarked form of 1aeran influenced the mood in these excep
tional clauses. In the third sentence, 425-36, the indica
tive mood occurs in one thaet clause and the regular sub
junctive mood occurs in the other. This construction is.
less surprising if one notes that the clause farthest from
the indeterminate (indicative) form follows the rule illus
trated by the majority of other laeran constructions and
that it is not influenced by attraction with the main verb
as the first clause seems to be.

84
Ne Witan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
13
2
Orosius
9
2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
1
0
Total
23
4
Like witan, the form ne witan also governs the indica
tive mood in complement clauses; the rare occurrences of the
subjunctive mood in the clause can be explained according
to the principle of attraction between moods. It is not to
be supposed that the predominant mood necessarily influences
the mood of the complement clause; attraction between moods
is an explanation only for the occurrence of the exceptional
mood. The predominant mood Surrounding each instance of the
regular indicative mood in a complement clause is noted,
nevertheless, for comparison with the subjunctive mood cita
tions .
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
105-9, ac we nyton hwelc hira inngethonc bith beforan
thaem thearlwisan.
207-1, Tha scamleasa nyton thaet hie ntela doth.
241-12, thu nast hwaer him awther cymth.

85
265-4,
287-16,
289-9,
289-10 ,
293-24,
343-21,
361-7,
411-26 ,
Thonne nat thaet mod thaet him bith freodom
forgiegen.
ac he nat on hwaet he gaeth.
sua thaet he self nat huaet he on thaet irre doth.
Tha irran nyton hwaet hie on him selfum habbath.
hie nyton hwaet hie thonne gehierath.
and nat hwaer he hiene forliesth.
and huru thaer thaer hie nyton hwaether sio sibb
betre betwux gefaestnod bith.
thaette nyte thaette on gimma gecynde carbunculus
bith dio[r]ra thonne iacinctus.
429-26, tha the nyton hwonne hi ntela doth.
Orosius
120-1, Ic nat, cwaeth Orosius, for hwi eow Romanum sindon
tha aerran gewin swa wel gelicad . and for-hwy
ge tha tida swelcra broca swa wel hergeath.
124-13, Nat ic, cwaeth Orosius, hwaether mare wundor waes.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
213-24, tha spraec he suelee he hit thagiet nyste thaet
hie hit him tha io ondredon.
Orosius
The first two illustrations are very interesting,
because they appear in Alfreds original prose, "Ohthere's
Narrative."
17-13, Tha beag thaet land thaer eastryhte, oththe sec
sae in on thaet lond, he nysse hwaether. Such
inverted word order is rare among the Old English
complement clause constructions.

86
17-32 ,
180-16,
206-3,
252-21,
286-18,
ac he nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes.
thaet nan mon nyste hwonan hit com.
swa he nyste hu he him to com.
swa nan mon nyste hwonan thaet fyr com.
thaet nan mon nyste thaes faereltes hwaer he com.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
54-An.787, and hie wolde drifan to thaes cyninges tune thy
he nyste hwaet hie waeron.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
241-23, suelee se lareow haebbe an cliwen on his honda
suithe nearwe and suithe smealice gefealden, and
nyte hwaer se ende sie.
Orosius
78-15, thaet hie siththan nysten hu hie thonan comen.
134-23, Nyte we nu hwaether §ie swithor to sundrianne. Of
the disappearance of final -n Joseph Wright notes:
"Final -n disappeared in verbal forms before the
pronouns we, wit; ge, git, as bide we, 'let us ^
bind'; bind ge, 'bind ye'; bunde we? 'did we bind?1"
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
117-2, Eft he spraec suelee he nysse thaet he a furthor
waere thonne othre brothor 'Again he speaks as if
he knew not that he were greater than the other
brothers.'
^Wright, p. 138.

87
Suelee is usually known to govern the subjunctive mood.
Henry Sweet notes that one of-"the chief cases" of the use
of the subjunctive mood in "dependent sentences" is "to
express hypothetical comparison (as if) : Ic_ swugode swelce
ic hit ne gesawe (I was silent, as if I had not seen it
3
. .)." It is possible that in this instance and in the
only other instance of the subjunctive mood after ne_ witan
in Gregorys Pastoral Care (241-23), suelee did influence
the scribe to use the exceptional mood. The subjunctive
mood is apparently not the rule in the complement clause
after a suelee + ne_ witan construction because the indica
tive mood also occurs:
213-24, tha spraec he suele he hit thagiet nyste thaet hie
hit him tha io ondredon 'then spoke he as if he
did not yet know that they feared it for themselves
formerly.'
Ondraedan
Indicative Mood in
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
0
10
Orosius
1
4
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence
available
Total
1
14
3
Sweet,
An Anglo-Saxon Reader, pp. xcv-xcvi.

88
Ondraedan appears to require the subjunctive mood in
the complement clause. Only once does the indicative mood
occur after ondraedan. In this instance it is possible
that attraction as well as unusual word order altered the
scribe's choice of mood.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
49-19, Other ondred thaet he forlure sprecende tha
gestrion.
57-5, he ondraet thaet he ne mote to cuman.
63-10, he maeg ondraedan thaet he for his aegnum scyldum
mare ierre gewyrce..
73-20, ond eac hwelc se bith the him ondraedan sceal
thaet he unmedome sie.
91-8, thaet sindon tha tha the him ondraedath thaet hie
menn for hira scyldum threagen.
119-8, suelcne suelcne he ondraett thaet hi sie.
143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie ondraedath
thaet him derian maege aet thaem gielpe.
339-20, swa hie magon ondraedan thaet him weorthen tha
wyrttruman faercorfene.
Orosius
48-16, hie alie from him ondredon thaet hi hie mid gefeogten,
98-16 ,
144-16
Ahteniense waeron tha him swithe ondraedende thaet
Laecedemonie ofer hie ricsian mehten.
forthon [hie] ondredon .
gewraecentha teonan.
thaet hie on him

89
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Prosius
138-5, and hi him thaet swithe ondraedan hu he with him
eallum emdemes mehten.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie
him ne ondraeden thaet hie thas laenan sibbe ongean
his selfe gedrefen.
427-20, theah hi him nyllen thaet ondraedan thaet hi yfele
sien.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Prosius
52-3, He angan sierwan mid thaem folce the he ofer waes,
hu he hiene beswican mehte, and aspon him from ealle
tha the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon
'He began to plot with the people whom he was over,
how he might deceive,! him, and to withdraw him from
all those who he feared would support him.
The indicative form of ondraedan would support an explana
tion of attraction for this rare occurrence of the indica
tive mood in the complement clause; nevertheless, it.is .also
possible that the unusual syntax of the ondraedan construc
tion subordinated in a relative clause explains the excep
tional mood. There is no subject noun phrase in this
complement clause; instead, the same relative pronoun which
is the object of ondraedan in the relative clause construc
tion is the understood subject of the complement clause:

90
the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon 'who he
feared would support him.' Ondraedan occurs one other time
in such a relative clause, but the unusual syntax does not
affect the mood of the complement clause:
Pastoral Care, 143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie
ondraedath thaet him derian maege aet
thaem gielpe 'they approve such for
him i\rho they fear may hinder them in
that glory.
Since it is apparently not the rule, therefore, for such
relative clause constructions to alter the mood of a com
plement clause, it is possible that, in one case, syntax of
such an exceptional nature might have distracted the scribe
from an established rule for mood in complement clauses
following ondraedan.
Ongietan
Indicative Mood in
the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
61
15
Orosius
8
1
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence
avail able
Total
69
16
Ongietan occurs frequently in the texts as a verb
introducing complement clauses. The indicative mood appears
regularly in the complement clause. The word order of the

91
ongietan construction follows the pattern common to most of
the regular constructions of indirect discourse: ongietan
+ subordinator (thaet, hu, and hw- words) + subject noun
phrase + verb phrase. This order is rarely interrupted.
The subjunctive mood occurs in the object clause when attrac
tion operates from the subjunctive mood of the main verb to
the verb in the object clause. There are, however, certain
problems among these exceptional clauses which cannot be
explained according to attraction.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
101-13, He ongeat thaet he oferstag hine selfne on thaere
sceawunge thaere godcundnesse.
109-14, Forthaem thonne tha lareowas ongitath thaet tha the
him underthiedde beoth him to hwon God andraedath.
161
165
181
183
183
213
17, gif he ne ongiett hu monega constunga thaes lytegan
feondes him on feallath.
20, thonne se retha reccere ongiett thaet he his
hieremonna mod suithur gedrefed haefth thonne he
scolde.
21, sua man ongiet thaet hie for thissum woruldwlencum
bioth suithur upahafene.
12, the he ongiet thaet thaes monnes onngethonc bith.
16,
22,
sua he ongiet
Tha he ongeat
wenan.
thaet he eathmodra bith.
thaet hie waeron onstyrede mid thaem
241-16
241-17
thonne mon maeg ongietan of hwam hit aeresth com.
thonne mon ongiet mid hwelcum staepum thaet nawht
waes thiirhtogen.

92
275-12,
oth he ongiet thaet him bith nyttre to sprecanne.
283-6 ,
Se slawa ongit hwaet him ryht bith to donne.
297-16 ,
thonne hit ongiet thaet him mon birgth.
311-20,
ac forthythe he ongeat thaet sio ungethyld oft
dereth.
321-8,
sua hie ongietath thaet him laenre and unagenre
bith.
321-9,
forthaem hie magon ongietan thaet he beoth to
hiera thenunga gesette Godes giefe to daelanne.
343-12,
Be thaem we magon ongietan mid hu miele irre
Dryhten gethyldegath tha aelmessan.
371-20 ,
se the ongiet thaet hi tha word thaere lare from
Gode onfeng.
373-21,
thonne he ongiet thaet tha Godes word manegum menn
liciath.
377-22 ,
nu is to ongietanne aet hu micelre scylde tha beoth
befangne.
381-23,
tha he ongeat thaet God waes thaem folce ierre.
395 -18 ,
se the ongiet thaette eal thas andweardan thing
bioth gewitendlieu.
431-13,
forthaemthe hi ne magon ongietan mid hu ma(ne)gum
untheawum hi beoth gewundode.
441-13,
AErest hi sculon ongietan thaet hi fleon that
thaet hi lufiath.
441-14,
Thonne magon hi sith iethilice ongietan thaet thaet
is to lufianne thaet hi aer flugon.
441-16 ,
gif hi on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet
thaeron taelwyrthes bith.
461-29 ,
thonne hi ongietath thaet hi gemetlice and medomlice
laerath.
465-17,
Ac siththan he ongeat thaet he waes athunden on
upahaefennesse for his godan weorcum.

93
465-21, ac ic ongeat swithe hrathe, siththan thu me
forlete, hu^untrum ic waes.
465-25, Ac he ongeat swithe hrathe, tha he gemette tha
gedrefednesse, thaet hit naes on his agnum onwalde.
Orosius
104-10, Be thaem mon mehte ongietan hwaet thaer ofslagen
waes .
162-27, thaet hi ne cuthan angitan thaet hit Codes wracu
waes .
206-15, Tha se consul ongeat thaet hie thaet faesten
abrecan ne mehton.
222-1, Tha Scipia onget thaet hie swelces modes waeron.
268-14, and ongeaton thaet hit waes Godes wracu.
292-11, Rathe thaes the Gotan angeaton hu god Theodosius
waes .
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
115-4, ond ongiete thaet he^bith [self] othrum monnum
gelic.
183-4, thaette tha sorgfullan ongietan thaet him becumath
tha welan the him gehatene sint.
183-6, and eac tha welegan ongietan thaette tha welan the
hie onlociath and habbath, thaet hie tha h abb an ,
ne magon.
201-19, thaet he ongiete thaet he is efntheow his theowe.
233-23, thaette hie ongieten under hu micelre frecenesse
hie liecgath, and hu hie iceath hira forwyrd.
239-4, thaet hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde
gesuinc bith.
277-3, thaet hie wacorlice ongieten fram hu micelre
ryhtwisnesse hie beoth gewietene.

94
311-20 ,
gif he ne ongeate thaet him waes thaes wana.
389-8 ,
thonne thonne we betweox thaem ongieten hu earme
we bioth thara ecena thinga.
393-31, and thonne hie ongieten hu gewitendlic this
anwearde bith thaet hie her doth, and hu thurh-
wunienede" thaet bith thaet hi wilniath.
441-8, buton hi aer ongieten hu frecenlic thaet is thaet
hi cunnon.
The formulaic repetition of manian and the subjunctive
form of ongietan merits a separate discussion, because the
verb ongietan governs the indicative mood in all but one
instance. While this is in accordance with the established
pattern for ongietan, it is also possible that the indica
tive mood is fixed in the complement clause slot because it
is part of the manian and ongietan formula.
Thaet Clauses
321-5, Eac sint to manienne tha the thonne mildheortlice
sellath thaet hie thonne habbath, thaet hie thonne
angieten thaet hie sint gesette thaem hefencundan
Code to theningmannum.
339-6, Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie
ongieten thaet thaet sindon tha forman laeththo.
389-27, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde
orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongietan
thaette sio orsorgnes thisses andweardan lifes
hwilum b*ith to thaem gelaened.
419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna \vepath,
and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice
ongietan thaet hi on idelnesse tiliath.
421-23, Ac tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan scylda
hreowsiath, and hi theah ne forlaetath, thaet hi
ongieten thaet hie beoth.

95
427-12, Tha sint to manienne, tha the aegther ge hit doth
ge hit herigath, thaet hi ongieten thaet hi oft
swithor gensyngiath mid thaem wordum.
429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten thaet
hit bith se degla Godes dom.
433-31, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the aer thenceath
to syngianne, and ymbtheahtiath, aer hi hit thurh-
tion, thaet hi ongiten mid forethonclicre gescead-
wisnesse thaet hi onaelath thearlran dom with him.
437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thonne hi oft syngiath
lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten thaet mon oft
wyrs gesyngath on thaem lytum synnum.
439-17, Ac hi sint to manienne thaet hie ongieten thaet
hie oft gesyngiath giet wyrs.
445-4, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the naebre
nyllath fulfremman thaet god thaet hi onginnath,
thaet hi ongieten mid waerlice ymbethonce thaette,
. . thaet hi thonne mid thy dilgiath.
Hu, Hw- Clauses
The exceptional occurrence of the subjunctive mood is
in a
It is
ducin
such
clause introduced by
clearly a clause of
one of the hu, hw- subordinators.
inquiry; the hu, hw- words intro-
g clauses containing the indicative mood do not denote
uncertainty. The underlying forms of these clauses
are not interrogative sentences,
but exclamatory sentences:
231-15,
Ac tha aefstegan sint to manianne thaet
hu blinde hi beoth 'But the envious are
admonished that they perceive how blind
hie ongieten
to be
they are.'
25 7-19 ,
Eac sint tha seccan to monianne thaet hie ongieten
hu micel Godes giefu him bith thaes flaesces
gesuinc 'Also are the sick to be admonished that
they perceive how great a gift of God the troubles
of the flesh are.'
289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan
hwaet hie on him selfum habbath 'We ought to admon
ish the passionate that they perceive what they
have in themselves.'

96
289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan
hwaet hi nabbath 'The gentle we ought to admonish
that they perceive what (zeal) they have not.'
313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah
hie [ne] -maegen thone untheaw forlaetan thaere
gifernesse and thaere oferwisre, thaet he huru hine
selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy sweorde unryhthaemedes,
ac ongiete hu micel leohtmodnes and leasferthnes
and oferspraec cymeth of thaere oferwiste 'On the
contrary the gluttonous are to be admonished though
they may not abstain from the vice of gluttony and
greediness, that he at least not run himself
through with the sword of fornication, but perceive
how much frivolity and folly and loquacity come
from greediness.'
405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna
onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wacore mode
ongieten aefter hira misdaedum mid hu miclum godum
willan Dryhten tobraet thone greadan his mild-
heortnesse.
375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet hie be thaem laessan
thingum ongieten hu suithe hie gesyngiath on thaem
maran 'They are to be admonished that they in com
parison to lesser things preceive how much they
sin in the greater.'
While it is possible that attraction influenced the
mood of the complement clause, the different underlying
form for this clause ought to be considered also as a deter
mining factor. The hu which introduces the subordinate
clause containing the exceptional subjunctive mood carries
the force of an interrogative conjunction:
429-2, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna
onscuniath, and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet
hi forethonclice ongieten hu hi hi willen beladian
on thaem mielan dome 'On the other hand are to be
admonished those who detest their sins, and
nevertheless do not give them up, that they cau
tiously consider how they will clear themselves
at the great judgement.'

97
The underlying form for this indirect discourse construc
tion is a direct question: 'How will they clear themselves
at the great judgement?' It is possible, therefore, that
this different underlying form influenced the scribe to
neglect the formula in this one instance.
Orosius
62-32, ic wolde thaet tha ongeaten, the tha tida ures
cristendomes leahtriath, hwelc mildsung siththan
waes, siththan se cristendom waes; and hu monig-
feald wolbaernes thaere worulde aer thaem waes.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
119-10, gedo he theah thaet his hieremenn ongieten thaet
he sie eathmod on his [inn]gethonce, thaet hi
maegen thaem o [n]hyrigean.
119-12, ond on his ealdorlicnesse hie ongieten thaet hie
him maegen ondraedan.
151-14, forthaem thaet hie ongieten thaet hie mon taele.
159-7, thylaes he sie ongieten thaet hi sie onstyred and
onaeled mid thaem andan his hieremonna untheawa.
183-7, Ac thaem lareoxve is micel thearf thaet he ongiete
hwa earm sie, hwa eadig, and hwone he laeran scyle
sua earmne.
185-10, Thonne mon thonne ongiete thaet he ryhte gedemed
haebbe.
379-18, Thaet is, se the ongiete thaet he sie gecieged
med godcuncre stemne.
417-33, forthaem thaet hi maegen ongean thaet be thaem
ilcan gemete hreowsian the hi on hira [inn]
gethonce ongieten thaet hie gesyngoden.

Orosius
62-32, ie wolde thaet tha ongeaten . and eac thaet
hie oncnewena..
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Certain instances of the subjunctive mood in the com
plement clause do not occur after the subjunctive form of
the main verb ongietan. The first of these problem sen
tences has ongietan in a subordinate clause introduced by
gif. It is possible that the subjunctive mood in the com
plement clause can be explained by attraction of a differ
ent sort, because the subjunctive mood dominates the sub
sequent clauses. Such a context possibly influenced the
scribe away from the regular mood.
47-13, Ne bith thaet na seth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett
thaet thaet Godes willa sie thaet he ofer othre
been scyle, thaet he thonne withsace 'That is not
true humility, if one perceives that that be God's
will that he shall be over others, that he then
refuse.
There are only three other illustrations of gif with
ongietan. In them the regular indicative mood occurs in
the dependent clause, even though in one instance ongietan
itself is in the subjunctive mood. This is not surprising
because the attraction principle is useful only insofar as
it explains the scribe's choice of the exceptional mood.
161-16, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefon-
lice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu rnonega constunga
thaes lytegan feondes him on feallath 'And how in
vain one perceives the heavenly wonder of God, if
he does not perceive how many temptations of the
crafty foe assail him.1

99
311-19 Ne cuaede he ne sua, gi£ he ne ongeate thaet him
waes thaes wana 'He would not have said so, if
he did not perceive that in them was a deficiency
of this.'
441-15, Miele thy bet hi underfeth thaet uncuthe, gif hi
on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet thaeron
taelwyrthes bith 'Much the better they undertake
the unknown, if they with certainty perceive
exactly what is blameworthy in the known.'
Besides attraction between the subjunctive mood of the
subsequent clauses and the mood of the dependent clause, it
is possible that another structural fact also altered
ongietan's regular influence on the mood of the dependent
clause in the sentence cited earlier. Indeed a certain
feature distinguishes the problem gif sentence from the
three other regular gif-ongietan constructions. In this
problem sentence, ongietan is followed by two thaet clauses:
one (thaet he thonne withsace) is the deep structure subject
of ne^ bith na soth eathmednes ; the other (thaet he ofer
othre beon scyle) is the deep structure subject of Codes
willa sie. In both cases, the expletive or "filler"
thaet's have been left to mark the subject positions for
these two predicates. They are underlined to distinguish
them from the subordinator thaet's :
47-13, Ne bith thaet na soth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett
thaet thaet Godes willa sie thaet he ofer othre
beon scyle, thaet he thonne withsace.
The deep structure can be made clear when the subject
clauses are placed before their predicates:

100
47-13, Thaet he thonne withsace ne bith na soth eathmodnes,
gi£ mon ongiett thaet thaet he ofer othre beon
scyle Godes willa sie 'That he then refuses it is
not true humility, if one perceives that that he shall
be ever others is God's will.'
When the deep structure is reconstructed and compared with
the sentence in the text, it is doubtful whether the thaet
Godes willa sie clause alone is the object of ongietan or
if perhaps, more correctly, both the thaet . sie clause
and its subject the thaet . scyle clause constitute the
object of ongietan. The complicated sequence of thaet
subordinate clauses perhaps influenced the scribe to employ
the subjunctive as a necessary feature of subordination.
Attraction between the mood in the complement clause
and the subjunctive mood of the verb in the clause immedi
ately following is also a possible explanation for the
second problem construction:
115-1, and theah suithe ryhte stihtath thone anwald se
the geornlice conn ongietan thaet he of him gadrige
thaet him staelwierthe sie 'And yet very rightly
he wields the power who well is able to perceive
that he gather from it what is beneficial to him.'
Indeed, the subjunctive mood might easily be anticipated
in the main verb of a theah clause. Even though the main
verb is in the indicative mood in the problem construction,
the force of theah perhaps influenced the scribe's choice
of mood. Besides these explanations for the exceptional
mood, it is also possible that the combination of the verbs
cunnan and ongietan is exempt from the rule governing mood
after the simple verb ongietan. Sweet translates this

101
cunnan-ongietan construction as
'to know how to.' The
'And yet very rightly he
entire sentence then reads:
wields the power who well knows how to gather from it what
is beneficial to him.' This translation is different from
his translation for the other ongietan constructions which
he renders as 'see,' 'perceive,' and 'understand.' It can,
therefore, be suggested that attraction between moods and
the influence of theah, as well as the addition of cunnan
to the ongietan construction, can explain the exceptional
subjunctive mood in this second problem sentence.
Three other exceptional cases remain to be explained.
These subjunctive forms occur in predominately indicative
contexts:
195-12, Sua eac oft gebyreth thaem the for othre menn beon
sceal, thonne he hwelc yfel ongiett, and thaet
nyle aweg aceorfan, thaet thonne aet niehstan hit
wyrth to gewunah thaet" he hit ne maeg gebetan, ne
furthum ongietan thaet hie aenig yfel sie 'So also
it happens to him who ought to be before other men,
when he sees any evil, and will not cut that away,
that then finally it becomes a habit that he may
not give up, nor indeed perceive that it be any
evil.'
271-19, Ac forthaemthe mon ne maeg utane on him ongietan
for hiera suigean hwaet mon taele, hie beoth
innane oft ahafene on ofermettum, swa thaet hie
tha felasprecan forseoth and hie nauht doth 'But
since one may not from without perceive in them
what one blames because of their silence, they
are internally often elevated in pride, so that
they scorn the loquacious and count them as nought.'
281-10, Thaet bith thonne openlice unnyt word, thaette
gescedwise menn ne magon ongietan thaet hit belimpe
to ryhtwislicre and to nvtwyrthlicre thearfe auther
oththe eft uferan dogore oththe thonne 'That is
then an openly useless word, that wise men may not
perceive that it belong to virtuous and to-useful
necessity either at a future day or thereafter.'

102
The subjunctive mood in these sentences might be simply a
mark of subordination which the scribe has employed in order
to clarify the relationship among the consecutive subordinate
clauses. The subjunctive serves such a purpose in certain
Latin constructions. It is a sign of subordination with
no special meaning in clauses of indirect question: Quis
eum occiderit quaero I ask who killed him.' Also in Latin
constructions of indirect discourse, the verb of the depen
dent clause is an infinitive form, but all other subordinate
clauses have a subjunctive verb: Pico eum stultum esse qui
hoc faciat 'I say that he who is doing this, is foolish.
Indeed, throughout other such complex sentences containing
complement clause constructions in Old English, the sub
junctive mood regularly occurs in one or more of the sub
ordinate clauses. In these three instances the introduc
tory verb of the complement clause is in a subordinate
clause itself; therefore, the need for a formal signal of
subordination seems a reasonable explanation for the occur
rence of the subjunctive mood after ongietan.
nradley1s Arnold Latin Prose Composition, pp. 107 and
243.

103
Thencan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
1
10
Orosius
1
2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence available
Total
2
12
Thencan regularly takes the subjunctive in complement
clauses, although the word order of the thencan construc
tion varies. The construction often follows the conven
tional pattern: thencan + subordinator (thaet, hu, hw-
words) + subject noun phrase + verb phrase; nevertheless,
the texts show that items do interrupt this order without
influencing the mood in the complement clause. A principle
of attraction is perhaps operating between the indicative
moods in the two sentences which exceptionally employ the
indicative rather than the subjunctive mood in the comple
ment clause. The verb of the subordinate clause has been
drawn into agreement with the mood of the main clause. Of
course the subjunctive, as the predominant mood, occurs
regularly in the complement clause, whether the mood of the
main verb is subjunctive or indicative.

104
41-23,
45-18,
55-19 ,
145-8 ,
227-23
239-12
273-4,
275-17
393-25
182-25
92-22 ,
57-12 ,
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
Thonne hie synderlice thenceath hu hie selfe scylen
fullfremodeste weorthan.
and nyllath thaes thencean hu hie maegen
nyttweorthuste bion.
he thencth on tham oferbraedelse his modes thaet
he sciele monig god weorc thaeron wyrcan.
and thenceath a hwaet hie don maegen.
and thencth thaes timan hwonne he hit wyrs
geleanian maege.
, ac sceal thonne niede thencean hu he hie gelicettan
maege.
nis na thaes. anes thearf to thenceanne hwelce hie
hie selfe utane eowien mannum.
, Forthaem is gesceadwislice to thenceanne hwelcum
tidum him gecopust sie to sprecanne.
, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu hiera
aegther othres willa don scyle.
Orosius
, he thencth thaet he hit adwaesce.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Orosius
hie thohtan thaet hie siththan hiora undertheowas
v aeren.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Ac thence aelc mon aer hu nytwyrthe he sie.

105
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
55-20, and he thencth mid inne wearde mode thaet he
gierneth for gilpe and for upahafenesse thaes
forgothes 'and he thinks in his inmost heart that
he desires it out of pride and out of the arro
gance of this authority.'
294-22, tha thohton Eugonius and Arbogestes thaet hie
sceoldon aerest of thaem muntum hie gebigan 'then
thought Eugenius and Arbogestes that they should
first turn them from the hill.
We nan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 65
Orosius 3 16
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 3 81
Wenan occurs frequently as the governing verb of a
complement clause construction. The subjunctive verb form
follows wenan in all but three instances. These exceptions
are apparently determined by their predominately indicative
contexts.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
5-22, Hie ne wendon thaett[e] aefre menn sceolden swae
re[c]celease weorthan.

106
69 -22 ,
gif he thonne self wenth thaet he sie wis.
103-24,
hie wenath thaet hie mid besmitene sien.
111-14 ,
ac wenth thaet he haebbe hie oferthungne.
143-24 ,
Ac tha the hi wenath thaet [him] nan wuht lathes
ne witherweardes don [ne] maege.
145-21,
hie wenath, thea[h] hira hieremenn hie mid ryhte
heregen fox hiera agnum gewyrhtum, thaet hie thaet
don for lufan.
149-8,
and wenath menn thaet he hit do for kystum.
149-11,
thaet menn wenath thaet hit sie ryhtwislic anda.
149-13,
and theah wenath men thaet hit sie for arodscipe.
149-15,
and wenath menn thaet hit sie for suarmodnesse.
179-10,
menn wenath thaet hi yfel don.
191-17,
thonne hie wenath thaet hie hira selfra gewyrhtu
sien claene.
209-10 ,
hie wenath thaet thaet sie thaet betste.
209-10 ,
ac tha unmodigan and tha ungedyrstigan wenath
thaet thaet suithe forsewenlic sie.
213-6 ,
forthaemthe hie wendon thaet hit near worulde
endunge waere.
231-23,
hu miele ma wenstu thaet he sie innan.
271-18 ,
hie \vTenath thaet hie stilran and orsorgtran beon
maegen.
285 -2 ,
and thonne he wenth thaet he funden haebbe.
289-11,
thaette hie ful oft wenath thaette hiera hierre
sie ryhtwislic anda.
289-13,
thonne hie wenath thaet hiera untheawas sien sum
god craeft.
289-17,
thonne hie wenath thaet hie ryhtne andan haebben.
289-19 ,
Oft eac tha grambaeran wenath thaet hiera untheaw
sie sumes ryhtwislices andan wielm.

107
291-4,
the wenath thaet hie ryhtwislicne andan haebben.
301-26 ,
tha tha wenath thaet hie eathmode sien.
339-16 ,
and theah wenath thaet hie sien unscyldige.
343-5 ,
hie thonne wenath thaet hie Gode sellen.
365-20 ,
hie wenath thaet hie wisran sien selfe thonne
othre.
391-23,
and wenth thaet his gehelpan ne maege.
391-25 ,
he wenth thaet he gehelpan ne maege.
411-23,
and hie wenath thaet hie beforan bion scylen.
425-1,
Wenstu, gif hwa othrum hwaet gieldan sceal,
hwaether he hine mid thy gehealdan maege.
439-9,
hi wenath thaet hi utan stonden.
439-12,
Ac thonne hi wenath thaet hi of hira aegnum maegene
hi haebben gehealden.
457-11,
he wenth thaet thone mon aer maege gebrengan.
459-10 ,
Hwa wenstu thaet sie to thaem getreow.
463-20 ,
thu wenst thaet thu wlitegost sie.
76-14,
Orosius
thaet tha se gionga cyning swithor miele wenende
waes thaet hie thonon fleonde waeren.
120-7,
swelce ge wenath thae(t) ge sien.
134-27,
tha hie untweogend(lice) wendon thaet heora hlaford
waere on heora feonda gewealde.
136-21,
Hu wenath hie hu tham waere the on Alexandres onwalde
waeron.
164-19 ,
thaet hie wendon thaet hie mehten thaet yfel 'mid
thaem .gestillan.
188-11,
thaette se consul waes wenende thaet eall thaet
folc waere gind thaet lond tobraed.

108
3-16 ,
39-5 ,
39-24,
113-15
291-12
465-15
465-21
58-13,
92-18,
96-34,
148-26
150-23
150-26
188-6 ,
the hie wendon thaet hie mid hiera deofolgildum
gestiered haefden.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
and ic wene thaet[te] noht monige begiondan Humbre
naeren.
and theah he wende thaet hit nan syn naere.
Se ilea se th[e] wende thaet he waere ofer ealle
othere menn.
tha wende he thaet he eac mara waere.
Ic wene thaet we maegen this openlicor gecythan.
, Ic wende on minum wlencum and on minum forwanan
. . thaet thaes naefre ne wurde nan ende.
Ic wende thaet ic waere swithe strong.
Prosius
Ic wene, ewaeth Orosius, thaet nan wis mon ne sie.
Ne wene ic, ewaeth Orosius, thaet aenig mon atellan
maege.
Ne wene ic, ewaeth Orosius, thaet aenige twegen
latteowas emnar gefuhten.
Tha wende man thaet thaet gewin geendad waere.
Ne wene ic, ewaeth Orosius, thaet aenig waere.
Tha wende man eft othere sithe thaet thaet gewinn
Alexandres folgera geendad waere.
and untweogendlice wende thaet. nan naere.

109
179-9 ,
185-11
203-9 ,
209-16
209-17
215-1,
281-14
299-7,
305-18
308-7 ,
308-8 ,
315-9 ,
315-10
327-15
329-13
353-10
353-21
401-23
403-3,
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
theah menn wenen thaet hie yfel don.
, and he wene thaet he ryht be othrum gedemed.haebbe.
thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie sien wiese.
, thonne hie wenen thaet hie haebben betst gedon.
, thonne hie wenen thaet hie thone gilp and thaet
lof begieten haebben.
thaet hie wenden thaet hie thaes the untaelwyrthran
waeren.
, hwelc wite wene we thaet se felaspraecea scyle
h abb an.
theah hie wenen thaet [hie] hiene haebben.
, thaer hie ne wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and
wisran waeren.
Wene ge nu thaet ic aenigre leohtmodnesse bruce,
oththe thaette ic thence aefter woruldluste.
wene ge thaet aegther sie mid me.
ne eft ne wenen thaet hit anlipe full healic
maegen sie.
, thylaes hie wenen thaet hit anlipe micellre
geearnunge maegen sie.
, ne wene he no thaet Godes ryhtwisnes sie to ceape.
, Hwaet wene ge hwaet sio thurhtogene unryhtwisnes
geearnige.
, Ac hu wene we hu micel scyld thaet sie.
, Ne wene ge no thaet ic to thaem come.
, thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie butan [thaem] demme
Stranges domes hi gemengan maegen.
ne wene he thaet he sie.

110
411-21,
thaet hie ne wenen for hira claennesse thaet hie
sien.
453-35 ,
thaet hi ne wenen thaet hi genog don.
Orosius
50-1,
58-25,
Hu wene ge hwelce sibbe tha weras haefden.
hu miele swithor wenen we thaet he ofer tha maran
sie.
Indicative Mood in
Indicative
the Complement
Environment
Clause
Orosius
104-4, for thon Romane waeron swa forhte and swa aemode,
thaet hie ne wendon thaet hie tha burg bewerian
mehton 'because the Romans were so frightened and
so disheartened, that they did not think that they
could guard the city.'
190-4, and wendon thaet hie on thaem daege sceoldon habban
thene maestan sige 'and thought that they on that
day should have the greatest victory.'
Attraction betiveen the indicative verb forms in these sen
tences and the verbs of the' complement clauses can best
explain the exceptional moods. The verbs sculn and especi
ally magan occur so frequently as subjunctive forms in the
illustrations of wenen constructions above, that they alone
cannot explain the exceptional mood choice.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
164-3, hu wene we, nu Romane him self thyllic writon and
setton for heora agnum gielpe and heringe, and
theah gemong thaere heringe thyllica bismra on hie
selfe asaedon, hu wene we hu monegra maran bismra

Ill
hie forsugedon, aegther ge for hiora agenre lufan
and londleoda, ge eac for hiera senatum ege 'How
think we, now the Romans for themselves wrote and
composed such things for their own glory and praise,
and yet, amidst the praise, spoke of such re
proaches among themselves, how think we how many
greater reproaches they concealed, either for love
or themselves and (their) countrymen, or also for
fear of their senate!'
Although wenan occurs twice in this passage, the complement
clause construction introduced by a subordinator follows
only the second instance of wenan. The predominance of the
indicative verb form in the passage can perhaps explain the
indicative form in this complement clause. The indicative
form occurs also in the the ah clause, which usually employs
the subjunctive verb form. Attraction of a different sort,
then, might explain the exceptional mood in this complement
clause following a subjunctive form of wenan.
Pastoral Care
Orosius
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
W i t an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
31
19
8
0
No evidence available
Total
50
The indicative mood regularly follows witan in the
complement clause. The items follow the pattern illus
trated by other complement clause constructions: witan +

112
subordinator (thaet hu, hw- words) + subject noun phrase
+ verb phrase. Any interrupting items do not influence the
mood choice in the complement clause:
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 63-11, Ealle we witon be monnum,
se se the bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with
otherne the he bith eac ierre, thaet irsigende mod
he gegremeth 'We all know concerning men, he who
bids a man that he intercede for him with another
with whom he is also angry, that he irritates the
angry mind.1
The subjunctive appears in the complement clause when attrac
tion acts' between the subjunctive mood of wit an and the
verb of its object clause; a few instances of the excep
tional mood require special explanations.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
57-14, Thonne maeg he, witan be thy, gif ne hie[r]ran
folgath habban sceal, hwaether he thonne don maeg
thaet.
t
63-11, Ealle we witon bi monnum . thaet irsigende mod
he gegremeth.
65-11, Se bith eallenga healt se the wat hwider he gaan
sceal.
135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth.
143-1, Hwaet we genoh georne witon thaet se esne the
aerendath his woroldhlaforde wifes, thaet he bith
diernes gelires scyldig with God.
149-1, Thaette se reccere sceal geornlice wietan thaette
oft tha untheawas leogath.
149-3, Eac sceal se reccere witan thaet tha untheaivas
beoth oft geliccette to godum theawum.

113
151-
15 7-
191 -
8, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwilum bith god waerlice
14,
5 .
to mithanne his hieremonna scylda.
Eac is to wietanne thaet aeresth bith se wah
thurhthyrelod.
191-
269-
2 7 3-
293-
306-
306-
343-
34 3-
343-
Eac sculun wietan tha ofer othre gesettan thaet
thaet hie unaliefedes thurhteoth, and othre. men
bi tham bieseniath, sua manegra wieta hie beoth
wyrthe.
11, swa he gere witan maeg thaet he no ana ne forwierth.
19, Eac is to witanne thaette oft thaem bith gestiered.
21, Hwaet we wieton thaet sio diegle wund bith same
thonne sio opene.
14, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwaethwugu bith betweoh
thaem irsiendan and thaem ungethyldgan.
18, Eac is to wietanne thaette sume umtheawas cumath
of othrum untheawum.
19,
21, se the wat hwaer he hiene leget.
Forthy [us] is to wietanne thaet we magon hie sua
ithesth mid threaunga gebetan.
22,.Swa bith thaem the witan willath hwaet hie sellath.
23, and nyllath wietan mid hwelcum woo hie hit
ges triendon.
377-1 Hwaet hie witon, gif-hiera niehstan friend weorthath
waedlan, and hie feoh habbath, and his thonne him
oftioth, thaet hie beoth thonne fultemend to hiera
waedle.
385-30 We sculon wietan thaette oft bith on halgum
gewrietum genemned mid feorwe to gioguthhade.
411-16, Hwaet, we witon thaet we ma lufiath thone aecer.
419-3, Be thaem he maeg witan thaet hi bioth hraedlice
forgiefene.
Prosius
42-1, Ic wat geare, cwaeth Orosius, thaet ic his sceal
her fela oferhebban.

114
58-21, Nu we witan thaet ure Dryhten us gesceop.
58-21, we witon eac thaet he ure reccend is.
58-23, Nu we witon thaet ealle onwealdas from him sindon^
58-23, we witon eac thaet ealle ricu sint from him.
106-14, thaet hie be thaem wiston hwider hie sceoldon.
106-17, and be thaem wiston thaet hie with sum folc frith
ne haefdon.
Hwaet, ge witon thaet ge giet todaege waeron
Somnitum theowe.
122-11,
126-31,
156-16, thaet hie wiston hu hie to thaem elpendon sceoldon.
Genoh sweotollice us gedyde nu to witanne Alexander
hwelce tha haethn godas sindon to weorthianne.
214-
1,
Ic
wat
, cwaeth Oro
swi
tho
st is .
242-
-32
, the
ic
wat thaet n
he
is
on theosan 1
Indi
cat
ive Mood in '
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
355-21, forthaem he wisse thaet hit bith swithe uniethe
aegther to donne.
Orosius
17-5 ,
buton he wisse thaet he thaer
mood of this complement clause
worthy because this is Alfred
"Ohthere's Narrative."
bad westaneindes. The
is especially note-
s original prose,
74-31,
ac tha he wiste
ne maehte, and
thaet hie him on nanum fultome beon
thaet seo burg abrocen waes.
80-20 ,
and wiste thaet hie woldon geornfulran beon thaere
wrace thonne othere men.

115
188-14, swa he wiste thaet thaet other xvaes.
288-16, for thon he wiste hu faestmod he waes aer on his
geleafan.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet
he nis freoh with his hlaford.
273-3, thaet hie geornlice tiligen to wietanne thaet him
nis na thaes anes thearf to thenceanne.
291-18,-Laer thaet folc, and threata, and-tael, and hat,
thaet hie wieten thaet ge sume anwald habbath
ofer hie.
315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie
wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe
forhaefdnesse briengath.
345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie
gewisslice wieten thaet hie na on to thaes manegum
goodum craeftum ne beoth.
395-21, and swatheah wite thaet he sceal bion adref(r)ed.
409-23, thaet hie witen thaet se maegthhad is hirra thonne
se gesinscipe.
Orosius
58-13, buton he genoh geare wite thaette God thone aerestan
monn ryhtne and godne gesceop.
214-6, thonne wisten hie thaet hie waeron eallum folcum
gemaene.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
199-7, theah hie wieten thaet hie elles aeltaewe ne sin.

116
239-14, thonne anscuniagath hie thaet mon wite hwelce hie
sien.
323-14, thaet is thaet sio winestre hand ne scyle witan
hwaet sio suithre do.
385-12, oth thu wite thaet thin spraec haebbe aegther ge
ord ge ende.
Certain occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the
complement clause do not follow a subjunctive form of witan
therefore, it can be suggested only that attraction oper
ates from the subjunctive form of verbs in other clauses
to the verb in the complement clause.
51-11, We witon thaet he naere eathmod, gif he undergenge
thone ealdordom swelces unrimfolces buton ege; and
eft he waere ofermod, gif he [with] cw.aede thaet
he naere underthidd his Scippende 'We know that he
were not humble if he undertakes the rule of such
a countless number without fear;
presumptuous, if he said that he
"to his Maker.' In this instance
quite possible between the moods
up the gif construction. Indeed the
construction is the object of witan.
and again he were
were not subject
attraction seems
of both clauses
which make
entire gif
273-24, Eac sculon weotan tha the ma swugiath thonne hie
thyrfen, thaette hie hierasorge ne geiecen mid
thy thaet hie hiora tungan gehealden 'Also shall
those know who are more silent than they need be,
that they increase their sorrow when they hold
their tongue.'
459-6, Thaem lareowe is to wietanne thaet he huru nanum
men mare ne beode thonne he acunan maege, thylaes
se rap his modes weorthe to sitfithe athened, oth
he forberste 'The teacher is to know that he at
all events not demand of any man more than he may
bear, lest, the rope of his mind become too severely
stretched out, until it breaks.'
One problem construction occurs in a predominately indica
tive context, so that the possibility of attraction must be
ruled out:

117
51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum menn
to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy
orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga But because
it is so difficult for any man to know when he is
purified, he may, the more secure, shun the minis
tration, '
The demand for a formal signal of subordination perhaps
influenced the scribe away from the regular mood in this
case; thus, the subjunctive mood here simply acts as a mark
of subordination in order to make clear the relationship
among all these subordinate clauses. The governing verb
witan itself is contained within the larger subordinate
clause introduced by forthaemthe, so the sie after to_ witanne
is a useful signal for its subordination in the embedded
complement clause construction.
Group C
Indicative
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Subjunctive
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Probability Values
Calculated
According to the
Binomial Method
Aetiewan 2 6
Cythan 14 7
Gecwethan 6 14
Gemunan 4 1
Gesecgan 8 4
Geseon 11 4
Getacnian 3 3
On cn aw an 4 1
Secgan 17 27
Tacnian 5 4
p < 10
p < .12
p < .07
p < .31
p < .19
p < .10
p < .99
p < .31
p < .16
p < .48

118
Group C holds those verbs which are represented in at
least five complement clause constructions, but which do
not show such a decided preference for one mood as did
the verbs of groups A and B. Were there no rule so that
the subjunctive and indicative moods might be expected to
occur half of the time each, there is a high probability
(which varies, however, among the verbs of the group) that
these constructions would read exactly as they do. The
behavior, then, of the verbs in Group C does not present a
discouraging picture for the proponents of the argument
that choice between the moods is meaningful. The probability
values range from less than seven chances in 100 that
geewethan would be followed by the subjunctive mood fourteen
out of twenty times to less than five chances in ten for
the tacnian and getacnian constructions.
Although the probability values favor the no-rule hypoth
9
esis, there is evidence that certain formal rules can ex
plain the occurrence of the less frequent mood in every in
stance .
Aetiewan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 2 6
Although the texts do not offer many illustrations of
aetiewan as the main verb of complement clause constructions,

119
the available evidence suggests that the subjunctive mood
is the established mood in the complement clause. The indica
tive mood occurs, nevertheless, in two special cases.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
77-13, simle he sceal aetiewan on his lifes gestaeth-
thignesse hu miele gesceadwisnesse he bere on his
breostum.
161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life
frecenlice witherwearde.
241-21, thonne he mid wunderlicre ladunga aetiewth thaet
he furthum naefre thaet vfel ne ongunne.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
t-
123-24, thaet he aetiewe his hieremonnum thaet he sie hiera
faeder.
161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe
gesiehth.
179-11, buton vie eac feawum wordum aetiewen hwaet hie
healden.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative. Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life
frecenlice witherwearde untheawas him wi t.hfeohtath,
and hu aeghwelc syn bith saetigende thaes thiondan
monnes 'they show how much dangerously opposes it
in this present life and the vices fight against
it, and how each sin is lying in wait for the
flourishing man.'

120
This study is concerned only with each verb introduced by
a subordinator, thaet, hu, hw- words; therefore the verb
withfeohtath is not counted as evidence.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe
gesiehth, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes
thaet hefonlice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu
monega costunga thaes lytegan feondes him on
feallath 'and shows them what be the sight of
exalted peace and how in vain a man perceives that
heavenly wonder of God, if he does not perceive
how> many temptations of the crafty foe fall on him. '
Preceded by a predominately subjunctive context, the Indica
tive mood of the Iru clauses
not an explanation for all
course, it v/ould seem that
15 and 161-22) are too far
influenced by it; thus the
to the main verb is in the
is difficult to explain. While
governing verbs of indirect dis-
both these object clauses (161-
removed from the main verb to be
v#erb of each object clause closer
normal subjunctive mood.
Cythan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
13
7
Orosius
No evidence available
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 0
Total
14
7

121
The indicative mood appears to be the regular mood
after cythan in the complement clause; however, the sub
junctive mood occurs frequently throughout the cythan evi
dence. The principle of attraction best explains the mood
variation in the complement clause. The proof for the
attraction theory is gathered from the verbs other than the
main verb of each sentence when the main verb is a gerund
construction: is_ + _to cythanne.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
163-2, ac he him sceal eac cythan mid hwelcum craeftum he
him withstondan maeg.
173-14, nu we him willath cythan hu he laeran sceal.
201
231
287
299
299
301
305
441
-15, Tham hlafordum is eac to cythanne thaette hie with
Gode ofermodgiath for his agenre giefe.
-23, Tham slawum thonne is to cythanne thaette oft .
thaette hwilum eft cymth sio tid.
-3, ongean thaet is to cythanne thaem the beoth to
hrade . thaet hie forpaerath thaem edliane.
-4, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne hu micel sio heanes
is .
-5, Thaem upahaefenum.is to cythanne hwelc naitfuht thes
woruldgielp is.
14, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne thaette
hie thonne astigath.
thaette
-15, Thaem unbealdum is to cythanne hu giemelease hie
bioth.
-11, Forthy him is aerest to cythanne hu idel thaet is.

122
48-An.
3-2,
103-2,
409-19
213-18
253-8,
263-9,
305-13
305-18
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
755, and him cythdon thaet hiera maegas him mid waeron.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
and cythan hate thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd.
This is a particularly interesting illustration
because it occurs in Alfred's original prose, his
Preface to the Pastoral Care.
and cythde hwaet hie wyrcean and healdan scoldon.
, Mid thaem worde he cyththe thaet hit is se hiehsta
craeft.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes daeg neah sie.
Only once does such a clearly subjunctive form of
cythan introduce a complement clause.
Eac is to cythanne thaem mettrumum, gif hie willen
geliefan thaette Godes rice hiera sie, thaet hie
thonne her on worulde tholigen earfethu thaem
timum the hie thyrfen.
Thaet is to cythanne the him swingellan ondraedath
thaet hie thissa eorthiicean goda to suithe ne
gietsien, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie
haebben ongemong him.
, Thaem anfealdan straecum is to cythanne thaet hie
bet [ne tjruwien him selfum thonne h[i]e thyrfen.
, Ac thaem anstraecum is to cythanne, thaer hie ne
wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and wisran waeren
thonne othre menn, thaet hie ne laeten hiera
getheaht and hiera wenan sua feor beforan ealra
otherra monna wenan.

123
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
129-21, Thaes daeges tocyme hwelc he beo he cythde, tha
he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle tha
the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of this
day, whatever it is, he showed when he said: It
comes just as a snare over all those who dwell on
the earth.'
The indeterminate form as well as the predominance of the
indicative mood makes the attraction theory less satis
factory. The inverted word order of the clause perhaps
better explains the occurrence of the exceptional mood.
The normal word order for complement clauses places the main
verb before the clause: cythan + subordinator + subject
noun phrase + verb phrase. Yet the order of this clause
differs from the common pattern: subordinator + subject
noun phrase + verb phrase + cythan.
409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen,
and eac saede thaet ¡he uniethe waere to gehealdenne,
and-eac cythde hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden,
thonne hie hine underfangen haefden because he
said that all did not receive it, and also said
that it was difficult to keep, and also showed how
carefully they should hold it, when they have re
ceived it. '
In spite of the indeterminate form of cythan, the predomi
nance of the subjunctive mood in surrounding clauses ex
plains the exceptional mood in the complement clause follow
ing cythan.

124
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
The subjunctive mood occurs in thaet clauses immedi
ately following cythan in completely indicative contexts:
201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet
he nis freoh with his hlaford 'The servant is to
be told that he know that he is not independent
of his master.'
201-19, Thaem halforde is to cythanne thaet he ongiete
thaet he is efntheow his theowe 'To the lord is
to be told that he perceives that he is the
fellow servant of his servant.'
315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie
wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe
forhaefdnesse briengath, thonne hie thearfendum
monnum sellath hiera ondliefene thone dael the hi
him selfum oftioth 'Therefore it is to be told to
the abstinent that they know that they then bring
to God a very worthy abstinence when they give to
the needy men the portion of their substance which
they deprive themselves of.'
349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to cythanne thaet hie wieten
thaette swa lange sua hie beoth from thaere lufe
athied hiera niehstena, and him ungemode beoth,
thaette hie nanwuht godes ne magon tha hwile Gode
bringan to thances To the quarrelsome is to be
told that they know that as long as they are
separated from the love of their neighbor, and are
at variance with them that they may not then mean
while bring anything of good, pleasing to God.'
All these thaet clauses can be deleted without changing the
meaning of their sentences; therefore, it is possible that
this recurring pattern, thaet + pronoun +
wit an
ongietan
is merely part of a gerund formula common to the manian
constructions: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 429- 7 Ac hie sint
to manienne thaet hi ongieten thaet hit bith se degla Godes
dom 'But they are to be admonished that they perceive that

125
it is the secret judgement of God. The subjunctive mood
in the thaet clause can be explained as the conventional
verb form in this formula. In all these exceptional in
stances, therefore, the formulaic convention perhaps re
placed the convention established for the verb form in the
complement clauses introduced by cythan.
Geewethan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 5 10
Orosius 1 4
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 6 14
The subjunctive mood appears to be the regular mood
after geewethan in complement clause constructions. The
verb frequently occurs in a past participle construction:
beon + geeweden. Neither geewethan nor its auxiliaries
ever appear in the subjunctive mood; it is, therefore, not
so interesting to suggest that the six exceptional instances
of the indicative mood in the complement clause are caused
by the immediate indicative environment.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
157-10, Forthy waes suithe wel gecueden thaet hie waere
atiefred.

126
235-21, Forthy is wel gecueden thaette thaet flaesclice
li£ sie thaere heortan haelo.
235-24, Ac thaet is suithe ryhte gecueden be thaem banum
thaet hie forrotigen.
243-19, Thonne is eac gecueden thaette God spraece to
thaem bilwitum.
251-8, Thonne is aefter thaem gecueden thaet he sargige
aet niehstan.
279-11, Be thaem waes suithe wel gecweden thurh thone wisan
Salomon, thaette se se thaet waeter utforlete waere
fruma thaere towesnesse.
285-11, Hit is suithe wel be thaem gecweden thaet he eft
bedecige on sumera.
389-16, Eft waes gecueden thurh Salomon thone snottran
thaette on his swithran handa waere lang lif.
439-23, Be thaem waes gecweden on thaem godspelle to
Fariseum thaet hi withbleowen thaere fleogan.
465-33, Forthaem eac waes gecweden to Ezechiele thaem
witgan thaet he waere monnes sunu.
Orosius
108-8, thaet waes thaet (hie) haefdon gecweden thaet hie
ealle emlice on Latine tengden.
230-20, tha gecwaedon hie thaet hie sume hie beaeftan
we re den.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Orosius
66-19 ,
tha gecwaedan hie thaet him leofre waere.

127
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
156-29, Tha ascedan hiene hie thegnas hwy he swa heanlice
word be him selfum gecwaede, thaet he oferwunnwn
waere.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
As I noted above, the prevalence of the indicative
mood throughout the entire stock of geewethan constructions
weakens an explanation of the occurrence of the indicative
mood in the complement clause according to the attraction
theory. However, four of these exceptional indicative
clauses contain a sculn + infinitive construction distin
guishing them from the subjunctive mood clauses and pos
sibly determining the scribe's choice of the exceptional
mood.
Gregory's Pastoral Care
95-1, Be thaem waes gecueden mid thaere godcundan stefne
thaet on thaes saceries hraegle scoldon hangigan
b e 11 an.
109-10, Forthaem hit naes na gecueden thaet hie [ne]
scoldon othre menn ondraedan.
139-11, Be thaem suithe wel waes gecueden to Ezechiele tham
witgan thaette tha sacerdas ne scoldon no hiera
heafdu scieran mid scierseaxum.
171-17, Be tham saglum is suithe gesceadlice gecueden thaet
hie scuion simle stician on tham hringum.
Attraction among the indicative moods appears to be
the best explanation for one of the exceptions in the
Pastoral Care:

128
253-11, Be thys ilcan is gecueden on kyninga bocum, sua
sua hit geworden waes, and eac us to besine. Hit
is gecueden thaette tha stanas on thaem maeran
temple Salomonnes waeron sua we[l] gefegede 'About
this same is snoken in the books of Kings, as it
J. 0 7
happened, and also as an example for us. It is
said that the stones on the famous temple of
Solomon were so well fitted.'
Orosius
56-24, Gecwaedon tha thaet tha the aer aet thaem athum
naeren, thaet tha nam gelendon, and bi eallum
heora wifum bearna striendon They said, then that
those who previously were not at the oaths, that
those went home, and by all their wives begot sons.1
The main verb is in the indicative mood, so the attraction
theory might explain the exceptional indicative mood;
however, the subjunctive mood itself occurs in the relative
clause immediately preceding the thaet clause. It is dif
ficult, therefore, to explain why the regular subjunctive
mood does not occur in the object clause after geewethan.
It appears that in this case the scribe reserved the sub-

junctive mood as the marker of subordination only for the
subordinate clause within the complement clause construc
tion: the aer aet thaem athum naeren.
Gemunan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 4 1
Gemunan is particularly interesting in spite of the
limited evidence because of its frequency throughout ,

129
Alfred's original prose, his Preface to the Pastoral Care.
Although the amount of complement clause constructions to
be taken from the original prose is necessarily small, the
rules for mood in the complement clause operate with the
same consistency as that observed in the translations.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
333-22, thonne hie gemunath thaet hie thaet ilce doth.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
5
5
7
8,
Tha
hu i
25 ,
Tha
geth
15,
Tha
this
ic tha this eall gemunde tha gemunde ic eac
c geseah.
gemunde ic hu sio ae waes aerest on Ebr[e]isc
iode funden.
ic tha gemunde hu sio lar Laedengethiodes aer
sum afeallen wae$ giond Angelcynn.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
413-11, God us drencte swithe gemetlice mid tearum, swa
thaette aeghwelces mannes mod swa miele oftor
waere gethwaened mid hreow sunge tearum swa swa
he gemunde thaet hit oftor waere adrugod from Gode
on his synnum 'God gave us to drink very moder
ately with tears, so that the heart of every man
was so much more often moistened with the tears
of repentance as more often he remembered that it
\\ras dried by God with his sins.'
The indeterminate form of the main verb weakens the argu
ment for attraction; nevertheless, as the only other

130
determinate
is possible
subjunctive
exceptional
form in the sentence is a subjunctive form, it
that the unmarked forms as well as the clearly
form influenced the scribe's choice of the
mood in this complement clause.
Gesecgan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 2 2
Orosius 6 2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total
8
4
Gesecgan's influence on the mood of the verb in the
complement clause is difficult to describe; both moods
occur in the clause. Of the only twelve samples available,
the indicative mood occurs eight times and the subjunctive
four times; therefore, the subjunctive mood is perhaps the
exceptional mood. Any explanation for this exceptional
mood can be only suggested considering the limited amount
of evidence. There are two features which distinguish
these subjunctive mood clauses from the indicative ones:
negative items occur in three of the four subjunctive
clauses; the fourth exception occurs in an interrogative
construction. Neither the word order nor attraction

131
between moods influences the mood variation in the comple
ment clause.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
109-4, Hwaet hie is gesaed thaet ure ialdan faederas waeron
ceapes hierdas.
163-7, and him eac gesaegth hu thaem monnum the him maegem
and craft wiexth.
Orosius
52-8, Hit is uniethe to gesecgenne hu monege gewin
siththan waeron betuh Maethum.
58-7, Nu is hit scortlice ymbe thaet gesaegd thaette aer
gewearth.
110-13, Ic sceal hwaethre eft gewendan thaet ic hwelcnehugu
dael gesecge Alexandres daeda; and hu . he feng
to Maecedonia rice on Crecum.
240-16 Thaet is ungeliefedlic to gesecganne, civaeth
Orosius, hwaet thaes ealles waes.
250-26, Nu ic haebbe gesaed,*cwaeth Orosius, from frymthe
thisses middangeardes hu eall moncyn angeald.
250-28, nu ic wille eac forth gesecgan hwelc mildsung,
and hwelc gethwaernes siththan waes.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
337-6, the on thaem godspelle gesaed is thaette na[n]ne
waesthm ne baere.
339-1, nis hit no gesaed thaet he for thy geraeled waere.
Orosius
156-20, Hit naes na gesaed hwaet Pirruses forces gefeallen
waere.

132
192-27, Hu magon nu Romane, cwaeth Orosius, to sothe
gesecge[a]n thaet hie tha haefden beteran tida
thonne hie nu haebben, tha hie swa monega gewin
hadfdon emdenes underfongen?
Geseon
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 10 4
Orosius 1 0
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total
11
4
The indicative mood appears to be the established
mood following geseon in complement clause constructions.
Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the
subordinate clause best explains the occurrences of the
exceptional subjunctive mood. Yet one exception occurs
after an indicative form of geseon.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
5-8, hu ic geseah . hu tha ciricean giond eall
Angelcynn stodon mathma and boca gefyldae. Such
illustrations from Alfred's original prose are
noteworthy as they demonstrate that rules for the
mood in the complement clause are so fixed that
they are practiced in original works as well as
in translations.
.111-17, sua he gesihth that he mare maeg doon thonne othre
menn.

133
143-8, thonne he gesihth thaet his hieremen agyltath.
157-18, ac thu ne meaht geseon hwaet thaerinne bith
gehyddes.
231-22, Thonne thu gesiehsth thaet he bith utan gedrefed.
377-18, and thonne gesihth thaet his hwam thearf bith.
409-14-, the hi gesioth thaet hie habbath.
415-11, thonne he gesihth thaet hit unrot bith.
415-26, and thonne eft gesihth thaet hit thaes hreowsath.
Orosius
118-4, Tha his here geseah thaet he mid thy horse afeoll.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
447-32, and gesion thaette this mennisce lof swithe hraed-
lice gewit.
Indeterminate Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
361-25, tha he geseah thaet folc Phariseo and Saducia
anmodlice his ehtan.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
263-11, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie haebben
ongemong him.
365-14, thaet we maegen geseon hwaet we don scylen.
461-6, Ac siththan he gesion thaette tha thiestra[n] mod
thaera dysegena monna auht nealaecen thaem leohte
thaere sothfaestnesse.

134
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
433-14, Forthaemthe nan mon ne maeg on niht gesion hu
neah him hwelc frecenes sie, him is thearf thaet
he haebbe his sweord be his hype 'Since no one
may not at night see how near to him be any
danger, for him is need that he have his sword
by his hip.'
The subjunctive mood in such a case appears to be simply
a marker of subordination demanded by the accumulation of
several clauses. It is thus employed to make clear the
relationship of the complement clause to its main verb
which is also within a subordinate clause. This structure
is similar to an exceptional witan construction:
51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum inenn
to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy
orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga 'But because
it is so difficult for any man to know when he
is purified, he may, the more secure, shun the
ministration.'
This rare occurrence of the subjunctive mood after witan
in a predominantly indicative context can be explained
also when the subjunctive mood is understood as a formal
signal of subordination; therefore, as a feature of clause
construction the subjunctive mood replaces the mood as
signed to these geseon and witan complement clause con
structions .
Adjective: Gesiene
The adjective construction wesan + gesiene is followed
by the indicative mood in its one occurrence:

135
Orosius, 252-29, Hit waes eac sweotole gesiene thaet hit
waes Godes stihtung ymb thara rica
anwaldas 'It was also clearly seen that
it was the providence of God before (as)
the authority of the kingdoms.'
Getacnian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 3 3
Getacnian introduces a complement clause with a deter
minate mood form in the Pastoral Care only. Half of the
constructions employ the indicative mood; and -half, the
subjunctive mood. There is no proof, then, that a syntactic
rule has predetermined what mood ought to follow getacnian.
It can be suggested, however, that perhaps the subjunctive
mood is determined by its context rather than by the influ
ence of getacnian.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
257-1, hit getacnath thaem mode for thaere suingan hwaet
Godes willa bith.
459-29, Thaet getacnath thaette aeghwelc thaera halgena
lareowa the nu laerath on thaere thisternesse
thisses middangeardes habbath onlicnesse thaem
kokkum.

136
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
397-35, he getacnode thaet we sculon fleon thone unlifedan
bryne ures lichoman.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
119-9, Ond theah hit on sumum thingum getacnad sie thaet
he hwelc gerisenlic wundor wyrcean maege.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
451-9, On thaem twaem wordum he us getacnode for hwelcum
thingum we sceolden ure godan weorc helan, and for
hwelcum we hi sceolden cythan.
The very limited evidence as well as the indeterminate
form of getacnian makes an explanation even more difficult;
therefore, I merely suggest Jhat since the one other in
stance of the subjunctive mood occurs after the subjunctive
form getacnode sie, getacnode here is perhaps the subjunc
tive form also influencing the mood in both complement
clauses.

137
On cn aw an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
4
0
Orosius
0
1
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence available
Total
4
1
The small number of illustrations limits the descrip
tion of onenawan. The indicative mood is the predominant
mood after onenawan in complement clause constructions.
The only exceptional instance of the subjunctive mood occurs
after the subjunctive form of onenawan; therefore, it seems
likely that attraction between moods influenced the verb of
the complement clause.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
181-16, Be thaem we magon suithe swutule onenawan thaet
se eathmodnesse lareow . na ne cuaeth.
181-18, and eac we magon onenawan thaet, thaet tha earman
and tha untruman sient to retanne.
405-18, Of thissum wordum we magon onenawan . thaet
we thonne eft mid miele dysige syngiath.

