Citation
Camp(site)

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Title:
Camp(site) architectures of duration and place
Creator:
Hailey, Charlie, 1970-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xvi, 396 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Architectural design ( jstor )
Camping ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
Houses ( jstor )
Mobile homes ( jstor )
Permanence ( jstor )
Tents ( jstor )
Tin cans ( jstor )
Towns ( jstor )
Trailers ( jstor )
Architecture thesis, Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Architecture -- UF ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Design, Construction and Planning -- UF
City of Midway ( local )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 2003.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Additional Physical Form:
Also available online.
General Note:
Printout.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Charlie Hailey.

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021261915 ( ALEPH )
77942173 ( OCLC )

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CAMP(SITE): ARCHITECTURES OF DURATION AND PLACE
















By

CHARLIE HAILEY

















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2003





































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..............
-----------------------------iiiiiiii~ ~ ..........

































Copyright 2003

by

Charlie Hailey



































This work is dedicated to my wife Melanie and to my parents.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank my wife Melanie and my parents for their love and support. I thank William Tilson for his indispensable critical readings, guidance, and encouragement. I also want to thank Diana Bitz for her vital scholarship and mentorship and Nina Hofer, Martin Gundersen, and Ralph Berry for their consistently productive comments and ongoing critical dialogue. In addition, Herschel Shepard provided many entry points to crucial background information. I thank Jo Hasell and Robert Stroh for engaging my scholarly interests early in the doctoral process. I also want to recognize the contributions of Rustie Rock (Judy Tomaini), Forrest Bone, Dr. Arthur McA. Miller, Sue Neff, the Braden Castle Association, Cindy Russell, and Alex Necochea in the construction of this dissertation.
























v
















TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS................................... v

LIST O F FIG U RES .............................. ............... . ....................... ...................... x

ABSTRACT ............................................................. ......................... xv

CHAPTER

I A R R IV IN G ......................... ... .. ............. ...................................

P rologue .............................................................. ....................... ......................... 1
A irstream and M attang ......................................... ....... .............. ................ 3
From Camp(site) to Campsite ........................................ 17
Statem ent of Problem ............................. .................... ..... ............................. 21
Themes and the Concept of Paradox........................... ......................... 28
Statement of Purpose ........................................ ...................... 29
Statement of Questions ........................................ ...................... 29

2 SITIN G ........................ ..... .. ... ....... ....... ..................... 31

O rganization of the W ork ................................................... .. ...................... 31
Guide - M anual - Scrapbook ...................................................... 31
"-ing" .......................................... ................ .. .. ....................... 54
Siting................................. .. .......................... 55
C learing ..................... ......... ............... ............................................. 59
M aking ....................................................................... 63
Breaking................................ ........................... 65
Research Design ................................................................................... 66
Research Method and Methodological Framework ........................................ 67
T heoretical Fram ew ork ...................................................... .................................. 70
Lexical Toolbox: From Camp(site) to Campsite ...................................... 72
Vernacular (as process) .......................... ........................... 89

3 CLEARING CAMP ............................................ 95

Defining Camp.......................... ....... ................................... ....95
Review of Literature (and related projects) ........................................ 113
Inclusions ...................... ..... ............................................... . 142
Exclusions ........................ ... ......................................... 142


vi









Filling a Research Gap ..................... ...................... 144
C ontribution ............................................................. 145

4 M AKING CAM P ..................... ........................... 148

Preamble (pre-ambling) .......................... ...................... 148
Place(s) / Sitings ..................... ................... ............ 148
"-ics" ..................... ........................ .................................. 154

5 CAMP(SITE): TAXONOMIC SELECTIONS OF CAMP SPACE
FROM VERNACULAR PLACES OF MOBILITY AND
TEMPORALITY IN FLORIDA ............................................... 159

Introducing "Camp Space" ........................................ 159

SCampfire............... .............................................. 166
B Breaking Camp ........................................... 173
SSiting Cam p...................................................................................................... 176
Clearing Camp ........................................... 183
g Making Camp ........................ ...... ..................... 188

6 MANILA VILLAGE: ASYMPTOTIC TERRITORIES OF THE
M ISSISSIPPI RIVER DELTA REGION ............................................................. 195

Introduction.............................................. ................................... 195
A chaeans ........................................................................ 195
Siting Camp: W ater.................................... ............ . 197
Clearing Camp: Criollization and Difference .................................................. 201
Making Camp: Detail and Technique ........................... ............................ 205
Breaking Cam p: Untying the Diagram ..................... ............................................... 208

7 GIBSONTON: PARA-SITIC REGIONS OF THE CARNIVAL MIDWAY ........ 215

Introducing Camp: Method, Para-site and Place (Gibsonton) .............................. 215
Siting Camp: At Home on the Midway ........................................ 217
Clearing Camp: Para-siting (Zoning Places and Placing Zones) ............................ 222
Making Camp: Clearing and Collecting (Shell Gardens and Museums of Dirt)..... 228 Breaking Cam p: The Time of the Parasite............................................................. 233
Concluding Camp: Repetition with a Difference (Parasite, Paradox, and Place).... 235

8 MOVING IMAGES OF HOME: TIN CAN TOURISM AND
FLORIDA'S MUNICIPAL CAMPS ........................................ 240

Introduction .................................... ........................................ 240
Siting the Autocamp: Para-siting the Municipal .... ............................................. 241
Between Denizen and Citizen: Siting the Tin Can Tourists of the World ............ 250


vii









Clearing Camp: Denizen as Citizen ........................................ 260
Making Camp: The Bricoleur's (Mobile) Home Laboratory................................... 264
Making Home: An Operational Manual for Tin Can Tourism ................................ 268
Unfolding ............................................... 270
A ttaching........................ ... . .. ................... ................................. 271
Wrapping ....... ........................................ 271
Stretching ........................................ ...272
A dding ................................................... .......... . ... .................... . . ..... 272
Storing / Boxing / Unpacking the box ........................................ 272
Walking Camp / Making Territory ........................................ 276
Breaking Camp ...... ........................................ 276
Concluding Camp: Municipal Evictions ........................................ 279

9 BRADEN CASTLE PARK: EUTOPIC COMMUNITIES OF TOURISM......... 283

Siting Camp: March 1, 1924 ........................................ 283
Para-siting the Ruins / Parasiting History ........................................ 286
Clearing Camp: Braden Castle Park ........................................ 293
Making Camp: The Eutopic Construct ........................................ 298
Breaking Camp: "Strangers at the gate" of a Tourist's Home ............................. 306

10 SLAB CITY: HETEROTOPIC ZONES OF DOMESTIC EXILE,
HOMELESSNESS AND ENCAMPMENT ...................... ................. 311

Introduction .............................................. ......... ..... ........ ......... ...................... 3 11
Siting C am p .................................... .......... .......................... ............................... 3 14
Re-siting Camp: Military Fieldwork and Encampments ..................................... 315
Clearing Camp ............................................... 319
M aking Camp..................... ........ ... . ................. ........ ........................ 331
Making Camp: From Temporary to Permanent Autonomous Zones ................... 333
Breaking Camp: Heterotopic Camping and the Web..................................... 338

11 BREAKING CAMP (CONCLUSIONS) ........................................ 343

C am ps............................... ....... ... .................. ...... ......... ............ .. 343
V ernacular .................................... ................. ....... ................... ..................... 345
D uration ..................................... .............. ................ ............................... 347
P lace .......................................................... ....................................... 349
M ethod(s) ..................................... .... .................. ............. 354
Methodological Coda .......................................... 357

12 DEPARTING ............................................... 361

From Permanent to Temporary ............................................................. 361
Camper's Shelter: Recasting Semper with Schindler's Kings Road House......... 364 H esitating ............................................. ....... ........ .............................. . . 370
Casting Off: An Interlude Between eura + 666c and Zx + 6~6>d.............................. 373


viii









Detail (as territory) ............................ ... ........... 374
Territory (as detail), or Future Research ....................................... 376

LIST OF REFERENCES ........................................... 377

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ........................................ 396
















































ix
















LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

1-1. Engravings of Hernando de Soto in Florida ................................ 1

1-2. A irstream Bam bi trailer ........................................................................... 3

1-3. Airstream trailer and navigation maps from the Marshall Islands ............................ 5

1-4. Navigational maps and the "World's Most Traveled Trailer"................................ 13

1-5. Advertisement for Airstream trailer and Rebbelith navigation map ...................... 15

1-6. Author's house in Madison, Florida, and demonstration of lightness at Airstream
m anufacturing facility ........................ ...................... 20

2-1. "A Triumphal Procession" to camp ............................ .. ..... .................. 33

2-2. Ernest Meyer, Early roadside autocamp ........................... .................. 34

2-3. Camp layouts of Airstream rally and Methodist camp meeting ............................. 36

2-4. Military field manuals and Exposition guides ..................... ....... 39

2-5. Military tent camps ............................................ 40

2-6. Building Plans of the World's Columbian Exposition ........................................ 43

2-7. Camping kits from the 1930s ................................................................. 72

3-1. Stereo photographer Charles Seaver, Jr. in his steamboat-barge..................... 99

3-2. Plan of Florida Chautauqua in De Funiak Springs and view of entrance to
Cassadaga Spiritualist Camp, Lake Helen, Florida ........................................ 118

3-3. Postcards from Chautauqua and Cassadaga........................... ........... 119

3-4. Chautauqua and Cassadaga: Program of the First Annual Session, Florida
Chautauqua, 1885, and Sanborn Map of Cassadaga, Florida ............................. 120

3-5. Drawings of projects for camps and camptowns, 1809 - 1979 ............................. 122




x









3-6. Mapping of camping codes...................................... 147

4-1. Constructing Camp Blanding............................................. .... 150

4-2. Rough Riders Camp, Tampa, Florida ........................................ 151

4-3. Official Map of the Midway Plaisance at the World's Columbian Exposition....... 153 5-1. "Caution to Tourists". ......................................... 160

5-2. Revival camp on the southern limits of Madison, Florida.............................. 163

5-3. Billboards and entrance to campground, Highway 53 exit and Interstate 10,
Madison, Florida............................................... 165

5-4. Campfire at Airstream rally ........................................ 167

5-5. Giant's Camp Restaurant, Gibsonton, Florida ..................................... 170

5-6. Postcard, Ruskin, Florida...... ................................. 171

5-7. History of Masaryktown, Florida ................................. 172

5-8. Camps photographed by Walker Evans and Ernest Meyer .................................. 174

5-9. Ernest Meyer, Tin Can Tourist camp.................................... 176

5-10. Kassino midgets at camp of carnival performers and Shell Point Hotel ............ 176

5-11. Plan of Ruskin Colony, Florida, and bust of John Ruskin .................................. 180

5-12. Map of the town of Ruskin ........................................ 181

5-13. Ruskin College campus ........................................ 183

5-14. Ruskin, Florida: Postcard of farming practices and newspaper image of tourist
on the beach ................................................ 184

5-15. Rules for Gulf Hills Campground ........................................ 185

5-16. Ruskin College emblem and Tin Can Tourist logo ........................................ 187

5-17. Parked trailers and circus vehicles, Gibsonton, Florida.............................. 187

5-18. John Ruskin's sketch for a "Swiss Cottage" and Ruskin College's President's
H om e ........................ .... ... . ..... ..... ........... ..... ... ................... . ..... 189

5-19. Masaryktown Hotel and Masaryktown Community Center .................................. 189




xi









5-20. Marion Post Wolcott, "Guest at Sarasota trailer park,..." ................................. 190

5-21. Gibsonton, Florida: Circus and tent trailers and residences ............................... 191

6-1. Nautical navigational map of Mississippi River Delta area and Barataria Bay....... 196 6-2. M anila Village, Barataria Bay, Louisiana ............................ ............ 197

6-3. Navigational map of Barataria Bay, oyster camp at Bayou Bruleau, and shrimpdrying platforms, Manila Village ........................................ 198

6-4. Navigational map of western area of Barataria Bay and views of shrimp-drying
platform s .............................................................................. 199

6-5. Topographic map of western edge of Barataria Bay and view of "dancing the
shrimp" on the platforms of Manila Village.......................... ............ 206

6-6. Topographic map of "Manila Village Oil and Gas Field" and the process of
"dancing the shrimp". ......................................................................................... 208

6-7. Detail of topographic map and shrimp baskets, Manila Village........................... 211

7-1. Gibsonton, Florida and the World's Columbian Exposition Midway Plaisance..... 217 7-2 Aerial photographs of Giant's Camp............................................... 219

7-3. Photographs of Giant's Camp, 1950 ..................................................................... 221

7-4. Gibsonton, Florida and Midway at Florida State Fairgrounds ............................. 223

7-5. Concession stand in yard of mobile home, Gibsonton, Florida, and entrance to
Midway ride at the Florida State Fair ........................................ 227

7-6. Carnival equipment in frontage yard and a Midway funhouse ............................. 228

7-7. Layout marks and string lines used to set up the Midway ................................... 232

7-8. Gibsonton, Florida: Ferris wheel in front yard, and real estate advertisement
along Highway 41 ........................................... 233

7-9. Northwest view of Giant's Camp Restaurant, and aerial view of Florida State
Fair Midway, Tampa, Florida.......................................... 234

7-10. Base support for equipment on the Midway, Florida State Fair, and mobile
home hitch support, Gibsonton, Florida ........................................ 235

7-11. Support and matrix for roller coaster on the Midway and detail of blocking........ 237




xii









7-12. View of Giant's Camp to the north along Highway 41 and view of Midway at
Florida State Fair ......................... .. ..................... 238

8-1. "The Aristocrat," Trailer Tintypes cartoon ...................... ................................. 242

8-2. Campsites of adjacency........................ ......... 243

8-3. Tin Can Tourists in De Soto Park ........................................ 245

8-4. Postcards adapted from photographs of Tin Can Tourist camps ............................. 248

8-5. Views of Tin Can Tourist convention at Payne Park and City Trailer Park in
Sarasota, Florida ............................................ 251

8-6. Airstream camps ............................................. 254

8-7. Marion Post Wolcott, Views of Sarasota City Trailer Park and Payne Park........ 258 8-8. House-cars of the Tin Can Tourists ........................................ 265

8-9. "A home-devised sheet metal, running-board food box"..................................... 269

8-10. Marion Post Wolcott, Sequence of views of Sarasota City Trailer Park............ 275

9-1. By-Laws and Constitution of Braden Castle Park ........................................ 284

9-2. Postcards of Braden Castle Park ............................ ........................................... 287

9-3. Plat of Braden Castle Camp .............. ..................................... 289

9-4. Castle ruins in Braden Castle Park.................................... 292

9-5. Partial plan of Braden Castle Park .................. ................................. 299

9-6. Typical streets in Braden Castle Park ................................ ............................... 302

9-7. Detail of roof cantilever, Zimmerman residence ..................................... 306

10-1. Site plan of Camp Dunlap, California............ ..................... 316

10-2. Maps of Slab City ............................................ 319

10-3. Guardhouse at main entrance to Slab City, and Leonard Knight's Bible
camper, Salvation Mountain ........................................ 321

10-4. Aerial view of Airstream rally ........................................ 335

10-5. El Dorado motorhome, Slab City, California ......................... ............... 340




xiii









10-6. M apping of Slab City............................. ........ 342

11-1. William James Stillman, The Philosopher's Camp in the Adirondacks ............ 356

12-1. R.M. Schindler, Partial plan of Kings Road House .......................................... 366

12-2. Schindler's Kings Road House and his campsite at Yosemite National Park....... 367 12-3. Making camp: Schindler's Kings Road House and Elon Jessup's Motor
Camping Book ...... ........................................ 369

12-4. Wedge-style tent facing the campfire and Plans and sections of R.M.
Schindler's A. Gisela Bennati Cabin ........................................ 372

12-5. Airstream Bambi, "street side," 1964, and R.M. Schindler, Kings Road
House, Perspective exterior elevation ........................................ 375

12-6. Schindler, Site plan for Kings Road House, 1921; John Hejduk, Site Plan for
A Gathering, 1999 ........................................... 376

































xiv















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

CAMP(SITE): ARCHITECTURE(S) OF DURATION AND PLACE By

Charlie Hailey

December 2003

Chair: William Tilson
Major Department: Architecture

This research seeks to understand how camps and campsites are made within contemporary culture. At one level, the study of camps provides a rereading of the conception of place in cultures of itinerancy. Such an interpretation of place requires a concomitant review of time. At a more detailed level as vernacular constructions, camps negotiate qualities of mobility and fixity, temporality and permanence, and publicity and domesticity. Premises for this research include the idea that camps are paradoxical constructions of place and duration and that the vernacular is a dynamic situation best understood as a process. An overriding concern of this work is the problem of privileging conceptions and conditions of space over the situations of place in the practice and research of architecture. In addition, questions of how the vernacular built environment might inform the theory and practice of architecture make this study an exploration of possibilities for contemporary architectural method influenced by complexities of place. The work thus seeks to propose methods apposite to the study of




XV









paradoxical situations such as camps. As relatively unexplored examples of the vernacular, camps suggest how place and time influence architectural constructions.

A series of case studies provides a critical review of selected camps and campsites. The study focuses on the following places: in Florida, camps near Tampa Bay and Sarasota, Gibsonton, and Braden Castle Park; Manila Village in the Mississippi Delta; and Slab City in southern California. Utilizing both explanatory and exploratory study types, this multiple-case format adapts a hermeneutic research method to understand the particular campsites and to inform the invention of suitable methods to map these constructions of place. From the interpretation and mapping of these camps, it is generally concluded that camp constructions require a revised understanding of place as a multivalent grounding that works between detail and territory and necessitate a reconsideration of time as duration. Such constructions of place and duration also call for a recalibration of the notion of home in a modern culture of itinerancy.

Drawing from these case studies, this project's critical objective is to understand how camps address paradoxes of place and the paradoxical occupation of these places through time, because it is in the architectural response to these conditions that lie methods for design practice within contemporary conditions of itinerancy.

















xvi














CH1 APTlER I
ARRIVING

roeachling. th s te 'hore, eaj.nding; ai.-ival: t, :iact f. oin to s hore, landlin in a a nr ,r,
diset barkaio, ; a ianding--place: the a t of coming to the end oi a jo.U'Imy or o
soie ,e l:finit. p-lazce a cargo to be deivered a the ship arrives, the ,comi 1 a
state of .i.d o sta C of dCeelopfnt1, one that a rrives or h(as arrived






















I:Figre i-1. Ertavins o ilernando de Soto in Florida, A) De Soto arriving g in the
Florida wildernesss, ca. 1539 and Bi) I)e Soto's burial. ca.1542 (floida Stat
Archives R,,55.,t04 and RcO566)


Prologue

Parts of this project have beon presented i', coireIce, over cthke past " years

A.ong wth the e indispensae guidance of my coniniltee rntembers. it is i these fi.orums t1ot anyt o the. ideas, tlheUne, and arguments of ihe dliC dssertat.on hav.,bee lni.i.t

SSceo:m of "arvir:g-" andv,< w :rrial Mp' t frm Th . G o n hD at':imj:i . 2d d., o. (ewt, Y'ik: Ohfo d IOi, <9-3..






2


discussed, and subsequently recast. Lending itself to cross-disciplinary content and methodology, the body of work has benefited from presentation in both architectural and inter-disciplinary conferences (one organized by an English department and another within American studies). From early on in the choice and formulation of this topic for study, a general premise has been that opening a dialogue between the architectural discipline and the broader context of the humanities is important in establishing a critical zone of research simultaneously internal and external to my chosen vocation within architecture. In a sense, from the outset this project has enlisted the idea of camp as a procedural heuristic that allows for both the discursive and the digressive with the common purpose of understanding the possibilities of method. Consequently, the project's originary concepts and their cross-pollinating testing grounds may be sited in what Jay Fellows has called the "peripheral middle" in his reading of John Ruskin's "patchwork mentality." An earlier iteration of this dissertation's Chapter 5 was presented in an interdisciplinary conference titled "Souths: Local and Global" and held at the University of Florida in Spring 2001. The paper given at this conference was titled "Southern Camp(sites): Florida's Vernacular Spaces from John Ruskin to the Tin Can Tourists of the World", and a revised version of the paper is forthcoming (Fall 2003) in a special issue of The Southern Quarterly: A Journal of Arts in the South. At the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture (ACSA) Southwest Conference in Fall 2001, much of the content of Chapter 6 was presented in a paper titled "Platform Architectures: Asymptotic Territories of the Mississippi River Delta." Subsequent work on the main ideas of this dissertation was discussed in a paper titled "Camp(Site): Vernacular Spaces / Territories of Itinerancy" at the ACSA International Conference in









Havana, Cuba Summer 20(02). Finally, Chapter 7 arises fi.ron the pape-r '(ibsonton. FIlorida: Para-si tic regions and the construction of place' presented at the Southern Ameica Stud ies Asociiatio conference titled "'Recio-malism.s in this Age of Globalization" (Spring 2003. One other work during this time period that has shaped the framing of ths project is a nonfiction essay written in SpriSpng 2(01 and published in The An2ioch AWic' (Fall 2002) titled "Building / Dweling / Drifting'" I re,.turll to inany of this essay's ideas about place, home, and mobiiity i: tis opening section.


Airstream and Mamang

S.. once tresolds are located, the whoeoie ground pan can be deduced ... they
provide the boundaries that indicate the original layout....

Iwo images serve as details that introduce this project: the Airstream trailer and the m;tnang map of the Marshall Isalands. I have arrived at these prefatory details through both personal experience and a subsequent interest in each construct's potential iethod.oogical implications for making architecture. I lived in a i 6-foot--long















Figure 1-2. Airsue .am BaRni trailer. Redland, Florida, 1993




P: Peter H Nrnke. crss, WS.s Alan Shrida; (New York: N :n, W9. 1..






4


Airstream Bambi trailer (Figure 1-2) at various times in Florida while learning the art of building.3 Though the trailer itself remained fixed to the same place, the experience yielded an understanding of what I have called "thresholding." This activity does not so much occur between arrival and departure but instead speaks of the potential simultaneity of arriving and departing. Such simultaneous experience is not enclosed or inscribed by boundaries but instead must occur within the zone of the boundaries themselves. As Martin Heidegger notes in his reading of the Greek term peras, boundaries do not merely enclose but more significantly serve as areas from which a place opens up or unfolds. Thresholding also articulates a process defined by coincidences of time and place. Often contradictory, these concurrences include present-past, internal-external, and foregroundbackground.4 This idea of thresholding also relates to method, in particular the method proposed by this work to negotiate the paradoxical places of camps. In the above excerpt, Peter Handke writes how the archaeologist often begins with the location and excavation of thresholds from which the rest of the building layout can be deduced. These residual edges indicate how the site was occupied. In camps, a proliferation of thresholds reflects the occupation of the site, and many of these thresholds are not simply boundaries to be crossed but are entire zones to be occupied. In a concluding section of this work, Rudolph Schindler's Kings Road house is read as a concretization of this idea



3 Note that this 16-foot dimension is the external length of the trailer.

4 It should be noted that "thresholding" is a term commonly used in processes of image alteration. In particular, thresholding is the setting of a range within a gray-scale image from which to parse out a binary coding of black and white designations. This conversion from gray-scale to a binary image must simultaneously take into account and adapt to the changing attributes of foreground and background along the image edge that is being considered and analyzed. Such "adaptive thresholding" used in digital imaging serves as one analog for the introduction of this idea of thresholding as a process of concurrent arrival and departure - a process that is ultimately a negotiation of a series of thresholds, as seen in the experience of the campsite.









of threshldin. in'. v'ich the rounds of a camp are domesticated and arculated as a series of open threiold space. The pairing of the Airstream Bambi and the ?nataa:? g map in this introductory s6ct~on also defines hresholdg's combination of ihe detail and the territory'. Within this h.ypuohetical coupling. the Bambi becomes the mnoveabl threshold in the mnuiltil icity of possible iineraries implied by the r niang,.





......: ........- - -----.... - ---------- -- - - - .






AA



) Air Bab , 1964 mode B M an naviaon C












Rebbehih navigaton map. and D) Med navigation map (A. Schock, Die
Stabkarten der a.r'shal -- ,Isuler. Hamburg: 11O Persh 19)'

The .'calc, spatial ecn,:: monocoque consuction "and skin are a few of the

Bambi's attributes that characterize this idea and process of threshniding. The smallest model of A irstream' tRdie aihe964 ALirstreanim ap i is approximately. y 13 feet longsae (16foot overal : lent and feet w- ; ide, with, interior dimensions of 7 x vI'6 o x 65.






6


Two shells (one inside the other) are formed from heat-treated load-bearing aluminum sheeting to which an aluminum-reinforcing framework is then riveted. The 2" interstitial space is insulated with aerocore fiberglass. Influenced directly by airplane wing and fuselage design, the Airstream was the only trailer of its time to use monocoque construction, referring to its completely rounded form, its stress-bearing skin, and its structural synthesis of body and chassis. Reflecting the nesting of its shells, "monocoque" etymologically refers to a cocoon or the shell of a seed or berry. Itself a shell within a shell, the Bambi becomes a second skin, the mobility of which allows for easy relocation. As a result of its construction and balance, the trailer can be pulled short distances by direct human force; similarly, a person on a bicycle can pull larger Airstream trailers. The imaging of this fact resulted in an Airstream icon and logo: the Frenchman Alfred Latourneau towed the 22-foot Airstream "Liner" behind his bicycle in a 1947 advertisement to publicize the trailer in Europe and North America. This image appeared on subsequent Airstream trailer plaques. The Bambi's interior space can be spanned in its width by extending one's arms, and its interior length is two such extensions. It is difficult for a person taller than 5'8" to stand comfortably erect in the Bambi. The Bambi is thus an extreme case of the miniaturization of dwelling space found in Airstreams and other early trailer designs that shared more with the interior spaces and configurations of aeronautical and nautical vehicles and vessels.

The entirety of the Bambi's interior space becomes a threshold. In this case, the use of "space" does not designate the fixed, or enclosed, volume that might be suggested by the trailer's form as aluminum container. Instead, the trailer's threshold space is a dynamic place of movement. Internally, this threshold space is actually a series of






7


thresholds because there is out of necessity a continual movement between and across activities. For example, the everyday activities of sleeping, eating, and washing are so compressed that spaces normally devoted exclusively to these activities are overtaken by zones in which the actions are mixed. Also, the interior trailer space serves as a semipublic threshold connecting private life to the camp's public zone. More correctly, the threshold spaces of each trailer in a camp extend into the camp's space and bleed into adjacent threshold spaces. Similar to the compressing and collapsing of domestic space that occurs internally, the trailer in its context of the camp serves as a foyer or lobby by which private daily activities fold out into the camp. Thresholding encompasses both the bodily movement within the trailer and the blurring of interior-exterior and public-private within the camp.

In one sense, thresholding implies the residual and continued occupation of the "between space" of the trailer's interior. The apparent volume of the trailer is in reality conceived experientially as an extension of the body - a prosthetic that is built out from rather than built on to the body. Restriction of movement yields an economy of motion. A third skin is generated within the two external skins of the aluminum shell. Because the trailer's scale necessitates an economy and compartmentalization of component parts, thresholding transforms the interior space into a closely-knit skin accreted to the manufactured surface of the monococque shell. The lived space of the trailer-threshold translates the technology of monococque into a chrysalis (cocque) woven from the inside through occupation. In another sense, thresholding is the process of setting the limits or thresholds that define the differences (in degree) of what is considered inside or outside and what can be construed as public or private. Clearly these differences are not









absolute, for the spaces of the camp typically begin with the semi-public. The scale of the Airstream Bambi in particular and other larger trailers in general requires an extension of the threshold space of the interior private space out into the more public zones of the campsite. The way that spaces of the camp are lived, made, and experienced make the process of thresholding significant in terms of what a particular place means and how its experience can be understood in terms of time.