138
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
265-22, thaet hie.be tham oncnawaen ... to hwaem hiera
agen wise wirth.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
62-35, and eac thaet hie oncnewen hu gelimpice ure God
on thaem aerran tidum tha anwaldas and tha ricu
sette.
Secgan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement
Pastoral Care 8
Orosius 9
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 0
Total 17
Clause the Complement Clause
10
16
1
27
Both the indicative and the subjunctive moods follow
secgan In the complement clause construction. Although the
statistics for the occurrence of the subjunctive mood in
the complement clause are not especially impressive, the
subjunctive mood appears to be the established mood. The
exceptional indicative mood can be explained according to
the operation of attraction. Although the indicative mood

139
occurs in an indeterminate context as well as in a clearly
indicative environment, it never occurs in a clearly sub
junctive context; thus it seems likely that attraction be
tween moods influenced the scribe's choice of the indica
tive mood.
The order of items in the construction regularly
follows this pattern: secgan + subordinator + subject
pronoun + verb + object. In the subjunctive clauses the
order of the items seldom varies from the pattern; however,
it is interesting that the normal order is often upset in
those clauses which contain the exceptional indicative mood.
In these clauses the verb is the last item of the string.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
111-11, suelee he gehierth thaet his olicceras seegath
thaet he sie. *
231-10, Thaem welwillendum is to seeganne, thonne hie
gesioth hiera geferena god weorc, thaet hie eac
thencen to him selfum.
239-3, mon sceal monian tha lytegan, and him secgan thaet
hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde gesuinc bith.
261-3, Him is to seegeanne thaet hie unablinnendlice
gethencen.
393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon on thisse ilcan
bee bi David thaem Godes dirlinge thaet he waere
ryhtwisra.
Orosius
se scop waes seegende thaet Egypti adrifen Moyses
ut.
34-16 ,

140
36-20, and hy saedon thaet he waere ealles gewinnes
waldend.
40-9, ac saedon thaet hio waere for Fetontis forscapunge.
44-8, and him untwreogendlice secgan het thaet hie other
sceolden, oththe thaet lond aet him alesan.
44-20, and him saedon thaet hie other dyden.
46-33, the mon saegth thaet on an scith maege an thusend
manna.
296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet . and eac thaet eow
selfum waere betere.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
279-14, Ac se wisa Salomon saede thaette suithe deop pol
waere gewered.
409-20, and eac saede thaet he uniethe waere to gehealdenne.
Orosius
The first four illustrations are noteworthy because
they are in Alfred's original prose, the narratives of
Ohthere and Wulfstan.
17-3, He saede theah (thaet) thaet land sie swithe lang
north thonan.
18-24, He saede thaet Northmanna land wraere sw^ythe lang
and swythe smael.
19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethem, thaet
he wraere on Truso on syfan dagum and nihtum.
34-13, and saede Moyses waere thaes losepes sunu.
232-5, aer him mon saede thaet hie wolden faran on
I tali am, Romana lond.
264-2, he saegde thaet he forlure thone daeg the he noht
on to gode ne gedyde.

141
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
8-An.81, Her Titus feng to rice se the saede thaet he thone
daeg forlure the he noht to gode on ne gedyde.
This is very close to the rendering of the same
event in Orosius (264-2).
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
209-16, thaet we him thonne secgen thaet hie haebben wierst
gedon.
215-6, Thaem ungethyldegum is to secganne thaet hie ne
agimeleasigen.
Orosius
oo
1
theah the sume
twegen daelas.
12-20 ,
the ah sume men
Indicative Mood
Indicat
Gregory
73-19 ,
Aer thioson we
hwelc se bith
ond eac
225-23, gif he him saegth hwonon thaet cymth, and hu se
lytega dioful styreth gewinn.
231-4, Forthaem is to secganne thaem welwillendan monnum
thaet habbath sua miele mede otherra monna godra
weorea.
233-16, Ac thaem aefstegum is to secganne, gif hie hie
nyllath healdan with thaem aefste, thaet hie
weorthath besencte.
Orosius
162-28, ac heton tha biscepas thaet hie saedon thaem folce
thaet heora godas him waeron irre.

142
238-2 Hit is (nu) unge 1iefedlic to secganne . hwaet
on thaem gewine forwearth.
240-5, and him saedon thaet hie for his thingun adraefde
waeron.
296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet tha haethnan tida waeron
beteran thonne tha cristnan, and eac thaet eow
selfum waere betere thaet ge eower(ne) cristendom
forleten 'that you said that the heathen times
were better than the Christian, and also that (it)
were better for you yourselves that you gave up
your Christianity.'
It is difficult to explain the indicative mood in this
sentence (296-18) in terms other than a sort of attraction
which influenced the scribe in the first object clause, but
not in the second. The only other secgan comparison con
struction contains the regular subjunctive mood:
Pastoral Care, 393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon
on thisse ilcan bee bi Davide thaem Godes dirlinge
thaet he waere ryhtwisra tha tha he theng waes
thonne he waere siththan he kyning waes 'just as
we previously said in this same book about David
the favorite of God that he was more just when he
was a subject than he was when he was a king.'
This construction contains both signs common to the occur
rence of the exceptional mood: The clause is introduced by
the indicative form of secgan; it does not conform to the
conventional word order. Nevertheless, the occurrence of
the regular mood need not be questioned; those signs are
merely explanations for the scribe's occasional deviation
from the regular practice.

143
401-15
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Ic eow secgge hwaet eow arwyrthlicost is_ to beganne,
and hu ge fullecost magon Gode thiowiarTT
Orosius
19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet
he waere on Truso on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet
thaet scip waes ealne weg yrnende under segle
'Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that
he was in Truso during seven days and nights, that
that ship was moving all the way under sail.'
The fact that the regular subjunctive mood appears in the
two preceding dependent clauses makes any formal explana
tion for the waes of the third clause difficult. In fact,
throughout the frequent appearance of secgan in the narra
tives of Ohthere and Wulfstan, it governs the subjunctive
mood. It can only be suggested, therefore, that thaet
thaet scip waes ealne weg yrnende under segle is not meant
to be an object clause of secgan; it may belong to the con
tinuing description:
19-34, Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord
waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and
Sconeg; and thas land eall hyrath to Denemearcan-
'Wenothland was for him on starboard, and on the
left side of the ship for him was Langaland, and
Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these
lands belong to Denmark.'
86-5
Leonitha saede thaet tha tida tha yfele waeron.
210-28, Nu ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, secgan hulucu heo
waes .
232-17, theh ic hit nu scortlice secgan scyle, cwaeth
Orosius, hwa thaes ordfruman waeron.
246-20, Ac tha him mon saede Octauianus thiderweard waes.

144
Imperative Mood Environment
There is not enough evidence of the governing verb
in the imperative mood to determine its influence on the
mood in the complement clause'construction.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
181-14, Secgath thaem welegum gind thisne middangeard
thaet hi to ofermodlice ne thencen.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
301-16, Secgath eac thaem upahaefenum thaette, thonne
thonne hie hie selfe upahebbath, thaet hie [thonne]
afeallath on tha biesene thaes aworpnan engles.
Tacnian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
Orosius
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
3 4
2 0
No evidence available
Total
5
4
Tacnian presents problems for the student of the com
plement clause construction. The available evidence is
limited to nine constructions.and does not reveal that

145
attraction is operating in the exceptional structures;
therefore, tacnian's influence on the mood in the complement
clause is here presented with less documentation than was
the case with verbs such as witan or ewethan.
The indicative mood follows tacnian in the complement
clause constructions of this order: tacnian + thaet +
subject noun phrase + verb phrase.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
81-21, Thaet thonne tacnath thaet thaes sacerdes weorc
s[c]ulon beon asyndred.
219-6, Thaet tacnath thaet thaet gethyld sceal gehealdan.
279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes
bith toflowen. (Thaes modes is being counted as a
type of determiner.)
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Prosius
248-21, Thaet tacnade thaet we eall sculon aenne geleafan
habban.
248-26 Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden. (ljs_ ,
eallum can be considered the subject of the passive
construction.)
The evidence seems to indicate that the indicative
mood occurs in constructions which employ only the conven
tional items of a complement clause: tacnian + thaet +
subject noun phrase + verb phrase. In the constructions
which employ the subjunctive mood in the complement clause,

146
however, an interrupting word or phrase occurs among the
regular items.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
In two of the four exceptional occurrences of the sub
junctive mood, a relative clause appears in a critical
position:
85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet [e]all thaette thaes
sacerdes ondgit thurhfaran maega, sie ymb tha
hefonlican lufan rThis then shows that all that
the mind of the priest may contemplate is for
the sake of divine love.'
87-3, Thaet tacnath thaette eal tha god and tha maegenu
the heo doth beon gewlitegode mid thaere lufan
Codes and monna 'That signifies that all the good
ness and the virtues which he performs are adorned
with the love of God and men.'
In the remaining two illustrations interruptions occur
before the subordinator:
253-17,
Thaet thonne tacnath us thaette we
'That then signifies to" us what we
scylen beon
shall be.'
449-17,
Hi tacniath mid thaem thaet men scylen onscunian
'They show with that what men shall shun.'
It seems, therefore, that word order rather than
attraction accounts for the variation of mood in the com
plement clause after tacnian. This is as far as we can
speculate given such limited evidence; nevertheless it is
reasonable to assume that, with respect to tacnian, word
order is an influential structural fact.

147
Group D
Group D contains the verbs which introduce complement
clauses in less than five instances and, therefore, do not
offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evi
dence .
Ind
the
Abiddan
Acraeftan
Asecgan
Beodan
Besprecan
Cuman (on Gemynd)
Cunnan (Beon or
Weorthan)
Fandian
Forbeodan
Forgietan
Gelaeran
Geliefan
Geortriewan
Gereccan
Geswerian
Getaecan
Gethyncan
Getreowian
ative Mood in
omplement Clause
0
0 -
1
1
0
3
3
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
2
1
0
0
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
1
1
0
0
2
0
1
1
3
0
1
3
1
0
0
2
1
1
Gieman
0
2

148
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Hatan
0 1
Healsian
0 2
Locian
1 1
Ne Wi11an
0 2
Onbeodan
0 1
Othsacan
0 1
Recan
0 1
Reccan
2 0
Scamian
0 3
Secan
0 1
Sellan (Athas)
1 0
Sierwan
0 1
Sprecan
0 1
Swerian (Athas) 0 3
T a 1 i an
o 1
Teohhian
0 2
Treowan
0 1
Uncuth (Beon)
0 1
Wundrian
1 0
Abiddan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
178-12, and abead thaet aegther thara folca othrum ageafe
ealle tha men 'and asked that each nation returned
to the other all the men.'

149
Acraeftan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
82-1,
uton thehhwaethere acraeftan hu we hwera an thisse
niht maegen maest beswican 'Let us, nevertheless,
plan how we in this night can most deceive them.'
Asecgan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
178-22 tha a.saedon his geferan hu he hwera aerenda abead
'then his companions said how he commanded their
mission.'
Beodan
Beodan occurs only once as the introductory verb of
a complement clause containing a determinate form. The
indicative mood follows in the clause:
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
48-An.755, tha budon hie hiera maegum thaet hie gesund
from eodon 'then they proposed to their kinsmen
that they departed uninjured.'
Besprecan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
48-18, and besprecalh thaet eow nu wyrs (s)ie on thiesan
cristendome and complains that you are now worse
in this Christianity.'

150
74-34, Ond nu ure Cristne Roma bespricth thaet hiere
weallas for ealdunge bresnien 'And now our Christians
of Rome complain that their walls break down because
of old age.'
Cuman (on Gemynd)
As with thyncan of Group A, the clauses are the sub
ject of the introductory verb rather than the object.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
3-2, thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd, hwelce wietan
iu waeron giond Angelcynn . and hu gesaeliglica
tida tha waeron giond Angelcynn; and hu tha
kyningas . Gode and his aerendwrecum hersumedon
'that it very often came into my mind, what wise
men there were formerly throughout England . .
and how happy times those were throughout England;
and how the kings . obeyed God and his minis
ters '
Cunnan (Beon or Weorthan)
The past participle of cunnan combined with the verb
beon or weorthan introduces complement clauses which employ
the indicative mood and, in one case, the subjunctive
mood. As with thyncan of Group A, the thaet clause is the
subject of the introductory verb.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
169-12, fortham hit is openlice cuth thaette sio uterre
abisgung thissa wo.roldthinga thaes monnes mod
ge.frefth 'because i.t is openly known that the
outer occupation of worldly matters disturbs the
mind of man.'

151
Orosius
158-13, Thaer wearth Pirruse cuth thaet Agathocles,
Siraccusa cyning tha(ra) burgleoda, waes gefaren
on Sicilia thaem londe 'Then it became known to
Pyrrhus, that Agathocles, king of the Syracuse
citizens, was dead in the country of Sicily.'
198-30, Tha Hannibale cuth waes thaet his brother ofslagen
waes 'When it was known to Hannibal that his
brother was slain.'
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
146-13, AEfter thaem wearth Maecedonium cuth thaet Eumen
and Pisn and Ilirgus and Alceta, Perdican brother,
solden winnan on hie 'After that it became known
to the Macedonians that Eumen and Pisn and
Ilirgus and Alceta, the brother of Perdica wished
to fight against them.
The limited evidence for cunnan as an introductory verb of
a complement clause makes an explanation for the excep
tional mood difficult. The possibility of attraction must
be ruled out because the subjunctive form of the past tense
*
of willan occurs in a predominately indicative context. An
explanation based on the future meaning of willan seems
most accurate. The incomplete action expressed by \volden
winnan distinguishes the clause from the clauses above
which describe situations contemporary with the time of
report. The exceptional subjunctive clause is, therefore,
more similar in meaning to the uncuth 'unknown' construc
tion which is followed by the subjunctive mood in the one
illustration available:

152
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care, 9-3, uncuth
hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien 'It
is unknown how long there may be such learned
bishops.'
Fandian
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Ohthere's Narrative in Alfred's Prosius
17-7, he aet sumum cirre wolde fandian hu longe thaet
land northryhte laege 'he at some time wished to
investigate how far the land lay due north.'
Forbeodan
The subjunctive verb form occurs in the three comple
ment clauses introduced by forbeodan.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
211-24, ac we sculon him forbeodan thaet hie huru sua ne
don 'but we ought to forbid them that they do so
at all. '
Prosius
254-8, and forbead thaet hiene mon god hete 'and forbid
that one call him a god.'
266-9, he forbead ofer ealne his onwald thaet mon nanum
cristenum men ne abulge 'he forbid over all his
empire that one annoy any Christian man.'

153
Forgietan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
183-23, Ne sculon we eac forgietan hu hit waes by Saule
tham kyninge We ought not also forget how it was
with Saul the king.'
Gelaeran
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
198-36, and Romanum to raede gelaerde thaet hie mid scipum
foren on Hannibales land 'and to the Romans too
quickly he instructed that they with ships travel
to the land of Hannibal.'
One gelaeran sentence might be confused as a comple
ment clause construction, but the hu clause is not the
object of gelaeran. Instead, it is in apposition with the
direct object thone craeft:
Pastoral Care, 163-5, Wiotodlice faesten wyrcth se haiga
lariow ymb tha burg thaes modes the he gelaerth
thone craeft hu hit maeg costingum wi(th) stondon
'Indeed the holy teacher builds a fortress around
the city of the mind to which he teaches the craft,
how it (mind) may withstand temptations.'
Geliefan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
5-2, ic geliefe thaet thu wille 'I believe that you will.'
111-10, ond geliefth thaet he suele sie 'and believes that
he is such.'
379-10, sanctus Paulus gelidfde thaet he swa micele
unscyldigra xvaere 'Saint Paul believed that he was
so much the more guiltless.'

154
Geortriewan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
86-3, theh ne geortriewe ic na Gode thaet he us ne maege
gescildan to beteran tidum 'though I do not doubt
in God that he can protect us for better times.'
Gereccan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
252-1, (Nu) Ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, on foreweardre
thisse. seofethan beo gereccean thaet hit theh
Codes bebod waes '(Now) I will, said Orosius, in
the introduction to this seventh book tell that
it yet was the command of God.'
In an earlier part of the Orosius a hii clause follows
gereccan, but it is in apposition with the complement of
gereccan:
10-4, ac ic wille nu, swa ic aer gehet, thara threora
landrica gemaere gereccan hu hie mid hiera waetrum
tolicgeath 'but I will now, as I promised pre
viously, tell the boundary of those regions, how
they are separated with their waters.'
Geswerian
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius

56-19, and athas gesworan thaet hie naefre noldon aet
ham cuman 'and swore oaths that they did not wish
ever to come at home.'
and eac gesi^oren haefdon thaet hie other forleosan
woldon 'and also has sworn that they did not wish
to destroy the other.'
68-27,

155
Getaecan
Getaecan is one of two especially difficult verbs in
the D group. Of only three constructions provided by the
texts, one complement clause employs the indicative mood and
two the subjunctive mood.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal
'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.'
It is possible that the indicative mood in the hwelc clause
is determined by a formulaic structure which occurs also-
in a reccan construction:
173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde
bion sceal 'hitherto we have said what the pastor
ought to be.'
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
405-29, and him getaehte hwaet hi on thaem don sceolden,
hwaet ne scolden 'and showed them what they ought
to do in that, what they ought not do.'
Gethyncan
Gethyncan occurs as the main verb of a complement
clause construction in the Orosius only. The subjunctive
mood follows gethyncan in the clause. The items of the
construction are similar to those in the thyncan construc
tion: dative case pronoun + gethyncan + thaet + subject
clause.
This similarity of mood and word order indicates

156
that in the case of gethyncan the ge_- is a meaningless pre
fix^ and, therefore, gethyncan is merely a different form
of the verb thyncan.
292-6, him gethuht thaet tha theoda tha hiora witherwinnan
waeron waeren to swithe gestrongade 'it seemed to
him that the nations, which were their enemies,
were so much strengthened.'
Ge.treowian
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
72-16, and getruwedon thaet hie mid hiera craeftum
sceolden sige -gefeohtan 'and trusted that they
with their powers ought to fight for victory.
Gieman
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
41-23, and ne giemath to hwon' otherra monna wise weorthe
'and do not care what happens to the manner of
other men.'
161-14, and suithe geornlice giemath thaet hie tha eorth-
lican heortan gelaeren 'and very zealously take
care that they instruct the worldy hearts.'
DJ. W. Richard Lindemann, "Old English Preverbal ge_-:
A Re-Examination of Some Current Doctrines,'.' Approaches to
English Historical Linguistics: An Anthology (New York,
1969), pp. 259-260. Lindemann dismisses the doctrine
that ge- is without meaning, but his study is trying to
find one rule which might account for all ge_- prefixed
verbs .

157
Hat an
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
238-8,
Tha het Pompeius thaet mon thaet faesten braece
'Then Pompey commanded that one storm the fortress.'
Healsi an
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
137-17, ic eow healsige thaet ge feden Godes heorde 'I
implore you that you feed the flock of God.'
213-14, Ic eow healsige brothur . thaet ge ne to
hraedlice ne sien astyrede I beseech you brothers
. . that you are not too quickly stirred.'
Locian
Loci an1s influence on the mood in only two complement
clauses is difficult to determine, especially since the
#
subjunctive mood occurs in one and the indicative mood m
the other. The complement clause constructions are under
lined in the following sentences.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoi~al Care
99-17, Loca nu hu _se halega wer. se the sua faesthlice
geimpod waes to thaem hefenlicum diogolnessum, and
suatheah for mildheortnesse i^aes thonon gecierred
to smeaganne hu flaesclicum mo(n)num gedafonode
on hira burcotum and on hiera beddum to donne 'Look
now how the holy man who so firmly was familiar
with the heavenly secrets and yet out of compassion
was then turned to consider how it was befitting
for carnel men to act in their chambers and in
their beds.'

158
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Orosius
202-1, tha het he aenne mon stigan on thone maest, and
locian hwaether he thaet 1 and gecneowe thaet hie
toweard waeron 'then he commanded a man to climb
on the mast and to see whether he recognized that
land that they were approaching.'
The thaet clause of the following sentence appears to
be a final clause of purpose rather than a complement
clause.
Pastoral Care, 451-32, Lociath nu thaet thios eowru leaf
ne weorthe othrum monnum to biswice 'Look now that
this privilege of yours not become for other men
a temptation.'
The sentence may be rewritten according to its underlying
deep structure to show the relationship between the main
verb and the thaet clause: 'Look now (at this privilege
of yours) -- (in order that) this privilege of yours not
become a temptation for other men.' It appears then that
this 1 ocian sentence cannot be considered with the other
two 1ocian sentences as an example of a complement clause
construction.
Ne Will an
As with the form willan of Group A, the contraction
of the past tense form of ne. will an is followed by the sub
junctive verb form in the two complement clauses available
in the text.

159
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
47-8, forthaem him noldon thaet hie mon ahofe ofer tha
the him beteran thynceath thonne hie selfe there
fore, they did not wish that anyone raised them
over those \vho seem better to them than themselves.'
451-29, he nolde thaet hie ealle thigden 'he did not wish
that they all take.
Onbeodan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
240-2, Tha unbudon hie him thaet he come mid feawum
monnum to Rome Then they ordered him that he came
with a few men to Rome.
Oths acan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
260-4,
Otheace nu, cwaeth
se the dyrre thaet
Let him deny now,
dares, that that un
Orosius, se,
thaet angin n
said Orosius,
dertaking was
se the wille oththe
aere gestille
who wills or who
not stopped.
Re can
The verb, recan to care, is
the text; therefore, care must be
with reccan 'to explain, which is
rendered
taken not
followed
as
to
by
reccath in
confuse it
the indica
tive mood in its complement clauses.

160
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
449-21, and ne reccath hwaet men be him sprecan 'and do
not care what men say about them.'
Reccan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde bion
sceal 'hitherto ive have said what the pastor ought
to be. '
This hwelc clause is repeated (without the demonstrative
se) in a getaecan construction also:
467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal
'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.'
The indicative form sceal may be influenced by a formulaic
device rather than its main verb reccan.
441-11, and siththan him is to reccanne hu nyttwyrthe
thaet is thaet [hi] forlaeten habbath 'and after
wards they are to be told how useful that is which
they have relinquished.'
Scamian
The clause following scami an is, as with thyncan of
Group A, the subject, rather than the object,of the intro
ductory verb.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
427-21, thaet hi huru scamige thaet mon witen 'that they
nevertheless are ashamed that men know.'

161
427-23 thonne thaet mod sceamatn thaet hit mon wite 'when
the mind is ashamed that one knox^s it.
427-24, thaet hine eac scamige thaet he hit wyrce 'that
he is also ashamed that he does it.
Secan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
227-14, and secth hu he hine maege gefon 'and seeks how he
can take him.'
Sellan (Athas)
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
76-An.878, tha salde se here him fore gislas and miele
athas thaet hie of his rice uuoldon 'then the
army gave him hostages and many oaths that
they wished (to go) from his kingdom.'
11
Sierwan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
138-6, and georne siredon hu hi hie totwaeman mehten a.nd
zealously devised.how they were able to divide
them.'

162
Spree an
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
48-26, Hu blindlice monege theoda sprecath ymb thone
cristendom, thaet hit un wyrse sie thonne hit aer
waere 'How blindly many people speak about the
Christianity, that it now is worse than it pre
viously was '
Swerian (Athas)
The subjunctive verb form follows the combination,
athas + swerian, in the complement clause constructions
represented in the texts. Apparently, the rule which estab
lished that the subjunctive form should follow athas +
swerian distinguished this combination from other similar
combinations which also govern complement clauses. The
combination, athas + sellan, is followed by the indicative
mood in its single occurrence within-the texts:
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 76-An.878, and tha salde se here
Kim foregislas and miele athas thaet hie of his
rice uuoldon [woldon] 'and then the army gave him
hostages and many oaths that they would (go) from
his kingdom.'
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
190-31, on thaet gerad thaet he him athas sworan thaet
hie him aet thaem gewinnum gelaesten 'on the con
dition that they swore oaths that they (would)
serve them in the wars.'

163
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
72-An.874, and he him athas swor and gislas salde thaet
hit him gearo waere, swa hwelce daege swa hie
hit habban wolden 'and he to them swore oaths
and gave hostages that it was ready for them,
on whatever day they would have it.'
74-An.876, and him tha athas sworon on tham halgan beage
the hie aer nanre theode noldon thaet hie
hraedlice of his rice foren 'and then swore
oaths to him on the holy book, which they pre
viously did not wish (to do) for any people,
that they (would) set .out quickly from his
kingdom.'
Talian
- Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
335-12, se [the] talath thaet he sie unscyldig 'he who
argues that he is innocent.'
Teohhian
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
281-2, Gif hwa teoch[h]ath thaet he aefaest sie 'If anyone
resolves that he is pious.'
302-3, and tiohchiath thaet thaet scyle bion for eathmettum
'And resolves that that ought to be out of humility.'
Treowan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
447-10, and theah he aer truwige . thaet he maege wearm
weorthan 'and yet he previously believes . that
he can become warm.'

164
(Beon) Uncuth
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
9-3, uncuth hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien
'It is unknown how long there may be such learned
bishops.'
Wundrian
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
5-18, tha wundrade ie swithe swithe thara godea wiotona
. . thaet hie hiora tha naenne dael noldon on
hiora agen gethiode wendan 'then I wondered ex
tremely of the good wise men . that they then
did not wish to translate any part of them [books]
into their own language.'

CONCLUSION
The preceding structural analysis set out to determine
whether the choice of mood in the Old English complement
clauses following verbs which express acts of communication
and mental processes was arbitrary or whether it was estab
lished by syntactic rules. The choice of mood is perplexing
in the manuscripts because either the indicative mood or
the subjunctive mood can occur in the Old English comple
ment clause construction and, furthermore, an individual
verb can be followed by the indicative mood in one clause

and by the subjunctive mood in another.
This study has restricted its evidence to the early
West-Saxon texts, Gregory's Pastoral Care, the Orosius, and
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, because the scribes in their
spellings of verb forms made relatively clearer distinc
tions between the indicative and the subjunctive moods
than the scribes of 1000 or later. The conclusions of
this investigation are based primarily on such written
evidence.
165

166
Regular Choice of Mood
The structural facts presented in these texts showed
that certain syntactic rules and formal reasons determined
the scribe's choice of mood in all the complement clauses.
As shown in the statistics below, the verbs of Groups A and
B have the most consistent influence on the mood of. the
complement clause. The mood choice demonstrates that for
these twenty-one verbs the probability is less than five
percent that the hypothesis that no rule governs the mood
of the complement clause is correct. Fourteen introductory
verbs such as civet han, manian and wenan are regularly fol
lowed by the subjunctive mood. The seven remaining verbs
like gethencan, ongietan and witan introduce the indicative
mood in their complement clauses.
Introductory Verbs Requiring
the Subjunctive Mood
Group A and Group B
- Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Pr
obability
Values
Ascian
1
7
<
. 05
Awritan
1
25
<
. 0005
Bebeodan
3
26
<
. 00001
Biddan
0
L*
20
<
.00001
Cwethan
6
43
<
. 00001
Geleornian
0
5
<
. 03

167
Group A and Group B (continued)
Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Probability
Values
Laeran
3
14
<
. 004
Man i an
0
86
<
.00001
Ondraedan
1
14
<
.0009
Thencan
2
12
<
.01
Thyncan
0
16
<
.00002
Wen an
3
81
<
.00001
Willan
0
10
<
.005
Wilnian
0
25
<
.00001
Introductory Verbs Requiring
the Indicative Mood
Group A
and Group B
Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Probability
Values
Geascian
8
¡i' o
<
.005
Gecythan
16
1
<
. 0003
Gehieran
40
2
<
. 00001
Gethencan
42
16
<
.0001
Ne Witan
23
4
<
.001
Ongietan
69
16
<
.0001
W i t an
50
8
<
.0001
The ten verbs of Group C present evidence which favors
the no-rule hypothesis. These verbs do not show such a

168
decided preference, as did the verbs of Groups A and B,
for either mood in the complement clause.
Group C
Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Probability
Values
Aetiewan
2
6
<
. 10
Cythan
14
7
<
.12
Geewethan
6
14
<
.07
Gemunan
4
1
<
. 31
Gesecgan
8
4
<
. 19
Geseon
11
4
<
. 10
Getacnian
3
3
<
.99
Oncnawan
4
1
<
. 31
Secgan
17
27
<
. 16
Tacnian
5
4
<
.48
Of the sixty-nine verbs which introduce a complement
clause, the thirty-eight verbs of Group D are represented
in less than five constructions and, therefore, do not
offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evi
dence, while the ten verbs of Group C are significant
insofar as they represent at least five constructions. The
few introductory verbs, however, represented in Group C
which favor the no-rule hypothesis are not so impressive
as the twenty-one verbs of Groups A and B which do not.

169
The verbs magan, sculan and wilian, which grammarians
have often considered in separate categories, occur in the
complement clauses recorded in these manuscripts as sub
junctive forms and indicative forms with the consistency
common to other verbs. They do not appear in the excep
tional instances to any remarkable extent. They have been
included, therefore, with the other verb forms for the
statistics describing the choice of mood after each intro
ductory verb.
Exceptional Choice of Mood
When the regular influence of the introductory verb
is interrupted, so that an introductory verb can be fol
lowed by the indicative mood in one clause and by the sub
junctive mood in another, the evidence provided by these
texts shows that each exception is determined by a syntactic
rule or structural feature. The texts did not support,
however, the arguments which maintained that a change of
meaning in the introductory verb determines the exceptional
mood in the complement clause. The structural facts show
that attraction between the mood of the introductory verb
or the dominant mood of the sentence and the mood of the
complement clause can explain the exceptional mood most
often. In other instances unusual word order and compli
cated clause constructions in the context of the complement
clause determine the exceptional mood choice. Sometimes

170
even a formulaic convention alters
For certain exceptional structures,
approach the semantic level because
analyzing the underlying forms were
the regular mood choice,
explanations that
they are derived by
necessary.
Results in the Original Prose
The syntactic rules governing the choice of mood in
complement clauses operate in the original prose as well
as in the translations. The limited evidence gathered from
the original prose -- Anglo Saxon Chronicle, Alfred's
Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care, and the Ohthere and
Wulfstan narratives in the Prosius -- follows the patterns
illustrated in the translations. However few the construc
tions, the original prose employs the preferred mood after
each introductory verb. There are, however, two exceptions
in the Chronicle and one in the Wulfstan narrative. These
exceptions,'1ike the exceptions in the translations, can
be explained by a structural analysis. The two exceptions
in the Chronicle are the result of attraction. The excep
tional mood in the Wulfstan narrative follows the fre
quently used introductory verb secgan:
19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet
he waere on Truse on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet
thaet scip waes ealne weg yrnende under segle,
Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord
waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and
Sconeg, and thas land eall hyrath to Denemaearcan
"Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that
he was in Truso during seven days and nights, that

171
that ship was moving all the way under sail.
Weonath.la.nd was for him on starboard, and on the
left side of the ship for him was Langaland, and
Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these
lands belong to Denmark.'
Attraction seems unlikely considering that the subjunctive
mood occurs in the first two complement clauses of this
construction. The puzzling indicative mood belongs perhaps
more to the continuing description than to a complement
clause influenced by secgan. The formal explanations are
suggested by the evidence in the texts. There is no proof
either in the translations or in the original prose that
the exceptional mood choice reflects the altered meaning
of the introductory verb.
The Introductory Verb Rule
The statistics describing the choice of mood after the
verbs of Groups A and B have indicated that a syntactic
rule designates either the subjunctive verb form or the
indicative form for the verb of the complement clause fol
lowing each introductory verb. This rule, which can be
called "The Introductory Verb Rule," establishes restric
tions on the complement clauses following verbs which denote
mental processes and acts of communication: Fourteen verbs
(ascian, awritan, bebeodan, biddan, ewethan, geleornian,
1 aeran, manan, ondraedan, thencan, thyncan, wenan, willan,
wilnian) require the subjunctive verb form in each comple
ment clause. Seven verbs (geascian, gecythan,_ gehieran,

172
gethencan ne wit an ongiet an, witan) cannot be followed
by the subjunctive verb form in the complement clause. The
Introductory Verb Rule, then, blocks the subjunctive verb
form from the complement clause after these seven verbs
except when the verb of the complement clause is influenced
by an unusual context (the predominance of the subjunctive
mood or complicated clause constructions). As indicated
previously, such exceptional influences on the verb of the
complement clause after verbs of Groups A and B seldom
interfere with the operation of The Introductory Verb Rule.
The Subordination Rule
The results of the analysis of the clauses containing
the exceptional mood have shown that another syntactic
rule, "The Subordination Rule," establishes the subjunctive
verb form as a redundant feature of clause construction in
contexts characterized by complicated clause structure, in
particular, multiple embeddings. The structural signifi
cance of the subjunctive mood is illustrated in its occur
rence as the exceptional mood in certain complement clauses.
The subjunctive mood sometimes replaces the indicative mood
in the complement clause in a predominately indicative
context which rules out the possibility of attraction. In
one such sentence the subjunctive mood replaces the regular
indicative mood after wit an:

173
Gregory's' Pastoral Care, 51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa
earfothe is aenegum menn to witanne hwonne he
geclaensed sie, he maeg thy orsorglicor forbugan
tha thegnunga 'But because it is.so difficult for
any man to know when he is purified, he may, the
more secure, shun the ministration.'
It seems that in such clauses the subjunctive has no signif
icance other than that of subordination. The subjunctive
verb form is, then, a feature of clause construction. As
the only marked verb form in this sentence, it can make
clear the relationship between the complement clause and its
introductory verb which is itself contained in one of the
9
several' subordinate clauses. The indicative verb form is
not marked as a feature of clause construction.; therefore,
within subordinate clauses it can be called the "unmarked
verb form." The evidence indicated, then, that two syn
tactic rules determine verb forms for Old English subor
dinate clauses: The Introductory Verb Rule and The Subor
dination Rule.
The Application of Rules 1_ and 2_
The complement clauses collected for the investigation
suggest that The Subordination Rule was established before
The Introductory Verb Rule. Designated by The Subordination
Rule as a redundant feature of clause construction, the sub
junctive verb form distinguishes certain complement clauses
as structurally inferior to and dependent on the intro
ductory verb. Each clause contains, then, two features of

174
clause construction: (1)A subordinator like thaet, hu, or
the hw- words; (2) A verb with the subjunctive suffix. The
introductory verb for each of these structurally inferior
dependent clauses was thus designated as a structurally
prominent governing verb; however, the structural distinc
tion between the complement clause with the unmarked verb
form and its introductory verb is not so clear. By restrict
ing the subjunctive verb form to the complement clauses of
certain introductory verbs, Rule 2, The Introductory Verb
Rule, blocked seven introductory verbs from the structurally
prominent governing verb position.
The Expletory Introductory Verbs
Sample complement clauses introduced by the three promi
nent verbs of the group blocked by Rule 2 from governing a
subjunctive mood clause can explain the restrictions in Rule
2. As introductory verbs, gethencan, ongietan, and witan
are merely expletory expressions ;vhich have a negligible
influence on the meaning of a sentence. This semantic fea
ture of the verbs is confirmed by their frequent occurrence
in subordinate clauses. Gethencan and ongietan occur in the
complement clause of the manian construction more often than
any other verb which introduces a complement clause. Two
illustrations follow:
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 383-33, Eac hi sint to manigenne
thaet hi gethencen thaette tha wif the tha geeacnodan
beam cennath the thonne git fulberene ne bioth, ne
fyllath hie no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also, they

175
are to be admonished that they consider that those
women who bring forth the conceived children, when
they are not yet full born, fill not by that
houses but tombs.
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne
thaet hi ongieten thaet hit bith se degla Godes
dom thaet hie eft thy mare wite haebben 'But they
are to be admonished that they perceive that it is
the secret judgement of God that they afterwards
(will) have the more punishment.
Witan occurs in the manan construction and in similar
cythan constructions:
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to
cythanne thaet hie wieten thaette swa lange sua
hie beoth from thaere lufe athied hiera niehstena,
and him ungemode beoth, thaette hie nanwuht godes
ne magon tha hwile ,Gode bringan to thances 'To the
quarrelsome is to be told that they know that as
long as they are separated from the love of their
neighbor, and are at variance with them,that they
may not then meanwhile bring anything of good,
pleasing to God.'
Each of these fillers can be deleted from a sentence without
affecting the statement. The statement in each complement
clause, therefore, exists independent of the introductory
verbs. It seems likely that Rule 2 blocked the seven verbs
of the gethencan-witan group from the prominent position
as governing verb for a subjunctive mood clause to keep
clear the difference between them and the introductory verbs
which have something more than a negligible influence on a
statement.

176
The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule
The results of the structural study show that by the
application of Rules 1 and 2, each complement clause might
be distinguished by the form of the verb as either a com
plement clause which is dependent on the introductory verb
or merely as a complement clause. All the provisions of
Rules 1 and 2 for designating either the subjunctive verb
form or the indicative verb form in clauses introduced by
verbs which denote mental processes or acts of communication
might have belonged to the Old English rule for indirect
discourse. It is possible that the meaning of the provi
sions in Rules 1 and 2 was extended for use in a third
syntactic rule which distinguishes a simple complement
clause from a clause in an indirect discourse construction:
Rule 3 The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule: (a) As a
redundant feature of clause construction, the subjunctive
verb form marks a statement, in a complement clause, which
has been adapted from an independent sentence to a depen
dent clause,as indirect discourse; (a) the verbs (geascian,
gecythan, gehieran, gethencan, ne witan, ongietan, witan)
are not followed by the mood of indirect discourse because
they introduce direct and independent reports rather than
indirect and dependent reports.
The marked verb form in Old English is the structural
sign for a semantic feature which distinguishes the

177
complement clauses following fourteen verbs (ascian, awritan,
bebeodan, biddan cwethan, geleornlan, laeran, manian,
ondraedan, thencan, thyncan, wenan, wilian, wilnian) as in
direct reports from the simple complement clauses intro
duced by the seven remaining verbs of Groups A and B
(geascian, gecythan, gehieran, gethencan, ne witan, ongietan,
witan). This seems to be the best explanation for the syn
tactic rules established to determine the choice of mood in
the Old English complement clauses.
The Possibilities of Further Investigation
These conclusions about the complement clause in the
recorded language are based primarily on the spellings of
the verb suffixes in the early West-Saxon texts. As noted
in the introduction, the unaccented vowels of plural verb
endings were beginning to merge even in this early period.
A structural analysis of the mood choice in the dependent
clause of indirect discourse and the other complement
clauses in the late West-Saxon texts must be restricted to
these present tense verb forms: all forms of. the verb
beon except the first person beo, and the second and third
person singular of.most other verbs. The verb wesan has a
distinguishing past tense form only in the first and third
person singular. While the evidence would be limited to
these verb forms, further investigation of the mood in the
complement clause ought to be pursued.

178
The evidence from late West-Saxon texts could provide
additional illustrations for some of the thirty-eight verbs
in Group D which were not sufficiently represented in the
three early West-Saxon texts. It would also be interesting
to observe how additional evidence would affect Group C
verbs such as aetiewan, cythan, or gecwethan which have
probability values close to those of the Group B verbs.
Structural investigations of the marked and unmarked verb
forms in the complement clauses of the late West-Saxon texts
are necessary amidst the unfounded meaning^based explana
tions .
Though limited to the three early West-Saxon texts,
the present study can help to establish the structural
significance for the marked form in certain complement
clauses in Modern written English. The distinguishing forms
for the subjunctive and indicative moods are restricted to
- the third person, present tense, singular of most verbs and
all the present tense forms for the verb to_ be_. In the
past tense only the first and third person, singular forms
of the verb t_o be_ can be distinguished as marked forms.
A marked verb form is still found in the complement
clause introduced by a subordinator and a verb like "com
mand," "request," or "will," which correspond respectively
to the Old English verbs manian, biddan, and willan or
wilnian. The infinitive construction is certainly more com
mon after these verbs and the.other verbs which express

179
acts of communication and mental processes. In modern
written English also, the indeterminate forms of the auxili
aries shall and will and their past forms should and would
occur frequently to express future events after these intro
ductory verbs. In comparison with these other construc
tions, the marked form in the complement clause might be
assumed to convey special meaning to a report. In spite
of the similarity of the form in the complement clause with
the verb forms of if. and though constructions, the evidence
in the Old English prose indicates that this marked form in
the complement clause is primarily a feature of clause con
struction. The marked form in the clause after these verbs
which express 'command* or 'desire* is the only clear proof
for the Old English rule established for the indirect dis
course construction. With the loss of distinctive verb
forms for the indicative and subjunctive moods, the essen-
tially formal rules designed for these introductory verbs
and their clauses are less evident.

LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED
Primary Sources
Birch, Walter De Gray, ed. Cartularinm Saxonicum: A
Collection of Charters Relating to Anglo-Saxon History.
3 vols. 1S85-93; rpt. New York, 196 4.
Carnicelli, Thomas A., ed. King Alfred's Version of St.
Augustine's Soliloquies. Cambridge, Mass., 1969.
Earl, John, and Charles Plummer, ed. Two of the Saxon
Chronicles Parallel. 2 vols. 1892-99; rpt. London,
195 2.
Giles, John Allen, ed. and trans. The Whole Works of King
Alfred the Great. 2 vols. 1858; rpt. New York, 1969.
Sweet, Henry, ed. King Alfred1s Orosius. EETS OS 79-89.
London, 1883-89.
Sweet, Henry, ed. and trans. King Alfred's West Saxon
Version of Gregory' s Pastoral Care.. EETS OS 45-50.
London, 1871-72.
Whitelock, Dorothy, David C. Douglas and Susie I. Tucker,
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Brunswick, N. J,, T961.
Secondary Sources
Alteng_lische Grammatik nach der ange 1 sachs 1 schen Grammatik
von Eduard Sievers neubearbeitet. Ed. Karl Brunner.
Halle, 1951.
Andrew, S. 0. Syntax and Style in Old English. Cambridge,
Eng., 1940.
180

181
Behre, Frank. Meditative-Polemic Should in Modern English
That-Clauses. Gothenburg Studies in English, 4.
Stockholm, 1955.
The Subjunctive in Old English Poetry.
Goteborgs Hdgskolas Arrskrift, 40. Goteborg, 1934.
Bloomfield, Leonard. "Old English Plural Subjunctives in
-E," JEGP, 29 (1930), 100-113.
Bradley1s Arnold Latin Prose Composition. Ed. Sir James
Mountford. New York, 1938."
Brown, William H., Jr. A Syntax of King Alfred's Pastoral
Care. Janua Linguarum, Series Practica, 101. The
Hague, 1970.
Callaway, Morgan, Jr. The Temporal Subjunctive in Old
English. Austin, 19317
Campbell, Alistair. Old English Grammar. Oxford, 1959.
Cannon, Charles D. "A Survey of the Subjunctive Mood in
English," Arner. Speech, 34 (1959), 11-19.
Carlton, Charles. A Descriptive Syntax of the Old English
Charters. Janua Linguarum, Series Practica, 111.
The Hague, 1970.
Chomsky, Noam. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge,
Mass., 1965.
Cobb, George Willard. "Subjunctive Mood in Old English
Poetry," Philo lgica: The Malone Anniversary Studies.
Ed. Thomas A. Kirby and Henry B. Woolf. Baltimore,
1949, pp. 43-55.
Curme, George 0. "The English and Germanic Subjunctive,"
JEGP, 30 (1931), 1-5.
Elmer, H. C. Studies in Latin Hoods and Tenses. Cornell
Studies in Classical Philology, 6. Tthaca, 1898.
Engberg, Norma Joyce. "The Subjunctive in Beowulf." M.S.
Thesis. The University of Florida, 1963.
Frank, Tenney. "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse in
Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-08), 74-75.

182
Glunz, Hans. Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten-
glischen. Beitrage zur Englischen Philologie, Heft 11.
Leipzig, 1929.
Gorrell, J. H. "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon,".PMLA,
10. NS3 (1835) 342-485.
Hall, John R. Clark. A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary.
London, 1894.
Harsh, Wayne. The Subjunctive in English. Alabama Lin
guistic and Philological Series, No. 15. University,
Alabama, 1968.
Herold, Curtis Paul. The Morphology of King Alfred's
Translation of the Orosius. Janua Linguarum, Series
Practica, 62. The Hague, 1968.
Hotz, Gerold. On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-
Saxon Diss. Zurich, 1882. Zurich, 1882.
Jespersen, Otto. A Modern English Grammar. 7. vols.
1909-; rpt. London, 1954-58.
Ker, Neil Ripley. A Catalog of Manuscripts Containing
Anglo-Saxon. Oxford, 1957.
Knott, Thomas A. and Samuel Moore. The Elements of Old
English, rev. James R. Hulbert. 10th ed. Ann-Arbor,
1965.
Kruisinga, E.
3 vols.
A Handbook of Present Day English.
Groningen, 1932.
5th ed.
Lindemann, J. W. R. "Old English Preverbal g_e-: a Re-
Examination of Some Current Doctrines," Approaches to
English Historical Linguistics; An Anthology. Ed.
Roger Lass. New York, 1969.
Lovelace, Anne Katherine. "The Uses of the Subjunctive in
King Alfreds Old English Version of Boethius's De
Consolatione Philosophiae." M.A. Thesis. The Uni
versity of Texas, 1923.
McLaughlin, John C. Aspects of the History of English.
New York, 1970. "
Mann, Gerd. Konjunktionen und Modus im Konsekutiven un_d
Finalen Nebensatz des Altenglischen Breslau, 1939".

183
Mitchell, Bruce. "Syntax and Word Order in the Peter
borough Chronicle 1124-1154." NM, 65 (1964), 113-44.
Paul, Hermann. Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte. 3rd ed.
Halle, 1898.
Pearson, E. S. and H. 0. Hartley, ed. Biometrika Tables
for Statisticians. 3rd ed. Cambridge, Eng., 1966.
Poutsma, Hendrik. A Grammar of Late Modern English for the
Use of Continental, Especially Dutch Students. 2 pts.
in 5 vols. Groningen, 1914-29.
Quirk, Randolph and C. L. Wrenn. An. Old English Grammar.
2nd ed., 1957; rpt. London, 1959.
Rogers, Mabel. "The Subjunctive Mood in King Alfred's
Orosius." M.A. Thesis. The University of Texas, 1921.
Schlicher, J. J. "The Moods of Indirect Quotation," Amer.
Jour, of Phil., 26 (1905), 60-88.
Shannon, Ann, A Descriptive Syntax of the Parker Manuscript
of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 7 34 to 891. J anua
Linguarum, Series Practica, 14. The Hague, 19,64.
Shores, David L. A Descriptive Syntax of the Peterborough
Chronicle from 1124 to 1154. ~ Janua Linguarum, Series
Practica, 103. The Hague, 1971.
Sweet, Henry. An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse.
Oxford, 1885.
Twaddell, W. F. The English Verb Auxiliaries. 2nd ed.
Providence, 1965.
Visser, Frederic Theodor. An Historical Syntax of the
English Language. 3 vols. Leiden, 1963.
"The Terms 'Subjunctive' and
'Indicative,'"ES, 36 (1955), 205-208/
Vogt, Andreas. Beitrage zum Konjunktivgebrauch im Alten-
glischen. Diss. Leipzig, 1930. Leipzig, 1930.
Wright, Joseph and Elizabeth M. Wright. An Old English
Grammar. London, 1908.
Wulfing, J. Ernst. Die Syntax in. den Werken Alfreds des
Grossen. 2 vols. Bonn, 1894-1901.

. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Mary Elizabeth Faraci ivas born February 2 1945 in
New York, New York. In May, 1963, she was graduated from
Mt. Trinity Academy in Watertown, Massachusetts. She re
ceived the degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in
English from the University of Kentucky in June, 1967.
In August, 1967, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the
University of Kentucky. She was a teaching assistant from
August, 1967, to December, 1968, when she received the
degree of Master of Arts with a major in English. In
January, 1969, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the
University of Florida. Until the present time, she has
worked as a teaching assistant and has pursued her \ toward the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
184

I cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
I cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
I cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
i cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Robert H. Bowei
Professor of English
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
John
A1 ge oJ/C o Chairman
Professor of English
University of Georgia
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Richard H. Green
Professor of English
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
/ /'
; /
Egbert Krispyn
Professor of Germanic
Languages

This dissertation \^as submitted to the Department of English
in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate
Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the re
quirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
June, 1972
Dean
Graduate School



94
311-20 ,
gif he ne ongeate thaet him waes thaes wana.
389-8 ,
thonne thonne we betweox thaem ongieten hu earme
we bioth thara ecena thinga.
393-31, and thonne hie ongieten hu gewitendlic this
anwearde bith thaet hie her doth, and hu thurh-
wunienede" thaet bith thaet hi wilniath.
441-8, buton hi aer ongieten hu frecenlic thaet is thaet
hi cunnon.
The formulaic repetition of manian and the subjunctive
form of ongietan merits a separate discussion, because the
verb ongietan governs the indicative mood in all but one
instance. While this is in accordance with the established
pattern for ongietan, it is also possible that the indica
tive mood is fixed in the complement clause slot because it
is part of the manian and ongietan formula.
Thaet Clauses
321-5, Eac sint to manienne tha the thonne mildheortlice
sellath thaet hie thonne habbath, thaet hie thonne
angieten thaet hie sint gesette thaem hefencundan
Code to theningmannum.
339-6, Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie
ongieten thaet thaet sindon tha forman laeththo.
389-27, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde
orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongietan
thaette sio orsorgnes thisses andweardan lifes
hwilum b*ith to thaem gelaened.
419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna \vepath,
and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice
ongietan thaet hi on idelnesse tiliath.
421-23, Ac tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan scylda
hreowsiath, and hi theah ne forlaetath, thaet hi
ongieten thaet hie beoth.


138
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
265-22, thaet hie.be tham oncnawaen ... to hwaem hiera
agen wise wirth.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
62-35, and eac thaet hie oncnewen hu gelimpice ure God
on thaem aerran tidum tha anwaldas and tha ricu
sette.
Secgan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement
Pastoral Care 8
Orosius 9
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 0
Total 17
Clause the Complement Clause
10
16
1
27
Both the indicative and the subjunctive moods follow
secgan In the complement clause construction. Although the
statistics for the occurrence of the subjunctive mood in
the complement clause are not especially impressive, the
subjunctive mood appears to be the established mood. The
exceptional indicative mood can be explained according to
the operation of attraction. Although the indicative mood


84
Ne Witan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
13
2
Orosius
9
2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
1
0
Total
23
4
Like witan, the form ne witan also governs the indica
tive mood in complement clauses; the rare occurrences of the
subjunctive mood in the clause can be explained according
to the principle of attraction between moods. It is not to
be supposed that the predominant mood necessarily influences
the mood of the complement clause; attraction between moods
is an explanation only for the occurrence of the exceptional
mood. The predominant mood Surrounding each instance of the
regular indicative mood in a complement clause is noted,
nevertheless, for comparison with the subjunctive mood cita
tions .
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
105-9, ac we nyton hwelc hira inngethonc bith beforan
thaem thearlwisan.
207-1, Tha scamleasa nyton thaet hie ntela doth.
241-12, thu nast hwaer him awther cymth.


10
from those for verbs of saying, he notes that the sub
junctive mood after verbs meaning 'think' and 'know' does
not have a strictly formal purpose. Yet Hotz makes one
interesting formal observation. Of witan he notes that
sometimes the mood of the verb in the complement clause
agrees with the mood of the main verb: "As for mood after
the subjunctival vitan [witan] in the concessive sentence
after the ah and the conditional sentence after buton, it
agrees with the mood of the governing verb." He presents
as an example a sentence from J. Bosworth's edition, The
Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels Parallel with the Versions
of Wycliffe and Tyndale: John, 7, 51, buton aer wite
14
hwaet he do 'unless first he knows what he does.' His
"concordance of mood"discussion proves more successful
than his subsequent discussion. In another case, however,
Hotz goes so far from the formal description that he ex-
#
plains the consistency of the subjunctive mood after wenan
in psychological terms: "The substance of the opinion
uttered is a fact; nonetheless the subjunctive has to come
in to denote that the subject-matter, though true, is the
object of imagination. Thus the subjunctive appears as
the mood of subjunctive reflexion.He seems here to be
extracting meaning which cannot be proved to exist.
i 4
Hotz, p. 104.
"^Ibid. pp. 106-107.


28
values greater than .05, thus favoring the no-rule hypothe
sis. A final group contains the verbs which introduce in
direct discourse in less than five instances and, therefore,
do not qualify as conclusive evidence for this description
of the mood in the complement clause.
Group A
Indicative
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Subjunctive
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Probability Values
Calculated
According to the
Binomial Method
Geascian
and Geacsian
8
0
P
<
. 005
Geleornian
0
5
P
<
.03
Manian
0
86
p
<
.00001
Thyncan
0
16
P
<
.00002
Wi11an
0
10
P
<
. 005
Wilnian
0
25
P
<
.00001
There is little doubt that these six verbs of Group A
require the subjunctive mood in the complement clause. If
there were no syntax rule predetermining the influence of
each verb, the probability that manian and wilnian could be
followed so exclusively by the subjunctive mood is less
than one chance in 100,000. The highest probability value
in this group is that for geleornian at less than three
chances in one hundred. These verbs, then, do not support
the no-rule hypothesis.


121
The indicative mood appears to be the regular mood
after cythan in the complement clause; however, the sub
junctive mood occurs frequently throughout the cythan evi
dence. The principle of attraction best explains the mood
variation in the complement clause. The proof for the
attraction theory is gathered from the verbs other than the
main verb of each sentence when the main verb is a gerund
construction: is_ + _to cythanne.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
163-2, ac he him sceal eac cythan mid hwelcum craeftum he
him withstondan maeg.
173-14, nu we him willath cythan hu he laeran sceal.
201
231
287
299
299
301
305
441
-15, Tham hlafordum is eac to cythanne thaette hie with
Gode ofermodgiath for his agenre giefe.
-23, Tham slawum thonne is to cythanne thaette oft .
thaette hwilum eft cymth sio tid.
-3, ongean thaet is to cythanne thaem the beoth to
hrade . thaet hie forpaerath thaem edliane.
-4, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne hu micel sio heanes
is .
-5, Thaem upahaefenum.is to cythanne hwelc naitfuht thes
woruldgielp is.
14, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne thaette
hie thonne astigath.
thaette
-15, Thaem unbealdum is to cythanne hu giemelease hie
bioth.
-11, Forthy him is aerest to cythanne hu idel thaet is.


159
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
47-8, forthaem him noldon thaet hie mon ahofe ofer tha
the him beteran thynceath thonne hie selfe there
fore, they did not wish that anyone raised them
over those \vho seem better to them than themselves.'
451-29, he nolde thaet hie ealle thigden 'he did not wish
that they all take.
Onbeodan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
240-2, Tha unbudon hie him thaet he come mid feawum
monnum to Rome Then they ordered him that he came
with a few men to Rome.
Oths acan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
260-4,
Otheace nu, cwaeth
se the dyrre thaet
Let him deny now,
dares, that that un
Orosius, se,
thaet angin n
said Orosius,
dertaking was
se the wille oththe
aere gestille
who wills or who
not stopped.
Re can
The verb, recan to care, is
the text; therefore, care must be
with reccan 'to explain, which is
rendered
taken not
followed
as
to
by
reccath in
confuse it
the indica
tive mood in its complement clauses.


8
a meaning-based definition for the indicative mood in the
complement clause: "If the reporter wishes to set off a'
statement in its objective truth, the indicative with its
sub-implication of fact has to come in. The statement then
turns out to be a reported fact; whereas with the sub
junctive it is report and nothing more."^ Hotz is con
vinced that form and purport operated in this Old English
construction: "In the struggle between form and purport
of the indirect speech, now the form is uppermost, now the
11
purport: Hence frequent interchange of moods."
Hotz's opening remarks that the subjunctive mood in
the Old English complement clause has a formal purpose are
important to the understanding of the construction. His
insistence that the indicative mood underscores the truth
of the report, however, leads him to observations which can
be proven neither right nor wrong. These weak observations

on the indicative mood even confuse his discussion of the
subjunctive mood. So his explanation of the few instances
of the indicative mood after ewethan is unsuccessful.
Hotz assumes that each mood reflects a different meaning.
of ewethan: "As soon as ewethan gets to imply the notion
of asserting ... it may be followed by the indicative to
12
mark the contrast with ewethan = to utter." Cythan, as
^Gerold Hotz, On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in
Anglo-Saxon, Diss. Zurich 1882 (Zurich,- 1882) p. 89.
lb id. p. 94.
^ Ibid. p 91.


INTRODUCTION
This study will investigate the apparently arbitrary
choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses fol
lowing the verbs which express acts of communication and
mental processes. All such complement clause structures
have been defined as the Old English indirect discourse
construction by grammarians because the clause is intro
duced by a verb that means 'say,' think,' perceive,
'feel,' or the like and a subordinator such as 'that,'
'how,' or 'what.' The grammar of these complement clauses,
like a dependent.clause of Modern English indirect dis
course, is made to conform to the grammar of the main clause
with respect to person and tense. Otto Jespersen in Volume
IV of his Modern English Grammar series observes such ad
justments in indirect discourse: "I am glad to see you'
becomes in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was
glad to see me. 'I saw her on Tuesday' becomes: He said
(thought) that he had seen her on Tuesday. 'I have not
seen her yet' becomes: He said (thought) that he had not
seen her yet."'*' In certain languages the mood as well as
LOtto Jespersen, A Modern English Grammar, IV (1931;
rpt. London, 1954)', .151.
1


99
311-19 Ne cuaede he ne sua, gi£ he ne ongeate thaet him
waes thaes wana 'He would not have said so, if
he did not perceive that in them was a deficiency
of this.'
441-15, Miele thy bet hi underfeth thaet uncuthe, gif hi
on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet thaeron
taelwyrthes bith 'Much the better they undertake
the unknown, if they with certainty perceive
exactly what is blameworthy in the known.'
Besides attraction between the subjunctive mood of the
subsequent clauses and the mood of the dependent clause, it
is possible that another structural fact also altered
ongietan's regular influence on the mood of the dependent
clause in the sentence cited earlier. Indeed a certain
feature distinguishes the problem gif sentence from the
three other regular gif-ongietan constructions. In this
problem sentence, ongietan is followed by two thaet clauses:
one (thaet he thonne withsace) is the deep structure subject
of ne^ bith na soth eathmednes ; the other (thaet he ofer
othre beon scyle) is the deep structure subject of Codes
willa sie. In both cases, the expletive or "filler"
thaet's have been left to mark the subject positions for
these two predicates. They are underlined to distinguish
them from the subordinator thaet's :
47-13, Ne bith thaet na soth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett
thaet thaet Godes willa sie thaet he ofer othre
beon scyle, thaet he thonne withsace.
The deep structure can be made clear when the subject
clauses are placed before their predicates:


152
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care, 9-3, uncuth
hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien 'It
is unknown how long there may be such learned
bishops.'
Fandian
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Ohthere's Narrative in Alfred's Prosius
17-7, he aet sumum cirre wolde fandian hu longe thaet
land northryhte laege 'he at some time wished to
investigate how far the land lay due north.'
Forbeodan
The subjunctive verb form occurs in the three comple
ment clauses introduced by forbeodan.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
211-24, ac we sculon him forbeodan thaet hie huru sua ne
don 'but we ought to forbid them that they do so
at all. '
Prosius
254-8, and forbead thaet hiene mon god hete 'and forbid
that one call him a god.'
266-9, he forbead ofer ealne his onwald thaet mon nanum
cristenum men ne abulge 'he forbid over all his
empire that one annoy any Christian man.'


79
363-12, forthon, thonne thonne hie gethencath tha ryhtan
lu£e, thaet hie eac gethencen thaet hie ne weorthen
beswicene mid thaere uterran lufe.
In one instance the subjunctive mood occurs in the comple
ment clause even though the main verb is in the indicative
mood; it is true, however, that the clause between the main
verb and the thaet clause contains a verb in the subjunctive
mood. It is possible, then, that an attraction is operating
325-17, For thy mon sceal aer gethencean, aer he hwaet
selle, thaet he hit eft forberan maege butan
hreowe, thylaes he forleose tha lean 'Therefore
one ought previously to consider, before he gives
up anything, that he may afterwards forgo it
without regret, lest he lose the reward.'
Besides the possibility that attraction is operating between
the subjunctive moods, the underlying structure of this
complement clause construction is different from those con
structions noted above which govern the indicative mood in
predominately indicative environments. The sculn and
gethencan combination governs the indicative mood in clauses
which describe the actual facts of a situation.
109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth
othrum monnum on hira gecynde 'they ought to con
sider howr similar they are to other men of their
kind.1
313-13, Ac we sculon gethencean, sua oft sua w7e ure hand
doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet
\ve geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde 'But
we ought to consider as often as we put our hand
to our mouth for excessive greediness, that we
renew and recall to mind the sin.'
397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftra-
edlice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe


52
The subjunctive mood regularly follows awritan in the
complement clause. The construction has a particular order
"ben '
on + awritan + (preposition + noun phrase) + thaet
+ subject noun phrase + verb phrase. The pattern is rarely
altered in the twenty-five subjunctive mood clauses; hoxv-
ever, the only instance of the indicative mood occurs in a
construction of unusual order. It is possible, then, that
the unusual word order explains the exceptional mood. The
indicative mood of the main verb perhaps also influenced
the verb of the complement clause by attraction.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
93-11,
Hit waes awriten thaet thaes sacerdes hraegl waere
behongen mid bellum.
199-16 ,
Forthaem [hit] is awriten thaette Dauid, tha he
thone laeppan forcorfenne haefde, thaet he sloge
on his heortan.
215-21,
Hit [is] awriten on Paules bocum thaet sio Godes
lufu sie gethyld, and se the gethyldig ne sie,
thaet he naebbe tha Godes lufe on him.
233-18,
the be him awriten is thaette for his aefeste
death become ofer ealle eorthan.
235-4 ,
Be thaem is awriten thaet Dr[y]hten besawe to Abele
and to his lacum.
235-12 ,
Be thaem is awriten thaette this flaesclece lif
sie aefesth.
243-15 ,
Gehirath eac thaette thaeraefter awriten is thaette
he haebbe his getheaht.
275 -15 ,
and eft hit is axvriten on Salomonnes bocum . .
thaette hwilum sie spraece tiid.


170
even a formulaic convention alters
For certain exceptional structures,
approach the semantic level because
analyzing the underlying forms were
the regular mood choice,
explanations that
they are derived by
necessary.
Results in the Original Prose
The syntactic rules governing the choice of mood in
complement clauses operate in the original prose as well
as in the translations. The limited evidence gathered from
the original prose -- Anglo Saxon Chronicle, Alfred's
Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care, and the Ohthere and
Wulfstan narratives in the Prosius -- follows the patterns
illustrated in the translations. However few the construc
tions, the original prose employs the preferred mood after
each introductory verb. There are, however, two exceptions
in the Chronicle and one in the Wulfstan narrative. These
exceptions,'1ike the exceptions in the translations, can
be explained by a structural analysis. The two exceptions
in the Chronicle are the result of attraction. The excep
tional mood in the Wulfstan narrative follows the fre
quently used introductory verb secgan:
19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet
he waere on Truse on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet
thaet scip waes ealne weg yrnende under segle,
Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord
waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and
Sconeg, and thas land eall hyrath to Denemaearcan
"Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that
he was in Truso during seven days and nights, that


161
427-23 thonne thaet mod sceamatn thaet hit mon wite 'when
the mind is ashamed that one knox^s it.
427-24, thaet hine eac scamige thaet he hit wyrce 'that
he is also ashamed that he does it.
Secan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
227-14, and secth hu he hine maege gefon 'and seeks how he
can take him.'
Sellan (Athas)
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
76-An.878, tha salde se here him fore gislas and miele
athas thaet hie of his rice uuoldon 'then the
army gave him hostages and many oaths that
they wished (to go) from his kingdom.'
11
Sierwan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
138-6, and georne siredon hu hi hie totwaeman mehten a.nd
zealously devised.how they were able to divide
them.'


174
clause construction: (1)A subordinator like thaet, hu, or
the hw- words; (2) A verb with the subjunctive suffix. The
introductory verb for each of these structurally inferior
dependent clauses was thus designated as a structurally
prominent governing verb; however, the structural distinc
tion between the complement clause with the unmarked verb
form and its introductory verb is not so clear. By restrict
ing the subjunctive verb form to the complement clauses of
certain introductory verbs, Rule 2, The Introductory Verb
Rule, blocked seven introductory verbs from the structurally
prominent governing verb position.
The Expletory Introductory Verbs
Sample complement clauses introduced by the three promi
nent verbs of the group blocked by Rule 2 from governing a
subjunctive mood clause can explain the restrictions in Rule
2. As introductory verbs, gethencan, ongietan, and witan
are merely expletory expressions ;vhich have a negligible
influence on the meaning of a sentence. This semantic fea
ture of the verbs is confirmed by their frequent occurrence
in subordinate clauses. Gethencan and ongietan occur in the
complement clause of the manian construction more often than
any other verb which introduces a complement clause. Two
illustrations follow:
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 383-33, Eac hi sint to manigenne
thaet hi gethencen thaette tha wif the tha geeacnodan
beam cennath the thonne git fulberene ne bioth, ne
fyllath hie no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also, they


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1 Thyncan construction, Gregory's
Pastoral Care: 261-19 41
2 Thyncan construction, Gregory's
Pastoral Care: 427-19... 42
3 Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface
to Gregory's Pastoral Care: 7-6 44
4 Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18 . 45
vi


85
265-4,
287-16,
289-9,
289-10 ,
293-24,
343-21,
361-7,
411-26 ,
Thonne nat thaet mod thaet him bith freodom
forgiegen.
ac he nat on hwaet he gaeth.
sua thaet he self nat huaet he on thaet irre doth.
Tha irran nyton hwaet hie on him selfum habbath.
hie nyton hwaet hie thonne gehierath.
and nat hwaer he hiene forliesth.
and huru thaer thaer hie nyton hwaether sio sibb
betre betwux gefaestnod bith.
thaette nyte thaette on gimma gecynde carbunculus
bith dio[r]ra thonne iacinctus.
429-26, tha the nyton hwonne hi ntela doth.
Orosius
120-1, Ic nat, cwaeth Orosius, for hwi eow Romanum sindon
tha aerran gewin swa wel gelicad . and for-hwy
ge tha tida swelcra broca swa wel hergeath.
124-13, Nat ic, cwaeth Orosius, hwaether mare wundor waes.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
213-24, tha spraec he suelee he hit thagiet nyste thaet
hie hit him tha io ondredon.
Orosius
The first two illustrations are very interesting,
because they appear in Alfreds original prose, "Ohthere's
Narrative."
17-13, Tha beag thaet land thaer eastryhte, oththe sec
sae in on thaet lond, he nysse hwaether. Such
inverted word order is rare among the Old English
complement clause constructions.


133
143-8, thonne he gesihth thaet his hieremen agyltath.
157-18, ac thu ne meaht geseon hwaet thaerinne bith
gehyddes.
231-22, Thonne thu gesiehsth thaet he bith utan gedrefed.
377-18, and thonne gesihth thaet his hwam thearf bith.
409-14-, the hi gesioth thaet hie habbath.
415-11, thonne he gesihth thaet hit unrot bith.
415-26, and thonne eft gesihth thaet hit thaes hreowsath.
Orosius
118-4, Tha his here geseah thaet he mid thy horse afeoll.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
447-32, and gesion thaette this mennisce lof swithe hraed-
lice gewit.
Indeterminate Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
361-25, tha he geseah thaet folc Phariseo and Saducia
anmodlice his ehtan.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
263-11, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie haebben
ongemong him.
365-14, thaet we maegen geseon hwaet we don scylen.
461-6, Ac siththan he gesion thaette tha thiestra[n] mod
thaera dysegena monna auht nealaecen thaem leohte
thaere sothfaestnesse.


173
Gregory's' Pastoral Care, 51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa
earfothe is aenegum menn to witanne hwonne he
geclaensed sie, he maeg thy orsorglicor forbugan
tha thegnunga 'But because it is.so difficult for
any man to know when he is purified, he may, the
more secure, shun the ministration.'
It seems that in such clauses the subjunctive has no signif
icance other than that of subordination. The subjunctive
verb form is, then, a feature of clause construction. As
the only marked verb form in this sentence, it can make
clear the relationship between the complement clause and its
introductory verb which is itself contained in one of the
9
several' subordinate clauses. The indicative verb form is
not marked as a feature of clause construction.; therefore,
within subordinate clauses it can be called the "unmarked
verb form." The evidence indicated, then, that two syn
tactic rules determine verb forms for Old English subor
dinate clauses: The Introductory Verb Rule and The Subor
dination Rule.
The Application of Rules 1_ and 2_
The complement clauses collected for the investigation
suggest that The Subordination Rule was established before
The Introductory Verb Rule. Designated by The Subordination
Rule as a redundant feature of clause construction, the sub
junctive verb form distinguishes certain complement clauses
as structurally inferior to and dependent on the intro
ductory verb. Each clause contains, then, two features of


76
391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra
thinga wilniath . thaette hie geornfullice
gethencen thaette oft ryhtwise menn mid thys
hwilendlican anwealde weorthath upahaefene 'Also
those who desire these transitory things . are
to be admonished that they consider carefully that
often righteous men become exalted with this transi
tory power.'
393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen hu
hit awriten is be Salamonne, hu he aefter swa
miclum wisdome afioll, emne oththaet he dioflum
ongan gieldan 'Also they are to be admonished that
they consider how it is written about Solomon, how
he after so much wisdom fell, even until he began
to sacrifice to devils.'
397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen hwaet othre
men him forberath 'One ought to admonish the married
persons, and also everyone else, that they not
consider less what other men tolerate in them.'
445-26, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi geornlice
gethencen thaette hit bith wyrse thaet mon a onginne
faran on sothfaestnesse weg, gif mon eft wile
ongeancierran, and thaet ilce on faran 'Also they
are to be admonished that they carefully consider
that it is worse that one begins to travel on the
road of truth, if one will afterwards turn back and
travel on that same (way).'
447-28, Tha thonne sint to manienne tha the yfel degellice
doth, and god openlice, thaet hi gethencen hu
hraedlice se eorthlica hlisa ofergaeth, and hu
unanwendenlice se go[d]cunda thurhwunath 'Those
then are to be admonished who do evil secretly,
and good openly, that they consider how quickly
earthly fame passes away, and how firmly the divine
(fame) lasts.'
The manian and gethencan combination governs the sub
junctive mood in four of the eighteen complement clause
constructions. While attraction in these instances can
explain the subjunctive mood, the underlying forms of these
exceptional clauses reveal significant differences when com
pared with the indicative clauses.


164
(Beon) Uncuth
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
9-3, uncuth hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien
'It is unknown how long there may be such learned
bishops.'
Wundrian
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
5-18, tha wundrade ie swithe swithe thara godea wiotona
. . thaet hie hiora tha naenne dael noldon on
hiora agen gethiode wendan 'then I wondered ex
tremely of the good wise men . that they then
did not wish to translate any part of them [books]
into their own language.'


Ill
hie forsugedon, aegther ge for hiora agenre lufan
and londleoda, ge eac for hiera senatum ege 'How
think we, now the Romans for themselves wrote and
composed such things for their own glory and praise,
and yet, amidst the praise, spoke of such re
proaches among themselves, how think we how many
greater reproaches they concealed, either for love
or themselves and (their) countrymen, or also for
fear of their senate!'
Although wenan occurs twice in this passage, the complement
clause construction introduced by a subordinator follows
only the second instance of wenan. The predominance of the
indicative verb form in the passage can perhaps explain the
indicative form in this complement clause. The indicative
form occurs also in the the ah clause, which usually employs
the subjunctive verb form. Attraction of a different sort,
then, might explain the exceptional mood in this complement
clause following a subjunctive form of wenan.
Pastoral Care
Orosius
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
W i t an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
31
19
8
0
No evidence available
Total
50
The indicative mood regularly follows witan in the
complement clause. The items follow the pattern illus
trated by other complement clause constructions: witan +


105
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
55-20, and he thencth mid inne wearde mode thaet he
gierneth for gilpe and for upahafenesse thaes
forgothes 'and he thinks in his inmost heart that
he desires it out of pride and out of the arro
gance of this authority.'
294-22, tha thohton Eugonius and Arbogestes thaet hie
sceoldon aerest of thaem muntum hie gebigan 'then
thought Eugenius and Arbogestes that they should
first turn them from the hill.
We nan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 65
Orosius 3 16
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 3 81
Wenan occurs frequently as the governing verb of a
complement clause construction. The subjunctive verb form
follows wenan in all but three instances. These exceptions
are apparently determined by their predominately indicative
contexts.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
5-22, Hie ne wendon thaett[e] aefre menn sceolden swae
re[c]celease weorthan.


35
401-22, Eac sint to manienne tha Godes thiowas thaet hie
ne v.Tenen.
401-31, Forthaem hi sint to manigenne, gif hie tha halwendan
forhaefdnesse gehabban ne maegen, and tha scuras
thaere costu[n]ga adreogan ne maegen, thaet hie
wilnigen.
403-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie gemunen.
405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna
onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wacore mode
ongeiten.
407-19, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet
ungefandod habbath flaesclicra scylda, thaette hie
swa miele swithor thone spild thaes hryres him
ondraeden.
407-22, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi witen.
407-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie unablinnendiice
thara leana wilnigen.
409-22, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath
thaes lichoman scylda thaet hie witen.
409-27, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten.
411-20, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath
thissa flaesclicena scylda, thaet hie ne wenen.
413-14, Hi sint [eac] to manienne thaet hi unathrotenlice
tha gedonan synna gelaeden.
413-22, Forthaem hie sint to manienne thaet hi aelce synne
gethencen.
413-31, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi gelefen.
415-8 ,
417-3,
and eft hi sint to manienne thaet hi swa hopigen
to thaere forgiefnesse.
Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha g[e]thohtan
synna wepath, thaet hie geornlice giemen.
417-31,
Ac tha sint to manienne tha the tha gethohtan synna
hreowsiath thaet hie geornfullice giemen.


106
69 -22 ,
gif he thonne self wenth thaet he sie wis.
103-24,
hie wenath thaet hie mid besmitene sien.
111-14 ,
ac wenth thaet he haebbe hie oferthungne.
143-24 ,
Ac tha the hi wenath thaet [him] nan wuht lathes
ne witherweardes don [ne] maege.
145-21,
hie wenath, thea[h] hira hieremenn hie mid ryhte
heregen fox hiera agnum gewyrhtum, thaet hie thaet
don for lufan.
149-8,
and wenath menn thaet he hit do for kystum.
149-11,
thaet menn wenath thaet hit sie ryhtwislic anda.
149-13,
and theah wenath men thaet hit sie for arodscipe.
149-15,
and wenath menn thaet hit sie for suarmodnesse.
179-10,
menn wenath thaet hi yfel don.
191-17,
thonne hie wenath thaet hie hira selfra gewyrhtu
sien claene.
209-10 ,
hie wenath thaet thaet sie thaet betste.
209-10 ,
ac tha unmodigan and tha ungedyrstigan wenath
thaet thaet suithe forsewenlic sie.
213-6 ,
forthaemthe hie wendon thaet hit near worulde
endunge waere.
231-23,
hu miele ma wenstu thaet he sie innan.
271-18 ,
hie \vTenath thaet hie stilran and orsorgtran beon
maegen.
285 -2 ,
and thonne he wenth thaet he funden haebbe.
289-11,
thaette hie ful oft wenath thaette hiera hierre
sie ryhtwislic anda.
289-13,
thonne hie wenath thaet hiera untheawas sien sum
god craeft.
289-17,
thonne hie wenath thaet hie ryhtne andan haebben.
289-19 ,
Oft eac tha grambaeran wenath thaet hiera untheaw
sie sumes ryhtwislices andan wielm.


s
thaet
hit thaet hi hit selfe
dyden
sie
genog
thynce him
Figure 2. Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care: 427-19.


147
Group D
Group D contains the verbs which introduce complement
clauses in less than five instances and, therefore, do not
offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evi
dence .
Ind
the
Abiddan
Acraeftan
Asecgan
Beodan
Besprecan
Cuman (on Gemynd)
Cunnan (Beon or
Weorthan)
Fandian
Forbeodan
Forgietan
Gelaeran
Geliefan
Geortriewan
Gereccan
Geswerian
Getaecan
Gethyncan
Getreowian
ative Mood in
omplement Clause
0
0 -
1
1
0
3
3
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
2
1
0
0
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
1
1
0
0
2
0
1
1
3
0
1
3
1
0
0
2
1
1
Gieman
0
2


22
This operation is not peculiar to Old English grammar. In
Volume IV of his Modern English Grammar series, Otto Jes-
persen notes that a sort of attraction operates in the
tense-shifting in Modern English indirect speech. He labels
as back-shifting the process whereby the present, preterit,
and the perfect tenses in direct speech shift back to the
past tense of the main clause in indirect speech. He pre
sents a typical example: '"I am glad to see you' becomes
in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was glad to
see me." Jespersen explains that the shifting is sometimes
required logically, but very frequently "is due simply to
mental inertia": "The speaker's mind is moving in the past,
and he does not stop to consider whether each dependent
statement refers to one or the other time, but simply goes
on speaking in the tense adapted to the leading idea." He
cites this speech from Dickens to illustrate the almost
unconscious attraction between tenses: "'I told her how I
loved her . how I was always working with a courage
such as none but lovers knew . how a crust well-earned
29
was sweeter than a feast inherited.'" Jespersen's ex
planation for this sort of attraction in terms of "mental
inertia" seems especially relevant for an understanding of
the exceptions to the rule for mood in the complement clause
29
op.cit., np. 151-152.
Jespersen,


120
This study is concerned only with each verb introduced by
a subordinator, thaet, hu, hw- words; therefore the verb
withfeohtath is not counted as evidence.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe
gesiehth, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes
thaet hefonlice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu
monega costunga thaes lytegan feondes him on
feallath 'and shows them what be the sight of
exalted peace and how in vain a man perceives that
heavenly wonder of God, if he does not perceive
how> many temptations of the crafty foe fall on him. '
Preceded by a predominately subjunctive context, the Indica
tive mood of the Iru clauses
not an explanation for all
course, it v/ould seem that
15 and 161-22) are too far
influenced by it; thus the
to the main verb is in the
is difficult to explain. While
governing verbs of indirect dis-
both these object clauses (161-
removed from the main verb to be
v#erb of each object clause closer
normal subjunctive mood.
Cythan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
13
7
Orosius
No evidence available
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 0
Total
14
7


Orosius
62-32, ie wolde thaet tha ongeaten . and eac thaet
hie oncnewena..
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Certain instances of the subjunctive mood in the com
plement clause do not occur after the subjunctive form of
the main verb ongietan. The first of these problem sen
tences has ongietan in a subordinate clause introduced by
gif. It is possible that the subjunctive mood in the com
plement clause can be explained by attraction of a differ
ent sort, because the subjunctive mood dominates the sub
sequent clauses. Such a context possibly influenced the
scribe away from the regular mood.
47-13, Ne bith thaet na seth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett
thaet thaet Godes willa sie thaet he ofer othre
been scyle, thaet he thonne withsace 'That is not
true humility, if one perceives that that be God's
will that he shall be over others, that he then
refuse.
There are only three other illustrations of gif with
ongietan. In them the regular indicative mood occurs in
the dependent clause, even though in one instance ongietan
itself is in the subjunctive mood. This is not surprising
because the attraction principle is useful only insofar as
it explains the scribe's choice of the exceptional mood.
161-16, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefon-
lice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu rnonega constunga
thaes lytegan feondes him on feallath 'And how in
vain one perceives the heavenly wonder of God, if
he does not perceive how many temptations of the
crafty foe assail him.1


16
They have insisted that logical distinctions explain the
mood variation in this Old English construction. But the
manuscript sources do not illustrate that the moods have
distinctive meanings within the complement clause; there
fore, it is not possible to prove these explanations either
right or wrong. Yet the texts do provide the substantive
evidence necessary for a syntactic description. The pur
pose of the present investigation is to ascertain the in
fluence of the introductory verb on the mood in the comple
ment clause by paying attention to the syntactic signals.
Primary Sources
Because my study will restrict its evidence to formal
signals, the manuscript sources need to be as reliable as
possible. It will use, therefore, the works which make the
clearest distinctions between the endings for the subjunc
tive and indicative moods.
Eduard Sievers in the Altenglische Grammatik,as re-
vised by Karl Brunner in 1951, divides the Old English
literature of the West-Saxon dialect into an early and late
period. He restricts the early period to only those works
preserved in manuscripts contemporary with Alfred's reign
(871-901): Alfred's translation of Gregory's Pastoral Care,
Alfred's Orosius, and the Parker manuscript of the Anglo-
Saxon Chronicle "in ihrem altesten Teil bis 891." The



PAGE 1

A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE Mary Elizabeth Faraci A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1972

PAGE 2

Copyright by Mary Elizabeth Faraci 1972

PAGE 3

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to Professor John T. Algeo and Professor Robert H. Bowers for their encouragement in this study. Professor Algeo' s cooperation and his expert criticism have been invaluable in this work. Professor Bowers was available for critical reading and informative conferences whenever I called upon him. The suggestions of Professor Richard H. Green and Professor Egbert Krispyn were very important to the improvement of the study. For the statistical calculations, I am especially indebted to Professor Clarence E. Davis. 111

PAGE 4

PREFACE The citations of Old English complement clauses from Sweet's EETS editions of King Alfred' s West -Saxon Version of Gregory' s Pastoral Care and King Alfred's Orosius are identified by the page number and the number of the initial line. Each citation from the Parker Manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is identified by the page number in Earle and Plummer's 1892 edition, Two of the Saxon Chroni cles Parallel and by the year of the entry. In the presentation of the data, the graphemes t? and "b ; 4) and q ; /£ and 32, are normalized to their Modern English equivalents. Only the exceptional an^ problematic constructions are translated. The glosses are based on Sweet's translation in his edition of King Alfred s West -Saxon Version of Gregory' s Pastoral Care on J. A. Giles' 1858 edition, The Whole W orks of Alfred the Great and on Dorothy Whitelock's 1961 edition, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. IV

PAGE 5

. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii PREFACE iv LIST OF FIGURES vi ABSTRACT vii INTRODUCTION 1 Previous Studies 4 Primary Sources 16 Method of Investigation 20 The Attraction Theory 21 Generative-Transformational Terminology ... 23 THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE 2 5 A Description of the Data ............. 25 The Classification of Introductory Verbs ... 27 Group A 28 Group B 49 Group C 117 Group D 14 7 CONCLUSION 165 Regular Choice of Mood 166 Exceptional Choice of Mood 169 Results in the Original Prose 170 The Introductory Verb Rule 171 The Subordination Rule 172 The Application of Rules 1 and 2 ...... 173 The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule .... 176 The Possibilities of Further Investigation 177 LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED 180 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 184

PAGE 6

LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care : 261-19 41 2 Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care : 427-19 42 3 Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care : 7-6 44 4 Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18 45 VI

PAGE 7

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE By Mary Elizabeth Faraci June, 1972 Chairman: Robert H. Bowers Co -Chairman: John T. Algeo Major Department: English The present dissertation investigates the apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English complement clause following verbs which express mental processes and acts of communication. The choice of mood in the recorded language is perplexing because either the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood can occur in the Old English complement clause and, furthermore, an individual verb can be followed by the indicative mood in one clause and by the subjunctive in another This investigation restricts its evidence to the early WestSaxon texts, The Angl o-Sa xon Chronic le King Alfred' s West -Saxon Version of Gregory s Pastora l Care and King Alfred' s r o s i u s When the investigation determined which mood predominated in the complement clause following each verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 'feel,' or the VI i

PAGE 8

like, the significance of these occurrences was evaluated according to the binomial method. The clauses containing the less frequent mood were scrutinized in order to find the influential formal feature. The structural facts presented in the translations and in the original prose showed that a syntactic rule, The Introductory Verb Rule, determined the scribe's choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses. Fourteen verbs require the subjunctive verb form in each complement clause. Seven merely expletory verbs are followed by the indicative verb form in the complement clause except when the verb of the complement clause is influenced by an unusual context (the predominance of the subjunctive mood or complicated clause constructions) Only ten verbs support the hypothesis that no rule determined the choice of mood. The norule hypothesis is, therefore, weakly supported by the structural facts presented in these early West-Saxon texts. The evidence also shows that when the regular influence of the introductory verb is interrupted, a distinguishing formal feature explains the exception. The immediate context of these exceptions has suggested that a principle of attraction is operating between the moods of two or more verbs in sentences containing the complement clause structure. Sometimes unusual word order, distinctive underlying forms, and formulaic conventions altered the regular choice of mood. Another syntactic rule, The Subordination vm

PAGE 9

Rule, designates the subjunctive verb form as the redundant feature of clause construction to replace the indicative form in complicated clause constructions. It is possible that the meaning of the provisions in both The Subordination Rule and in The Introductory Verb Rule was extended for use in a third syntactic rule, The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule, which distinguishes a complement clause which functions as a clause dependent on a governing verb from a complement clause following a verb itfhich has a negligible influence on the clause. The rule contains two parts: (a) As a redundant feature of clause construction, the subjunctive verb from marks a statement, in a complement clause, which has been adapted from an independent sentence to a dependent clause, as indirect discourse; (b) The seven expletory verbs are not followed by the mood of indirect discourse because they introduce direct and independent reports rather than indirect and dependent reports. The subjunctive or marked verb form in Old English is the structural sign for a semantic feature which distinguishes the complement clauses following fourteen influential governing verbs as indirect reports from the complement clauses which follow the seven merely expletory verbs. The structural evidence provided by the texts, therefore, does not illustrate that the subjunctive form in the complement clause conveys more doubt or less objectivity than the indicative form. IX

PAGE 10

INTRODUCTION This study will investigate the apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses following the verbs which express acts of communication and mental processes. All such complement clause structures have been defined as the Old English indirect discourse construction by grammarians because the clause is introduced by a verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 'feel,' or the like and a subordinator such as 'that,' 'how,' or 'what.' The grammar of these complement clauses, like a dependent, clause of Modern English indirect discourse, is made to conform to the grammar of the main clause with respect to person and tense. Otto Jespersen in Volume IV of his Modern English Grammar series observes such adjustments in indirect discourse: "'I am glad to see you' becomes in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was glad to see me. 'I saw her on Tuesday' becomes: He said (thought) that he had seen her on Tuesday. 'I have not seen her yet' becomes: He said (thought) that he had not seen her yet." In certain languages the mood as well as Otto Jespersen, A Modern English Grammar IV (1931; rpt. London, 1954),. 151.

PAGE 11

the person and tense of the report is affected in its adaptation as an indirect report in a dependent clause. Latin, for example, has certain rules which determine the mood of the verb in the dependent clause of indirect discourse: "Statements which were in the indicative become 2 dependent statements in the accusative and infinitive." For indirect questions Latin employs the subjunctive mood in the dependent clause. Thus, Romulus urbem condidit 'Romulus founded a city'" becomes in indirect discourse "Dicunt Romulum urbem condidisse 'They say that Romulus founded a city.'" The question, Quis eum occidit ? 'Who killed him?'" becomes in indirect question, Quis eum occiderit quaero 'I ask who killed him.'" The verb form, then, is an important structural feature of indirect discourse. Just as the syntactic rules of Classical written Latin designate the infinitive form of the verb to mark an indirect statement and distinguish dependent clauses of indirect question by the subjunctive verb form, it is possible that in Old English clauses the indicative and the subjunctive verb forms have special structural significance also. Throughout the Old English complement clauses recorded in the manuscripts, however, which, like the written 2 "Bradlev's Arnold Latin Prose Composition ed. Sir James Mo un t ford (.New York, 1 938) p. 242 5 Ibid p. 107. 4 Ibid. pp. 107 and 242.

PAGE 12

Latin dependent clauses of indirect discourse, follow verbs like 'say,' 'think,' or 'perceive,' either the subjunctive form or the indicative form may appear. This apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English clauses, therefore, does not seem to be determined by a syntax rule such as that which designates certain verb forms as features of the dependent clause of indirect discourse for Latin prose. A structural analysis of the indicative verb forms and the subjunctive forms following each introductory verb can perhaps explain the influence of the introductory verb on the mood of the following clause and can explain the significance of the mood in the Old English complement clause. Until the present study can determine whether a syntactic rule in Old English distinguishes dependent clauses of indirect discourse by means of a specific verb form, it is more accurate to describe the construction generally as a complement clause, and not to assume that every Old English complement clause following verbs which express mental processes or acts of communication functions as a dependent clause of indirect discourse. A complement clause in anindirect discourse construction represents the adaption of a mental process or an act of communication from an independent sentence to a clause dependent on an introductory verb: on the other hand, the complement clause is merely the object-clause of an introductory verb, not dependent on or inferior to the introductory verb.

PAGE 13

Previous Studies The puzzling mood variation in the Old English texts has been treated in several studies, which readily conclude that all of these complement clauses are indirect reports. The apparently arbitrary mood choice has led grammarians to conclude that the mood for the Old English indirect discourse construction of the written language is not determined by a syntactic rule such as that which determined that the subjunctive mood would mark a clause as a subordinate clause of indirect question for Latin prose. They, therefore, explain the subjunctive and the indicative moods in this Old English construction by emphasizing the functions of the moods more than their formal significance. Previous investigations of the mood in this Old English structure have argued that the mood of the complement clause reflects the intention of the writer. The statement of this explanation varies among the studies; however, it may be summarized thus: The subjunctive mood conveys the uncertain attitude of the reporter, while the indicative mood emphasizes the assumed truth of the reported statement or question. The essential remarks of these studies on the mood in the complement clauses agree for the thaet and hu and the hw word clauses; it seems convenient, therefore, to discuss all of them as one structure. J. H. Gorrell in "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon" offers a lengthy analysis of this construction. His

PAGE 14

explanations for mood variation after the governing verbs of indirect discourse are not clearly supported by the texts used as the basis for the present study. He describes the occurrences of the indicative and subjunctive moods after cythan thus: "Cythan, as a verb of announcement, possesses a strong objective force; the statement is presented as a bold reality, and hence the subjunctive of simple reported statement is seldom found, and the more objective indicative takes its place." It is true that the indicative mood appears to be the established mood after cythan while the subjunctive mood occurs in exceptional instances only; however, Gorrell's explanation for the exceptional mood does not adequately account for the evidence in Gregory's Pastoral Care He maintains that the subjunctive mood follows cythan when cythan acts "as the expression of a wish contained in a command or admoni6 t tion." The subjunctive mood is not restricted to command and admonition constructions in Gregory's Pastoral Care : 129-21, Thaes daeges to cyme hwelc he beo he cythde tha he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle tha the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of this day, whatever it is he showed when he said: It comes just as a snare over all those who dwell on the earth. J. H. Gorrell, "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon," PMLA 10 NS 3 [1895) 6 Ibid. p. 358.

PAGE 15

213-17, ne theah eow hwelc aerendgexvrit cume suelce hit from us send sie, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes daeg neah sie 'nor although to you any letter come, as if it be sent from us, and therein shows that the day of judgement be near.' It seems far more promising to explain the exceptional subjunctive mood according to formal signals such as the word order of a clause or its mood context. Such evidence is provided by the available texts and therefore leads to an accurate explanation for the exceptions to the rules for mood in the Old English complement clause construction. Gorrell begins his analysis of tacnian thus: Tacnian sets forth the indirect statement in a more objective manner than the ordinary verb of saying, and, when thus used, 7 is followed by the indicative." While Gorrell argues that the meaning of the governing verbs influences the mood choice in the complement clause, he often seems to be using the mood choice as a key to the meaning of the introductory verb. His explanation for the occurrence of the subjunctive mood is not clearly supported by his evidence. He maintains that when tacnian acts "as an introduction to a command or admonition," the subjunctive replaces the indicative in the Q dependent clause. For the indicative mood after tacnian he cites from Gregory's Pastoral Care: 279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes bith toflowen, the nele forhabban tha ungemetgodan •7 Gorrell p 36 4. Ibid. p 365

PAGE 16

spraece 'That then signifies that the virtue of the mind is dispersed, which will not give up immoderate speech. Gorrell's illustration of the subjunctive mood following tacnian hardly conveys a greater sense of admonition or a lesser degree of objectivity than his indicative illustration. He quotes from Gregory's Pastoral Care : 85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet eall thaette thaes sacerdes ondgit thurhfaran maege, sie ymb tha hefonlican lufan 'That then signifies that all that the mind of the priest may contemplate is for the sake of divine love It is seldom evident from the texts what intentions or state of mind each mood reflects; therefore, the structural facts can better account for the mood variation in the complement clause. Although Gorrell began his study by acknowl edging Gerold Hotz's sound formal description of the subjunctive mood as a sign merely of a reported statement, he abandoned the examination of structural facts for the less promising meaning-based arguments. In his 1882 dissertation, Gerold Hotz presented a formal explanation for the occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the Old English complement clauses. "As to whether the statement refers to a fact or not, whether the subjectmatter be vouched by the reporter, as regards its objective reality and truth, the subjunctive does not tell. It simply represents a statement as reported." Hotz suggests 9 Gcrrell p 365

PAGE 17

a meaning -based definition for the indicative mood in the complement clause: "If the reporter wishes to set off a statement in its objective truth, the indicative with its sub-implication of fact has to come in. The statement then turns out to be a reported fact; whereas with the subjunctive it is report and nothing more." Hotz is convinced that form and purport operated in this Old English construction: "In the struggle between form and purport of the indirect speech, now the form is uppermost, now the 11 purport: Hence frequent interchange of moods." Hotz's opening remarks that the subjunctive mood in the Old English complement clause has a formal purpose are important to the understanding of the construction. His insistence that the indicative mood underscores the truth of the report, however, leads him to observations which can be proven neither right nor wrong. These weak observations on the indicative mood even confuse his discussion of the subjunctive mood. So his explanation of the few instances of the indicative mood after ewe than is unsuccessful. Hotz assumes that each mood reflects a different meaning of cwethan: "As soon as cwethan gets to imply the notion of asserting ... it may be followed by the indicative to 12 mark the contrast with cwethan = to utter." Cythan, as Ceroid Hotz, On the Use of the Sub junctive Moo d in Anglo -Saxon, Diss. "TurTch 1 8 8 ~T~ (Zur i ch ,".1882), p. 89. 11 lb id p. 94. Ibid. p 91

PAGE 18

9 an introductory verb for complement clauses, is difficult to describe because it is followed by both the indicative and subjunctive moods. Hotz does not solve the problem very well: Cythan = to announce, to proclaim so vigorously suggests the notion of the subject-matter being a fact (else it would not be accounced or proclaimed) that the formal mood of dependence is cast aside to allow the indicative to represent the subject matter in its objective truth." His explanation for the subjunctive mood after. cythan is also disappointing: "If the action of cythan turns out to be wished for, commanded, the subject-matter of the dependent sentence keeps for the reporter and hearer its character of mere report, and the subjunctive, the mood of formal dependence, cannot be overpowered by 13 the indicative as before." It is difficult to see. such distinctions in Gregory's Pastoral Care : 103-3, Thus the indicative appears in and cythde h waet hie wyrcean and healdan scoldon 'and proclaimed what they should perform and cherish,' 409-21, and the subjunctive in and eac cythde hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden 'and also proclaimed how carefully they should cherish it.' Hotz describes the operation of mood after verbs of inquiry and verbs of thinking separately. While his conclusions for the verbs of inquiry are not much different 13 Hotz, p. 92. .-

PAGE 19

10 from those for verbs of saying, he notes that the subjunctive mood after verbs meaning 'think' and 'know' does not have a strictly formal purpose. Yet Hotz makes one interesting formal observation. Of witan he notes that sometimes the mood of the verb in the complement clause agrees with the mood of the main verb: "As for mood after the subjunctival vitan [witan] in the concessive sentence after the ah and the conditional sentence after buton, it agrees with the mood of the governing verb." He presents as an example a sentence from J. Bosworth's edition, The Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels Parallel with the Versions of Wycliffe and Tyndale : John, 7, 51, buton aer wite 14 hwaet he do 'unless first he knows what he does.' His "concordance of mood' discussion proves more successful than his subsequent discussion. In another case, however, Hotz goes so far from the formal description that he explains the consistency of the subjunctive mood after wen an in psychological terms: "The substance of the opinion uttered is a fact; nonetheless the subjunctive has to come in to denote that the subject-matter, though true, is the object of imagination. Thus the subjunctive appears as 15 the mood of subjunctive reflexion." He seems here to be extracting meaning which cannot be proved to exist. 14 Hotz, p. 104. 15 Ibid. pp. 106-107.

PAGE 20

11 Hans Glunz s Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten glischen contains the argument that each mood in the complement clause conveys a particular intention of the writer. His distinctions between the moods are not so detailed as those of Gorrell. Indeed, he is perhaps guilty of oversimplification. Glunz describes two general categories: the subjunctive mood draws attention to the subjunctive, even uncertain nature of the report; the indicative mood emphasizes the certainty of the report. In his treatment of geliefan for instance, Glunz explains: "Auch nach Verben des Glaubens steht, obwohl der Glaubensinhalt im allgemeinen etwas Sicheres ist, der Konjunktiv, wenn das Geglaubte als von etxvas Irrigem, Unsicherem ("glauben" = vermuten) begingt gesehen wird." About the occurrence of the indicative mood, he adds". "Soil dagegen zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, dass der Glaube fest und sicher ist, wenn alle Z\^eifel am Glauben und seinem Inhalt wegfallen, so setz der dies erkennende Verfasser den Indikativ." Although he repeatedly maintains that the mood of the complement clause reflects the attitude of the erzahler and dichter toward the material in the clause, he eventually admits: "Es lasst sich aber hier, wie iiberall beim Konjunktivgebrauch, keine Regel aufstellen, wann der eine oder der andere Modus gebraucht wird." These Hans Glunz, Die_ Ve rwund ung des Konj unk tivs im Altenglischen Beitrage" zur Englischen Philologie, Heft11 (Leipzig, 1929), "99.

PAGE 21

12 meaning-based speculations, then, do not satisfy even him. These studies have been criticized because they presume to understand the subtle and implicit intentions of the Old English scribes; their insistence, however, that the introductory verbs are influential in determining the mood of these constructions is sound. Their detailed accounts of the operation of each introductory verb in these studies encourages further investigation. On the other hand, Frank Behre in The Subjunctive in Old En glish Poetry argues that the introductory verb is not the factor which determines the mood of the complement clause. He rejects its importance because the mood of the complement clause is not entirely consistent: "The basis of the use of the subjunctive after verbs of thinking is not merely, as is generally maintained, the form and nature of the governing verb. In the Old English language verbs of thinking and believing do not 'require' the sequence of the subjunctive." Behre suggests, instead, that "the main factor determining the use of the subjunctive 'is an attitude of meditation or reflection on the part of the 17 speaker towards the content of the dependent thaet -clause He slightly modifies his argument to account for the 17 Frank Behre The Subjunctive in Old En glish Poetry Goteborgs Hogskolas Arrskrift, 40" (1934), pp. 202t203.

PAGE 22

13 subjunctive after verbs of saying: "I admit that the subjunctive as used in th_aet_clauses dealt with in the present chapter may have originated in thaejtclauses dependent on verbs of thinking (originally verbs of wishing) but in that case I consider the analogical basis for the extension of the use of the subjunctive to thaet -clauses after verbs of saying to have been not only the nature of the governing verb, but, what is more important, the meditative character of the subjunctive as occurring after verbs of thinking." This modification is his concession to T. Frank's respected etymological argument. T. Frank, in the article "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse in Early Germanic Dialects," studies the earliest use of the introductory verbs of complement clauses to explain the frequency of the subjunctive mood in the clauses. Frank suggests, for instance, that wen an and gelief an govern the subjunctive mood in Old English indirect discourse because they were originally verbs of emotion which retained the subjunctive mood in their dependent clauses. Of the verbs of saying and telling, he speculates: "All we can say at present is that by some principle of differentiation a logical distribution of labor took place, illustrated well in Anglo-Saxon where ewe than usually takes the optative, cythan the indicative, and secgan divides its Behre, p. 213

PAGE 23

14 allegiance between them, while sprecan usually introduces direct discourse. It is impossible to say whether such distinctions are due to a late division of labor or whether they actually represent an inheritance of previous semantic differences from a time when the predecessor of qithan may' 19 have contained volitional content." Frank's theory that ewe than takes the optative (i.e., subjunctive) because of an earlier logical distribution of labor is very interesting. His suggestion that an early rule which was based on logical distinctions established that these verbs would require the subjunctive mood is a plausible grammatical explanation. His caution is also helpful: "Care must be observed not to recognize logical distinctions as ever thoroughly established. Divisions of labor between synonymous verbs on a purely economic basis, a lingering of old habits in spite of newly adopted semantic changes, and all the insidious forces of analogy help, and successfully so, to prevent the establishment of any 20 thorough-going principle." Unfortunately, he extends this argument to suggest,' like Gorrell, Hotz, and others, that each Old English writer expressed a certain degree of verisimilitude through the mood in the complement clause. He contrasts the 19 Tenney Frank, "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse in Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-1908), 74-75. 20 ibid. p. 75.

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15 Germanic dialects with Latin and Greek thus: "In Old-HighGerman, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old-Norse, etc., verbs of speaking are divided in their allegiance, often showing, however, a tendency to use the optative in quotations, the truth or exactness of which the reporter does not vouch for. Such logical distinctions do not for a moment hold. for Latin or Greek, for in those languages the verba sentiendi et declarandi are on a par in the use of subjunctive or optative regardless of the degree of verisimilitude to be expressed. Nor is there any trace of any 21 previous existence of such logical distinctions." Later he concludes from his investigation a similar explanation for the mood variation: "Thus it is that to a remarkable extent the optative comes to serve as the mood of doubtful, questioned, unvouched-f or discourse, while the indicative persists in cases of greater certainty. There even arises a feeling that wit an should take the indicative whereas 22 ni witan deserves an optative." While Frank's discussion of etymological evidence is interesting, his speculations based on "a feeling" are misleading. These analyses have assumed that the indicative and subjunctive moods in the complement clauses carried meanings similar to their meanings in other grammatical constructions 21 Frank, p. 70 22 Ibid. p. 75 i

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16 They have insisted that logical distinctions explain the mood variation in this Old English construction. But the manuscript sources do not illustrate that the moods have distinctive meanings within the complement clause; therefore, it is not possible to prove these explanations either right or x^rong. Yet the texts do provide the substantive evidence necessary for a syntactic description. The purpose of the present investigation is to ascertain the influence of the introductory verb on the mood in the complement clause by paying attention to the syntactic signals. Primary Sources Because my study will restrict its evidence to formal signals, the manuscript sources need to be as reliable as possible. It will use, therefore, the works which make the clearest distinctions between the endings for the subjunctive and indicative moods. Eduard Sievers in the Altenglische Grammatik ,as revised by Karl Brunner in 1951, divides the Old English literature of the West-Saxon dialect into an early and late period. He restricts the early period to only those works preserved in manuscripts contemporary with Alfred's reign (871-901): Alfred's translation of Gregory's Pastoral Care, Alfred's Orosius and the Parker manuscript of the An g 1 o Saxon Chronicle "in ihrem altesten Teil bis 891." The

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17 later period, he notes, is represented especially by the works of AElfric (c.lOGO). 23 These West-Saxon works, then, have certain features which recommended such a classification. When compared with the early manuscripts, those of the later period reflect, in their various spellings of certain suffixes, a confusion that results from an important sound change. The weakening of unaccented vowels in final syllables, whereby /a/,/o/,/u/, and /e/ merged as schwa, influenced the spellings of the plural verb endings, among others, so that the formal distinctions between the indicative and subjunctive moods are not so clear as they were in the early period. In his discussion of the weakening of vowels in final syllables, Sievers explains this change: "Andere spatws. Schwankungen in der Bezeichnung unbetonter Vokale sind -on., -an_ im Opt. Prat, und Opt. Pras fur -en 24 • • •' "HL "£H statt -on im Ind. Prat. PI." In a later chapter he specifically compares the forms of the subjunctive, present tense: "Diese -e_, -en gelten durchaus im Altws. bis auf einige vereinzelte aen und -an. Das letzere wird spater haufiger: auch dringt spatws. die Endung -on, -un wie im Opt. Prat, aus dem Prat. Ind. ein." ?3 Altenglische Grammatik nach der angel sa chsischen Grammatik von Eduard Sievers neubearbeitet ed. Karl Brunner (Halle, 1951), pp. 6-7. Ibid p 31

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18 Sievers points out that the forms of the preterit are not so easily classified, because changes in the forms occurred early, "Ziemlich friih dringt aber das -on, -an des Ind. 25 PI. auch in den Opt. ein (erst spater erscheint auch -un) Because of the eventual conflation of endings, an accurate study of the Old English verb form in complement clauses should try to avoid using examples from the writings of the later period. Indeed the -e or -en inflection, where spelling is more consistently reliable in the early period, is the only reliable sign that the verb is, in fact, the subjunctive form. There are, however, even in the works of the early West-Saxon period, indeterminate forms, the endings of which are common to the indicative and the subjunctive moods. The past tense, first person and third person singular form of weak verbs are identical in both moods: saegde 'I, he said'; lifde 'I, he lived.' The form for the present tense, first person singular of weak and strong verbs is likewise the same for the indicative and subjunctive moods: secge 'I say'; bide 'I wait.' These indeterminate forms of the early period are, then, no more useful for this formal study than are the confused spellings for the conflated endings of the later West-Saxon period. 25 • Brunner, pp. 305 and 30 8,

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19 While it is difficult enough to determine the significance of these doubtful endings, a student of the verb form in the complement clause discovers also that in the later period the -e_ and -en forms seem to be replaced by endings previously reserved for designating the indicative form. Thus Alistair Campbell in his Old English Grammar explains that in the West-Saxon dialect after 1000 "-St is frequently extended to the 2nd sg. past subj., so that past indie, and subj. are no longer distinguished." The later writings, therefore, contain far too many problems for a convincing descriptive study of the mood in the complement clause. Gorrell examines these late West-Saxon works. Because it is difficult for him to distinguish the subjunctive mood from the indicative mood on the basis of verb spellings alone, his explanations are unconvincing. He does have enough formal evidence from early West-Saxon texts to support this opening statement on ewe than : Cwethan is the most generally used of verbs of direct utterance and the most consistent in calling forth the subjunctive." He notes, however, that he found examples of the indicative mood with cwethan in the late West-Saxon works; AElfric's Lives of Saints and his Catholic Homilies He accounts for these instances thus: "the reference is to well-known biblical facts, and the time of writing was 26 Alistair Campbell, Old English Grammar (Oxford, 1959), p. 32S.

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20 in the late Anglo-Saxon period when there was a decided 2 7 tendency to pass over to the indicative." Gorrell interrupts his discussion often with such unsatisfactory reasoning. Because the evidence from the later period is known to be weak, it is better not to use such late manuscript sources. This study will, therefore, concentrate on the early West-Saxon works: Alfred's translation of Gregory's Pastoral Care Alfred's Orosius and the Parker manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle up to 891 for its examples of the complement clause construction. Method of Investigation For this description of syntax, then, I have collected evidence of the complement clauses from the most reliable texts. Each of the verbs which express acts of communication or mental processes was studied separately. Special attention has been given to listing the occurrences of the subjunctive mood and those of the indicative mood in the complement clauses after each verb. When all the clauses after each introductory verb had been collected and a count revealed which mood predominated, I have compared the clauses which contained the predominant mood with the exceptional clauses. The clause containing the less frequent 27 Gorrell, op.cit. pp. 353-354

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21 mood has been scrutinized in an effort to determine the influential formal feature. In order to find the formal characteristics which perhaps influenced the choice of the exceptional mood, I have noted word order, negation, introductory words ( thaet hu and hwwords) and the immediate context for the presence of gif clauses, the ah clauses, magan sculan and will an constructions, and formulaic devices. The study of context was the most effectual, because it suggested that a principle of attraction is operating between the moods of two or more verbs in sentences containing the complement clause structure. The Attraction Theory This "concordance of mood" or "attraction theory" is discussed with reference to specific introductory verbs later, but I will define it fcere Henry Sweet in his Anglo-Saxon Reader accounts for the exceptional occurrences of the subjunctive mood by citing the operation of attraction. He does not limit his discussion to complement clauses, but his observation is still valuable to this study: "It [the subjunctive] is so used in clauses dependent on another clause containing a subjunctive, by a sort of attraction. ... In many cases it is doubtful whether the subjunctive in such cases is simply due to attraction ? 8 or to some idea of uncertainty, hypothesis, etc." 28 Henry Sweet, An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse (-Oxford, 18 85) pp. xcvii -xcviii

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22 This operation is not peculiar to Old English grammar. In Volume IV of his Modern English Grammar series, Otto Jespersen notes that a sort of attraction operates in the tense-shifting in Modern English indirect speech. He labels as back-shifting the process whereby the present, preterit, and the perfect tenses in direct speech shift back to the past tense of the main clause in indirect speech. He presents a typical example: "'I am glad to see you' becomes in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was glad to see me." Jespersen explains that the shifting is sometimes required logically, but very frequently "is due simply to mental inertia": "The speaker's mind is moving in the past, and he does not stop to consider whether each dependent statement refers to one or the other time, but simply goes on speaking in the tense adapted to the leading idea." He cites this speech from Dickens to illustrate the almost unconscious attraction between tenses: "*I told her how I loved her how I was always working with a courage such as none but lovers knew how a crust well-earned 29 was sweeter than a feast inherited.'" Jespersen s # explanation for this sort of attraction in terms of "mental inertia" seems especially relevant for an understanding of the exceptions to the rule for mood in the complement clause ? o ""'Jespersen, op cit pp. 151-152

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23 following each Old English verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 'feel,' or the like. A study of the structural facts which the Old English scribes have recorded, in order to arrive at an accurate description of the choice of mood in the Old English complement clause is, then, "as far as a syntactic analysis ,,30 can go." Generative -Transformational Terminology In the explanations of these structural facts which have influenced the mood of the complement clause, it is sometimes convenient to use the terms of a generativetransformational framework. The ideas of "deep structure" and "surface structure" are important for explaining certain constructions. It is customary to distinguish the deep structure as that aspect which determines the phonetic 31 interpretation of the actual spoken or written sentence. Chomsky illustrates the usefulness of making such distinctions for sentences such as these: A. "I persuaded John to leave." B. "I expected John to leave." 30 Charles Carlton, Descriptive Synta x of the Old English Charters, Janua Lin guar urn Series practlca, 111 (The" Hague, 1570) p. "26 Mr. Carlton's successful adaptation of Charles Fries' method especially confirms the validity of this attempt to describe the mood in the Old English complement clause. 31 Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1315 577 p. 16.

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24 He warns that these sentences with similar surface structures are "very different in the deep structure that underlies them and determines their semantic interpretations." When analyzed, the deep structure of sentence A shows that "'John' is the Direct Object of the Verb Phrase [persuaded] as well as the grammatical Subject of the embedded sentence ['John will leave']-" In sentence B, however, the deep structure reveals that "John" has "no grammatical function other than [that which is] internal to the embedded sentence." "John" is the logical Subject in the embedded sentence, "John will leave. ,p ~ The underlying deep structures for A and B are written here to illustrate further the relationship between the sentence parts. Each embedded sentence is underlined: A. I persuaded John John will leave B. I expected John will 1 e ave Thus the similarly written forms of certain complement clause constructions might be derived from very different deep structures. When semantic investigations are relevant, such formal analyses seem to be more accurate for -a description of the semantic aspect than the methods of the previous attempts at semantic interpretations of the complement clause construction. 32Chomsky, pp. 22-24

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THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE A Description of the Data The examples of the complement clause discussed in this study are grouped according to the verb that introduces each clause. Verbs like these, expressing mental processes or acts of communication, may have as their com-, plements various grammatical constructions and parts of speech: (1) infinitives., (.2) noun phrases, (3) adjectives, and (4) clauses: (1) Gregory's Pastoral Care 304-10, We willath nu faran to thaere stowe 'We intend now to proceed to the place (2) Gregory's Pastoral Care 91-4, and noldon eow gecythan eowre [un] ryhtwisnesse 'and would not show to you your unrighteousness.' (3) Gregory's Pastoral Care 113-16, thaette tha tha he him selfum waes lytel gethuht 'that when he himself was thought little.' (4) Orosius 162-27, thaet hie ne cuthan angitan thaet hit Godes wracu waes 'that they could not perceive that it was the ^^rrath of God. 25

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26 Of these complements, the clauses occur most frequently; they are, therefore, the special concern of the present study. They may have one of the following beginnings: (1) Thaet, which is the most common introductory word: Orosius, 162-29, hie saedon thaem folce thaet heora godas him waeron irre 'they said to that nation that their gods were angry.' (2) Hu or hwwords: Orosius 17-33 ac he nvste hwaet thaes sothes waes 'but he knew not what was of truth.' (3) The gif... thonne connector: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 383-31, hie gethencen, gif mon on niwne we [a] 11 unadrugodne and unastithodne micelne hrof and hefigne onsett, thonne ne timbreth he no healle ac hyre 'they think, if one set on a new wall undried and not firm a big and heavy roof, then he builds not a hall but a ruin. (4) In some cases, no subordinator : Gregory's Pastoral Care 40512, wenestu recce he hire aefre ma 'thinkest you he care for her ever more.' This description of the mood in the noun clauses will restrict its evidence to those clauses beginning with thaet hu and hwwords. Although the verb of the main clause usually has only one complement clause, in some instances two or three clauses follow it. When they are introduced by the thaet or the hu and hwword connectors, each of these clauses will be described. A typical example follows: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe gesiehth, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Codes thaet hefonlice wundor

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27 'and show them which is the sight of exalted peace, and how in vain one understands that heavenly wonder of God.' The Classification of Introductory Verbs The apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the complement clause has led grammarians to ignore the possibility that there is a fixed syntactic rule operating in Old English complement clauses. I have tested the hypothesis that no rule governs the choice of mood by applying the binomial method in my investigation of the degree of consistency with which the introductory verbs require either the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood in the following clause. The probability values are based on the assumption that if there were no fixed rule predetermining a scribe's choice of mood after each introductory verb, then after each verb the indicative and the subjunctive mood would each occur half of the time. I have classified the introductory verbs through the findings of this statistical test. The six verbs in Group A are exclusively followed by the subjunctive mood in at least five constructions and, therefore, weakly support the no-rule hypothesis in probability values less than .05. Group B includes the verbs which, like the verbs of Group A, show a decided preference for one mood, yet require the other mood in predictable contexts. The verbs in Group C have probability

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28 values greater than .05, thus favoring the no-rule hypothesis. A final group contains the verbs which introduce indirect discourse in less than five instances and, therefore, do not qualify as conclusive evidence for this description of the mood in the complement clause. Group A Indicative Subjunctive Probability Values Mood in the Mood in the Calculated Complement Complement According to the Binomial Method p < .005 p < .03 p < .00001 p < .00002 p < .005 p < .00001 There is little doubt that these six verbs of Group A require the subjunctive mood in the complement clause. If there were no syntax rule predetermining the influence of each verb, the probability that manian and wilnian could be followed so exclusively by the subjunctive mood is less than one chance in 100,000. The highest probability value in this group is that for geleornian at less than three chances in one hundred. These verbs, then, do not support the no-rule hypothesis. CI ause Clause Geascian and Geacsian 3 Geleornian 5 Manian 86 Thyncan 16 Will an 10 Wilnian 25

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29 Geascian and Geacsian Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Orosius 8 Geascian consistently requires the indicative mood in the complement clause construction. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 132-10, tha geascade he thaet ercol se ent thaet waes. 148-16, Tha hio thaet geascade thaet thaes folces waes swa fela to him gecirred. 160-1, AEfter thaem the Tarentine geacsedan thaet Pirrus dead waes 196-9, Tha Romane geacsedan thaet tha consulas on Ispanium ofslagen waeron. 200-11, Ac siththan Scipia geascade thaet tha foreweardas waeron feor thaem faestenne gesette. 230-4, thaer he geascade thaet Geowearthan goldhord waes. 236-8, Tha Silla geacsade on hwelc gerad Marius com to Rome 282-7, Tha Maximianus geacsade thaet his sunu feng to thaem onwalde. Geleornian Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the' Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 5 The subjunctive mood occurs in each complement clause following geleornian.

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30 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 81-25, thaet[is thaet] he geleornige thaet he selle Gode his agne breosth. 191-1, Geleornigen eac tha beam thaet hi sua hieren hira ieldrum. 191-4, Geleornigen eac tha faederas and tha hlafurdas thaet hie wel libben[de] gode bisene astellen. 275-24, Thy we sculon geleornian thaet we suithe waerlice gecope tiid aredigen. 319-7, thaet tha oferetolan geleornoden thaet hie to ungemetlice ne wilnoden flaescmetta. Manian Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 86 Manian introduces a complement clause in Gregory's Pastoral Care only. The construction follows either of these two patterns with such consistency that it might be determined by formulaic conventions: Eac (1) \ Fo rthaem OrTiean thaet + sint + to manianne + noun phrase + (subordinate clause) + thaet and a conventional complement clause. (2) noun phrase + sint + to manianne + (subordinate clause) + thaet and a conventional complement clause. Neither variation of the patterns nor indicative verb forms in certain subordinate clauses alters the choice of mood in the complement clause.

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31 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 191-12, Eac sint to manianne tha underthiocidan and tha anlepan menn the aemtige beoth thaes thaet hie for othre menn suincen thaet hie huru hie selfe gehealden. 191-16, Tha ofer othre gesettan sint to manianne thaet hie for hira monna gedwolan ne weorthen gedemde. 191-21, Tha ofergesettan sint to monianne thaet hie' sua otherra monna giemenne gefyllen. 195-15, Ac tha sint to manianne the fore othre beon sculan, thaet hie fjeornlice tha ymb sion the hie ofer beon sculon, thaet hie thaere geornfulnesse geearnigen. 197-3, Ac hie sient suithe georne to maniganne thaet hi for hira untheawum hie ne forsion. 201-10, Tha theowas sint to manianne thaet hiesimle on him haebben tha eathmodnesse with hira hlafordas. 201-11, Tha hlafordas sint to manianne thaet hie naefre ne forgieten hu gelic hira [ge]cynd is. 201-13, Tha thiowas sint to monianne thaette hie hiera hlafordas ne forsion. 203-6, Tha lytegan sint to manianne thaet hi oferhycggen thaet hie thaer wieton. 229-3, Tha gethyldegan sint to manianne thaette hie hira heortan getrymigen. 229-13, Tha welwillendan sint to manianne thaet hie sua faegenigen othra monna godra weorca. 237-13, Thy sint to manianne tha bilwitan anfealdan thaette, sua sua hie tha leasunga nyttwyrthlice fleoth, thaet hie eac thaet soth nytwyrthlice secgen. 247-6, Tha truman sint to manianne thaet hie gewilnigen mid thaes licuman trumnesse thaet him ne losige sio haelo thaes modes. 24 7-11, Forthon sint to manianne tha halan thaet hie ne forhycgen. /

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32 251-20, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha metruman thaet hie ongieten. 253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie gethencen. 255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie gethencen. 257-19, Eac sint tha seocan to monianne thaet hie ongieten. 261-1, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman to thaem. thaet hie gehealden. 273-2, Eac sint to manianne tha suithe suigean thaet hie geornlice tiligen to wietanne. 275-1 Eac hie sint to manianne, gif hie hiera nihstan lufien swa sua hie silfe, thaet hie him ne helen. 281-19, Tha slawan sint to manianne thaet hie ne forielden. 289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongieten hwaet hie on him selfum habbath. 289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongieten hwaet hi nabbath. 291-3, Tha monthwaeran sint to monianne thaet hie geornlice tiligen. 302-13, Forthaem sint to manianne tha upahaefenan thaet hie ne sien bealdran. 302-15, Tha eathmodan sint to manianne thaet hie ne sien suithur underthiedde 307-3, Tha anstraecan thonne sint to monianne thaet hie ongieten 307-7, Eac hie sint to manianne thaet hie gethencen. 307-19, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha unbealdan and tha unfaesthraedan thaet hie hera mod mid stillnesse and gestaeththignesse gestrongien. 313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah hie [ne] maegen theme untheaw forlaetan thaere gifernesse and thaere oferwiste, thaet he huru hine selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy unryhtaemedes

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33 315-8, Ond theah hie sint to manianne thaet hie no hiera faesten ne gewanigen. 319-16, To manianne sint tha the hira god mildheortlice sellath thaette hie ne athinden on hiora mode. 327-12, Eac sint to manianne tha the nu hiera mildheortlice sellath, thaet hie geornlice giemen. 327-24, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet wilniath othre menn to reafigeanne, thaet hie geornlice gehieren thone cuide. 335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie geornlice gethencen. 337-5, Eac hie sint to manien(n)e thaet hie geornlice gethencen. 339-6, Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie ongieten. 339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 341-7, Ac hie sint aerest to manianne thaet hie cunnen hiora aegen gesceadwislice gehealdan. 345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie gewisslice wieten. 349-18, Ac tha ungesibsuman sint to manien(n)e, gif hie nyllen hiera lichoman earan ontynan to gehieranne tha godcundan lare fchaet hie ontynen hiera modes eagan. 351-18, Eac sint to manianne tha gesibsuman thaet hie to ungemetlice thaere sibbe ne wilnigen. 355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie him ne ondraeden. 355-11, Ond eft hie sint to manianne thaet hie theah tha sibbe anwealge oninnan him gehealden. 361-5, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha sibbe, thaet hie swa micel weorc to recceleaslice and to unwaerlice ne don. 363-8 Eac sint to manianne tha the on tham beoth abisgode thaet hie sibbe tiligath, thaet hie aerest tilgen to kythanne. >

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34 365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne ongietath, thaette hie gethencen. 365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 371-1, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie hie selfe ongieten. 371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen, 375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet thaet hie be thaem laessan thingum ongieten. 383-31, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 387-8, Tha thonne sint to manianne the simle habbath thisse worulde thaet thaet hie wilniath' thaet hie ne agiemeleasien. 387-16, Eac hie sint to monienne thaette hie no ne geliefen 389-27, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongieten. 391-20, Tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen. 391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra thinga wilniath, and him theah sum broc and sumu witherweardnes hiera forwiernth, thaette hie geornfullice gethencen. 393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 393-23, Tha sint to manigenne the mid thaem gebundene bioth, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu hiera aegther othres willan don scyle, thaet hira swa tilige aegther othrura to licianne on hiora gesinscipe and thaet hie swa wyrcen thisses middangeardes weorc. 395-31, To manigenne sint tha gesomhiwan, theah hira hwaethrum hwaethwugu hwilum mislicige on othrum, thaet hie theat gethyldelice forberen. 397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen. 401-1, tha sint to manienne thaet hie swa micle ryhtlecor tha hefonlican bebodo healden.

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35 401-22, Eac sint to manienne tha Godes thiowas thaet hie ne wenen 401-31, Forthaem hi sint to manigenne, gif hie tha halwendan forhaefdnesse gehabban ne maegen, and tha scuras thaere costu[n]ga adreogan ne maegen, thaet hie wilnigen. 403-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie gemunen. 405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wacore mode ongeiten. 407-19, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet ungefandod habbath flaesclicra scylda, thaette hie swa micle swithor thone spild thaes hryres him ondraeden. 407-22, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi witen. 407-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie unablinnendlice thara leana wilnigen. 409-22, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath thaes lichoman scylda thaet hie witen. 409-27, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten. 411-20, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath thissa flaesclicena scylda, thaet hie ne wenen. 413-14, Hi sint [eac] to manienne thaet hi unathrotenlice tha gedonan synna gelaeden. 413-22, Forthaem hie sint to manienne thaet hi aelce synne gethencen. 413-31, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi gelefen. 415-8, and eft hi sint to manienne thaet hi swa hopigen to thaere forgiefnesse 417-3, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha g[e]thohtan synna wepath, thaet hie geornlice giemen. 417-31, Ac tha sint to manienne tha the tha gethohtan synna hreowsiath thaet hie geornfullice giemen. i

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36 419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna wepath, and hi swathe ah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice ongieten 421-35, Tha thonne sint to manienne the tha [gejdonan scylda wepath, and [hi] swatheah ne forlaetath, thaette hi ongiten. 423-28, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna forlaetath, and hi theah ne betath ne ne hreowsiath, thaet hi ne wenen. 437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thenne hi oft syngiath lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten. 449-20, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the god diegellice doth, and swatheah on sumum weorcum geliccetath thaet hi openlice yfel don, and ne reccath hwaet men be him sprecen, hi sint to manienne thaet hi mid thaere licettunge o thrum monnum yfle bisene ne astellen. Thyncan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 12 Orosius t 4 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 16 Whether thyncan 'seem' can legitimately be said to introduce the conventional sort of complement clause construction is moot because the subordinate clause functions as the subject rather than the object of the main verb: Pastoral Care 415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne sie 'it seems to him that it is no sin." Yet the Old

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37 English thyncan constructions are parallel in word order with constructions like 'they (he) think(s) that': Orosius 182-25, he thencth thaet he hit adwaesce 'he thinks that he increases it.' Pastoral Care 209-16, thonne hie wenen thaet hie haefaben betst gedon 'when they think that they have done best.' In the thyncan construction as well as in the thencan and wen an constructions, the verbs are followed by thaet clauses which regularly employ the subjunctive mood. In all cases the thaet clauses represent the adaption of the expression of a mental process from an independent sentence to a subordinate clause. It is true that the thaet clause of the thyncan constructions is not the object of the main verb --a feature common to all other complement clause constructions -but rather it is the subject of the main verb. The most accurate, though awkward, rendering of the thyncan construction reads: 415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nanscyld ne sie 'that it is no sin seems to him.' With' minor variations, the word order in these constructions follows its own distinctive pattern: pronoun in the dative case + thyncan + thaet + subject clause. Because thyncan consistently requires the subjunctive mood in its complement clause, it was not necessary to investigate the mood context of each clause.