If the Bambi is the spatial analog of thresholding, then the mattang map offers an operational or methodological companion. In preparation for a trip to the atolls of the Central Pacific, my research led me to the indigenous navigational constructs of the Marshall Islanders. I did not truly understand the complexity and subtlety of these maps until flying over the Pacific expanse and then being deposited on the hook-shaped narrowness of an atoll. For Pacific Islanders, navigation is an architecture. Moreover, the mattang maps were both a product of craft and a guide for crafting. Tool and method. This understanding was supplemented by ideas found in two texts I had carried on the trip. In Te Kaihau, I gleaned the aphoristic statement, "Seeing is a matter of faith in sight."5 And within Umberto Eco's The Island of the Day Before, I came across the following less pithy thought: "Hence the maps of the Pacific often seemed arabesques of beaches, hints of perimeters, hypotheses of volumes," and later in the same text,

If Roberto had sensed a world now without any center, made up only of perimeters, here he felt himself truly in the most extreme and most lost of peripheries; because,
if there was a center, it lay before him, and he was its immobile satellite.6




5 Keri Hulme, Te Kaihau / The Windeater (Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press, 1986), 215.
6 Umberto Eco. The Island of the Day Before, trans. William Weaver (New York: Penguin, 1995), 129. 148.






9


The inattang is a mnemonic device through which the navigator "sees." It is said that a navigator schooled in and faithful to the arts of the Inattang can still navigate, even if he or she has lost the ability of sight. With the relations and conditions represented by the mattang in mind, the navigator can read the wave pattern by sensing the wave forces and swells against the side of the hull while lying on his or her back in the canoe. The Marshallese pilot does not lay out a course or use the maps as aids to recognize or visually identify particular land forms but relies on a combination of empirical data and "higher order concepts not directly observable."7 The position of islands and the depth of the water are intuited by way of forces that occur tangentially as a result of the refraction, reflection, diffraction, and dissipation of wave energy (as wave swells) along or between islands. In the reading of these forces, visual information is not privileged and is relegated to an equal if not lesser importance in relation to senses of hearing and touching. Synesthetic experience yields a topologically defined mental map; visualization occurs through sound or touch:

. . there is no line separating earth and sky; there is no intermediate distance, no
perspective or contour, visibility is limited; and yet there is an extraordinarily fine
topology that does not rely on points or objects but on haecceities, on sets of
relations (winds, undulations of snow or sand, the song of the sand or the creaking
of ice, the tactile qualities of both); it is a tactile space, or rather 'haptic,' a
sonorous much more than a visual space ... The variability, the polyvocity of
directions, is an essential feature of smooth spaces of the rhizome type, and it alters
their cartography.8

Forces such as these "haecceities" occur along perimeters. This situation of being lost among edges that Eco's character laments is actually an assumption necessary to the



7 William Davenport, "Marshall Islands Navigational Charts," Imago Mundi XV (1960): 22.

8 Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari. Nomadology: The War Machine, trans. Brian Massumi (New York: Semiotext(e), 1986). 53.






10


successful functioning of the mattang. The condition of habitual displacement does not constitute being "lost at sea"; the forces of displacement paradoxically become locative devices. Moreover, the only center among this proliferation of peripheries (in a regional territory, the surface of which is 91% water) is the navigator himself or herself. Accordingly, the mattang map exemplifies speed as it is defined by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari: "speed ... constitutes the absolute character of a body whose irreducible parts ... occupy or fill a smooth space in the manner of a vortex"; and the navigator is "in a local absolute . .. engendered in a series of local operations of varying orientations: desert, steppe, ice, sea."9

In essence, the Marshallese pilot travels in place, from the dynamic position of the local absolute. From a navigational perspective, the sequence of forces (that arise from island edges and peripheries) moves to the craft as a series of thresholds. From the mariner's perspective, these threshold conditions revolve centripetally around the seemingly stationary pilot in a microcosmic version of a Ptolemaic system. The movement-in-place from threshold to threshold is also characterized by a fragmentation measured by the space between phenomena, or "sets of relations" associated with the local absolutes. Such relational traveling can be summarized in the phrase "from campsite to campsite":

On the nomads of the sea, or of the archipelago, Jos6 Emperaire writes: 'They do not grasp an itinerary as a whole, but in a fragmentary manner, by juxtaposing in
[the] order [of] its successive stages,from campsite to campsite in the course of the journey. For each of these stages, they estimate the length of their crossing and the
successive changes in direction marking it.lo


9 Deleuze and Guattari, 52, 54.

m0 Excerpt from Jos6 Emperaire, Les Nomades de la mer (Paris: Gallimard, 1954), 225, quoted in Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nornadologv: The War Machine, 133 [Italics added].






11


In this context, it is important that the term "stage" be understood not as a static resting place but as the procedural zone between "stops" or "standing places," much like the theatrical and filmic stage serves as the locus of action during designated acts or episodes. The activity of camping occurs between campsites, at the collapsed moments of arrival and departure.

As pedagogical models, the mattang and its variants represent this observable and implied data in their physical composition (Figure 1-3). The mattang is a predominantly symmetrical model illustrating general concepts of wave action (Figure 1-3b). Its component parts are flexible sticks that can be bound at their intersection with sennit the thin cordage of braided coconut fiber. Within this woven construct, sticks that are completely wrapped in the sennit allude to minor asymmetries that designate particularities of wave refraction. As Davenport notes, such a wrapped stick in some cases indicates the direction of the dominant trade wind swell called rilib (meaning "backbone")." While the mattang represents generalized nautical conditions, the meddo and rebbelith stick charts portray specific islands and island chains within the Ralik (sunset) and Ratak (sunrise) archipelagoes (Figures 1-3c, 1-3d). Small cowry shells lashed to intersections of sticks indicate island locations within the model; these positions do not show true distances and directions but suggest positions perceived through wave action and experienced time. This rendering of perceptions is combined with knowledge of wave swells, bird flight patterns, and at times visible island features such as trees or atoll rises through a series of "indicator mnemonics" (rojen k6k11). Poetic in their narrative quality, the components and signs (kkl161) of the wave patterns that the mattang " Davenport. 22.






12


describes include rolok, nit in kot, okar, b5t, and jur in okme (something lost, a hole, root, knot/node, and stakes).

While the constructed maps themselves are not used in the actual navigation and are discarded after teaching exercises and memorization, the patterns and relationships illustrated by the charts remain lodged in the oral tradition and cultural memory of the islanders. Respected as spiritual leaders, the teachers maintain this knowledge of the art of navigation as a mnemonics of the sacred. The navigation charts further exemplify the indivisibility of landscape, or more precisely the seascape, and human perception within the Marshall Islanders' culture. The historian Simon Schama notes, "Before it can ever be a repose for the senses, landscape is the work of the mind. Its scenery is built as much from strata of memory as from layers of rock.""12 As a mental construct, the landscape mapped by the traditional sea charts combines the physical and the metaphysical - an interlacing evident both in the mythically inspired songs of the Marshallese navigator and in the woven lattice of the chart itself. 13 Closely tied to a formulaic system, the songs of the mariners of the Marshall Islands serve as additional navigational reminders and as ways of maintaining confidence during the journey. Confidence is elevated by the magical properties associated with the songs and their formulas and rules of thumb for security and orientation. The following characterizes these songs of navigation: Lijiblili ekejeri wa kein, o-o-o-o-o; eato ealok ion; eatoen mij in - a phraseology that can be




12 Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1995), 6-7. Schama speaks of his own work and research for the book as an "excavation" through which he might "recover the veins of myth and memory" beneath the surface of cultural convention (14). 13 Schama also makes the case that "cultural habits of humanity have always made room for the sacredness of nature." (18) In the Marshall Islands, the sea frames all notions of natural consecration and mythos.









translated as "Current whorls which change [the] course of these canoes, o-o-o-o; northwest current, that causes deaih.":'

From within the series of thresholds outlined by the nat..in' s mapped -relatios, th[e Marshailese naviator is constantly arising (and dtearling in res-: rionse to "hlts of perimeters" and hypothesess of vci-:es," T1-is centrifuai ihreshoiding is complemented by the more ce-tripetai construction of the Ainstrea n Ceatiing a different kind of memory theatre. the coarpar-rne:l ization arnd e nfolding scale of the trailer is more of a physical reliquary or repcosiJtory as opposed to a mental or even mretaphysical con strction . Jst as the Marshall islander can lie in his water-born crafi and direct its motion across the openq sea with eyes closed, the A irstrean dweller can avirgate the 1ra ler s coi:n'fines.








B C





C) Ai streak traer - the "orld's Most Traveecd Trailer" (Airsi reaj
Corporation)

This activity of "thresholding' yields various types of thresholds identified. by t:ie connections that re a. The ma a connects the navi actor with the ior-cs it the sea, the physical with the metap c andapysica, and the haptic wori ofh oush with that of sight. it should also be noted th;.at '"th>,tS" ie i the n ame of a navigational indi ;ator as wel in t- th, name of a gtosi thai was trailso1md-i hiio a .Ctirren t f ithis ialie: a d the "noiirthwest clir t'" is the .1ame of a current at wil tarr" a anoe ut i of the rein. of te Martsh al Istat s






14


The trailer links site to place, home to region, and mobile unit to ground. As a result of this connectivity, these details (mattang and Airstream) relate to and in many ways become territories. The mattang becomes the open sea, and the surface of the trailer registers its journey by indexing an itinerary. The "World's Most Traveled Trailer" (Figure 1-4c) references past destinations in a listing applied to the exterior skin of the Airstream Globetrotter. Similar to indigenous dwellings that can be quickly erected in a site (for example, yurts, teepees, and bamboo lodgings), the shell of the Airstream trailer does not change but allows for almost instantaneous occupation of the site. The context in which the trailer is placed changes. And in the particular case of the Airstream trailer, the surface reflects the new siting in its polished skin - a mirroring that alludes to the transformative potential (physically and metaphysically) between the new site and its displaced occupant.

Both mattang and Airstream are vectors in the sense of the term developed by the philosopher Michel Serres:

...one must seize the gesture [as in transformations, wanderings, crisscrossings] as the relation is in progress and prolong it. There is neither beginning nor end; there is a sort of vector. That's it - I think vectorially. Vector: vehicle, sense, direction,
the trajectory of time, the index of movement or of transformation. Thus, each
gesture is different, obviously.15

Although retaining directionality, this type of vector does not link fixed point to fixed point. Instead, the intensification of this directionality becomes indexed travel, recording changes in place and time. For Serres, the gesture occurs at the intersection of thinking and acting; and gestural difference results from the specificity of the particular transformations, wanderings, and "crisscrossings" of the nomadic subject. With the 15 Michel Serres with Bruno Latour, Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, trans. Roxanne Lapidus (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 104.






15


,-adicalized em.iricism" espoused by Serres. such vec&oria thought takes into account external fores through a tactical, as opposed to strategic, ability Ithat allows movement topologicaily, rather than strictly topographically, across time ano spae. Arriving is departing according to Serres' 1evelopment of vectoirial thought, whuat coldi be called thinkingn the vector.' Deleuze and (Guaittari's t izomatic discipline sinmilarlv proposes the externalized forces of a nomadic thought Like Serre' vectoriai operators, Ih nomad












Figure i1-5. Advertisement i for' Airstream trailer and Reeli:hi Ia vigation map (Airstreatn
Corporation)

- who in the context of this discussion acts as both the navigator and the tourcst--trave-er

- is a "vector of deterriorial nation' that by definition transforms" places at both a territorial and a local scale. For Deleuze, this change is brought about by the o pposition of nomadic and State forces, which are manifested in smooth and striaed spaces respectively. Wile eleuzian thought is inexricably politicaL. Serresian epistemology maintains a dialogue between myth and science --- tfor the most part eschewing



:' empRismr: m ch like Deu e.'s "'e.xp :erimenation in contact wih the real." ' N,!e ie sulbie rfe, wicti it of x he p'oii-dt Airstrean and th phe i(omrenai. iaansparenm:, of thie. it coi: te argued that each of the co sll:ci ons (tho ugh radically different in their oriin: s and pvrocediual reationsh\ps) serveOs aaI fii te . for: the c ntet otad eniiionmeni In thiS cas:et naviga.tr A the Marihaiksw pil,. and Whe tourist-iraveler is the Airs eam owner.. '-De-euze and atari. 'madlv. 53.






16


classifications of doctrinal politics. The emphasis and thus focus of this discussion remains within the discourse and methodology proposed by Serres but does seek to account for the relations both implicit and overt between the two philosophers, Serres and Deleuze.20 In order to avoid a generalized political overlay, the "politics of camp" will be addressed from within the specific context of the case studies that are sited in the Tampa area.

If Serresian method provides an analog for what might be called "camp thought," it is the Deleuzian exercise that suggests a framework for understanding "camp construction." Camping occurs between the activities of reterritorialization and deterritorialization; and it is essentially defined by these operations, just as the time of camping is a question of arriving and departing (a becoming rather than a being). If my image of the Airstream is a Serresian-Deleuzian vector, then the mattang is its map. And it is ultimately through this simultaneity of arriving and departing and coincidence of detail and territory that the idea of thresholding resonates with the spaces and places of camp. Discussion will return to this question of mapping in a later section of this study.

The conceptual grouping of the Airstream and the navigation charts seeks to outline a paradoxical construction that is simultaneously introductory, personal, and exemplary of the some of the key components of "camp." As both the subject matter and the mode for developing a methodology, camps serve as indexes of the operators and attributes that have been associated with the two lines of discussion and thought carried out in this section. The theoretical combination of the Airstream and the mattang characterizes the


2) Throughout their careers, the two philosophers demonstrate mutual respect for each other's work and often cite each other in their writings. In one case, Serres describes Deleuze as "an excellent example of the dynamic movement of free and inventive thinking." (Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, 39)






17


paradoxical situation of camping in which the centrifugal (mattang) and the centripetal

(Airstream) coincide and the physical reliquaries of displaced homes (Airstream) and

metaphysical theatres (mattang) share a common, if fleeting, grounding. Ultimately,

camp thought can be closely linked to what Serres termed vectorial thought through the

idea that camps index both movement and transformation in their sedentary

moments. This indexed movement proceeds both from campsite to campsite, in the

series of interlaced sitings and places, and from camp(site) to campsite, when mobility is

tempered by a degree of permanence.21



From Camp(site) to Campsite

At the sea. - I wouldn't build a house for myself (and it is part of my good fortune
not to be a home-owner!). But if I had to, I would, like some Romans, build it right
into the sea - I certainly would like to share a few secrets with this beautiful
monster. -2' A third construction that possibly serves as a hinge between the Airstream and the mattang is the French author Raymond Roussel's "Maison Roulante [also written 'roulotte']." Built in the early 1920s and displayed at the 1925 Salon de I'auto in Paris, the "house on wheels" served as a mobile writing studio that assuaged Roussel's acquired phobia of luggage and allowed the author to travel virtually in place. The sumptuous interior spaces of the 30-foot long caravan created a hermetic volume where Roussel, with blinds drawn, could read without interruption. Mark Ford notes, "He spent his time . . . immersed in his daily ration of Loti and Verne, indifferent to the landscapes through which he was passing. The roulotte lessened still further the danger of details from his voyages seeping into his writings." (Raymond Roussel and the Republic of Dreams (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 171) Although Roussel traveled widely, his writing method and content remained at a distance from his actual experiences of the places visited such that his works such as Locus Solus (1914), Impressions of Africa (1910), and New Impressions ofAfrica (1932) retain a magically real quality. Accordingly, the relationship between his motorized caravan and his writing method warrants further study. It is my preliminary conclusion that his writing method influenced the construction and occupation of the caravan rather than the procedure of writing as a function of the vehicle, although New Impressions with its parenthetical construction was begun before Roussel abandoned the caravan in late December of 1926 (See Roussel's How I Wrote Certain of My Books, ed. Trevor Winkfield (New York: Sun. 1977). 22 Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science, trans. Josefine Nauckhoff (New York: Cambridge. 2001), 147.






18


Early Xmas morn we [the Deering family] all went out to Mr. Macklin's (about 12
1/2 mile in the country) ... got us a big dinner of wild duck and beef roast ... Right after supper we talked a while then went home (I mean back to "Desota Park").23

What happens when camps become camp-sites, or when the impermanent attains a degree of permanency? In an aphorism typifying his gaya scienza, Nietzsche is drawn to the "beautiful monster" of the sea as a home unburdened by rites of ownership. And an early American autocamper confuses home with the camp of her family's vacation. Nietzsche at home on the sea, and Ruth Deering at home on the road. Can such mobilities of home be retained in the grounds of semi-permanent camps or with home ownership? The Airstream trailer was advertised as the "home away from home", with the assumption that the trailer owner could and would always return to a primary home.24 What this promotional catch phrase does not account for is the co-incidence of homes, when home' and home2 become Home. It is this conjunction that this thesis addresses and in which it resides.

In some ways, the work arises initially out of this author's purchase of a house as a renovation project and subsequent thoughts about how it reflects home. To live in one's work mentally, figuratively, and physically allows the possible confluence of distance and proximity through the work's imagined and actually constructed ideas. The overlap between the renovation project that is the house on Livingston Street in Madison, Florida, and the architectural construct, which this dissertation has become, lies in each project's


23 Ruth Deering, "A 1921-2 Diary of a Trip to Florida," Unpublished manuscript, Manatee County Public Library, Bradenton, Florida. Partial excerpt taken from December 25, 1921, entry. 24 An advertisement (ca. 1960) for Airstream's thirty-foot Liner travel trailer model includes the following: "The Airstream Liner is your true "home away from home" - designed for glorious living and traveling comfort. It has the most amazing interior you've ever seen...a big, big living room, worlds of closet and drawer space...you have the last word in livability. Wherever you stay, you will enjoy living in it...wherever you go, you will enjoy taking it with you."






19


negotiation of theory and practice, of imagination and reason, and of mobility and fixity. I am reminded of the German Situationist GUinther Feuerstein, whose own apartment became the experimental site not only for artistic and theoretical expression but also for living. These intensely personal projects, termed "impractical flats," map the artist's ideas, dreams, and history in a domestic palimpsest of the unfinished. While our intention of inhabiting the unfinished house did not share Feuerstein's outright rejection of labor-saving devices and contempt for environmental comforts, we did see this domestic occupation of incomplete space as a chance to construct our own real and imagined homes.25 Just as this thesis serves as the ground for exploring the notion that place can be constructed from disparate, even placeless or dis-placed, components and ideas, our house became a construction site for nomads at home. To borrow Vittorio Gregotti's phrase, we were "building the site" in which home might converge with the permanence of the unfinished house and the temporality of our propensity to drift.26 We were essentially camping at home.

The idea of camp and camping remained in the unfinished walls and the living

spaces, completed only by temporary porches awaiting more permanent roofing (Figure



25 That is to say, we did not rip out air-conditioning and throw open our windows so that we "could swelter, shiver, an struggle to hear [ourselves] above the roar of the city"; but in some cases we did "unwind by throwing paint against the walls and drilling holes into them." as Simon Sadler describes Feuerstein's activities within his "impractical flats" (7-8).
26 The transformation of the domestic space into a construction site is not unlike a scaled down version of Christopher Alexander's formulation of the "builder's yard." As a social institution, this "yard" decentralizes building knowledge; and as a domestic and communal component, it serves as a laboratory for construction work developed and carried out from within the community itself. Alexander refers to the "builder's yard" as the "nucleus of construction activity...a physical anchor point, a source of information, tools, equipment, materials, and guidance"(94-5). The "organic relation" of the yard to its built context follows Alexander's emphasis on process rather than product and the understanding of "the building system in terms of actions that are needed to produce a building (and not in terms of its physical components"(222).























Figre 1-6. Autthor's house in Madison, Florida, and Dem:onstation of i:tness at
Airstream nntnufacturing facility (Airstrean (orporation)

1-6 . If home can be seen as a rhetorical territory (Morley 2001). then camp and its image serve as i a deerriiorializin ino uence tha t ainains an unfnished ordering in the potenthi, however latent, of transforming hone and ideas about home. With our entry into homi-iiwnershi ilp on Auzust 2, 1999, the " rondin" of a house'is aces provided both antithesis to a previously peripatetic xSitence andi stable iirounds i within wh~i to work on ou- respectove dissertations. Such antithetical and paradoxical) "territories" are based on the relational rather than the strictly format From a social standpon-t. situations in which '"elat ions" (both communal and economic) are required an d mandated hrou gh an overlaid set of rules often force a devolution into a solidarity of ithe same; and the camp becomes an encampment. But the opportunity exists that the camp is a place if inclusion rather than xc lusivit and a space of cohesive difference ..rather than enclosed consistency. In terms of place and time, the privileging of the relational opens up the possibility of a domestic architecture of the unfinished. Such designation as Tunfinished"' does not provide valuation or qu anti ication completeness or of a lack: that is to say,


V we aCh ayi t loor and wecNo.}r'e rd uii 5.
: ? Vi�'>,.'e~ ;ffil<. h 2 iw. );,~ nq OJ'- ci,,.[ '<)'acs iti g4}iS Ai l tl Cirprii






21


the unfinished is not necessarily the incomplete. And, at this arrival and departure, the question remains, as it did for Nietzsche, can there be grounding without ground?28 Can there be a home on the metaphorical sea?



Statement of Problem

This study of camps and campsites addresses the relation of architectural

constructions to three overall topics: place, time, and the vernacular. An overriding concern of this research is the potential problem of privileging the role of space over the implications that other components (particularly the three listed above) might have in making architecture.

One sub-problem that this research addresses is the confusion of space and place. This study assumes that place is not the same as space, and in its treatment of camps and campsites seeks to avoid the subsuming of place by space. Looking at this "problem of place," Edward Casey defines a distinction of place and space that is "not derivative but generative" and contends that "the ultimate source of spatial self-proliferation is not the






28 This rhetorical question adapts Sold-Morales' reading of Nietzsche's understanding of the "aesthetic" in contemporary society. Rather than located in and limited to a particular place, the components of life and culture are experienced paratactically -- that is to say, "side by side" without a relative or hierarchical positioning through specific places. Soli-Morales argues that the displaced and peripheral position of aesthetic experience in contemporary culture results in a "paradigmatic value of the marginal" that forms one version of the "weak construction of the true or the real" - a construction related to his essay's central paradox that is also its title "Weak Architecture" (Differences 60). For Nietszche, this contemporary crisis of finding a "grounding without ground", a weak architecture, occurs between the current "agitated ephemeral existence and the slow-breathing repose of metaphysical ages" (Human, All Too Human 24). Different ideas and cultures that can now be experienced in proximity without "localized domination" yield for the philosopher, as well as for Sola-Morales' architect, an "enhanced aesthetic sensibility." But for Nietszche, the problem remains: "A completely modern man who wants, for example, to build himself a house has at the same time the feeling he is proposing to immure himself alive in a mausoleum." (24) It might be said that Henry David Thoreau, writing in 1854, presaged Nietszche's concept of home: "We have built for this world a family mansion, and for the next a family tomb. The best works of art are the expression of man's struggle to free himself from this condition."






22


body or the way the world is but the placialization of space itself."29 Place is differentiated from space, and at the same time place has the potential to generate space. In subsequent work, Casey summarizes this problem in the title of his recent book - "the fate of place."30 In one sense, place's destiny has varied historically with philosophical and cultural changes, with its nadir in a fateful assimilation by space in 17'h century Newtonian science. In another respect, "fate" points toward place's renewed role as an event.

If place results from the "production of an event,"31 then what role does the concept of regionalism have in the production of architecture within the postmodern world? Regionalist doctrine has typically relied on the stable, public meaning of a particular place. The current dilemma of re-defining regionalism arises from the "unstable difference" characteristic of contemporary places and late capitalist production. Alan Colquhoun locates the problem in a shift from differences between regions to differences within regions - a polyvalent condition that doctrines such as critical regionalism, with its restorative stability, are not prepared to address. 32

Thus, along one thread, the problem for this study becomes relating ideas from recent work such as Bernard Tschumi's "architecture of the event" and Paul Virilio's "landscape of events" to the role of place, region, and event in the construction of camps.


29 Edward Casey, "Smooth Spaces and Rough-Edged Places: The Hidden History of Place," The Review of Metaphysics LI, no.2 (1997): 268.

3) Edward Casey. The Fate of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).

3 Ignasi de Sola-Morales, "Place: Permanence or Production" in Differences: Topographies of Contemporary Architecture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 104. 32 Alan Colquhoun, "The Concept of Regionalism," Postcolonial space(s), eds. G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997).






23


Tschumi's work seeks to address the problem of relegating event and program to chronically subordinate roles in relation to architectural space. For Tschumi, an architectural construction is not a "passive object of contemplation" but instead must be viewed as a "place that confronts spaces and actions."'3 Consequently, architecture becomes the "discourse of events." In his introduction to Paul Virilio's work, Tschumi continues this discussion: "I have always felt, as an architect, that it was more exciting to be designing conditions for events than to be conditioning designs."34 In question form, the problem that arises is can these conditions for events be established by the architect in terms of place rather than strictly space. Virilio's reaction to this problem, similar to that of Tschumi, is to recast space as a temporal phenomenon and to propose that duration is a confluence of simultaneities such that "the only relief" in physical and historical landscapes is "that of the event."'3 In this way, temporality makes manifest a constructed landscape through the presencing of its particular sequence of events. Similar to this privileging of the temporal, the phenomenal contours of place might be connected to the "production of the event." Ultimately, the possibility of the confluence of temporality, or more precisely and contemporaneously the ephemerality, and place poses a problem for the construction of built environments that this study of camps seeks to address.

For the architecture of camps, the problem occurs with assumptions of

placelessness in what is generally referred to as "ephemeral architecture." Recent discussions of ephemeral architecture, particularly in the analyses made by Robert 33 Bernard Tschumi, Architecture and Disjunction (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994), 141. 34 Bernard Tschumi, "Foreword," A Landscape of Events (Cambridge. MA: MIT Press, 2000), ix. 31 Paul Virilio. "Calling Card." A Landscape of Events, trans. Julie Rose (Cambridge. MA: MIT Press, 2000). xi.






24


Kronenburg,36 for the most part ignore the possibilities of place in the siting and making of architectural constructions. The source of this problem often arises from an unexamined attachment of the ephemeral construct to the particular place. "Attachment" here refers to material connections but also historical, phenomenological, even metaphysical associations. Demountability does not deny the possibility of these linkages. Moreover, ephemerality can in effect transcend temporality in its relation to duration. An additional problem occurs when this intended ephemerality gains a degree of permanence and becomes in effect a site for continued architectural production (and, in the case of groupings, with the attendant social, cultural, and political productions). Anthony Vidler outlines this problem of the mobile and the fixed in his discussion of John Hejduk's "vagabond architecture" that explores "a new type of space, that of the nomad, as it intersects with the more static space of established realms."37 The problem of ephemerality in relation to place and space is understood in the context of this introduction of a characteristically heterogeneous mobile space within the normalized space of the city.