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38 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 113-10, AEresth him thuhte selfum thaet thaet he waere:; suithe unmedeme. 115-19, him thuhte thaet he waere his gelica. 203-14, him selfu[m] thync(th) thaette wisdom sie. 203-20, him selfum thynce thaette wisusth sie. 209-24, him thonne thynce thaet he nan yfel ne doo. 231-20, thonne thyncth him thaet hie wiellen acuelan. 2 85-4, thenne him thyncth thaet he ryhte lade funden haebbe. 321-23, him thenne thynceth thaet he suithe wel atogen haebbe 415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne sie. 415-34, him thyncth thaet he haebbe fierst genogne to hreowsianne There are two instances in which adverbs and adverb phrases are introduced into the clause; nevertheless, the subjunctive mood follows thyncan in its complement clause. 241-4, him fulneah thyncth thaette his nawuht sua ne sie sua sua he aer witedlice be him wende 'it almost seems to him that nothing about it is not just as he formerly undoubtedly thought about it.' 415-32, him thyncth, th e ah hit scyld sie, thaet othre men hefiglicor syngien 'it seems to him, though it is a sin, that other men sin more gravely.' In all the foregoing examples the verb thyncan has a th aet clause as its subject; however, it often happens that t hyncan has not a thaet clause, but only a noun phrase as subject and an adjective as complement. Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care offers an example:

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39 25-9 and thyncet him suithe leoht sie byrthen thaes lareowdomes and to them the burden of instruction seems very light.' Of course, such adjectival constructions are not counted here as illustrations of the complement clause construction: however, it is possible to assume that the verb be on of a thaet clause has been deleted. Before dele tion, then, the sentence would read like the ten illusti tions of complement clauses listed above: and thync et_ h thaet sie byrthen suithe leoht sie 'and it seems to them that the burden of instruction is very light.' Of the several sentences which contain adjective complements after thyncan four might be mistakenly taken for complement clause constructions because they have thaet clauses closely following the verb thyncan aim 261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan to rethe oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes suingellan gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why, then, shall it seem to any man too severe or too hard that he endure the castigation of God for his evil deeds.' The adjectives may be taken as complements of thyncan in the surface sentence, but can be derived from an embedded sentence in which they are complements of deleted b e on Before the deletion of be on and the thaet subordinator the sentence reads like a conventional complement clause: 261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan thaet hit sie to rethe oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes suingellan gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why, then, shall it seem to any man that it be too severe or too hard that he endure the castigation of God for his evil deeds.'

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40 Before deletion of the copula, then, the thaet clause which introduces the adjectives is the subject of thyncan The second thaet clause which occurs in the surface sentence is in turn the subject of the underlying clause from which the copula has been deleted. A tree diagram (Figure 1) with each clause numbered illustrates the underlying relationships between subjects and predicates. Similarly, the following thyncan construction includes a thaet clause which could be mistaken for a complement clause construction : 42 7-19, ac thaet him thynce genog on thaem thaet hi hit selfe dyden 'but that seems to them enough, in this, that they did it themselves.' Before deletion, the structure reads as a conventional complement clause construction: 'but that seems to them that it be enough, in this, that they did it themselves.' Thaet in the last clause is not a subordinator introducing t a complement clause. In the underlying structure represented in the tree diagram (Figure 2) it introduces the noun clause that is the subject of the complement clause, of which the predicate is "be enough." The third illustration of a possibly misleading thaet clause occurs in Alfred's original prose in his Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care : 7-6, Forthy me thyncth betre gif iow swae thyncth, thaet we eac sumae bee, tha the niedbethearfosta sien eallum monnum to wiotonne, thaet we tha on thaet gethiode wenden the we eall gecnawan maegen 'Therefore it seems better to me, if it seems so

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41 s 3 be •h a a fl 0) rt a R cs rH (J rt rt >^ u & to 4-> o _Q +J ^ • 4-> CT> O CD r1 fl | CD +-> H ^ CD vQ +-> -H CN] CD rf f-i rt f o o Jh f-i +-> rt u rH •H rt 10 U c rt 4-1 rt e to ^ rt rt rH i— 1 ex b.om to rt X H S rt w h CO -H i-j M to r ~ u h T3 O O o m u n rt bO c ^ -H •H m g +J +j rt 5 O ,rt ^d rt rt +-i rH ^ rt +-> +-> bOT3 t/) rt o +-> o H A= rt ^ +J u rt rt > Jl ,c 4-> H „ rt i— i rt o jz; rH 4-> 3 bo •H >N Pi, £ xl fH O ti,

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42 H ^ CTi 0r-i o 1 d r->> CS3 fH "* +-> N U H M Q O H rj o CD (-> bO 0) M •H o V) u o aj •H m P r— l O •P 4-> w •H C r* o (J •H <-; +-> a O s rCj +-> t3 H •H P CD 4-> •H Ph

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43 to you, that we also translate some books, which are most needful for all men to know, into that language which we all can understand. When the deep structure is established, it becomes clear that the complement clause construction has been partly deleted: 'Therefore it seems to me, if it seems so to you, that it is better. .' As in the other two examples, the thaet clause is not, therefore, itself a complement clause structure with thyncan as the governing verb, but only the truncated remains of one. Its underlying relationship to the complement clause is represented by the following diagram (Figure 3) One misleading thaet construction occurs in the Orosius 154-18, thaet him wislecre thuhte thaet hie tha ne forluren 'that it seemed wiser to them that they then not lose The underlying complement clause can be reconstructed thus: 'that it seemed to them that it was wiser that they then not lose.* The second thaet clause like the previous problem constructions is the subject of the underlying complement clause (Figure 4) The Orosius contains some regular constructions. The subjunctive mood occurs in the complement clause in all the following thyncan illustrations: 102-2 8, tha him thuhte thaet heo heora deadra to lyt haefden. 246-25, for thon the hiere thuhte thaet hit on thaem lime unsarast waere. Hu and hwaether replace thaet as the subordinator in

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' g fi 3 O co t3 c U rt s (D 12 • P rt u _^; P ^2 o o rt U rH o p w 03 m o CO fH U o p u rt <^< ..0 !h Ph -T3 m rH (3 o •H P U 3 !h P Ifl PI O u PI O a p H •H .C :-"; P rt U ,£? 3 p bO H P^ X ^1 P u o PJh

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45 > H P 0) t/5 •>* LO -H H cti l/l S 13
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46 questions : 182-22 Hu thyneth eow (nu) Romanum hu seo sibb gefaestnad waere, hwaether hie sie thaem gelicost 'How does it seem to you, Romans, how the peace was made fast, does it appear whether it be most likened to that.' Will an Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 10 Will an consistently requires the subjunctive verb form in its complement clause. The subjunctive form occurs in Alfred's original prose, his Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care and his translation. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pasto r al Care 5-24, and woldon thaet her, thy mara wisdom on londe waere 9-5, io wolde thaet [te] hie ealneg aet thaere stowe waeren 57-2, Thonne he wilnath on his mode thaet he sciele ricsian. 107-22, ac wile thaet simle se other beo araered from thaem o thrum. 165-11, hie wiellath thaet hie hiene eft haebben. 237-18, Ic wille thaet ge sien wise. 267-19, and wolde thaet hie wurden. 347-15, forthaem he wolde thaet we haefden aegther ge sibbe ge wisdom.

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47 355-18, Ic wolde, gi£ hit swa beon meahte, thaet gs with aelcne monn haefden sibbe eowres gewealdes. 457-26, Gif thu wille thaet thu ne thyrfe the ondraedan thinne Hlaford. Pastoral Care Orosius Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Total Wilnian Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 23 2 No evidence available 25 The subjunctive verb form occurs in the complement clause throughout the wilnian constructions in Gregory's Pastoral Care and the Orosius-. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 23-16, Nu ic wilnige thaette theos spraec stigge. 9 3-19, and wilnath thaet he thy wi[s]ra thynce. 135-18, hie wiliniath thaet hie thyncen tha betstan. 135-19, hie wilniath thaet hie mon haebbe for tha betstan. 141-16, thaet he thonne ma ne wilnige thaet he self licige his hieremonnum thonne Code. 145-12, and wilnath the ah thaet thaes othre menn sugigen. 145-13, he wilnath ma thaet hine mon lufige thonne ryhtwisnesse

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48 145-15, Se thonne wilnath suithur thaet mon lufge sothf aesthnesse 145-16, se the wilnath thaet mon nanre ryhtwisnesse fore him ne wandige 147-5, tha godan recceras wilnigen thaet hie monnum. licigen. 239-25, and wilniath thaet hie hie gehyden. 255-1, hie wilniath thaet we him gethwaere sien. 265-8, se wilnath thaette nan thing ne sie. 301-11, ac he wilnode thaet he waere ongieten. 339-24, hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen. 351-4, and ne wilniath na thaet hie to thaere ecean sibbe becumen. 365-21, and wilniath thaet hie gegitsien. .. 367-22, Ac gif we wilnigen thaet hie thaes wos geswicen. 387-9, hie wilniath thaet hie ne agiemeleasien. 431-24, ac hit wilnath thaet hit to thon onwaecne. 431-26, and wilnath thaet hit sie ofordruncen his agnes will an 439-35, hi wilniath thaet hi micel thyncen. 447-15, Forthaem wilnath God to aelcum men thaet he sie. Orosius 224-18, and wilnade thaet he Parthe begeate. 290-20, and wilnedon to him thaet hie mosten on his rice mid frithe gesittan. /

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49 Group B Indicative Subjunctive Probability Values Mood in the Mood in the Calculated Complement According to the Binomial Method Complement Clause Comple C 1 au s e Ascian and Acsian 1 7 Awritan 1 25 Bebeodan 3 26 Biddan 2 20 Cwethan 6 48 Gecythan 16 1 Gehieran 40 2 Gethencan 42 16 Laeran 3 14 Ne Witan .2.3 4 Ondraedan 1 14 Ongietan 69 16 Thencan 2 "12 We nan 3 81 Witan 50 8 P < .05 P < .0005 P < .00001 P < .00001 P < .00001 P < .0003 P < .00001 P < .0001 P < .004 P < .001 P < .0009 P < .0001 P < .01 P < .00001 P < .0001 The verbs in Group B are not followed exclusively by one mood as are the six verbs in Group A. Yet the occurrences of an exceptional mood after each verb in Group B are so few that the probability values, like those of the verbs in Group A, are less than five chances in one hundred that the no-rule hypothesis is correct. Indeed, were there

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50 no rule, there would be less than one chance in 100,000 that bebeodan, biddan or ewe than would be followed so regularly by the subjunctive mood and less than one chance in 100,000 that g'ehieran would be followed so consistently by the indicative mood. The exceptions to the regular mood in the complement clauses are also not explained by the no-rule hypothesis. In these instances structural facts provided by the texts show that attraction of moods and word order can explain the exceptions. There is no clear evidence, in spite of earlier arguments, that the meaning of the introductory verb has shifted and thus altered the regular mood of the complement clause. Ascian and Acs i an Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Orosius 1 7 Ascian and acsian are followed by the subjunctive verb form in all but one case. The exception can be. explained by its immediate context. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 68-25, tha acsedon hie hine hu fela thaer swelcerra manna waere s we Ice he waes. 120-33, het ascian thone cyning his faeder, the thaer aet ham waes, hwaether him leofre israere.

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51 156-29, Tha ascedan hiene his thegnas hwy he swa heanlice word be him selfum gecwaede. 162-9, and hie acsedon for hwy hie thaet dyden. 162-24, ne acsedon hwaer thara gefarenra waere. 214-11, ascian thonne Italie hiera agne londleode, hu him tha tida gelicoden. 224-26, and ascade hie for hwy hie nolden gethencan. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 54-2, and acsedon, gif hie feohtan ne dorsten, hwider hie fleon woldon 'and asked, if they dared not fight, whether they wished to flee.' The influence of the indicative form of ascian on the mood of the past tense of will an in the complement clause might explain this exception; however, the subjunctive verb form of the gif clause makes an attraction explanation less likely. It is possible that the gif construction determined the mood of the hwider 'clause The gif dorsten clause and the hwider woldon clause constitute the gif construction. In this sentence the entire gif construction is the complement of ascian The influence of this gif context is, then, a possible explanation for the exceptional choice of mood. Awritan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 1 25

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52 The subjunctive mood regularly follows awritan in the complement clause. The construction has a particular order 1 + awritan + (preposition + noun phrase) + thaet ^wesanj — w r r > + subject noun phrase + verb phrase. The pattern is rarely altered in the twenty-five subjunctive mood clauses; however, the onlv instance of the indicative mood occurs in a construction of unusual order. It is possible, then, that the unusual word order explains the exceptional mood. The indicative mood of the main verb perhaps also influenced the verb of the complement clause by attraction. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 93-11, Hit waes awriten thaet thaes sacerdes hraegl waere behongen mid bellum. 199-16, Forthaem [hit] is awriten thaette Dauid, tha he thone laeppan forcorfenne haefde, thaet he sloge on his heortan. 215-21, Hit [is] awriten on Paules bocum thaet sio Godes lufu sie gethyld, and se the gethyldig ne sie, thaet he naebbe tha Godes lufe on him. 233-18, the be him awriten is thaette for his aefeste death become ofer ealle eorthan. 235-4, Be thaem is awriten thaet Dr[y]hten besawe to Abele and to his lacum. 235-12, Be thaem is awriten thaette this flaesclece lif sie aefesth. 243-15, Gehirath eac thaette thaeraefter awriten is thaette he haebbe his getheaht. 2 75-15, and eft hit is awriten on Salomonnes bocum thaette hwilum sie spraece tiid.

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53 277-18, Swa hit awriten is on Salomonnes cwidum thaette se mon se the ne maeg his tungan gehealdan sie gelicost openre byrig. 301-7, hit is awriten thaet he sie kyning ofer eal tha oferhydigan bearn. 32 3-25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is on Salamonnes bocum, hit is awrieten thaet mon ne scyle cwethan to his friend. 345-10, Hit is awrieten on sancte Paules bocum thaette thaes gaestes waesthm sie lufu. 353-15, and forthaem hit is awriten thaet hiera honda waeren gehalgode Gode. 357-16, Be thaem aworpnan engle is awriten on thaem godspelle thaet he sewe thaet weod on tha godan aeceras, 359-3, Be thaem is ryhtlice awriten thaet he bicne mid thaem eagum. 371-23, hit is awriten thaette God anscunige aelcne ofermodne man. 385-19, Hit is awriten on thaem godspelle thaette ure Haelend wurde beaeftan his meder. 401-33, forthaem hit is awriten thaet hit sie betere thaet mon gehiewige thonne he birne. 403-1, Hit is awrieten on thaem godspelle thaet nan mon ne scyle don his hond. 427-32, Be thaem is eft awriten on Genesis thaette swithe wacre gemanigf althod Sodomwara hream and Gomorwara. 431-29, hit waes awriten thaet hit waere swelce se stiora slepe on midre sae. 437-19, Be thaem is ai\ r riten o(n) Salomonnes bocum thaette se thaet he wille gelisian to maran. 445-32, hit is awriten thaet him waere betere. 445-35, hit is awriten thaet se engel cwaede be thaem biscepe. /

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54 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 157-6, Suithe ryhtlice hit waes awriten aefter thaem nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede 'Very rightly it was written that the idols were painted after the beasts.' Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the subordinate clause is a possible explanation for this exception. The unusual word order perhaps also influenced the scribe; in no other construction is the verb phrase broken up so that the adverbial phrase stands outside the thaet clause: aefter thaem nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron atiefre de instead of thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede aefter thaem nitenum Besides the possibility of attraction between the indicative context and the verb of the complement clause, the presence of waeron geiew de, also in a governing verb position, might explain the indicative mood in this complement clause after awritan : 195-18, tha waeron geiewde, sua hit awritan is thaet hie waeron ymb eal utan mid eagum besett 'those seemed, as it is written, that they were all around covered outside with eyes.'

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55 Bebeodan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 7 Orosius 3 19 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 3 26 The subjunctive mood follows bebeodan in the complement-clause. The word order regularly follows this pattern: bebeodan + (nominative noun phrase) + (dative noun phrase) + subordinator and complement clause. The nominative or the dative noun phrase, or both if they are pronouns, may be shifted to the front of bebeodan Relative clauses and one gif construction occur in certain constructions without varying the mood choice in the complement clause. Attraction between the indicative moods best explains the three rare instances of the indicative mood. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 81-18, Forthaem babiet sio halige ae thaet se sacerd scyle onfon thone suithran bogh aet thaere of[f]runge. 319-22, Thaem hlafordum is beboden thaet hie him doon thaet h[i]ra thearf sie. 321-1, and thaem thegnum is beboden thaet hie him thaet to genyhte don.

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56 381-23, he bebead thaet menn namen hiora sweord. 459-22, Forthaem waes eac beboden thurh Noyses, gi£ hwa adulfe pytt and thonne forgiemeleasode thaet he hine betynde and thaer thonne befeolle on oththe oxa oththe esol, thaet he hine scolde forgieldan. Orosius 122-5, and se aetheling bebead sumum his folce thaet hie gebrohten Romana consulas. 126-26, Tha bebead Alexander thaem haethnan biscepe thaet he becrupe on thaes Amones anlicnesse. 140-19, Tha bebead se faeder thaem consule thaet hi mid his fierde angean fore, 144-14, he thaeron bebead thaet mon ealle tha wraeccan an cyththe forlete. 150-5, AEfter thaem Antigones bebead thaet mon aegther hete cyning. 204-7, him bebead se consul thaet hie eal hiera heafod besceaten 206-16, tha bebead he sumum thaem folce thaet hie from thaem faestenne aforen. 228-9, he bebead his twaem sunum thaet hie thaes rices thriddan dael Geoweorthan sealden. 248-15, Sum waes aerest thaet he bebead ofer ealne middangeard thaet aelc maegth ymbe geares ryne togaedere come 248-23, Thridde waes thaet he bebead thaet aelc thara the on eltheodignesse waere, come to his agnum earde. 248-25, he bebead thaet mon tha ealle sloge. 260-30, and bebead his agnum monnum thaet hie simle gegripen thaes licgendan feos swa hie maest mehten. 264-26, and ge bebead his aldormon (n)um thaet hie waeren cristenra monna ehtend. 266-16, and he bebead thaet mon timbrede on otherre stowe Hierusalem tha burg, and thaet hie mon siththan h n te be noman Helium.

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57 268-4, and hie bebudon thaet mon aelcne cristenne mon ofsloge 282-28, On thaem dagum Lucin(i)us bebead thaet nan cristen mon ne come 288-6, He him bebead thaet he forlete thon(n)e his cristendom oththe his folgath. 290-1, swa thaet he bebead thaet munecas-the woroldlica thing forgan sculon, and waepna gefeoht-thaet hie waepena namen. 296-31, thaet he bebead thaet mon naenne mon ne sloge. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care The following bebeodan constructions occur in Alfred's Preface : 5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic geliefe thaet thu eille. 9-2, Ond ic bebiode on Godes naman thaet nan mon thone aestel from thaere bee ne do. It is not clear whether the |.haet geaem etige clause in the following sentence is the complement of bebeodan, geliefan, or will an ; therefore, I merely present it without counting it as evidence of bebeodan s influence on the verb of the complement clause: 5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic geliefe thaet thy wille, thaet thu the thissa woruldthinga to thaem genemetige swae thu oftost maege[l]'and therefore I command you that you do as I believe that you will, that you free yourself of these xvorldly matters to such an extent as you most often may.

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58 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Orosius 114-30, and him bebead thaet hie thaet lond hergieade waeron oth hie hit awesten 'and commanded them that they were (to keep on) plundering until they destroyed it. 248-26, Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden thaet we sculon cuman of thisse worolde to ures faeder oethle 'That showed that it is commanded to all of us that we ought to come from this world to the realm of our father. 262-19, and he bebead Tituse his suna thaet he towearp thaet tempi on Hierusalem 'and he commanded Titus his son that he destroy the temple in Jerusalem. Biddan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care ~ 4 Orosius 1 15 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 1 1 Total 2 20 The subjunctive mood. occurs regularly after biddan in complement clause constructions. Two exceptional indicative clauses appear in the Orosius and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle The indicative form of biddan introduces all but one of the clauses in the entire stock of regular subjunctive clauses, and in those two cases has apparently altered the scribe's choice of mood.

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59 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 63-12, se se thebitt thone monn thaet him thingie with otherne the he bith eac ierre. 304-4, and we hie thonne biddath thaet hie for urum thingum hira untheawa gesuicen. 413-19, Ic the bidde thaet thu no ne locige on mine synna. 467-23, Ac ic the bidde thaet thu me on thaem scipgebroce thisses andweardan lifes sum bred geraece thinra gebeda. Orosius 64-28, mid thaem the hie baedon thaet hie him fylstan mosten. 66-1, and heora faederum waeron to fotum feallende, and biddende thaet hie for thara cilde lufan thaes gewinnes sumne ende gedyden. 82-18, He baed hie eac thaet hie gemunden thara ealdena treowa. 82-20, and hie bidde (nde) waes thaet hie mid sume searawrence from Xerse thaem cyninge sume hwile awende 92-7, and hie baedon thaet hie frith with hie haefden. 98-14, and baedon thaet hie tidlice hamweard waere. 98-19, and hine baedon thaet he him on fultume waere. 118-14, and baedon thaet hie ealle gemaenelice cunnoden. 140-15, Tha baed his faeder-waes eac Fauius haten-thaet tha senatum forge af en thaem suna thone gylt. 146-29, and hiene baedon thaet he him ageafe thaet he (aer) on him gereafade. 200-31, and baedon thaet he him to fultume come. 212-4, oth tha burgware baedon thaet hie mosten beon hiera undertheowas

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60 268-13, Tha baedon hie tha cristnan men thaet hi heora an sume wisan gehulpen. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle -An. 167, baed thaet he waere cristen gedon. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Orosius 114-21, Aefter thaem Atheniense baedan Philippus, thaet he heora ladtheow waere with Focenaes thaem folce Subjunctive Mood in the Complement -Clause Subjunctive Environment Orosius 100-6, and baeden thaet hie thaes gefeohtes geseicen, Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Orosius 192-22, AEfter thaem Centenus Penula se consul baed thaette senatus him fultum sealdon. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 6 8 -An. 86 8, and Burgraed Miercna cyning and his wiotan baedon AEthered West Seaxna cyning and Aelfred his brothur thaet hie him gefultumadon.

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61 Cwethan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 2 29 Orosius 3 16 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 1 3 Total 6 48 The subjunctive mood regularly follows cwethan in the complement clause. The word order follows the usual pattern: cwethan + thaet + subject noun phrase + verb + object. As with another verb that expresses an act of communication, secgan 'say,' which will be considered later, the word order in the exceptional clauses differs from the normal pattern; for most of the exceptions, the verb is the last item of the series. While the verb occurs as the last item in some clauses which contain the subjunctive mood, that is the predominant order in the exceptional indicative mood clauses; nevertheless, attraction between the indicative moods seems also to be an, important influence in the scribe's use of the exceptional mood in the complement clause Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 73-2, tha he cwaeth thaet aelces yfeles xv T yrttruma waere

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62 91-8, and cuaeth thaet hie scolden leasunga witgian. 107-18, Ic cuaeth thaet aeghwelc monn waere gelice othrum acenned. 115-20, He cuaeth to him thaet he waere his gelica. 135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth na thaet tha giemmas waeren, forsceadne aefter [thaem] straetum. 157-5, the sanctus Paulus cuaeth thaet waere hearga and idelnesse gefera. 197-19, and cuaeth thaet hit no gedaefenlic naere. 211-5, sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes. 249-15, Ond eac cuaeth Salomonn thaet fremde ne scolden beon gefyllede ures maegenes. 279-24, he cwaeth thaette sio suyge waere thaere ryhtwisnesse fultum midwyrhta. 2 81-7, he cwaeth thaet hio waere unstille, yfel and deathberendes atres full. 319-4, he cuaeth thaet hit waere good thaet mon foreode flaesc and win for bisene his brothrum. 335-18, and ryhtlicor we magon cwethan thaet we him gielden scylde. : 341-1, swa swa we aer bufan cwaedon thaet hie thonne for waedle weorthen on murcunga and on ungethylde. 381-24, and cwaeth thaet tha scolden bion synderlice Godes thegnas 387-26, and cwaeth thaet hie wolden weorthan forlorene and oferwunene mid orsorgnesse. 399-24, He cwaeth thaet hio waere swithe neah. 403-33, He cwaeth thaet hi hi forlaegen on Egiptum on hira gioguthe 409-3, swa swa we aer cwaedon, thaet hie sceolden habban ece eardungstowe on thaes faeder huse furthor. 409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen.

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63 409-33, Thios sae cwith thaet thu thin scamige, Sidon. 419-11, tha he cwaeth thaet hio him sona forgiefen waere. 419-13, he cwaeth thaet him waere aer forgiefen. 423-17, Hwaet, sanctus Paulus cwaeth thaet he gesawe otherne gewunan. 449-6, Be swelcum monnum cwaeth Dryhten thaet hi waeren gelicost deadra manna byrgennum. 449-15, Be thaem cwaeth Dryhten on his godspelle thaet thaet waere hira med. Orosius The first two illustrations come from Alfred's original prose, "Ohthere's Narrative": 17-2, He cwaeth thaet he bude on thaem lande northweardum with tha Westsae. 19-10, He cwaeth thaet nan man ne bude be northan him. 44-11, and cwaedon thaet hit gemalic \vaere 54-29, and cwaeth thaet thaem weorce nanum men aer ne gerise bet to fandianne. 56-20, and cwaedon thaet hie to rathe wolden fultumlease beon aet heora bearnteamum. 5 8-1, to thon thaet hie cwaedon thaet hie Mesiana folce withstondan mehten. 82-31, and cwaeth thaet hit gerisenlic [re] weare. 92-35, and cwethath thaet him Gotan wyrsan tida gedon haebben thonne hie aer haefdon. 174-25, tha cwaedon hie thaet him leofre waere. 178-15, and cwaeth thaet him to micel aewisce waere. 194-11, and cwaedon thaet hie tha burg \\ r erian wolden. 202-17, and cwaedon thaet him soelest waere. 210-22, hie cwaedon thaet him leofre waere.

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64 214-8, thonne magon hie ryhtor cwethan thaet thaet waeren tha ungesaelgestan. 252-26, swa thaette sume men cwaedon thaet hio waere mid gimstanum gefraetwed. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 48-An.755, and tha cuaedon hie thaet him naenig maeg leofra naere thonne hiera hlaford. 48-An.755, and hie cuaedon thaet thet ilce hiera geferum geboden waere. 48-An.755, Tha cuaedon hie thaet hie [hie J thaes ne onmunden thon ma the eowre geferan. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 43-7, buton he cuethan wielle thaet he ne lufige thone Hlaford. Orosius 80-7, thaet mon eathe cwethan mehte thaet hit xvundor waere Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 32 3-8, thonne cuethe ge thaet ge sien unnytte theowas. 377-20, thonne wille we cwethan thaet he sie genog ryhtlice his brothor deathes scyldig. About verbal forms without final -n, like that in sentence 32 3-8, Wright states: "Final -n disappeared in verbal forms before the pronouns we, wit ; ge git. Joseph Wright and Elizabeth Mary Wright, Old Engl ish Grammar (London, 1908), p. 138.

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65 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care The indicative mood occurs only twice after ewe than in Gregory's Pastoral Care ; both instances occur in the same sentence. It is difficult to explain the exceptional mood when the regular subjunctive mood occurs in another ewe than construction also within the same sentence: 211-3, sua thaette sume suaedon thaet hie waeron Apollan, sume cuaedon thaet hi waeron Saules, sume Petres, sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes 'so that some said that they were Apollo s some said that they were Saul's, some Peter's, one said that he was Christ's.' The attraction principle can explain the rare instance of the indicative mood after ewe than in the first two clauses of the series. It is, then, possible that the interruption in the sume cuaedon pattern by the elliptic clause, sume Petres, explains the scribe's return to the use of the • subjunctive mood in the final clause of the same series. Orosius 214-7, Gif hie thonne cwethath thaet tha tida goda waeron, 254-28, and cwaedon thaet hie niene for god habban noldon. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 80 -An. 887, and hi cuedon thaet hie thaet to his honda healdan sceoldon.

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66 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Orosius One exceptional instance of the indicative mood after ewe than cannot be explained according to attraction: 214-3, Thaet sindon tha godan tida the hie ealneg foregielpath, gelicost thaem the hie nu cwethen thaet tha tida him an urn gesealde waeren and naeren eallum folcum 'That those are the good times of which they always boast; as if they now said that those times were given to them alone and were not (given) to all people The indicative waeron juxtaposed against the subjunctive naeren is perhaps the scribe's attempt to contrast the two verbs. A stylistic explanation of this sort seems to be the best solution for the problem. Gecythan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause § Pastoral Care 12 1 Orosius 4 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 16 1 Gecythan requires the indicative mood in the complement clause construction. The subjunctive mood in the one instance in which it occurs appears to be a marker for contrast

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67 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 33-6, thy we wojdon gecythan hu micel sio byrthen bith thaes lareowdomes. 16 3-11, thonne he him gecythth hu sio byrthen wiexth and hefegath. 163-15, thonne he him gecyth mid hu scearplicum costungum we sint aeghwonon utan behrincgde. 211-14, ge habbath gecythed thaet ge ures nanes ne siendon. 409-2, Thaem monnum is gecythed hwelce stowe he moton habban beforan urum faeder. Orosius 100-8, Thaet is mid Crecum theaw thaet mid thaem worde bith gecythed hwaether healf haefth thonne sige. 142-25, hie thonne gecythath on thaem aete hwelc heora maest maeg gehrifnian. 296-3, Ac hie gecythdon rathe thaes hwelce hlafordhylde hi thohton to gecythanne on hiora ealdhlafordes bearnum. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pas tora l Care 115-15, and mid thy anwalde gecythde thaet he waes ieldesth ofer tha halgancirican. 117-5, hraedlice he gecythde thaet he waes magister and ealdormonn. 281-6, Eft bi tha'm ilcan he gecythde hwaet thaere tungan maegen is. 343-6, Ac Dryhten gecythde thurh Salomon thone snottran hu micel his irsung ae.fter thaere daede bith. 401-26, He gecythde hwelc sio scyld bith.

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68 405-16, and swatheah us gecythde thaet us waere gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to us showed that his mercy was ready for us, that (his) justice was not.' Such inverted word order rarely happens in the thaet clause: gecythan + verb phrase + thaet + subject noun phrase. Even so, it seems better to translate thaet as a subordinator than as the neuter determiner, 'the justice was not.' 451-6, he us gecythde forhwy he hit forbead. Orosius 60-21, Thaet wille ic gecythan, thaet tha ricu of nanes monnes mihtum swa gecraeftgade [ne] wurdon. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's P astoral Care 405-16, and swatheah us gecythde, gif we aefter thaem hryre urra scylda to him gecierdon, thaet us waere gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to us showed, if we after the fall of our sins came to him, that his mercy was ready for us, that (his) justice was not The principle of attraction does not adequately explain this occurrence of the subjunctive mood; not only is the main verb an indeterminate form, but also the verb of the gif clause immediately preceding the thaet clause is in the indicative mood. Perhaps a better explanation is that the scribe thus emphasizes the contrast between mercy which waere gearo and justice which naes ( gea ro)

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69 Gehieran Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 39 2 Orosius No evidence available Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 1 Total 40 2 The indicative mood regularly occurs in the complement clause introduced by gehieran The main verb is often in the subjunctive mood and apparently determined the exceptional mood of the complement clauses in two instances. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 111-11, suelce he gehierth thaet his olicceras secgath. 265-24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaet on him bith gefyllad. 315-23, Ac us Is suithe geornlice to gehieranne hwaet Gryhten threatigende cuaeth. 355-6, Be thaem we magon gehieran thaette sua micle sua we us swithur qethiedath. 373-2, Eac hie sculon gehieran hwaet to thaem lareowum gecweden is thurh Salomon. 379-15, Eac hi sculon gehieran hu sanctus Iohannes waes gemanod 379-24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaette thurh Salomon is gehaten 387-31, Be thaem wordurn we maegon gehieran thaet hie waeron swithe suithlice eetaelde.

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70 401-10, Ac hi scolcion gehira[n] hwaet Paulus cwaeth. 407-32, Hi sculon geliieran hwaet thurh Essaias theme witgan ge ewe den is. 409-5, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh sanctus Iohannes gecweden is. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 48-An.755, Tha on morgenne gehierdun thaet thaes cyninges thegnas the him beaeftan waerun thaet ae cyning ofslaegen waes. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 243-10, Gehieren tha unclaenen and tha lytegan hu hit awriten is. 299-7, Gehierentha eathmoden hu ece thaet is and hu unagen thaet is 299-13, Gehieren eac tha upahaefenan hu gewitende tha thing sint 299-15, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Salomon cuaeth. 299-16, Gehieren eac the upahaefenen on hira mode hu he eft cuaeth. 299-18, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet God cuaeth thurh Essaim thone witgan. 299-21, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet Salomon cuaeth. 299-22, Gehieren tha eathmodan hweat on psalmum gecueden is 301-1, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Crist cuaeth. 301-3, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hweat Salomon cuaeth. 301-6, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet awriten is.

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71 317-13, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth. 317-15, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus cuaeth. 317-19, Gehieren eft tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth. 317-21, Gehiren eft tha oferetolan hwaet he to him cuaeth. 317-23, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth. 319-3, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus cwaeth, 319-5, Gehiren tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth. 32 3-6, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is. 323-18, ac gehiren hwaet awriten is. 323-25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is. 359-9, ac gehiren tha wrohtsaweras hwaet awriten is. 371-13, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is. 409-16, Gehieren eac tha the ungefandod habbath thara flaesclicana scylda hwaet sio Sothf aesthnes thurh hie selfe cwaeth. 441-19, Ac gehiren hi thaet thas andweardafn] god bioth from aelcre lustfulnesse swithe hraedlice gewitende, f Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 303-6, thaet hit sie the lusthbaerre to gehieranne sua hwaet sua we him auther oththe lean oththe laera wiellen 'that it be the more cheerful to hear whatever we wish for them either to blame or to teach. 379-17, Se the gehire thaet hine mon clipige 'he who hears that one calls him. Attraction between the mood of the main verb and the verb of the complement clause in these exceptions best explains the scribe's choice of mood.

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72 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Imperative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 243-13, Gehirath hwaet of thaes wis an Salomonnes muthe waes gecueden. 381-12, Gehierath hwaet on Cantica Canticorum is awriten. Gethencan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 37 16 Orosius 5 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 42 16 Although both the indicative and subjunctive moods follow gethencan in complement clause constructions the indicative mood predominates. The order of the Items in the construction varies with both moods, and interrupting words and phrases frequently occur around the main items of the constructions. Attraction between moods can explain the exceptional occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the complement clause construction, because in the majority of such clauses, gethencan is in the subjunctive mood. The established indicative mood naturally occurs whether the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood occurs in the main clause or in another subordinate clause.

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73 Indicative Hood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 29-6, thonne is to gethencanne hwaet Cristh self cueth on his godspelle. 37-2 3, ne gethencan ne con hwaet him losath on thaere gaelinge the he tha hwile amierreth and hu swithe he on tham gesyngath. 107-21, se godcunda dom gethencth thaette ealle men gelice beon ne magon. 109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth othrum monnum on hira gecynde. 117-16, and eac we magon suigende gethencean on urum inngehygde theah we hit ne sprecen, thaet hie beoth beteran thonne we. 127-16, Monige theah nyllath na gethencean hu gelice hie beoth othrum brothrum ofergesett. 313-13, Ac we sculun gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde. 329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu micles wites tha beoth weorthe the othre menn reafiath. 343-14, Ac tha reaferas gethenceath swithe oft hu micel hie sollath. 349-14, Of thissum bebode we magon gethencean hu unaberendlic gylt sio towesnes bith. 359-11, By thaem worde we magon gethencean, nu tha sint Codes beam genemned the sibbe wyrcath, thaette tha sindon butan tweon diofles beam. 377-3, Hwy ne magon hie thonne gethencean, gif hie on thaem gesyngiath, hu micle swithur hie gesyngiath. 383-28, Hwaet hie magon gethencean thaet fugla briddas, gif hie aer wilniath to fleoganne, aer hira fethra fulwe[a]xene sin, thaette sio wilnung hie genithrath the hi aer upahefth.

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74 385-23, Thonne is us [thaet] swithe wocorlice to gethenceanne thaette ure Haelend, tha tha he twelfwintre waes, tha waes he gemet sittende tomiddes thara lareowa. 397-5, thonne hie gethenceath hwaet hi othrum monnum f'orberath. 397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftraedlice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe Orosius 122-15, and nellath gethencan hu lath eow selfum waes to gelaestanne eowre athas thaem the ofer eow anwald haefdon. 146-11, hie gethoht haefdon thaet hie hiene besaetedon. 152-32, and nyllath gethencan hwelc hit tha waes. 200-10, and gethoht haefdon thaet hie thaer sceoldon wintersetl habban. 296-21, Ge magon eac gethencan hu hean he eft wearth his geblota and his diofolgilda the he on gelifde. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 77-5, Gethencen hie thonne bet\vuh him selfum hu suithe hie sculon beon geclaensode. 81-6, gethence he thonne thaet he is efnmicel nied. 117-15, gethence he thaet he bith self suithe gelic tham ilcan monnum. 233-14, Gethencen be thysum tha aefstigan hu micel maegen bith. Besides the rule established for gethencan complement clauses, the formulaic nature of the manian-gethencan constructions is perhaps determining the indicative mood in the complement clause also.

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75 253-23, Thonne sint eac to man i arm e tha unhalan thaet hie gethencen mid hu monigfaldum ungetaesum and mid hu heardum brocum us swingath 'Then the unhealthy are to be admonished that they consider with how maniflod severities and with how hard afflictions (our worldly fathers and masters) chastise us.' 255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie gethencen hu micel haelo thaet bith 'Also the sickly are to be admonished that they consider how much health there is 335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie eornlice gethencen thaet thios eorthe, the him thaet gestreon of com, eallum mannum is to gemanan geseald 'they are to be admonished that they carefully consider that this earth, from which the gain came to them, is given to ail men in common. 337-5, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen thaette se fiicbeam, the on thaem godspelle gesaed is thaette nanne waesthm ne baere, stod unnyt 'Also they are to be admonished that they earnestly consider that the fig tree, which in the gospel is said that it bore no fruit, stood useless 35 7-15, Tha wrohtgeornan sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen hwaes folgeras hie sindon 'The lovers of strife are to be admonished that they consider whose followers they are.' 365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen thaet tha halgan gewritu sint us to leohtfatum gesald 'Also they are to be admonished that they consider that the Holy Scriptures are given to us' as lanterns 383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hi gethencen thaette tha wif the tha geeacnodan beam cennath the thonne git fulborene ne bioth, ne fyllath hie no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also they are to be admonished that they consider that those women, who bring forth the conceived children, when they are not yet full born, fill not by that houses but tombs 391-20, tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen mid hu micelre giefe ofer him wacath se Scippend 'those are to be admonished that they carefully consider with how much favor the Creator watches over them.

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76 391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra thinga wilniath thaette hie geornfullice gethencen thaette oft ryhtwise menn mid thys hwilendlican anwealde weorthath upahaefene 'Also those who desire these transitory things are to be admonished that they consider carefully that often righteous men become exalted with this transitory power. 393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen hu hit awriten is be Salamonne, hu he aefter swa miclum wisdome afioll, emne oththaet he dioflum ongan gieldan 'Also they are to be admonished that they consider how it is written about Solomon, how he after so much wisdom fell, even until he began to sacrifice to devils.' 397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen hwaet othre men him forberath 'One ought to admonish the married persons, and also everyone else, that they not consider less what other men tolerate in them. 445-26, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi geornlice gethencen thaette hit bith wyrse thaet mon a onginne faran on sothfaestnesse weg, gif mon eft wile ongeancierran, and thaet ilce on faran 'Also they are to be admonished that they carefully consider that it is worse that one begins to travel on the road of truth, if one will afterwards turn back and travel on that same [way) 447-28, Tha thonne sint to manienne tha the yfel degellice doth, and god openlice, thaet hi gethencen hu hraedlice se eorthlica hlisa o fergaeth and hu unanwendenlice se go[d]cunda th urhwunath 'Those then are to be admonished who do evil secretly, and good openly, that they consider how quickly earthly fame passes away, and how firmly the divine (fame) lasts The manian and gethencan combination governs the subjunctive mood in four of the eighteen complement clause constructions. While attraction in these instances can explain the subjunctive mood, the underlying forms of these exceptional clauses reveal significant differences when compared with the indicative clauses.

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77 339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen, ongemang thaem the hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen, thaet hie for thaem godan hlisan thy forcuthran ne weorthen 'they are to be admonished that they consider, while they wish that they seem generous, that for that good fame they do not become the more depraved. For the first problem illustration Sweet translates the gethencan construction thus: [they] are to be admonished to take care that for that good fame they do not become the more depraved.' A direct command, 'Do not become the more depraved,' is the underlying form for this surface sentence, rather than a description of a situation, which the fourteen regular complement clauses represent. The second problem sentence is also different from the indicative complement clauses which follow man i an and gethencan : 365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne ongietath, thaette hie gethencen thaette hie thone halwendan drync thaes aethelan wines ne gehwyrfen him selfum to attre, and isen thaet hie menn mid lacnian souldon, thaet hie mid thaem hie selfe to feore ne gewundigen 'Those are to be admonished who do not understand the law rightly, that they consider that they not turn the salutary draught of noble wine into poison for themselves, and the iron that they should cure men with, that they with that not wound themselves too deeply.' Sweet translates this problem sentence thus: 'Those who do not understand the law rightly are to be admonished not to turn the salutary draught of noble wine into poison for themselves and not to wound themselves mortally with the lancet with which they should cure men.' A direct command underlies each surface structure: 'Do not i /

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78 turn the salutary draught of noble wine into poison for yourself,' and 'do not wound yourself too deeply.' A negative command, 'Do not cause discord with the words,' underlies the fourth exceptional clause: 371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen thaette hie selfe ne geunthwaerigen thaem wordum the hie laerath 'But one ought to admonish them that they consider that they themselves not cause discord with the words which they teach. It is possible, then, that these different underlying forms explain the exceptional mood in the clause after the manian and gethencan combination. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 85-11, Be thaem ge thence sacerd, thonne he othre men healice laerth, thaet he eac on him selfum healice ofthrysce tha lustas his untheawa. 95-8, Forthaem gethence se lariow thaet he unwaerlice forth ne raese on tha spraece. 159-14, thonne gethence ge hwaet ge sien and hwelce ge sien, 273-4, ac him is micle mare thearf thaet hie gethencen hwelce hi hie innan geeowigen Gode, and thaet hi swithor him ondraeden for hiera gethohtum thone diglan Deman. 289-25, ac gethencen thaet he sie gesceadwislic and gemetlic. 306-2, gif hie be aenegum daele wolden gethencean hwaet hie selfe waeren. 321-13, and eac him is micel thearf thaet hie geornlice gethencen thaet hie to unweorthlice ne daelen thaet him befaesth bith.

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79 363-12, forthon, thonne thonne hie gethencath tha ryhtan lu£e thaet hie eac gethencen thaet hie ne weorthen beswicene mid thaere uterran lufe. In one instance the subjunctive mood occurs in the complement clause even though the main verb is in the indicative mood; it is true, ho\\ r ever, that the clause between the main verb and the thaet clause contains a verb in the subjunctive mood. It is possible, then, that an attraction is operating: 325-17, For thy mon sceal aer gethencean, aer he hwaet selle, thaet he hit eft forberan maege butan hreowe thylaes he forleose tha lean 'Therefore one ought previously to consider, before he gives up anything, that he may afterwards forgo it without regret, lest he lose the reward.' Besides the possibility that attraction is operating between the subjunctive moods, the underlying structure of this complement clause construction is different from those constructions noted above which govern the indicative mood in predominately indicative environments. The sculon and ge then can combination governs the indicative mood in clauses which describe the actual facts of a situation. 109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth o thrum monnum on hira gecynde 'they ought to consider how similar they are to other men of their kind.' 313-13, Ac we sculon gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde 'But we ought to consider as often as we put our hand to our mouth for excessive greediness, that we renew and recall to mind the sin.' 397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftraedlice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe

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80 'Therefore they ought to consider if too often and too excessively they associate in the marriage that they are not in lawful wedlock, if they hold that as a habit The underlying structure for the sculon and gethencan construction which governs the subjunctive mood is not a statement about a situation but a question. Sweet freely translates the sentence substituting whether for thaet : 'Therefore he must consider, before he gives away anything, whether he can afterwards forego it without regret.' The direct question, 'May he forego it later without regret?' has been subsumed in this indirect discourse construction. The scribe has substituted thaet for hu and the hwwords which usually introduce such object clauses. Gethencan occurs only three times in the imperative mood. The regular indicative mood is found in two of the three constructions. e Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Imperative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care It is significant that the original prose follows the rule established for gethencan That the original prose such as Alfred's Preface should conform to the same pattern which recurs throughout the translations is further evidence that a fixed rule is determining the mood in the complement clause : Alfred's Preface, 5-5, Gethenc hwelc witu us tha becemon for thisse worulde. 467-1, ac gethenc hwaet thu eart.

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81 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Imperative Environment. Gregory's Pastoral Care 329-12, gethenceath thonne hwelces wites ge wenen thaem the othre menn refiath 'consider then of what punishment you expect for those who rob other men.' The subjunctive mood here might be explained merely as a feature of clause construction which helps to set off the hwelces wites ge wenen clause from the rest of the sentence, A feature of subordination is necessary because the interrogative adjective hwelces is not such an obvious subordinator as is, for instance, hu in the similar sentence above: 329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu micles wites tha beeth weorthe the othre menn reafiath 'By that we ought to consider of how much punishment those be worthy who rob other men.' The need for a marked feature of subordination then in the imperative mood construction possibly explains the scribe's choice of the subjunctive mood. Laeran Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 3 12 Orosius 2 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 3 14

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82 The subjunctive mood is the predominant mood in complement clauses following laeran The three rare instances of the indicative mood seem to be the result of attraction. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 203-15, iNe tharf mon na thone medwisan laeran thaet he tha lotwrencas forlaete. 225-24, otherne he laerth thaet. he onginne sume scande bi thaem o thrum oththe sprecan oth(the) don. 227-1, otherne he laerth thaet he [tha] scande forgielde. 233-23, Eac sint to laeranne tha aefstigan thaette hie ongieten. 271-10, Tha suithe suigean mon sceal laeran thaette hie thaet hie ne sien to wyrsan gecirde. 277-3, Ongean thaet sint to laeranne tha oferspraecean thaet hie wacorlice ongieten. 36 7-2 3, thonne sculon we hie ealra thinga aerest and geornost laeran thaet hie ne wilnigen leasgielpes. 409-24, and swatheah hi sint to laeranne thaet hi hi ne ahebben ofer tha othre. 441-6, ne sint hi no to laerenne hwaet hi don scylen. Orosius 82-2 8, Se hiene waes georne laerende thaet he ma hamweard fore Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 291-20, and thone otherne laerde thaet he him anwald ontuge 389-18, Tha he laerde hu we aegther lufian see olden.

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83 425-36, AErest he laerde thaet and siththan thaet hi wurden gefulwode. Orosius 242-31, tha laerde he his sunu thaet he him ongean fore. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 131-3, Tha tha he laerde thaet thaere ciricean thegnas scoldo[n] stilnesse thaere thenunga habban 'Then when he directed that the servants of the Church ought to have quietness in the service.' 131-4, tha laerde he hi eac hu hie hie geaemettian scoldon otherra weorca 'then directed he also them how they ought to free themselves of other works.' 425-36, AErest he laerde thaet hi hreowsodon, and siththan thaet hi wurden gefullwode 'First he directed that they repent, and afterwards that they become baptized. There is no proof that the indeterminate form laerde is the subjunctive form; nevertheless, it is possible that the unmarked form of la eran influenced the mood in these exceptional clauses. In the third sentence, 425-36, the indicative mood occurs in one thaet clause and the regular subjunctive mood occurs in the other. This construction is. less surprising if one notes that the clause farthest from the indeterminate (indicative) form follows the rule illustrated by the majority of other laeran constructions and that it is not influenced by attraction with the main verb as the first clause seems to be.

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84 Ne Wit an Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 13 2 Orosius 9 2 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 1 Total 23 4 Like witan the form ne wit an also governs the indicative mood in complement clauses; the rare occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the clause can be explained according to the principle of attraction between moods. It is not to be supposed that the predominant mood necessarily influences the mood of the complement clause; attraction between moods is an explanation only for the occurrence of the exceptional mood. The predominant mood Surrounding each instance of the regular indicative mood in a complement clause is noted, nevertheless, for comparison with the subjunctive mood citations Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 105-9, ac we nyton hwelc hira inngethonc bith beforan thaem thearlwisan. 207-1, Tha scamleasa nyton thaet hie untela doth. 241-12, thu nast hwaer him awther cymth.

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85 265-4, Thonne nat thaet mod thaet him bith freodom forgiegen. 287-16, ac he nat on hwaet he gaeth. 289-9, sua thaet he self nat huaet he on thaet irre doth. 289-10, Tha irran nyton hwaet hie on him selfum habbath. 293-24, hie nyton hwaet hie thonne gehierath. 343-21, and nat hwaer he hiene forliesth. 361-7, and hum thaer thaer hie nyton hwaether sio sibb betre betwux gefaestnod bith. 411-26, thaette nyte thaette on gimma gecynde carbunculus bith dio[r]ra thonne iacinctus. 429-26, tha the nyton hwonne hi untela doth. Orosius 120-1, Ic nat, cwaeth Orosius, for hwi eow Romanum s indon tha aerran gewin swa wel gelicad and f o r~~ hwy ge tha tida swelcra broca swa wel hergeath 124-13, Nat ic, cwaeth Orosius, hwaether mare wundorwaes. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 213-24, tha spraec he suelce he hit thagiet nyste thaet hie hit him tha io ondredon. Orosius The first two illustrations are very interesting, because they appear in Alfred's original prose, "Ohthere's Narrative 17-13, Tha beag thaet land thaer eastryhte, oththe sec sae in on thaet lond, he nysse hwaether. Such inverted word order is rare among the Old English complement clause constructions.

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86 17-32, ac he nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes. 180-16, thaet nan mon nyste hwonan hit com. 206-3, swa he nyste hu he him to com. 252-21, swa nan mon nyste hwonan thaet fyr com. 286-18, thaet nan mon nyste thaes faereltes hwaer he com. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 54-An.787, and hie wolde drifan to thaes cyninges tune thy he nyste hwaet hie waeron. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 241-23, suelce se lareow haebbe an cliwen on his honda suithe nearwe and suithe smealice gefealden, and nyte hwaer se ende sie. Orosius 78-15, thaet hie siththan nysten hu hie thonan comen. 134-23, Nyte we nu hwaether $ie swithor to sundrianne. Of the disappearance of final -n Joseph Wright notes: "Final -n disappeared in verbal forms before the pronouns we wit ; ge git as bide we 'let us ? bind'; bind ge, 'bind ye'; bunde we? 'did we bind?'" Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 117-2, Eft he spraec suelce he nysse thaet he a furthor waere thonne othre brothor 'Again he speaks as if he knew not that he were greater than "the other brothers 2 Wright, p. 131

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87 Suelce is usually known to govern the subjunctive mood. Henry Sweet notes that one of"the chief cases" of the use of the subjunctive mood in "dependent sentences" is "to express hypothetical comparison (as if) : I_c swugode swelce i_c hit ne gesawe (I was silent, as if I had not seen it 3 •)•" It is possible that in this instance and in the only other instance of the subjunctive mood after ne wit an in Gregory's Pastoral Care (241-23), suelce did influence the scribe to use the exceptional mood. The subjunctive mood is apparently not the rule in the complement clause after a suelce + ne_ wit an construction because the indicative mood also occurs: 213-24, tha spraec he suelc he hit thagiet nyste thaet hie hit him tha io ondredon 'then spoke he as if he did not yet know that they feared it for themselves formerly. Ondraedan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 10 Orosius 1 4 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 1 14 3 Sweet, An Anglo-Saxo n Reader pp. xcv-xcvi.

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88 Ondraedan appears to require the subjunctive mood in the complement clause. Only once does the indicative mood occur after ondraedan In this instance it is possible that attraction as well as unusual word order altered the scribe's choice of mood. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 49-19, Other ondred thaet he forlure sprecende tha gestrion. 5 7-5, he ondraet thaet he ne mote to cuman. 63-10, he maeg ondraedan thaet he for his aegnum scyldum mare ierre gewyrce 73-20, ond eac hwelc se bith the him ondraedan sceal thaet he unmedome sie. 91-8, thaet sindon tha tha the him ondraedath thaet hie menn for hira scyldum threagen. 119-8, suelcne suelcne he ondraett thaet hi sie. 143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie ondraedath thaet him derian maege aet thaem gielpe. 339-20, swa hie magon ondraedan thaet him weorthen tha wyrttruman faercorfene. Orosius 48-16, hie alle from him ondredon thaet hi hie mid gefeogten 98-16, Ahteniense waeron tha him swithe ondraedende thaet Laecedemonie ofer hie ricsian mehten. 144-16, forthon [hie] ondredon thaet hie on him gewraecentha teonan.

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89 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Orosius 138-5, and hi him thaet swithe ondraedan hu he with him eallum emdemes mehten. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie him ne ondraeden thaet hie thas laenan sibbe ongean his selfe gedrefen. 42 7-20, theah hi him nyllen thaet ondraedan thaet hi yfele sien. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Orosius 52-3, He angan sierwan mid thaem folce the he ofer waes hu he hiene beswican mehte and aspon him from ealle tha the he ondred thaet him on £yl[s]te beon woldon 'He began to plot with the people whom he was over, how he might deceive^him, and to withdraw him from all those who he feared would support him. The indicative form of ondraedan would support an explanation of attraction for this rare occurrence of the indicative mood in the complement clause; nevertheless, it. is .also possible that the unusual syntax of the ondraedan construction subordinated in a relatix^e clause explains the exceptional mood. There is no subject noun phrase in this complement clause ; instead, the same relative pronoun which is the object of ondraedan in the relative clause construction is the understood subject of the complement clause:

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90 the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon 'who he feared would support him. Ondraedan occurs one other ti me in such a relative clause, but the unusual syntax does not affect the mood of the complement clause: Pastoral Care 143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie ondraedath thaet him derian maege aet thaem gielpe 'they approve such for him who they fear may hinder. them in that glory. Since it is apparently not the rule, therefore, for such relative clause constructions to alter the mood of a complement clause, it is possible that, in one case, syntax of such an exceptional nature might have distracted the scribe from an established rule for mood in complement clauses following ondraedan On g i e t an Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 61 15 Orosius 8 1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 69 16 Ongietan occurs frequently in the texts as a verb introducing complement clauses. The indicative mood appears regularly in the complement clause. The word order of the

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91 ongietan construction follows the pattern common to most of the regular constructions of indirect discourse: ongietan + subordinator ( thaet hu, and hwwords) + subject noun phrase + verb phrase. This order is rarely interrupted. The subjunctive mood occurs in the object clause when attrac tion operates from the subjunctive mood of the main verb to the verb in the object clause. There are, however, certain problems among these exceptional clauses which cannot be explained according to attraction. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 101-13, He ongeat thaet he oferstag hine selfne on thaere sceawunge thaere godcundnesse 109-14, Forthaem thonne tha lareowas ongitath thaet tha the him underthiedde beoth him to hwon God andraedath. 161-17, gif he ne ongiett hu monega constunga thaes lvtegan feondes him on feallath. 165-20, thonne se retha reccere ongiett thaet he his hieremonna mod suithur gedrefed haefth thonne he scolde 181-21, sua man ongiet thaet hie for thissum woruldwlencum bioth suithur upahafene. 183-12, the he ongiet thaet thaes monnes onngethonc bith. 183-16, sua he ongiet thaet he eathmodra bith. 213-22, Tha he ongeat thaet hie waeron onstyrede mid thaem wen an. 241-16, thonne mon maeg ongietan of hwam hit aeresth com. 241-17, thonne _mon ongiet mid hwelcum staepum thaet nawht waes thurhtogen. /

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92 275-12, oth he ongiet thaet him bith nyttre to sprecanne. 2 83-6, Se slawa ongit hwaet him ryht bith to donne 297-16, thonne hit ongiet thaet him mon birgth. 311-20, ac forthythe he ongeat thaet sio ungethyld oft dereth. 321-8, sua hie ongietath thaet him laenre and unagenre bith. 321-9, forthaem hie magon ongietan thaet he beoth to hiera thenunga gesette Godes giefe to daelanne. 343-12, Be thaem we magon ongietan mid hu micle irre Dryhten gethyldegath tha aelmessan. 371-20, se the ongiet thaet hi tha word thaere lare from Gode onfeng. 373-21, thonne he ongiet thaet tha Godes word mane gum menn liciath. 377-22, nu is to ongietanne aet hu micelre scylde tha beoth befangne 381-2 3, tha he ongeat thaet God waes thaem folce ierre. 395-18, se the ongiet thaette eal thas andweardan thing bioth gewitendlicu. 431-13, forthaemthe hi ne magon ongietan mid hu ma(ne)gum untheawum hi beoth gewundode. 441-13, AErest hi sculon ongietan thaet hi fleon that thaet hi lufiath. 441-14, Thonne magon hi s ith iethilice ongietan thaet thaet is to lufianne thaet hi aer flugon. 441-16, gif hi on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet thaeron taelwyrthes bith. 461-29, thonne hi ongietath thaet hi gemetlice and medomlice laerath. 465-17, Ac siththan he ongeat thaet he waes athunden on upahaefennesse for his godan weorcum.

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465-21, ac ic ongeat swithe hrathe siththan thu me foriete hu^untrum ic waes. 465-25, Ac he ongeat swithe hrathe, tha he gemette tha gedrefednesse thaet hit naes on his agnum onwalde. Orosius 104-10, Be thaem mon rnehte ongietan hwaet thaer ofslagen waes 162-27, thaet hi ne cuthan angitan thaet hit Codes wracu waes 206-15, Tha se consul ongeat thaet hie thaet faesten abrecan ne me h ton. 222-1, Tha Scipia on get thaet hie swelces modes waeron. 268-14, and ongeaton thaet hit waes Godes wracu. 292-11, Rathe thaes the Gotan angeaton hu god Theodosius waes Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 115-4, ond ongiete thaet he^bith [self] othrum monnum gelic. 183-4, thaette tha sorgfullan ongietan thaet him becumath tha we Ian the him gehatene sint. 183-6, and eac tha welegan ongietan thaette tha welan the hie onlociath and habbath, thaet hie tha habban ne magon. 201-19, thaet he ongiete thaet he is efntheow his theowe. 233-23, thaette hie ongieten under hu micelre frecenesse hie liecgath and hu hie iceath hira forwyrd. 239-4, thaet hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde gesuinc bith. 277-3, thaet hie wacorlice ongieten fram hu micelre ryhtwisnesse hie beoth gewietene.

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94 311-20, gif he ne ongeate thaet him waes thaes wana. 389-8, thonne thonne we betweox thaem ongieten hu earme we bioth thara ecena thinga. 393-31, and thonne hie ongieten hu gewitendlic this anwearde bith thaet hie her doth, and hu thurhwunienede thaet bith thaet hi wilniath. 441-8, buton hi aer ongieten hu frecenlic thaet is thaet hi cunnon. The formulaic repetition of manian and the subjunctive form of ongietan merits a separate discussion, because the verb ongietan governs the indicative mood in all but one instance. While this is in accordance with the established pattern for ongietan it is also possible that the indicative mood is fixed in the complement clause slot because it is part of the manian and ongietan formula. Thaet Clauses 321-5, Eac sint to manienne tha the thonne mildheortlice sellath thaet hie thonne habbath, thaet hie thonne angieten thaet hie sint gesette thaem hefencundan Gode to theningmannum. 339-6, Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie ongieten thaet thaet sindon tha forman laeththo. 389-2 7, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongietan thaette sio orsorgnes thisses andweardan lifes hwilum b'ith to thaem gelaened. 419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna xvepath, and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice ongietan thaet hi on idelnesse tiliath. 421-23, Ac tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan scylda hreowsiath, and hi theah ne forlaetath, thaet hi ongieten thaet hie beoth.

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95 427-12, Tha sint to manienne, tha the aegther ge hit doth ge hit herigath, thaet hi ongieten thaet hi oft swithor gensyngiath mid thaem wordum. 429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten thaet hit bith se degla Codes dom. 433-31, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the aer thenceath to syngianne, and ymbtheahtiath aer hi hit thurhtion, thaet hi ongiten mid forethonclicre gesceadwisnesse thaet hi onaelath thearlran dom with him. 437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thonne hi oft syngiath lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten thaet mon oft wyrs gesyngath on thaem lytum synnum. 439-17, Ac hi sint to manienne thaet hie ongieten thaet hie oft gesyngiath giet wyrs. 445-4, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the naebre nyllath fulfremman thaet god thaet hi onginnath, thaet hi ongieten mid waerlice ymbethonce thaette, thaet hi thonne mid thy dilgiath. Hu Hw Clauses The exceptional occurrence of the subjunctive mood is in a clause introduced by one of the hu, hw subordinators It is clearly a clause of inquiry; the hu, hwwords introducing clauses containing the indicative mood do not denote such uncertainty. The underlying forms of these clauses are not interrogative sentences, but exclamatory sentences: 231-15, Ac tha aefstegan sint to manianne thaet hie ongieten hu blinde hi beoth 'But the envious are to be admonished that they perceive how blind they are.' 257-19, Eac sint tha seccan to monianne thaet hie ongieten hu micel Codes giefu him bith thaes flaesces" gesuinc 'Also are the sick to be admonished that they perceive how great a gift of God the troubles of the flesh are 289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan hwaet hie on him selfum habbath 'We ought to admonish the passionate that they perceive what they have in themselves.'

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96 289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan hwaet hi nabbath 'The gentle we ought to admonish that they perceive what (zeal) they have not.' 313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah hie [ne] -maegen thone untheaw forlaetan thaere gi femes se and thaere oferwisre, thaet he huru hine selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy sweorde unryhthaemedes ac ongiete hu micel leohtmodnes and leasferthnes and oferspraec cymeth of thaere oferwiste 'On the contrary the gluttonous are to be admonished though they may not abstain from the vice of gluttony and greediness, that he at least not run himself through with the sword of fornication, but perceive how much frivolity and folly and loquacity come from greediness.' 405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wa'core mode ongieten aefter hira misdaedum mid hu miclum godum willan Dryhten tobraet thone greadan his mildheortnesse 375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet hie be thaem laessan thingum ongieten hu suithe hie gesyngiath on thaem maran 'They are to be admonished that they in comparison to lesser things preceive how much they sin in the greater.' While it is possible that attraction influenced the mood of the complement clause, the different underlying form for this clause ought to be considered also as a determining factor. The hu which introduces the subordinate clause containing the exceptional subjunctive mood carries the force of an interrogative conjunction: 429-2, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna onscuniath, and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi forethonclice ongieten hu hi hi willen beladian on thaem miclan dome 'On the other hand are to be admonished those who detest their sins, and nevertheless do not give them up, that they cautiously consider how they will clear themselves at the great judgement.'

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97 The underlying form for this indirect discourse construction is a direct question: 'How will they clear themselves at the great judgement?' It is possible, therefore, that this different underlying form influenced the scribe to neglect the formula in this one instance. Orosius 62-32, ic xvolde thaet tha ongeaten, the tha tida ures cristendomes leahtriath, hwelc mildsung siththan waes siththan se cristendom waes; and hu monigfeald wolbaernes thaere worulde aer thaem waes. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 119-10, gedo he the ah thaet his hieremenn ongieten thaet he sie eathmod on his [inn] gethonce thaet hi maegen thaem o [njhyrigean. 119-12, ond on his ealdorlicnesse hie ongieten thaet hie him maegen ondraedan. 151-14, forthaem thaet hie ongieten thaet hie mon taele. 159-7, thylaes he sie ongieten thaet hi sie onstyred and onaeled mid thaem andan his hieremonna untheawa. 183-7, Ac thaem lareox^e is micel thearf thaet he ongiete hwa earm sie hwa eadig, and hwone he laeran scyle sua earmne. 185-10, Thonne mon thonne ongiete thaet he ryhte gedemed haebbe 379-18, Thaet is, se the ongiete thaet he sie gecieged med godcuncre stemne. 417-33, forthaem thaet hi maegen ongean thaet be thaem ilcan gemete hreowsian the hi on hira [inn] gethonce ongieten thaet hie gesyngoden.

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98 Orosius 62-32, ie wolde thaet tha ongeaten and eac thaet hie oncnewen:.. Gregory's Pastoral Care Certain instances of the subjunctive mood in the complement clause do not occur after the subjunctive form of the main verb ongietan The first of these problem sentences has ongietan in a subordinate clause introduced by gif. It is possible that the subjunctive mood in the complement clause can be explained by attraction of a different sort, because the subjunctive mood dominates the subsequent clauses. Such a context possibly influenced the scribe away from the regular mood. 47-13, Ne bith thaet na seth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett thaet thaet Codes willa sie thaet he ofer othre been scyle, thaet he thonne withsace 'That is not true humility, if one perceives that that be God's will that he shall be over others, that he then refuse. There are only three other illustrations of gif with ongietan In them the regular indicative mood occurs in the dependent clause, even though in one instance ongietan itself is in the subjunctive mood. This is not surprising because the attraction principle is useful only insofar as it explains the scribe's choice of the exceptional mood. 161-16, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefonlice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu monega constunga thaes lytegan feondes him on feallath 'And how in vain one perceives the heavenly wonder of God, if he does not perceive how many temptations of the crafty foe assail him. ./

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311-19, Ne cuaede he ne sua, gif he ne ongeate thaet him waes thaes wan a 'He would not have said so, if he did not perceive that in them was a deficiency of this. 441-15, Micle thy bet hi underfeth thaet uncuthe, gif hi on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet thaeron taelwyrthes bith 'Much the better they undertake the unknown, if they with certainty perceive exactly what is blameworthy in the known. Besides attraction between the subjunctive mood of the subsequent clauses and the mood of the dependent clause, it is possible that another structural fact also altered ongietan 's regular influence on the mood of the dependent clause in the sentence cited earlier. Indeed a certain feature distinguishes the problem gif sentence from the three other regular gifongietan constructions. In this problem sentence, ongietan is followed by two thaet clauses: one (thaet he thonne withsace ) is the deep structure subject of ne_ bith_ na soth eathmednes ; the other ( thaet he ofer othre beon scyle) is the deep structure subject of Codes willa sie In both cases, the expletive or "filler" thaet 's have been left to mark the subject positions for these two predicates. They are underlined to distinguish them from the subordinator thaet' s: 47-13, Ne bith thaet na soth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett thaet thaet Godes willa sie thaet he ofer othre beon scyle, thaet he thonne withsace. The deep structure can be made clear when the subject clauses are placed before their predicates:

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100 47-13, Thaet he thorme withsace ne bith na soth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett thaet thaet he ofer othre beon scyle Codes willa sie 'That he then refuses it is not true humility, if one perceives that that he shall be ever others is God's will.' When the deep structure is reconstructed and compared with the sentence in the text, it is doubtful i^hether the thaet Godes willa sie clause alone is the object of ongietan or if perhaps, more correctly, both the thaet sie clause and its subject the thaet scyle clause constitute the object of ongietan The complicated sequence of thaet subordinate clauses perhaps influenced the scribe to employ the subjunctive as a necessary feature of subordination. Attraction between the mood in the complement clause and the subjunctive mood of the verb in the clause immediately following is also a possible explanation for the second problem construction: 115-1, and the ah suithe ryhte stihtath thone anwald se the geornlice conn ongietan thaet he of him gadrige thaet him staelwierthe sie 'And yet very rightly he wields the power who well is able to perceive that he gather from it what is beneficial to him. Indeed, the subjunctive mood might easily be anticipated in the main verb of a the ah clause. Even though the main verb is in the indicative mood in the problem construction, the force of thea h perhaps influenced the scribe's choice of mood. Besides these explanations for the exceptional mood, it is also possible that the combination of the verbs cunnan and ongietan is exempt from the rule governing mood after the simple verb ongietan. Sweet translates this

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101 cunn an on g i e t an construction as to know how to.' The entire sentence then reads: 'And yet very rightly he wields the power who well knows how to gather from it what is beneficial to him.* This translation is different from his translation for the other ongietan constructions which he renders as 'see,' 'perceive,' and 'understand.' It can, therefore, be suggested that attraction between moods and the influence of the ah as well as the addition of cunn an to the ongietan construction, can explain the exceptional subjunctive mood in this second problem sentence. Three other exceptional cases remain to be explained. These subjunctive forms occur in predominately indicative contexts : 195-12, Sua eac oft gebyreth thaem the for othre menn beon sceal, thonne he Irwelc yfel ongiett, and thaet nyle aweg aceorfan, thaet thonne aet niehstan hit wyrth to gewunah thaet' he hit ne maeg gebetan, ne furthum ongietan thaet hie aenig yfel sie 'So also it happens to him who ought to be before other men, when he sees any evil, and will not cut that away, that then finally it becomes a habit that he may not give up, nor indeed perceive that it be any evil 271-19, Ac forthaemthe mon ne maeg utane on him ongietan for hiera suigean hwaet mon taele, hie beoth innane oft ahafene on ofermettum, swa thaet hie tha felasprecan forseoth and hie nauht doth 'But since one may not from without perceive in them what one blames because of their silence, they are internally often elevated in pride, so that they scorn the loquacious and count them as nought.' 281-10, Thaet bith thonne openlice unnyt word, thaette gescedwise menn ne magon ongietan thaet hit belimpe to ryhtwislicre and to nytwyrthlicre thearfe auther oththe eft uferan dogore oththe thonne 'That is then an openly useless word, that wise men may not perceive that it belong to virtuous and to -useful necessity either at a future day or thereafter.

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The subjunctive mood in these sentences might be simply a mark of subordination which the scribe has employed in order to clarify the relationship among the consecutive subordinate clauses. The subjunctive serves such a purpose in certain Latin constructions. It is a sign of subordination with no special meaning in clauses of indirect question: Quis eum. occiderit quaero 'I ask who killed him.' Also in Latin constructions of indirect discourse, the verb of the dependent clause is an infinitive form, but all other subordinate clauses have a subjunctive verb: Pico eum stultum esse qui hoc faciat 'I say that he who is doing this, is foolish.' 4 Indeed, throughout other such complex sentences containing complement clause constructions in Old English, the subjunctive mood regularly occurs in one or more of the subordinate clauses. In these three instances the introductory verb of the complement clause is in a subordinate clause itself; therefore, the need for a formal signal of subordination seems a reasonable explanation for the occurrence of the subjunctive mood after ongietan. 4 Bradley's Arnold Latin Prose Comuosition pp. 107 and 243.

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103 Thencan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 1 10 Orosius 1 2 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 2 12 Thencan regularly takes the subjunctive in complement clauses, although the word order of the thencan construction varies. The construction often follows the conventional pattern: thencan + subordinator ( thaet hu, hwwords) + subject noun phrase + verb phrase; nevertheless, the texts show that items do interrupt this order without influencing the mood in the complement clause A principle of attraction is perhaps operating betxveen the indicative moods in the two sentences which exceptionally employ the indicative rather than the subjunctive mood in the complement clause. The verb of the subordinate clause has been drawn into agreement with the mood of the main clause. Of course the subjunctive, as the predominant mood, occurs regularly in the complement clause, whether the mood of the main verb is subjunctive or indicative.

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104 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 41-23, Thonne hie synderlice thenceath hu hie selfe scylen fullfremodeste weorthan. 45-18, and nyllath thaes thencean hu hie maegen nyttweorthuste bion. 55-19, he thencth on tham oferbraedelse his modes thaet he sciele monig god weorc thaeron wyrcan. 145-8, and thenceath a hwaet hie don maegen. 22 7-2 3, and thencth thaes timan hwonne he hit wyrs geleanian maege. 239-12, ac sceal thonne niede thencean hu he hie gelicettan maege 273-4, nls na thaes. anes thearf to thenceanne hwelce hie hie selfe utane eowien mannum. 275-17, Forthaem is gesceadwislice to thenceanne hwelcum tidum him gecopust sie to sprecanne. 393-25, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu hiera aegther othres willa don scvle. Orosius 182-25, he thencth thaet he hit adwaesce Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Orosius 92-22, hie thohtan thaet hie siththan hiora undertheowas waeren. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 5 7-12, Ac thence aelc mon aer hu nytwyrthe he si

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105 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 55-20, and he thencth mid inne wearde mode thaet he gierneth for gilpe and for upahafenesse thaes forgothes 'and he thinks in his inmost heart that he desires it out of pride and out of the arrogance of this authority. 294-22, tha thohton Eugonius and Arbogestes thaet hie sceoldon aerest of thaem muntum hie gebigan 'then thought Eugenius and Arbogestes that they should first turn them from the hill.' We nan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 65 Orosius 3 16 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle I No evidence available Total 3 81 We nan occurs frequently as the governing verb of a complement clause construction. The subjunctive verb form follows wen an in all but three instances. These exceptions are apparently determined by their predominately indicative contexts. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 5-22, Hie ne wendon thaett[e] aefre menn sceolden swae re[c]celease weorthan.

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106 69-22, gif he thonne self wenth thaet he sie wis. 103-24 hie wenath thaet hie mid besmitene sien. 111-14, ac wenth thaet he haebbe hie oferthungne. 143-24, Ac tha the hi wenath thaet [him] nan wuht lathes ne witherweardes don [ne] maege. 145-21, hie wenath, thea[h] hira hieremenn hie mid ryhte here gen for hiera agnum gewyrhtum, thaet hie thaet don for lufan. 149-8, and wenath menn thaet he hit do for kystum. 149-11, thaet menn wenath thaet hit sie ryhtwislic anda. 149-13, and theah wenath men thaet hit sie for arodscipe. 149-15, and wenath menn thaet hit sie for suarmodnesse 179-10, menn wenath thaet hi yfel don. 191-17, thonne hie wenath thaet hie hira selfra gewyrhtu sien claene. 209-10, hie wenath thaet thaet sie thaet betste. 209-10, ac tha unmodigan and tha ungedyrstigan wenath thaet thaet suithe forsewenlic sie. 213-6, forthaemthe hie xvendon thaet hit near worulde endunge waere. 231-23, hu micle ma wenstu thaet he sie innan. 271-18, hie wenath thaet hie stilran and orsorgtran beon maegen. 2 85-2, and thonne he wenth thaet he funden haebbe. 289-11, thaette hie ful oft wenath thaette hiera hierre sie ryhtwislic anda. 289-1.3, thonne hie wenath thaet hiera untheawas sien sum god craeft. 289-17, thonne hie wenath thaet hie ryhtne andan haebben. 289-19, Oft eac tha grambaeran wenath thaet hiera untheaw sie sumes ryhtwislices andan wielm.

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107 291-4, the wenath thaet hie ryhtwislicne andan haebben. 301-26, tha tha wenath thaet hie eathmode sien. 339-16, and theah wenath thaet hie sien unscyldige. 343-5, hie thonne wenath thaet hie Gode sellen. 365-20, hie wenath thaet hie wisran sien selfe thonne othre. 391-23, and wenth thaet his gehelpan ne maege. 391-25, he wenth thaet he gehelpan ne maege. 411-23, and hie wenath thaet hie beforan bion scylen. 425-1, Wenstu, gif hwa othrum hwaet gieldan sceal, hwaether he hine mid thy gehealdan maege. 439-9, hi wenath thaet hi utan stonden. 439-12, Ac thonne hi wenath thaet hi of hira aegnum maegene hi haebben gehealden. 457-11, he wenth thaet thone mon aer maege gebrengan. 459-10, Hwa wenstu thaet sie to thaem getreow. 463-20, thu wenst thaet thu wlitegost sie. Orosius 76-14, thaet tha se gionga cyning swithor micle wenende waes thaet hie thonon fleonde waeren. 120-7, swelce ge wenath thae(t) ge sien. 134-27, tha hie untweogend(lice) wendon thaet heora hlaford waere on heora feonda gewealde. 136-21, Hu wenath hie hu tham waere the on Alexandres onwalde w aer on. 164-19, thaet hie wendon thaet hie mehten thaet yfel 'mid thaem .gestillan. 188-11, thaette se consul waes wenende thaet eall thaet folc waere gind thaet lond tobraed.

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108 218-4, the hie wendon thaet hie mid hiera deofolgildum gestiered haefden. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 3-16, and ic wene thaet [te] noht monige begiondan Humbre naeren. 39-5, and theah he wende thaet hit nan syn naere. 39-24, Se ilea se th[e] wende thaet he waere ofer ealle othere menn. 113-15, tha xvende he thaet he eac mara waere. 291-12, Ic wene thaet we maegen this openlicor gecythan. 465-15, Ic wende on minum wlencum and on minum forwanan thaet thaes naefre ne wurde nan ende. 465-21, Ic wende thaet ic waere swithe strong. Orosius 58-13, Ic wene, cwaeth Orosius, thaet nan wis mon ne sie. 92-18, Ne wene ic, cwaeth Orosius, thaet aenig mon atellan maege 96-34, Ne wene ic, cwaeth Orosius, thaet aenige twegen latteowas emnar gefuhten. 148-26, Tha wende man thaet thaet gewin geendad waere. 150-23, Ne wene ic, cwaeth Orosius, thaet aenig waere. 150-26, Tha wende man eft othere sithe thaet thaet gewinn Alexandres folgera geendad waere. 188-6, and untweogendlice wende thaet. nan naere. /

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109 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 179-9, the ah menn wenen thaet hie yfel don. 185-11, and he wene thaet he ryht be othrum gedemed haebbe. 203-9, thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie sien wiese. 209-16, thonne hie wenen thaet hie haebben betst gedon. 209-17, thonne hie wenen thaet hie thone gilp and thaet lof begieten haebben. 215-1, thaet hie wenden thaet hie thaes the untaelwyrthran waeren. 281-14, hwelc wite wene we thaet se felaspraecea scyle h abb an. 299-7, the ah hie wenen thaet [hie] hiene haebben. 305-18, thaer hie ne wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and wisran waeren. 308-7, Wene ge nu thaet ic aenigre leohtmodnesse bruce oththe thaette ic thence aefter woruldluste. 308-8, wene ge thaet aegther sie mid me. 315-9, ne eft ne wenen thaet hit anlipe full healic maegen sie. 315-10, thylaes hie wenen thaet hit anlipe micellre geearnunge maegen sie. 32 7-15, ne wene he no thaet Godes ryhtwisnes sie to ceape. 329-13, Hwaet wene ge hwaet sio thurhtogene unryhtwisnes geearnige 35 3-10, Ac hu wene we hu micel scyld thaet sie. 353-21, Ne wene ge no thaet ic to thaem come. 401-2 3, thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie butan [thaem] demme stranges domes hi gemengan maegen. 40 3-3, ne wene he thaet he sie.

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110 411-21, thaet hie ne wenen for hira claennesse thaet hie sien. 453-35, thaet hi ne wenen thaet hi genog don. Oro sius 50-1, Hu wene ge hwelce sibbe tha weras haefden. 58-25, hu micle swithor wenen we thaet he ofer tha maran sie. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Orosius 10 4-4, for thon Romane waeron swa forhte and swa aemode thaet hie ne wendon thaet hie tha burg bewerian mehton 'because the Romans were so frightened and so disheartened, that they did not think that they could guard the city. 190-4, and wendon thaet hie on thaem daege sceoldon habban thone maestan sige 'and thought that they on that day should have the greatest victory. Attraction between the indicative verb forms in these sentences and the verbs of the complement clauses can best explain the exceptional moods. The verbs sculon and especially magan occur so frequently as subjunctive forms in the illustrations of wenen constructions abo\-e, that they alone cannot explain the exceptional mood choice. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Orosius 164-3, hu wene we, nu Romane him self thylllc writon and setton for heora agnum gielpe and heringe, and theah gemong thaere heringe" thyllica bismra on hie selle asaedon, hu wene we hu monegra maran bismra

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Ill hie forsugedon, aegther ge for hiora agenre lufan and londleoda, ge eac for hiera senatum ege 'How think we now the Romans for themselves wrote and composed such things for their own glory and praise, and yet, amidst the praise, spoke of such reproaches among themselves, how think we how many greater reproaches they concealed, either for love or themselves and (their) countrymen, or also for fear of their senate!' Although wen an occurs twice in this passage, the complement clause construction introduced by a subordinator follows only the second instance of wen an The predominance of the indicative verb form in the passage can perhaps explain the indicative form in this complement clause. The indicative form occurs also in the the ah clause, which usually employs the subjunctive verb form. Attraction of a different sort, then, might explain the exceptional mood in this complement clause following a subjunctive form of wenan. Wit an Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 31 8 Orosius 19 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 50 8 The indicative mood regularly follows wit an in the complement clause. The items folio 1 .'/ the pattern illustrated by other complement clause constructions: witan +

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112 subordinator ( thaet > hu hw words) + subject noun phrase + verb phrase. Any interrupting items do not influence the mood choice in the complement clause: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 63-11, Ealle we witon be monnum, se se the bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with otherne the he bith eac ierre, thaet irsigende mod he gegremeth 'We all know concerning men, he who bids a man that he intercede for him with another with whom he is also angry, that he irritates the angry mind. The subjunctive appears in the complement clause when attraction acts" between the subjunctive mood of wit an and the verb of its object clause; a few instances of the exceptional mood require special explanations. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 57-14, Thonne maeg he, witan be thy, gif ne hie[r]ran folgath habban sceal, hwaether he thonne don maeg thaet 63-11. Ealle we witon bi monnum thaet irsigende mod he gegremeth. 65-11, Se bith eallenga healt se the ivat hwider he gaan sceal 135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth. 143-1, Hwaet we genoh georne witon thaet se esne the aerendath his woroldhlaforde wifes, thaet he bith diernes gelires scyldig with God. 149-1, Thaette se reccere sceal geornlice wietan thaette oft tha untheaiAfas leogath. 149-3, Eac sceal se reccere witan thaet tha untheaxvas beoth oft geliccette to godum theawum.

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113 151-8, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwilum bith god waerlice to mithanne his hieremonna scylda. 157-14, Eac is to wietanne thaet aeresth bith se wah thurhthyrelod. 191-5, Eac sculun wietan tha ofer othre gesettan thaet thaet hie unaliefedes thurhteoth, and othre men bi tham bieseniath, sua manegra wieta hie beoth wyrthe. 191-11, swa he gere witan maeg thaet he no ana ne forwierth. 269-19, Eac is to witanne thaette oft thaem bith gestiered. 273-21, Hwaet we wieton thaet sio diegle wund bith sarre thonne sio opene. 293-14, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwaethwugu bith betweoh thaem irsiendan and thaem ungethyldgan. 306-18, Eac is to wietanne thaette sume umtheawas cumath of othrum untheawum. 306-19, Forthy [us] is to wietanne thaet we magon hie sua ithesth mid threaunga gebetan. 343-21, se the viat hwaer he hiene leget. 343-22,. Swa bith thaem the witan willath hwaet hie sellath. 343-23, and nyllath wietan mid hwelcum woo hie hit gestriendon. 377-1, Hwaet hie witon, gif hiera niehstan friend weorthath waedlan, and hie feoh habbath, and his thonne him oftioth, thaet hie beoth thonne fultemend to hiera waedle 385-30, We sculon wietan thaette oft bith on halgum gewrietum genemned mid feorwe to gioguthhade. 411-16, Hwaet, we witon thaet we ma lufiath thone aecer. 419-3, Be thaem he maeg witan thaet hi bioth hraedlice forgiefene Oros ius 42-1, Ic wat geare, cwaeth Oros ius, thaet ic his sceal her fela oferhebban.

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114 58-21, Nu we wit an thaet ure Dryhten us gesceop. 5 8-21, we witon eac thaet he ure reccend is. 58-23, Nu we witon thaet ealle onwealdas from him sindon, 5 8-23, we witon eac thaet ealle ricu sint from him. 106-14, thaet hie be thaem wiston hwider hie sceoldon. 106-17, and be thaem wiston thaet hie with sum folc frith ne haefdon. 122-11, Hwaet ge witon thaet ge giet todaege waeron Somnitum theowe. 126-31, Genoh sweotollice us gedyde nu to witanne Alexander hwelce tha haethnan godas sindon to weorthianne. 156-16, thaet hie wiston hu hie to thaem elpendon sceoldon. 214-1, Ic wat, cwaeth Orosius, hwaet se Romana gelp swithost is. 242-32, the ic wat thaet nan swa god (man) ne leofath swa he is on theosan life. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 355-21, forthaem he wisse thaet hit bith swithe uniethe aegther to donne Orosius 17-5, buton he wisse thaet he thaer bad westaneindes The mood of this complement clause is especially noteworthy because this is Alfred's original prose, "Ohthere's Narrative." 74-31, ac tha he wiste thaet hie him on nanura fultome beon ne maehte, and thaet seo burg abrocen waes. 80-20, and wiste thaet hie woldon geornfulran beon thaere wrace thonne othere men.

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115 188-14, swa he wiste thaet thaet other waes. 288-16, for thon he wiste hu faestmod he waes aer on his geleafan. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet he nis freoh with his hlaford. 273-3, thaet hie geornlice tiligen to wietanne thaet him nis na thaes anes thearf to thence anne. 291-18, -Laer thaet folc, and threata, and-tael, and hat, thaet hie wieten thaet ge sume anwald habbath ofer hie. 315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe forhaefdnesse briengath. 345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie gewisslice wieten thaet hie na on to thaes manegum goodum craeftum ne beoth. 395-21, and swatheah wite thaet he sceal bion adre£(r)ed. 409-23, thaet hie witen thaet se maegthhad is hirra thonne se gesinscipe. Orosius 58-13, buton he genoh geare wite thaette God thone aerestan monn ryhtne and godne gesceop. 214-6, thonne wisten hie thaet hie waeron eallum folcum gemaene Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 199-7, theah hie wieten thaet hie elles aeltaewe ne sin.

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116 2 39-14, thonne anscuniagath hie thaet mon wite hwelce hie sien. 323-14, thaet is thaet sio winestre hand ne scyle witan hwaet sio suithre do. 385-12, oth thu wite thaet thin spraec haebbe aegther ge ord ge ende. Certain occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the complement clause do not follow a subjunctive form of witan; therefore, it can be suggested only that attraction operates from the subjunctive form of verbs in other clauses to the verb in the complement clause. 51-11, We witon thaet he naere eathmod, gif he undergenge thone ealdordom swelces unrimfolces buton ege ; and eft he waere ofermod, gif he [with] cw.aede thaet he naere underthidd his Scippende 'We know that he were not humble if he undertakes the rule of such a countless number without fear; and again he were presumptuous, if he said that he were not subject to his Maker. In this instance attraction seems quite possible between the moods of both clauses which make up the gif construction. Indeed the entire gif construction is the object of witan. 2 73-24, Eac sculon we o tan tha the ma swugiath thonne hie thyrfen, thaette hie hierasorge ne geiecen mid thy thaet hie hiora tungan gehealden 'Also shall those know who are more silent than they need be, that they increase their sorrow when they hold their tongue 459-6, Thaem lareowe is to wietanne thaet he huru nanum men mare ne beode thonne he acuman maege, thylaes se rap his modes weorthe to swithe athened, oth he forberste 'The teacher is to know that he at all events not demand of any man more than he may bear, lest, the rope of his mind become too severely stretched out, until it breaks.' One problem construction occurs in a predominately indicative context, so that the possibility of attraction must be ruled out:

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117 51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum menn to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga 'But because it is so difficult for any man to know when he is purified, he may, the more secure, shun the ministration. The demand for a formal signal of subordination perhaps influenced the scribe away from the regular mood in this case; thus, the subjunctive mood here simply acts as a mark of subordination in order to make clear the relationship among all these subordinate clauses. The governing verb wit an itself is contained within the larger subordinate clause introduced by forthaemthe so the sie after to_ witanne is a useful signal for its subordination in the embedded complement clause construction. Group C Indicative Subjunctive Mood in the Mood in the Complement Complement Clause Clause Probability Values Calculated According to the Binomial Method Aetiewan 2 Cythan 14 Gecwethan 6 Gemunan 4 Gesecgan 8 Geseon 11 Getacnian 3 Oncnawan 4 Secgan 17 Tacnian 5 6 7 14 1 4 4 3 1 27 4 p < .10 p < .12 p < .07 p < .31 p < .19 p < .10 p < .99 p < .31 p < .16 p < .48

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118 Group C holds those verbs which are represented in at least five complement clause constructions, but which do not show such a decided preference for one mood as did the verbs of groups A and B. Were there no rule so that the subjunctive and indicative moods might be expected to occur half of the time each, there is a high probability (which varies, however, among the verbs of the group) that these constructions would read exactly as they do. The behavior, then, of the verbs in Group C does not present a discouraging picture for the proponents of the argument that choice between the moods is meaningful. The probability values range from less than seven chances in 100 that ge ewe tha n would be followed by the subjunctive mood fourteen out of twenty times to less than five chances in ten for the tacnian and getacnian constructions. Although the probability values favor the no -rule hypothesis, there is evidence that certain formal rules can explain the occurrence of the less frequent mood in every instance Aetiewan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the"" Complement Clause Pastoral Care 2 6 Although the texts do not offer many illustrations of aetiewan as the main verb of complement clause constructions,

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119 the available evidence suggests that the subjunctive mood is the established mood in the complement clause. The indicative mood occurs, nevertheless, in two special cases. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 77-13, simle he sceal aetiewan on his lifes gestaeththignesse hu micle gesceadwisnesse he bere on his breostum. 161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life frecenlice witherwearde 241-21, thonne he mid wtmderlicre ladunga aetiewth thaet he furthum naefre thaet yfel ne ongunne. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 123-24, thaet he aetiewe his hieremonnum thaet he sie hiera f aeder 161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe gesiehth. 179-11, buton we eac feawum wordum aetiewen hwaet hie healden. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pas toral Care 161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life frecenlice witherwearde untheawas him wi thfeohtath ; and hu aeghwelc syn bith saetigende thaes thiondah monnes 'they show how much dangerously opposes it in this present life and the vices fight against it, and how each sin is lying in wait for the flourishing man.

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120 This study is concerned only with each verb introduced by a subordinator thaet hu hw words; therefore the verb withf eohtath is not counted as evidence. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe gesiehth, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefonlice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu monega costunga thaes lytegan feondes him on feallath 'and shows them what be the sight of exalted peace and how in vain a man perceives that heavenly wonder of God, if he does not perceive how many temptations of the crafty foe fall on him. Preceded by a predominately subjunctive context, the indicative mood of the hu clauses is difficult to explain. While not an explanation for all governing verbs of indirect discourse, it would seem that both these object clauses (16115 and 161-22) are too far removed from the main verb to be influenced by it; thus the verb of each object clause closer to the main verb is in the normal subjunctive mood. Cythan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 13 7 Orosius No evidence available Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 1 Total 14 7

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121 The indicative mood appears to be the regular mood after cythan in the complement clause; however, the subjunctive mood occurs frequently throughout the cythan evidence. The principle of attraction best explains the mood variation in the complement clause. The proof for the attraction theory is gathered from the verbs other than the main verb of each sentence when the main verb is a gerund construction: is + to cythanne Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 163-2, ac he him sceal eac cythan mid hwelcum craeftum he him withstondan maeg. 173-14. nu we him willath cythan hu he laeran sceal. 201-15, Tham hlafordum is eac to cythanne thaette hie with Code ofermodgiath for his agenre giefe. 281-23, Tham slawum thonne is to cythanne thaette oft thaette hwilum eft cymth sio tid. 2 87-3, ongean thaet is to cythanne thaem the beoth to hrade thaet hie forpaerath thaem edliane. 299-4, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne hu micel sio heanes is 299-5, Thaem upahaefenum is to cythanne hwelc nawuht thes woruldgielp is. 301-14, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne thaette thaette hie thonne astigath. 305-15, Thaem unbealdum is to cythanne hu giemelease hie bioth. 441-11, Forthy him is aerest to cythanne hu idel thaet is.

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122 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 48-An.755, and him cythdon thaet hiera maegas him mid waeron Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 3-2, and cythan hate thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd. This is a particularly interesting illustration because it occurs in Alfred's original prose, his Preface to the Pastoral Care 103-2, and cythde hwaet hie wyrcean and healdan scoldon. 409-19, Mid thaem worde he cyththe thaet hit is se hiehsta craef t Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 213-18, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes daeg neah sie. Only once does such a clearly subjunctive form of cythan introduce a complement clause. 253-8, Eac is to cythanne thaem mettrumum, gif hie willen geliefan thaette Godes rice hiera sie, thaet hie thonne her on worulde tholigen earfethu thaem timum the hie thyrfen. 263-9, Thaet is to cythanne the him swingellan ondraedath thaet hie thissa eorthlicean goda to suithe ne gietsien, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie haebben ongemong him. 305-13, Thaem anfealdan straecum is to cythanne thaet hie bet [netjruwien him selfum thonne h[i]e thyrfen. 305-18, Ac thaem anstraecum is to cythanne, thaer hie ne wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and wisran waeren thonne othre menn, thaet hie ne laeten hiera getheaht and hiera wenan sua feor beforan ealra otherra monna wenan.

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123 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 129-21, Thaes daeges tocyme hwelc he beo he cythde, tha he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle tha the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of this day, whatever it is, he showed when he said: It comes just as a snare over all those who dwell on the earth. The indeterminate form as well as the predominance of the indicative mood makes the attraction theory less satisfactory. The inverted word order of the clause perhaps better explains the occurrence of the exceptional mood. The normal word order for complement clauses places the main verb before the clause: cythan + subordinator + subject noun phrase + verb phrase. Yet the order of this clause differs from the common pattern: subordinator + subject noun phrase + verb phrase + cythan 409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen, and eac saede thaet k he uniethe waere to gehealdenne, and eac cythde hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden, thonne hie hine underfangen haefden 'because he said that all did not receive it. and also said that it was difficult to keep, and also showed how carefully they should hold it, when they have received it In spite of the indeterminate form of cythan, the predominance of the subjunctive mood in surrounding clauses explains the exceptional mood in the complement clause following cythan.

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124 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care The subjunctive mood occurs in thaet clauses immediately following cythan in completely indicative contexts: 201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet he nis freoh with his hlaford 'The servant is to be told that he know that he is not independent of his master. 201-19, Thaem halforde is to cythanne thaet he ongiete thaet he is efntheow his theowe 'To the lord is to be told that he perceives that he is the fellow servant of his servant.' 315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe forhaefdnesse briengath, thonne hie thearfendum monnum sellath hiera ondliefene thone dael the hi him selfum oftioth 'Therefore it is to be told to the abstinent that they know that they then bring to God a very worthy abstinence when they give to the needy men the portion of their substance which they deprive themselves of. 349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to cythanne thaet hie wieten thaette swa lange sua hie beoth from thaere lufe athied hiera niehstena, and him ungemode beoth, thaette hie nanwuht godes ne magon tha hwile Gode bringan to thances 'To the quarrelsome is to be told that they know that as long as thev are separated from the love of their neighbor, and are at variance with them that they may not then meanwhile bring anything of good, pleasing to God.' All these th aet clauses can be deleted without changing the meaning of their sentences; therefore, it is possible that this recurring pattern, thaet + pronoun + ( Wlt ? n ongietan is merely part of a gerund formula common to the manian constructions: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 429-7, Ac hie sint ££ ^anienne thaet hi ongieten thaet hit b ith se_ degla Godes dom 'But they are to be admonished that they perceive that

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125 it is the secret judgement of God.' The subjunctive mood in the thaet clause can be explained as the conventional verb form in this formula. In all these exceptional instances, therefore, the formulaic convention perhaps replaced the convention established for the verb form in the complement clauses introduced by cythan. Gecwethan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the" Complement Clause Pastoral Care 5 10 Orosius 1 4 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 14 The subjunctive mood appears to be the regular mood after gecwethan in complement clause constructions. The verb frequently occurs in a past participle construction: beon + gecweden Neither ge cwethan nor its auxiliaries ever appear in the subjunctive mood; it is, therefore, not so interesting to suggest that the six exceptional instances of the indicative mood in the complement clause are caused by the immediate indicative environment. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 15 7-10, Forthy waes suithe wel gecueden thaet hie waere atiefred.

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126 235-21, Forthy is wel ge cue den thaette thaet flaesclice lif sie thaere heortan haelo. 235-24, Ac thaet is suithe ryhte gecueden be thaem barium thaet hie forrotigen. 243-19, Thonne is eac gecueden thaette God spraece to thaem bilwitum. 251-8, Thonne is aefter thaem gecueden thaet he sargige aet niehstan. 279-11, Be thaem waes suithe wel gecweden thurh thone wis an Salomon, thaette se se thaet waeter utforlete waere fruma thaere towesnesse. 285-11, Hit is suithe wel be thaem gecweden thaet he eft bedecige on sumera. 389-16, Eft waes gecueden thurh Salomon thone snottran thaette on his swithran handa waere lang lif. 439-23, Be thaem waes gecweden on thaem godspelle to Fariseum thaet hi withbleowen thaere fleogan. 465-33, Forthaem eac waes gecweden to Ezechiele thaem witgan thaet he waere monnes sunu. Orosius 108-8, thaet waes thaet (hie) haefdon gecweden thaet hie ealle emlice on Latine tengden. 2 30-20, tha gecwaedon hie thaet hie sume hie beaeftan we re den Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Orosius 66-19, tha gecwaedan hie thaet him leofre waere

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127 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Orosius 156-29, Tha ascedan hiene hie thegnas hwy he swa heanlice word be him self urn gecwaede, thaet he oferwunnwn waere Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment As I noted above, the prevalence of the indicative mood throughout the entire stock of ge ewe than constructions weakens an explanation of the occurrence of the indicative mood in the complement clause according to the attraction theory. However, four of these exceptional indicative clauses contain a sculon + infinitive construction distinguishing them from the subjunctive mood clauses and possibly determining the scribe's choice of the exceptional mood. Gregory's P astoral Care 95-1, Be thaem waes gecueden mid thaere godcundan stefne thaet on thaes saceries hraegle scoldon hangigan b e 1 1 an 109-10, Forthaem hit naes na gecueden thaet hie [ne] scoldo n othre rnenn ondraedan. 139-11, Be thaem .suithe wel waes gecueden to Ezechiele tham witgan thaette tha sacerdas ne scoldon no hiera heafdu scieran mid scierseaxum. 171-17, Be tham saglum is suithe gesceadlice gecueden thaet hie sculon simie stician on tham hringum. Attraction among the indicative moods appears to be the best explanation for one of the exceptions in the Pastoral Care:

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128 253-1.1, Be thys ilcan is gecueden on kyninga bocum, sua sua hit geworden waes, and eac'us to besine. Hit is gecueden thaette tha stanas on thaem maeran temple Salomonnes waeron sua we[l] gefegede 'About this same is spoken in the books of Kings, as it happened, and also as an example for us. 'it is said that the stones on the famous temple of Solomon were so well fitted. Orosius 56-24, Gecwaedon tha thaet tha the aer aet thaem athum naeren, thaet tha nam gelendon, and bi eallum heora wifum bearna striendon 'They said, then that those who previously were not at the oaths, that those went home, and by all their wives begot sons.' The main verb is in the indicative mood, so the attraction theory might explain the exceptional indicative mood; however, the subjunctive mood itself occurs in the relative clause immediately preceding the thaet clause. It is difficult, therefore, to explain why the regular subjunctive mood does not occur in the object clause after ge ewe th an. It appears that in this case the scribe reserved the sub* junctive mood as the marker of subordination only for the subordinate clause within the complement clause construction: the aer aet thaem athum naeren. Gemunan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 4 i Gemunan is particularly interesting in spite of the limited evidence because of its frequency throughout

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129 Alfred's original prose, his Preface to the Pastoral Care. Although the amount of complement clause constructions to be taken from the original prose is necessarily small, the rules for mood in the complement clause operate with the same consistency as that observed in the translations. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 333-22, thonne hie gemunath thaet hie thaet ilce doth, Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care 5-8, Tha ic tha this eall gemunde tha gemunde ic eac hu ic geseah. 5-25, Tha gemunde ic hu sio ae waes aerest on Ebr[e]isc gethiode funden. 7-15, Tha ic tha gemunde hu sio lar Laedengethiodes aer thissum afeallen wae.<§, giond Angelcynn. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 413-11, God us drencte swithe gemetlice mid tearum, swa thaette aeghwelces mannes mod s\\ r a micle of tor waere gethwaened mid hreow sunge tearum swa swa he gemunde thaet hit oft or waere adrugod from Gode on his synnum 'God gave us to drink very moderately with tears, so that the heart of every man was so much more often moistened with the tears of repentance as more often he remembered that it was dried by God with his sins.' The indeterminate form of the main verb weakens the argument for attraction; nevertheless, as the only other

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130 determinate form in the sentence is a subjunctive form, it is possible that the unmarked forms as well as the clearly subjunctive form influenced the scribe's choice of the exceptional mood in this complement clause. Gesecgan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the" Complement Clause Pastoral Care 2 2 Orosius 6 2 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available o Total Gesecgan s influence on the mood of the verb in the complement clause is difficult to describe; both moods ccur in the clause. Of the only twelve samples available, the indicative mood occurs eight times and the subjunctive four times;, therefore, the subjunctive mood is perhaps the exceptional mood. Any explanation for this exceptional ood can be only suggested considering the limited amount f evidence. There are two features which distinguish these subjunctive mood clauses from the indicative ones: negative items occur in three of the four subjunctive clauses; the fourth exception occurs In an interrogative construction. Neither the word order nor attraction m o

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131 between moods influences the mood variation in the complement clause. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 109-4, Hwaet hie is gesaed thaet ure ialdan faederas waeron ceapes hierdas. 163-7, and him eac gesaegth hu'thaem monnum the him maegem and craft wiexth. Orosius 52-8, Hit is uniethe to gesecgenne hu monege gewin siththan waeron betuh Maethum. 58-7, Nu is hit scortlice ymbe thaet gesaegd thaette aer gewearth. 110-13. Ic sceal hwaethre eft gewendan thaet ic hwelcnehugu dael gesecge Alexandres daeda; and hu he feng to Maecedonia rice on Crecum. 240-16, Thaet is ungeliefedlic to gesecganne, cwaeth Orosius, hwaet thaes ealles waes. 250-26, Nu ic haebbe gesaed, § cwaeth Orosius, from frymthe thisses middangeardes hu eall moncyn angeald. 250-28, nu ic wille eac forth gesecgan hwelc mildsung, and hwelc gethwaernes siththan waes. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 337-6, the on thaem godspelle gesaed is thaette na [n]ne waesthm ne baere. 339-1, nis hit np_ gesaed thaet he for thy geraeled waere. Orosius 156-20, Hit n aes na gesaed hwaet Pirruses forces gefeallen waere

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132 192-27, Hu magon nu Romane cwaeth Orosius, to sothe gesecge[a]n thaet hie tha haefden beteran tida thonne hie nu haebben, tha hie swa monega gewin hadfdon emdenes underfongen? Geseon Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 10 4 Orosius 1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total 11 4 The indicative mood appears to be the established mood following geseon in complement clause constructions Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the subordinate clause best explains the occurrences of the exceptional subjunctive mood. Yet one exception occurs after an indicative form of greseon. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 5-8, hu ic geseah hu tha ciricean giond eall Angelcynn stodon mathma and boca gefyldae. Such illustrations from Alfred's original prose are noteworthy as they demonstrate that rules for the mood in the complement clause are so fixed that they are practiced in original works as well as in translations 111-17, sua he gesihth that he mare maeg doon thonne othre menn t

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133 143-8, thoime he gesihth thaet his hieremen agyltath. 157-18, ac thu ne meaht geseon hwaet thaerinne bith gehyddes 231-22, Thonne thu gesiehsth thaet he bith utan gedrefed. 377-18, and thonne gesihth thaet his hwam thearf bith. 409-14-, the hi gesioth thaet hie habbath. 415-11, thonne he gesihth thaet hit unrot bith. 415-26, and thonne eft gesihth thaet hit thaes hreowsath. Orosius 118-4, Tha his here geseah thaet he mid thy horse afeoll Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 447-32. and gesion thaette this mennisce lof swithe hraedlice gewit. Indeterminate Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's P astoral Care 361-25, tha he geseah thaet folc Phariseo and Saducia anmodlice his ehtan. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pas toral Care 26 3-11, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie haebben ongemong him. 365-14, thaet we maegen geseon hwaet we don scylen. 461-6, Ac siththan he gesion thaette tha thiestra[n] mod thaera dysegena monna auht nealaecen thaem leohte thaere sothf aestnesse

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134 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 433-14, Forthaemthe nan mon ne maeg on niht gesion hu neah him hwelc frecenes sie, him is thearf thaet he haetbe his sweord be his hype 'Since no one may not at night see how near to him be any danger, for him is need that he have his sword by his hip. The subjunctive mood in such a case appears to be simply a marker of subordination demanded by the accumulation of several clauses. It is thus employed to make clear the relationship of the complement clause to its main verb which is also within a subordinate clause. This structure is similar to an exceptional witan construction: 51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum menn to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga 'But because it is so 'difficult for any man to know when he is purified, he may, the more secure, shun the ministration. This rare occurrence of the subjunctive mood after wit an in a predominantly indicative context can be explained also when the subjunctive mood is understood as a formal signal of subordination; therefore, as a feature of clause construction the subjunctive mood replaces the mood assigned to these geseon and wita n complement clause constructions Adjective: Gesiene The adjective construction wesan + gesiene is followed by the indicative mood in its one occurrence:

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135 Orosius, 252-29 Hit waes eac sweotole gesiene thaet hit waes Godes stihtung ymb thara rica anwaldas 'It was also clearly seen that it was the providence of God' before (as) the authority of the kingdoms.' Getacnian Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 3 7 Getacnian introduces a complement clause with a determinate mood form in the Pastoral Care only. Half of the constructions employ the indicative mood; and half, the subjunctive mood. There is no proof, then, that a syntactic rule has predetermined what mood ought to follow getacnian. It can be suggested, however, that perhaps the subjunctive mood is determined by its context rather than by the influence of getacnian. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 257-1, hit getacnath thaem mode for thaere suingan hwaet Godes willa bith. 459-29, Thaet getacnath thaette aeghwelc thaera halgena lareowa the nu laerath on thaere thisternesse thisses middangeardes habbath onlicnesse thaem kokkum. /

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136 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 397-35, he getacnode thaet we sculon fleon thone unlifedan bryne ures lichoman. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 119-9, Ond the ah hit on sumum thingum getacnad sie thaet he hwelc gerisenlic wundor wyrcean maege. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 451-9, On thaem twaem wordum he us getacnode for hwelcum thingum we s ceolden ure godan weorc helan, and for hwelcum we hi sceolden. cythan. The very limited evidence as well as the indeterminate form of getacnian makes an explanation even more difficult; therefore, I merely suggest jhat since the one other instance of the subjunctive mood occurs after the subjunctive form getacnode sie getacnode here is perhaps the subjunctive form also influencing the mood in both complement clauses

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137 On en aw an Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the" Complement Clause Pastoral Care 4 Orosius 1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total The small number of illustrations limits the description of on en aw an The indicative mood is the predominant mood after oncnawan in complement clause constructions. The only exceptional instance of the subjunctive mood occurs after the subjunctive form of oncnawan ; therefore, it seems likely that attraction between moods Influenced the verb of the complement clause. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 181-16, Be thaem we magon suithe swutule oncnawan thaet se eathmodnesse lareow na ne cuaeth. 181-18, and eac we magon oncnawan thaet, thaet tha earman and tha untruman sient to retanne. 405-18, Of thissum wordum we magon oncnawan thaet we thonne eft mid micle dysige syngiath.

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138 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 265-22, thaet hie.be tham oncnawaen ... to hwaem hiera agen wise wirth. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Orosius 62-35, and eac thaet hie oncnewen hu gelimpice ure God on thaem aerran tidum tha anwaldas and tha ricu sette. Secgan Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 8 10 Orosius 9 16 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 1 Total 17 27 Both the indicative and the subjunctive moods follow secga n in the complement clause construction. Although the statistics for the occurrence of the subjunctive mood in the complement clause are not especially Impressive, the subjunctive mood appears to be the established mood. The exceptional indicative mood can be explained according to the operation of attraction. Although the indicative mood

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139 occurs in an indeterminate context as well as in a clearly indicative environment, it never occurs in a clearly subjunctive context; thus it seems likely that attraction between moods influenced the scribe's choice of the indicative mood. The order of items in the construction regularly follows this pattern: secgan + subordinator + subject pronoun + verb + object. In the subjunctive clauses the order of the items seldom varies from the pattern; however, it is interesting that the normal order is often upset in those clauses which contain the exceptional indicative mood In these clauses the verb is the last item of the string. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 111-11, suelce he gehierth thaet his olicceras secgath thaet he sie. t 231-10, Thaem welwillendum is to secganne, thonne hie gesioth hiera geferena god weorc, thaet hie eac thencen to him selfum. 239-3, mon sceal monian tha lytegan, and him secgan thaet hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde gesuinc bith. 261-3, Him is to secgeanne thaet hie unablinnendlice gethencen. 393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon on thisse ilcan bee bi David thaem Godes dirlinge thaet he waere ryhtwisra. Orosius 34-16, se scop waes secgende thaet Egypti adrifen Moyses ut

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140 36-20, and hy saedon thaet he waere ealles gewinnes waldend. 40-9, ac saedon thaet hio waere for Fetontis forscapunge 44-8, and him untweogendlice secgan het thaet hie other sceolden, oththe thaet lond aet him alesan. 44-20, and him saedon thaet hie other dyden. 46-33, the mon saegth thaet on an scith maege an thusend manna. 296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet and eac thaet eow selfum waere betere. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 279-14, Ac se wisa Salomon saede thaette suithe deop pol waere gewered. 409-20, and eac saede thaet he uniethe waere to gehealdenne Orosius The first four illustrations are noteworthy because they are in Alfred's original prose, the narratives of Ohthere and Wulfstan. 17-3, He saede theah (thaet) thaet land sie swithe lang north thonan. 18-24, He saede thaet Northmanna land waere swythe lang and swythe smael. 19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gef ore of Haethem, thaet he waere on Truso on syfan da gum and nihtum. 34-13, and saede Moyses waere thaes losepes sunu. 232-5, aer him mon saede thaet hie wolden faran on Italiam, Romana lond. 264-2, he saegde thaet he forlure thone daeg the he noht on to gode ne gedyde.

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141 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 8-An.81, Her Titus feng to rice se the saede thaet he thone daeg forlure the he noht to gode on ne gedyde. This is very close to the rendering of the same event in Orosius (264-2). Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Subjunctive Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 209-16, thaet we -him thonne secgen thaet hie haebben wierst gedon. 215-6, Thaem ungethyldegum is to secganne thaet hie ne agimeleasigen. t> v Or osius 8-4, theah the sume men saegden thaet thaer naere buton twegen daelas. 12-20, theah sume men secgen thaet hire aewielme sie. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 73-19, Aer thioson we saegdon feam wordum ond eac hwelc se bith the him ondraedan sceal. 225-23, gif he him saegth hwonon thaet cymth, and hu se lytega dioful styreth gewinn. 231-4, Forthaem is to secganne thaem welwillendan monnum thaet habbath sua micle mede otherra monna
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142 238-2 Hit is (nu) ungeliefedlic to secganne hwaet on thaem gewinne forwearth. 240-5, and him saedon thaet hie for his thingun adraefde waeron. 296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet tha haethnan tida waeron beteran thonne tha cristnan, and eac thaet eow selfum waere betere thaet ge eower(ne) cristendom forleten 'that you said that the heathen times were better than the christian, and also that (it) were better for you yourselves that you gave up your Christianity. It is difficult to explain the indicative mood in this sentence (296-18) in terms other than a sort of attraction which influenced the scribe in the first object clause, but not in the second. The only other secgan comparison construction contains the regular subjunctive mood: Past oral Care, 393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon oimTisse ilcan bee bi Davide thaem Godes dirlinge thaet he waere ryhtwisra tha tha he theng waes thonne he waere siththan he kyning waes 'just as we previously said in this same book about David the favorite of God that he was more just when he was a subject than he was when he was a king. This construction contains both signs common to the occurrence of the exceptional mood: The clause is introduced by the indicative form of secgan ; it does not conform to the conventional word order. Nevertheless, the occurrence of the regular mood need not be questioned; those signs are merely explanations for the scribe's occasional deviation from the regular practice.

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143 Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 401-15, Ic eow secgge hwaet eow arwyrthlicost is_ to beganne, and hu ge fullecost magon Gode thiowian. Orosius 19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet he waere on Truso on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet thaet scip waes ealne weg ymende under segle 'Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that he was in Truso during seven clays and nights, that that ship was moving all the way under sail.' The fact that the regular subjunctive mood appears in the two preceding dependent clauses makes any formal explanation for the waes of the third clause difficult. In fact, throughout the frequent appearance of secgan in the narratives of Oh there and Wulfstan, it governs the subjunctive mood. It can only be suggested, therefore, that thaet thaet scip waes ealne weg ymende under segle is not meant to be an object clause of sec gan ; it may belong to the continuing description: 19-34, Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and thas land eall hyrath to Denemearcan"Wenothland was for him on starboard, and on the left side of the ship for him 'was Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these lands belong to Denmark.' 86-5, Leonitha saede thaet tha tida tha yfele waeron. 210-28, Nu ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, secgan hulucu heo waes 232-17, theh ic hit nu scortlice secgan scyle, cwaeth Orosius, hwa thaes ordfruman waeron. 246-20, Ac tha him mon saede Octauianus thiderweard xvaes.

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144 Imperative Mood Environment There is not enough evidence of the governing verb in the imperative mood to determine its influence on the mood in the complement clause' construction. ••-' Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Imperative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 181-14, Secgath thaem welegum gind thisne middangeard thaet hi to ofermodlice ne thencen. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Imperative Environment Gregory's Pastor al Care 301-16, Secgath eac thaem upahaefenum thaette, thonne thonne hie hie selfe upahebbath, thaet hie [thonne] afeallath on tha biesene thaes aworpnan engles. Tacnian Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Pastoral Care 3 4 Orosius 2 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle No evidence available Total Tacnian presents problems for the student of the complement clause construction. The available evidence is limited to nine constructions and does not reveal that

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145 attraction is operating in the exceptional structures; therefore, tacnian s influence on the mood in the complement clause is here presented with less documentation than was the case with verbs such as wit an or ewe than. The indicative mood follows tacnian in the complement clause constructions of this order: tacnian + thaet + subject noun phrase + verb phrase. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 81-21, Thaet thonne tacnath thaet thaes sacerdes weorc s[c]ulon beon asyndred. 219-6, Thaet tacnath thaet thaet gethyld sceal gehealdan. 279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes bith toflowen. (Th aes modes is being counted as a type of determiner. ) Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Indeterminate Environment Orosius 248-21, Thaet tacnade thaet we eall sculon aenne geleafan habban 248-26, Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden. (Us eallum can be considered the subject of the pUssive construction. ) The evidence seems to indicate that the indicative mood occurs in constructions which employ only the conventional items of a complement clause: tacnian + thaet + subject noun phrase + verb phrase. In the constructions which employ the subjunctive mood in the complement clause,

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146 however, an interrupting word or phrase occurs among the regular items. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care In two of the four exceptional occurrences of the subjunctive mood, a relative clause appears in a critical position: 85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet [e]all thaette thaes sacerdes ondgit thu rhfa ran maega, sie ymb tha hefonlican lufan 'This then snows that all that the mind of the priest may contemplate is for the sake of divine love.'' 87-3, Thaet tacnath thaette eal tha god and tha maegenu the heo doth beon gewlitegode mid thaere lufan Codes and monna 'That signifies that all the goodness and the virtues which he performs are adorned with the love of God and men.' In the remaining two illustrations interruptions occur before the subordinator : 253-17, Thaet thonne tacnath "us thaette we scylen beon 'That then signifies to us what we shall be.' 449-17, Hi tacniath mi d t haem thaet men scylen onscunian 'They show with that what men shall shun.' It seems, therefore, that word order rather than attraction accounts for the variation of mood in the complement clause after tacnia n. This is as far as we can speculate given such limited evidence; nevertheless it is reasonable to assume that, with respect to tacnian word order is an influential structural fact.

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147 Group D Group D contains the verbs which introduce complement clauses in less than five instances and, therefore, do not offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evidence Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Abiddan 1 Acraeftan • 1 Asecgan 1 o Beodan 1 Besprecan 2 Cuman (on Gemynd) 3 Cunnan (Beon or Weorthan) 3 1 Fandian 1 Forbeodan 3 Forgietan 1 Gelaeran 1 Ge lie fan 3 Geortriewan o 1 Gereccan 1 Geswerian 2 Getaecan 1 2 Gethyncan 1 Getreowian 1 Gieman 2 /

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148 Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause the Complement Clause Hatan 1 Healsian 2 Locian 1 1 Ne Willan 2 Onbeodan 1 Othsacan 1 Recan 1 Reccan 2 Scamian 3 Secan 1 Sellan (Athas) 1 Sierwan 1 Sprecan 1 Swerian (Athas) 3 Tali an f 1 Teohhian 2 Treowan 1 Uncuth (Beon) 1 Wundrian 1 Abiddan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 178-12, and abead thaet aegther thara folca o thrum ageafe ealle tha men 'and asked that each nation returned to the other all the men.'

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149 Acraeftan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 12-1, uton thehhwae there acraeftan hu we hwera an thisse niht maegen maest beswican 'Let us, nevertheless, plan how we in this night can most deceive them. Asecgan Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 178-22, tha asaedbn his geferan hu he hwera aerenda abead 'then his companions said how he commanded their Be o dan Beodan occurs only once as the introductory verb of a complement clause containing a determinate form. The indicative mood follows in the clause: Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 48-An.755, tha budon hie hiera maegum thaet hie gesund from eodon 'then they proposed to their kinsmen that they departed uninjured.' Besprecan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 48-18, and besprecath thaet eow nu wyrs (s)ie on thiesan cristendome and complains that you are now worse in this Christianity.'

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150 74-34, Ond nu ure Cristne Roma bespricth thaet hiere weallas for ealdunge bresnien 'And now our Christians of Rome complain that their walls break down because of old age r Cuman (on Gemynd) As with thyncan of Group A, the clauses are the subject of the introductory verb rather than the object. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care 3-2, thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd, hwelce wietan iu waer on giond Angelcynn and hu gesaeliglica tida tha wae ron giond Angelcynn; and hu tha kyningas Code and his aerendwrecum hersum edon 'that it very often came into my mind, what wise men there were formerly throughout England and how happy times those were throughout England; and how the kings obeyed God and his ministers Cunnan (Be on or We or than) The past participle of cunna n combined with the verb beon or we or than introduces complement clauses which employ the indicative mood and, in one case, the subjunctive mood. As with thyncan of Group A, the thaet clause is the subject of the introductory verb. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pasto ral Care 169-12, forthain hit is openlice cuth thaette sio uterre abisgung thissa wo.roldthinga thaes monnes mod ge.frefth 'because it is openly known that the outer occupation of worldly matters disturbs the mind of man

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151 Orosius 158-13, Thaer wearth Pirruse cuth thaet Agathocles, Siraccusa cyning tha(ra) burgleoda, waes gefaren on Sicilia thaem londe 'Then it became known to Pyrrhus, that Agathocles, king o£ the Syracuse citizens, was dead in the country of Sicily.' 198-30, Tha Hannibale cuth waes thaet his brother ofslagen waes 'When it was known to Hannibal that his brother was slain.' Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 146-13, AEfter thaem wearth Maecedonium cuth thaet Eumen and Pison and Ilirgus and Alceta, Perdican brother, s olden winnan on hie 'After that it became known to the Macedonians that Eumen and Pison and Ilirgus and Alceta, the brother of Perdica wished to fight against them. The limited evidence for cunnan as an introductory verb of a complement clause makes an explanation for the exceptional mood difficult. The possibility of attraction must be ruled out because the subjunctive form of the past tense t of will an occurs in a predominately indicative context. An explanation based on the future meaning of will a n seems most accurate. The incomplete action expressed by wo 1 den winnan distinguishes the clause from the clauses above • which describe situations contemporary with the time of report. The exceptional subjunctive clause is, therefore, more similar in meaning to the uncuth 'unknown' construction which is followed by the subjunctive mood in the one illustration available:

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152 Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastor al Care 9-3, uncuth hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien 'It is unknown how long there may be such learned bishops Fandian Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Ohthere's Narrative in Alfred's Orosius 17-7, he aet sumum cirre wolde fandian hu longe thaet land northryhte laege 'he at some time wished to investigate how far the land lay due north. Forbeodan The subjunctive verb form occurs in the three comple ment clauses introduced by forbeodan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 211-24, ac we sculon him forbeodan thaet hie hum sua ne don 'but we ought to forbid them that they do so at all. Orosius 254-8, and forbead thaet hiene mon god hete 'and forbid that one call him a god.' 266-9, he forbead ofer ealne his onwald thaet mon nanum cristenum men ne abulge 'he forbid over all his empire that one annoy any Christian man.'

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153 Forgietan Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastora l Care 183-23, Ne sculon we eac forgietan hu hit waes by Saule tham kyninge 'We ought not also forget how it was with Saul the king. Gelaeran Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 198-36, and Romanum to raede gelaerde thaet hie mid scipum foren on Hannibales land 'and to the Romans too quickly he instructed that they with ships travel to the land of Hannibal.' 0ne gelaeran sentence might be confused as a complement clause construction, but the hu clause is not the object of gelaeran Instead, it is in apposition with the direct object thone craeft : Pastoral Care 163-5, Wiotodlice faesten wyrcth se halga lariow ymb tha burg thaes modes the he gelaerth thone craeft hu hit maeg costingum wi (th) stondon 'Indeed the holy teacher builds a fortress around the city of the mind to which he teaches the craft, how it (mind) may withstand temptations.' Geliefan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastora l Care 5-2, ic geliefe thaet thu wiile 'I believe that you will.' 111-10, ond geliefth thaet he suelc sie 'and believes that he is such. 379-10, sanctus Paulus gelidfde thaet he swa micele unscyldigra waere 'Saint Paul believed that he was so much the more guiltless.'

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154 Geortrlewan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 86-3, theh ne geortriewe ic na Gode thaet he us ne maege gescildan to beteran tidum 'though I do not doubt in God that he can protect us for better times.' Gereccan Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 252-1, (Nu) Ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, on foreweardre thisse. seofethan beo gereccean thaet hit theh Codes bebod waes '(Now) I will, said Orosius, in the introduction to this seventh book tell that it yet was the command of God. In an earlier part of the Orosius a hu clause follows gereccan but it is in apposition with the complement of gereccan : 10-4, ac ic wille nu, swa ic aer gehet, thara threora landrica gemaere gereccan hu hie mid hiera waetrum tolicgeath 'but I will now, as I promised previously, tell the boundary of those regions, how they are separated with their waters.' Geswerian Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius • 56-19, and athas gesworan thaet hie naefre noldon aet ham cuman 'and swore oaths that they did not wish ever to come at home. 68-27, and eac gesworen haefdon thaet hie other forleosan woldon 'and also has sworn that they did not wish to destroy the other.'

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155 Getaecan Getaecan is one of two especially difficult verbs in the D group. Of only three constructions provided by the texts, one complement clause employs the indicative mood and two the subjunctive mood. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal 'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.' It Is possible that the indicative mood in the hwelc clause Is determined by a formulaic structure which occurs also in a rec can construction: 173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde bion sceal 'hitherto we have said what the pastor ought to be Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's PastoralCare 405-29, and him getaehte hwaet hi on thaem don s ceolden hwaet ne s col de n 'and showed them what they ought to do in that, what they ought not do.' Get.hyncan Gethyncan occurs as the main verb of a complement clause construction in the Orosius only. The subjunctive mood follows gethyncan in the clause. The items of the construction are similar to those in the thyncan construction: dative case pronoun + gethyn can + t haet + subject clause. This similarity of mood and word order indicates

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156 that in the case of ge thyncan the g_e_is a meaningless prefix and, therefore, ge thyncan is merely a different form of the verb thyncan 292-6, him gethuht thaet tha theoda tha hiora witherwinnan waeron waeren to swithe gestrongade 'it seemed to him that the nations, which were their enemies, were so much strengthened. T Getreowian Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 72-16, and getruwedon thaet hie mid hiera craeftum sceolden sige -gefeohtan 'and trusted that they with their powers ought to fight for victory.' Gi eman Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 41-23, and ne giemath to hwon otherra monna wise weorthe 'and do not care what happens to the manner of 161-14, and suithe geornlice giemath thaet hie tha eorthlican heortan gelaeren 'and very zealously take care that they instruct the worldy hearts.' J. W. Richard Lindemann, "Old English Preverbal ge_: A Re -Examination of Some Current Doctrines,'.' Ap proa ches to English Histori cal Lin guis tics : An An thology (New York, 1969), pp. 259-260. Lindemann dismisses the doctrine that ge_is without meaning, but his study is trying to find one rule which might account for all ge prefixed verbs

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157 Hat an Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 238-8, Tha het Pompeius thaet raon thaet faesten braece 'Then Pompey commanded that one storm the fortress.' Heal si an Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 137-17, ic eow healsige thaet ge feden Godes heorde 'I implore you that you reed the flock of God. 213-14, Ic eow healsige brothur thaet ge ne to hraedlice ne sien astyrede 'I beseech you brothers that you are not too quickly stirred. Loci an Loci an s influence on the mood in only two complement clauses is difficult to determine, especially since the subjunctive mood occurs in one and the indicative mood in the other. The complement clause constructions are underlined in the following sentences. Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Imperative Environment Gregory's Pastoral Care 99-17, Loca nu hu se halega wer, se the sua faesthlice geimpod wacs to thaem hefenlicum diogolnessum, and suatheah for mildheortnesse wae.s thonon gecierred ti? smeaganne hu f laesclicum mo(n)num gedafonode on hira burcotum and on hiera beddum to donne 'Look now how the holy man who so firmly was familiar with the heavenly secrets and yet out of compassion was then turned to consider how it was befitting for camel men to act in their chambers and in their beds

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158 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Indicative Environment Orosius 202-1, tha net he aenne mon stigan on thone maest, and locian hwaether he thaet land g ecneowe thaet hie toweard waeron 'then he commanded a man to climb on the mast and to see whether he recognized that land that they were approaching. The thaet clause of the following sentence appears to be a final clause of purpose rather than a complement clause. Pastoral Care 451-32, Lociath nu thaet thios eowru leaf ne weorthe othrum monnum to biswice 'Look now that this privilege of yours not become for other men a temptation. The sentence may be rewritten according to its underlying deep structure to show the relationship between the main verb and the thaet clause: 'Look now (at this privilege of yours) -(in order that) this privilege of yours not become a temptation for other men. It appears then that this locian sentence cannot be considered with the other two locian sentences as an example of a complement clause construction. Ne Will an As with the form wi ll an of Group A, the contraction of the past tense form of ne will an is followed by the subjunctive verb form in the two complement clauses available in the text.