This intersection of zones of mobility and fixity potentially problematizes the relation between time and architecture. Discussing the problem of "confusions of domains of space with those of the experience of time," Deborah Hauptmann summarizes 36 Refer to the "Review of Literature" in Chapter 3 for a complete treatment of Kronenburg's work. His seminal work is Houses in Motion: The Genesis, History and Development of the Portable Building (2002). 37 Anthony Vidler. The Architectural ncanny (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1992), 214. Among the many books and diary constructions of John Hejduk are Riga (Berlin: Aedes, 1988) and Vladivostok (New York: Rizzoli, 1989). In each of these works. Hejduk sounds the depths of particular places (in this case, the cities identified in the titles), in both their actual and imagined manifestations. Noted by Bernhard Schneider, the result of his brigade of "vagabond architecture" is "that the view from afar, from a foreigner, the distant perspective is laden with imagination which can observe many things sharper and more clearly than one familiar with the site for many years." (Hejduk. Riga, n.p.) For Hejduk. "place actual" is transformed into "place imagined" through the "particular atmospheres and sounds" of the sites and the impregnation of his "soul with the spirit of place" (Hejduk n.p.).






25


what she sees as a dilemma of architects and planners - "equivocally addressing problems of heterogeneous flow with incompatible answers in terms of homogeneous spatial fixity.""8 Thus, it might be that spaces of flow have the potential for responding to this operational disconnect, especially through a connection with issues of place and time. This research seeks to address this problem by studying the spaces and places of camps.

Another problem that this study addresses is how to define the vernacular and

determine its relevance to the production of architecture, both in practice and in theory. When discussions of vernacular architecture focus on the building form and its programming of space at the exclusion of the complexity of the context and place, potential problems, such as architectures of style, uncritical typologies, and limited morphologies, can result. This problematic consequence is less likely with inductive (though still a-posteriori) approaches in which particular situations are studied initially in terms of their own specificity and later grouped, as in the work of Henry Glassie.39 In the context of regionalism and the profession of architecture, Colquhoun refers to this problematic compositional appropriation of vernacular motifs as a "second-order system" that arises from an individual architect's interpretation. How does the architect, and in




38 Deborah Hauptmann, "The Past which Is: The Present that Was," Cities in Transition, eds. Arie Graafland and Deborah Hauptmann (Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. 2001), 361. 39 The work of Henry Glassie presents a rigorous documentation of the material culture and vernacular architecture of rural building practice in the United States (particularly the Middle Atlantic region and New England), northern Europe. and Turkey. Glassie's most recent book Vernacular Architecture (2000) is an expanded version of the fifth chapter of Material Culture (1999) and looks comparatively at regional architecture from around the world in order to relate the cultural history of place. The architect Steven Holl identifies Glassie as a guide in his critical assessment of architectural types and his attempt to develop a typology suggesting "abstract context" and "unconscious logic" (6). Holl writes. "Glassie illuminates the dominance of geometrical ideas in the silent artifacts of indigenous rural houses the way a composer/analyst might discover the fundamental dotted dance rhythm or the structure of melodies with imperfect cadence in a folk song." (6)






26


this case the researcher, avoid the predicament of this "new vernacularism"40? This research seeks to address this problem by looking at the vernacular as a dialogue between detail and territory. Tectonic presence is studied alongside the "experience of absence" that characterizes the poetic contours of everyday life.41 In this formulation, the vernacular is seen as a process that, although in many ways absent, traces or indicates how a construction has been made. And buildings and constructions are circumscribed by scalar shifts in an attempt to understand the locality and globality that characterizes contemporary vernacular production. J.B. Jackson summarizes this problem of the vernacular by noting the paradox that many of the materials and techniques assumed to be locally derived and indigenously crafted are actually imported "from elsewhere."42

The problem of defining home follows closely along the lines of this paradox of a locality constructed of and defined by the distant and the foreign. Notions of home, not necessarily connected to geographies of place, require alternative grounds for speculation. For bell hooks, this home-place is "that place which enables and promotes ever-changing perspectives, a place where one discovers new ways of seeing reality, frontiers of difference."43 Thus, home still resonates with place, but through modalities


40 Sold-Morales, Differences, 64.

41 Sold-Morales, 65. Because of the prominence of place and methodology in this work, a treatment of "tectonic culture" remains for the most part implied in the study of detail and the way camps and their constructions are actually made. The notion of the tectonic as outlined by Kenneth Frampton in works such as Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Architecture (1996) passes into this work through discussions of philosophers and architects such as Martin Heidegger and Gottfried Semper. See also CarIes Vallhonrat, "Tectonics considered: between the presence and the absence of artifice," Perspecta (1988): 122-135. 42 For Jackson's specific treatment of the vernacular's incorporation of foreign components, attributes, materials, and techniques, refer to his essay "Vernacular" in Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984).

43 bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990), 148.






27


and materialities that cannot always be assigned to locative constructions or philosophies. Cast as an architectural question, this issue lies between such exercises as Gordon MattaClark's and Rachel Whiteread's transformations of initially habitable structures into an absence through which can be read the tactile presence of memory and traces of an occupation and the act of making.44 At the other end are Krystof Wodiczko's projects that attempt the presencing of an absent social commentary and the production of a habitable yet mobile domestic space.45 In an intermediate zone is the work of architects like Peter Zumthor, who seek an adaptation of one home and its memories (both historical and personal) with a newly materialized dwelling. Carried out through details and joints at the scale of the hand and the domestic volume, this synthesis of homes creates a new home-place while maintaining a dialogue of invention with past and future.46 Hooks' connection of home with discovery proposes a productively unstable home, the fixity of which occurs in unearthing and maintaining variation. It is possible that a similar dialogue between camp and the revised home-place will suggest ways of defining the paradoxical home. Perhaps the solution to this problem ultimately lies in an architectural understanding of the relationship among place, time, and home within zones of semi-permanence.




44 See for example Matta-Clark's Splitting (1974) and Whiteread's House (1993). 45 An aspect pertinent to the topic of this thesis and its discussion of home is the proximity of strangers, familiar and unfamiliar objects, and even memories of incongruous places in Wodiczko's projections and homeless carts.

'( In this context. Zumthor's project for the addition of to a 1706 structure with living room and kitchen. Zumthor refers to the Gugalun House in Versam. Switzerland (1990-4) as a "new whole" and an "absorption of new and old." Zumthor also speaks of knitting the new and old structures together, as in the tradition of Swiss vernacular log homes and maintains the succession of spaces also found in local architecture.






28


Finally, responses to the overall problem of mobility, ephemerality, and temporality in architecture range from an embracing of highly technological solutions to a nostalgic return to a simulacrum of stability and homogeneity. These reactions occur diagnostically at the scales of detail and territory. Within high technology, fabricated and highly machined details occur fleetingly inside the evacuated "non-places" of Marc Aug6; and the nostalgic homecoming yields New Urbanist planned communities that adopt the form of detailing without attention to materiality and technique. Alan Colquhoun identifies what he terms the "core of the problem" in his discussion of regionalism; he asks, "What is the relation between cultural patterns and technologies?"47 Is this relationship evolutionary or juxtaposed, or is there a dialogic middle ground in which we can engage their differences? This study addresses the problematic terrain between (and in some cases among) the polarized reactions to and the complexities of the contemporary architectural situation.


Themes and the Concept of Paradox

From this set of problems arise two main conceptual themes:

1. An exteriority incorporated from within.

2. A temporary presence in the process of becoming permanent.

These themes and concepts cut across each component of the statement of purpose and each question stated below. The recurrence of these themes throughout this study reflects the paradoxical situations of camping that must be negotiated through the objectives and questions.




47 Colquhoun. "The Concept of Regionalism." 22.






29


Statement of Purpose

In the order of their relative importance to researching the topic and carrying out the case studies, the objectives of this work can be summarized as follows:

1. To understand place and time in cultures and conditions of itinerancy through the
study of particular constructions of camps.

2. To review the potential for the vernacular (characterized by the camps) in the
construction of theories of architecture.

Two additional objectives, subordinate to each of the previous two, are:

3. To understand the role of the culture of itinerancy on disurbanized48 settlement
patterns and on site construction.

4. To address the potential implications of camping practice for architectural
methodologies, both theoretical and practical.


Statement of Questions

Concomitant with these objectives are a series of questions addressed in each case study and considered as a whole in the formulation of the conclusion in the final chapters of the project. The following questions serve as the focus of the investigation:

5. How is place constructed and reconstructed in zones characterized by the paradoxes
inherent in itinerancy? (The general framework for this focal point of the inquiry is
the question: What is the relation between cultures of itinerancy and the built
environment?)

6. How might we (as architect-practitioner-theorist) research, operate, and make new
or adapt existing constructions in these paradoxical and fleeting places?

As a sub-set to the two main questions, the following secondary questions are also considered in this study:



41 The term "disurbanized" has been employed by Henri Lefebvre to describe urban zones that occur between typical distinctions of public and private, planned and non-planned, legal and illegal, and center and periphery ("The Right to the City." Writing on Cities, 1995). In this case, I am using this term to reference the phenomenon of an increasingly fragmented dispersion of suburban, exurban. and edge-city settlements in addition to these paradoxical connotations.






30


7. What methods might be used to study and work within paradoxes of place? The
'paradoxes of place' in this question includes contradictions inherent both in a
place itself and in the architectural - constructive occupation of a place. Paradoxical pairings include the following: attachment / detachment; mobile entity / fixed zone;
extensivity / intensivity.

8. Moreover, what happens to our understanding of home when questions of time and
place occur and are thus addressed between mobility and fixity? This particular question arises out of the tension between the two components in the following
terms: camp-site and mobile home.

9. What does it mean to build the unfinished? How does the "unfinished" continue to
be constructed? What does it look like?














CHAPTER 2
SITING


Organization of the Work


Guide - Manual - Scrapbook

There is no history book - just a scrapbook of cherished fragments.

The topic of this work is closely tied to its format and structure as well as to the method developed for its study. The ubiquity and importance of the guidebook in camping practice suggests the adoption of the guide's configuration for the presentation of information and more importantly for its critical assessment. The typical camping guidebook, although sometimes appendicizing directories and lists of campgrounds specific to a region, departs from the provision of information about particular places usually found in tourist guides and instead outlines a practice and presents possible situations for which the prospective traveler-camper might prepare. In its generic form, the camping guide is not placeless but is "open to all places" and is prepared to work with the specificity of a place through operations. In spite of this openendedness, the camping guide like the tourist guide does maintain the perspective that the campers will be visitors



British Broadcasting Company, Radio Times, 8 December 1933, 740/2. In his differentiation of modern maps and those driven more by myth, ritual, and itinerary, Michel de Certeau describes the 15h century Aztec map of the Totomihuacas exodus as a "history book" rather than a "geographical map." The book portrays the log of the journey and the map the route. Opposing the totalizing aspect of contemporary maps, de Certeau emphasizes the spatial stories inherent in the itineraries and tours that articulate the "arts of actions" and the citation of "stories of places" (120). In this formulation, de Certeau's history book and the scrapbook both serve as a re-weaving of narrative fragments through an interlaced tour of the subject, camps.



31






32


and even strangers in a foreign place. As a result, the guide in most cases remains limited to that which is immediately accessible and visible to the outsider.

However, by outlining a practice that follows a particular procedural sequence and by emphasizing the necessary activities, the camping guide resembles the manual. This guide-manual coupling complicates the idea of simple application of instructions found in the manual and the notion of explication associated with the guide. Where the guide is about seeing (to gain orientation and knowledge) , the manual requires touching (to gain skill and knowledge)3. The format and the critical ground suggested by this combination must occur between hand and eye. Like camping, such coordination requires practice and repetition in the context of real situations. The camping guide-manual thus goes beyond the didacticism of the guide's portrayal of information and the manual's instruction. The portability of the object itself suggested in its suitability to "fit in the hand" and its necessity of being "kept at hand" allows it to be relocated and its contents to be transformed by a new place and context.4 With all these characteristics, such a guide-manual thus becomes a heuristic, and it is at this intersection of the conceptual and the practical that this thesis connects with the methodological implications of camping.

For the framework and structure (both formal and theoretical) of this work, an array of guides and manuals, directly related and more indirectly related to camping, are consulted. Those guides specifically related to camping include: Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground (1854), Camp Life in Florida, Camping


2 Sanskrit, veda. "to see."

3 Latin, manus, "hand."

4 Corps of Engineers' and military manuals were carried in belt pouches designed to hold documents, food, and other stock. Their attachment to the belt allowed for easy access and protection from the elements.






33


and Cruising in Florida, The Motor Camping Book, Touring with Tent and Trailer, Trailer Travel Here and Abroad, The Weekend Camper, and Camping. In Camp Life, Hallock combines descriptions of camping techniques with advice on hunting and














Figure 2-1. "A Triumphal Procession" to camp (James Henshall, Camping and Cruising
in Florida, 1888, n.p.)

recreation. Compiled in part from essays published in Forest and Stream, Hallock's guide takes the form of a narrative of his and other explorers' excursions between 1873 and 1875 in a Florida of which "so little is known." One representative journey within the Florida frontier takes L.A. Beardslee along the St. Johns River from Jacksonville to Enterprise with the service of a "lawn tent" in search of the black bass.5 Because of the Florida peninsula's inaccessibility in the later 19th century, the combination of tent and boat was a common way to explore the region (Figure 3-1). In a subsequent volume titled Camping and Cruising in Florida, Henshall records travels throughout Florida,










5 Charles Hallock, ed., Camp Life in Florida (New York: Forest and Stream Publishing Company, 1876).






34














Figure 2-2. Ernest Meyer, Early roadside autocatnp, south of Jacksonville, Florida, 1922
(Florida Historical Society and the Alma Clyde Field Library of Florida
History)

particularly along the Indian River in his craft called the Bluehill; the narrative occurs in daily journeys "leaving camp" and returning "back to camp" (Figure 2-)j.'

Written by Elon Jessup, a later publication The Motor Camping Book reflects North America's greater accessibility by way of autocampers and roads of increasingly better quality beginning in the late 191 Os. The documentation of Tin Can Tourist camps by the photographer Ernest Meyer illustrates the variety of campsites allowed for by the expansion of the road network (Figure 2-2).' Within this context, the purpose of Jessup's book is "to give a practical working knowledge of how to camp out along the way while touring in a motor car.'"S This objective is qualified by the thesis that the motorist who carries a camping outfit and is well prepared for the trip achieves the "greatest degree of



James.A. Henshalt Camping and cruising in Florida an account of two winerv passed in raising around the coasts of Flor ?as ie'd from the standpoint /an an ' ier, a sportstan. a .achtma ' ntuai and a physiiay ( 888),

See -toward Lawrence Presin's Dirt RZs to D) rie: A::e.ssbi!rI and! MA:iir ni iat n the So~u. 18f85. 195 (1991). Enes t Meyer's photographs depict FHorida touris.ts camping in farm iols, along.Side roadways, in longleaf pine ;stands, and in more regulated communiy campgrounds. I.r a collection of Meyer'. p hotograpil Oin the Aihna Clyde Field Library of Florida Historyi and oIther images tram h time period, refer to Nick Wy;nne 's Tin Can Tnori.ss in Florida (1999), Elion Jessup! The Molr Camping Book (New York: GP Putnarn's So-ns, 192t) .






35


travel pleasure and freedom." In the text, Jessup includes sections on "why we motor camp" ("the nomadic instinct for a free life in the outdoors ran in our blood and had for generations" and "time and space are at your beck and call"), "picking a camp site" ("one night he may be camped in the yard of a little red schoolhouse, the next in a farmer's orchard, ... and then perhaps the following sundown finds him setting up his tent in the sophisticated grove of a city park"), "the importance of right equipment" ("one goes camping to have fun, not to be annoyed"), "the cooking fire" ("I must express an extreme partiality for a lingering heap of glowing wood coals"), and "camp furnishings."9

Many of these camping manuals follow changes in technology; and with the

availability of trailers pulled by cars, Touring with Tent and Trailer supercedes guides devoted to the autocamper. Kimball and Decker outline what they refer to as "the science of camping" and include sections on planning the trip, pitching tents, making camp sites with trailer and tent, and even caring for one's appearance while on the road (as in Chapter xiv, which addresses "well-groomed Motor Campers"). 1 Technical and social issues are also covered in Wally Byam's Trailer Travel Here and Abroad.]" Byam's text serves as a general guide for campers and trailer owners and presents narratives of the Wally Byam Caravan Club's trips across the world. Techniques of stowing, hitching, towing, backing, parking, and leveling are covered. Also, in the Club's camps, Byam shows how the camp circle becomes the "wagon-wheel style" formed by parked Airstreams (Figure 2-3a). More recent guides return to the less technical, more

9 Jessup, 2, 189, 9, 58, 149.

"' Winfield A. Kimball and Maurice H. Decker, Touring with Tent and Trailer (New York: Whittlesey House, 1936).

11 Wally Byam, Trailer Travel Here and Abroad: The New Way to Adventurous Living (New York: David McKay Company, 1960).









mythologized mode of camping characterized as a return to nature and as enter ainm ent for the family. In CAmpnincg. Eric Dominy mixes tips on building campfires w.ith techniques for using and unfolding trailer tents. In a Public Affairs Pamphlet of 1966, camping is also proposed as an antidote to social problems such as the dissolution of family structure. The goal of "family camping follows the Public Affal s Comrnmittee's mandate of 1935 to "develop new tec hniques to educate the American public on vital economic and social problerns...."",, Presented with a similarly nostalgic quality but without the social directive, Dan and Inez Morris' guide presents the typical procedure for ca.pinr: choosing a campsite, making and breaking camp, and the campfire and the cooking fire.)
















A B
Af/airs I
n and he the eek Ca (w Yo ob.




Figure "--. C'amp layouts of Airstream rally and methodist camp ieenine. A) Airsrea-n
rally formation, Auburn. WkVashington.... 19,", and B) Ground plan of caip
ground fo,r camp meeting, 14 by 1.6 ods (Airstreamr Corpo:r.ation; B .W




2 .I iabeth and William (.eain i d. (._O:;.W.C. 4:,: 4 :? c , ;kiti'H ',.,, Pbltiic Affiairs Pain hlat Nc.. 388 u.ib-lic


D:in and I 'z MI z ,ris. thel ite,-'ee,,' (i.'n::t'e (New York: Bebb~.-M: {}i. 17.






37


Preceding these more contemporary examples of camping procedure is Reverend B.W. Gorham's Camp Meeting Manual created for Methodist preachers and their adherents.14 One of Gorham's objectives is to stop the gradual abandonment of camp meetings by adapting them to contemporary "taste[s] of the people and the spirit of the age."'5 In this adaptation, the minister also seeks to guard the church by maintaining a degree of doctrinal and thus spiritual control of the meetings, both in terms of formulation and content. By creating the manual, Gorham hopes to prove the utility and at the same time increase the efficacy of the camp meeting event. Along these lines, the portable manual'6 is meant to serve the itinerant Methodist preacher in his "circuit" of stops within the territories defined by the church as "districts." Gorham sees these temporary assemblies administered by the preacher as equally (if not more) important to the doctrine of Methodism as the permanent churches themselves (Figure 2-3b). Seen as a providentially mandated construction, the camp meeting links to the ecclesiastical system of Methodism in the following characteristics: removal of people from "worldly care," a place where "sublime truths of revelation" are sustained and the "mind of the church may rise," a break from the "worldliness of summer," and a "singular occasion for conversion."17 These attributes revolve around the simple act of "going into the woods" and setting up a camp away from the temptations, excesses, and distractions of the "world."


14 Gorham, B.W. Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground (Boston: H.V. Degen, 1854).

1 Gorham, vii.
16 The dimensions of the manual are 3.8" x 6.1".

17 Gorham, 13-17.






38


Gorham divides the manual into two parts, the first framed as a conversation between a skeptic and a believer (ostensibly Gorham himself) and the second a more technically wrought section titled "Practical Observations and Directions." Introducing the minister's defense of the assemblies and addressing the doctrinal questions outlined above, the first part also serves as a guide for what the participant can expect, with sections dealing with the arrival (Chapter V's "Going to Camp Meeting"), duration (Chapter VI's "At Camp Meeting"), and departure (Chapter VII's "Returning from Camp Meeting"). In the second part, Gorham outlines the "preparation of the ground" that should occur after determination of which ministerial circuits will participate in the assembly and where the camp meeting will be sited. This preparation begins with ascertaining the bounds of the assembly as a circle. The site is then cleared and graded before the initial siting of the preacher's stand around which the rest of the camp's components will be arranged (Figure 2-3b). Dimensioned to cover approximately 25 feet square, the altar is then located in front of the stand, and a "broad aisle" (between 7 and

9 feet wide) is laid out separating the seating areas of the male and female participants. All of the components are contained within the circle established at the beginning of the layout; the family and social tents are sited outside of the circle. In addition to this rigorous and hierarchical layout, Rules of Order are posted throughout the camp to outline and clarify restrictions on conduct during the meeting. Gorham's notations about the building of the stand, altar, benches, and tents are specific in terms of the procedure and layout to be followed, the materials to be used, and the dimensions to be employed. With its plan dimensions laid out as 12' x 16', the construction of the stand, or speakers' platform, includes a partition that separates the platform's two-level space front to back.









According to Gorham, the rear area is used for lodging and "secret devotions." The specific treatment. and dirnensioninj, of the "book board" on which Biblical texts will rest in the upper ievel of the platfonn includes the necessity that this component be properly dressed and planed in contrast to other, rougher boards.






UWIZATIW&, IWRRAlZAL






s ' ' A BC' D Figure 2-4. Military field manuals and Exposition guides. A) Staff Officer ' Field
Manual FM 10i -10 October 10, 1943, 575" x: 9": B) En eer Field
Manual, Apr 1943 4.5" x 6.75" 0 Authentic Visitors'.. Guide to he
World's Cownbian .Eposition, 1893, 4.5" x 6.75". and D) Oficial Guide to







function without the nostalgic or legendary associations of recreational. social, or religious 2-4. camping practice. The Staa Ofxpicers' tield Manual (F 101-10 describes i ie typical layout of "se i-permanent catops" and, more temporary "s helter tent camps. Th field manual includes formulas for calculating square footage based on infantry size and on the number of vehicles and animals. The layout of the shelter tent camps occurs along a linear measure of its length and follows a rigid hierarchy of rank and service (Figu re 2.a). Across its main axis, the camp is arranged synmmnetrically around the Commandina Gorham. 130.






40


Officer's shelter, which is at the top and in the middle. An exception to the symmetry is the vehicle parking area and picketed animal pens at the botto. of the layout. Th'e guide also dictates the "degree of dispersion" of tents and vehicles within the bivouac area of



lre a sidavsc atA









tmet the.Engineer.FieldManualnclu0desmoextnsveoprail proedure IU




........ . .. .












Figsue 2-5. Military ent caeps. A) Diagrammatic layout de of c rmp and B) "e Ten
CitC.a Camp Bnia.din" , Florida, postcard (Saf Oaic.ec Field LManua l a.pt
Florida State Archives, n044-770)


the temporary encampment this dispersion is "governed by hosile miecharized ti.tat the air situation . and control of the ccnmand." Also prepared by the 90ited Sta.es War Department, the E"n -, giner Fied Munt.al includes more extensive operational procedures for siting and constructing camps. The I'ielct Molnal ptsents 3ur categories of troop shelters that are based on the duration of: the canip and its degree of permanerncy




F"M 101-10);, War Depanrmewt (Washingtoi), D.C.: Uni .edi States Governient Prin g OjFfice , i ) (kto -er






41


organized by decreasing temporality. The following categories are included: bivouacs "in which troops rest on the ground covered by shelter tents or hastily improvised shelter", camps "in which cover is provided by tentage more elaborate than shelter tents", cantonments "in which shelter is provided by buildings erected for that purpose", and billets "in which shelter is provided in [pre-existing] public or private buildings."20 Paragraph 158 of the manual outlines the "selection of camp and bivouac sites" based on comfort and convenience as well as from a tactical standpoint. The War Department's Field Manual FM 20-15 specifically addresses erecting tents within military camps. This manual includes guidance in siting, pitching, trenching, striking (breaking), and folding tents. The chapter describing the "selection of site" includes a list of rules to follow such as "Do not camp at the base of a cliff' and "Choose level ground." The section on "pitching tents" is presented as a sequence of procedures from "Divide the tent pole sections into four parts..." to "Stake out the side guy ropes on tent pins."21

In addition to documents that directly relate to the practice and procedure of

camping, guides and manuals that include descriptions of camps were reviewed for their relevance to the methods and practices of camping. Examined in this study both for their organization and for their descriptions of the camp exhibits along the Midway Plaisance, manuals for experiencing the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 took the form of guides and catalogues. It is also interesting in the context of this study that the manuals were produced for an event (like a camp) that was assumed to be temporary and of



21 "Shelters and Camps for Engineer Units," Engineer Field Manual.: Operations of Engineer Field Units (FM 5-6), War Department (Washington D.C.: 23 April 1943), 176-180 (Paragraphs 156-163), 176. 21 Tents and Tent Pitching (FM 20-15) (Washington, D.C.: U.S. War Department, 24 February 1945), 51, 8-9. Note that FM 20-15 was updated on 9 January 1956.






42


relatively short duration: "All buildings, with probably one exception, to be decided on after the close of the Exposition, will be removed from the grounds within six months after the gates are shut in October."22 In this context, John Hejduk's projects and sketch books also serve as manuals that record transitory events / interventions and that point toward an imagined occupation of or experience within particular cities and places. Documenting journeys associated with Venice, Berlin, and Russia, these works may also be read as travel diaries or retrospective guidebooks. Similar to the Exposition manuals, Hejduk writes of the fleeting and semi-permanent nature of the constructions and events:

I have established a repertoire of objects / subjects and the troupe accompanies me
from city to city, from place to place, to cities I have been to and to cities I have
never visited. The objects / subjects present themselves to a city and its
inhabitants. Some of the objects are built and remain in the city; some are built,
stay for a while, then are dismantled and disappear; some are built, dismantled and
moved to another city where they are reconstructed. I believe that this method /
practice is a new way of approaching the architecture of a city and of giving proper
respect to a city's inhabitants. It confronts head-on a pathology.23

The latter portion of the previous excerpt describes the residual nature of fairs and camps that can be recorded and negotiated by the manual's procedural construction. In later sections of this thesis, the connection between fairs, midways, and camps will be examined in detail.

Within the condensed format of its seventy pages, the Authentic Visitors' Guide to the World's Columbian Exposition sought to "furnish, in brief and attractive form, all information required by the stranger relating to the Exposition and the city of Chicago."24 In addition to "permanent" and "indispensable" maps, the guide includes the text of 22 Richard J. Murphy, Authentic Visitors' Guide to the World's Columbian Exposition and Chicago, May I to October 30, 1893 (Chicago: The Union News Company, 1893), 12. 23 Riga (Berlin: Aedes, 1988), n.p.