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159 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 47-8, forthaem him noldon thaet hie mon ahofe ofer tha the him beteran thynceath thonne hie selfe 'therefore, they did not wish that anyone raised them over those who seem better to them than themselves.' 451-29, he nolde thaet hie ealle thigden 'he did not i^ish that they all take.' Onbeodan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 240-2, Tha unbudon hie him thaet he come mid feawum monnum to Rome 'Then they ordered him that he came with a few men to Rome. Othsacan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 260-4, Otheace nu, cwaeth Orosius, se, se the wille oththe se the dyrre thaet tlaaet angin naere gestille 'Let him deny now, said Orosius, who ivills or who dares, that that undertaking was not stopped.' Re can The verb, re can 'to care,' is rendered as reccath in the text; therefore, care must be taken not to confuse it with reccan 'to explain,' which is followed by the indicative mood in its comolement clauses.

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160 Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 449-21, and ne reccath hwaet men be him sprecan 'and do not care what men say about them. Reccan Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pas toral Care 173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde bion sceal 'hitherto we have said what the pastor ought to be. This hwelc clause is repeated (without the demonstrative se) in a getaeca n construction also: 467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal 'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.' The indicative form sceal may be influenced by a formulaic device rather than its main verb reccan 441-11, and siththan him is to reccanne hu nyttwyrthe thaet is thaet [hi] forlaeten habbath 'and afterwards they are to be told how useful that is which they have relinquished.' Scamian The clause following scamian is, as with thyncan of Group A, the subject ,. rather than the object, of the introductory verb. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pas toral Care 427-21, thaet hi huru scamige thaet mon witen 'that they nevertheless are ashamed that men know.

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161 427-23, thonne thaet mod sceamath thaet hit mon wite 'when the mind is ashamed that one knows it.' 427-24, thaet hine eac scamige thaet he hit wyrce 'that he is also ashamed that he does it.' Sec an Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 227-14, and secth hu he hine maege gefon 'and seeks how he can take him. Sell an (Athas) Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Angl o-Saxon Chronicle 76 -An. 878, tha salde se here him fore gislas and micle athas thaet hie of his rice uuoldon 'then the army gave him hostages and many oaths that they wished (to go) from his kingdom. t Sierwan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 138-6, and georne siredon hu hi hie totwaeman mehten 'and zealously devised. how they were able to divide them.

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162 Spree an Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 48-26, Hu blindlice monege theoda sprecath ymb thone cristendom, thaet hit un wyrse sie thonne hit aer waere 'How blindly many people speak about the Christianity, that it now is worse than it previously was Swerian (At has) The subjunctive verb form follows the combination, athas + swerian in the complement clause constructions represented in the texts. Apparently, the rule which estab lished that the subjunctive form should follow athas + s werian distinguished this combination from other similar combinations which also govern complement clauses. The combination, athas + sell an is followed by the indicative mood in its single occurrence within -the texts: Anglo-Saxon Chronicl e 76 -An. 878, and tha salde se here him foregislas and micle athas thaet hie of his rice uuoldon [woldon] 'and then the army gave him hostages and many oaths that they would (go) from his kingdom. Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Orosius 190-31, on thaet gerad thaet he him athas sworan thaet hie him aet thaem gewinnum gelaesten 'on the condition that they swore oaths that they (would) serve them in the wars.'

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163 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 72 -An. 874, and he him athas swor and gislas salde thaet hit him gearo waere, swa hwelce daege swa hie hit h abb an wolden 'and he to them swore oaths and gave hostages that it was ready for them, on whatever day they would have it.' 74-An.876, and him tha athas sworon on tham halgan beage the hie aer nanre theode noldon thaet hie hraedlice of his rice foren 'and then swore oaths to him on the holy book, which they pre viously did not wish (to do) for any people, that they (would) set .out quickly from his kingdom. Talian Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 335-12, se [the] talath thaet he sie unscyldig 'he who argues that he is innocent.' Teohhian Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 281-2, Gif hwa teoch[h]ath thaet he aefaest sie 'If anyone resolves that he is pious.' 302-3, and tiohchiath thaet thaet scyle bion for eathmettum 'And resolves that that ought to be out of humility. Treowan Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Gregory's Pastoral Care 447-10, and the ah he aer truwige thaet he maege we arm weorthan 'and yet he previously believes that he can become warm.

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164 (Beon) Uncuth Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care 9-3, uncuth hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien 'It is unknown how long there may be such learned bishops Wundrian Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care tha wundrade ie swithe swithe thara godena wiotona thaet hie hiora tha naenne dael noldon on hiora agen gethiode wendan 'then I wondered extremely of the good wise men that they then did not wish to translate any part of them [books] into their own language.'

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CONCLUSION The preceding structural analysis set out to determine whether the choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses following verbs which express acts of communication and mental processes was arbitrary or whether it was established by syntactic rules. The choice of mood is perplexing in the manuscripts because either the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood can occur in the Old English complement clause construction and, furthermore, an individual verb can be followed by the indicative mood in one clause and by the subjunctive mood in another. This study has restricted its evidence to the early West-Saxon texts, Gregory's Pastoral Care the Orosius and the Anglo -Saxon Chronicle because the scribes in their spellings of verb forms made relatively clearer distinctions between the indicative and the subjunctive moods than the scribes of 1000 or later. The conclusions of this investigation are based primarily on such written evidence 16 5

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166 Regular Choice of Mood The structural facts presented in these texts showed that certain syntactic rules and formal reasons determined the scribe's choice of mood in all the complement clauses. As shown in the statistics below, the verbs of Groups A and B have the most consistent influence on the mood of. the complement clause. The mood choice demonstrates that for these twenty-one verbs the probability is less than five percent that the hypothesis that no rule governs the mood of the complement clause is correct. Fourteen introductory verbs such as ewe t han manian and wenan are regularly followed by the subjunctive mood. The seven remaining verbs like gethencan ongietan and wit an introduce the indicative mood in their complement clauses. Intr o duct ory Verbs Requiring the Subjunctive Mood Group A and Group B Ascian Awritan Bebeodan Biddan Cwethan Geleornian Indicative Subjunctive Probability Mood Mood Values 1 7 < 05 1 25 < .0005 3 26 < .00001 2 20 < .00001 6 43 < .00001 5 < .03

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167 Group A and Group B (continued) Indicative Mood Sut junctive Mood Probability Values Laeran 3 14 < .004 Manian 86 < .00001 Ondraedan 1 14 < .0009 Thencan 2 12 < .01 Thyncan 16 < .00002 Wen an 3 81 < .00001 Will an 10 < .005 Wilnian 25 < .00001 Introductory Verbs Requiring the Indicative Mood~ ~ Group A and Group B Indicative Subjunctive Pre )bability Mood Mood Values Geascian 8 o < .005 Gecythan 16 1 < .0003 Gehieran 40 2 < .00001 Ge then can 42 16 < .0001 Ne Wit an 23 4 < .001 Ongietan 69 16 < .0001 Wit an 50 8 < .0001 The ten verbs of Group C present evidence which favors the no-rule hypothesis. These verbs do not show such a

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168 decided preference, as did the verbs of Groups A and B, for either mood in the complement clause. Group C Indicative Subjunctive Pre )b ability Mood Mood Values Aetiewan 2 6 < .10 Cythan 14 7 < .12 Ge ewe than 6 14 < .07 Geraunan 4 1 < .31 Gesecgan 8 4 < .19 Geseon 11 4 < .10 Getacnian 5 3 < .99 On en aw an 4 1 < .31 Secgan 17 27 < .16 Tacnian 5 4 < .48 Of the sixty-nine verbs which introduce a complement clause, the thirty-eight verbs of Group D are represented in less than five constructions and, therefore, do not offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evidence, while the ten verbs of Group C are significant insofar as they represent at least five constructions. The few introductory verbs, however, represented in Group C which favor the no-rule hypothesis are not so impressive as the twenty-one verbs of Groups A and B which do not.

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169 The verbs mag an sculan and will an which grammarians have often considered in separate categories, occur in the complement clauses recorded in these manuscripts as subjunctive forms and indicative forms with the consistency common to other verbs. They do not appear in the exceptional instances to any remarkable extent. They have been included, therefore, with the other verb forms for the statistics describing the choice of mood after each introductory verb. Exceptional Choice of Mood When the regular influence of the introductory verb is interrupted, so that an introductory verb can be followed by the indicative mood in one clause and by the subjunctive mood in another, the evidence provided by these texts shows that each exception is determined by a syntactic rule or structural feature. The texts did not support, however, the arguments which maintained that a change of meaning in the introductory verb determines the exceptional mood in the complement clause. The structural facts show that attraction between the mood of the introductory verb or the dominant mood of the sentence and the mood of the complement clause can explain the exceptional mood most often. In other instances unusual word order and complicated clause constructions in the context of the complement clause determine the exceptional mood choice. Sometimes

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170 even a formulaic convention, alters the regular mood choice. For certain exceptional structures, explanations that approach the semantic level because they are derived by analyzing the underlying forms were necessary. Results in the Original Prose The syntactic rules go\ r erning the choice of mood in complement clauses operate in the original prose as well as in the translations. The limited evidence gathered from the original prose -Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care and the Ohthere and Wulfstan narratives in the Orosius -follows the patterns illustrated in the translations. However few the constructions, the original prose employs the preferred mood after each introductory verb. There are, however, two exceptions in the C hronicle and one in the Wulfstan narrative. These exceptions ,' like the exceptions in the translations, can be explained by a structural analysis. The two exceptions in the Chronicle are the result of attraction. The exceptional mood in the Wulfstan narrative follows the frequently used introductory verb s e c g a n : 19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet he waere on Truse on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet thaet scip wacs ealne weg yrnende under segle, Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg, and thas land call hyrath to Denemaearcan "Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that he was in Truso during seven days and nights, that

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171 that ship was moving all the way under sail. Weonathland was for him on starboard, and on the left side of the ship for him was Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these lands belong to Denmark. Attraction seems unlikely considering that the subjunctive mood occurs in the first two complement clauses of this construction. The puzzling indicative mood belongs perhaps more to the continuing description than to a complement clause influenced by secgan The formal explanations are suggested by the evidence in the texts. There is no proof either in the translations or in the original prose that the exceptional mood choice reflects the altered meaning of the introductory verb. The Introductory Verb Rule The statistics describing the choice of mood after the verbs of Groups A and B have indicated that a syntactic rule designates either the subjunctive verb form or the indicative form for the verb of the complement clause following each introductory verb. This rule, which can be called "The Introductory Verb Rule," establishes restrictions on the complement clauses following verbs which denote mental processes and acts of communication: Fourteen verbs (ascian awritan bebeodan, biddan ewe than geleornian laer an manian, ondraedan, thencan, thyncan, we nan willan, wilnian ) require the subjunctive verb form in each complement clause. Seven verbs (ge ascian, gecythan, ge hie ran,,

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172 g ethencan ne w i t an ong ietan wit an) cannot be followed by the subjunctive verb form in the complement clause. The Introductory Verb Rule, then, blocks the subjunctive verb form from the complement clause after these seven verbs except when the verb of the complement clause is influenced by an unusual context (the predominance of the subjunctive mood or complicated clause constructions) As indicated previously, such exceptional influences on the verb of the complement clause after verbs of Groups A and B seldom interfere with the operation of The Introductory Verb Rule. The Subordination Rule The results of the analysis of the clauses containing the exceptional mood have shown that another syntactic rule, "The Subordination Rule," establishes the subjunctive verb form as a redundant feature of clause construction in contexts characterized by complicated clause structure, in particular, multiple embeddings. The structural significance of the subjunctive mood is illustrated in its occurrence as the exceptional mood in certain complement clauses, The subjunctive mood sometimes replaces the indicative mood in the complement clause in a predominately indicative context which rules out the possibility of attraction. In one such sentence the subjunctive mood replaces the regular indicative mood a f t e r w i t an :

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173 Gregory'sPast oral Care 51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum menn to witanne hwonne he geclaensed sie, he maeg thy orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga 'But because it is. so difficult for any man" to know when he is purified, he may, the more secure, shun the ministration.' It seems that in such clauses the subjunctive has no significance other than that of subordination. The subjunctive verb form is, then, a feature of clause construction. As the only marked verb form in this sentence, it can make clear the relationship between the complement clause and its introductory verb which is itself contained in one of the several' subordinate clauses. The indicative verb form is not marked as a feature of clause construction.; therefore, within subordinate clauses it can be called the "unmarked verb form." The evidence indicated, then, that two syntactic rules determine verb forms for Old English subordinate clauses: The Introductory Verb Rule and The Subordination Rule. The Application of Rules 1 an d 2_ The complement clauses collected for the investigation suggest that The Subordination Rule was established before The Introductory Verb Rule. Designated by The Subordination Rule as a redundant feature of clause .construction, the subjunctive verb form distinguishes certain complement clauses as structurally inferior to and dependent on the introductory verb. Each clause contains, then, two features of

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174 clause construction: (1)A subordinates like thaet hu, or the hwwords; (2) A verb with the subjunctive suffix. The introductory verb for each of these structurally inferior dependent clauses was thus designated as a structurally prominent governing verb; however, the structural distinction between the complement clause with the unmarked verb form and its introductory verb is not so clear. By restricting the subjunctive verb form to the complement clauses of certain introductory verbs, Rule 2, The Introductory Verb Rule, blocked seven introductory verbs from the structurally prominent governing verb position. The Expletory Introductory Verbs Sample complement clauses introduced by the three prominent verbs of the group blocked by Rule 2 from governing a subjunctive mood clause can explain the restrictions in Rule 2. As introductory verbs, gethencan ongietan and witan are merely expletory expressions which have a negligible influence on the meaning of a sentence. This semantic feature of the verbs is confirmed by their frequent occurrence in subordinate clauses. Gethencan and ongietan occur in the complement clause of the manian construction more often than any other verb which introduces a complement clause. Two illustrations follow: Gregory's Pastoral Care 383-33, Eac hi sint to manigenne thaet hi gethencen thaette tha wif the tha geeaciiodan beam cennath the thonne git fulberene ne bioth, ne fyllath hie no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also, they

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175 are to be admonished that they consider that those women who bring forth the conceived children, when they are not yet full born, fill not by that houses but tombs.' Gregory's Pastoral Care 429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten thaet hit bith se degla Godes dom thaet hie eft thy mare wite haebben 'But they are to be admonished that they perceive that it is the secret judgement of God that they afterwards (will) have the more punishment.' Wit an occurs in the manian construction and in similar cythan constructions: Gregory's Pastoral Care 349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to cythanne thaet hie wieten thaette swa lange sua hie beoth from thaere lufe athied hiera niehstena, and him ungemode beoth, thaette hie nanwuht godes ne magon tha hwile .Code bringan to thances 'To the quarrelsome is to be told that they know that as long as they are separated from the love of their neighbor, and are at variance with them, that they may not then meanwhile bring anything of good, pleasing to God. Each of these fillers can be deleted from a sentence without affecting the statement. The statement in each complement clause, therefore, exists independent of the introductory verbs. It seems likely that Rule 2 blocked the seven verbs of the gethencan witan group from the prominent position as governing verb for a subjunctive mood clause to keep clear the difference between them and the introductory verbs which have something more than a negligible influence on a statement.

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/ / 176 The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule The results of the structural study show that by the application of Rules 1 and 2, each complement clause might be distinguished by the form of the verb as either a complement clause which is dependent on the introductory verb or merely as a complement clause. All the provisions of Rules 1 and 2 for designating either the subjunctive verb form or the indicative verb form in clauses introduced by verbs which denote mental processes or acts of communication might have belonged to the Old English rule for indirect discourse. It is possible that the meaning of the provisions in Rules 1 and 2 was extended for use in a third syntactic rule which distinguishes a simple complement clause from a clause in an indirect discourse construction: Rule 3 The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule: (a) As a redundant feature of clause construction, the subjunctive verb form marks a statement, in a complement clause, which has been adapted from an independent sentence to a dependent clause, as indirect discourse; (a) the verbs ( geascian gecythan gehieran gethencan ne wit an ongietan witan ) are not followed by the mood of indirect discourse because they introduce direct and independent reports rather than indirect and dependent reports. The marked verb form in Old English is the structural sign for a semantic feature which distinguishes the

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177 complement clauses following fourteen verbs ( ascian awritan bebeodan, biddan, cwethan, geleornian laeran man i an on draedan, thencan, thyncan, we na n, will an wilnian ) as indirect reports from the simple complement clauses introduced by the seven remaining verbs of Groups A and B ( geascian gec ythan gehieran gethenca n, ne wit an ongietan witan) This seems to be the best explanation for the syntactic rules established to determine the choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses. The Possibilitie s of Further Investig ation These conclusions about the complement clause in the recorded language are based primarily on the spellings of the verb suffixes in the early West-Saxon texts. As noted in the introduction, the unaccented vowels of plural verb endings were beginning to merge even in this early period. A structural analysis of the mood choice in the dependent clause of indirect discourse and the other complement clauses in the late West-Saxon texts must be restricted to these present tense verb forms: all forms of the verb beon except the first person beo and the second and third person singular of. most other verbs. The verb wesan has a distinguishing past tense form only in the first and third person singular. While the evidence would be limited to these verb forms, further investigation of the mood in the complement clause ought to be pursued.

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178 The evidence from late West-Saxon texts could provide additional illustrations for some of the thirty-eight verbs in Group D which were not sufficiently represented in the three early West-Saxon texts. It would also be interesting to observe how additional evidence would affect Group C verbs such as aetiewan, cythan, or ge ewe than which have probability values close to those of the Group B verbs. Structural investigations of the marked and unmarked verb forms in the complement clauses of the late West-Saxon texts are necessary amidst the unfounded meaning-based explanations Though limited to the three early West-Saxon texts, the present study can help to establish the structural significance for the marked form in certain complement clauses in Modern written English. The distinguishing forms for the subjunctive and indicative moods are restricted to the third person, present tense, singular of most verbs and all the present tense forms for the verb to_ be_. In the past tense only the first and third person, singular forms of the verb t_o be_ can be distinguished as marked forms. A marked verb form is still found in the complement clause introduced by a subordinator and a verb like "command," "request," or "will," which correspond respectively to the Old English verbs man i an, biddan, and will an or wilni an. The infinitive construction is certainly more common after these verbs and the other verbs which express

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179 acts of communication and mental processes. In modern written English also, the indeterminate forms of the auxiliaries shall and w ill and their past forms should and would occur frequently to express future events after these introductory verbs. In comparison with these other constructions, the marked form in the complement clause might be assumed to convey special meaning to a report. In spite of the similarity of the form in the complement clause with the verb forms of if and t hough constructions, the evidence in the Old English prose indicates that this marked form in the complement clause is primarily a feature of clause construction. The marked form in the clause after these verbs which express 'command' or 'desire' is the only clear proof for the Old English rule established for the indirect discourse construction. With the loss of distinctive verb forms for the indicative and subjunctive moods, the essent tially formal rules designed for these introductory verbs and their clauses are less evident.

PAGE 189

LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED Primary Sources Birch, Walter De Gray, ed. Cartulariu m S axon i cum: A C ollection of Chart ers "R elating to Anglo -S'axon History, 3 vols. 1S85-93; rpt New York/ 1964. Carnicelli, Thomas A., ed. King Alfred' s Version of St. Augustine s Soliloquies Cambridge, Mass., 1969. Earl, John, and Charles Plummer, ed. Two of t he Saxon Chronicles Parallel 2 vols. 1892-99; rpt. London, 195 2. Giles, John Allen, ed. and trans. The Whol e Works of King Alfred the Great. 2 vols. 1858; rpt. New York, 1969. Sweet. Henry, ed. King Alfred's Orosius EETS OS 79-89. London, 1883-89. Sweet, Henry, ed. and trans. King Alfr ed' s We s t Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral" Care."' EETS OS 45-50. London, 18 71-72. Whitelock, Dorothy, David C. Douglas and Susie I. Tucker, ed. and trans. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle New Brunswick N J ~, T9 6 1 Secondary Sou rces Altenglische Gramm atik nach der angel sachsischen Gramm a tik "Von Eduard S levers neube arbeitet Ed. Karl B runner. Halle, 1951. Andrew, S. 0. Syntax and Style in Old English. Cambridge, Eng. 194 0"'.'" 180

PAGE 190

181 Behre, Frank. Meditative-Polemic Sh ould in Modern English That -Cl auses Gothenburg Studies in" English, TT Stockholm, 1955. n The Subj un ctive in Old Engli sh Poetry Goteborgs Hdgskolas Arrskrift, 40. Goteborg, 1934. Bloomfield, Leonard. "Old English Plural Subjunctives in -E," JEGP 29 (1930) 100-113. Bradley' s Arnold Latin Prose Composition Ed. Sir James Mount ford. New York, 1938. Brown, William H., Jr. A Sy ntax of King Al fred's Pastoral Care. Janua Lin guar urn Seri es Pr act Tea, 101. The Hague, 19 70. Callaway, Morgan, Jr. The Te mp oral Subju nctive in Old English Austin, 1931". Campbell, Alistair. Old English Grammar. Oxford, 1959. Cannon, Charles D. "A Survey of the Subjunctive Mood in English," Amer. Speech, 34 (1959), 11-19. Carlton, Charles. A Descriptive Syntax of the Old English Charters Janua Liri guarum Series Practica, 111"". The Hague, 1970. Chomsky, Noam. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, Mass., 196 5. ~ Cobb, George Willard. "Subjunctive Mood in Old English Poetry," Philologica: The Mai one Ann iversary Studies Ed. Thomas A. Kir by and Henry "B Woolf. Baltimore, 19 49, pp. 43-55. Curme, George 0. "The English and Germanic Subjunctive," JEGP 30 (1931) ,1-5. Elmer, H. C. Studies in Latin Moods and Tenses Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, FT Ithaca, 1898. Engberg, Norma Joyce. "The Subjunctive in Beowulf." M.S. Thesis. The University of Florida, 196 3. Frank, Tenney. "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse in Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-08), 74-75.

PAGE 191

182 Glunz, Hans. Die Verw un clung des Konjunktivs im Altenglischen Beitrage zur Englischen Philologie, Heft 11 Leipzig, 1929. Gorrell, J. II. "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon, ". PMLA, 10. NS3 (13SS), 342-485. Hall, John R. Clark. A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionar y. London, 1894. Harsh, Wayne. The Subjunctive in English. Alabama Linguistic and Philological Series, No. 15. University, Alabama, 1968. Herold, Curtis Paul. The Morphology of King Alfred's Tra nslation of the P ros i us Janua Lin gu ar urn Series Practica 6 2." The Hague, 1968. Hotz, Ceroid. Pn_ the U_s_e of the_ Subjunctive Mood in AngloSaxon. Diss. Zurich, 1882. Zurich, 1882. Jespersen, Ptto. A Modern English Grammar. 7 vols. 1909; rpt. London, 1954-58. Ker, Neil Ripley. A Catalog of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon Oxford, 1957. Knott, Thomas A. and Samuel Moore. The El ements of Old English, rev. James R. Hulbert". 10th ed. Ann-Arbor, 1965. Kruisinga, E. A H andbo ok of Present -Day En glish 5th ed. 3 vols. Gr oningeri ~1 93 2 Lindemann, J. W. R. "Old English Preverbal g_e-: a ReExamination of Some Current Doctrines /''"" "Approaches to English Historica l Linguistics: An Anthology. Ed. Roger Lass. New York, "1969 Lovelace, Anne Katherine "The Uses of the Subjunctive in King Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius's De Consolatione Philosophiae M.A. Thesis. The University of Texas, 1923. McLaughlin, John C. Ajysects of the History of Engli sh. New York, 1970. ~" "*"" Mann, Gerd. Konjunktionen und Modus im Kon sekutiven und Final en Neb ens at z des Altenglischen Breslau, 1939.

PAGE 192

183 Mitchell, Bruce. "Syntax and Word Order in the Peterborough Chronicle 1124-1154." NM, 65 (1964), 113-44. Paul, Hermann. Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte 3rd ed. Halle, 1898. Pearson, E. S. and H. 0. Hartley, ed. Biometrika Tables for Statisticians 3rd ed. Cambridge, Eng., 1966. Poutsma, Hendrik. A Grammar of Late Modern E nglish for the Use of Continental Es pecially Dutch Students 2 pts. in 5 vols. Groningen, 1914-29. Quirk, Randolph and C. L. Wrenn. An Old English Gramm ar. 2nd ed., 1957; rpt. London, 195*9. Rogers, Mabel. "The Subjunctive Mood in King Alfred's Orosius ." M.A. Thesis. The University of Texas. 1921. Schlicher, J. J. "The Moods of Indirect Quotation," Amer Jour of Phil. 26 (1905), 60-88. Shannon, Ann, A Descriptive Syntax of the Parker Manuscript of the An glo-Saxon Chronicle from" 7 34 to 891 Janua LTnguarum Series Pr act i ca 14". The Hague 19.64. Shores, David L. A Descriptive Syntax of the Peterborough Chronicle from 1124 to_ 1154. Janua Lingua rum, Seri es" Practica,' 103. The Hague, "1971. Sweet, Henry. An Ang loSaxo n Reader in Prose and Verse Oxford', 1885. Twaddell, W. F. The En glish Ve rb Auxiliaries 2nd ed. Providence, 1965. Visser, Frederic Theodor. An Hist o rical Syntax of the English Language 3 vols. Leiden, 196 3. "The Terms 'Subjunctive' and 'Indicative, M 'ES, 36 (1955), 205-208. Vogt, Andreas. Beitrag e zum K onj un ktivg e brauch im Alton glischen Diss. Leipzig, 1930.' Leipzig, 1930. Wright, Joseph and Elizabeth M. Wright. An Old English Grammar London, 1908. Wulfing, J. Ernst. Die Syntax in. den We r ken Alfreds des_ Grossen. 2 vols. Bonn, 1894-1901.

PAGE 193

. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Mary Elizabeth Faraci was born February 2, 1945, in New York, New York. In May, 1963, she was graduated from Mt. Trinity Academy in Water-town, Massachusetts. She received the degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in English from the University of Kentucky in June, 196 7. In August, 196 7, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the University of Kentucky. She was a teaching assistant from August, 196 7, to December, 196 8, when she received the degree of Master of Arts with a major in English. In January, 1969, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the University of Florida. Until the present time, she has worked as a teaching assistant and has pursued her work toward the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 184

PAGE 194

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. as l^ co^n (f~. /-yfrsRobert H. Bowers Chairman Professor of English r6^ Zi &__ John T Al ge o ,//Co Chairman Professor of English University of Georgia y I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly" presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / 7 / Richard H. Green Professor of English I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / 7 / Egbert Krispyn Professor of Germanic Languages

PAGE 195

This dissertation was submitted to the Department of English in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. June, 19 7 2 Dean, Graduate School


118
Group C holds those verbs which are represented in at
least five complement clause constructions, but which do
not show such a decided preference for one mood as did
the verbs of groups A and B. Were there no rule so that
the subjunctive and indicative moods might be expected to
occur half of the time each, there is a high probability
(which varies, however, among the verbs of the group) that
these constructions would read exactly as they do. The
behavior, then, of the verbs in Group C does not present a
discouraging picture for the proponents of the argument
that choice between the moods is meaningful. The probability
values range from less than seven chances in 100 that
geewethan would be followed by the subjunctive mood fourteen
out of twenty times to less than five chances in ten for
the tacnian and getacnian constructions.
Although the probability values favor the no-rule hypoth
9
esis, there is evidence that certain formal rules can ex
plain the occurrence of the less frequent mood in every in
stance .
Aetiewan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 2 6
Although the texts do not offer many illustrations of
aetiewan as the main verb of complement clause constructions,


141
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
8-An.81, Her Titus feng to rice se the saede thaet he thone
daeg forlure the he noht to gode on ne gedyde.
This is very close to the rendering of the same
event in Orosius (264-2).
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
209-16, thaet we him thonne secgen thaet hie haebben wierst
gedon.
215-6, Thaem ungethyldegum is to secganne thaet hie ne
agimeleasigen.
Orosius
oo
1
theah the sume
twegen daelas.
12-20 ,
the ah sume men
Indicative Mood
Indicat
Gregory
73-19 ,
Aer thioson we
hwelc se bith
ond eac
225-23, gif he him saegth hwonon thaet cymth, and hu se
lytega dioful styreth gewinn.
231-4, Forthaem is to secganne thaem welwillendan monnum
thaet habbath sua miele mede otherra monna godra
weorea.
233-16, Ac thaem aefstegum is to secganne, gif hie hie
nyllath healdan with thaem aefste, thaet hie
weorthath besencte.
Orosius
162-28, ac heton tha biscepas thaet hie saedon thaem folce
thaet heora godas him waeron irre.


92
275-12,
oth he ongiet thaet him bith nyttre to sprecanne.
283-6 ,
Se slawa ongit hwaet him ryht bith to donne.
297-16 ,
thonne hit ongiet thaet him mon birgth.
311-20,
ac forthythe he ongeat thaet sio ungethyld oft
dereth.
321-8,
sua hie ongietath thaet him laenre and unagenre
bith.
321-9,
forthaem hie magon ongietan thaet he beoth to
hiera thenunga gesette Godes giefe to daelanne.
343-12,
Be thaem we magon ongietan mid hu miele irre
Dryhten gethyldegath tha aelmessan.
371-20 ,
se the ongiet thaet hi tha word thaere lare from
Gode onfeng.
373-21,
thonne he ongiet thaet tha Godes word manegum menn
liciath.
377-22 ,
nu is to ongietanne aet hu micelre scylde tha beoth
befangne.
381-23,
tha he ongeat thaet God waes thaem folce ierre.
395 -18 ,
se the ongiet thaette eal thas andweardan thing
bioth gewitendlieu.
431-13,
forthaemthe hi ne magon ongietan mid hu ma(ne)gum
untheawum hi beoth gewundode.
441-13,
AErest hi sculon ongietan thaet hi fleon that
thaet hi lufiath.
441-14,
Thonne magon hi sith iethilice ongietan thaet thaet
is to lufianne thaet hi aer flugon.
441-16 ,
gif hi on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet
thaeron taelwyrthes bith.
461-29 ,
thonne hi ongietath thaet hi gemetlice and medomlice
laerath.
465-17,
Ac siththan he ongeat thaet he waes athunden on
upahaefennesse for his godan weorcum.


64
214-8, thonne magon hie ryhtor cwethan ihaet thaet waeren
tha ungesaelgestan.
252-26, swa thaette sume men cwaedon thaet hio waere mid
gimstanum gefraetwed.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
48-An.755, and tha cuaedon hie thaet him naenig maeg
leofra naere thonne hiera hlaford.
48-An.755, and hie cuaedon thaet thet ilce hiera geferum
geboden waere.
48-An.755, Tha cuaedon hie thaet hie [hie] thaes ne
onmunden thon ma the eowre geferan.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
43-7, buton he cuethan wielle thaet he ne lufige thone
Hlaford.
Orosius
80-7, thaet mon eathe cwethan mehte thaet hit wundor
waere.
f
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
323-8, thonne cuethe ge thaet ge sien unnytte theowas.
377-20, thonne wille we cwethan thaet he sie genog ryhtlice
his brothor deathes scyldig.
About verbal forms without final -n, like that in
sentence 323-8, Wright states: "Final -n disappeared in
verbal forms before the pronouns we, wit; ge, git.
J'Joseph Wright and Elizabeth Mary Wright, Old English
Grammar (London, 1908), p. 138.


137
On cn aw an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
4
0
Orosius
0
1
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence available
Total
4
1
The small number of illustrations limits the descrip
tion of onenawan. The indicative mood is the predominant
mood after onenawan in complement clause constructions.
The only exceptional instance of the subjunctive mood occurs
after the subjunctive form of onenawan; therefore, it seems
likely that attraction between moods influenced the verb of
the complement clause.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
181-16, Be thaem we magon suithe swutule onenawan thaet
se eathmodnesse lareow . na ne cuaeth.
181-18, and eac we magon onenawan thaet, thaet tha earman
and tha untruman sient to retanne.
405-18, Of thissum wordum we magon onenawan . thaet
we thonne eft mid miele dysige syngiath.


153
Forgietan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
183-23, Ne sculon we eac forgietan hu hit waes by Saule
tham kyninge We ought not also forget how it was
with Saul the king.'
Gelaeran
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
198-36, and Romanum to raede gelaerde thaet hie mid scipum
foren on Hannibales land 'and to the Romans too
quickly he instructed that they with ships travel
to the land of Hannibal.'
One gelaeran sentence might be confused as a comple
ment clause construction, but the hu clause is not the
object of gelaeran. Instead, it is in apposition with the
direct object thone craeft:
Pastoral Care, 163-5, Wiotodlice faesten wyrcth se haiga
lariow ymb tha burg thaes modes the he gelaerth
thone craeft hu hit maeg costingum wi(th) stondon
'Indeed the holy teacher builds a fortress around
the city of the mind to which he teaches the craft,
how it (mind) may withstand temptations.'
Geliefan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
5-2, ic geliefe thaet thu wille 'I believe that you will.'
111-10, ond geliefth thaet he suele sie 'and believes that
he is such.'
379-10, sanctus Paulus gelidfde thaet he swa micele
unscyldigra xvaere 'Saint Paul believed that he was
so much the more guiltless.'


128
253-11, Be thys ilcan is gecueden on kyninga bocum, sua
sua hit geworden waes, and eac us to besine. Hit
is gecueden thaette tha stanas on thaem maeran
temple Salomonnes waeron sua we[l] gefegede 'About
this same is snoken in the books of Kings, as it
J. 0 7
happened, and also as an example for us. It is
said that the stones on the famous temple of
Solomon were so well fitted.'
Orosius
56-24, Gecwaedon tha thaet tha the aer aet thaem athum
naeren, thaet tha nam gelendon, and bi eallum
heora wifum bearna striendon They said, then that
those who previously were not at the oaths, that
those went home, and by all their wives begot sons.1
The main verb is in the indicative mood, so the attraction
theory might explain the exceptional indicative mood;
however, the subjunctive mood itself occurs in the relative
clause immediately preceding the thaet clause. It is dif
ficult, therefore, to explain why the regular subjunctive
mood does not occur in the object clause after geewethan.
It appears that in this case the scribe reserved the sub-

junctive mood as the marker of subordination only for the
subordinate clause within the complement clause construc
tion: the aer aet thaem athum naeren.
Gemunan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 4 1
Gemunan is particularly interesting in spite of the
limited evidence because of its frequency throughout ,


56
381-23, he behead thaet menn namen hiora sweord.
459-22, Forthaem waes eac beboden thurh Noyses, gi£ hwa
adulfe pytt, and thonne forgiemeleasode thaet he
hine betynde, and thaer thonne befeolle on oththe
oxa oththe esol, thaet he hine scolde forgieldan.
Orosius
122
126
140
144
150
204
206
228
248
5, and se aetheling bebead sumum his folce thaet hie
26,
19,
-14
gebrohten Romana consulas
Tha bebead Alexander thaem haethnan biscepe thaet
he becrupe on thaes Amones anlicnesse.
Tha bebead se faeder thaem consule thaet hi mid
his fierde angean fore.
he thaeron bebead thaet mon ealle tha wraeccan an
cyththe forlete.
-5, AEfter thaem Antigones bebead thaet mon aegther
hete cyning.
-7, him bebead se consul thaet hie eal hiera heafod
bes ce aten.
-16, tha bebead he sumum thaem folce thaet hie from
thaem faestenne aforen.
-9, he bebead his twaem sunum thaet hie thaes rices
thriddan dael Geoweorthan sealden.
-15, Sum waes aerest thaet he bebead ofer ealne middan-
geard thaet aelc maegth ymbe geares ryne togaedere
come .
248-23, Thridde waes thaet he bebead thaet aelc thara the
on eltheodignesse waere, come to his agnum earde.
248-25, he bebead thaet mon tha ealle sloge.
260-30, and bebead his agnum monnum thaet hie simle gegripen
thaes licgendan feos swa hie maest mehten.
264-26, and ge bebead his aldormon(n)um thaet hie waeren
cristenra monna ehtend.
266-16, and he bebead thaet mon timbrede on otherre stowe
Hierusalem tha burg, and thaet hie mon siththan hte
be noman Helium.


183
Mitchell, Bruce. "Syntax and Word Order in the Peter
borough Chronicle 1124-1154." NM, 65 (1964), 113-44.
Paul, Hermann. Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte. 3rd ed.
Halle, 1898.
Pearson, E. S. and H. 0. Hartley, ed. Biometrika Tables
for Statisticians. 3rd ed. Cambridge, Eng., 1966.
Poutsma, Hendrik. A Grammar of Late Modern English for the
Use of Continental, Especially Dutch Students. 2 pts.
in 5 vols. Groningen, 1914-29.
Quirk, Randolph and C. L. Wrenn. An. Old English Grammar.
2nd ed., 1957; rpt. London, 1959.
Rogers, Mabel. "The Subjunctive Mood in King Alfred's
Orosius." M.A. Thesis. The University of Texas, 1921.
Schlicher, J. J. "The Moods of Indirect Quotation," Amer.
Jour, of Phil., 26 (1905), 60-88.
Shannon, Ann, A Descriptive Syntax of the Parker Manuscript
of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 7 34 to 891. J anua
Linguarum, Series Practica, 14. The Hague, 19,64.
Shores, David L. A Descriptive Syntax of the Peterborough
Chronicle from 1124 to 1154. ~ Janua Linguarum, Series
Practica, 103. The Hague, 1971.
Sweet, Henry. An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse.
Oxford, 1885.
Twaddell, W. F. The English Verb Auxiliaries. 2nd ed.
Providence, 1965.
Visser, Frederic Theodor. An Historical Syntax of the
English Language. 3 vols. Leiden, 1963.
"The Terms 'Subjunctive' and
'Indicative,'"ES, 36 (1955), 205-208/
Vogt, Andreas. Beitrage zum Konjunktivgebrauch im Alten-
glischen. Diss. Leipzig, 1930. Leipzig, 1930.
Wright, Joseph and Elizabeth M. Wright. An Old English
Grammar. London, 1908.
Wulfing, J. Ernst. Die Syntax in. den Werken Alfreds des
Grossen. 2 vols. Bonn, 1894-1901.


19
While it is difficult enough to determine the signifi
cance of these doubtful endings, a student of the verb
form in the complement clause discovers also that in the
later period the -e and -en forms seem to be replaced by
endings previously reserved for designating the indicative
form. Thus Alistair Campbell in his Old English Grammar ex
plains that in the West-Saxon dialect after 1000 11 -st is
frequently extended to the 2nd sg. past subj. so that
2 6
past indie, and subj. are no longer distinguished." The
later writings, therefore, contain far too many problems
for a convincing descriptive study of the mood in the com
plement clause. Gorrell examines these late West-Saxon
works. Because it is difficult for him to distinguish the
subjunctive mood from the indicative mood on the basis of
verb spellings alone, his explanations are unconvincing.
He does have enough formal evidence from early West-Saxon
texts to support this opening statement on ewethan:
"Cwethan is the most generally used of verbs of direct
utterance and the most consistent in calling forth the
subjunctive." He notes, however, that he found examples
of the indicative mood with cwethan in the late West-Saxon
works: AElfric's Lives of Saints and his Catholic Homilies.
He accounts for these instances thus: "the reference is
to well-known biblical facts, and the time of writing was
^Alistair Campbell, Old English Grammar (Oxford, 1959),
p. 32S.


136
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
397-35, he getacnode thaet we sculon fleon thone unlifedan
bryne ures lichoman.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
119-9, Ond theah hit on sumum thingum getacnad sie thaet
he hwelc gerisenlic wundor wyrcean maege.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
451-9, On thaem twaem wordum he us getacnode for hwelcum
thingum we sceolden ure godan weorc helan, and for
hwelcum we hi sceolden cythan.
The very limited evidence as well as the indeterminate
form of getacnian makes an explanation even more difficult;
therefore, I merely suggest Jhat since the one other in
stance of the subjunctive mood occurs after the subjunctive
form getacnode sie, getacnode here is perhaps the subjunc
tive form also influencing the mood in both complement
clauses.


50
no rule, there would be less than one chance in 100,000
that bebeodan, biddan, or ewethan would be followed so
regularly by the subjunctive mood and less than one chance
in 100,000 that gehieran would be followed so consistently
by the indicative mood.
The exceptions to the regular mood in the complement
clauses are also not explained by the no-rule hypothesis.
In these instances structural facts provided by the texts
show that attraction of moods and word order can explain
the exceptions. There is no clear evidence, in spite of
earlier arguments, that the meaning of the introductory
verb has shifted and thus altered the regular mood of the
complement clause.
Ascian and Acsian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Orosius 1 7
Ascian and acsian are followed by the subjunctive verb
form in all but one case. The exception can be explained
by its immediate context.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
68-25, tha acsedon hie hie hu fela thaer swelcerra manna
waere swelce he waes.
120-33, het ascian thone cyning his faeder, the thaer aet
ham waes, hwaether him leofre waere.


119
the available evidence suggests that the subjunctive mood
is the established mood in the complement clause. The indica
tive mood occurs, nevertheless, in two special cases.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
77-13, simle he sceal aetiewan on his lifes gestaeth-
thignesse hu miele gesceadwisnesse he bere on his
breostum.
161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life
frecenlice witherwearde.
241-21, thonne he mid wunderlicre ladunga aetiewth thaet
he furthum naefre thaet vfel ne ongunne.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
t-
123-24, thaet he aetiewe his hieremonnum thaet he sie hiera
faeder.
161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe
gesiehth.
179-11, buton vie eac feawum wordum aetiewen hwaet hie
healden.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative. Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life
frecenlice witherwearde untheawas him wi t.hfeohtath,
and hu aeghwelc syn bith saetigende thaes thiondan
monnes 'they show how much dangerously opposes it
in this present life and the vices fight against
it, and how each sin is lying in wait for the
flourishing man.'


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE
By
Mary Elizabeth Faraci
June, 1972
Chairman: Robert H. Bowers
Co-Chairman: John T. Algeo
Major Department: English
The present dissertation investigates the apparently
arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English complement clause
following verbs which express mental processes and acts of
communication. The choice of mood in the recorded language
is perplexing because either the indicative mood or the sub
junctive mood can occur in the Old English complement clause
and, furthermore, an individual verb can be followed by the
indicative mood in one clause and by the subjunctive in
another.
This investigation restricts its evidence to the early
West-Saxon texts, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, King Alfred's
West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, and King
Alfred's Orosius. When the investigation determined which
mood predominated in the complement clause following each
verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 'feel,' or the
vii


Copyright by
Mary Elizabeth Faraci
1972


40
Before deletion of the copula, then, the thaet clause which
introduces the adjectives is the subject of thyncan. The
second thaet clause which occurs in the surface sentence
is in turn the subject of the underlying clause from which
the copula has been deleted. A tree diagram (Figure 1)
with each clause numbered illustrates the underlying rela
tionships between subjects and predicates. Similarly, the
following thyncan construction includes a thaet clause
which could be mistaken for a complement clause construc
tion :
427-19, ac thaet him thynce genog on thaem thaet hi hit
selfe dyden 'but that seems to them enough, in
this, that they did it themselves.1
Before deletion, the structure reads as a conventional com
plement clause construction: 'but that seems to them that
it be enough, in this, that they did it themselves.'
Thaet in the last clause is not a subordinator introducing
0
a complement clause. In the underlying structure repre
sented in the tree diagram (Figure 2) it introduces the
noun clause that is the subject of the complement clause,
of which the predicate is "be enough."
The third illustration of a possibly misleading thaet
clause occurs in Alfred's original prose in his Preface to
Gregory's Pastoral Care:
7-6, Forthy me thyncth betre, gif iow swae thyncth,
thaet we eac sumae bee, tha the niedbethearfosta
sien eallum monnum to wiotonne, thaet we tha on
thaet gethiode wenden the we eall gecnawan maegen
'Therefore it seems better to me, if it seems so


78
turn the salutary draught of noble wine into poison for
yourself,' and do not wound yourself too deeply.
A negative command, 'Do not cause discord with the
words,' underlies the fourth exceptional clause:
371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen thaette
hie selfe ne geunthwaerigen thaem wordum the hie
laerath 'But one ought to admonish them that they
consider that they themselves not cause discord
with the words which they teach.'
It is possible, then, that these different underlying forms
explain the exceptional mood in the clause after the manian
and gethencan combination.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
85-11, Be thaem gethence sacerd, thonne he othre men
healice laerth, thaet he eac on him selfum healice
ofthrysce tha lustas his untheawa.
95-8, Forthaem gethence se lariow thaet he unwaerlice
forth ne rese on tha spraece.
159-14, thonne gethence ge hwaet ge sien and hwelce ge sien.
273-4, ac him is miele mare thearf thaet hie gethencen
hwelce hi hie innan geeowigen Gode, and thaet hi
swithor him ondraeden for hiera gethohtum thone
diglan Deman.
289-25, ac gethencen thaet he sie gesceadwislic and
gemetlic.
306-2, gif hie be aenegum daele wolden gethencean hwaet
hie selfe waeren.
321-13, and eac him is micel thearf thaet hie geornlice
gethencen thaet hie to unweorthlice ne daelen thaet
him befaesth bith.


69
Gehieran
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 39 2
Orosius No evidence available
Anglo Saxon
Chronicle 1 0
Total
40
2
The indicative mood regularly occurs in the comple
ment clause introduced by gehieran. The main verb is often
in the subjunctive mood and apparently determined the excep
tional mood of the complement clauses in two instances.
Ill
265
315
355
373
379
379
387
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
11, suelee he gehierth thaet his olicceras seegath.
24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaet on him bith gefyllad.
23, Ac us is suithe geornlice to gehieranne hwaet
Gryhten threatigende cuaeth.
6, Be thaem we magon gehieran thaette sua miele sua
we us swithur gethiedath.
2, Eac hie sculon gehieran hwaet to thaem lareowum
geeweden is thurh Salomon.
15, Eac hi sculon gehieran hu sanctus Iohannes waes
gemanod.
24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaette thurh Salomon is
gehaten.
31, Be thaem wordurn we maegon gehieran thaet hie waeron
swithe suithlice getaelde.


58
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Orosius
114-30, and him behead thaet hie thaet lond hergieade waeron
oth hie hit awesten 'and commanded them that they
were (to keep on) plundering until they destroyed
it. '
248-26, Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden thaet we
sculon cuman of thisse worolde to ures faeder
oethle 'That showed that it is commanded to all of
us that we ought to come from this world to the
realm of our father.'
262-19 and he bebead Tituse his suna thaet he towearp
thaet tempi on Hierusalem 'and he commanded Titus
his son that he destroy the temple in Jerusalem.'
Biddan
Indicative Mood in
the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
; 0
4
Orosius
1
15
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
1
1
Total
2
20
The subjunctive mood occurs regularly after biddan
in complement clause constructions. Two exceptional indica
tive clauses appear in the Orosius and the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle. The indicative form of biddan introduces all
but one of the clauses in the entire stock of regular sub
junctive clauses, and in those two cases has apparently
altered the scribe's choice of mood.


160
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
449-21, and ne reccath hwaet men be him sprecan 'and do
not care what men say about them.'
Reccan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde bion
sceal 'hitherto ive have said what the pastor ought
to be. '
This hwelc clause is repeated (without the demonstrative
se) in a getaecan construction also:
467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal
'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.'
The indicative form sceal may be influenced by a formulaic
device rather than its main verb reccan.
441-11, and siththan him is to reccanne hu nyttwyrthe
thaet is thaet [hi] forlaeten habbath 'and after
wards they are to be told how useful that is which
they have relinquished.'
Scamian
The clause following scami an is, as with thyncan of
Group A, the subject, rather than the object,of the intro
ductory verb.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
427-21, thaet hi huru scamige thaet mon witen 'that they
nevertheless are ashamed that men know.'


60
268-13, Tha baedon hie tha cristnan men thaet hi heora an
sume wisan gehulpen.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
8-An.l67, baed thaet he waere cristen gedon.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Orosius
114-21, Aefter thaem Atheniense baedan Philippus, thaet
he heora ladtheow waere with Focenaes thaem folce.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement-Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
100-6, and baeden thaet hie thaes gefeohtes geseicen.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Orosius
192-22, AEfter thaem Centenus Penula se consul baed thaette
senatus him fultum sealdon.
Anglo Saxon Chronicle
68-An.868, and Burgraed Miercna cyning and his wiotan
baedon AEthered West Seaxna cyning and Aelfred
his brothur thaet hie him gefultumadon.


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88
Ondraedan appears to require the subjunctive mood in
the complement clause. Only once does the indicative mood
occur after ondraedan. In this instance it is possible
that attraction as well as unusual word order altered the
scribe's choice of mood.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
49-19, Other ondred thaet he forlure sprecende tha
gestrion.
57-5, he ondraet thaet he ne mote to cuman.
63-10, he maeg ondraedan thaet he for his aegnum scyldum
mare ierre gewyrce..
73-20, ond eac hwelc se bith the him ondraedan sceal
thaet he unmedome sie.
91-8, thaet sindon tha tha the him ondraedath thaet hie
menn for hira scyldum threagen.
119-8, suelcne suelcne he ondraett thaet hi sie.
143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie ondraedath
thaet him derian maege aet thaem gielpe.
339-20, swa hie magon ondraedan thaet him weorthen tha
wyrttruman faercorfene.
Orosius
48-16, hie alie from him ondredon thaet hi hie mid gefeogten,
98-16 ,
144-16
Ahteniense waeron tha him swithe ondraedende thaet
Laecedemonie ofer hie ricsian mehten.
forthon [hie] ondredon .
gewraecentha teonan.
thaet hie on him


59
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
63-12,
se se the-bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with
otherne the he bith eac ierre.
304-4 ,
and we hie thonne biddath thaet hie for urum thingum
hira untheawa gesuicen.
413-19,
Ic the bidde thaet thu no ne locige on mine synna.
467-23,
Ac ic the bidde thaet thu me on thaem scipgebroce
thisses andweardan lifes sum bred geraece thinra
gebeda.
64-28,
Orosius
mid thaem the hie badon thaet hie him fylstan
mosten.
66-1,
and heora faederum waeron to fotum feallende, and
biddende thaet hie for thara cilde lufan thaes
gewinnes sumne ende gedyden.
82-18 ,
He baed hie eac thaet hie gemunden thara ealdena
treowa.
82-20 ,
and hie bidde(nde) waes thaet hie mid sume seara-
wrence from Xerse thaem cyninge sume hwile awende.
92-7,
and'hie baedon thaet hie frith with hie haefden.
98-14 ,
and baedon thaet hie tidlice hamweard waere.
98-19 ,
and hine baedon thaet he him on fultume waere.
118-14, and baedon thaet hie ealle gemaenelice cunnoden.
140-15, Tha baed his £aeder-waes eac Fauius haten-thaet
tha senatum forgeafen thaem suna thone gylt.
146-29, and hiene baedon thaet he him ageafe thaet he
(aer) on him gereafade.
200-31, and baedon thaet he him to fultume come.
212-4, oth tha burgware baedon thaet hie mosten been
hiera undertheowas.


182
Glunz, Hans. Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten-
glischen. Beitrage zur Englischen Philologie, Heft 11.
Leipzig, 1929.
Gorrell, J. H. "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon,".PMLA,
10. NS3 (1835) 342-485.
Hall, John R. Clark. A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary.
London, 1894.
Harsh, Wayne. The Subjunctive in English. Alabama Lin
guistic and Philological Series, No. 15. University,
Alabama, 1968.
Herold, Curtis Paul. The Morphology of King Alfred's
Translation of the Orosius. Janua Linguarum, Series
Practica, 62. The Hague, 1968.
Hotz, Gerold. On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-
Saxon Diss. Zurich, 1882. Zurich, 1882.
Jespersen, Otto. A Modern English Grammar. 7. vols.
1909-; rpt. London, 1954-58.
Ker, Neil Ripley. A Catalog of Manuscripts Containing
Anglo-Saxon. Oxford, 1957.
Knott, Thomas A. and Samuel Moore. The Elements of Old
English, rev. James R. Hulbert. 10th ed. Ann-Arbor,
1965.
Kruisinga, E.
3 vols.
A Handbook of Present Day English.
Groningen, 1932.
5th ed.
Lindemann, J. W. R. "Old English Preverbal g_e-: a Re-
Examination of Some Current Doctrines," Approaches to
English Historical Linguistics; An Anthology. Ed.
Roger Lass. New York, 1969.
Lovelace, Anne Katherine. "The Uses of the Subjunctive in
King Alfreds Old English Version of Boethius's De
Consolatione Philosophiae." M.A. Thesis. The Uni
versity of Texas, 1923.
McLaughlin, John C. Aspects of the History of English.
New York, 1970. "
Mann, Gerd. Konjunktionen und Modus im Konsekutiven un_d
Finalen Nebensatz des Altenglischen Breslau, 1939".


146
however, an interrupting word or phrase occurs among the
regular items.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
In two of the four exceptional occurrences of the sub
junctive mood, a relative clause appears in a critical
position:
85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet [e]all thaette thaes
sacerdes ondgit thurhfaran maega, sie ymb tha
hefonlican lufan rThis then shows that all that
the mind of the priest may contemplate is for
the sake of divine love.'
87-3, Thaet tacnath thaette eal tha god and tha maegenu
the heo doth beon gewlitegode mid thaere lufan
Codes and monna 'That signifies that all the good
ness and the virtues which he performs are adorned
with the love of God and men.'
In the remaining two illustrations interruptions occur
before the subordinator:
253-17,
Thaet thonne tacnath us thaette we
'That then signifies to" us what we
scylen beon
shall be.'
449-17,
Hi tacniath mid thaem thaet men scylen onscunian
'They show with that what men shall shun.'
It seems, therefore, that word order rather than
attraction accounts for the variation of mood in the com
plement clause after tacnian. This is as far as we can
speculate given such limited evidence; nevertheless it is
reasonable to assume that, with respect to tacnian, word
order is an influential structural fact.


66
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
One exceptional instance of the indicative mood after
ewethan cannot be explained according to attraction:
214-3, Thaet sindon tha godan tida the hie ealneg fore-
gielpath, gelicost thaem the hie nu ewethen thaet
tha tida him anum gesealde waeren and naeren eallum
folcum 'That those are the good times of which
they always boast; as if they now said that those
times were given to them alone and were not (given)
to all people.'
The indicative waeron juxtaposed against the subjunctive
naeren is perhaps the scribe's attempt to contrast the two
verbs. A stylistic explanation of this sort seems to be
the best solution for the problem.
Gecythan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 12 1
Orosius 4 0
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle Mo evidence available
Total
16
1
Gecythan requires the indicative mood in the comple
ment clause construction. The subjunctive mood in the one
instance in which it occurs appears to be a marker for
contrast.


93
465-21, ac ic ongeat swithe hrathe, siththan thu me
forlete, hu^untrum ic waes.
465-25, Ac he ongeat swithe hrathe, tha he gemette tha
gedrefednesse, thaet hit naes on his agnum onwalde.
Orosius
104-10, Be thaem mon mehte ongietan hwaet thaer ofslagen
waes .
162-27, thaet hi ne cuthan angitan thaet hit Codes wracu
waes .
206-15, Tha se consul ongeat thaet hie thaet faesten
abrecan ne mehton.
222-1, Tha Scipia onget thaet hie swelces modes waeron.
268-14, and ongeaton thaet hit waes Godes wracu.
292-11, Rathe thaes the Gotan angeaton hu god Theodosius
waes .
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
115-4, ond ongiete thaet he^bith [self] othrum monnum
gelic.
183-4, thaette tha sorgfullan ongietan thaet him becumath
tha welan the him gehatene sint.
183-6, and eac tha welegan ongietan thaette tha welan the
hie onlociath and habbath, thaet hie tha h abb an ,
ne magon.
201-19, thaet he ongiete thaet he is efntheow his theowe.
233-23, thaette hie ongieten under hu micelre frecenesse
hie liecgath, and hu hie iceath hira forwyrd.
239-4, thaet hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde
gesuinc bith.
277-3, thaet hie wacorlice ongieten fram hu micelre
ryhtwisnesse hie beoth gewietene.


A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE
By
Mary Elizabeth Faraci
A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1972


113
151-
15 7-
191 -
8, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwilum bith god waerlice
14,
5 .
to mithanne his hieremonna scylda.
Eac is to wietanne thaet aeresth bith se wah
thurhthyrelod.
191-
269-
2 7 3-
293-
306-
306-
343-
34 3-
343-
Eac sculun wietan tha ofer othre gesettan thaet
thaet hie unaliefedes thurhteoth, and othre. men
bi tham bieseniath, sua manegra wieta hie beoth
wyrthe.
11, swa he gere witan maeg thaet he no ana ne forwierth.
19, Eac is to witanne thaette oft thaem bith gestiered.
21, Hwaet we wieton thaet sio diegle wund bith same
thonne sio opene.
14, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwaethwugu bith betweoh
thaem irsiendan and thaem ungethyldgan.
18, Eac is to wietanne thaette sume umtheawas cumath
of othrum untheawum.
19,
21, se the wat hwaer he hiene leget.
Forthy [us] is to wietanne thaet we magon hie sua
ithesth mid threaunga gebetan.
22,.Swa bith thaem the witan willath hwaet hie sellath.
23, and nyllath wietan mid hwelcum woo hie hit
ges triendon.
377-1 Hwaet hie witon, gif-hiera niehstan friend weorthath
waedlan, and hie feoh habbath, and his thonne him
oftioth, thaet hie beoth thonne fultemend to hiera
waedle.
385-30 We sculon wietan thaette oft bith on halgum
gewrietum genemned mid feorwe to gioguthhade.
411-16, Hwaet, we witon thaet we ma lufiath thone aecer.
419-3, Be thaem he maeg witan thaet hi bioth hraedlice
forgiefene.
Prosius
42-1, Ic wat geare, cwaeth Orosius, thaet ic his sceal
her fela oferhebban.


17
later period, he notes, is represented especially by the
works of AElfric (c.lOQO).^
These West-Saxon works, then, have certain features
which recommended such a classification. When compared
with the early manuscripts, those of the later period re
flect, in their various spellings of certain suffixes, a
confusion that results from an important sound change. The
weakening of unaccented vowels in final syllables, whereby
/a/,/o/,/u/, and /e/ merged as schwa, influenced the
spellings of the plural verb endings, among others, so that
the formal distinctions between the indicative and subjunc
tive moods are not so clear as they were in the early
period. In his discussion of the weakening of vowels in
final syllables, Sievers explains this change: "Andere
spatws. Schwankungen in der Bezeichnung unbetonter Vokale
sind . -on., -an_ im Opt. Prat, und Opt. Pras. fr -en,
2 4
~en statt -on im Ind. Prat. P1.M In a later
chapter he specifically compares the forms of the subjunc
tive, present tense: "Diese -e_, -en gelten durchaus im
Altws. bis auf einige vereinzelte -aen und -an. Das
letzere wird spater haufiger: auch dringt spatws. die
Endung -on, -un wie im Opt. Prat, aus dem Prat. Ind. ein."
2 3
Altenglische Grammatik nach der angelsachsischen
Grammatik von Eduard Sievers neubearbeitet, ed. Karl
Brunner (Halle, 1951), pp. 6-7.
^^Ibid., p. 31.


thaet hit thaet hie tha ne
forluren
waere
wislecre
thuhte him
-p
Ln
Figure 4.
Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18.


12
meaning-based speculations, then, do not satisfy even
him.
These studies have been criticized because they pre
sume to understand the subtle and implicit intentions of
the Old English scribes; their insistence, however, that
the introductory verbs are influential in determining the
mood of these constructions is sound. Their detailed
accounts of the operation of each introductory verb in
these studies encourages further investigation.
On the other hand, Frank Behre in The Subjunctive in
Old English Poetry argues that the introductory verb is
not the factor which determines the mood of the complement
clause. He rejects its importance because the mood of the
complement clause is not entirely consistent: "The basis
of . the use of the subjunctive after verbs of thinking
is not merely, as is generally maintained, the form and
# '
nature of the governing verb. In the Old English language
verbs of thinking and believing do not 'require' the se
quence of the subjunctive." Behre suggests, instead, that
"the main factor determining the use of the subjunctive 'is
an attitude of meditation or reflection on the part of the
17
speaker towards the content of the dependent thaet-clause."
He slightly modifies his argument to account for the
17
Frank Behre, The Subjunctive in Old English Poetry,
Goteborgs Hogskolas Arrskrift, 40 (1934), pp. 202t203.