24 Murphy, 3.








43






















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President Harrison's Proclamation, the program of the Dedicatory Exercises, the Exposition's Chronological History, and a description of the Exposition Site with its connections to transportation as well as its buildings and grounds. The guide's condensed format relies on a unique "system of classification" that "has been arranged exclusively for the Authentic Visitors' Guide, and is copyrighted."25 The system functions as both index and catalogue, containing "1,000 classified subjects" and takes the form of a "Finding List." Designated as a "Concise Method of Locating Exhibits in All Buildings," this list of immense diversity includes articles from Academies to Zinc, from Aromatic Substances to Axle Grease, from Crystallography to Immigration. By pairing the officially sanctioned Group numbers of exhibits (as located within exposition structures) with the guide's page numbers, the system indexes the contents of each of the guide's pages dedicated to a particular building and Department (assigned letters A through N). Lacking this systematization in its standard index, the Official Guide of the Exposition serves as a handbook with extensive background information about American progress, the city of Chicago, and the fair itself.26 The Guide also includes numerous illustrations adapted from "original drawings" and incorporates the "official map" (updated June 15, 1893) of the grounds. The Official Guide's didacticism is apparent in the compiler's introductory encouragement of the visitor "to study the accompanying







25 Murphy, 3.

26 In this case, the fair becomes a detail within the political territories of Chicago itself and within the historical and cultural territory of the increasingly industrialized American apparatus of production and perceived societal progress.






45


map. This is an absolute necessity to one who would not travel aimlessly over the grounds and who has a purpose beyond that of a mere curiosity hunter."27

Echoing the fair's goal to endow visitors with a "liberal education," the Guide

assumes that visitors seek the "enlightenment" that the fair and the guide can provide as a result of world progress in the arts, sciences, and industries. After the introduction, the Official Guide also lists "Ten Suggestions for Visitors," primarily a checklist of preparations, expectations, and costs for the visitor's arrival to Chicago and for the fair with additional advice to consult with the fair's Bureau of Public Comfort upon admission. In contrast to the Authentic Guide's conciseness and the Official Guide's lavishly illustrated documentation, the Official Catalogue to the Exposition serves as an exhaustive compendium of all the exhibits of each Department. In excess of one thousand pages, the catalogue is divided into sections for each Department, with a reproduction of an oblique perspectival view of each building as a frontispiece. Following the views rendered by A. Zeese and Company of Chicago is a brief description of the exhibition building, a short section titled "Key to Installation" explaining the internal arrangement of the exhibitions, and precisely detailed building plans. Illustrating each exhibition's layout with layers of text, numbers, and partitions, the plans (themselves a combination of scaled floor plan and diagram) serve as both map and catalogue (Figure 2-6).29


27 John J. Flinn, Official Guide to the World's Columbian Exposition (Souvenir Edition) (Chicago: The Columbian Guide Company, 1893), 5.
28 M. P. Handy. ed., Official Catalogue of Exhibits. World's Columbian Exhibition (Chicago: W.B. Conkey, Publishers to the Exhibition, 1893).

29 The Official Catalogue held by the University of Florida Library includes a signature and inscription on the first page: "C.L. Willoughby...Corps of Guides...Jackson Park, Chicago... 1893." Willoughby has also
added to the Ground Plan of the Palace of Fine Arts hand-written, pencil notations that identify the spaces






46


The guide produced by the Federal Writers' Project for Florida includes

information on Florida's camps and campgrounds in the 1930s and represents a mode of recording information that relates to the process of camping itself.30 The Guide to the Southernmost State is divided into three parts: Florida's background in diverse categories from its natural features to its architecture, an overview of the state's principal cities, and a series of tours called "The Florida Loop." Although primarily structured by its twentytwo tours, the Guide can be read as a collection of fragments each of which can be understood as a separate story (within the larger story). As a collection of newspaper excerpts, oral history, text from signage, song lyrics, legend, geographic description, and statistics, the Guide resembles the plateau structure of Deleuze and Guattari's A Thousand Plateaus. The Florida Guide does not require a linear reading, its itineraries criss-cross and can be cross-referenced and gives equal weight to fact and myth (as an alternative history of the place). The text thus provided a guide to visitors and tourists from outside Florida and served as a reference for those already familiar with the Floridian environment. As a centon, the Guide is the result of fragments sewn and woven together. It is this patchwork of its composition that relates to the bricolaged vehicles, dwellings, and grounds of the Florida camps. A work more consciously wrought as an assembly of fragments is Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, which is structured as two



assigned to particular countries (see page 8 in Fine Arts section (K) of Catalogue). The "Corps of Guides" identifies Willoughby as a member of Queen Victoria's Corps, also known as the "Frontier Force" established in 1846 as an Indian Army regiment on the Northwest frontier of India during British rule. Interestingly, Willoughby purchased in 1890 Plymouth Beach's Columbus Pavilion, which he enlarged to include not only room for dancing and dining but also accommodations for visitors. In 1893, he built a series of beach cottages to expand guest lodging. It is also known that Willoughby was sole proprietor around 1901 of the Cyclorama of the Battle of Gettysburg on Tremont Street in Boston. 30 Federal Writers' Project, Florida: A Guide to the Southernmost State (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939).






47


books."3 Book One outlines the "preliminaries" with two epigraphs, a fable of "food, shelter, and clothing;" and an inventory of "persons and places" portrayed as actors in a play. If the first book serves as the contextual "siting" of the story, places, and actors, then the second book can be understood as the clearing, making, and breaking of the action of the story. The first part of Book Two specifies the time (July 1936) and summarizes the themes in "A Country Letter." Corresponding to "things that are made" and the processes of their making and use, the second part catalogues money, shelter, clothing, education, and work. After an "intermission," a set of three "Inductions" are presented as a type of open-ended analysis of the findings in the previous section. Within this loosely structured format, Agee summarizes the desire that his writing might sufficiently represent the fragmentary nature of the project's subjects: "If I could do it, I'd do no writing at all here. It would be photographs; the rest would be fragments of cloth, bits of cotton, lumps of earth, records of speech, pieces of wood and iron, phials of odors ... ."32

Related to this weaving of fragments and thus lending itself to the methodology of a camp practice, John Ruskin's guide titled St. Mark's Rest uses an open-ended method to assemble a fragmentary, yet "truer than you have heard hitherto," account of the city of Venice. Mirroring Ruskin's own peripatetic method inclined to digression, the guide combines historical, architectural, mythological, and legendary accounts to present the "book of a nation's art" and to "examine the religious mind of Venice" in the 15h





"3 James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960). 32 Agee and Evans. 13.






48


century."3 Ruskin studies the historical manuscript of Venice metaphorically through its buildings and their stories, which he notes are no longer "open on the waves" of history:

What fragments of it may yet be saved in blackened scroll, ... of which so much has
been redeemed by love and skill, this book will help you, partly, to read. Partly,
for I know only myself in part; but what I tell you, so far as it reaches, will be truer
than you have heard hitherto, because founded on this absolutely faithful witness,
despised by other historians, if not wholly unintelligible to them.34

Thus, Ruskin's work serves as a guide for telling Venice's other history and for reading the Venetian fragments. At times, his text resembles stage directions (in typography and punctuation as well as direction) by courteously outlining the preferred itinerary; and in other sections, his ruminations take the reader-tourist on an imagined tour across history and space. On his way to describing the imagery of St. George in the bas-reliefs of the house above the Ponte de Baratteri (or as Ruskin notes "Rogue's Bridge") before arriving at St. Theodore's Scuola and the "hypocrisy" of its conversion into a furniture warehouse, Ruskin writes:

And now, if you please, we will walk under the clock-tower, and down the
Merceria, as straight as we can go. There is a little crook to the right, bringing us opposite St. Julian's church, (which, please, don't stop to look at just now): then,
sharply, to the left again, and we come to the Ponte de' Baratteri, - "Rogue's
bridge" - on which, ... let us reverently pause.35

In an earlier section, crossing the Rialto Bridge, Ruskin mixes philology and myth with Italian fragments in his description of the "Deep Stream" and eventually brings us to his immediate present (February 26, 1877):

And this Venetian slow-pacing water, not so much as a river, ... but a rivulet,
'fumicello' ... "'Rialto,' Rialtum,' 'Prealtum"' (another idea getting confused with
the first), "dal fiumicello ... Realtine." The serpentine depth, ... being here vital; 33 John Ruskin. St. Mark's Rest (London: George Allen, 1904), 160. 34 Ruskin, viii.
35 Ruskin, 47-8.






49


and the conception of it partly mingled with that of the power of the open sea - the
infinito 'Altum'; sought by the sacred water, as in the dream of Eneas, ... and
yesterday, Feb. 26th, in the morning, a little tree that was pleasant to me.... 3

Ruskin has organized each chapter of St. Mark's Rest into one day for the reader, giving a sense that the guide is constructed in and operates within "real time." The excerpts above occur in Chapters III and IV respectively and occur within walks along the same route. As a result, Ruskin does not attempt to traverse the entirety of the city but instead finds the history of Venice written into its details; and his understanding of the city is not linear but topological, as he folds time and space in the interest of his narrative journey driven by a combination of the specific reality of the place and the imagined "dream-space" of his own personal historical discourse. Writing about the "contracted world" of museums and catalogues, Robert Harbison interprets Ruskin's work in St. Mark's Rest as a synthesis of the museum and the map. In this sense, the guide is ordered by Ruskin's personally curated collection within the given reality of the Venetian landscape:

His objects are works of art and his collection of them in a book a kind of museum,
but he brings together a museum and a map, because he locates his objects in real
space.... By giving the sense of a few things with lots of space around them Ruskin
conceals the fact that he assembles a museum, but his powers of selection are
making an order discriminate like a museum and not indiscriminate like a map, and what feels like a further freedom, leaving things where they live, is the occasion for
a further order.37

Ruskin's museum-map construction circumscribes a version of the guide-manual that allows for both explanation and exploration.





36 Ruskin, 38-9.

37 Robert Harbison, Eccentric Spaces (New York: Avon, 1980), 141.






50


An analog for many of the aspects of the guides and manuals presented in this review is the scrapbook. The methodology of assembling a scrapbook resonates with some of the procedures found in Ruskin's composition of the museum-map. The scrapbook is a kind of tourist "memory book" that captures the recollected experience but can also serve as a reference for future tours. Such an intersection of memory and geography occurs like the diary (specifically, Ruskin's Brantwood Diaries) as a personal recording of events "pasted" within the blank pages of the journal. While the typical diary may remain undisclosed to a public reading, the scrapbook records and preserves fragments (pictures, newspaper clippings, tickets, and other scraps) for both private and public reference. Like the travel slide show, the scrapbook is prepared for a potential performance. Within the context of the guide-manual coupling and its implications for a camping practice, it can be argued that the scrapbook be added to this pairing (guide and manual) as a third aspect of the idea of "camp as method." Thus it is not coincidental that the story of the Tin Can Tourists (T.C.T) is told in a series of scrapbooks housed in the Florida State Archives. Composed by their donors Ray and Mary Levett (members of the Tin Can Tourists), the scrapbooks document the functions of the T.C.T., the various campsites where meetings were held, the evolution of the trailers used and the automobiles that towed them, and the activities and amusements enjoyed by the members." As historical documents, the T.C.T. scrapbooks serve as manuals for retrospectively interpreting the camping practices of the Tin Can Tourists. Moreover, the scrapbook as a methodology follows what has been described as Ruskin's own "caravannish manner" in which seemingly disparate items are pasted together, linked, 38 Tin Can Tourists of the World, 1920-1982, unpublished documents. Florida State Archives, Collection Number M93-2, Boxes 2 and 3.






51


and juxtaposed.39 This documentary method has been utilized in an eminent British Broadcasting Company series called "Scrap-book" that in its programming relates directly to the methods used by the Federal Writers' Project participants, James Agee, and Ruskin himself. As an architectural research method, this combination of manual, guide, and scrapbook is proposed as an open-ended process manual related to camping practice.

In the western architectural tradition, the treatise plays a role in architectural design related to many of the attributes of the manual, guide, and even scrapbook. By definition, the treatise is a written work that addresses a subject formally and systematically; etymologically, this format negotiates, discusses, handles, and "draws out" a subject. Particularly in the Renaissance, the treatise conveyed a design procedure that related theory to practice. Along with Vitruvius' Ten Books, these early treatises were both prescriptive and expressive: "Indeed, in seeking to explain this architecture [in which man was at the center and the ultimate 'pattern'], the early treatises naturally aspired towards a poetic or metaphorical imitation of nature, rather than one of scientific exactitude."40 This combination of the poetic and the systematic is certainly found in the camping procedure. The rigorous system of camping process (siting, clearing, making, breaking) reflects the outlines of many architectural treatises; Leone Battista Alberti's Ten Books include Lineaments (I), Materials (II), Construction (III), Public Works (IV), Works of Individuals (V); Vitruvius' text begins with First Principles and the Layout of



39 Such a methodology can also be discussed in terms of Kurt Schwitters' work including his collages, reliefs, and Hannover Merzbau (a project combining collage, sculpture, and architecture carried out between 1923 and 1937).

41 Vaughan Hart, Paper Palaces (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 28.






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Cities (I) and Building Materials (II). The poetics of camping as an event, one that occurs around the mythically charged setting of the campfire, might be best reflected in Alberti's more lyrical text Dinner Pieces. Although collected as a series of eleven books around certain themes, the Dinner Pieces present an array of subjects and styles that can be read in any order. Thus, the didacticism does not come through their formal ordering or sequence, but instead by way of their internalized moral lesson, whether interpreted as fable or allegory. These fragmentary "scraps" were meant to be read and consumed "over dinner," and David Marsh has noted that the Latin title Intercenales is a neologism that implies "a sort of leisurely improvisation."41 There is potentially a link between the art of storytelling (over dinner) presented in Alberti's fragments and the art of building presented in his systematized treatise Ten Books. Susan Sontag ascribes a gravity to the treatise when she writes "It's embarrassing to be solemn and treatise-like about Camp,"42 but perhaps the poetic quality found in Renaissance treatises and writings does link the systematic quality of camping to a more open-ended process that connotes both the scrapbook's "jottings" and pastings and the treatise's formal arrangement of ideas and design procedures.

An additional, if not obvious, component of the organization of this work is the dissertation format itself. Framed within the academic tradition and format, this project ascribes to the "coding" of the dissertation's requirements. This relationship influences the format of the work (titles, headings, style, and other conventions) but also initiates a dialogue about what a dissertation within the field of architecture, particularly one that 41 David Marsh, in the introduction to his translation of Leon Battista Alberti's Dinner Pieces (Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1987), 5. 42 Sontag 276.






53


focuses on methodology, might become. As a discipline with critical-theoreticalhistorical traditions as well as design and research traditions, architecture's combination of the explanatory and the exploratory allows for a unique dialogue of theory and practice. This dissertation's adaptation of the "field manual" construction serves to emphasize the inextricable importance of process in linking theory and practice within architecture's disciplinary background. Accordingly, the work becomes an intensively architectural construct, while respecting the tradition and format of the dissertation. For example, footnotes serve as a memory theatre of bibliographic attribution and the thought process itself. Similarly, the introductory quotations and excerpts at many of the section headings form an aphoristic style and are contextualized by their placement in the text but also are allowed to maintain an openness of meaning that will be discussed further in Chapter 3. Grafted to and framed within the dissertation format, these headings, divisions, and excerpts mirror the procedural quality of the field manual and the camping process itself, which moves from campsite to campsite much like Ruskin's "caravannish manner" and his textual stage directions. The "field" component of the field manual also links the academic construction of field of architecture to the campsite as open field within a particular place. Pressing this connotative association further, the connection between camp and campus should also be noted, both implying the field or place for "carrying out an activity," for process. From this relation between manual and dissertation, camping practice is proposed as both a building and a thinking practice, ultimately an architectural process of thinking-making.






54


"-ing"43

Between arrival and departure are the activities of camping. Taking into account the methodological implications of the camping manual, this work appropriates the structure of the camping process for its value of both explication and invention. As a rhetorical and creative device, camping practice follows a sequence that in part is linear but as a whole forms a cyclic construction in which arriving and departing overlap. Camping proceeds from siting to clearing to making and finally to breaking. These phases in the sequence often overlap and are susceptible to interruption, accident, and stoppage. Thus, the definitions that follow, while delimiting for clarity, characterize the essence of each term but at the same time refer to their presentation as verbal nouns (the appended "-ing"). The idea of action inherent in these verbal nouns is found in their Latinate grammatical term "gerund," which is "capable of being construed as a noun, but retaining the regimen of the verb."44 The Latin gerundum is literally "a carrying on," and it is this suggestion of continuation, of unending process, that is always present in the procedure of camping. In this open system, siting continues through clearing, making, and breaking. Clearing does not cease with the initiation of the "making" phase. And so on. In its implied continuance, the "ing" suffix relates to time, particularly a time of duration; the role of time in camp(ing) will be addressed in later sections. These organizing gerunds paradoxically combine the active and the passive, movement and fixity.





43 The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol.VII (New York: Oxford, 1989), 954-5. 44 The Oxford English Dictionary. 2d ed., vol.VI (New York: Oxford, 1989), 473.






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The overall work utilizes the sequence of terms found in camping texts (siting, clearing, making, breaking) for its sectional headings. Within the work's "Making" section (beginning with Chapter 4), each chapter is also internally organized by these terms. Thus, added to the qualities of continuation and paradox mentioned above is the idea that within each phase of camping is found the repeated (and embedded) manifold of operations. This concept is particularly evident in the making of camp because initial sitings and clearings must be consistently re-assessed and future breakings must be accounted for.


Siting

Yet site does not situate.45

Siting is the process that leads up to the establishment of a site.46 This activity in effect works between the locative, specific, and reified qualities of site and the more open-ended practices of exploration and discovery. Consequently, siting is a negotiation. Methods of negotiation require openness; and beingig open is setting out the 'facts,' not only of a situation but of a problem. Making visible things that would otherwise remain hidden."47 In camping, siting entails a decision-making process; the camper must often choose a site such that siting is highly conditional and contingent. In many cases, siting


45 Casey, 201.

16 A parallel discussion, particularly in the context of the formatting of the academic dissertation and its "coding" and formalization, could be carried out regarding the homophonic connection between "siting" and "citing." Denotatively, citing is a summoning or quoting. Connotatively, a clearer connection exists with siting. Citing is a setting in motion, a beginning that occurs in movement (from the Latin citire). Siting as an event can also be traced in the Oxfjrd English Dictionary's fourth meaning of the verb "to cite" as "to bring forward an instance" (The Oxford English Dictionalr, 2d ed., vol.III (New York: Oxford, 1989), 248-9). Moreover, citing like the siting of camps often occurs as an annotative process on the margins or edge of the main work, or "ground."
47 Gilles Deleuze, Negotiations, trans. Martin Joughin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 127.






56


camp depends on the qualities of the ground. In camping, qualities of contour, solidity, texture, hardness, and other particularities of the ground cannot be leveled, compacted, or otherwise altered as in typical building projects and sites. Instead, siting negotiates the ground.

In camping, this negotiation works as much qualitatively as formally. With his premise that "site does not situate," Casey contends that place rather than site is what situates the rich multiplicity of things and events. Site remains bound up by and within spatially articulated cartographic and geometric conceptions. Siting is proposed here as an alternative to the limitations of reductive cartographic (specifically Cartesian) aspects of site. The procedure of siting camp can be compared to the situation construite (constructed situation) of the French Situationists. For Guy Debord and the Situationists, the construction of a situation is a mode of siting that moves beyond the formal, visible characteristics of a particular place. In this respect, siting becomes situating, to return to Casey's aphoristic statement at the beginning of this section. In his initial "Report on the Construction of Situations" (1957), Debord writes: "Architecture must advance by taking emotionally moving situations, rather than emotionally moving forms, as the material it works with. And the experiments conducted with this material will lead to new, as yet unknown forms."48 The situation precedes the form. The characteristics of setting up,



48 Guy Debord, "Report on the Construction of Situations and on the International Situationist Tendency's Conditions of Organization and Action," June 1957, trans. Ken Knabb, Berkeley, CA: Bureau of Public Secrets. http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/reports.htm. The problem of defining suitable forms for building situations remained for Debord and the rest of the Situationists throughout their investigations. The work of Constant Nieuwenhuys remains the most "architectural" of the Situationist experiments with form (see The Activist Drawing: Retracing Situationist Architectures from Constant's New Babylon to Beyond
(2001), eds. Catherine de Zegher and Mark Wigley). It is also important to note that the phenomenon of the situation construite begins with the environment of household parties (attended by Debord and the Situationists) but is soon ideologically and politically transformed to form "a part of a cumulative revolutionary chain." (Sadler. The Situationist City, 106-7)






57


constructing, or siting a situation mirror the initial procedures of camping. According to a follow-up report produced by Situationist International in 1958, the situation construite should be provisional and should be experienced, or lived, rather than merely constructed as a work of art and left to be read and interpreted.49 For the Situationists, this provisional experience includes the following characteristics:

A situation is also an integrated ensemble of behavior in time.

It [situation construite] is composed of actions contained in a transitory decor.

The really experimental direction of situationist activity consists in setting up, on the basis of more or less clearly recognized desires, a temporary field of activity.

A constructed situation must be collectively prepared and developed.50

These qualities tie into the idea of siting as a procedure of camping and outline the initial stages of a camping practice.

The disconnect between siting and site highlights the problem of place in

treatments of space and position. Michel Foucault's statement in "Of Other Spaces" reflects the possible coincidence of these terms and ideas: "heterotopia is capable of juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces, several sites that are in themselves incompatible.""51 In his critique of such paratactic treatments of this terminology, Edward



49 The "problem" that the Situationists encountered became the contradictory nature of their theoretical (in many ways, political) and practical pursuits. Debord's polemic of a "free architecture" and his proposal of psychogeographic research as both observation and intervention results in the duality of Situationist project. For Debord, this form of research has a "double meaning: active observation of present-day urban agglomerations and development of hypotheses on the structure of a situationist city." ("Report on the Construction of Situations...")

5o Anonymous, "Preliminary Problems in Constructing a Situation," 1958, trans. Ken Knabb, Berkeley, CA: Bureau of Public Secrets. http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/1.situations.htm. With this document, the Situationists, in addition to outlining the attributes of the constructed situations, are attempting to resolve the problem of meshing an artistic endeavor (and its "mechanical" production of ambiance) with the more communal, accessible, and experimental zones of activity. 5' Michel Foucault, "Other Spaces," Lotus International 48/9 (1986): 15.






58


Casey speculates that the collapse of notions of space and place into position (or site) is completed in the 18'" century following Descartes and reaching full development in Leibniz's analysis situs.52 With place subsumed into sites as nodal positions and space defined by relativized networks, Leibniz's model limits place's potential (at the very least, to offer basic directionality and orientation) and denies "inherent properties ascribed to [space and place] by ancient and early modern philosophies: properties of encompassing, holding, sustaining, gathering, situating.""53 As opposed to site, siting retains these active properties. Such openness and non-static qualities contrast with the relativism and delimitation of sites found in "striated spaces" and their definition by the "relative global."54 Foucault also recognizes a connection between the architectural requirements of institutions and the leveling of sites, as in the functional sites of prisons and penitentiaries." Foucault later summarizes his view of the modern trajectory (that was noted by Casey): "Our epoch is one in which space takes for us the form of relations among sites."56 But if we experience space through site and Foucault's heterotopic counter-sites are closely linked to real places (in fact, a proliferation of sites and possible "other sites"), then is not the process of negotiating site through place the basis for determining space? Foucault touches on this engagement in his discussion of inverting



52 Edward S. Casey, The Fate of Place (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), 182-3. 53 Casey, 183.

5' Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nomadology, 54. In contrast to striated space, nomad space is "localized and [yet] not delimited." This paradoxical condition is reflected in the discussion of siting in this section where there is the possibility of a placing without emplacement, that is a geometric freezing of siting into site.
51 See Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1979), 231-256. 56 Foucault, "Of Other Spaces," 16.






59


the site; but his unquestioned idea of site, as Casey points out, leaves problematic its role in our actual experience of space and understanding of place.57 Accounting for this critique, the concept of siting is proposed as a response to Foucault's unresolved role of site and Casey's own claim that site is necessarily anti-place.

Siting occurs simultaneously at two scales: the territorial scale of the camp and the more immediate scale of the body, moving and orienting within the area of the camp's siting. This dual work of siting offers a possible response to the difficulties of resolving the sited stability of Heideggerian habitation with the fragmentation found in the postmodern, post-capitalist landscape of production and philosophy. Following closely the work of Peter Eisenman and his idea of "spacing,""58 Casey proposes and advocates the "non-static anti-site."59 But the negation of site (whether in counter-site, anti-site, or non-site) may not be necessary with the dynamic multiplicity of siting. The parenthetical inclusion of "site" in this work's title points out not the complete suppression of site but the possibility of simultaneously maintaining and transforming sitedness through practices such as siting, within the overall work of camping. Moreover, the term "camp(site)" also suggests the potential of camp as idea and campsite as an architecture of the unfinished.


Clearing

In this work, clearing is not simply the removal of obstructions. In camping, places are not cleared away to make room for the fixing of a permanent position. Rather, as a 57 Casey, 300-1.

58 Eisenman quoted in Casey, 318.

59 Casey, 335.






60


preparation for making camp, clearing is cultivating and gathering. In Heideggerian terms, this combination could be summarized as "thinking the open." Such openness is not attained simply by removing encumbrances but by bringing them to light and by lightening them. In the former, the metaphor of cultivating can be associated with a tilling that "turns" the previous work of siting and the potential site itself. Clearing, as cultivating, is then a revealing and a disclosing, which can be followed by a drawing together. In the sense of easing a weight, the aspect of "lightening" implies what Heidegger calls the "event of Appropriation" (ereignen and das Ereignis) - a pulling together of what is particular and what is near. A description of the Open City project (in Ritoque, Chile), which is itself a combination of camp and campus, further elucidates the possibilities of this type of lightening and lightness. In the process of design, not unlike the method of clearing, the ordering devices are malleable and can be transformed as a building of the site proceeds:

Lightness because the way in which the constructions touch the ground does not demarcate territory of building through strong physical impact and authoritarian
footprints but, instead, lets the land initiate the configuration of territory and space in both plan and section. Lightness, also, because the materiality ... is related to a
type of construction that is artisanal, which remains attached to the physical process
of building at the scale of the artisan and not the machine....And status of lightness
because there are no apparent imposed formal ordering devices that regulate the
development of the constructions.60

The additional, if supplemental, connotation of ereignen as "lighting" expands on the idea of lightening and lightness and develops further the potential for "clearing" as a conceptual process. In his introduction to the text Poetry, Language, Thought and his clarification of ereignen, Heidegger's translator notes the reciprocal nature of clearing6" Ann M. Pendleton-Jullian. The Road Is Not a Road and the Open City, Ritoque, Chile (Cambridge. MA: MIT Press, 1996). 3.






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lighting and appropriating in an "interpenetrating association of coming out into the open, the clearing, the light - or disclosure - with the conjunction and compliancy of mutual appropriation."61 In Heidegger's own words, clearing is "the lighting of selfconcealment...from which again all self-lighting stems."62 This bringing forth "clears the openness of the open."63 Such bringing forth and "letting happen" precedes and in many ways disallows (or at least postpones) the fixing of place. Movement is inherent in the activity of clearing. While the clearing of camp may result in the establishment of a bounded situation, the boundary does not delimit or enclose completely. Instead, again drawing from Heidegger, the boundary (Greek peras) is the place from which "something begins its essential unfolding."64 Thus, Heidegger's "clearing space" (Rdumen) is the way that room is made for space. And clearing mediates between the qualities of place (which are gathered) and the required preparations for a space-in-the-making (Heidegger' s Einrdiumen).

A pragmatics of clearing is reflected in each case study's response to codes. The case of Manila Village reveals the loose structuring of a criollized community of exiles who set up platforms in a watery fissure between legal boundaries made indefinite by river sedimentation and tidal fluctuations. In Gibsonton, the community of carnival performers enlists the county zoning overlay known as Residential Show Business to allow for an inversion of typical relations between the public and the private as well as 6' Albert Hofstadter, "Introduction," Poetry, Language, Thought (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), xxi. 62 Martin Heidegger, "Addendum to the 'Origin of the Work of Art,"' Poetry, Language, Thought, trans. Albert Hofstadter (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), 84. 63 Martin Heidegger, Poetry, Language, Thought, 62. 64 Martin Heidegger, "Building, Dwelling, Thinking," trans. Albert Hofstadter, Basic Writings (New York: Harper and Row1977), 332.






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the performative and the residential. Throughout Florida, the Tin Can Tourists formulate a code of the camping tourist who makes connections to the municipal organization and to the zones of public access within the early urban landscape of Florida. Braden Castle Park clears a city within a city with its own regulations that foreshadow modern neighborhood associations. Slab City cultivates a site that remains in the public domain as a result of its original Section 36 classification designating it for public educational use and as a result of its subsequent adoption and abandonment as a military training facility.

It is interesting to note that these revised codes at the scale of the camp itself (rather than its larger territorial context) approach a similarity to the Daoist "way(s)."65 Within this comparison between camping and espousing the "way" is a suggestion that clearing is an un-doing that has positive rather than negating consequences. In describing attributes of the war machine of nomadology, Deleuze and Guattari touch on this understanding of the "way", echoing the role of cultivating and clearing:

Thus the martial arts do not adhere to a code, as an affair of the State, but follow
ways (voies), which are so many paths of the affect; upon these ways, one learns to
use them, as if the strength (puissance) and cultivation of the affect were the true goals of the assemblage, the weapon being only a provisory means. Learning to
undo things, and to undo oneself, is proper to the war machine: the 'not-doing' of
the warrior, the undoing of the subject.

Code is transformed into "way" -- a siting and clearing that leads to a making that includes a positive application of indirection and avoidance as well as instances of direct contact and reference. In each case study, the "clearing" section outlines a forum for the discussion of the codifying influences specific to each place. Clearing also provides a setting for reviewing ideas associated with the particular iteration of camping in each 65 This correlation between camping and Daoism's way comes from a discussion with William Tilson. 66 Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 84.






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case study. Similarly, the main "clearing" section of this work begins to lay out the porous boundary of the dissertation's topic and content. Like the Heideggerian peras, this boundary shares the thresholding quality of the camp itself. Thus, the activities of defining camp and reviewing pertinent literature are conceived more as starting points than as delimiting lines, which are left to be drawn by the more finite circumscription of the Inclusions and Exclusions.


Making

The sections on making outline practices of building and occupying camps. Making is being enveloped in the process itself, and as a result camp constructions essentially remain in an undeveloped, unfinished, and incomplete state regardless of their apparent degree of permanence. The constructions of camping are not things made but are Henri Bergson's "things-in-the-making": "This reality is mobility. There do not exist things made, but only things in the making, not states that remain fixed, but only states in the process of change."67 In making of this kind, the material forces are emphasized, rather than the effective result or product. For Deleuze and Guattari, the "ambulant procedure and process" of nomos that reflects a materiality on its way to forming an assemblage contrast with "matter submitted to laws", that is the form of logos imposed on matter.68 Questions that the sections on making seek to answer are ones that Lars






67 Henri Bergson. "Introduction to Metaphysics," The Creative Mind (New York: Citadel, 1992), 188. Pertinent here is Quatremere de Quincy's idea that architecture does not make what it sees but looks at how constructions are made. Architecture thus arises out of making rather than the made. 68 Deleuze and Guattari. Nomadology. 38, 98.






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Lerup has also asked: what does it mean to build the unfinished, how might the unfinished be constructed, and what will it look like?69

Although considered obsolete, a usage for the verbal noun "making" is to identify a poetical composition.70 In a collection fittingly titled Poetic Localities, this idea of camp as poem is found in William J. Stillman's photographs of New England Adirondack camps and in his painting The Philosopher's Camp (Figure 11-1). In this historical usage and meaning, the act of writing a poem is tied to the activity of making and creating (Greek poiein and poiesis). Also, the resonance between making as process and poetic act and poem as result of the making further connects camp and poem. Returning to the work at the Open City, this connection is carried out in the actual process of making and building through the poem Amereida and the use of the travesia.71 The travesia serves a dual purpose: to discover valuable connections between the natural and the historical and to inform the ways of making through a process of discovery. The poetic acts of the travesia are "group meetings that occur on site and employ poetic methods to initiate discovery and creative processes."72 The making of poetry stimulates imagination and initiates construction; and travesias, as poetic voyages, journeys, or crossings, pull together the immediate as well as the distant. This poetic methodology also links theoretical thought and the pragmatics of "concrete action"; and the concept of travesia relates to the way camps are made by engaging "space, place, and poetry through


6" See Lars Lerup, Building the Ulfinished.

"' The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. IX (New York: Oxford, 1989), 250. ' Apart from its connotations in the Open City project, travesia in Spanish refers to a crossroad, crossing, crossway, and journey. As a nautical term, travesia describes a crosswind. 72 Pendleton-Jullian, 46.






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improvisational activity."73 The making of the Open City relies on the correspondence between the poiesis of this travesia and city as polis.74 The Open City itself then becomes a poetic act. The idea of an "open city" meshes with the understanding of the making of camp not only as an open-ended process but also as an indefinite material, social, and political construction. In the "open city," the campo of the field and country is re-introduced to the polis; and the polis is returned to its historical and poetic origins that lie in the process of making camp.75

In the work's organization, the main section "Making" is comprised of the case studies that, as material for the work, generate situations and ideas that are reviewed in concluding sections. Within each case study, a sub-section titled "Making" relates the specific practices associated with that particular iteration of camping. Breaking

Breaking camp returns the camper to pure movement. Tied up in this renewed

itinerancy of departure is an assumed arrival. Thus, breaking, in what might be called its "un-siting," retains elements of re-siting. Analytically, breaking allows for the possibility of invention. The acknowledgement of breaking is always present in the creation of


73 Pendleton-Jullian. 85-7.

74 Pendleton-Jullian, 143. Poiesis is the action or faculty of producing or doing something especially creatively. Pendleton-Jullian notes the implied emphasis on process or the "act of creativity" as opposed to the result. In her discussion of polis, Indra Kagis McEwen notes that the construction (as opposed to chora) was "allowed to appear as a surface woven by the activity of its inhabitants; with processions to sanctuaries providing linkages to the territorial edges." McEwen argues that the polis was "emergent" and "made" in addition to being influenced by colonization (Socrates' Ancestor: An Essay in Architectural Beginning, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993, 80-1).

7 The idea of the "open city" can also work at the scale of the house or individual residence. The domestic construction as poetic act is reflected in R.M. Schindler's understanding of the Kings Road house that combined a campsite with poetics of construction with the regional attributes of southern California. Chapter 12 will focus on the Kings Road house.






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"camp space." It is this characteristic of desertion that SolD-Morales and Massimo Cacciari find in Heidegger's later work. The restorative stability (sought by NorbergSchulz, Frampton and others in Heidegger's work) is precluded by this presence of breaking. To Heidegger's ideas of Rdumen (clearing space), Einraumen (making room), and Raumgeben (giving space) is added his notion of Einbruch, which is breaking (into) space. In his reading of Being and Time, Casey summarizes this notion: "Dasein [beingin-the-world] takes space not only so as to 'break into space' more freely, such an Einbruch into space is accomplished by making room for leeway: clearing the space for diverse engagements. From such spatial latitude, Dasein comes back to place." 76 Breaking in effect re-links and refastens camp to place. This refastening can also be understood as a reification that works back from place to camp. In this sense, camp reifies the abstractions and ideas of place through the camper's mental and often physical re-construction of place. Camp becomes one of many possible materializations of place.


Research Design

For its design, this study uses multiple-case studies as the framework for answering the research questions and achieving the objectives. The research design works between two types of case studies, the explanatory and the exploratory. The explanatory model adapts a hermeneutic method of interpretation to understand the particular situations of camp cases and the forces that shape them. This empiricism is altered by the inclusion of exploratory aspects that inform the invention of a method not only for understanding the camps studied but also for re-working them into a tool that might be used to inform a



76 Casey. 258.






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theory and practice of camp.7 Such radicalized empiricism relates to what can be called "mapping," a project that is carried out in the dissertation content and format itself and in the fold-out maps included in the work.


Research Method and Methodological Framework

Since the exploratory aspect of this research is about method and since the subject of research inspires the critical framework of the dissertation, the research method operates at two levels. At one level, the research uses the framework of the case study to describe and explain the phenomena found in each situation. In this respect, the work is not unlike Ruskin's critical museum of findings in the built environment.7" At another level, the work utilizes a method of mapping that responds to contemporary ideas of epistemology and empiricism. This emphasis on ways of knowing and ways of discovering yields two forms of maps. One is the rendering of this project in its work with method, process, and format as guide-manual-scrapbook. The other is the dialogic commentary made by the images as well as a series of mapping exercises that serve as






7 Related to this idea of re-working and re-making is Gregory Ulmer's work with the "remake." Relating this procedure to the use of dialogue in Plato's "model of learning," Ulmer utilizes the "remake" in Heuretics to "evoke the scene of learning appropriate to electronic invention." (Ulmer, Heuretics (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. 1994), 42) In the context of this dissertation, Ulmer's more general commentary on this form of research relates to the overall design of this project's methodology: "The remake serves as a 'place' within which the theory of method may be displayed."(42) The question then is can a camping practice attempting to operate in fleeting conditions of place both occupy this place and invent a place that becomes a theoretical "home on the road" or "home away from home"? 78 In this case, John Ruskin's textual works (including The Stones of Venice and the previously covered St. Mark's Rest) are considered as museums that draw together his ruminations and observations on architecture and place. This idea also returns to Robert Harbison's treatment of Ruskin's work as a museum-map synthesis. Another museum-map formed and administered by Ruskin was the Museum of the Guild of St. George. which formed the nexus of his the educational components of the Guild. This museum houses a wide range of selections from art and science - including animal specimens, furniture, clothing, photographs, paintings, geological samples, and Ruskin's own drawings.






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visual and theoretical supplements to the field manual.79 The maps are themselves critically charged fields of inquiry into place and the multiplicity of physical, mental, and mythical itineraries through that place. In this sense, the maps index the relations between a particular camp and place.

The intent of such a methodological framework is to map the movement "from camp(site) to campsite." Thus, the work produces two interrelated maps: the writing itself and the mapping of each case study. The starting point for this idea of mapping as method is the work of Michel Serres, who contends that "to write is to draw a map."80 Serres' statement about his own methodology interrelates the processes of writing, drawing, and mapping. These three activities resonate with the siting, clearing, and making bound up within camping. The three components can be substantively related but also can be separate generators of subsequent activity. Inextricably tied to its construction, the Serresian map remains "in the making":

I want to finish drawing this navigational map, this inventory - fluctuating and mobile - before I die. Once this work is done it will be clearly seen that all the
rapports I traced out either followed or invented a possible road across the
ensemble of movements from place to place. Note that this maritime chart, an
ocean of possible routes, fluctuates and does not remain static like a map. Each
route invents itself.8'

In order to generate this mapping of "possible routes," Serres proposes pre-positional operators (such as toward, b'y,for, from) rather than substantives that he argues are abstractions that remain as concepts and thus restrict invention. By preceding position


79 These fold-out maps adopt the convention used in guidebooks but do so in a critical way challenging the map as an explanation of the route, path, or layout. 80 Michel Serres, Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, trans. Roxanne Lapidus (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 105.

81 Serres, 105.






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both rhetorically in the text and physically with the body, these operators deny substantive fixity and allow for a multivalency of meaning. Serres uses the example of the French preposition de, which "indicates origin, attribution, cause" as well as an array of other conditions. 2 Expanding on his earlier treatments of the figure of Hermes, Serres seeks an epistemological model based on these prepositional operators allowing for a fluidity of relations through time, space, and place. This unique epistemology is essentially topological in its use of proximity and "ongoing or interrupted transformations" to generate meaning.83 Serres circumscribes a space of simultaneous arrival and departure. This exodical space includes the continuous arriving of the prepositional mapping and the expansiveness of concurrent departure, to which he refers as "casting off' - an activity that will be reviewed with respect to camp in the concluding chapters.

Within such a methodological model, camp becomes the epistemological and empirical ground for mapping a camping practice. If Serres describes the activity of writing and mapping, then Deleuze and Guattari circumscribe the map that might result:

The map is open and connectable in all of its dimensions; it is detachable,
reversible, susceptible to constant modification. It can be torn, reversed, adapted to
any kind of mounting.... It can be drawn on a wall, conceived of as a work of art,
constructed as a political action or as a meditation.84 52 Serres, 106.

83 Serres, 105.

8' Deleuze and Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus, 12. This idea of meditation and mapping appears in James Cowan's A Mapmaker's l)ream: The Meditations of Fra Mauro, Cartographer to the Court of Venice (1996). Cowan asks his reader to treat Fra Mauro's "ruminations as a process of gradual guessing. His dream is to derive meanings from the perfect use of mystery." (xviii) Cowan appends a similar though more conclusive assessment of Mauro's meditative-map-making process: "the idea of an invisible geography affecting the way we think about place. The spirit in the world, namely the elusive power of the imagination, dominated his ruminations" to the point that he abandoned any objective pretense (151). This collapsing of mapping and mapmaker, map and subject (how Mauro "crafted himself into his map") lays the ground for mapping to become a method of discovery and invention.






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In this excerpt, the term "map" is interchangeable with camp as both construction and method.


Theoretical Framework

Similar to Sold-Morales' navigation of the apparent contradictions of poststructuralism and phenomenology, this research works between the radical empiricism of Michel Serres' epistemological exercises of mapping and the radical hermeneutics that can be connected to Heidegger's later work in phenomenology and associated with the activity of making.85 As reflected in the previous discussion of method, a primary aspect of this methodological and theoretical investigation is the possibility that invention and interpretation can provide a constructive grounding for the research of the built environment (and its relation to place). The problem is essentially one of relating movement (place to place and the particularity of each place) and synthesis, or difference and system. For Serres, one mode for such movement is topological, in which time and space are folded. This topology requires the forging of locally adapted tools at each new objective or phenomenon. Serres writes: "...what was necessary was a tool adapted to the problem. No work without this tool. You have to invent a localized method for a localized problem."86 The particularities of the tool also require a localized vocabulary, or lexicon, in order to understand and respond to the specific problem. From such local interpretation arises the possibility of a demonstration that is based not on the application of an external system but instead on a cluster of relations. Synthesis then occurs through s5 For the connection between hermeneutics and phenomenology, see Robert Mugerauer, "Phenomenology and Vernacular Architecture," Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World, ed. Paul Oliver (London: Blackwell, 1997).
86 Serres and Latour. 92.






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movement, and relations then are the ways to move from place to place. Serres actually replaces the phenomenologist's ontology of existence with this peripatetic mode of abstraction. Serres summarizes, "Synthesis ... is differentiated from system or even from methodological unity. A cluster of highly different relations becomes a body."''7 Serres begins with the relation to reach form. However, the inverse passage from the formal to the relational remains a consideration, notably in the history of architectural studies. Though in a different context, Solh-Morales faces a similar challenge to that of Serresian model. Summarizing the role of the eidetic between topology and ontology (between folding and revealing), Sold-Morales invokes the analog of camps to describe the sites to be bridged:

A primarily positivist attitude prevails in both camps - an attentiveness to the formal, eidetic dimension of our understanding - which builds more than one
bridge between poststructuralists' awareness of flows, energies, and displacements
and the ontological search for intentionalities - the signification and meaning of
consciousness, in short, of knowing.8

It is the practical and theoretical analog of camping that this framework seeks to add as a possible hinge between the encampments of the two theoretical positions. Thus, the theoretical framework for this work lies between the projects of Sold-Morales and Serres. And in order to understand the frameworks of place, I propose the forging of a lexical tool for understanding the broad topic within which the study of camps and camping falls. This tool-box seeks to set up a cluster of relations from which the demonstration of the topic of camping and its connection to place may proceed.





7 Serres and Latour, 101.

88 SolI-Morales. 10.









Lexical Toolbox: F'rom (Camp(site) to Campsite, or "A Thousand Different Sites"


















Figure 2-7. Camping kits front the 1930s. A) Nested aluminum cooking kit, creffigerator
basket, and thermos jar, B) Cooking and stove kit (Kimball and Decker,
Touring with Tent and Trailer, 185, 64)

Camping occurs from camp to camp, and when a degree of permanency is achieved the place of the camp(site) becomes a campsite, Camping is a mode of producing place. Such campsites do not merely form static communities but, as places of transformation, become dynamic coinrcidences of memory, geography, and architecture. In this section, the work is framed theoretically by a close reading of Ignasi de Sola-Morales' statement:


From a thousand different sites, the production of place continues to be possible.S


This close reading is meant to serve as a lexical toolbox ( for thinking about and making place, for describing the context in which a camping practice might be carried out, and



" Soih-Morates. 104.

SThe idea of the exical toolbox itbean with the development of a iist of terms gleaned from reading . :he-: work of Michel Serre. This Serresian lex iconf sought not oriy to define the philosopher's language but: aiss to find connotatve ilt:rcoections m n:,m his works. This defining and cr oss--efrening of terms ranged from araia ,(state of ranquiity) to vincula (connections) and irom a -on (c: e of a nerve fiber) to thaleg (lIne connc:ing l west poin ofa valley or navigable waterway). The Iexi:on became a tracing o a particular path of reading, a guide f-,r subsequent readin. and :a man of ideas that it aa certain point






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for framing the subsequent discussion focused on the vernacular and camp in the following chapter. The theoretical framework is thus not an overarching platform on which this work rests but a set of tools, like the "cluster of relations," to be stowed away and carried "from camp(site) to camp(site)."91 Such a theoretical toolbox relates to the traditionally requisite camping kit, from the nested aluminum cooking vessels to the fourparty cooking kit (Figure 2-7).

The lexical toolbox forms a part of the larger design toolbox that makes up this work as a whole. As a set of cross-referenced pieces, this section compiles a range of components to be used in a camping practice. The dissertation adopts and adapts many of these features and pursues the possible relations that exist between and among them. Thus, the lexicon lists and defines, while the overall work makes connections and linkages and reworks these ideas in a more extensive design toolbox that yields possible productions of place in architecture.93



departs from its original context and becomes its own construction - an interlaced network of thoughts from which new ideas could spring.

91 Each term's descriptive set can be thought of as a Deleuzian "plateau"; Solh-Morales himself writes: "Thinkers such as Gilles Deleuze have demonstrated the nonexistence of a platform from which it is possible to construct a vision of the world. There is no such platform, but rather mille plateaux, a limitless multiplicity of positions from which it is possible only to erect provisional constructions." (86) (see sites for the question of permanence).

92 These ideas of compartmentalization and openness, packing and unpacking, and the "kit of parts" are also found in such disparate sources as Louis Vuitton's suitcases and steamer trunks, etuis, and cabinets of curiosities.

93 In the Arcades Project, Walter Benjamin speaks of the "ancient correspondence between house and cabinet" (Convolute I, "The Interior, The Trace," 215). From this idea, an additional connection can be established between campsite (or camping ground) and kit. The camping kit can be understood to register the ways of occupying a particular site. This occupational mode is a relative scalar shift from the portable cabinet to the temporary shelter. Benjamin's association of house to cabinet occurs through his reading of the shell or casing as containing the registration of domestic use and occupation. "The etuis. dust covers, sheaths with which the bourgeois household of the preceding century encased its utensils were so many measures taken to capture and preserve traces." (226) The encasement of utensils or tools (as in the camping kit) within the cabinet leaves interior traces and thus connects with the idea of that camping traces an occupation on the camp-ground. The interiorized camp is not unlike Benjamin's "residence as a






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From

"From" indicates an arrival. Michel Serres has suggested a science of prepositions. He argues that the pre-position precedes the positional quality of the concept or thesis. If positions are static, closed, and univalent, then prepositions are dynamic, open, and multivalent. Each preposition contains the possibility of multiple meanings, depending on its particular usage or condition. This conditionality relates to Serres' idea of local interpretation and global demonstration. In the case of studying place, local interpretation would rely on the subtle differences of the situation -- such as materiality, space, history and politics. Thus Serres' prepositional methodology relates to SolMorales' project for studying place. The "production of place" is similar to local interpretation, and "a thousand different sites" shares Serres' idea of global demonstration (and multiplicity). Moreover, the former could be considered a detail found within the territory of the latter.


a

Problems of place include the possibility of its reduction to an essence or unity. Such diminution and abstraction of place has occurred with the theory of "genius loci." This understanding of place utilizes Heidegger's ontology to attempt to define the singularity of place. Interpreting place in this way, critics such as Norberg-Schulz, characterizing space as the systematization of place, have relied on an exteriority (or


receptacle for the person" (220). The velvet folds of the case's interior leave impressions of the instruments, just as the ground of camping is pressed into and molded for the particular occupation of the place. This connection also exists between the lexical toolbox and the camping kit, both of which register the traces of an occupation, whether theoretical-critical or practical. The camping kit measures each iterative reconstruction of the domestic space within the campsite, and the lexical toolbox preserves traces of the larger project of the design toolbox that this dissertation becomes.






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feigned objectivity) in their analysis of place. In the contemporary context, the problem with these models arises when "difference" is established between places rather than within places. Models developed for Critical Regionalism have utilized this problematic treatment of difference (See different). Alan Colquhoun has written that an understanding of ironic difference is critical to understanding how regionalism has been transformed by the current development of post-industrialist nation-states.94 Critical Regionalism has also instrumentalized and emphasized particular aspects of placemaking at the expense of other features. For example, Kenneth Frampton's version of the movement prioritizes the tectonic over cultural and spatial characteristics. Such treatments create a hierarchical rather than a paratactic organization of qualities of place, and thus relegate minor qualities to a peripheral role in defining place.95 Sold-Morales has considered the importance of the "minor" in terms of a "weak" architecture.96 The totalizing quality of "a" denies the "possible" (See possible). thousand

With this term, Sold-Morales references Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's A Thousand Plateaus and provides an open-ended quantification of the possible proliferation of places. As 103, "thousand" is both a base ten number and a number made



94 Alan Colquhoun, "The Concept of Regionalism," Postcolonial space(s), eds. G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997). 95 "Paratactic" is used to describe an arrangement of terms or components without a presupposition of coordination or sub-ordination. Derived from the Greek 7rapdra~lt, this term describes a "placing side by side" as opposed to an arranging above and below or an explicit linking. Such arrangement relates to the open-ended and non-hierarchical quality of camping and its unique mode of relating to and producing place.
96 Hans-Georg Gadamer similarly describes the idea of "weakness" in relation to a radicalized hermeneutics.






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up of numbers. For Solh-Morales, there is not only a multiplicity of places but also places within places. For Deleuze, "groups of ten" are related to the "numbering numbers" utilized by the war machine and nomads, for whom numerology has operational and cosmological significance. In addition, the 10's of "thousand" serve as extracted subsets that form the mixed aggregate and allow for substitution.97 One possible cultural derivation for the title might be the flaky French pastry mille-feuille98 that refers to a rich layering of sheets and alludes to the layering of place. Discussing the multiplicity and interpenetration of social spaces that require a unique mapmaking, Henri Lefebvre uses the image of the pastry to describe the structure of this "social space" as opposed to the invariance of Cartesian space:

Thus social space, and especially urban space, emerged in all its diversity - and
with a structure far more reminiscent of flaky mille-feuille pastry than of the
homogeneous and isotropic space of classical (Euclidean/Cartesian) mathematics.99 Not only does Solt-Morales (and Lefebvre) understand place as a multi-layered construction, but these delicate and brittle layers are also heterogeneous through their mixing and "flaking" that precludes a quantifiably numeric or Cartesian conception of place and space.


different

Understanding the relationship between difference and ideas about place is crucial to the construction of place.'� As the title of Sola-Morales' collected essays suggests,



97 Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 71, 118.

98 Literally, a "thousand sheets."

99 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 86.






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diferencias provides the starting point for understanding the conditional attributes of a particular place, which he speaks of as the "given situation."'"' A place's complexity its plurality, diversity, and multiplicity - can be mapped in terms of difference, which may be developed internally with the contradictory, the idiosyncratic, accidental or the paradoxical. This difference within place sketches the multiple components of the "moment of intensity" as a form of convergence that Sold-Morales introduces as a fleeting stability along the inherently unstable ground of a place. In this way, the potential (see possible) meanings of a place unfold from a physical and metaphysical interior rather than being constructed in a formal exercise of estrangement elicited by internal - external juxtaposition. Vittorio Gregotti notes that if "architecture is a series of relations and distances, as the measurement of intervals," then the specificity of an architectural solution is "closely related to differences in situation, context, or environment."' 2 Spatial difference then is considered to have value and an inextricable experiential quality. In The Parasite, Michel Serres writes,

In one word and not only in one prefix, the whole text and the whole story. Then and then only can it be understood that it is an origin for the art of memory. The
discourse, the course taken [parcours], is of canonical simplicity: it is deductive, it constructs reality, it constructs the real by starting with the difference. In a variety
bestrewn with simple arrows, the difference is in the place of the inclination.'03


ax) See also Vittorio Gregotti on "authentic differences" in Inside Architecture (1996), 11. Jay Fellows in "Janusian Thresholds" for the dual nature of the Janusian perspective: "both ways are one way with a difference" (46). In addition, consider Fredric Jameson's work (The Seeds of Time, 1994) for its opposition of the Critical Regionalist project to that of "postmodern ideologies of Difference" (190-2) and "politics of difference" (151-2). At the conclusion of "The Constraints of Postmodernism," Jameson asks: "Is global Difference the same today as global Identity?" (205) Compare this notion to Alan Colquhoun's idea that difference, no longer dependent on the autonomy of regions, is now based on "two other phenomena" - individualism and the nation-state ("The Concept of Regionalism," 20). .. Sold-Morales, 7.
112 Vittorio Gregotti, "Territory and Architecture," Architectural Design Profile 59, no. 5-6 (1985): 28-34. 13 Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans. Lawrence R. Schehr (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1982), 33.