130
determinate
is possible
subjunctive
exceptional
form in the sentence is a subjunctive form, it
that the unmarked forms as well as the clearly
form influenced the scribe's choice of the
mood in this complement clause.
Gesecgan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 2 2
Orosius 6 2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total
8
4
Gesecgan's influence on the mood of the verb in the
complement clause is difficult to describe; both moods
occur in the clause. Of the only twelve samples available,
the indicative mood occurs eight times and the subjunctive
four times; therefore, the subjunctive mood is perhaps the
exceptional mood. Any explanation for this exceptional
mood can be only suggested considering the limited amount
of evidence. There are two features which distinguish
these subjunctive mood clauses from the indicative ones:
negative items occur in three of the four subjunctive
clauses; the fourth exception occurs in an interrogative
construction. Neither the word order nor attraction


116
239-14, thonne anscuniagath hie thaet mon wite hwelce hie
sien.
323-14, thaet is thaet sio winestre hand ne scyle witan
hwaet sio suithre do.
385-12, oth thu wite thaet thin spraec haebbe aegther ge
ord ge ende.
Certain occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the
complement clause do not follow a subjunctive form of witan
therefore, it can be suggested only that attraction oper
ates from the subjunctive form of verbs in other clauses
to the verb in the complement clause.
51-11, We witon thaet he naere eathmod, gif he undergenge
thone ealdordom swelces unrimfolces buton ege; and
eft he waere ofermod, gif he [with] cw.aede thaet
he naere underthidd his Scippende 'We know that he
were not humble if he undertakes the rule of such
a countless number without fear;
presumptuous, if he said that he
"to his Maker.' In this instance
quite possible between the moods
up the gif construction. Indeed the
construction is the object of witan.
and again he were
were not subject
attraction seems
of both clauses
which make
entire gif
273-24, Eac sculon weotan tha the ma swugiath thonne hie
thyrfen, thaette hie hierasorge ne geiecen mid
thy thaet hie hiora tungan gehealden 'Also shall
those know who are more silent than they need be,
that they increase their sorrow when they hold
their tongue.'
459-6, Thaem lareowe is to wietanne thaet he huru nanum
men mare ne beode thonne he acunan maege, thylaes
se rap his modes weorthe to sitfithe athened, oth
he forberste 'The teacher is to know that he at
all events not demand of any man more than he may
bear, lest, the rope of his mind become too severely
stretched out, until it breaks.'
One problem construction occurs in a predominately indica
tive context, so that the possibility of attraction must be
ruled out:


14
allegiance between them, while sprecan usually introduces
direct discourse. It is impossible to say whether such
distinctions are due to a late division of labor or whether
they actually represent an inheritance of previous semantic
differences from a time when the predecessor of qithan may
19
have contained volitional content."
Frank's theory that ewethan takes the optative (i.e.,
subjunctive) because of an earlier logical distribution of
labor is very interesting. His suggestion that an early
rule xvhich was based on logical distinctions established
that these verbs \vould require the subjunctive mood is a
plausible grammatical explanation. His caution is also
helpful: "Care must be observed not to recognize logical
distinctions as ever thoroughly established. Divisions of
labor between synonymous verbs on a purely economic basis,
a lingering of old habits in spite of newly adopted seman-
f
tic changes, and all the insidious forces of analogy help,
and successfully so, to prevent the establishment of any
2 0
thorough-going principle."
Unfortunately, he extends this argument to suggest,
like Gorrell, Hotz, and others, that each Old English
writer expressed a certain degree of verisimilitude through
the mood in the complement clause. He contrasts the
19
Tenney Frank, "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse
in Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-1908), 74-75.
20Ibid., p. 75.


32
251-20, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha metruman thaet
hie ongieten.
253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie
gethencen.
255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie
gethencen.
257-19 ,
Eac sint tha seocan to monianne thaet hie ongieten.
261-1,
Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman to thaem.thaet
hie gehealden.
273-2,
Eac sint to manianne tha suithe suigean thaet hie
geornlice tiligen to wietanne.
275-1, Eac hie sint to manianne, gif hie hiera nihstan
lufien swa sua hie silfe, thaet hie him ne helen.
281-19, Tha slawan sint to manianne thaet hie ne forielden.
289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongieten
hwaet hie on him selfum habbath.
289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie
ongieten hwaet hi nabbath.
291-3, Tha monthwaeran sint to monianne thaet hie geornlice
tiligen.
302-13, Forthaem sint to manianne tha upahaefenan thaet hie
ne sien bealdran.
302-15, Tha eathmodan sint to manianne thaet hie ne sien
suithur underthiedde.
307-3,
307-7 ,
Tha anstraecan thonne sint to monianne thaet hie
ongieten.
Eac hie sint to manianne thaet hie gethencen.
307-19, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha unbealdan and tha
unfaesthraedan thaet hie hera mod mid stillnesse
and gestaeththignesse gestrongien.
313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah
hie [ne] maegen thone untheaw forlaetan thaere
gifernesse and thaere oferwiste, thaet he huru
hine selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy unryhtaemedes.


112
subordinator (thaet hu, hw- words) + subject noun phrase
+ verb phrase. Any interrupting items do not influence the
mood choice in the complement clause:
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 63-11, Ealle we witon be monnum,
se se the bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with
otherne the he bith eac ierre, thaet irsigende mod
he gegremeth 'We all know concerning men, he who
bids a man that he intercede for him with another
with whom he is also angry, that he irritates the
angry mind.1
The subjunctive appears in the complement clause when attrac
tion acts' between the subjunctive mood of wit an and the
verb of its object clause; a few instances of the excep
tional mood require special explanations.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
57-14, Thonne maeg he, witan be thy, gif ne hie[r]ran
folgath habban sceal, hwaether he thonne don maeg
thaet.
t
63-11, Ealle we witon bi monnum . thaet irsigende mod
he gegremeth.
65-11, Se bith eallenga healt se the wat hwider he gaan
sceal.
135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth.
143-1, Hwaet we genoh georne witon thaet se esne the
aerendath his woroldhlaforde wifes, thaet he bith
diernes gelires scyldig with God.
149-1, Thaette se reccere sceal geornlice wietan thaette
oft tha untheawas leogath.
149-3, Eac sceal se reccere witan thaet tha untheaivas
beoth oft geliccette to godum theawum.


67
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
33-6, thy we wofdon gecythan hu micel sio byrthen bith
thaes lareowdomes.
163-11, thonne he him gecythth hu sio byrthen wiexth and
hefegath.
163-15, thonne he him gecyth mid hu scearplicum costungum
we sint aeghwonon utan behrincgde.
211-14, ge habbath gecythed thaet ge ures nanes ne siendon.
409-2, Thaem monnum is gecythed Iwelce stowe he moton
habban beforan urum faeder.
Prosius
100-8, Thaet is mid Crecum theaw thaet mid thaem worde
bith gecythed hwaether healf haefth thonne sige.
142-25, hie thonne gecythath on thaem aete hwelc heora
maest maeg gehrifnian.
296-3, Ac hie gecythdon rathe thaes hwelce hlafordhylde
hi thohton to gecythanne on hiora ealdhlafordes
bearnum.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
115-15, and mid thy anwalde gecythde thaet he waes ieldesth
ofer tha halgancirican.
117-5, hraedlice he gecythde thaet he waes magister and
ealdormonn.
281-6, Eft bi tham ilcan he gecythde hwaet thaere tungan
maegen is.
343-6, Ac Dryhten gecythde thurh Salomon thone snottran
hu micel his irsung aefter thaere daede bith.
401-26, He gecythde hwelc sio scyld bith.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my gratitude to Professor John T.
Algeo and Professor Robert H. Bowers for their encourage
ment in this study. Professor Algeo' s cooperation and his
expert criticism have been invaluable in this work. Pro
fessor Bowers was available for critical reading and in
formative conferences whenever I called upon him.
The suggestions of Professor Richard H. Green and
Professor Egbert Krispyn were very important to the improve
ment of the study. For the statistical calculations, I am
especially indebted to Professor Clarence E. Davis.
iii


43
to you, that we also translate some boohs, which
are most needful for all men to know, into that
language which we all can understand.
When the deep structure is established, it becomes clear
that the complement clause construction has been partly
deleted: 'Therefore it seems to me, if it seems so to you,
that it is better. . .' As in the other two examples,
the thaet clause is not, therefore, itself a complement
clause structure with thyncan as the governing verb, but
only the truncated remains of one. Its underlying relation
ship to the complement clause is represented by the follow
ing diagram (Figure 3).
One misleading thaet construction occurs in the Orosius
154-18, thaet him xvislecre thuhte thaet hie tha ne forluren
'that it seemed wiser to them that they then not
lose. '
The underlying complement clause can be reconstructed thus :
'that it seemed to them that it was wiser that they then
not lose.' The second thaet clause like the previous prob
lem constructions is the subject of the underlying comple
ment clause (Figure 4).
The Orosius contains some regular constructions. The
subjunctive mood occurs in the complement clause in all
the following thyncan illustrations:
102-28, tha him thuhte thaet heo heora deadra to lyt
haefden.
246-25, for thon the hiere thuhte thaet hit on thaem lime
unsarast waere.
Hu and hwaether replace thaet as the subordinator in


95
427-12, Tha sint to manienne, tha the aegther ge hit doth
ge hit herigath, thaet hi ongieten thaet hi oft
swithor gensyngiath mid thaem wordum.
429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten thaet
hit bith se degla Godes dom.
433-31, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the aer thenceath
to syngianne, and ymbtheahtiath, aer hi hit thurh-
tion, thaet hi ongiten mid forethonclicre gescead-
wisnesse thaet hi onaelath thearlran dom with him.
437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thonne hi oft syngiath
lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten thaet mon oft
wyrs gesyngath on thaem lytum synnum.
439-17, Ac hi sint to manienne thaet hie ongieten thaet
hie oft gesyngiath giet wyrs.
445-4, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the naebre
nyllath fulfremman thaet god thaet hi onginnath,
thaet hi ongieten mid waerlice ymbethonce thaette,
. . thaet hi thonne mid thy dilgiath.
Hu, Hw- Clauses
The exceptional occurrence of the subjunctive mood is
in a
It is
ducin
such
clause introduced by
clearly a clause of
one of the hu, hw- subordinators.
inquiry; the hu, hw- words intro-
g clauses containing the indicative mood do not denote
uncertainty. The underlying forms of these clauses
are not interrogative sentences,
but exclamatory sentences:
231-15,
Ac tha aefstegan sint to manianne thaet
hu blinde hi beoth 'But the envious are
admonished that they perceive how blind
hie ongieten
to be
they are.'
25 7-19 ,
Eac sint tha seccan to monianne thaet hie ongieten
hu micel Godes giefu him bith thaes flaesces
gesuinc 'Also are the sick to be admonished that
they perceive how great a gift of God the troubles
of the flesh are.'
289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan
hwaet hie on him selfum habbath 'We ought to admon
ish the passionate that they perceive what they
have in themselves.'


104
41-23,
45-18,
55-19 ,
145-8 ,
227-23
239-12
273-4,
275-17
393-25
182-25
92-22 ,
57-12 ,
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
Thonne hie synderlice thenceath hu hie selfe scylen
fullfremodeste weorthan.
and nyllath thaes thencean hu hie maegen
nyttweorthuste bion.
he thencth on tham oferbraedelse his modes thaet
he sciele monig god weorc thaeron wyrcan.
and thenceath a hwaet hie don maegen.
and thencth thaes timan hwonne he hit wyrs
geleanian maege.
, ac sceal thonne niede thencean hu he hie gelicettan
maege.
nis na thaes. anes thearf to thenceanne hwelce hie
hie selfe utane eowien mannum.
, Forthaem is gesceadwislice to thenceanne hwelcum
tidum him gecopust sie to sprecanne.
, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu hiera
aegther othres willa don scyle.
Orosius
, he thencth thaet he hit adwaesce.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Orosius
hie thohtan thaet hie siththan hiora undertheowas
v aeren.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Ac thence aelc mon aer hu nytwyrthe he sie.


126
235-21, Forthy is wel gecueden thaette thaet flaesclice
li£ sie thaere heortan haelo.
235-24, Ac thaet is suithe ryhte gecueden be thaem banum
thaet hie forrotigen.
243-19, Thonne is eac gecueden thaette God spraece to
thaem bilwitum.
251-8, Thonne is aefter thaem gecueden thaet he sargige
aet niehstan.
279-11, Be thaem waes suithe wel gecweden thurh thone wisan
Salomon, thaette se se thaet waeter utforlete waere
fruma thaere towesnesse.
285-11, Hit is suithe wel be thaem gecweden thaet he eft
bedecige on sumera.
389-16, Eft waes gecueden thurh Salomon thone snottran
thaette on his swithran handa waere lang lif.
439-23, Be thaem waes gecweden on thaem godspelle to
Fariseum thaet hi withbleowen thaere fleogan.
465-33, Forthaem eac waes gecweden to Ezechiele thaem
witgan thaet he waere monnes sunu.
Orosius
108-8, thaet waes thaet (hie) haefdon gecweden thaet hie
ealle emlice on Latine tengden.
230-20, tha gecwaedon hie thaet hie sume hie beaeftan
we re den.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Orosius
66-19 ,
tha gecwaedan hie thaet him leofre waere.


68
405-16, and swatheah us gecythde . thaet us waere
gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to
us showed . that his mercy was ready for us,
that (his) justice was not.'
Such inverted word order rarely happens in the thaet clause:
gecythan + verb phrase + thaet + subject noun phrase. Even
so, it seems better to translate thaet as a subordinator
than as the neuter determiner, 'the justice was not.'
451-6, he us gecythde forhwy he hit forbead.
Orosius
60-21, Thaet wille ic gecythan, thaet tha ricu of nanes
monnes mihtum swa gecraeftgade [ne] wurdon.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
405-16, and swatheah us gecythde, gif we aefter thaem
hryre urra scylda to him gecierdon, thaet us waere
gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to us
showed, if we after the fall of our sins came to
him, that his mercy was ready for us, that (his)
justice was not.
The principle of attraction does not adequately explain
this occurrence of the subjunctive mood; not only is the
main verb an indeterminate form, but also the verb of the
gif clause immediately preceding the thaet clause is in
the indicative mood. Perhaps a better explanation is that
the scribe thus emphasizes the contrast between mercy which
waere gearo and justice which naes (gearo).


86
17-32 ,
180-16,
206-3,
252-21,
286-18,
ac he nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes.
thaet nan mon nyste hwonan hit com.
swa he nyste hu he him to com.
swa nan mon nyste hwonan thaet fyr com.
thaet nan mon nyste thaes faereltes hwaer he com.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
54-An.787, and hie wolde drifan to thaes cyninges tune thy
he nyste hwaet hie waeron.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
241-23, suelee se lareow haebbe an cliwen on his honda
suithe nearwe and suithe smealice gefealden, and
nyte hwaer se ende sie.
Orosius
78-15, thaet hie siththan nysten hu hie thonan comen.
134-23, Nyte we nu hwaether §ie swithor to sundrianne. Of
the disappearance of final -n Joseph Wright notes:
"Final -n disappeared in verbal forms before the
pronouns we, wit; ge, git, as bide we, 'let us ^
bind'; bind ge, 'bind ye'; bunde we? 'did we bind?1"
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
117-2, Eft he spraec suelee he nysse thaet he a furthor
waere thonne othre brothor 'Again he speaks as if
he knew not that he were greater than the other
brothers.'
^Wright, p. 138.


6
213-17, ne theah eow hwelc aerendgewrit cume, suelee hit
from us send sie, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes
daeg neah sie 'nor although to you any letter come,
as if it be sent from us, and therein shows that
the day of judgement be near.'
It seems far more promising to explain the exceptional sub
junctive mood according to formal signals such as the word
order of a clause or its mood context. Such evidence is
provided by the available texts and,therefore, leads to an
accurate explanation for the exceptions to the rules for
mood in the Old English complement clause construction.
Gorrell begins his analysis of tacnian thus: "Tacnian
sets forth the indirect statement in a more objective man
ner than the ordinary verb of saying, and, when thus used,
7
is followed by the indicative." While Gorrell argues that
the meaning of the governing verbs influences the mood
choice in the complement clause, he often seems to be using
the mood choice as a key to the meaning of the introductory
verb. His explanation for the occurrence of the subjunctive
mood is not clearly supported by his evidence. He maintains
that when tacnian acts "as an introduction to a command or
admonition," the subjunctive replaces the indicative in the
g
dependent clause. For the indicative mood after tacnian
he cites from Gregory's Pastoral Care:
279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes
bith toflowen, the nele forhabban tha ungemetgodan
^Gorrell, p. 364.
^Ibid. p 36 5 .


2
the person and tense of the report is affected in its
adaptation as an indirect report in a dependent clause.
Latin, for example, has certain rules which determine the
mood of the verb in the dependent clause of indirect dis
course: "Statements which were in the indicative become
dependent statements in the accusative and infinitive.
2
For indirect questions Latin employs the subjunctive mood
in the dependent clause. Thus, "Romulus urbem condidit
'Romulus founded a city'" becomes in indirect discourse
"Dicunt Romulum urbem condidisse 'They say that Romulus
founded a city.'" The question, "Quis eum occidit? 'Who
killed him?'" becomes in indirect question, "Quis eum
occiderit quaero 'I ask who killed him.
! 1|4
The verb form,
then, is an important structural feature of indirect dis
course. Just as the syntactic rules of Classical written
Latin designate the infinitive form of the verb to mark an
indirect statement and distinguish dependent clauses of
indirect question by the subjunctive verb form, it is pos
sible that in Old English clauses the indicative and the
subjunctive verb forms have special structural significance
also. Throughout the Old English complement clauses re
corded in the manuscripts, however, which, like the written
7
"Bradley's Arnold Latin Prose Composition, ed. Sir James
Mount ford (New York, 19 38) pT 2T2.
"ibid. p. 10 7.
4Ibid., pp. 107 and 242.


148
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Hatan
0 1
Healsian
0 2
Locian
1 1
Ne Wi11an
0 2
Onbeodan
0 1
Othsacan
0 1
Recan
0 1
Reccan
2 0
Scamian
0 3
Secan
0 1
Sellan (Athas)
1 0
Sierwan
0 1
Sprecan
0 1
Swerian (Athas) 0 3
T a 1 i an
o 1
Teohhian
0 2
Treowan
0 1
Uncuth (Beon)
0 1
Wundrian
1 0
Abiddan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
178-12, and abead thaet aegther thara folca othrum ageafe
ealle tha men 'and asked that each nation returned
to the other all the men.'


97
The underlying form for this indirect discourse construc
tion is a direct question: 'How will they clear themselves
at the great judgement?' It is possible, therefore, that
this different underlying form influenced the scribe to
neglect the formula in this one instance.
Orosius
62-32, ic wolde thaet tha ongeaten, the tha tida ures
cristendomes leahtriath, hwelc mildsung siththan
waes, siththan se cristendom waes; and hu monig-
feald wolbaernes thaere worulde aer thaem waes.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
119-10, gedo he theah thaet his hieremenn ongieten thaet
he sie eathmod on his [inn]gethonce, thaet hi
maegen thaem o [n]hyrigean.
119-12, ond on his ealdorlicnesse hie ongieten thaet hie
him maegen ondraedan.
151-14, forthaem thaet hie ongieten thaet hie mon taele.
159-7, thylaes he sie ongieten thaet hi sie onstyred and
onaeled mid thaem andan his hieremonna untheawa.
183-7, Ac thaem lareoxve is micel thearf thaet he ongiete
hwa earm sie, hwa eadig, and hwone he laeran scyle
sua earmne.
185-10, Thonne mon thonne ongiete thaet he ryhte gedemed
haebbe.
379-18, Thaet is, se the ongiete thaet he sie gecieged
med godcuncre stemne.
417-33, forthaem thaet hi maegen ongean thaet be thaem
ilcan gemete hreowsian the hi on hira [inn]
gethonce ongieten thaet hie gesyngoden.


Rule, designates the subjunctive verb form as the redundant
feature of clause construction to replace the indicative
form in complicated clause constructions.
It is possible that the meaning of the provisions in
both The Subordination Rule and in The Introductory Verb
Rule was extended for use in a third syntactic rule, The
Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule, which distinguishes a
complement clause which functions as a clause dependent on
a governing verb from a complement clause follox^ing a verb
which has a negligible influence on the clause. The rule
contains two parts: (a) As a redundant feature of clause
construction, the subjunctive verb from marks a statement,
in a complement clause, which has been adapted from an in
dependent sentence to a dependent clause, as indirect dis
course; (b) The seven expletory verbs are not followed by
the mood of indirect discourse because they introduce
f
direct and independent reports rather than indirect and
dependent reports. The subjunctive or marked verb form
in Old English is the structural sign for a semantic fea
ture which distinguishes the complement clauses following
fourteen influential governing verbs as indirect reports
from the complement clauses which follow the seven merely
expletory verbs. The structural evidence provided by the
texts, therefore, does not illustrate that the subjunctive
form in the complement clause conveys more doubt or less
objectivity than the indicative form.
IX


46
questions:182-22, Hu thyneth eow (nu) Romanum hu seo sibb
gefaestnad waere, hwaether hie sie thaem gelicost 'How does
it seem to you, Romans, how the peace was made fast, does
it appear whether it be most likened to that.'
W i 11 an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 10
Wi11an consistently requires the subjunctive verb form
in its complement clause. The subjunctive form occurs in
Alfred's original prose, his Preface to Gregory's Pastoral
Care, and his translation.
5-24,
9-5,
57-2 ,
107-22
165-11
237-18
267-19
347-15
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
and woldon thaet her^thy mara wisdom on londe
itfaere.
io wolde thaet[te] hie ealneg aet thaere stowe
waeren.
Thonne he wilnath on his mode thaet he sciele
ricsian.
, ac wile thaet simle se other beo araered from thaem
othrum.
, hie wiellath thaet hie hiene eft haebben.
, Ic wille thaet ge sien wise.
, and wolde thaet hie wurden.
, forthaem he wolde thaet we haefden aegther ge
sibbe ge wisdom.


90
the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon 'who he
feared would support him.' Ondraedan occurs one other time
in such a relative clause, but the unusual syntax does not
affect the mood of the complement clause:
Pastoral Care, 143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie
ondraedath thaet him derian maege aet
thaem gielpe 'they approve such for
him i\rho they fear may hinder them in
that glory.
Since it is apparently not the rule, therefore, for such
relative clause constructions to alter the mood of a com
plement clause, it is possible that, in one case, syntax of
such an exceptional nature might have distracted the scribe
from an established rule for mood in complement clauses
following ondraedan.
Ongietan
Indicative Mood in
the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
61
15
Orosius
8
1
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence
avail able
Total
69
16
Ongietan occurs frequently in the texts as a verb
introducing complement clauses. The indicative mood appears
regularly in the complement clause. The word order of the


65
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
The indicative mood occurs only twice after cwethan
in Gregory's Pastoral Care; both instances occur in the
same sentence. It is difficult to explain the exceptional
mood when the regular subjunctive mood occurs in another
CTethan construction also within the same sentence:
211-3, sua thaette sume suaedon thaet hie waeron Apollan,
sume cuaedon thaet hi waeron Saules, sume Petres,
sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes 'so that some
said that they were Apollo's,some said that they
were Saul's, some Peter's, one said that he was
Christ's.'
The attraction principle can explain the rare instance of
the indicative mood after cwethan in the first two clauses
of the series. It is, then, possible that the interruption
in the sume cuaedon pattern by the elliptic clause, sume
Petres, explains the scribe's return to the use of the
subjunctive mood in the final clause of the same series.
Orosius
214-7, Gif hie thonne cwethath thaet tha tida goda waeron.
254-28, and cwaedon thaet hie niene for god habban noldon.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
80-An.887, and hi cuedon thaet hie thaet to his honda
healdan sceoldon.


129
Alfred's original prose, his Preface to the Pastoral Care.
Although the amount of complement clause constructions to
be taken from the original prose is necessarily small, the
rules for mood in the complement clause operate with the
same consistency as that observed in the translations.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
333-22, thonne hie gemunath thaet hie thaet ilce doth.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
5
5
7
8,
Tha
hu i
25 ,
Tha
geth
15,
Tha
this
ic tha this eall gemunde tha gemunde ic eac
c geseah.
gemunde ic hu sio ae waes aerest on Ebr[e]isc
iode funden.
ic tha gemunde hu sio lar Laedengethiodes aer
sum afeallen wae$ giond Angelcynn.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
413-11, God us drencte swithe gemetlice mid tearum, swa
thaette aeghwelces mannes mod swa miele oftor
waere gethwaened mid hreow sunge tearum swa swa
he gemunde thaet hit oftor waere adrugod from Gode
on his synnum 'God gave us to drink very moder
ately with tears, so that the heart of every man
was so much more often moistened with the tears
of repentance as more often he remembered that it
\\ras dried by God with his sins.'
The indeterminate form of the main verb weakens the argu
ment for attraction; nevertheless, as the only other


101
cunnan-ongietan construction as
'to know how to.' The
'And yet very rightly he
entire sentence then reads:
wields the power who well knows how to gather from it what
is beneficial to him.' This translation is different from
his translation for the other ongietan constructions which
he renders as 'see,' 'perceive,' and 'understand.' It can,
therefore, be suggested that attraction between moods and
the influence of theah, as well as the addition of cunnan
to the ongietan construction, can explain the exceptional
subjunctive mood in this second problem sentence.
Three other exceptional cases remain to be explained.
These subjunctive forms occur in predominately indicative
contexts:
195-12, Sua eac oft gebyreth thaem the for othre menn beon
sceal, thonne he hwelc yfel ongiett, and thaet
nyle aweg aceorfan, thaet thonne aet niehstan hit
wyrth to gewunah thaet" he hit ne maeg gebetan, ne
furthum ongietan thaet hie aenig yfel sie 'So also
it happens to him who ought to be before other men,
when he sees any evil, and will not cut that away,
that then finally it becomes a habit that he may
not give up, nor indeed perceive that it be any
evil.'
271-19, Ac forthaemthe mon ne maeg utane on him ongietan
for hiera suigean hwaet mon taele, hie beoth
innane oft ahafene on ofermettum, swa thaet hie
tha felasprecan forseoth and hie nauht doth 'But
since one may not from without perceive in them
what one blames because of their silence, they
are internally often elevated in pride, so that
they scorn the loquacious and count them as nought.'
281-10, Thaet bith thonne openlice unnyt word, thaette
gescedwise menn ne magon ongietan thaet hit belimpe
to ryhtwislicre and to nvtwyrthlicre thearfe auther
oththe eft uferan dogore oththe thonne 'That is
then an openly useless word, that wise men may not
perceive that it belong to virtuous and to-useful
necessity either at a future day or thereafter.'


169
The verbs magan, sculan and wilian, which grammarians
have often considered in separate categories, occur in the
complement clauses recorded in these manuscripts as sub
junctive forms and indicative forms with the consistency
common to other verbs. They do not appear in the excep
tional instances to any remarkable extent. They have been
included, therefore, with the other verb forms for the
statistics describing the choice of mood after each intro
ductory verb.
Exceptional Choice of Mood
When the regular influence of the introductory verb
is interrupted, so that an introductory verb can be fol
lowed by the indicative mood in one clause and by the sub
junctive mood in another, the evidence provided by these
texts shows that each exception is determined by a syntactic
rule or structural feature. The texts did not support,
however, the arguments which maintained that a change of
meaning in the introductory verb determines the exceptional
mood in the complement clause. The structural facts show
that attraction between the mood of the introductory verb
or the dominant mood of the sentence and the mood of the
complement clause can explain the exceptional mood most
often. In other instances unusual word order and compli
cated clause constructions in the context of the complement
clause determine the exceptional mood choice. Sometimes


179
acts of communication and mental processes. In modern
written English also, the indeterminate forms of the auxili
aries shall and will and their past forms should and would
occur frequently to express future events after these intro
ductory verbs. In comparison with these other construc
tions, the marked form in the complement clause might be
assumed to convey special meaning to a report. In spite
of the similarity of the form in the complement clause with
the verb forms of if. and though constructions, the evidence
in the Old English prose indicates that this marked form in
the complement clause is primarily a feature of clause con
struction. The marked form in the clause after these verbs
which express 'command* or 'desire* is the only clear proof
for the Old English rule established for the indirect dis
course construction. With the loss of distinctive verb
forms for the indicative and subjunctive moods, the essen-
tially formal rules designed for these introductory verbs
and their clauses are less evident.


154
Geortriewan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
86-3, theh ne geortriewe ic na Gode thaet he us ne maege
gescildan to beteran tidum 'though I do not doubt
in God that he can protect us for better times.'
Gereccan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
252-1, (Nu) Ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, on foreweardre
thisse. seofethan beo gereccean thaet hit theh
Codes bebod waes '(Now) I will, said Orosius, in
the introduction to this seventh book tell that
it yet was the command of God.'
In an earlier part of the Orosius a hii clause follows
gereccan, but it is in apposition with the complement of
gereccan:
10-4, ac ic wille nu, swa ic aer gehet, thara threora
landrica gemaere gereccan hu hie mid hiera waetrum
tolicgeath 'but I will now, as I promised pre
viously, tell the boundary of those regions, how
they are separated with their waters.'
Geswerian
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius

56-19, and athas gesworan thaet hie naefre noldon aet
ham cuman 'and swore oaths that they did not wish
ever to come at home.'
and eac gesi^oren haefdon thaet hie other forleosan
woldon 'and also has sworn that they did not wish
to destroy the other.'
68-27,


27
'and show them which is the sight of exalted peace, and how
in vain one understands that heavenly wonder of God.'
The Classification of Introductory Verbs
The apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the comple
ment clause has led grammarians to ignore the possibility
that there is a fixed syntactic rule operating in Old
English complement clauses. I have tested the hypothesis
that no rule governs the choice of mood by applying the
binomial method in my investigation of the degree of con
sistency with which the introductory verbs require either
the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood in the follow
ing clause. The probability values are based on the
assumption that if there were no fixed rule predetermining
a scribe's choice of mood after each introductory verb,
then after each verb the indicative and the subjunctive
mood would each occur half of the time. I have classified
the introductory verbs through the findings of this statis
tical test. The six verbs in Group A are exclusively fol
lowed by the subjunctive mood in at least five constructions
and, therefore, weakly support the no-rule hypothesis in
probability values less than .05. Group B includes the
verbs which, like the verbs of Group A, show a decided
preference for one mood, yet require the other mood in pre
dictable contexts. The verbs in Group C have probability


34
365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne
ongietath, thaette hie gethencen.
365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
371-1, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie hie selfe ongieten.
371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen.
375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet thaet hie be thaem
laessan thingum ongieten.
383-31, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
387-8, Tha thonne sint to manianne the simle habbath
thisse worulde thaet thaet hie wilniath'thaet hie
ne agiemeleasien.
387-16, Eac hie sint to monienne thaette hie no ne geliefen.
389-27, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde
orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongieten.
391-20, Tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen.
391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra
thinga wilniath, and him theah sum broc and sumu
witherweardnes hiera forwiernth, thaette hie
geornfullice gethencen.
393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
393-23, Tha sint to manigenne the mid thaem gebundene
bioth, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu
hiera aegther othres willan don scyle, thaet hira
swa tilige aegther othrum to licianne on hiora
gesinscipe . and thaet hie swa wyrcen thisses
middangeardes weore.
395-31, To manigenne sint tha gesomhiwan, theah hira
hwaethrum hwaethwugu hwilum mislicige on othrum,
thaet hie theat gethyldelice forberen.
397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen.
401-1, tha sint to manienne thaet hie swa miele ryhtlecor
tha hefonlican bebodo healden.


15
Germanic dialects with Latin and Greek thus: "In Old-High-
German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old-Norse, etc., . .
verbs of speaking are divided in their allegiance, often
showing, however, a tendency to use the optative in quota
tions, the truth or exactness of which the reporter does
not vouch for. Such logical distinctions do not for a
moment hold.for Latin or Greek, for in those languages the
verba sentiendi et declarandi are on a par in the use of
subjunctive or optative regardless of the degree of veri
similitude to be expressed. Nor is there any trace of any
21
previous existence of such logical distinctions." Later
he concludes from his investigation a similar explanation
for the mood variation: "Thus it is that to a remarkable
extent the optative comes to serve as the mood of doubtful,
questioned, unvouched-for discourse, while the indicative
persists in cases of greater certainty. There even arises
a feeling that witan should take the indicative whereas
2 2
ni witan deserves an optative." While Frank's discussion
of etymological evidence is interesting, his speculations
based on "a feeling" are misleading.
These analyses have assumed that the indicative and
subjunctive moods in the complement clauses carried meanings
similar to their meanings in other grammatical constructions.
Frank,
P-
70.
Ibid.,
P-
75.


47
355-18, Ic wolde, gi£ hit swa beon meahte, thaet ge with
aelcne monn haefden sibbe eowres gewealdes.
457-26, Gif thu wille thaet thu ne thyrfe the ondraedan
thinne Hlaford.
Wilnian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 23
Orosius 0 2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 0 25
The subjunctive verb form occurs in the complement
clause throughout the wilnian constructions in Gregory's
Pastoral Care and the Orosius-.
23-16,
93-19,
135-18
135-19
141-16
145-12
145-13
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregorys Pastoral Care
Nu ic wilnige thaette theos spraec stigge.
and wilnath thaet he thy wi[s]ra thynce.
, hie wiliniath thaet hie thyncen tha betstan.
, hie wilniath thaet hie mon haebbe for tha betstan.
, thaet lie thonne ma ne wilnige thaet he self licige
his hieremonnum thonne Gode.
, and wilnath theah thaet thaes othre menn sugigen.
, he wilnath ma thaet hine mon lufige thonne
ryhtwisnesse.


55
Bebeodan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
0
7
Orosius
3
19
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence available
Total
3
26
The subjunctive mood follows bebeodan in the comple
ment clause. The word order regularly follows this pattern
bebeodan + (nominative noun phrase) + (dative noun phrase)
+ subordinator and complement clause. The nominative or
the dative noun phrase, or both if they are pronouns, may
be shifted to the front of bebeodan. Relative clauses and
one gif construction occur in certain constructions without
varying the mood choice in the complement clause. Attrac
tion between the indicative moods best explains the three
rare instances of the indicative mood.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
81-18, Forthaem babiet sio halige ae thaet se sacerd scyle
onfon thone suithran bogh aet thaere of[f]runge.
319-22, Thaem hlafordum is beboden thaet hie him doon thaet
h[i]ra thearf sie.
321-1, and thaem thegnum is beboden thaet hie him thaet
to genyhte don.


77
339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen, ongemang
thaem the hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen,
thaet hie for thaem godan hlisan thy forcuthran ne
weorthen 'they are to be admonished that they con
sider, while they wish that they seem generous,
that for that good fame they do not become the more
depraved.'
For the first problem illustration Sweet translates the
gethencan construction thus:
'[they] are to be admonished to take care . .
that for that good fame they do not become
the more depraved.'
A direct command, 'Do not become the more depraved,' is the
underlying form for this surface sentence, rather than a
description of a situation, which the fourteen regular com
plement clauses represent.
The second problem sentence is also different from the
indicative complement clauses which follow manan and
gethencan:
365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne ongietath,
thaette hie gethencen thaette hie thone halwendan
drync thaes aethelan wines ne gehwyrfen him selfum
to attre, and isen thaet hie menn mid lacnian
souldon, thaet hie mid thaem hie selfe to feore ne
gewundigen 'Those are to be admonished who do not
understand the law rightly, that they consider
that they not turn the salutary draught of noble
wine into poison for themselves, and the iron that
they should cure men with, that they with that not
wound themselves too deeply.'
Sweet translates this problem sentence thus:
'Those who do not understand the law rightly
are to be admonished not to turn the salutary
draught of noble wine into poison for them
selves, and not to wound themselves mortally
with the lancet with which they should cure men.'
A direct command underlies each surface structure: 'Do not


175
are to be admonished that they consider that those
women who bring forth the conceived children, when
they are not yet full born, fill not by that
houses but tombs.
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne
thaet hi ongieten thaet hit bith se degla Godes
dom thaet hie eft thy mare wite haebben 'But they
are to be admonished that they perceive that it is
the secret judgement of God that they afterwards
(will) have the more punishment.
Witan occurs in the manan construction and in similar
cythan constructions:
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to
cythanne thaet hie wieten thaette swa lange sua
hie beoth from thaere lufe athied hiera niehstena,
and him ungemode beoth, thaette hie nanwuht godes
ne magon tha hwile ,Gode bringan to thances 'To the
quarrelsome is to be told that they know that as
long as they are separated from the love of their
neighbor, and are at variance with them,that they
may not then meanwhile bring anything of good,
pleasing to God.'
Each of these fillers can be deleted from a sentence without
affecting the statement. The statement in each complement
clause, therefore, exists independent of the introductory
verbs. It seems likely that Rule 2 blocked the seven verbs
of the gethencan-witan group from the prominent position
as governing verb for a subjunctive mood clause to keep
clear the difference between them and the introductory verbs
which have something more than a negligible influence on a
statement.


71
317
317
317
317
317
319
319
323
323
323
359
371
409
441
13, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth.
15, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus
cuaeth.
19, Gehieren eft tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth.
21, Gehiren eft tha oferetolan hwaet he to him cuaeth.
23, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth.
3, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus cwaeth
5, Gehiren tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth.
6, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.
18, ac gehiren hwaet awriten is.
25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.
9, ac gehiren tha wrohtsaweras hwaet awriten is.
13, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is.
16, Gehieren eac tha the ungefandod habbath thara
flaesclicana scylda hwaet sio Sothfaesthnes thurh
hie selfe cwaeth.
19, Ac gehiren hi thaet thas andwearda[n] god bioth
from aelcre lustfulnesse swithe hraedlice gewitende
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
303-6, thaet hit sie the lusthbaerre to gehieranne sua
hwaet sua we him auther oththe lean oththe laera
wiellen that it be the more cheerful to hear
whatever we wish for them either to blame or to
teach.'
379-17, Se the gehire thaet hine mon clipige 'he who hears
that one calls him.'
Attraction between the mood of the main verb and the verb
of the complement clause in these exceptions
best explains
the scribe's choice of mood.


30
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregorys Pastoral Care
81-25, thaet[is thaet] he geleornige thaet he selle Gode
his agne breosth.
191-1, Geleornigen eac tha beam thaet hi sua hieren hira
ieldrum.
191-4, Geleornigen eac tha faederas and tha hlafurdas
thaet hie wel libben[de] gode bisene astellen.
275-24, Thy we sculon geleornian thaet we suithe waerlice
gecope tiid aredigen.
319-7, thaet tha oferetolan geleornoden thaet hie to
ungemetlice ne wilnoden flaescmetta.
Manian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 86
Manian introduces a complement clause in Gregorys
Pastoral Care only. The conltruction follows either of
these two patterns with such consistency that it might be
determined by formulaic conventions:
(1)
Eac
Eorthaem
Ohgean thaet
' + sint + t_o. manianne + noun phras
+ (subordinate clause) + thaet and a
conventional complement clause.
(2) noun phrase + sint + to_manianne + (subordinate clause)
+ thaet and a conventional complement clause.
Neither variation of the patterns nor indicative verb forms
in certain subordinate clauses alters the choice of mood in
the complement clause.


143
401-15
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Ic eow secgge hwaet eow arwyrthlicost is_ to beganne,
and hu ge fullecost magon Gode thiowiarTT
Orosius
19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet
he waere on Truso on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet
thaet scip waes ealne weg yrnende under segle
'Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that
he was in Truso during seven days and nights, that
that ship was moving all the way under sail.'
The fact that the regular subjunctive mood appears in the
two preceding dependent clauses makes any formal explana
tion for the waes of the third clause difficult. In fact,
throughout the frequent appearance of secgan in the narra
tives of Ohthere and Wulfstan, it governs the subjunctive
mood. It can only be suggested, therefore, that thaet
thaet scip waes ealne weg yrnende under segle is not meant
to be an object clause of secgan; it may belong to the con
tinuing description:
19-34, Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord
waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and
Sconeg; and thas land eall hyrath to Denemearcan-
'Wenothland was for him on starboard, and on the
left side of the ship for him was Langaland, and
Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these
lands belong to Denmark.'
86-5
Leonitha saede thaet tha tida tha yfele waeron.
210-28, Nu ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, secgan hulucu heo
waes .
232-17, theh ic hit nu scortlice secgan scyle, cwaeth
Orosius, hwa thaes ordfruman waeron.
246-20, Ac tha him mon saede Octauianus thiderweard waes.


20
in the late Anglo-Saxon period when there was a decided
2 7
tendency to pass over to the indicative." Gorrell inter
rupts his discussion often with such unsatisfactory reason
ing. Because the evidence from the later period is known
to be weak, it is better not to use such late manuscript
sources. This study will, therefore, concentrate on the
early West-Saxon works: Alfred's translation of Gregory's
Pastoral Care, Alfred's Orosius, and the Parker manuscript
of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle up to 891 for its examples of
the complement clause construction.
Method of Investigation
For this description of syntax, then, I have collected
evidence of the complement clauses from the most reliable
texts. Each of the verbs which express acts of communica
tion or mental processes was studied separately. Special
attention has been given to listing the occurrences of the
subjunctive mood and those of the indicative mood in the
complement clauses after each verb. When all the clauses
after each introductory verb had been collected and a count
revealed which mood predominated, I have compared the
clauses which contained the predominant mood with the ex
ceptional clauses. The clause containing the less frequent
27
Gorrell, op.cit., pp. 353-354.


166
Regular Choice of Mood
The structural facts presented in these texts showed
that certain syntactic rules and formal reasons determined
the scribe's choice of mood in all the complement clauses.
As shown in the statistics below, the verbs of Groups A and
B have the most consistent influence on the mood of. the
complement clause. The mood choice demonstrates that for
these twenty-one verbs the probability is less than five
percent that the hypothesis that no rule governs the mood
of the complement clause is correct. Fourteen introductory
verbs such as civet han, manian and wenan are regularly fol
lowed by the subjunctive mood. The seven remaining verbs
like gethencan, ongietan and witan introduce the indicative
mood in their complement clauses.
Introductory Verbs Requiring
the Subjunctive Mood
Group A and Group B
- Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Pr
obability
Values
Ascian
1
7
<
. 05
Awritan
1
25
<
. 0005
Bebeodan
3
26
<
. 00001
Biddan
0
L*
20
<
.00001
Cwethan
6
43
<
. 00001
Geleornian
0
5
<
. 03


155
Getaecan
Getaecan is one of two especially difficult verbs in
the D group. Of only three constructions provided by the
texts, one complement clause employs the indicative mood and
two the subjunctive mood.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal
'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.'
It is possible that the indicative mood in the hwelc clause
is determined by a formulaic structure which occurs also-
in a reccan construction:
173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde
bion sceal 'hitherto we have said what the pastor
ought to be.'
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
405-29, and him getaehte hwaet hi on thaem don sceolden,
hwaet ne scolden 'and showed them what they ought
to do in that, what they ought not do.'
Gethyncan
Gethyncan occurs as the main verb of a complement
clause construction in the Orosius only. The subjunctive
mood follows gethyncan in the clause. The items of the
construction are similar to those in the thyncan construc
tion: dative case pronoun + gethyncan + thaet + subject
clause.
This similarity of mood and word order indicates


178
The evidence from late West-Saxon texts could provide
additional illustrations for some of the thirty-eight verbs
in Group D which were not sufficiently represented in the
three early West-Saxon texts. It would also be interesting
to observe how additional evidence would affect Group C
verbs such as aetiewan, cythan, or gecwethan which have
probability values close to those of the Group B verbs.
Structural investigations of the marked and unmarked verb
forms in the complement clauses of the late West-Saxon texts
are necessary amidst the unfounded meaning^based explana
tions .
Though limited to the three early West-Saxon texts,
the present study can help to establish the structural
significance for the marked form in certain complement
clauses in Modern written English. The distinguishing forms
for the subjunctive and indicative moods are restricted to
- the third person, present tense, singular of most verbs and
all the present tense forms for the verb to_ be_. In the
past tense only the first and third person, singular forms
of the verb t_o be_ can be distinguished as marked forms.
A marked verb form is still found in the complement
clause introduced by a subordinator and a verb like "com
mand," "request," or "will," which correspond respectively
to the Old English verbs manian, biddan, and willan or
wilnian. The infinitive construction is certainly more com
mon after these verbs and the.other verbs which express


38
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
113-10,
AEresth him thuhte selfum thaet thaet he waere
suithe unmedeme.
115-19 ,
him thuhte thaet he waere his gelica.
203-14,
him selfufm] thync(th) thaette wisdom sie.
203-20 ,
him selfum thynce thaette wisusth sie.
209-24,
him thonne thynce thaet he nan yfel ne doo.
231-20 ,
thonne thyncth him thaet hie wiellen acuelan.
285-4 ,
thenne him thyncth thaet he ryhte lade funden
haebbe.
321-23,
him thenne thynceth thaet he suithe wel atogen
haebbe.
415-31,
him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne sie.
415-34 ,
him thyncth thaet he haebbe fierst genogne to
hreowsianne.
There are two instances in which adverbs and adverb
phrases are introduced into the clause; nevertheless, the
subjunctive mood follows thyncan in its complement clause.
241-4 ,
him fulneah thyncth thaette his nawuht sua ne sie
sua sua he aer witedlice be him wende 'it almost
seems to him that nothing about it is not just as
he formerly undoubtedly thought about it.'
415-32 ,
him thyncth. the ah hit scyld sie, thaet othre men
hefiglicor syngien 'it seems to him, though it is
a sin, that other men sin more gravely.'
In all the foregoing examples the verb thyncan has a
thaet clause as its subject; however, it often happens that
thyncan has not a thaet clause, but only a noun phrase as
subject and an adjective as complement. Alfred's Preface
to Gregory's Pastoral Care offers an example:


168
decided preference, as did the verbs of Groups A and B,
for either mood in the complement clause.
Group C
Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Probability
Values
Aetiewan
2
6
<
. 10
Cythan
14
7
<
.12
Geewethan
6
14
<
.07
Gemunan
4
1
<
. 31
Gesecgan
8
4
<
. 19
Geseon
11
4
<
. 10
Getacnian
3
3
<
.99
Oncnawan
4
1
<
. 31
Secgan
17
27
<
. 16
Tacnian
5
4
<
.48
Of the sixty-nine verbs which introduce a complement
clause, the thirty-eight verbs of Group D are represented
in less than five constructions and, therefore, do not
offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evi
dence, while the ten verbs of Group C are significant
insofar as they represent at least five constructions. The
few introductory verbs, however, represented in Group C
which favor the no-rule hypothesis are not so impressive
as the twenty-one verbs of Groups A and B which do not.


145
attraction is operating in the exceptional structures;
therefore, tacnian's influence on the mood in the complement
clause is here presented with less documentation than was
the case with verbs such as witan or ewethan.
The indicative mood follows tacnian in the complement
clause constructions of this order: tacnian + thaet +
subject noun phrase + verb phrase.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
81-21, Thaet thonne tacnath thaet thaes sacerdes weorc
s[c]ulon beon asyndred.
219-6, Thaet tacnath thaet thaet gethyld sceal gehealdan.
279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes
bith toflowen. (Thaes modes is being counted as a
type of determiner.)
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Prosius
248-21, Thaet tacnade thaet we eall sculon aenne geleafan
habban.
248-26 Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden. (ljs_ ,
eallum can be considered the subject of the passive
construction.)
The evidence seems to indicate that the indicative
mood occurs in constructions which employ only the conven
tional items of a complement clause: tacnian + thaet +
subject noun phrase + verb phrase. In the constructions
which employ the subjunctive mood in the complement clause,


109
179-9 ,
185-11
203-9 ,
209-16
209-17
215-1,
281-14
299-7,
305-18
308-7 ,
308-8 ,
315-9 ,
315-10
327-15
329-13
353-10
353-21
401-23
403-3,
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
theah menn wenen thaet hie yfel don.
, and he wene thaet he ryht be othrum gedemed.haebbe.
thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie sien wiese.
, thonne hie wenen thaet hie haebben betst gedon.
, thonne hie wenen thaet hie thone gilp and thaet
lof begieten haebben.
thaet hie wenden thaet hie thaes the untaelwyrthran
waeren.
, hwelc wite wene we thaet se felaspraecea scyle
h abb an.
theah hie wenen thaet [hie] hiene haebben.
, thaer hie ne wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and
wisran waeren.
Wene ge nu thaet ic aenigre leohtmodnesse bruce,
oththe thaette ic thence aefter woruldluste.
wene ge thaet aegther sie mid me.
ne eft ne wenen thaet hit anlipe full healic
maegen sie.
, thylaes hie wenen thaet hit anlipe micellre
geearnunge maegen sie.
, ne wene he no thaet Godes ryhtwisnes sie to ceape.
, Hwaet wene ge hwaet sio thurhtogene unryhtwisnes
geearnige.
, Ac hu wene we hu micel scyld thaet sie.
, Ne wene ge no thaet ic to thaem come.
, thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie butan [thaem] demme
Stranges domes hi gemengan maegen.
ne wene he thaet he sie.


61
Cwethan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 2 29
Orosius 3 16
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle 1 3
Total
6
48
The subjunctive mood regularly follows cwethan in the
complement clause. The word order follox^s the usual pat
tern: cwethan + thaet + subject noun phrase + verb + object,
As with another verb that expresses an act of communication,
secgan 'say,' which will be considered later, the word
order in the exceptional clauses differs from the normal
pattern; for most of the exceptions, the verb is the last
item of the series. While t^e verb occurs as the last item
in some clauses which contain the subjunctive mood, that is
the predominant order in the exceptional indicative mood
clauses; nevertheless, attraction between the indicative
moods seems also to be an.important influence in the
scribe's use of the exceptional mood in the complement
clause.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
73-2 ,
tha lie cwaeth thaet aelces yfeles wyrttruma waere.


139
occurs in an indeterminate context as well as in a clearly
indicative environment, it never occurs in a clearly sub
junctive context; thus it seems likely that attraction be
tween moods influenced the scribe's choice of the indica
tive mood.
The order of items in the construction regularly
follows this pattern: secgan + subordinator + subject
pronoun + verb + object. In the subjunctive clauses the
order of the items seldom varies from the pattern; however,
it is interesting that the normal order is often upset in
those clauses which contain the exceptional indicative mood.
In these clauses the verb is the last item of the string.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
111-11, suelee he gehierth thaet his olicceras seegath
thaet he sie. *
231-10, Thaem welwillendum is to seeganne, thonne hie
gesioth hiera geferena god weorc, thaet hie eac
thencen to him selfum.
239-3, mon sceal monian tha lytegan, and him secgan thaet
hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde gesuinc bith.
261-3, Him is to seegeanne thaet hie unablinnendlice
gethencen.
393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon on thisse ilcan
bee bi David thaem Godes dirlinge thaet he waere
ryhtwisra.
Orosius
se scop waes seegende thaet Egypti adrifen Moyses
ut.
34-16 ,


123
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
129-21, Thaes daeges tocyme hwelc he beo he cythde, tha
he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle tha
the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of this
day, whatever it is, he showed when he said: It
comes just as a snare over all those who dwell on
the earth.'
The indeterminate form as well as the predominance of the
indicative mood makes the attraction theory less satis
factory. The inverted word order of the clause perhaps
better explains the occurrence of the exceptional mood.
The normal word order for complement clauses places the main
verb before the clause: cythan + subordinator + subject
noun phrase + verb phrase. Yet the order of this clause
differs from the common pattern: subordinator + subject
noun phrase + verb phrase + cythan.
409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen,
and eac saede thaet ¡he uniethe waere to gehealdenne,
and-eac cythde hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden,
thonne hie hine underfangen haefden because he
said that all did not receive it, and also said
that it was difficult to keep, and also showed how
carefully they should hold it, when they have re
ceived it. '
In spite of the indeterminate form of cythan, the predomi
nance of the subjunctive mood in surrounding clauses ex
plains the exceptional mood in the complement clause follow
ing cythan.


103
Thencan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
1
10
Orosius
1
2
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
No evidence available
Total
2
12
Thencan regularly takes the subjunctive in complement
clauses, although the word order of the thencan construc
tion varies. The construction often follows the conven
tional pattern: thencan + subordinator (thaet, hu, hw-
words) + subject noun phrase + verb phrase; nevertheless,
the texts show that items do interrupt this order without
influencing the mood in the complement clause. A principle
of attraction is perhaps operating between the indicative
moods in the two sentences which exceptionally employ the
indicative rather than the subjunctive mood in the comple
ment clause. The verb of the subordinate clause has been
drawn into agreement with the mood of the main clause. Of
course the subjunctive, as the predominant mood, occurs
regularly in the complement clause, whether the mood of the
main verb is subjunctive or indicative.


3
Latin dependent clauses of indirect discourse, follow verbs
like 'say,' 'think,' or 'perceive,' either the subjunctive
form or the indicative form may appear. This apparently
arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English clauses, there
fore, does not seem to be determined by a syntax rule such
as that which designates certain verb forms as features of
the dependent clause of indirect discourse for Latin prose.
A structural analysis of the indicative verb forms and the
subjunctive forms following each introductory verb can
perhaps explain the influence of the introductory verb on
the mood of the following clause and can explain the sig
nificance of the mood in the Old English complement clause.
Until the present study can determine whether a syntactic
rule in Old English distinguishes dependent clauses of
indirect discourse by means of a specific verb form, it is
more accurate to describe the construction generally as a

complement clause, and not to assume that every Old English
complement clause following verbs which express mental pro
cesses or acts of communication functions as a dependent
clause of indirect discourse. A complement clause in an-
indirect discourse construction represents the adaption of
a mental process or an act of communication from an inde
pendent sentence to a clause dependent on an introductory
verb; on the other hand, the complement clause is merely
the object-clause of an introductory verb, not dependent
on or inferior to the introductory verb.


114
58-21, Nu we witan thaet ure Dryhten us gesceop.
58-21, we witon eac thaet he ure reccend is.
58-23, Nu we witon thaet ealle onwealdas from him sindon^
58-23, we witon eac thaet ealle ricu sint from him.
106-14, thaet hie be thaem wiston hwider hie sceoldon.
106-17, and be thaem wiston thaet hie with sum folc frith
ne haefdon.
Hwaet, ge witon thaet ge giet todaege waeron
Somnitum theowe.
122-11,
126-31,
156-16, thaet hie wiston hu hie to thaem elpendon sceoldon.
Genoh sweotollice us gedyde nu to witanne Alexander
hwelce tha haethn godas sindon to weorthianne.
214-
1,
Ic
wat
, cwaeth Oro
swi
tho
st is .
242-
-32
, the
ic
wat thaet n
he
is
on theosan 1
Indi
cat
ive Mood in '
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
355-21, forthaem he wisse thaet hit bith swithe uniethe
aegther to donne.
Orosius
17-5 ,
buton he wisse thaet he thaer
mood of this complement clause
worthy because this is Alfred
"Ohthere's Narrative."
bad westaneindes. The
is especially note-
s original prose,
74-31,
ac tha he wiste
ne maehte, and
thaet hie him on nanum fultome beon
thaet seo burg abrocen waes.
80-20 ,
and wiste thaet hie woldon geornfulran beon thaere
wrace thonne othere men.


151
Orosius
158-13, Thaer wearth Pirruse cuth thaet Agathocles,
Siraccusa cyning tha(ra) burgleoda, waes gefaren
on Sicilia thaem londe 'Then it became known to
Pyrrhus, that Agathocles, king of the Syracuse
citizens, was dead in the country of Sicily.'
198-30, Tha Hannibale cuth waes thaet his brother ofslagen
waes 'When it was known to Hannibal that his
brother was slain.'
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
146-13, AEfter thaem wearth Maecedonium cuth thaet Eumen
and Pisn and Ilirgus and Alceta, Perdican brother,
solden winnan on hie 'After that it became known
to the Macedonians that Eumen and Pisn and
Ilirgus and Alceta, the brother of Perdica wished
to fight against them.
The limited evidence for cunnan as an introductory verb of
a complement clause makes an explanation for the excep
tional mood difficult. The possibility of attraction must
be ruled out because the subjunctive form of the past tense
*
of willan occurs in a predominately indicative context. An
explanation based on the future meaning of willan seems
most accurate. The incomplete action expressed by \volden
winnan distinguishes the clause from the clauses above
which describe situations contemporary with the time of
report. The exceptional subjunctive clause is, therefore,
more similar in meaning to the uncuth 'unknown' construc
tion which is followed by the subjunctive mood in the one
illustration available:


107
291-4,
the wenath thaet hie ryhtwislicne andan haebben.
301-26 ,
tha tha wenath thaet hie eathmode sien.
339-16 ,
and theah wenath thaet hie sien unscyldige.
343-5 ,
hie thonne wenath thaet hie Gode sellen.
365-20 ,
hie wenath thaet hie wisran sien selfe thonne
othre.
391-23,
and wenth thaet his gehelpan ne maege.
391-25 ,
he wenth thaet he gehelpan ne maege.
411-23,
and hie wenath thaet hie beforan bion scylen.
425-1,
Wenstu, gif hwa othrum hwaet gieldan sceal,
hwaether he hine mid thy gehealdan maege.
439-9,
hi wenath thaet hi utan stonden.
439-12,
Ac thonne hi wenath thaet hi of hira aegnum maegene
hi haebben gehealden.
457-11,
he wenth thaet thone mon aer maege gebrengan.
459-10 ,
Hwa wenstu thaet sie to thaem getreow.
463-20 ,
thu wenst thaet thu wlitegost sie.
76-14,
Orosius
thaet tha se gionga cyning swithor miele wenende
waes thaet hie thonon fleonde waeren.
120-7,
swelce ge wenath thae(t) ge sien.
134-27,
tha hie untweogend(lice) wendon thaet heora hlaford
waere on heora feonda gewealde.
136-21,
Hu wenath hie hu tham waere the on Alexandres onwalde
waeron.
164-19 ,
thaet hie wendon thaet hie mehten thaet yfel 'mid
thaem .gestillan.
188-11,
thaette se consul waes wenende thaet eall thaet
folc waere gind thaet lond tobraed.


57
268-4, and hie bebudon thaet mon aelcne cristenne mon
ofsloge.
282-28, On thaem dagum Lucin(i)us bebead thaet nan cristen
mon ne come.
288-6, He him bebead thaet he forlete thon(n)e his
cristendom oththe his folgath.
290-1, swa thaet he bebead thaet munecas-the woroldlica
thing forgan sculon, and waepna gefeoht-thaet hie
waepena namen.
296-31, thaet he bebead thaet mon naenne mon ne sloge.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
The following bebeodan constructions occur in Alfred's
Preface:
5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic
geliefe thaet thu eille.
9-2, Ond ic bebiode on Godes naman thaet nan mon thone
aestel from thaere bee ne do.
It is not clear whether the fehaet . geaemetige clause in
the following sentence is the complement of bebeodan, gelie-
fan, or xvillan; therefore, I merely present it without
counting it as evidence of bebeodan's influence on the verb
of the complement clause:.
5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic
geliefe thaet thy wille, thaet thu the thissa
woruldthinga to thaem genemetige swae thu oftost
maege[l]'and therefore I command you that you do
as believe that you will, that you free yourself
of these worldly matters to such an extent as you
most often may.'


like, the significance of these occurrences was evaluated
according to the binomial method. The clauses containing
the less frequent mood were scrutinized in order to find the
influential formal feature.
The structural facts presented in the translations and
in the original prose showed that a syntactic rule, The
Introductory Verb Rule, determined the scribe's choice of
mood in the Old English complement clauses. Fourteen verbs
require the subjunctive verb form in each complement clause.
Seven merely expletory verbs are followed by the indicative
verb form in the complement clause except when the verb of
the complement clause is influenced by an unusual context
(the predominance of the subjunctive mood or complicated
clause constructions). Only ten verbs support the hypothe
sis that no rule determined the choice of mood. The no
rule hypothesis is, therefore, weakly supported by the
structural facts presented in these early West-Saxon texts.
The evidence also shows that when the regular influ
ence of the introductory verb is interrupted, a distinguish
ing formal feature explains the exception. The immediate
context of these exceptions has suggested that a principle
of attraction is operating between the moods of two or
more verbs in sentences containing the complement clause
structure. Sometimes unusual word order, distinctive under
lying forms, and formulaic conventions altered the regular
choice of mood. Another syntactic rule, The Subordination
viii


177
complement clauses following fourteen verbs (ascian, awritan,
bebeodan, biddan cwethan, geleornlan, laeran, manian,
ondraedan, thencan, thyncan, wenan, wilian, wilnian) as in
direct reports from the simple complement clauses intro
duced by the seven remaining verbs of Groups A and B
(geascian, gecythan, gehieran, gethencan, ne witan, ongietan,
witan). This seems to be the best explanation for the syn
tactic rules established to determine the choice of mood in
the Old English complement clauses.
The Possibilities of Further Investigation
These conclusions about the complement clause in the
recorded language are based primarily on the spellings of
the verb suffixes in the early West-Saxon texts. As noted
in the introduction, the unaccented vowels of plural verb
endings were beginning to merge even in this early period.
A structural analysis of the mood choice in the dependent
clause of indirect discourse and the other complement
clauses in the late West-Saxon texts must be restricted to
these present tense verb forms: all forms of. the verb
beon except the first person beo, and the second and third
person singular of.most other verbs. The verb wesan has a
distinguishing past tense form only in the first and third
person singular. While the evidence would be limited to
these verb forms, further investigation of the mood in the
complement clause ought to be pursued.


9
an introductory verb for complement clauses,is difficult
to describe because it is followed by both the indicative
and subjunctive moods. Hotz does not solve the problem
very well: "Cythan = to announce, to proclaim so vigor
ously suggests the notion of the subject-matter being a
fact (else it would not be accounced or proclaimed), that
the formal mood of dependence is cast aside to allow the
indicative to represent the subject matter in its objective
truth." His explanation for the subjunctive mood after.
cythan is also disappointing: "If the action of cythan
turns out to be wished for, commanded, the subject-matter
of the dependent sentence keeps for the reporter and
hearer its character of mere report, and the subjunctive,
the mood of formal dependence, cannot be overpowered by
13
the indicative as before." It is difficult to see. such
distinctions in Gregory's Pastoral Care: 103-3, Thus the
indicative appears in and cythde hwaet hie wyrcean and
healdan scoldon 'and proclaimed what they should perform
and cherish,' 409-21, and the subjunctive in and eac cythde
hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden 'and also proclaimed
how carefully they should cherish it.'
Hotz describes the operation of mood after verbs of
inquiry and verbs of thinking separately. While his con
clusions for the verbs of inquiry are not much different
13
Hotz, p. 92.


THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE
A Description of the Data
The examples of the complement clause discussed in
this study are grouped according to the verb that intro
duces each clause. Verbs like these, expressing mental
processes or acts of communication, may have as their com-,
plements various grammatical constructions and parts of
speech: (1) infinitives., (.2) noun phrases, (3) adjectives,
and (4) clauses:
(1) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 304-10, We willath nu
faran to thaere stowe 'We intend now to proceed
to the place.1
(2) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 91-4, and noldon eow
gecythan eowre [un]ryhtwisnesse 'and would not
show to you your unrighteousness.'
(3) Gregory's Pastoral Care, 113-16, thaette tha tha
he him selfum waes lytel gethuht 'that when he
himself was thought little.'
(4) Orosius, 162-27, thaet hie ne cuthan angitan
thaet hit Godes wracu waes 'that they could not
perceive that it was the \vrath of God.'
25


100
47-13, Thaet he thonne withsace ne bith na soth eathmodnes,
gi£ mon ongiett thaet thaet he ofer othre beon
scyle Godes willa sie 'That he then refuses it is
not true humility, if one perceives that that he shall
be ever others is God's will.'
When the deep structure is reconstructed and compared with
the sentence in the text, it is doubtful whether the thaet
Godes willa sie clause alone is the object of ongietan or
if perhaps, more correctly, both the thaet . sie clause
and its subject the thaet . scyle clause constitute the
object of ongietan. The complicated sequence of thaet
subordinate clauses perhaps influenced the scribe to employ
the subjunctive as a necessary feature of subordination.
Attraction between the mood in the complement clause
and the subjunctive mood of the verb in the clause immedi
ately following is also a possible explanation for the
second problem construction:
115-1, and theah suithe ryhte stihtath thone anwald se
the geornlice conn ongietan thaet he of him gadrige
thaet him staelwierthe sie 'And yet very rightly
he wields the power who well is able to perceive
that he gather from it what is beneficial to him.'
Indeed, the subjunctive mood might easily be anticipated
in the main verb of a theah clause. Even though the main
verb is in the indicative mood in the problem construction,
the force of theah perhaps influenced the scribe's choice
of mood. Besides these explanations for the exceptional
mood, it is also possible that the combination of the verbs
cunnan and ongietan is exempt from the rule governing mood
after the simple verb ongietan. Sweet translates this


125
it is the secret judgement of God. The subjunctive mood
in the thaet clause can be explained as the conventional
verb form in this formula. In all these exceptional in
stances, therefore, the formulaic convention perhaps re
placed the convention established for the verb form in the
complement clauses introduced by cythan.
Geewethan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 5 10
Orosius 1 4
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 6 14
The subjunctive mood appears to be the regular mood
after geewethan in complement clause constructions. The
verb frequently occurs in a past participle construction:
beon + geeweden. Neither geewethan nor its auxiliaries
ever appear in the subjunctive mood; it is, therefore, not
so interesting to suggest that the six exceptional instances
of the indicative mood in the complement clause are caused
by the immediate indicative environment.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
157-10, Forthy waes suithe wel gecueden thaet hie waere
atiefred.