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Outlining the "marvelous real," Alejo Carpentier develops a similar understanding of the inner possibilities of place, specifically the Latin American landscape where the surreal is the everyday. In light of Sold-Morales' diferencias, it should be noted that Carpentier's essay "Lo real maravilloso americano" was first published in its expanded form in a collection titled Tientos y diferencias (1967). In Carpentier's "marvelous real," the place-maker artist is a "detector of realities" who finds internally generated, though improbable, juxtapositions by way of "an unaccustomed insight that is singularly favored by the unexpected richness of reality ... perceived with a particular intensity."04 Under the assumption that "all spaces are contaminated," Solh-Morales asserts that external influence may also engender difference. Accordingly, how might the foreign or peripheral define place? For Lucy Lippard, the "local is defined by its unfamiliar counterparts", with its corollary that frontier can characterize place.'05 If every place is both local and foreign as noted by Lippard, then her formulation of the "tourist-at-home" relates to Michel de Certeau's designation of the "foreigner-at-home". This "savage in the midst of ordinary culture" forms the third component of de Certeau's definition of the science of the ordinary by a three-fold foreignness (of the specialist, foreigner away from home, foreigner-at-home)." In de Certeau's treatment, this inherently foreign quality of the everyday relates to Freud's use of the ordinary man for both difference and universality - a situation in which "the ordinary man becomes the narrator, ... it is he who


"4 Alejo Carpentier, "The Marvelous Real in America," Magical Realism: Theory, History, Communitv. eds. Lois Parkinson Zamora and Wendy B. Faris (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995), 75, 86. The "marvelous" aspect of place is magical (coming from within) rather than mystical (coming down from). "'5 Lucy Lippard. On the Beaten Track: Tourism, Art, and Place (New York: The New Press, 1999). "6 Here de Certeau is re-working a Wittgensteinian model of language. See Michel de Certeau, "A Common Place: Ordinary Language" in The Practice of Everyday Life, 13.






79


defines the (common) place of discourse and the (anonymous) space of its development. This place is ... the product of a process of deviation ... an overflowing of the common in a particular position."l'7 Similarly, with respect to Derrida's supplement, the marginal (supplemental) term, though ostensibly weaker (less central), reveals the lack in the dominant term and at the same time provides a rough definition of its edges. It should also be noted that Derrida's diffirance could provide an alternative constellational site, with its combination of deferring and differing as well as an archaeological treatment of place.'o0


sites

Solt-Morales is concerned with convergences of topographical and mental sites. The physical and metaphysical come into contact in Sold-Morales' project of placemaking in much the same way as the mattang map provides a conjectural foundation for navigating the Pacific archipelago. The oceanic site is composed of the mattang map itself as a detail or joint between an invisible cosmology and visible (though fragmented) array of phenomena in the horizontal plane. This sea surface is the territory in which the mobile detail floats, literally and phenomenally. In practice, the mattang detail is physically absent, only materializing as a mnemonic in the mind of the voyager who relates its rubric to the perceived phenomena, moments, events - which occur as a series of thresholds. In this way, the series of sites, or thresholds, becomes what Deleuze and Guattari have called the "nonlimited locality" in which the "coupling of the place and the



07 de Certeau, 5.

s08 Sold-Morales. 67.






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absolute" is achieved by an "infinite succession of local operations."'09 The nomadic mattang voyagers navigate the smooth sea space from a fixed point, which actually is a series of fixed points around which the sea, sun, moon, stars, waves, currents, and birds move. This procedure can also be understood as a series of deterritorializations, or "strategic thresholds" for the resistance of an object's fixity and the notion that process is an end in itself."10

A site can serve as the place for an event; and siting, as discussed previously, is the event-in-action. Deleuze notes four components of the event (after Alfred North Whitehead): extension, intensity, individual, and the eternal object."' Parallel to these components, two general characteristics are identified: event as vibration and event as flux. Solt-Morales relates place to vibration. In addition, just as Deleuze notes that a "permanence has to be born in flux," Sold-Morales offers us two options for place permanence and/or production. Not historical permanence as the structuralists would have it, nor Vitruvianfirmitas. "Sites" (in the plural) suggests that siting place may be both permanence and production: a momentary stability ("point of encounter") "grasped" from a flow and the "production of an event." This momentary stability is the siting of camp. In describing the Latin American situation and its "marvelous real" condition, Alejo Carpentier relates event to style: "events tend to develop their own style, their own 1"9 Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 52-55.

1" Sandro Marpillero uses this terminology in the title to his essay "Strategic Thresholds" in which he opposes Tafuri's conception of the urban image as given exclusively by an "ideology of commodification"
(52). Instead Marpillero advocates dreams as a mode for shuttling the subject between the real and the imagined and the present and the absent, even though the "object of desire" may still motivate the process itself. In this context, the mattang map shows the possible crystallization of a moment or event that is derived from dream or memory of a map's (or an urban image's) figuration. '" Gilles Deleuze, The Fold: Leibniz and the Baroque, trans. Tom Conley (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993). 77-9.






81


unique trajectories.""2 If we return to Deleuze and Guattari, we can better understand this usage of "style" in terms of "site." Style is both the holding together of disparate elements and the activity of "thinking the multiple." Camp as an idea takes in this type of style in its tracing of what Sontag calls a "fugitive sensibility." Thus the site is an assemblage of multiple forces, relationships, and vectors. In the work of Vittorio Gregotti, it is the site that serves as the intermediary, or territory, for the modification that transforms place into architecture. Ideas of the "memory of the site" and "building the site" converge for Gregotti in a project that reflects the complexities of SolA-Morales' permanence-production model and seeks to develop an architecture of context."3 For de Certeau, this layering of the site occurs as imbrications (rather than juxtapositions) that result in stratified places, a veritable collaging of place's attributes along its surface."14




Absent (implied) mark, comma, caesura; koptein: to cut; "Any of several butterflies of the genus Polygonia, having wings with brownish coloring and irregularly notched edges."' 15


the

This definite article connotes both specificity and generality. In the case of the

particular, it is the production of a place; and in the broader context, the activity of place112 Carpentier, 82.

1" Vittorio Gregotti, "Territory and Architecture," 342. '' Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Evervday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 200203.
15 An implied caesura, or comma. (The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. III (New York: Oxford, 1989), 539).






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making is repeated in iterations and is related to a commonality (held across the network of the thousand sites). Specificity is tempered by generality (see place).


production

Soli-Morales reviews the modernist production of space as an extension of human perception, that of the subject. The mechanical codification of this linkage between the production of space and the experience of space highlights the problematic of functionalizing (and object-ification of) the perceptual mechanisms as in the psychological empiricist projects. As Sold-Morales points out, the notion of producing place replaces that of producing space in models such as Gestalt psychology."16 An alternative to the universalizing tendencies of space production and to the closed systematization of place might be Michel de Certeau's idea of space as practiced place. 1 In de Certeau's model, space can only arise from the reading of a particular place. The idea of practice as a mode of production provides a hinge between the space-place term:

In short, space is a practiced place. Thus the street geometrically defined by urban
planning is transformed into a space by walkers. In the same way, an act of reading
is the space produced by the practice of a particular place...." 118

Although similar in their projects to understand practices of place, a marked difference remains between how de Certeau and Sold-Morales each view place. For de Certeau, the production of space through an ensemble of movements remains distinct from the stable 116 Sold-Morales, 96.

117 Fredric Jameson, in his introduction to The Seeds of Time, proposes a model for the study of the postmodern (as an ideology) that privileges "modes of production" over other partisan "visions of pluralism" (Jameson, The Seeds of Time (New York: Columbia University Press. 1994), xii). De Certeau's concern with "practice" as a series of tactics gives an alternative, if still "postmodern," way of understanding the relation of space and place - that although tied to political ideologies emphasizes practice over a totalizing critical strategy.

118 de Certeau, 117.






83


positions of place (in French, the term used is lieu); practice transforms place. On the other hand, Soli-Morales' place is the production of an event; and place acts on architectural practice as much as place is transformed by the activity or movement (see place). The production of place occurs over a conjectural, even unstable, "foundation."119

What forms might this practice-production mode take? Although his politics and ideology of the postmodern remain outside the scope of this work, Fredric Jameson's proposal of mapping as the remaining form of praxis in contemporary culture provides an interesting starting point for looking at operations that result in productions of place. 20 Mapping is intimately related to the subject's negotiation of space, his or her "practice of space." If we are immersed in process'21 and if architecture (and its practice) is conceived as a web of transactions, interactions, and relations (rather than as a static object or paradigmatic), then de Certeau's oneiric model of spatio-temporal folding offers a means for mapping this indeterminate network.122 Serving as the potential bases for mapping exercises, operations on and in place include walking, story-telling, narration, itineraries, and transgressions, or a "delinquent narrativity" as with the Situationist ddrive. An important distinction should be made between map and mapping, the former a flattened, plan-oriented projection of the objectified / abstracted image of the place and the latter an operation that is more closely associated with de Certeau's "tour" of


'19 Sold-Morales, 104.
2n Fredric Jameson. The Geopolitical Aesthetic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 58. For Jameson, cognitive mapping is a metaphor for the political unconscious (xiv-xv). 121 Jameson has noted that contemporary culture is immersed in process (see The Geopolitical Aesthetic). 22 de Certeau, 201.






84


itineraries to which he opposes "map." Mapping entails a dialogue between process and product, a constant revising through experience and use(fulness). Henri Lefebvre's project of producing space, specifically "social space," similarly invokes a relationship between the means of production and the product to be used.123 For Deleuze, mapping is the creation of cartographies of "becoming" (see be) through the apparatus of the rhizome. As a form of method, the map is then differentiated from the tracing by virtue of its openness, connectibility, and maintenance of multiplicity. The map "fosters connections between fields" and "is entirely oriented toward an experimentation in contact with the real"124 - tying the map back to the idea of practice, which for Deleuze is ultimately a pragmatic empiricism. Michel Serres' use of mapping as a mode of production relates to that of Deleuze's. 125 For Serres, mapping is writing - "to write is to draw a map"; his maps are inscribed with possible situations while remaining functional technical objects. 126



23 Lefebvre, 85. Henri Lefebvre also outlines the possible connotations of producing space and the act of producing (15). "Social space" for Lefebvre negotiates logico-mathematical space and practico-sensory space.

124 Deleuze and Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus, 12-15. 125 For Serres, this type of map is a fluctuating and mobile inventory of fragments and directions (Conversations with Bruno Latour, 1993). While the mattang navigators are not experimenting per se, their negotiation of the real is a flexible empiricism that must constantly adjust to the changing environment. The navigators' "mapping" practices reflect a tangential movement related both to the inherent asymmetry built into their sea-craft and to their constant movement through a series of thresholds (or joints) requiring constant coordination of their "contact with the real" and of their mental image of the map. Always "working down or up to [his] mark," Ruskin refers to this practice as "nothing but process" in which a series of indirect movements (digressions, progression, regressions, and tangential actions) begin to inscribe direction, measure, and form.

126 Comparable architectural projects include Jennifer Bloomer's Architecture and the Text: The (S)crypts of Joyce and Piranesi (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993) and her essay "Abodes of Theory and Flesh: Tabbles of Bower" in Assemblage 17 (April 1992). In these texts, the act of writing forms an architecture that maps a complex web of relations allegorically and structurally. Mark Z. Danielewski's House of Leaves (New York: Pantheon, 2000) also inscribes a hypertextual architecture of fragments, formal inversions and subversions, and ruminations. Finally, John Hejduk's poetry writes from a tradition of both reading and building. His prose poem "Sentences on the House and Other Sentences" maps a




Full Text
144
between race and labor practices that must be considered in any study of the conditions of
these camps.
Filling a Research Gap
This research seeks to fill a gap in the study of camps from an architectural
perspective. Past studies have focused on the manufactured housing industry in terms of
the production of the modular trailer unit and the planning of large scale mobile home
parks. Such limited treatment of the subject disregards the human element, scale, and
actual occupation of the site and ignores camping operations outside urban plannings
disciplinary scope. Other treatments of camps and camping operate from a limited
sociological perspective, at the expense of historical and spatial considerations. While
this research accounts for social and political forces, its methodology allows for a more
interdisciplinary reading of each situation and case study. Until recently, academic
literature has for the most part not dealt directly with camps and their construction. And
while the latest literature presents an important beginning for the understanding of camps,
its scope remains limited to isolated permutations of campgrounds. Studies of camp
meetings and revivals, frontier settlements, and Chautauquan camps adequately describe
the phenomena but for the most part fall short of providing a critical commentary and
historiographic reading of their significance to contemporary place-making. This
research seeks to fill these research absences and gaps by looking at multiple cases that
are weighted toward contemporary practices of camp. This treatment of camp as a
vernacular construct also fills a gap in current research. Rather than looking to the
vernacular as uncomplicated historical record to be reviewed or as forms to be
appropriated uncritically, this research takes the vernacular architecture of camps as a


53
focuses on methodology, might become. As a discipline with critical-theoretical-
historical traditions as well as design and research traditions, architectures combination
of the explanatory and the exploratory allows for a unique dialogue of theory and
practice. This dissertations adaptation of the field manual construction serves to
emphasize the inextricable importance of process in linking theory and practice within
architectures disciplinary background. Accordingly, the work becomes an intensively
architectural construct, while respecting the tradition and format of the dissertation. For
example, footnotes serve as a memory theatre of bibliographic attribution and the thought
process itself. Similarly, the introductory quotations and excerpts at many of the section
headings form an aphoristic style and are contextualized by their placement in the text but
also are allowed to maintain an openness of meaning that will be discussed further in
Chapter 3. Grafted to and framed within the dissertation format, these headings,
divisions, and excerpts mirror the procedural quality of the field manual and the camping
process itself, which moves from campsite to campsite much like Ruskins caravannish
manner and his textual stage directions. The field component of the field manual also
links the academic construction of field of architecture to the campsite as open field
within a particular place. Pressing this connotative association further, the connection
between camp and campus should also be noted, both implying the field or place for
carrying out an activity, for process. From this relation between manual and
dissertation, camping practice is proposed as both a building and a thinking practice,
ultimately an architectural process of thinking-making.


CHAPTER 12
DEPARTING
These rules do not trace a method, but very precisely an exodus, a capricious and
seemingly irregular trek constrained only by the obligation to avoid speculative
places held by force. .. .'
From Permanent to Temporary
Schuman says the best plan for Bridgeville is to tear it down, but he concedes it
might make a good summer recreation area, perhaps an RV campsite.2
Once they are there then they are there. The portability is a misnomer to a degree.3
Departing reverses the often ineluctable movement from the temporary to the
permanent. With the exodical shift, situatedeness and permanence are again returned to a
transience. Historically, camps have yielded cities Istanbul has been described as an
early encampment by Michel Butor, Johannesburg began as a mining camp, and many
European cities such as York, Manchester, and Vienna have their origins in the Roman
legionary camps called castra.4 Generated from campsites particularly in the temperate
1 Michel Serres, The Troubadour of Knowledge, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser and William Paulson (Ann
Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 136.
2 Associated Press, Online bidding for declining town hits $357,000, 25 December 2002.
3 Paul Rudolph, Interview with Robert Bruegmann, Compiled in Chicago Architects Oral History
Project, The Ernest R. Graham Study Center for Architectural Drawings, Department of Architecture, The
Art Institute of Chicago, 28 February 1986, p.34. Text online at _ architecture/rudolph.pdf > (05 May 2003).
4 With camps, paradoxical conditions arise such as mobile fixity, unstable permanence, and chronic
itinerancy. Michel Butor captures this idea in his description of the unsolidified permanence and hardened
ephemerality of the vernacular camp constructions that became Istanbul: An encampment that has settled,
but without solidifying completely; huts and shanties that have been enlarged and improved, that have been
made comfortable, but without ever losing their ephemeral feeling. Turkish Istanbul... is truly the
expression of an empire that collapsed on itself as soon as it stopped growing. In the great bazaars awning
361


Figure 7-7. Layout marks and string lines used to set up the Midway at the Florida State
Fair (February 1, 2003)


CHAPTER I
ARRIVING
reaching the shore, landing; arrival: act of coming to shore, landing in a country,
disembarkation; a landing-place: the act of coming to the end of a journey or to
some definite place; a cargo to be delivered when the ship arrives; the coming to a
state of mind or stage of development; one that arrives or has arrived.1
figure i-E Engravings of Hernando de Soto in Florida. A) De Soto arriving in the
Florida wilderness. ca.!539 and B) De Solo's burial, ca.!542 (Florida State
Archives, Rc05504 and Rc07566)
Prologue
'Parts of this project have been presented in conferences over the past 2 years.
Along with the indispensable guidance of my committee members, it is in these forums
that many of the ideas, themes, and arguments of the dissertation have been inaugurated.
Seiecoftns of ''arriving" ami 'nerrivar adapted from 77*? Oxford English Didi-yncm-, 2d f, vof. If New
York: Oxford, 989), 051 2.


266
owners. In such an exercise, the scale and mobility of the trailer is both liberating and
restrictive. The autocampers small scale allows an individual either to modify and add
to an existing vehicle or to construct a trailer that can be towed, but each case requires an
inventive use of available space and surface. In this case, attachment includes joining
materials of wood, canvas, and steel as well as connecting to the ground. The mobility of
the trailer necessitates that the attachments are permanently fixed to resist road-wear and
wind shear, can be detached and stored, or are self-contained within the surface or
volume of a towed unit. Early designs of trailers created by inventors and entrepreneurs
were often either appropriated for mass production or developed as prototypes for
commercial sale by the inventor. Glenn Curtiss goose-neck designs (1920) and
experiments with the tent trailer (1921) become the Curtiss Aerocar (1929). An early
prototype for Curtiss personal use was the Adams Motor Bungalow, which because of its
cost has been classified as the palace car type.33 William Hawley Bowlus early
monocoque designs (1920s) are transformed into Wally Byams Airstream (1936).
Arthur Shermans early garage trials result in the creation of the Covered Wagon (1929).
At a larger scale, William Stouts folding house (1938) becomes the post-World War II
doublewide mobile home. In addition, do-it-yourself plans for building trailers could be
ordered from companies or were published in magazines such as Popular Mechanics54 or
books such as Collins How to Build a Motor Car Trailer (1936).33 The tradition of the
53 Jessup, 145.
54 An early version of the Airstream trailer designed by Wally Byam was published in 1935 in Popular
Mechanics.
55 A. Frederick Collins. How To Build a Motor Car Trailer (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1936).


paradoxical situations such as camps. As relatively unexplored examples of the
vernacular, camps suggest how place and time influence architectural constructions.
A series of case studies provides a critical review of selected camps and campsites.
The study focuses on the following places: in Florida, camps near Tampa Bay and
Sarasota, Gibsonton, and Braden Castle Park; Manila Village in the Mississippi Delta;
and Slab City in southern California. Utilizing both explanatory and exploratory study
types, this multiple-case format adapts a hermeneutic research method to understand the
particular campsites and to inform the invention of suitable methods to map these
constructions of place. From the interpretation and mapping of these camps, it is
generally concluded that camp constructions require a revised understanding of place as a
multivalent grounding that works between detail and territory and necessitate a
reconsideration of time as duration. Such constructions of place and duration also call for
a recalibration of the notion of home in a modern culture of itinerancy.
Drawing from these case studies, this projects critical objective is to understand
how camps address paradoxes of place and the paradoxical occupation of these places
through time, because it is in the architectural response to these conditions that lie
methods for design practice within contemporary conditions of itinerancy.
xvi


382
Fellows, Jay. Janusian Thresholds: The Horrible (and Fortuitous) Inside-Outside That
Real Space Is. Perspecta 19 (1982): 43-57.
Fishman, Robert. Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century: Ebenezer Howard, Frank
Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1982.
Flinn, John J. Official Guide to the Worlds Columbian Exposition (Souvenir Edition).
Chicago: The Columbian Guide Company, 1893.
Fogarty, Frank. Trailer parks: the wheeled suburbs. Architectural Forum 111 (July
1959): 127-131.
Ford, Mark. Raymond Roussel and the Republic of Dreams. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2000.
Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish. Translated by Alan Sheridan. New York:
Vintage, 1979.
Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things. New York: Vintage, 1994.
Foucault, Michel. Other Spaces. Lotus International 48/9 (1986).
Foucault, Michel. Power / Knowledge. Edited by Colin Gordon. New York: Pantheon,
1980.
Frazer, Robert Walter. Forts and Supplies: The Role of the Army in the Economy of the
Southwest, 1846-1861. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983.
Galveston Laboratory. History of Chinese Shrimping. Galveston, TX: Southeast
Fisheries Center, (14
November 2002).
Gamble, Robert. Some Recollections of the Seminole Chief Arpioka Bowlegs and
his war with the States, Richard Keith Call Papers, Florida Historical Society,
University of South Florida (n.p., n.d.).
Genin, Elizabeth and William. Camping with the Family, Public Affairs Pamphlet No.
388. Public Affairs Committee: 1966.
Glassie, Henry. Material Culture. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999.
Glassie, Henry. Vernacular Architecture. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000.
Gorham, B.W. Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground.
Boston: H.V. Degen, 1854.
Greene, David. Gardeners notebook. Archigram. Edited by Peter Cook. New York:
Princeton Architectural Press, 1999.


213
39
situation is characterized by an immersion in process. Alan Colquhoun has pointed
out that region becomes an internalized question of individualism and the nation-state40;
and it is this complex mix that we find in the platforms of Manila Village. The region is
thus a situation a circumstance (or Serres chain of contingency) rather than a
dialectical opposition waiting for resolution. Also, as Anthony Vidler has suggested, the
diagram is linked to a utopia, or at least a utopic impulse.41 Consequently, it could be
said that platform architecture, with its utopic characteristics, occupies a middle ground
between Foucaults heterotopia42 and a residual atopia43 as discussed by Vittorio
Gregotti. Moreover, a diagrammatic practice does not have to oppose one of tectonics as
Eisenman suggests. As a bricoleur, the troubadour-architect might work from such
diagrams to construct a built landscape in much the same way that the Japanese carpenter
as daiku works from the scrolls of details and diagrams to compose the dwelling.44
Without a complete rendering of what the completed project will look like, this carpenter-
architect uses the detail-diagrams to carry out local operations that result in a finalized
39 Fredric Jameson, Geopolitical Aesthetic: Cinema and Space in the World System (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1995), 11.
40 The Concept of Regionalism, Postcolonial Space(s), eds. G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong (New
York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997), 13-23.
41 Anthony Vidler, "Diagrams of Utopia Daidalos 74, (2000).
42 Michel Foucault. Other Spaces, Lotus International, nos. 48/9 (1986). Related to the notion of camp,
an example used to describe the classification of imaginative heterotopia is the colony, which for him
includes the placeless place of the ship.
43 Vittorio Gregotti, On Atopia, Inside Architecture, trans. Peter Wong (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press,
1996), 75-82. The space of platform architecture includes qualities of atopia, heterotopia, and as noted
previously utopia. See the previous discussion on the subject in the Siting Camp section of Chapter 5.
44 The work of John Ruskin, whose acts of digression in his Brantwood Diaries and other works are similar
to the idea of the tangent introduced previously, relates to the builder / bricoleur: "... I work down or up to
my mark, and let the reader see process and progress, not caring to conceal them, but this book
[Proserpina] will be nothing but process . . (The Works of John Ruskin. eds. E.T. Cook and Alexander
Wedderburn (London: Library Edition, 1903-1912), XXV, 216.)


239
stacking, laying, and pressing. Place-as-pragmatic meets place-as-region at the
confluence of these local operations of camping.




390
Reps, John. Cities of the American West: A History of Frontier Urban Planning.
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Reps, John. Town Planning in Frontier America. Princeton: Princeton University Press,
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Roadside Cabins for Tourists. Architectural Record (December 1933).
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History and Romance A True Story. n.d. (Manuscript in the collection of Braden
Castle Association, Manatee County, Florida).
Robinson, Lori, and Bill de Young. Socialism in the Sunshine: The Roots of Ruskin,
Florida. Tampa Bay History 4, no. 1 (Spring / Summer 1982): 5.
Robinson, W. W. Land in California: The Story of Mission Lands, Ranchos, Squatters,
Mining Claims, Railroad Grants, Land Scrip, Homesteads. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 1948.
Roussel, Raymond. How I Wrote Certain of My Books. Edited and translated by Trevor
Winkfield. New York: Sun, 1977.
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International Style and Space Architecture. New York: Rizzoli, 1988.
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241
Siting the Autocamp: Para-siting the Municipal
The term municipal offers an introductory overview of many of the themes of
this chapter. In its most contemporary meaning, municipal denotes administration by a
local governing town or city. Such management is characteristically particular to the
specific political entity, and its rules are outlined as legal policy or municipal law. More
distinctively, the municipal classification covers internal affairs as opposed to the
external, or international, relations. Similarly, the municipal can designate that which
belongs to one place only. This quality of having narrow limits comes from the Latin
term di municipes, identifying gods who were worshipped only in particular localities.
The introduction of camping tourists will transform this extreme localization. The
concept of the municipal is also related to the Roman municipium, which was a town or
city some of whose inhabitants Roman citizenship but whose laws remained for the most
part internally defined. From a distance, Rome still exacted duties (muni) from their
captured or otherwise taken (capere) outlying towns and cities (municipio).
Although both types of cities fall within the general understanding of colony, the
Roman municipium was differentiated from the ancient Empires colonia an important
distinction that reflects some of the complexities of the Tin Can Tourists relationship to
early 20th century cities. With a higher degree of connection to Rome and thus more
rights of citizenship accorded its inhabitants, the Roman colonia settlements were
considered higher-level outposts of the Empire than the municipia. Technically, the
colonia were composed of re-settled Roman citizens, primarily veteran soldiers and
retired legionnaires who were granted land in these foreign, newly conquered and hostile
~ The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. X (New York: Oxford. 1989), 102.


332
practice of collecting that results both from necessity and as a leisure activity. Gleaning
includes gathering vegetables left behind from mechanical harvesters that tend the fields
in nearby Imperial and Coachella Valleys. Gleaning is also carried out closer to the Slabs
in the naval bombing range across the Canal. In this location, campers collect military
remnants for their resale value as scrap metal and recyclables. Copper shell casings and
exploded metal fragments can be found in the bombing range. These materials are also
gathered for incorporation in living structures. In one case, a five-foot bomb shell-casing
has been used as one of the supports for a provisional porch added to the side of a mobile
home.44
Communication and communal relations are made through the apparatus of the
Citizens Band (C.B.) radio, with each channel providing access to necessary services.
Channel 5 is used to place an order for water; Channel 3 allows communication with Don
Smith, an advocate for the disenfranchised group living south of the slabs and known as
bush-bunnies; and Channel 23 is reserved for ordering propane, calling a mechanic, or
listening to the local news at 6pm. In the 1980s and early 1990s, the news was presented
by Sheila Cox; today Linda Barnett is responsible for the news service. Slab Citys
website also reflects the services available to the community library (Rosalie at Drop
7), Christian Community Center (Rev. Phil Hyatt), Avon lady (Lady Sundance located
Far Area 2), auto repair (Tommy Flintstone), soft drinks (Area 3), auto electrical
service (Nutty Brothers, next to Builder Bill, Area 4), and an underground shower (at
first guardhouse). This network of trades and services, available both on the Internet and
44 Alex Necochea. Email to the author, 8 April 2003.