36
419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna wepath,
and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice
ongieten.
421-35, Tha thonne sint to manienne the tha [gejdonan
scylda wepath, and [hi] swatheah ne forlaetath,
thaette hi ongiten.
423-28, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna
forlaetath, and hi theah ne betath ne ne hreowsiath,
thaet hi ne wenen.
437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thenne hi oft syngiath
lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten.
449-20, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the god diegellice
doth, and swatheah on sumum weorcum geliccetath
thaet hi openlice yfel don, and ne reccath hwaet
men be him sprecen, hi sint to manienne thaet hi
mid thaere licettunge othrum monnum yfle bisene
ne astellen.
Thyn c an
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 12
Orosius
0 ,
4
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 0 16
Whether thyncan 'seem' can legitimately be said to
introduce the conventional sort of complement clause con
struction is moot because the subordinate clause functions
as the subject rather than the object of the main verb:
Pastoral Care, 415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne
sie 'it seems to him that it is no sin.' Yet the Old


135
Orosius, 252-29, Hit waes eac sweotole gesiene thaet hit
waes Godes stihtung ymb thara rica
anwaldas 'It was also clearly seen that
it was the providence of God before (as)
the authority of the kingdoms.'
Getacnian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 3 3
Getacnian introduces a complement clause with a deter
minate mood form in the Pastoral Care only. Half of the
constructions employ the indicative mood; and -half, the
subjunctive mood. There is no proof, then, that a syntactic
rule has predetermined what mood ought to follow getacnian.
It can be suggested, however, that perhaps the subjunctive
mood is determined by its context rather than by the influ
ence of getacnian.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
257-1, hit getacnath thaem mode for thaere suingan hwaet
Godes willa bith.
459-29, Thaet getacnath thaette aeghwelc thaera halgena
lareowa the nu laerath on thaere thisternesse
thisses middangeardes habbath onlicnesse thaem
kokkum.


I cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
I cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
I cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
i cer
opinion it
presentati
as a disse
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Robert H. Bowei
Professor of English
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
John
A1 ge oJ/C o Chairman
Professor of English
University of Georgia
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Richard H. Green
Professor of English
tify that I have read this study and that in my
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
on and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
rtation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
/ /'
; /
Egbert Krispyn
Professor of Germanic
Languages


53
277-18 ,
Swa hit awriten is on Salomonnes cwidum thaette se
mon se the ne maeg his tungan gehealdan sie gelicost
openre byrig.
301-7 ,
hit is awriten thaet he sie kyning ofer eal tha
oferhydigan beam.
323-25 ,
ac gehieren hwaet awriten is on Salamonnes bocum,
hit is awrieten thaet mon ne scyle cwethan to his
friend.
345-10 ,
Hit is awrieten on snete Paules bocum thaette
thaes gaestes waesthm sie lufu.
353-15,
and forthaem hit is awriten thaet hiera honda
waeren gehalgode Gode.
357-16 ,
Be thaem aworpnan engle is awriten on thaem god-
spelle thaet he sewe thaet weod on tha godan aeceras
359-3,
Be thaem is ryhtlice awriten thaet he bicne mid
thaem eagum.
371-23,
hit is awriten thaette God anscunige aelene ofer-
modne man.
385-19 ,
Hit is awriten on thaem godspelle thaette ure
Haelend . wurde beaeftan his meder.
401-33,
forthaem hit is awriten thaet hit sie betere thaet
mon gehiewige thonne he birne.
403-1,
Hit is awrieten on thaem godspelle thaet nan mon
ne scyle don his hond.
427-32,
Be thaem is eft awriten on Genesis thaette swithe
wacre gemanigfalthod Sodomwara hream and Gomorwara.
431-29 ,
hit waes awriten thaet hit waere swelce se stiora
slepe on midre sae.
437-19,
Be thaem is ax^riten o(n) Salomonnes bocum thaette
se . thaet he wille gelisian to uiaran.
445-32 ,
hit is awriten thaet him waere betere.
445-35 ,
hit is awriten thaet se engel ewaede be thaem
bis cepe.


37
English thyncan constructions are parallel in word order
with constructions like 'they (he) think(s) that': Prosius,
182-25 he_ thencth thaet he hit adx^aesce 'he thinks that he
increases it.' Pastoral Care, 209-16 thonne hie wenen
thaet hie haebben betst gedon 'when they think that they
have done best.' In the thyncan construction as well as
in the thencan and wenan constructions, the verbs are fol
lowed by thaet clauses which regularly employ the sub
junctive mood. In all cases the thaet clauses represent
the adaption of the expression of a mental process from an
independent sentence to a subordinate clause. It is true
that the thaet clause of the thyncan constructions is not
the object of the main verb -- a feature common to all
other complement clause constructions -- but rather it is
the subject of the main verb. The most accurate, though
awkward, rendering of the thyncan construction reads:
415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nanscyld ne sie 'that it is
no sin seems to him.' With minor variations, the word
order in these constructions follows its own distinctive
pattern: pronoun in the dative case + thyncan + thaet +
subject clause. Because thyncan consistently requires the
subjunctive mood in its complement clause, it was not
necessary to investigate the mood context of each clause.


83
425-36, AErest he laerde thaet . and siththan thaet
hi wurden gefulwode.
Orosius
242-31, tha laerde he his sunu thaet he him ongean fore.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
131-3, Tha tha he laerde thaet thaere ciricean thegnas
scoldo[n] stilnesse thaere thenunga habban 'Then
when he directed that the servants of the Church
ought to have quietness in the service.'
131-4, tha laerde he hi eac hu hie hie geaemettian scoldon
otherra weorca 'then directed he also them how they
ought to free themselves of other works.'
425-36, AErest he laerde thaet hi hreowsodon, and siththan
thaet hi wurden gefullwode 'First he directed that
they repent, and afterwards that they become bap
tized. '
There is no proof that the indeterminate form laerde is the
subjunctive form; nevertheless, it is possible that the
unmarked form of 1aeran influenced the mood in these excep
tional clauses. In the third sentence, 425-36, the indica
tive mood occurs in one thaet clause and the regular sub
junctive mood occurs in the other. This construction is.
less surprising if one notes that the clause farthest from
the indeterminate (indicative) form follows the rule illus
trated by the majority of other laeran constructions and
that it is not influenced by attraction with the main verb
as the first clause seems to be.


158
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Orosius
202-1, tha het he aenne mon stigan on thone maest, and
locian hwaether he thaet 1 and gecneowe thaet hie
toweard waeron 'then he commanded a man to climb
on the mast and to see whether he recognized that
land that they were approaching.'
The thaet clause of the following sentence appears to
be a final clause of purpose rather than a complement
clause.
Pastoral Care, 451-32, Lociath nu thaet thios eowru leaf
ne weorthe othrum monnum to biswice 'Look now that
this privilege of yours not become for other men
a temptation.'
The sentence may be rewritten according to its underlying
deep structure to show the relationship between the main
verb and the thaet clause: 'Look now (at this privilege
of yours) -- (in order that) this privilege of yours not
become a temptation for other men.' It appears then that
this 1 ocian sentence cannot be considered with the other
two 1ocian sentences as an example of a complement clause
construction.
Ne Will an
As with the form willan of Group A, the contraction
of the past tense form of ne. will an is followed by the sub
junctive verb form in the two complement clauses available
in the text.


82
The subjunctive mood is the predominant mood in com
plement clauses following laeran. The three rare instances
of the indicative mood seem to be the result of attraction.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
203-15, Ne tharf mon na thone medwisan laeran thaet he tha
lotwrencas forlaete.
225-24, otherne he laerth thaet.he onginne sume scande bi
thaem othrum oththe sprecan oth(the) don.
227-1, otherne he laerth thaet he [tha] scande forgielde.
233-23, Eac sint to laeranne tha aefstigan thaette hie
oneieten.
10, Tha suithe suigean mon sceal laeran thaette hie
. . thaet hie ne sien to wyrsan gecirde.
3,
Ongean thaet sint to laeranne tha oferspraecean
thaet hie wacorlice ongieten.
271
277
36 7
409
441-6, ne sint hi no to laerenne hwaet hi don scylen.
23, thonne sculon we hie ealra thinga aerest and
geornost laeran thaet hie ne wilnigen leasgielpes
24, and swatheah hi sint to laeranne thaet hi hi ne
ahebben ofer tha othre.
Orosius
82-28, Se hiene waes georne laerende thaet he ma hamweard
fore .
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
291-20, and thone otherne laerde thaet he him anwald ontuge
389-18, Tha he laerde hu we aegther lufian sceolden.


156
that in the case of gethyncan the ge_- is a meaningless pre
fix^ and, therefore, gethyncan is merely a different form
of the verb thyncan.
292-6, him gethuht thaet tha theoda tha hiora witherwinnan
waeron waeren to swithe gestrongade 'it seemed to
him that the nations, which were their enemies,
were so much strengthened.'
Ge.treowian
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
72-16, and getruwedon thaet hie mid hiera craeftum
sceolden sige -gefeohtan 'and trusted that they
with their powers ought to fight for victory.
Gieman
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
41-23, and ne giemath to hwon' otherra monna wise weorthe
'and do not care what happens to the manner of
other men.'
161-14, and suithe geornlice giemath thaet hie tha eorth-
lican heortan gelaeren 'and very zealously take
care that they instruct the worldy hearts.'
DJ. W. Richard Lindemann, "Old English Preverbal ge_-:
A Re-Examination of Some Current Doctrines,'.' Approaches to
English Historical Linguistics: An Anthology (New York,
1969), pp. 259-260. Lindemann dismisses the doctrine
that ge- is without meaning, but his study is trying to
find one rule which might account for all ge_- prefixed
verbs .


110
411-21,
thaet hie ne wenen for hira claennesse thaet hie
sien.
453-35 ,
thaet hi ne wenen thaet hi genog don.
Orosius
50-1,
58-25,
Hu wene ge hwelce sibbe tha weras haefden.
hu miele swithor wenen we thaet he ofer tha maran
sie.
Indicative Mood in
Indicative
the Complement
Environment
Clause
Orosius
104-4, for thon Romane waeron swa forhte and swa aemode,
thaet hie ne wendon thaet hie tha burg bewerian
mehton 'because the Romans were so frightened and
so disheartened, that they did not think that they
could guard the city.'
190-4, and wendon thaet hie on thaem daege sceoldon habban
thene maestan sige 'and thought that they on that
day should have the greatest victory.'
Attraction betiveen the indicative verb forms in these sen
tences and the verbs of the' complement clauses can best
explain the exceptional moods. The verbs sculn and especi
ally magan occur so frequently as subjunctive forms in the
illustrations of wenen constructions above, that they alone
cannot explain the exceptional mood choice.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
164-3, hu wene we, nu Romane him self thyllic writon and
setton for heora agnum gielpe and heringe, and
theah gemong thaere heringe thyllica bismra on hie
selfe asaedon, hu wene we hu monegra maran bismra


33
315-8, Ond theah hie sint to manianne thaet hie no hiera
faesten ne gewanigen.
319-16, To manianne sint tha the hira god mildheortlice
sellath thaette hie ne athinden on hiora mode.
327-12, Eac sint to manianne tha the nu hiera mildheortlice
sellath, thaet hie geornlice giemen.
327-24, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet
wilniath othre menn to reafigeanne, thaet hie
geornlice gehieren thone cuide.
335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie geornlice gethencen.
337-5, Eac hie sint to manien(n)e thaet hie geornlice
gethencen.
339-6,
Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie
ongieten.
339-24,
hie sint
to manigenne thaet hie gethencen.
341-7, Ac hie sint aerest to manianne thaet hie cunnen
hiora aegen gesceadwislice gehealdan.
345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie
gewisslice wieten.
349-18, Ac tha ungesibsuman sint to manien(n)e, gif hie
nyllen hiera lichoman earan ontynan to gehieranne
tha godcundan lare, £haet hie ontynen hiera modes
eagan.
351-18, Eac sint to manianne tha gesibsuman thaet hie to
ungemetlice thaere sibbe ne wilnigen.
355-8 ,
Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie him
ne ondraeden.
355-11, Ond eft hie sint to manianne thaet hie theah tha
sibbe anwealge oninnan him gehealden.
361-5, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha sibbe,
thaet hie swa micel weorc to recceleaslice and to
unwaerlice ne don.
363-8, Eac sint to manianne tha the on tham beoth abisgode
thaet hie sibbe tiligath, thaet hie aerest tilgen
to kythanne.


91
ongietan construction follows the pattern common to most of
the regular constructions of indirect discourse: ongietan
+ subordinator (thaet, hu, and hw- words) + subject noun
phrase + verb phrase. This order is rarely interrupted.
The subjunctive mood occurs in the object clause when attrac
tion operates from the subjunctive mood of the main verb to
the verb in the object clause. There are, however, certain
problems among these exceptional clauses which cannot be
explained according to attraction.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
101-13, He ongeat thaet he oferstag hine selfne on thaere
sceawunge thaere godcundnesse.
109-14, Forthaem thonne tha lareowas ongitath thaet tha the
him underthiedde beoth him to hwon God andraedath.
161
165
181
183
183
213
17, gif he ne ongiett hu monega constunga thaes lytegan
feondes him on feallath.
20, thonne se retha reccere ongiett thaet he his
hieremonna mod suithur gedrefed haefth thonne he
scolde.
21, sua man ongiet thaet hie for thissum woruldwlencum
bioth suithur upahafene.
12, the he ongiet thaet thaes monnes onngethonc bith.
16,
22,
sua he ongiet
Tha he ongeat
wenan.
thaet he eathmodra bith.
thaet hie waeron onstyrede mid thaem
241-16
241-17
thonne mon maeg ongietan of hwam hit aeresth com.
thonne mon ongiet mid hwelcum staepum thaet nawht
waes thiirhtogen.


149
Acraeftan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
82-1,
uton thehhwaethere acraeftan hu we hwera an thisse
niht maegen maest beswican 'Let us, nevertheless,
plan how we in this night can most deceive them.'
Asecgan
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
178-22 tha a.saedon his geferan hu he hwera aerenda abead
'then his companions said how he commanded their
mission.'
Beodan
Beodan occurs only once as the introductory verb of
a complement clause containing a determinate form. The
indicative mood follows in the clause:
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
48-An.755, tha budon hie hiera maegum thaet hie gesund
from eodon 'then they proposed to their kinsmen
that they departed uninjured.'
Besprecan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
48-18, and besprecalh thaet eow nu wyrs (s)ie on thiesan
cristendome and complains that you are now worse
in this Christianity.'


127
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Orosius
156-29, Tha ascedan hiene hie thegnas hwy he swa heanlice
word be him selfum gecwaede, thaet he oferwunnwn
waere.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
As I noted above, the prevalence of the indicative
mood throughout the entire stock of geewethan constructions
weakens an explanation of the occurrence of the indicative
mood in the complement clause according to the attraction
theory. However, four of these exceptional indicative
clauses contain a sculn + infinitive construction distin
guishing them from the subjunctive mood clauses and pos
sibly determining the scribe's choice of the exceptional
mood.
Gregory's Pastoral Care
95-1, Be thaem waes gecueden mid thaere godcundan stefne
thaet on thaes saceries hraegle scoldon hangigan
b e 11 an.
109-10, Forthaem hit naes na gecueden thaet hie [ne]
scoldon othre menn ondraedan.
139-11, Be thaem suithe wel waes gecueden to Ezechiele tham
witgan thaette tha sacerdas ne scoldon no hiera
heafdu scieran mid scierseaxum.
171-17, Be tham saglum is suithe gesceadlice gecueden thaet
hie scuion simle stician on tham hringum.
Attraction among the indicative moods appears to be
the best explanation for one of the exceptions in the
Pastoral Care:


115
188-14, swa he wiste thaet thaet other xvaes.
288-16, for thon he wiste hu faestmod he waes aer on his
geleafan.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet
he nis freoh with his hlaford.
273-3, thaet hie geornlice tiligen to wietanne thaet him
nis na thaes anes thearf to thenceanne.
291-18,-Laer thaet folc, and threata, and-tael, and hat,
thaet hie wieten thaet ge sume anwald habbath
ofer hie.
315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie
wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe
forhaefdnesse briengath.
345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie
gewisslice wieten thaet hie na on to thaes manegum
goodum craeftum ne beoth.
395-21, and swatheah wite thaet he sceal bion adref(r)ed.
409-23, thaet hie witen thaet se maegthhad is hirra thonne
se gesinscipe.
Orosius
58-13, buton he genoh geare wite thaette God thone aerestan
monn ryhtne and godne gesceop.
214-6, thonne wisten hie thaet hie waeron eallum folcum
gemaene.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
199-7, theah hie wieten thaet hie elles aeltaewe ne sin.


72
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
243-13, Gehirath hwaet of thaes wisan Salomonnes muthe waes
gecueden.
381-12, Gehierath hwaet on Cantica Canticorum is awriten.
Gethencan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
37
16
Orosius 5 0
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle No evidence available
Total 42 16
Although both the indicative and subjunctive moods
follow gethencan in complement clause constructions,the
indicative mood predominates. The order of the items in
the construction varies with both moods, and interrupting
words and phrases frequently occur around the main items of
the constructions. Attraction between moods can explain
the exceptional occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the
complement clause construction, because in the majority of
such clauses, gethencan is in the subjunctive mood. The
established indicative mood naturally occurs whether the
indicative mood or the subjunctive mood occurs in the main
clause or in another subordinate clause.


124
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
The subjunctive mood occurs in thaet clauses immedi
ately following cythan in completely indicative contexts:
201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet
he nis freoh with his hlaford 'The servant is to
be told that he know that he is not independent
of his master.'
201-19, Thaem halforde is to cythanne thaet he ongiete
thaet he is efntheow his theowe 'To the lord is
to be told that he perceives that he is the
fellow servant of his servant.'
315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie
wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe
forhaefdnesse briengath, thonne hie thearfendum
monnum sellath hiera ondliefene thone dael the hi
him selfum oftioth 'Therefore it is to be told to
the abstinent that they know that they then bring
to God a very worthy abstinence when they give to
the needy men the portion of their substance which
they deprive themselves of.'
349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to cythanne thaet hie wieten
thaette swa lange sua hie beoth from thaere lufe
athied hiera niehstena, and him ungemode beoth,
thaette hie nanwuht godes ne magon tha hwile Gode
bringan to thances To the quarrelsome is to be
told that they know that as long as they are
separated from the love of their neighbor, and are
at variance with them that they may not then mean
while bring anything of good, pleasing to God.'
All these thaet clauses can be deleted without changing the
meaning of their sentences; therefore, it is possible that
this recurring pattern, thaet + pronoun +
wit an
ongietan
is merely part of a gerund formula common to the manian
constructions: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 429- 7 Ac hie sint
to manienne thaet hi ongieten thaet hit bith se degla Godes
dom 'But they are to be admonished that they perceive that


108
3-16 ,
39-5 ,
39-24,
113-15
291-12
465-15
465-21
58-13,
92-18,
96-34,
148-26
150-23
150-26
188-6 ,
the hie wendon thaet hie mid hiera deofolgildum
gestiered haefden.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
and ic wene thaet[te] noht monige begiondan Humbre
naeren.
and theah he wende thaet hit nan syn naere.
Se ilea se th[e] wende thaet he waere ofer ealle
othere menn.
tha wende he thaet he eac mara waere.
Ic wene thaet we maegen this openlicor gecythan.
, Ic wende on minum wlencum and on minum forwanan
. . thaet thaes naefre ne wurde nan ende.
Ic wende thaet ic waere swithe strong.
Prosius
Ic wene, ewaeth Orosius, thaet nan wis mon ne sie.
Ne wene ic, ewaeth Orosius, thaet aenig mon atellan
maege.
Ne wene ic, ewaeth Orosius, thaet aenige twegen
latteowas emnar gefuhten.
Tha wende man thaet thaet gewin geendad waere.
Ne wene ic, ewaeth Orosius, thaet aenig waere.
Tha wende man eft othere sithe thaet thaet gewinn
Alexandres folgera geendad waere.
and untweogendlice wende thaet. nan naere.


51
156-29, Tha ascedan hiene his thegnas hwy he swa heanlice
word be him selfum gecwaede.
162-9, and hie acsedon for hwy hie thaet dyden.
162-24, ne acsedon hwaer thara gefarenra waere.
214-11, ascian thonne Italie hiera agne londleode, hu him
tha tida gelicoden.
224-26, and ascade hie for hwy hie nolden gethencan.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
54-2, and acsedon, gif hie feohtan ne dorsten, hwider
hie fleon woldon 'and asked, if they dared not
fight, whether they wished to flee.'
The influence of the indicative form of ascian on the mood
of the past tense of willan in the complement clause might
explain this exception; however, the subjunctive verb form
of the gif clause makes an attraction explanation less
likely. It is possible that the gif construction deter
mined the mood of the hwider'clause. The gif . dorsten
clause and the hwider . woldon clause constitute the
gif construction. In this sentence the entire gif con
struction is the complement of ascian. The influence of
this gif context is, then, a possible explanation for the
exceptional choice of mood.
Awritan
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
1
25


Figure 3. Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care:
7-6.


24
He warns that these sentences with similar surface struc
tures are "very different in the deep structure that under
lies them and determines their semantic interpretations."
When analyzed, the deep structure of sentence A shows that
"John' is the Direct Object of the Verb Phrase [persuaded]
as well as the grammatical Subject of the embedded sentence
[John will leave']." In sentence B, however, the deep
structure reveals that "John" has "no grammatical function
other than [that which is] internal to the embedded sen
tence." "John" is the logical Subject in the embedded
3 2
sentence, "John will leave. "'5 The underlying deep struc
tures for A and B are written here to illustrate further
the relationship between the sentence parts. Each embedded
sentence is underlined:
A. I persuaded John John will leave .
B. I expected John wil 1 1 eave .
t
Thus the similarly written forms of certain complement
clause constructions might be derived from very different
deep structures. When semantic investigations are rele
vant, such formal analyses seem to be more accurate for -a
description of the semantic aspect than the methods of the
previous attempts at semantic interpretations of the com
plement clause construction.
32
Chomsky, pp
22-24.


5
explanations for mood variation after the governing verbs
of indirect discourse are not clearly supported by the
texts used as the basis for the present study. He describes
the occurrences of the indicative and subjunctive moods
after cythan thus: "Cythan, as a verb of announcement,
possesses a strong objective force; the statement is pre
sented as a bold reality, and hence the subjunctive of
simple reported statement is seldom found, and the more
objective indicative takes its place.It is true that
the indicative mood appears to be the established mood
after cythan ^^rhile the subjunctive mood occurs in excep
tional instances only; however, Gorrell's explanation for
the exceptional mood does not adequately account for the
evidence in Gregory's Pastoral Care. He maintains that
the subjunctive mood follows cythan when cythan acts "as
the expression of a wish contained in a command or admoni-
6 *
tion." The subjunctive mood is not restricted to command
and admonition constructions in Gregory's Pastoral Care:
129-21, Thaes daeges tocyme hwelc he beo he cythde, tha
he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle
tha the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of
this day, whatever it is he showed when he said:
It comes just as a snare over all those who
dwell on the earth.'
^J. H. Gorrell, "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon,"
PMLA, 10 NS 3 C1895).
^Ibid., p. 358.


150
74-34, Ond nu ure Cristne Roma bespricth thaet hiere
weallas for ealdunge bresnien 'And now our Christians
of Rome complain that their walls break down because
of old age.'
Cuman (on Gemynd)
As with thyncan of Group A, the clauses are the sub
ject of the introductory verb rather than the object.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care
3-2, thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd, hwelce wietan
iu waeron giond Angelcynn . and hu gesaeliglica
tida tha waeron giond Angelcynn; and hu tha
kyningas . Gode and his aerendwrecum hersumedon
'that it very often came into my mind, what wise
men there were formerly throughout England . .
and how happy times those were throughout England;
and how the kings . obeyed God and his minis
ters '
Cunnan (Beon or Weorthan)
The past participle of cunnan combined with the verb
beon or weorthan introduces complement clauses which employ
the indicative mood and, in one case, the subjunctive
mood. As with thyncan of Group A, the thaet clause is the
subject of the introductory verb.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
169-12, fortham hit is openlice cuth thaette sio uterre
abisgung thissa wo.roldthinga thaes monnes mod
ge.frefth 'because i.t is openly known that the
outer occupation of worldly matters disturbs the
mind of man.'


VP
Forhwy thonne
thaet hit thaet he Godes suingellan sie
gethafige for his yfelum
daedum
to rethe oththe
to uniethe
sceal aenigum
thyncan menn
Thyncan construction, Gregory's Pastoral Care: 261-19.
Figure 1.


39
25 9 and thyncet him suithe leoht sie byrthen thaes
lareowdomes 'and to them the burden of instruction seems
very light.' Of course, such adjectival constructions are
not counted here as illustrations of the complement clause
construction; however, it is possible to assume that the
verb beon of a thaet clause has been deleted. Before dele
tion, then, the sentence would read like the ten illustra
tions of complement clauses listed above: and thyncet him
thaet sie byrthen suithe leoht sie 'and it seems to them
that the burden of instruction is very light.'
Of the several sentences which contain adjective com
plements after thyncan, four might be mistakenly taken for
complement clause constructions because they have thaet
clauses closely following the verb thyncan.
261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan to rethe
oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes suingellan
gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why, then, shall
it seem to any man too severe or too hard that he
endure the castigation of God for his evil deeds.'
The adjectives may be taken as complements of thyncan in
the surface sentence, but can be derived from an embedded
sentence in which they are complements of deleted beon.
Before the deletion of beon and the thaet subordinator,
the sentence reads like a conventional complement clause:
261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan thaet hit
sie to rethe oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes
suingellan gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why,
then, shall it seem to any man that it be too
severe or too hard that he endure the castigation
of God for his evil deeds.'


80
Therefore they ought to consider if too often and
too excessively they associate in the marriage that
they are not in lawful wedlock, if they hold that
as a habit.
The underlying structure for the sculon and gethencan con
struction which governs the subjunctive mood is not a state
ment about a situation but a question. Sweet freely trans
lates the sentence substituting whether for thaet: 'There
fore he must consider, before he gives away anything,
whether he can afterwards forego it without regret.' The
direct question, 'May he forego it later without regret?'
has been subsumed in this indirect discourse construction.
The scribe has substituted thaet for hu and the hw- words
which usually introduce such object clauses.
Gethencan occurs only three times in the imperative
mood. The regular indicative mood is found in two of the
three constructions.
f
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
It is significant that the original prose follows the
rule established for gethencan. That the original prose
such as Alfred's Preface should conform to the same pattern
which recurs throughout the translations is further evidence
that a fixed rule is determining the mood in the complement
clause:
Alfred's Preface, 5-5, Gethenc hwelc witu us tha becemon
for thisse worulde.
467-1, ac gethenc hwaet thu eart.


This dissertation \^as submitted to the Department of English
in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate
Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the re
quirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
June, 1972
Dean
Graduate School


21
mood has been scrutinized in an effort to determine the
influential formal feature. In order to find the formal
characteristics which perhaps influenced the choice of the
exceptional mood, I have noted word order, negation,
introductory words (thaet, hu, and hvr- words), and the
immediate context for the presence of gif clauses, theah
clauses, magan, sculan, and willan constructions, and
formulaic devices. The study of context was the most
effectual, because it suggested that a principle of attrac
tion is operating between the moods of two or more verbs
in sentences containing the complement clause structure.
The Attraction Theory
This "concordance of mood" or "attraction theory" is
discussed with reference to specific introductory verbs
later, but I will define it gere. Henry Sweet in his
Anglo-Saxon Reader accounts for the exceptional occurrences
of the subjunctive mood by citing the operation of attrac
tion. He does not limit his discussion to complement
clauses, but his observation is still valuable to this
study: "It [the subjunctive] is so used in clauses depen
dent on another clause containing a subjunctive, by a sort
of attraction. ... In many cases it is doubtful whether
the subjunctive in such cases is simply due to attraction
2 8
or to some idea of uncertainty, hypothesis, etc."
2 8
Henry Sweet, An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse
(-Oxford, 18 85) pp~ xcvii -xcviii .


167
Group A and Group B (continued)
Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Probability
Values
Laeran
3
14
<
. 004
Man i an
0
86
<
.00001
Ondraedan
1
14
<
.0009
Thencan
2
12
<
.01
Thyncan
0
16
<
.00002
Wen an
3
81
<
.00001
Willan
0
10
<
.005
Wilnian
0
25
<
.00001
Introductory Verbs Requiring
the Indicative Mood
Group A
and Group B
Indicative
Mood
Subjunctive
Mood
Probability
Values
Geascian
8
¡i' o
<
.005
Gecythan
16
1
<
. 0003
Gehieran
40
2
<
. 00001
Gethencan
42
16
<
.0001
Ne Witan
23
4
<
.001
Ongietan
69
16
<
.0001
W i t an
50
8
<
.0001
The ten verbs of Group C present evidence which favors
the no-rule hypothesis. These verbs do not show such a


74
385-23, Thonne is us [thaet] swithe wocorlice to gethen-
ceanne thaette ure Haelend, tha tha he twelfwintre
waes, tha waes he gemet sittende tomiddes thara
lareowa.
397-5, thonne hie gethenceath hwaet hi othrum monnum
forberath.
397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftraed-
lice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe.
Orosius
122-15, and nellath gethencan hu lath eow selfum waes to
gelaestanne eowre athas thaem the ofer eow anwald
haefdon.
146-11, hie gethoht haefdon thaet hie hiene besaetedon.
152-32, and nyllath gethencan hwelc hit tha waes.
200-10, and gethoht haefdon thaet hie thaer sceoldon
wintersetl habban.
296-21, Ge magon eac gethencan hu hean he eft wearth his
geblota and his diofolgilda the he on gelifde.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
77-5, Gethencen hie thonne betwuh him selfum hu suithe
hie sculon beon geclaensode.
81-6, gethence he thonne thaet he is efnmicel nied.
117-15, gethence he thaet he bith self suithe gelic tham
ilcan monnum.
233-14, Gethencen be thysum tha aefstigan hu micel maegen
bith.
Besides the rule established for gethencan complement
clauses, the formulaic nature of the manian-gethencan con
structions is perhaps determining the indicative mood in
the complement clause also.


31
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
191-12, Eac sint to manianne tha underthioddan and tha
anlepan menn the aemtige beoth thaes thaet hie for
othre menn suincen thaet hie huru hie selfe
gehealden.
191-16, Tha ofer othre gesettan sint to manianne thaet hie
for hira monna gedwolan ne weorthen gedemde.
191-21, Tha ofergesettan sint to monianne thaet hie sua
otherra monna giemenne gefyllen.
195-15, Ac tha sint to manianne the fore othre beon sculan,
thaet hie geornlice tha ymb sion the hie ofer beon
sculon, thaet hie thaere geornfulnesse geearnigen.
197-3, Ac hie sient suithe georne to maniganne thaet hi
for hira untheawum hie ne forsion.
201-10, Tha theowas sint to manianne thaet hie' simle on
him haebben tha eathmodnesse with hira hlafordas.
201-11, Tha hlafordas sint to manianne thaet hie naefre
ne forgieten hu gelic hira [gejcynd is.
201-13, Tha thiowas sint to monianne thaette hie hiera
hlafordas ne forsion.
203-6, Tha lytegan sint to manianne thaet hi oferhycggen
thaet hie thaer wieton.
229-3, Tha gethyldegan sint to manianne thaette hie hira
heortan getrymigen.
229-13 Tha x^elwillendan sint to manianne thaet hie sua
faegenigen othra monna godra weorca.
237-13, Thy sint to manianne tha bilwitan anfealdan thaette,
sua sua hie tha leasunga nyttwyrthlice fleoth,
thaet hie eac thaet soth nytwyrthlice secgen.
247-6, Tha truman sint to manianne thaet hie gewilnigen
mid thaes licuman trumnesse thaet him ne losige
sio haelo thaes modes.
247-11, Forthon sint to manianne tha halan thaet hie ne
forhycgen.


181
Behre, Frank. Meditative-Polemic Should in Modern English
That-Clauses. Gothenburg Studies in English, 4.
Stockholm, 1955.
The Subjunctive in Old English Poetry.
Goteborgs Hdgskolas Arrskrift, 40. Goteborg, 1934.
Bloomfield, Leonard. "Old English Plural Subjunctives in
-E," JEGP, 29 (1930), 100-113.
Bradley1s Arnold Latin Prose Composition. Ed. Sir James
Mountford. New York, 1938."
Brown, William H., Jr. A Syntax of King Alfred's Pastoral
Care. Janua Linguarum, Series Practica, 101. The
Hague, 1970.
Callaway, Morgan, Jr. The Temporal Subjunctive in Old
English. Austin, 19317
Campbell, Alistair. Old English Grammar. Oxford, 1959.
Cannon, Charles D. "A Survey of the Subjunctive Mood in
English," Arner. Speech, 34 (1959), 11-19.
Carlton, Charles. A Descriptive Syntax of the Old English
Charters. Janua Linguarum, Series Practica, 111.
The Hague, 1970.
Chomsky, Noam. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge,
Mass., 1965.
Cobb, George Willard. "Subjunctive Mood in Old English
Poetry," Philo lgica: The Malone Anniversary Studies.
Ed. Thomas A. Kirby and Henry B. Woolf. Baltimore,
1949, pp. 43-55.
Curme, George 0. "The English and Germanic Subjunctive,"
JEGP, 30 (1931), 1-5.
Elmer, H. C. Studies in Latin Hoods and Tenses. Cornell
Studies in Classical Philology, 6. Tthaca, 1898.
Engberg, Norma Joyce. "The Subjunctive in Beowulf." M.S.
Thesis. The University of Florida, 1963.
Frank, Tenney. "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse in
Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-08), 74-75.


49
Group B
Ascian
Indicative
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Subjunctive
Mood in the
Complement
Clause
Probability Valu
Calculated
According to the
Binomial Method
and Acsian
1
7
P
<
.05
Awritan
1
25
P
<
. 0005
Bebeodan
3
26
P
<
.00001
Biddan
2
20
P
<
.00001
Cwethan
6
48
P
<
.00001
Gecythan
16
1
P
<
.0003
Gehieran
40
2
P
<
. 00001
Gethencan
42
16
P
<
.0001
Laeran
3
14
P
<
.004
Ne Witan
.23
4
P
<
.001
Ondraedan
1
14
P
<
. 0009
Ongietan
69
16
P
<
.0001
Thencan
2
*12
P
<
.01
Wenan
3
81
P
<
.00001
Witan
50
8
P
<
. 0001
The verbs in Group B are not followed exclusively by
one mood as are the six verbs in Group A. Yet the occur
rences of an exceptional mood after each verb in Group B
are so few that the probability values, like those of the
verbs in Group A, are less than five chances in one hundred
that the no-rule hypothesis is correct. Indeed, were there


142
238-2 Hit is (nu) unge 1iefedlic to secganne . hwaet
on thaem gewine forwearth.
240-5, and him saedon thaet hie for his thingun adraefde
waeron.
296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet tha haethnan tida waeron
beteran thonne tha cristnan, and eac thaet eow
selfum waere betere thaet ge eower(ne) cristendom
forleten 'that you said that the heathen times
were better than the Christian, and also that (it)
were better for you yourselves that you gave up
your Christianity.'
It is difficult to explain the indicative mood in this
sentence (296-18) in terms other than a sort of attraction
which influenced the scribe in the first object clause, but
not in the second. The only other secgan comparison con
struction contains the regular subjunctive mood:
Pastoral Care, 393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon
on thisse ilcan bee bi Davide thaem Godes dirlinge
thaet he waere ryhtwisra tha tha he theng waes
thonne he waere siththan he kyning waes 'just as
we previously said in this same book about David
the favorite of God that he was more just when he
was a subject than he was when he was a king.'
This construction contains both signs common to the occur
rence of the exceptional mood: The clause is introduced by
the indicative form of secgan; it does not conform to the
conventional word order. Nevertheless, the occurrence of
the regular mood need not be questioned; those signs are
merely explanations for the scribe's occasional deviation
from the regular practice.


131
between moods influences the mood variation in the comple
ment clause.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
109-4, Hwaet hie is gesaed thaet ure ialdan faederas waeron
ceapes hierdas.
163-7, and him eac gesaegth hu thaem monnum the him maegem
and craft wiexth.
Orosius
52-8, Hit is uniethe to gesecgenne hu monege gewin
siththan waeron betuh Maethum.
58-7, Nu is hit scortlice ymbe thaet gesaegd thaette aer
gewearth.
110-13, Ic sceal hwaethre eft gewendan thaet ic hwelcnehugu
dael gesecge Alexandres daeda; and hu . he feng
to Maecedonia rice on Crecum.
240-16 Thaet is ungeliefedlic to gesecganne, civaeth
Orosius, hwaet thaes ealles waes.
250-26, Nu ic haebbe gesaed,*cwaeth Orosius, from frymthe
thisses middangeardes hu eall moncyn angeald.
250-28, nu ic wille eac forth gesecgan hwelc mildsung,
and hwelc gethwaernes siththan waes.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
337-6, the on thaem godspelle gesaed is thaette na[n]ne
waesthm ne baere.
339-1, nis hit no gesaed thaet he for thy geraeled waere.
Orosius
156-20, Hit naes na gesaed hwaet Pirruses forces gefeallen
waere.


163
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
72-An.874, and he him athas swor and gislas salde thaet
hit him gearo waere, swa hwelce daege swa hie
hit habban wolden 'and he to them swore oaths
and gave hostages that it was ready for them,
on whatever day they would have it.'
74-An.876, and him tha athas sworon on tham halgan beage
the hie aer nanre theode noldon thaet hie
hraedlice of his rice foren 'and then swore
oaths to him on the holy book, which they pre
viously did not wish (to do) for any people,
that they (would) set .out quickly from his
kingdom.'
Talian
- Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
335-12, se [the] talath thaet he sie unscyldig 'he who
argues that he is innocent.'
Teohhian
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
281-2, Gif hwa teoch[h]ath thaet he aefaest sie 'If anyone
resolves that he is pious.'
302-3, and tiohchiath thaet thaet scyle bion for eathmettum
'And resolves that that ought to be out of humility.'
Treowan
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
447-10, and theah he aer truwige . thaet he maege wearm
weorthan 'and yet he previously believes . that
he can become warm.'


54
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregorys Pastoral Care
157-6, Suithe ryhtlice hit waes awriten aefter thaem
nitenum "thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede 'Very
rightly it was written that the idols were painted
after the beasts.'
Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the sub
ordinate clause is a possible explanation for this excep
tion. The unusual word order perhaps also influenced the
scribe; in no other construction is the verb phrase broken
up so that the adverbial phrase stands outside the thaet
clause: aefter thaem nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron
atiefrede, instead of thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede
aefter thaem nitenum.
Besides the possibility of attraction between the
indicative context and the verb of the complement clause,
the presence of waeron geiewde, also in a governing verb
$
- position, might explain the indicative mood in this comple
ment clause after awritan:
195-18, tha waeron geiewde, sua hit awritan is thaet hie
waeron ymb eal utan mid eagum besett 'those seemed,
as it is written, that they were all around cove.red
outside with eyes.'


4
Previous Studies
The puzzling mood variation in the Old English texts
has been treated in several studies, which readily conclude
that all of these complement clauses are indirect reports.
The apparently arbitrary mood choice has led grammarians to
conclude that the mood for the Old English indirect dis
course construction of the written language is not determined
by a syntactic rule such as that which determined that
the subjunctive mood would mark a clause as a subordinate
clause of indirect question for Latin prose. They, there
fore, explain the subjunctive and the indicative moods in
this Old English construction by emphasizing the functions
of the moods more than their formal significance.
Previous investigations of the mood in this Old English
structure have argued that the mood of the complement clause
reflects the intention of the writer. The statement of
this explanation varies among the studies; however, it may
be summarized thus: The subjunctive mood conveys the un
certain attitude of the reporter, while the indicative
mood emphasizes the assumed truth of the reported statement
or question. The essential remarks of these studies on the
mood in the complement clauses agree for the thaet and hu
and the hw- word clauses; it seems convenient, therefore,
to discuss all of them as one structure.
J. H. Gorrell in "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon"
offers a lengthy analysis of this construction. His


70
401-10, Ac hi scoldon gehira[n] hwaet Paulus cwaeth.
407-32, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh Essaias thone
witgan geeweden is.
409-5, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh sanctus Iohannes
geeweden is.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
48-An.755, Tha on morgenne gehierdun thaet thaes cyninges
thegnas the him beaeftan waerun thaet ae cyning
ofslaegen waes.
243-10 ,
299-7,
299-13,
299-15 ,
299-16 ,
299-18 ,
299-21,
299-22 ,
301-1,
301-3,
301-6 ,
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
Gehieren tha unclaenen and tha lytegan hu hit
awriten is.
Gehieren'tha eathmoden hu ece thaet is . and
hu imagen thaet is.
Gehieren eac tha upahaefenan hu gewitende tha thing
s int.
Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Salomon cuaeth.
Gehieren eac the upahaefenen on hira mode hu he
e£t cuaeth.
Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet God cuaeth thurh
Essaim thone witgan.
Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet Salomon cuaeth.
Gehieren tha eathmodan hweat on psalmum gecueden
is .
Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Crist cuaeth.
Gehieren tha upahaefenan hweat Salomon cuaeth.
Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet awriten is.


162
Spree an
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
48-26, Hu blindlice monege theoda sprecath ymb thone
cristendom, thaet hit un wyrse sie thonne hit aer
waere 'How blindly many people speak about the
Christianity, that it now is worse than it pre
viously was '
Swerian (Athas)
The subjunctive verb form follows the combination,
athas + swerian, in the complement clause constructions
represented in the texts. Apparently, the rule which estab
lished that the subjunctive form should follow athas +
swerian distinguished this combination from other similar
combinations which also govern complement clauses. The
combination, athas + sellan, is followed by the indicative
mood in its single occurrence within-the texts:
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 76-An.878, and tha salde se here
Kim foregislas and miele athas thaet hie of his
rice uuoldon [woldon] 'and then the army gave him
hostages and many oaths that they would (go) from
his kingdom.'
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
190-31, on thaet gerad thaet he him athas sworan thaet
hie him aet thaem gewinnum gelaesten 'on the con
dition that they swore oaths that they (would)
serve them in the wars.'


11
Hans Glunz's Die Verwundung des Kon junktivs im A1ten-
glischen contains the argument that each mood in the com
plement clause conveys a particular intention of the writer.
His distinctions between the moods are not so detailed as
those of Gorrell. Indeed, he is perhaps guilty of over
simplification. Glunz describes two general categories:
the subjunctive mood draws attention to the subjunctive,
even uncertain nature of the report; the indicative mood
emphasizes the certainty of the report.
In his treatment of geliefan, for instance, Glunz ex
plains: "Auch nach Verben des Glaubens steht, obwohl der
Glaubensinhalt im allgemeinen etwas Sicheres ist, der
Konjunktiv, wenn das Geglaubte als von etwas Irrigem,
Unsicherem ("glauben" = vermuten) begingt gesehen wird."
About the occurrence of the indicative mood, he adds': "Soil
dagegen zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, dass der Glaube fest
und sicher ist, wenn alie Zweifel am Glauben und seinem
Inhalt wegfallen, so setz der dies erkennende Verfasser den
Indikativ." Although he repeatedly maintains that the mood
of the complement clause reflects the attitude of the
erzahler and dichter toward the material in the clause, he
eventually admits: "Es lasst sich aber hier, wie iiberall
beim Konjunktivgebrauch, keine Regel aufstellen, wann der
eine oder der andere Modus gebraucht wird.""^ These
^Hans Glunz, Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten-
glischen, Beitrage zur Englischen Philologie, Heft-11
(Leipzig, 1929), 99.


63
409-33,
419-11,
419-13,
423-17,
449-6 ,
449-15,
Thios sae cwith thaet thu thin scamige, Sidon.
tha he cwaeth thaet hio him sona forgiefen waere.
he cwaeth thaet him waere aer forgiefen.
Hwaet, sanctus Paulus cwaeth thaet he gesawe
otherne gewunan.
Be swelcum monnum cwaeth Dryhten thaet hi waeren
gelicost deadra manna byrgennum.
Be thaem cwaeth Dryhten on his godspelle thaet
thaet waere hira med.
pro
17-
19-
44-
54-
56-
58-
82-
92-
174
178
194
202
210
The
se, "
2,
10,
11,
29,
20,
1,
31,
35 ,
-25 ,
-15,
-11,
-17,
-22 ,
Orosius
first two illustrations come from Alfred's original
Ohthere's Narrative":
He cwaeth thaet he bude on thaem lande northweardum
with tha Westsae.
He cwaeth thaet nan man ne bude be northan him.
and cwaedon thaet hit gemalic waere.
and cwaeth thaet thaem weorce nanum men aer ne
gerise bet to fandianne.
and cwaedon thaet hie to rathe wolden fultumlease
beon aet heora bearnteamum.
to thon thaet hie cwaedon thaet hie Mesiana folce
withstondan mehten.
and cwaeth thaet hit gerisenlic[re] weare.
and cwethath thaet him Gotan wyrsan tida gedon
haebben thonne hie aer haefdon.
tha cwaedon hie thaet him leofre waere.
and cwaeth thaet him to micel aewisce waere.
and cwaedon thaet hie tha burg werian wolden.
and cwaedon thaet him soelest waere.
hie cwaedon thaet him leofre waere.


29
Geascian and Geacsian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Orosius 8 0
Geascian consistently requires the indicative mood in
the complement clause construction.
132-10
148-16
160-1,
196-9 ,
200-11
230-4,
236-8,
282-7,
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
tha geascade he thaet ercol se ent thaet waes.
Tha hio thaet geascade thaet thaes folces waes swa
fela to him gecirred.
AEfter thaem the Tarentine geacsedan thaet Pirrus
dead waes.
Tha Romane geacsedan thaet tha consulas on Ispanium
ofslagen waeron.
Ac siththan Scipia geascade thaet tha foreweardas
waeron feor thaem faestenne gesette.
thaer he geascade thaet Geowearthan goldhord waes.
Tha Silla geacsade on hwelc gerad Marius com to
Rome .
Tha Maximianus geacsade thaet his sunu feng to
thaem onwalde.
Geleornian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the' Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care 0 5
The subjunctive mood occurs in each complement clause
follo\\ring geleornian.


172
gethencan ne wit an ongiet an, witan) cannot be followed
by the subjunctive verb form in the complement clause. The
Introductory Verb Rule, then, blocks the subjunctive verb
form from the complement clause after these seven verbs
except when the verb of the complement clause is influenced
by an unusual context (the predominance of the subjunctive
mood or complicated clause constructions). As indicated
previously, such exceptional influences on the verb of the
complement clause after verbs of Groups A and B seldom
interfere with the operation of The Introductory Verb Rule.
The Subordination Rule
The results of the analysis of the clauses containing
the exceptional mood have shown that another syntactic
rule, "The Subordination Rule," establishes the subjunctive
verb form as a redundant feature of clause construction in
contexts characterized by complicated clause structure, in
particular, multiple embeddings. The structural signifi
cance of the subjunctive mood is illustrated in its occur
rence as the exceptional mood in certain complement clauses.
The subjunctive mood sometimes replaces the indicative mood
in the complement clause in a predominately indicative
context which rules out the possibility of attraction. In
one such sentence the subjunctive mood replaces the regular
indicative mood after wit an:


48
145-15,
Se thcmne wilnath suithur thaet mon lufge
sothfaesthnesse.
145-16 ,
se the wilnath thaet mon nanre ryhtwisnesse fore
him ne wandige.
147-5,
tha godan recceras wilnigen thaet hie monnum
licigen.
239-25,
and wilniath thaet hie hie gehyden.
255-1,
hie wilniath thaet we him gethwaere sien.
265-8 ,
se wilnath thaette nan thing ne sie.
301-11,
ac he wilnode thaet he waere ongieten.
339-24,
hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen.
351-4,
and ne wilniath na thaet hie to thaere ecean sibbe
becumen.
365-21,
and wilniath thaet hie .gegitsien.
367-22,
Ac gif we wilnigen thaet hie thaes wos geswicen.
387-9 ,
hie wilniath thaet hie ne agiemeleasien.
431-24,
ac hit wilnath thaet hit to thon onwaecne.
431-26 ,
and wilnath thaet hit sie ofordruncen his agnes
willan.
439-35 ,
hi wilniath thaet hi micel thyncen.
447-15 ,
Forthaem wilnath God to aelcum men thaet he sie.
224-18 ,
Orosius
and wilnade thaet he Parthe begeate.
290-20 ,
and wilnedon to him thaet hie mosten on his rice
mid frithe gesittan.


176
The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule
The results of the structural study show that by the
application of Rules 1 and 2, each complement clause might
be distinguished by the form of the verb as either a com
plement clause which is dependent on the introductory verb
or merely as a complement clause. All the provisions of
Rules 1 and 2 for designating either the subjunctive verb
form or the indicative verb form in clauses introduced by
verbs which denote mental processes or acts of communication
might have belonged to the Old English rule for indirect
discourse. It is possible that the meaning of the provi
sions in Rules 1 and 2 was extended for use in a third
syntactic rule which distinguishes a simple complement
clause from a clause in an indirect discourse construction:
Rule 3 The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule: (a) As a
redundant feature of clause construction, the subjunctive
verb form marks a statement, in a complement clause, which
has been adapted from an independent sentence to a depen
dent clause,as indirect discourse; (a) the verbs (geascian,
gecythan, gehieran, gethencan, ne witan, ongietan, witan)
are not followed by the mood of indirect discourse because
they introduce direct and independent reports rather than
indirect and dependent reports.
The marked verb form in Old English is the structural
sign for a semantic feature which distinguishes the


122
48-An.
3-2,
103-2,
409-19
213-18
253-8,
263-9,
305-13
305-18
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
755, and him cythdon thaet hiera maegas him mid waeron.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indeterminate Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
and cythan hate thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd.
This is a particularly interesting illustration
because it occurs in Alfred's original prose, his
Preface to the Pastoral Care.
and cythde hwaet hie wyrcean and healdan scoldon.
, Mid thaem worde he cyththe thaet hit is se hiehsta
craeft.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Subjunctive Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes daeg neah sie.
Only once does such a clearly subjunctive form of
cythan introduce a complement clause.
Eac is to cythanne thaem mettrumum, gif hie willen
geliefan thaette Godes rice hiera sie, thaet hie
thonne her on worulde tholigen earfethu thaem
timum the hie thyrfen.
Thaet is to cythanne the him swingellan ondraedath
thaet hie thissa eorthiicean goda to suithe ne
gietsien, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie
haebben ongemong him.
, Thaem anfealdan straecum is to cythanne thaet hie
bet [ne tjruwien him selfum thonne h[i]e thyrfen.
, Ac thaem anstraecum is to cythanne, thaer hie ne
wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and wisran waeren
thonne othre menn, thaet hie ne laeten hiera
getheaht and hiera wenan sua feor beforan ealra
otherra monna wenan.


62
91-8, and cuaeth thaet hie scolden leasunga witgian.
107-18, Ic cuaeth thaet aeghwelc monn waere gelice othrum
acenned.
115-20, He cuaeth to him thaet he waere his gelica.
135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth na thaet tha
giemmas waeren, forsceadne aefter [thaem] straetum.
157-5, the sanctus Paulus cuaeth thaet waere hearga and
idelnesse gefera.
197-19, and cuaeth thaet hit no gedaefenlic naere.
211-5, sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes.
249-15, Ond eac cuaeth Salomonn thaet fremde ne scolden
beon gefyllede ures maegenes.
279-24, he cwaeth thaette sio suyge waere thaere
ryhtwisnesse fultum midwyrhta.
281-7, he cwaeth thaet hio waere unstille, yfel and
deathberendes atres full.
319-4, he cuaeth thaet hit waere good thaet mon foreode
flaesc and win for bisene his brothrum.
335-18,
341-1,
381-24,
387-26 ,
399-24 ,
403-33,
and ryhtlicor we magon cwethan thaet we him gielden
scylde.
swa swa we aer bufan cwaedon . thaet hie thonne
for waedle weorthen on murcunga and on ungethylde.
and cwaeth thaet tha scolden bion synderlice Godes
thegnas.
and cwaeth thaet hie wolden weorthan forlorene and
oferwunene mid orsorgnesse.
He cwaeth thaet hio xvaere swithe neah.
He cwaeth thaet hi hi forlaegen on Egiptum on hira
gioguthe.
409-3, swa swa we aer cwaedon, thaet hie sceolden habban
ece eardungstowe on thaes faeder huse furthor.
409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen.


96
289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan
hwaet hi nabbath 'The gentle we ought to admonish
that they perceive what (zeal) they have not.'
313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah
hie [ne] -maegen thone untheaw forlaetan thaere
gifernesse and thaere oferwisre, thaet he huru hine
selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy sweorde unryhthaemedes,
ac ongiete hu micel leohtmodnes and leasferthnes
and oferspraec cymeth of thaere oferwiste 'On the
contrary the gluttonous are to be admonished though
they may not abstain from the vice of gluttony and
greediness, that he at least not run himself
through with the sword of fornication, but perceive
how much frivolity and folly and loquacity come
from greediness.'
405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna
onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wacore mode
ongieten aefter hira misdaedum mid hu miclum godum
willan Dryhten tobraet thone greadan his mild-
heortnesse.
375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet hie be thaem laessan
thingum ongieten hu suithe hie gesyngiath on thaem
maran 'They are to be admonished that they in com
parison to lesser things preceive how much they
sin in the greater.'
While it is possible that attraction influenced the
mood of the complement clause, the different underlying
form for this clause ought to be considered also as a deter
mining factor. The hu which introduces the subordinate
clause containing the exceptional subjunctive mood carries
the force of an interrogative conjunction:
429-2, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna
onscuniath, and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet
hi forethonclice ongieten hu hi hi willen beladian
on thaem mielan dome 'On the other hand are to be
admonished those who detest their sins, and
nevertheless do not give them up, that they cau
tiously consider how they will clear themselves
at the great judgement.'


13
subjunctive after verbs of saying: "I admit that the sub
junctive as used in thaet-clauses dealt with in the present
chapter may have originated in thaet_-clauses dependent on
verbs of thinking (originally verbs of wishing), but in
that case I consider the analogical basis for the extension
of the use of the subjunctive to thaejt-clauses after verbs
of saying to have been not only the nature of the governing
verb, but, what is more important, the meditative character
18
of the subjunctive as occurring after verbs of thinking."
This modification is his concession to T. Frank's respected
etymological argument.
T. Frank, in the article "On Constructions of Indirect
Discourse in Early Germanic Dialects," studies the earliest
use of the introductory verbs of complement clauses to ex
plain the frequency of the subjunctive mood in the clauses.
Frank suggests, for instance, that wenan and geliefan
govern the subjunctive mood in Old English indirect dis
course because they were originally verbs of emotion which
retained the subjunctive mood in their dependent clauses.
Of the verbs of saying and telling, he speculates: "All
we can say at present is that by some principle of differen
tiation a logical distribution of labor took place, illus
trated well in Anglo-Saxon where ewethan usually takes the
optative, cythan the indicative, and seegan divides its
18
Behre, p. 213.


73
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Indicative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
29-6 ,
~thonne is to gethencanne hwaet Cristh self cueth on
his godspelle.
37-23,
ne gethencan ne con hwaet him losath on thaere
gaeiinge the he tha hwile amierreth and hu swithe
he on than gesyngath.
107-21,
se godcunda dom gethencth thaette ealle men gelice
beon ne magon.
109-1,
sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth othrum
raonnum on hira gecynde.
117-16 ,
and eac we magon suigende gethencean on urum
inngehygde, theah we hit ne sprecen, thaet hie
beoth beteran thonne we.
127-16, Monige theah nyllath na gethencean hu gelice hie
beoth othrum brothrum ofergesett.
313-13,
Ac we sculun gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand
doth to urum rnuthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet
we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde.
329-9 ,
Be thaem we magon gethencean hu mieles wites tha
beoth weorthe the othre menn reafiath.
343-14,
t
Ac tha reaferas gethenceath swithe oft hu micel hie
sellath.
349-14,
Of thissum bebode we magon gethencean hu unaberendlic
gylt sio towesnes bith.
359-11,
By thaem worde we magon gethencean, nu tha sint .
Codes beam genemned the sibbe wyreath, thaette tha
sindon butan tweon diofles beam.
377-3,
Hwy ne magon hie thonne gethencean, gif hie on
thaem gesyngiath, hu miele swithur hie gesyngiath.
383-28,
Hwaet hie magon gethencean thaet fugla briddas,
gif hie aer wilniath to fleoganne, aer hira fethra
fulwe[a]xene sin, thaette sio wilnung hie genithrath
the hi aer upahefth.


144
Imperative Mood Environment
There is not enough evidence of the governing verb
in the imperative mood to determine its influence on the
mood in the complement clause'construction.
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
181-14, Secgath thaem welegum gind thisne middangeard
thaet hi to ofermodlice ne thencen.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoral Care
301-16, Secgath eac thaem upahaefenum thaette, thonne
thonne hie hie selfe upahebbath, thaet hie [thonne]
afeallath on tha biesene thaes aworpnan engles.
Tacnian
Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause
Pastoral Care
Orosius
Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle
3 4
2 0
No evidence available
Total
5
4
Tacnian presents problems for the student of the com
plement clause construction. The available evidence is
limited to nine constructions.and does not reveal that


102
The subjunctive mood in these sentences might be simply a
mark of subordination which the scribe has employed in order
to clarify the relationship among the consecutive subordinate
clauses. The subjunctive serves such a purpose in certain
Latin constructions. It is a sign of subordination with
no special meaning in clauses of indirect question: Quis
eum occiderit quaero I ask who killed him.' Also in Latin
constructions of indirect discourse, the verb of the depen
dent clause is an infinitive form, but all other subordinate
clauses have a subjunctive verb: Pico eum stultum esse qui
hoc faciat 'I say that he who is doing this, is foolish.
Indeed, throughout other such complex sentences containing
complement clause constructions in Old English, the sub
junctive mood regularly occurs in one or more of the sub
ordinate clauses. In these three instances the introduc
tory verb of the complement clause is in a subordinate
clause itself; therefore, the need for a formal signal of
subordination seems a reasonable explanation for the occur
rence of the subjunctive mood after ongietan.
nradley1s Arnold Latin Prose Composition, pp. 107 and
243.


157
Hat an
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Orosius
238-8,
Tha het Pompeius thaet mon thaet faesten braece
'Then Pompey commanded that one storm the fortress.'
Healsi an
Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause
Gregory's Pastoral Care
137-17, ic eow healsige thaet ge feden Godes heorde 'I
implore you that you feed the flock of God.'
213-14, Ic eow healsige brothur . thaet ge ne to
hraedlice ne sien astyrede I beseech you brothers
. . that you are not too quickly stirred.'
Locian
Loci an1s influence on the mood in only two complement
clauses is difficult to determine, especially since the
#
subjunctive mood occurs in one and the indicative mood m
the other. The complement clause constructions are under
lined in the following sentences.
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause
Imperative Environment
Gregory's Pastoi~al Care
99-17, Loca nu hu _se halega wer. se the sua faesthlice
geimpod waes to thaem hefenlicum diogolnessum, and
suatheah for mildheortnesse i^aes thonon gecierred
to smeaganne hu flaesclicum mo(n)num gedafonode
on hira burcotum and on hiera beddum to donne 'Look
now how the holy man who so firmly was familiar
with the heavenly secrets and yet out of compassion
was then turned to consider how it was befitting
for carnel men to act in their chambers and in
their beds.'


171
that ship was moving all the way under sail.
Weonath.la.nd was for him on starboard, and on the
left side of the ship for him was Langaland, and
Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these
lands belong to Denmark.'
Attraction seems unlikely considering that the subjunctive
mood occurs in the first two complement clauses of this
construction. The puzzling indicative mood belongs perhaps
more to the continuing description than to a complement
clause influenced by secgan. The formal explanations are
suggested by the evidence in the texts. There is no proof
either in the translations or in the original prose that
the exceptional mood choice reflects the altered meaning
of the introductory verb.
The Introductory Verb Rule
The statistics describing the choice of mood after the
verbs of Groups A and B have indicated that a syntactic
rule designates either the subjunctive verb form or the
indicative form for the verb of the complement clause fol
lowing each introductory verb. This rule, which can be
called "The Introductory Verb Rule," establishes restric
tions on the complement clauses following verbs which denote
mental processes and acts of communication: Fourteen verbs
(ascian, awritan, bebeodan, biddan, ewethan, geleornian,
1 aeran, manan, ondraedan, thencan, thyncan, wenan, willan,
wilnian) require the subjunctive verb form in each comple
ment clause. Seven verbs (geascian, gecythan,_ gehieran,


18
Sievers points out that the forms of the preterit are not
so easily classified, because changes in the forms occurred
early, "Ziemlich frh dringt aber das -on, an des Ind.
2 5
PI. auch in den Opt. ein (erst spater erscheint auch -un)."
Because of the eventual conflation of endings, an accurate
study of the Old English verb form in complement clauses
should try to avoid using examples from the writings of the
later period. Indeed the -e or -en inflection, where
spelling is more consistently reliable in the early period,
is the only reliable sign that the verb is, in fact, the
subjunctive form.
There are, however, even in the works of the early
West-Saxon period, indeterminate forms, the endings of which
are common to the indicative and the subjunctive moods. The
past tense, first person and third person singular form of
weak verbs are identical in both moods: saegde 'I, he
said'; lifde 'I, he lived.1 The form for the present tense,
first person singular of weak and strong verbs is likewise
the same for the indicative and subjunctive moods: secge
'I say'; bide 'I wait.' These indeterminate forms of the
early period are, then, no more useful for this formal
study than are the confused spellings for the conflated
endings of the later West-Saxon period.
25
Brunner, pp. 305 and 308.