48
century.33 Ruskin studies the historical manuscript of Venice metaphorically through its
buildings and their stories, which he notes are no longer open on the waves of history:
What fragments of it may yet be saved in blackened scroll,... of which so much has
been redeemed by love and skill, this book will help you, partly, to read. Partly, -
for I know only myself in part; but what I tell you, so far as it reaches, will be truer
than you have heard hitherto, because founded on this absolutely faithful witness,
despised by other historians, if not wholly unintelligible to them.34
Thus, Ruskins work serves as a guide for telling Venices other history and for reading
the Venetian fragments. At times, his text resembles stage directions (in typography and
punctuation as well as direction) by courteously outlining the preferred itinerary; and in
other sections, his ruminations take the reader-tourist on an imagined tour across history
and space. On his way to describing the imagery of St. George in the bas-reliefs of the
house above the Ponte de Baratteri (or as Ruskin notes Rogues Bridge) before arriving
at St. Theodores Scuola and the hypocrisy of its conversion into a furniture
warehouse, Ruskin writes:
And now, if you please, we will walk under the clock-tower, and down the
Mercera, as straight as we can go. There is a little crook to the right, bringing us
opposite St. Julians church, (which, please, dont stop to look at just now): then,
sharply, to the left again, and we come to the Ponte de Baratteri, Rogues
bridge on which,... let us reverently pause.
In an earlier section, crossing the Rialto Bridge, Ruskin mixes philology and myth with
Italian fragments in his description of the Deep Stream and eventually brings us to his
immediate present (February 26, 1877):
And this Venetian slow-pacing water, not so much as a river,... but a rivulet,
fumicello ... Rialto, Rialtum, Prealtum (another idea getting confused with
the first), dal fiumicello ... Realtine. The seipentine depth,... being here vital;
33 John Ruskin. St. Mark's Rest (London: George Allen. 1904). 160.
34 Ruskin, viii.
35 Ruskin, 47-8.


75
feigned objectivity) in their analysis of place. In the contemporary context, the problem
with these models arises when difference is established between places rather than
within places. Models developed for Critical Regionalism have utilized this problematic
treatment of difference (See different). Alan Colquhoun has written that an
understanding of ironic difference is critical to understanding how regionalism has been
transformed by the current development of post-industrialist nation-states.94 Critical
Regionalism has also instrumentalized and emphasized particular aspects of place
making at the expense of other features. For example, Kenneth Framptons version of the
movement prioritizes the tectonic over cultural and spatial characteristics. Such
treatments create a hierarchical rather than a paratactic organization of qualities of place,
and thus relegate minor qualities to a peripheral role in defining place.95 Sola-Morales
has considered the importance of the minor in terms of a weak architecture.96 The
totalizing quality of a denies the possible (See possible).
thousand
With this term, Sola-Morales references Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's A
Thousand Plateaus and provides an open-ended quantification of the possible
proliferation of places. As 103, thousand is both a base ten number and a number made
94 Alan Colquhoun, The Concept of Regionalism, Postcolonial space(s), eds. G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T.
Wong (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997).
95 Paratactic is used to describe an arrangement of terms or components without a presupposition of co
ordination or sub-ordination. Derived from the Greek napra^iQ, this term describes a placing side by
side as opposed to an arranging above and below or an explicit linking. Such arrangement relates to the
open-ended and non-hierarchical quality of camping and its unique mode of relating to and producing
place.
96 Hans-Georg Gadamer similarly describes the idea of weakness in relation to a radicalized
hermeneutics.


Figure 6-2. Manila Village, Baratara Bay, Louisiana. A) Aeronautical map of
Mississippi river Delta area and Baratarla Bay, B) Aerial view of Manila
Village, and C) Walkways and platforms in Manila Village (New Orleans City
Archives)
Siting Camp: Water
The earth floats on water, which is in some way the source of all things.'
Water, in this introductory aphorism, serves as origin of and support for a floating
terrestrial plate, a platform. In the Old French, the word plate-forme denotes a diagram.
Itself an epistemological plate-forme, this aphoristic statement of the Presocratic
philosopher Thales diagrams two relationships between earth and water. The first
association, which is explicit, describes the vertical (even sectional) relationship of the
earth to water: Thales believed that the earth, composed of matter with a nature similar to
that of wood, floated on water. In this way, earth is a platform resting on the waters
surface, The second relationship, which is implicit, is a horizontally oriented diagram of
the origin of earthly matter in water. Living in peninsular Miletus where he had founded
Thales, as presented in Aristotle, Metaphysics, 983 b20.


50
An analog for many of the aspects of the guides and manuals presented in this
review is the scrapbook. The methodology of assembling a scrapbook resonates with
some of the procedures found in Ruskins composition of the museum-map. The
scrapbook is a kind of tourist memory book that captures the recollected experience but
can also serve as a reference for future tours. Such an intersection of memory and
geography occurs like the diary (specifically, Ruskins Brantwood Diaries) as a personal
recording of events pasted within the blank pages of the journal. While the typical
diary may remain undisclosed to a public reading, the scrapbook records and preserves
fragments (pictures, newspaper clippings, tickets, and other scraps) for both private and
public reference. Like the travel slide show, the scrapbook is prepared for a potential
performance. Within the context of the guide-manual coupling and its implications for a
camping practice, it can be argued that the scrapbook be added to this pairing (guide and
manual) as a third aspect of the idea of camp as method. Thus it is not coincidental
that the story of the Tin Can Tourists (T.C.T) is told in a series of scrapbooks housed in
the Florida State Archives. Composed by their donors Ray and Mary Levett (members of
the Tin Can Tourists), the scrapbooks document the functions of the T.C.T., the various
campsites where meetings were held, the evolution of the trailers used and the
automobiles that towed them, and the activities and amusements enjoyed by the
members. As historical documents, the T.C.T. scrapbooks serve as manuals for
retrospectively interpreting the camping practices of the Tin Can Tourists. Moreover, the
scrapbook as a methodology follows what has been described as Ruskins own
caravannish manner in which seemingly disparate items are pasted together, linked,
,8 Tin Can Tourists of the World, 1920-1982, unpublished documents, Florida State Archives, Collection
Number M93-2, Boxes 2 and 3.


235
not states that remain fixed, hut only states in the process of change."* Resonating with
the Bergsonian undivided mobility of the real/' camp conceptually begins as camping, a
procedure of fluid place-making that is of and hi" rime/'1' Camping thus precedes the
necessity of the campsite, which as we have seen does maintain residua! qualities of
movement and duration by way of its parasitic mode. Stability is exchanged for mobility
and continuous for discontinuous.' Opposing the process of substitution that Bergsons
fluid model also seeks to overcome, the parasitic situation of camp facilitates these
changes of state/'
Concluding Camp: Repetition with a Diff erence (Parasite, Paradox, and Place)
The ultimate question in this particular inquiry is what happens at the confluence of
a mobile entity with /.ones of fixity. Convergences such as place-making and region,
publicity and privacy, and territory and detail have implications for architectural method.
Figure 7-10. Base support for equipment on the Midway, Florida State Fair. 2003, and
mobile home hitch support, Gibson ton, Florida, 2000
Henri Bergson, Introduction to Metaphysics,"
ignasi cie Sola-Morales, Differences: Topogrof
MIT Press. J997). 104.
The Creative Mind (New York: Citadel, 1992). 188.
Mes of Contemporary Architecture (Cambridge, M A:
' Bergson, 88-591


209
'JO
serving as icons of intelligible relations' between land and water, the diagrams as
previously conceived need to be supplemented conceptually to account for the
multiplicity of the platform phenomenon. For Peter Eisenman, the diagram is not only
an explanation, as something that comes after, but it also acts as an intermediary in the
process of generation of real space and time. Eisenman continues in the text:
The diagram then is both form and matter, the visible and the articulable.
Diagrams for Deleuze do not attempt to bridge the gap between these pairs, but
rather to attempt to widen it, to open the gap to other unformed matters and
functions, which will become formed. Diagrams, then, form visible matter and
formalize articulable functions.30
While the concept of the diagram as the generator for architectural process is important
for this discussion, R.E. Somols opposition of a diagrammatic practice (such as
Eisenmans) to a tectonic vision of architecture limits the dual role of the diagram,
specifically in the study of a phenomenon such as the platforms of Manila Village.'1
As Giambattista Vico said, Thales began with too simple a principle: water;
perhaps because he had seen gourds grow on water.' Within an inherent multiplicity
mixed with identity, the platforms of Baratara Bay serve as sites for the study of place,
28 Charles Sander Peirce, The Collected Papers, eds. Charles Hartshorne and Paul Weiss (Cambridge, MA:
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1960), Volume 4, 4.531 (quoted in Anthony Vidler, Diagrams
of Utopia, Daidalos 74, (2000): 6). Deriving its conception from his thoughts on icon, Peirce defines
diagram as a representamen which is predominantly an icon of relations and is aided to be so by
conventions. (4.418) The representamen can stand in place of something else while retaining its mental
effect. In what Peirce calls the triadic relation of subject, object, and interpretant, the representamen is
the subject. In terms of representation, the representamen (similar to a sign) mediates between an object
and an interpreting thought. Ultimately, a diagram represents relations.
29 Peter Eisenman, Diagram: An Original Scene of Writing, Diagram Diaries (New York: Universe
Publishing, 1999), 28.
30 Eisenman, 30.
R.E. Somol, Dummy Text, or the Diagrammatic Basis of Contemporary Architecture, Diagram Diaries
(New York: Universe Publishing, 1999), 24.
32 Giambattista Vico The New Science (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984), I.92.xxxiii.


12
describes include rolok, nit in kot, okar, bt, and jur in okme (something lost, a hole, root,
knot/node, and stakes).
While the constructed maps themselves are not used in the actual navigation and
are discarded after teaching exercises and memorization, the patterns and relationships
illustrated by the charts remain lodged in the oral tradition and cultural memory of the
islanders. Respected as spiritual leaders, the teachers maintain this knowledge of the art
of navigation as a mnemonics of the sacred. The navigation charts further exemplify the
indivisibility of landscape, or more precisely the seascape, and human perception within
the Marshall Islanders culture. The historian Simon Schama notes, Before it can ever
be a repose for the senses, landscape is the work of the mind. Its scenery is built as much
from strata of memory as from layers of rock. As a mental construct, the landscape
mapped by the traditional sea charts combines the physical and the metaphysical an
interlacing evident both in the mythically inspired songs of the Marshallese navigator and
in the woven lattice of the chart itself.13 Closely tied to a formulaic system, the songs of
the mariners of the Marshall Islands serve as additional navigational reminders and as
ways of maintaining confidence during the journey. Confidence is elevated by the
magical properties associated with the songs and their formulas and rules of thumb for
security and orientation. The following characterizes these songs of navigation: Lijiblili
ekejeri wa kein, o-o-o-o-o; eato ealok ion; eatoen mij in a phraseology that can be
12 Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995), 6-7. Schama speaks of
his own work and research for the book as an excavation through which he might recover the veins of
myth and memory beneath the surface of cultural convention (14).
13 Schama also makes the case that cultural habits of humanity have always made room for the sacredness
of nature. (18) In the Marshall Islands, the sea frames all notions of natural consecration and mythos.


mythologized mode of camping characterized as a return to nature and as entertainment
for the family. In Camping. Eric Dominy mixes tips on building campfires with
techniques for using and unfolding trailer tents. In a Public Affairs Pamphlet o 1966,
camping is also proposed as an antidote to social problems such as the dissolution of
family structure. The goal of family camping foiiows the Public Aftairs Committees
mandate of 1935 to "develop new techniques to educate the American public on vital
economic and social problems..,.'1" Presented with a similarly nostalgic quality but
without the social directive, Dan and Inez. Morris' guide presents the typical procedure
for camping: choosing a campsite, making and breaking camp, and the campfire and the
cooking fire.
Figure 2-3. Camp layouts of Airstream rally and Methodist, camp meeting. A) Airstream
ratty formation, Auburn. Washington, 1962, and B) Ground pian of camp
ground for camp meeting, 14 by 1.6 rods (Airstream Corporation; 8.W.
Gorham, Camp Meeting Manual, 133}
Bii/'abesh and William Gcnine. Camping with the Family, Public A flairs Pamphlet Ho, 388 (Public
Affairs Committee; l%6>.
Dan and Inez Morris. The Weekend Camper (New York: Bobbs-McrriH. 1973).


365
... were really camping, you'd never see how folk could live at all in such a-
rough and incomplete household, it's quite wondrous .. tho [sic] weve been too
busy even to note the dramatic moment moving into our own ought to be.14
The Kings Road House of R.M. Schindler works within the paradoxical territory of
the temporary and the permanent. The concept for the house was initiated during a
camping trip in October 1921. On their long-awaited vacation, Schindler and his wife
Pauline camped along Tenaya Creek in the High Sierras after completion of the plans for
Wrights Barnsdall House in September. The Schindlers outfitted their secondhand
Chevrolet touring car in the same year that the widely distributed Motor Camping Book
was authored and published by Elon Jessup. In his reply to Richard Neutras letter,
Schindler described his possible departure for Japan to supervise Wrights work
following the completion of the Imperial Hotel, noting that everything will be decided in
the next two weeks.15 Born in Prague. Rudolph M. Schindler had immigrated to the
United States from Vienna in March 1914 aboard the Kaiserin Auguste Viktoria. Before
the camping trip in June 1921, Schindler had written Neutra from Los Angeles that he
was still not at home here and that he was considering a return to Vienna.16 Having
subsequently ruled out this return to Vienna, Schindler decided that, if work in Japan
fails, he would remain in Los Angeles and build a small studio from which to establish
his architectural practice.
A house roams at night when its occupants sleep.17
14 Pauline Gibling Schindler to unknown, 22 May 1922, in Smith and Darling, The Architecture of R.M.
Schindler, 2001:92.
15 Sheine, 33.
16 Sheine, 33.
17 John Hejduk, Sentences on the House and Other Sentences, Such Places as Memory (Cambridge. MA:
MIT Press, 1998), 120.


298
Parks By-Laws, though to a lesser degree, also regulate the communitys dealings with
the external public.
Making Camp: The Eutopic Construct
OBJECT: To provide a winter home for American Tourists, under the best
influences, for the mutual benefit of all, the improvement of health, the
encouragement of education, and the moral betterment as well as the amusement
and entertainment of all, and to establish good fellowship, and enforce clean and
sanitary camp and cottage sites.38
The objectives expressed in the Preamble of the By-Laws and Constitution of the
Camping Tourists of America outline a social, political, and spatial structure that is
eutopic in its call for the best possible social order that can be afforded to its inhabitants
within a camping setting. As a place of ideal happiness and of good, if not perfect, order,
eutopia was one aspect of Sir Thomas Mores work titled Utopia and published in 1516.
In this project, More plays on the antithetical qualities of eutopia (good place) and utopia
(no place) to talk about the social structure of the imaginary island of Utopia. In early
promotional literature for Braden Castle Park, the community is described as a type of
eutopia: Braden Castle Camp is, in fact, the Democratic Eldorado [sic] for a select
group of transients who make this city and this county [Manatee] their winter
headquarters.' In this section, a simultaneous reading of Mores Utopia and the By-
Laws of the Camping Tourists of America along with the built environment of the camp
itself will sketch a set of possible relations between the conceptions of both
!X Constitution and By-Laws of Camping Tourists of America, Braden Castle Park. Bradenton. Manatee
County, Florida, 1945, page 2.
u "Braden Castle. Tourist Center, is a Part of Manatee, n.d.. n.p.


112
Rather than a static form of settlement, camp can be understood as a dynamic cultural
construction; like the tent, camp is the physical and metaphysical weaving that makes
sense of the world. For Betsky and Semper, form is not determined by space, but instead
by the operations of making (and weaving) that occur in and around the physical reality
and the idea of the camp.
In more contemporary society, the idea of the camp has been introduced within
commodified architectural styles and applications of domestic decoration. Lynn Spigel
identifies this occurrence as the indoor-outdoor aesthetic that influences the relation of
the home to media. Spigel argues that the mobile privatization of the stationary
television set linking the home to the world becomes the privatized mobility of the
portable electronic device along with interior-exterior spatial connectivity of the
modern home. Domesticity allows for the secure experience of the rustic and the
outdoor. Along these lines, a 1966 Ladies Home Journal article titled Indoor Camp-
out touts the living room floor as the ideal campsite and proposes that a new line of
sleeping bags makes for an indoor-outdoor adventure for the whole family.50 Spigel
notes that the accompanying image shows the familys indoor camp-out arranged around
the fathers miniature portable television.51
5(1 Margaret White, Ladies Home Journal, June 1966, 76-7, quoted in Lynn Spigel, Media Homes: Then
and Now, International Journal of Cultural Studies (Volume 4(4), 2001), 385-411, p.392.
51 These backyard campouts occur in the domesticated, tame wilderness of the suburban lawn and garden.


Copyright 2003
by
Charlie Hailey


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS v
LIST OF FIGURES x
ABSTRACT xv
CHAPTER
1 ARRIVING 1
Prologue 1
Airstream and Mattang 3
From Camp(site) to Campsite 17
Statement of Problem 21
Themes and the Concept of Paradox 28
Statement of Puipose 29
Statement of Questions 29
2 SITING 31
Organization of the Work 31
Guide Manual Scrapbook 31
-ing 54
Siting 55
Clearing 59
Making 63
Breaking 65
Research Design 66
Research Method and Methodological Framework 67
Theoretical Framework 70
Lexical Toolbox: From Camp(site) to Campsite 72
Vernacular (as process) 89
3 CLEARING CAMP 95
Defining Camp 95
Review of Literature (and related projects) 113
Inclusions 142
Exclusions 142
vi


2 i 7
Figure 7-1. Gbsonton, Florida arid the World's Columbian Exposition Midway
Plaisance. A) View of Highway 41 entrance to Gbsonton, south to Giants
Camp Restaurant, and B) Aerial view of Giant's Camp, Gibsonton, Florida,
1968
bait shop to service the fishing community and maintained the existing bar as a
restaurant, which is the extant Giants Camp Restaurant. The original bait shop was
destroyed in 1997 after the Tornaini's waterfront lease (set at $i.00/year in the 1940s for
approximately 30 feet of bayfront property) was no longer honored by Cargill Phosphate,
the company that owns the bay access.
Siting Camp: At Home on the Midway
. . (and it is part of my good fortune not to be a home-owner!). But if I had to.. /'
Friedrich Nietzsche. The Gay Science, trims. Josef)tie Nauckbnff (New York: Cambridge, 200!). 14?,


274
ham. The one next to it holds six one pound boxes of coffee, sugar, flour, meal,
rolled oats, and rice. In the left middle compartment are canned goods of various
sorts milk, soups, Crisco, and so on. The right middle space is given over to a
fifty-one piece set of nested aluminum ware such as I described in Chapter V. In
the lower compartment next to the running board first a two-burner gasoline stove..
. With this equipment, the owner and his family covered more than six thousand
miles during one summer and fall.72
This operation of boxing is also found in the camping boxcar (Figure 8-8). Writing on
economy, Henry David Thoreau proposes a railroad box as economical shelter:
Consider first how slight a shelter is absolutely necessary. I have seen Penobscot
Indians, in this town, living in tents of thin cotton cloth, while the snow was nearly
a foot deep around them. . Formerly, when how to get my living honestly, with
freedom left for my proper pursuits, was a question which vexed me even more
than it does now ... I used to see a large box by the railroad, six feet long by three
wide, in which the laborers locked up their tools at night, and it suggested to me
that every man who was hard pushed might get such a one for a dollar, and, having
bored a few auger holes in it, to admit the air at least, get into it when it rained and
at night, and hook down the lid, and so have freedom in his love, and in his soul be
free. This did not appear the worst, nor by any means a despicable alternative. You
could sit up as late as you pleased, and, whenever you got up, go abroad without
any landlord or houselord dogging you for rent. Many a man is harassed to death to
pay the rent of a larger and more luxurious box who would not have frozen to death
in such a box as this.
Like the trailer in its portability and the portable cupboard in its economy of space,
the railroad box also serves as a heuristic to Thoreaus discourse on a personal freedom
unhampered by landlords, rent, and debt. This freedom from is picked up on by the Tin
Can Tourists and is reflected in the postcard that states prominently, Where the iceman
cuts no ice, meaning that the Tourist is not bound to the daily delivery of services as
those encumbered by more permanent dwelling (Figure 8-4a). Thoreau echoes this
burden of obtaining ice in his description of a camping practice to avoid this extravagant
need: Whoever camps for a week in summer by the shore of a pond, needs only bury a
71 Jessup. 82-3.
73 Henry David Thoreau, Walden (Philadelphia: Courage Books, 1990), 24.


224
as political entity, but as a source of services.19 Jackson subsequently points out,
Mobility and change are the key to the vernacular landscape, but of an involuntary,
reluctant sort ... an unending adjustment to circumstances." Its relationship to the
planning and zoning of Hillsborough County is more complicated. In fact, the zoning of
areas within what accounts for Gibsonton has resulted in its expansion and growth; in the
1950s a zoning overlay called Residential Show Business was added to allow for the
display of carnival equipment in the front yards of performers and operators who were
increasingly drawn to Gibsontons emerging community. This zoning revision recognized
the areas ad hoc community (a community colloquially referred to as carnietown) and
coincided with Sarasotas restrictions on such public displays of carnival equipment.
Attempting to alter its own image as a winter haven for carnival and circus performers its
growth as a retirement village and cultural center for southwest Florida, Sarasota revised
its planning and zoning ordinances explicitly to disallow the display of circus
paraphernalia on residential property. The Ferris wheels, funnel cake stands, and lions
and tigers moved north to the front yards of Gibsonton. The Show Business (SB) district
expressly accommodates the special needs of business and residential uses related to
circus, carnival, and other show business activities and provides opportunity for the
special housing patterns needed by these business persons and ultimately encourages
grouping of those land uses having specific interrelationships with the show business
activity."1 The intentioned publicity that began with the siting of Giants Camp
19 J.B. Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven: Yale, 1984), 86.
20 Jackson. 151.
Hillsborough [County] Comprehensive Plan, Sec. 3.01.02 SB Show Business Overlay District /
Purpose.


or
Figure 7-11. Support and matrix for roller coaster on t he Midway and detail of blocking
In the former, the region itself becomes a place. At the same time, a multiplicity of
places make up this region. Place-as--region describes a simultaneity of here and there,
near and far, large (global) and small (local). The territory can be found in the detail, and
the detail in the territory. Such places are thus not delimited by either locating or
partitioning. Aristotles contradictory statement, though alluding to his understanding of
place as position, does hint at this possibi lity of being tbere/here. Positioning of place
might occur at a distance. Region can be understood as place if the fluidity of time and
movement is considered. For the performers living in Gibson ton, the seasonal network of
carnivals and fairs serves as the region in which these particular reconstructions of the
midway occur. The construction of midway formulates the local operations that
characterize the relation to place. Though relating to the 'model of the midway, the
flexibility and fluidity of local operations allows for each place to be understood in its
specificity and in its connotation as region. Any place in the region becomes some place
through the construction and performance of the midway.
William James, The Meaning of Truth, 246.


180
a schoolhouse for the area. And, as noted, the Tin Can Tourists had ¡.heir first meeting in
Tampa's De Soto Park, which as a result soon became an active municipal campground.
Figure 5-11. Plan of Rnskin Colony, Florida, and bust of John Ruskin by Sir Joseph
Edgar Boehm (Ashmolean Museum)
The intentions behind the siting of these camp communities also share aspects of
what has been called the "utopic impulse/''"' In her use of this phrase to describe Roland
Barthes ideas about space, travel, and waiting, Diana Knight notes that the liberation of
an alienated culture is bound to take (or attempt to take) utopian forms precisely
because there are no known models/' Conceptually, a camp mentality could he defined
as this impulse or desire for something else, roughly locating camp between the ideal and
the real a zone in which John Raskins own phrase nothing but process would apply.
Ruskin writes, I work down or up to my mark, and let the reader see process and
progress, not caring to conceal them, but this book [Proserpina] will be nothing but
Diana Knight Barthes and Utopia. Space. Travel, and Writing (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1997). 2,
:u Knight, 12.


348
the camp(site) between camp and campsite. For Bergson, duration is a way of being
that is partially revealed in its process. In a statement that resonates with the discussion
of the local absolute, Deleuze notes that for Bergson there are two sides to any location
(or absolute):
Duration is always the location and the environment of differences in kind; it is
even their totality and multiplicity. There are no differences in kind except in
duration while space is nothing other than the location, the environment, the
totality of differences in degree.7
The way of being is thus a combination of location and environment, the lieu and the
milieu. In Bergsons model, differences in kind allow for a true multiplicity of
experience.8 Duration is the composite, aggregate, and environment for this type of
difference. Bergson thus helps to re-frame the problem of uncritically equating space and
place. While his focus on time as opposed to space and his equivalence of space and
location obscure the role of place in our experience of the world (our way of being),9
Bergsons redefinition of space through time does suggest a type of place related to the
subject of this study. Deleuzes explication of this Bergsonian new space resonates
deeply with other discussions of place presented in this dissertation (Sola-Morales
place-as-event and Caseys place-as-pragmatic). Deleuze offers a reading of Bergsons
concept:
If things endure, or if there is duration in things, the question of space will need to
be reassessed on new foundations. For space will no longer simply be a form of
exteriority, a sort of screen that denatures duration, and impurity that comes to
disturb the pure, a relative that is opposed to the absolute: Space itself will need to
be based in things, in relations between things and between durations, to belong
7 Giles Deleuze, Bergsonism (New York: Zone, 1991), 32.
8 Bergson summarizes this relation to experience, Our concept of duration was really the translation of a
direct and immediate experience. (Duration and Simultaneity, xxvii).
J See Edward Caseys critique of Bergson on this ambiguity of how he relates time and place.


an internationally legible ieonographic code. Thus, the terminology on the lei? implies an
archetypal set that remains generic (in its universality), and the re-interpretation of the
icon on the right itssoc.iaf.es specific practices with the earaping iconography. The icons
used in the legend were derived from their usage in Dan and Inez Morris The Weekend
Camper. Morris introduction discusses the development and adoption of the icons (or
'picture symbols) by the National Park Service and notes that the symbols will have the
same color scheme, white on brown, grey-blue, or green, and that a red slash-mark
across the symbol indicates that the activity is prohibited.6 From this threshold position.
the icons mediating role is supplemented by its indexical function maintaining the
diverse connections that, indicate the possibility of multiple interpretations.
Figure 5-3. Billboards and entrance to campground. Highway 53 exit and Interstate 10,
Madison, Florida
In this indexical mode of pointing, the legendary icons are also seen as tropes for
spatial practice. This figurative aspect is partially precipitated by the disconnect between
the Park Services institutionalization of camping and the everyday experience of
camping. These tropes also create and mediate a dialogic relationship between the
mrages and the text, from within this middle column, the tropes register both the figura!
treatment of camp and the often-rionstandard marginalized usage of space in practiced
Dan and Inez. Monck. The Weekend Camper (Indianapolis: Bobhs-Merril!, 1973).


281
Perhaps I have never
Been fettered
To space and the flying hours,
1 86
Am as free as an eagle!
An alternative path that early city officials and citizens might have taken is to
embrace rather than expel the condition of difference introduced by the campers. It is my
contention that understanding place provides another option for framing and
understanding such conflictual situations. As an idea, place maintains an open field of
inquiry that is lost with the closure of spaces. Place before emplacement (through this
spatial closure) resonates with the early municipal camp in its allowance for the outsider
to experience the open landscape of Florida. In their incompleteness, Floridas early
towns were residual places of tourism that could be transformed with seasonal change. In
this early stage, Floridas urban situation suggests the possibility of an unromantic, non-
nostalgic placeful utopia. Tied up in this paradox (and oxymoron) is E.B. Whites
vision of Florida and its rudimentary cities:
Although I am no archeologist, I love Florida as much for the remains of her
unfinished cities as for the bright cabanas on her beaches. I love to prowl the dead
sidewalks that run off into the live jungle, under the broiling sun of noon, where the
cabbage palms throw their spiny shade across the stillborn streets and the creepers
bind old curbstones in a fierce sensual embrace... ,87
Though post-dating the Tin Can Tourists first incursion within Tampas
municipality, Whites image of the ruins of speculation characterizes Floridas urban
condition of the time. Might such an unfinished city be the ideal situation for urban
camping? Finding a way to allow for (not incorporate or co-opt) urban transience
86 Friedrich Nietzsche, Homeless(0/;/;e Heimat), 1859, translated by R.J. Hollingdale, from Nietzsche:
The Man and His Philosophy (1965). Nietzsches definition of the homeless here is clearly divergent from
that of Krauss but his sentiments about mobility and perceptions of mobility provide a transition to the
discussion of itinerancy and place.
87 E.B. White, On a Florida Key, Essays of E.B. White (New York: Harper Row, 1977), 140.


14
The trailer links site to place, home to region, and mobile unit to ground. As a result of
this connectivity, these details (mattang and Airstream) relate to and in many ways
become territories. The mattang becomes the open sea, and the surface of the trailer
registers its journey by indexing an itinerary. The Worlds Most Traveled Trailer
(Figure 1 -4c) references past destinations in a listing applied to the exterior skin of the
Airstream Globetrotter. Similar to indigenous dwellings that can be quickly erected in a
site (for example, yurts, teepees, and bamboo lodgings), the shell of the Airstream trailer
does not change but allows for almost instantaneous occupation of the site. The context
in which the trailer is placed changes. And in the particular case of the Airstream trailer,
the surface reflects the new siting in its polished skin a mirroring that alludes to the
transformative potential (physically and metaphysically) between the new site and its
displaced occupant.
Both mattang and Airstream are vectors in the sense of the term developed by the
philosopher Michel Serres:
...one must seize the gesture [as in transformations, wanderings, crisscrossings] as
the relation is in progress and prolong it. There is neither beginning nor end; there
is a sort of vector. Thats it I think vectorially. Vector: vehicle, sense, direction,
the trajectory of time, the index of movement or of transformation. Thus, each
gesture is different, obviously.13
Although retaining directionality, this type of vector does not link fixed point to fixed
point. Instead, the intensification of this directionality becomes indexed travel, recording
changes in place and time. For Serres, the gesture occurs at the intersection of thinking
and acting; and gestural difference results from the specificity of the particular
transformations, wanderings, and crisscrossings of the nomadic subject. With the
15 Michel Serres with Bruno Latour, Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, trans. Roxanne Lapidus
(Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 104.


Lexical Toolbox: From Camp(site) to Campsite, or A Thousand Different Sites
Figure 2-7. Camping kits from the 1930s. A) Nested aluminum cooking kit, refrigerator
basket, and thermos jar. B) Cooking and stove kit (Kimball and Decker.
Touring with Tent and Trailer, 185, 64}
Camping occurs from camp to camp, and when a degree of permanency is achieved
the place of the camp(site) becomes a campsite. Camping is a mode of producing place.
Such campsites do not merely form static communities but, as places of transformation.
become dynamic coincidences of memory, geography, and architecture. In this section.
the work is framed theoretically by adose reading of Ignasi de Sola-Morales' statement;
From a thousand different sites, the production of place continues to be possible.
H9
This close reading is meant to serve as a lexical toolbox90 for thinking about and making
place, for describing the context in which a camping practice might be carried out, and
r'9 Sola-Morales, 104.
The idea of the lexical toolbox began with the development of a list of terms gleaned from reading the
work of Michel Serres. This Serresian lexicon sought not only to define the philosophers language bul
also to find eonnotative interconnections among Ins works. This defining and cross-referencing of terms
ranged from ataraxia (state of tranquility) to vincula (connections) and from axon (core of a nerve fiber) to
thalweg (line connecting lowest point of a valley or navigable waterway). The lexicon became a tracing of
a particular path of reading, a guide for subsequent reading, and a map of ideas that at a certain point


132
summarizes the improvisational and temporal quality of these projects in discussing
another work cycle in Argentinean Favelas where he observed the shanty towns were
regularly destroyed and rebuilt: This nomadic situation, this temporal cycle, greatly
influenced my idea of building and destroying everything and all the while recycling the
materials. Destroying, throwing away, rebuilding. Its a non-site situation, a situation of
non-history.111 Rather than originating in improvisation, the work of Joep Van Lieshout
takes the manufactured quality of the mobile home as a point of provocation, resulting in
the mobile units {La Bais-o-Drome, Survival Unit Autocrat, and Modular House Mobile)
112
that combine the romantic, the pragmatic, and ultimately the ironic.
Kronenburgs position frames more recent consideration of the possibilities of
portable architecture.11' In his preface to Jennifer Siegals Mobile, Kronenburg
designates mobile architecture as flexible, democratic, and free as opposed to static
and autocratic.114 Does mobility yield democratic living? The question is not
answered in most of the work included in Siegals collection of projects. Many works
such as Vito Acconcis Mobile Linear City, Doug Jacksons e-Hive, and LOT/EKs
Mixer/Media Cocoon remain in the detached semi-autocratic world of the artist-
designer. Siegal's own projects attend to the transformative potential of a mobile object
placed in an urban space. Along with the work of Pugh + Scarpa, Siegals projects
111 Tadashi Kawamata, Exhibition Catalogue Sach, 1994.
112 Klaar van de Lippe, Interview with Joep Van Lieshout, Ephemeral / Portable Architecture, ed. Robert
Kronenburg, 34-7.
Robert Kronenburg. Houses in Motion: The Genesis, History and Development of the Portable Building,
2nd edition (London: Wiley-Academic, 2002).
Jennifer Siegal, Mobile: The Art of Portable Architecture (New York: Princeton Architectural Press,
2002), 15.


322
filing for classification as a 501(c)(3) organization. Eric Amptmeyer, the Webmaster and
primary advocate for the City, notes in a bulletin board posting:
We need to preserve what might be the last frontier left in America, Slab City.
Such a small tract of land, yet the historical importance is quite rich.... Not many
places are left in this country where a person can just pick a spot and park
indefinitely.... This is one the last few undisturbed places left in the United States
where a person can feel totally free.20
In addition to this utopic realization of the American dream in a residual and still-extant
frontier, a more subjective frontier also delimits and regulates space for the camping
public, loosely codifying interaction and establishment of boundaries on the ground.
W.H. Auden describes such a personal frontier in the Postscript to his poem Prologue:
The Birth of Architecture:
Some thirty inches from my nose
The frontier of my person goes,
And all the untilled air in between
Is private pagus or demesne.
Stranger, unless with bedroom eyes
I beckon you to fraternize,
Beware of rudely crossing it:
I have no gun, but I can spit.21
If the frontier is ultimately reduced to this human scale of detail, then campsites
themselves (particularly within the fluctuation of Slab Citys population) become zones
of contention between known and unknown, conditions of home and exile, and place and
placelessness. Each iteration of camping, that is each moment of interaction, becomes
important in understanding the forces and relationships involved; and it is within the
context of the frontier that these moments might be understood at Slab City. In sum,
the frontier like the campsite and the activity of camping itself serves as a mediating
211 Eric Amptmeyer. Response to Daniel Adkins, 26 December 2002
"1 W.H. Auden, Complete Works, 688.


CHAPTER 11
BREAKING CAMP (CONCLUSIONS)
Camps
In this research, each campsite (case study) has become a set of related camps and
ideas about camp. Each set is constructed from previous sitings on or near the actual
campsite, from historically related camps or phenomena that resonate with situations of
camp, and from the notion of camp as an idea or method closely related to each case
studys particular place-situation. Ruskin is sited over and within a pre-existing
turpentine camp. Its connection to John Ruskin draws in the idea of campus, through the
siting of the Ruskin College campus within the turpentine camp and through Oxford
University where Ruskin was a student and generated many of his ideas on art and
architecture. Ruskin also yields the procedural concepts of nothing but process and the
caravannish manner of a digressive technique of writing and practicing. Gibsonton is
sited adjacent to a fish camp. As the winter home to carnival performers, the town has
mixed places of dwelling and performing. Giants Camp, the preliminary stage of the
community, initiated this synthesis of home and Midway. Historically, the Midway
Plaisance represents a similar modality of connector and destination. The camps
represented along the Midway Plaisance are analogous to the carnival-performer camps
alongside later midways that migrate across the country in a series of seasonal and inter-
seasonal constructions and reconstructions. The platform camps of Manila Village are
sited near the fish camps and houseboat communities of Baratara Bay and the
343


107
plateau. As places of waiting and relaying (both intellectually and materially), camps
can be compared to this plateau-aphorism coupling, most notably in terms of Deleuzian
smooth space. The nomadic space with its exteriority of thought is contrasted with
the interiorized sovereignty of the State: the form of exteriority situates thought in a
smooth space that it must occupy without counting, and for which there is no possible
method,... but only relays, intermezzos, resurgences. The implications that this
notion has for what could be called camp method will be addressed in a later section
and in the conclusion.
Along these lines (both Nietzschean and Deleuzian), camp can also be defined in
terms of the weak architecture proposed by Ignasi de Sola-Morales. Adapted from
Gianni Vattimo's weak thought,34 weak architecture in its tangential (as opposed to
dominating and centralized) quality allows for an open epistemological system and a
productive, though unstable, ground of reference. Sola-Morales writes,
. . contemporary architecture, in conjunction with the other arts, is confronted with
the need to build on air, to build in the void. The proposals of contemporary art are
to be constructed not on the basis of any immovable reference, but under the
obligation to posit for every step both its goal and its grounding.33
Weak architecture thus arises not from foundational positions or modernist ideals of
progress and stability but from recollection, events, resonance, and fragments. (1 The
weakness is understood by Sola-Morales and Vattimo as reflecting the conditions of
contemporary culture in which the reality of modernist thought must be addressed to
33 Deleuze and Guattari, 45.
34 The Italian term for weak thought' used by Vattimo is pensiero debole. In translation, Vattimos work
includes The End of Modernity (1991) and the recently published After Christianity (2002).
35 Sola-Morales, 59.
36 See Sola-Moraless conclusion on pages 70-1.


250
predominantly middle class include members from a wide range of backgrounds and
professions.21
Between Denizen and Citizen: Siting the Tin Can Tourists of the World
The Tin Can Tourists first met in December 1919 on the grounds of Desoto Park on
McKay Bay in Tampa. Twenty-one autocampers led by James M. Morrison of Chicago
convened at the Park and in January 1920 produced a constitution and by-laws.22 In the
winter of 1921-2, Desoto Park hosted 4,329 camping tourists who arrived in 1,571
autocampers." The density of the Parks accommodations is evident in Ernest Meyers
photographs from that time. Meyer documented the life of the Tin Can Tourists on the
road, traveling throughout Florida with his wife Jennie and beloved cat between 1921 and
1924.24
From its inception, the Tin Can Tourists appended the clause of the World to
their organizations name. The irony of this designation can be found in their relatively
insular habitation of the central Florida region, with occasional spring and summer
conventions in Michigan and the Midwest. Although the Tin Can Tourists aspirations of
global camping was not realized (until perhaps their revitalization as a virtual community
with web site and internet network),25 their invocation of the world as their range does
For example, the Camping Tourists of America, an offshoot of the Tin Can Tourists that founded Braden
Castle Park, included members with the title of Doctor, possibly alluding to either medical doctors or
academics. Also, a 1936 issue of Trailer News calls the trailerites the great middle class of our people
(Kavanaugh, n.p.).
22 These documents are found in the Florida State Archives.
23 Preston, 122.
4 See Nick Wynne's Tin Can Tourists in Florida 1900 1970, Images of America (1999).
25
See www.tincantourists.com.


269
Figure 8-9. A home-devised sheet metal, running-board food box, 1921. A) The food
box unfolds to serve as a cooking area: the camper is refilling his gasoline
stove, and B) Food box that fits in the space created by the automobile's
running board (Jessup, The Motor Camping Book, 78, 82)


90
compares the vernacular to a living organism such as the human body. Dante uses a
mans development to maturity as a metaphor to describe the process of the vernacular's
growth: Nor should what I have just said seem more strange than to see a man grown to
maturity when we have not witnessed his growing. According to this model, the
vernacular is a being in the process of becoming.138 Such a dynamic proceeds along
Sola-Morales unstable ground of difference and thus contradicts vernaculars
commonly held meaning of similitude and uncomplicated locality, also found in the
explicit etymology of its synonym autochthonous meaning from one (or the same) earth
or ground.139
Linking language and humanity, the illustrious vernacular is to be composed of
suitable fragments from existing and nascent languages.140 Though Dante hopes the
vernacular language can become the standard language of citizens, poets, and courts
alike, the initial formulation of the language begins from difference and the dissimilarity
of dialects and regional influences. The organism of the vernacular will however remain
a living system that can adapt and evolve with change. An additional characteristic of
this vernacular, particularly in the context of the mobility of camps, is Dantes
personification of the new language as a homeless stranger. This itinerant formulation
137 Alighieri, I.ix.6 (Botterril, 21). Ironically, Dante must use Latin, which he believes is artificial in
contrast to the vernaculars natural quality, in order to outline his proposal for the illustrious vernacular:
Nec aliter mirum videatur quod dicimus quam percipere iuvenem exoletum quern exolescere non
videmus....
138 This aspect of vernacular as process relates to Michel Serres discussion of the organism-system-sheaf.
Also writing about the Origin of Language, Serres notes, an organism is a system and later asks, What
is an organism? A sheaf of times. What is a living system? A bouquet of times. (Hermes, 71, 75)
139 The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed vol. I (New York: Oxford, 1989), 802.
140
In this respect, Dantes vernacular is similar to a koine or a lingua franca in its attempt to gather
together linguistic and syntactic fragments from various dialects into a standard language common to a
larger region.


106
In the novel The World in the Evening, Christopher Isherwood digresses from his
autobiographical account to write about camp as an idea with broad implications for
aesthetics and philosophy:
I admit its terribly hard to define. You have to meditate on it and feel it intuitively,
like Laotses Tao [sic]. Once youve done that, youll find yourself wanting to use
the word whenever you discuss aesthetics or philosophy, or just about anything. I
31
can never understand how critics manage to do without it.
In Isherwoods formulation, camp combines a general applicability in philosophical
demonstrations with the potential for a highly subjective and individual method. This
idea of camp comes close to the way just as Lao Tzu's idea of water: Because water
excels in benefiting the myriad creatures without contending with them and settles where
32
none would like to be, it comes close to the way. In a home it is the site that matters.
The fluidity of water and camp allows for an approach to the way that remains labile
and infinitely adaptable. This inherent flexibility and lightness of camp allows for a
habitability of the seemingly uninhabitable and a suitability of the apparently
inappropriate. This site nonsite dialogue reflects camps paradoxical home-away-from-
home and homely unheimlich.
If camp as the way requires a meditation on such paradoxes, then camp as an
aphoristic style would require Nietzsches practice of rumination. The aphorism waits
for meaning from the application of external forces. Deleuze and Guattari take up this
notion of an aphoristic style in this Nietzschean spirit with the creation of plateaus that
serve as relays within a multiplicity of externalized forces; the aphorism becomes the
11 Christopher Isherwood, The World in the Evening (1954/6), 106.
3~ Lao Tze, Tao Te Ching, trans. D.C. Lau (New York: Penguin, 1986), VIII, 20-21, p.64. I have extended
the excerpt to include the line In a home . . not only for its usefulness to the subject but also with a
recognition of Tzes note that there is a continuity in sense and rhyme between the lines.


238
Figure 7-12. View of Giants Camp to the north along Highway 41 and view of Midway
at. Florida State Fair
Place-as-pragmatic refers to the idea that place is a milieu, or middle ground, in
which something is made. In terms of dwelling, this condition is not a simple positioning
(along a surface) nor is it a dwelling through complete rootedness, or depth. Instead,
place-as-pragmatic is place as process in which operations (like the local operations
above) define and are defined by attributes of place. To dwell lightly, as in the
implementation of the midway and the development of the town of Gibsonton, is to press
the ground but to do so with respect to configurations of local details and to the larger
territorial implications. Taking into account James call to ambulation, place-as-
pragmatic occurs between location and fixity in a less structured, though equally
rigorous, movement hither and thither.45 ft refers to the place where things are worked
on," where the ground is molded, scraped, and pressed and where formal ordering is
derived from imperfections in the site requiring a series of operations, siting, leveling.
4' The ambulation of James' thesis points to a peripatetic practice that does not rely on movement from one
point to another destination, rather the "walker moves with thought. The intervening experiences then
occur not within a network but in a finid matrix of thinking and making. This configuration is reminiscent
of: Michel Serres' reading of Jules Michelets Sea as the soup, which is "milk, blood, a solution of mineral
salts, [and] an electrical flux (Hermes, 35). The soup synthesizes hyiozoism (animation of matter),
vitalism, and encyclopedism into a reservoir, or thermodynamic model.
k> 1 have derived this phrase form Caseys discussion of place-as-pragmatic (246).


66
camp space. It is this characteristic of desertion that Sola-Morales and Massimo
Cacciari find in Heideggers later work. The restorative stability (sought by Norberg-
Schulz, Frampton and others in Heideggers work) is precluded by this presence of
breaking. To Heideggers ideas of Raumen (clearing space), Einraumen (making room),
and Ramngeben (giving space) is added his notion of Einbruch, which is breaking (into)
space. In his reading of Being and Time, Casey summarizes this notion: Dasein [being-
in-the-world] takes space not only so as to break into space more freely, such an
Einbruch into space is accomplished by making room for leeway: clearing the space for
diverse engagements. From such spatial latitude, Dasein comes back to place.76
Breaking in effect re-links and refastens camp to place. This refastening can also be
understood as a reification that works back from place to camp. In this sense, camp
reifies the abstractions and ideas of place through the campers mental and often physical
re-construction of place. Camp becomes one of many possible materializations of place.
Research Design
For its design, this study uses multiple-case studies as the framework for answering
the research questions and achieving the objectives. The research design works between
two types of case studies, the explanatory and the exploratory. The explanatory model
adapts a hermeneutic method of interpretation to understand the particular situations of
camp cases and the forces that shape them. This empiricism is altered by the inclusion of
exploratory aspects that inform the invention of a method not only for understanding the
camps studied but also for re-working them into a tool that might be used to inform a
76 Casey, 258.


256
Originally published in Trailer Travel magazine, Wally Byams Four Freedoms echo
many of the ideas expressed in Constants declaration. These Freedoms are Freedom
from Arrangements, Freedom from the problems of age, Freedom to know, and Freedom
for fun. Freedom from arrangements is made possible by having all your
accommodations right there with you home is where you stop. According to Byam,
Freedom to know can occur because of the combination of mobility and home when
you travel in a trailer, you meet people in their homes and they meet you in theirs.
Finally, Byam concludes with the fourth Freedom, which is the culmination of the other
38
three; Freedom for fun allows the trailerite to relax and lose yourself mentally.
Byams emphasis on freedom is ultimately framed within the possibility for ludic
39
activity.
While the Tin Can Tourists organization itself allows for a placelessness within
the world medium, the pragmatics of access and leisure require siting the global
campground adjacent to or within some infrastructural system. A series of Central
Florida locations reflect components of this practical connection between camp and city.
In the 1920s, De Soto Park was linked to Ybor City and Tampas commercial core by a
trolley line. In addition the Parks proximity to McKay Bay provided water access for
recreational activities such as fishing and boating. The Municipal Trailer Park on Oregon
Avenue was centrally located on the Hillsborough River within Tampas early city limits.
The Park was also the site for the Convention Hall, which was built between 1946 and
' Wally Byams Four Freedoms are included in Burkhart and Hunts Airstream (2000), page 42.
39 Though clearly arising from different Marxist and democratic-social political origins and drawing
directly and indirectly from Huizinga, the ideas espoused by Constant and Byam for a freedom to travel
and to experience are both tied to and derived from the productivity-efficiency of modern technology -
Byams inventive use and promotion of the automobile-trailer and Constants understanding of the general
automation-mechanization of work.


65
improvisational activity.73 The making of the Open City relies on the correspondence
between the poiesis of this travesa and city as polis.14 The Open City itself then
becomes a poetic act. The idea of an open city meshes with the understanding of the
making of camp not only as an open-ended process but also as an indefinite material,
social, and political construction. In the open city, the campo of the field and country
is re-introduced to the polis; and the polis is returned to its historical and poetic origins
that lie in the process of making camp.
In the works organization, the main section Making is comprised of the case
studies that, as material for the work, generate situations and ideas that are reviewed in
concluding sections. Within each case study, a sub-section titled Making relates the
specific practices associated with that particular iteration of camping.
Breaking
Breaking camp returns the camper to pure movement. Tied up in this renewed
itinerancy of departure is an assumed arrival. Thus, breaking, in what might be called its
un-siting, retains elements of re-siting. Analytically, breaking allows for the possibility
of invention. The acknowledgement of breaking is always present in the creation of
73 Pendleton-Jullian, 85-7.
74 Pendleton-Jullian, 143. Poiesis is the action or faculty of producing or doing something especially
creatively. Pendleton-Jullian notes the implied emphasis on process or the act of creativity as opposed to
the result. In her discussion of polis, Indra Kagis McEwen notes that the construction (as opposed to
chora) was allowed to appear as a surface woven by the activity of its inhabitants; with processions to
sanctuaries providing linkages to the territorial edges. McEwen argues that the polis was emergent and
made in addition to being influenced by colonization (Socrates Ancestor: An Essay in Architectural
Beginning, Cambridge. MA: MIT Press, 1993, 80-1).
75 The idea of the open city can also work at the scale of the house or individual residence. The domestic
construction as poetic act is reflected in R.M. Schindlers understanding of the Kings Road house that
combined a campsite with poetics of construction with the regional attributes of southern California.
Chapter 12 will focus on the Kings Road house.


24
Kronenburg,36 for the most part ignore the possibilities of place in the siting and making
of architectural constructions. The source of this problem often arises from an
unexamined attachment of the ephemeral construct to the particular place. Attachment
here refers to material connections but also historical, phenomenological, even
metaphysical associations. Demountability does not deny the possibility of these
linkages. Moreover, ephemerality can in effect transcend temporality in its relation to
duration. An additional problem occurs when this intended ephemerality gains a degree
of permanence and becomes in effect a site for continued architectural production (and, in
the case of groupings, with the attendant social, cultural, and political productions).
Anthony Vidler outlines this problem of the mobile and the fixed in his discussion of
John Hejduk's vagabond architecture that explores a new type of space, that of the
nomad, as it intersects with the more static space of established realms. The problem
of ephemerality in relation to place and space is understood in the context of this
introduction of a characteristically heterogeneous mobile space within the normalized
space of the city.
This intersection of zones of mobility and fixity potentially problematizes the
relation between time and architecture. Discussing the problem of confusions of
domains of space with those of the experience of time, Deborah Hauptmann summarizes
36 Refer to the Review of Literature in Chapter 3 for a complete treatment of Kronenburgs work. His
seminal work is Houses in Motion: The Genesis, History and Development of the Portable Building (2002).
37 Anthony Vidler, The Architectural Uncanny (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1992), 214. Among the many
books and diary constructions of John Hejduk are Riga (Berlin: Aedes, 1988) and Vladivostok (New York:
Rizzoli, 1989). In each of these works, Hejduk sounds the depths of particular places (in this case, the
cities identified in the titles), in both their actual and imagined manifestations. Noted by Bernhard
Schneider, the result of his brigade of vagabond architecture is that the view from afar, from a foreigner,
the distant perspective is laden with imagination which can observe many things sharper and more clearly
than one familiar with the site for many years. (Hejduk, Riga, n.p.) For Hejduk, place actual is
transformed into "place imagined through the particular atmospheres and sounds of the sites and the
impregnation of his soul with the spirit of place (Hejduk n.p.).


385
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Jackson, John Brinckerhoff. The Necessity for Ruins. Amherst: The University of
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James, William. The Meaning of Truth. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
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Jameson, Fredric. The Geopolitical Aesthetic. Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
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Museum, 1998.
Kawamata, Tadashi. Kawamata: Toronto Project 1989. Toronto: Mercer Union, 1989.
Kellogg, Alice M. Recent Camp Architecture, Part 1. International Studio 25 (March-
June 1905): LXXIII-LXXVI.
Kellogg, Alice M. Recent Camp Architecture, Part 2. International Studio 26 (July-
October 1905): VI X.
Kennedy, Stetson. Palmetto Country. Tallahassee, FL: Florida A&M University Press,
1989.
Kimball, Winfield A., and Maurice H. Decker. Touring with Tent and Trailer. New
York: Whittlesey House, 1936.
Kniffen, Fred. The American Agricultural Fair: The Pattern. Annals of the Association
of American Geographers 39, no. 4 (December 1949).
Knight, Diana. Barthes and Utopia: Space, Travel, and Writing. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1997.
Kronenburg, Robert. Ephemeral / Portable Architecture. Architectural Design Profile,
No. 135, in Architectural Design, Edited by Maggie Toy. Vol. 68, no. 9/10
(September-October 1998).


255
in their discovery of new experiences."34 These Land Yacht Harbors were conceived
as minimal mobile home parks with facilities for temporary occupation, refueling, and
witnessing a particular place.35 Although more socialistic and less proprietary, remarks
delivered by the President of the World Community of Gypsies in 1963 reflect Byams
aspirations for global camping:
We are the living symbols of a world without frontiers, a world of freedom, without
weapons, where each man may travel without let or hindrance from the steppes of
central Asia to the Atlantic coast, from the high plateaus of South Africa to the
forests of Finland.'36
Byams Creed and his overall vision also resonates with Constant Nieuwenhuys
outline for a culture of New Babylon. Having included the Gypsies invocation (cited
above) as an epigraph to his writings on New Babylon, Constant continues with the
following polemical statement drawing from Huizingas ludic formulation:
... to imagine a social model in which the idea of freedom would become the real
practice of freedom ... It is obvious that a person free to use his time for the whole
of his life, free to go where he wants, when he wants, cannot make the greatest use
of his freedom in a world ruled by the clock and the imperative of a fixed abode.
As a way of life Homo Ludens will demand, firstly, that he responds to his need for
playing, for adventure, for mobility, as well as the conditions that facilitate the free
creation of his own life.37
34 This movement of discovery can also be found in the early projects of the Italian Superstudio group,
particularly in their vignette A Journey from A to B (1969) for which their caption reads there will be no
further reason for roads or squares. Such a prospective world would include a series of rest stops similar
to Byams Land Yacht Harbors.
35 See Wally Byam, Trailer Travel Here and Abroad. A comparison can be made between these Harbors
and Constants Model for a Gypsy Camp (Figure).
36 Vai'da Voivod III in an interview published in Algemeen Handelsblad, Amsterdam, 18 May 1963, in
Constant, New Bablyon, Theory of the drive and other situationist writings on the city, eds. Libero
Andreotti and Xavier Costa (Barcelona: Museum dArt Contemporani de Barcelona, 1996), 154.
37 Constant, New Babylon, in Libero Andreotti and Xavier Costa, eds, Theory of the derive and other
situationist writings on the city (Barcelona: ACTAR, 1994), 156-7. Peter Wollen notes that the
Situationists saw the festival as a method for and a process within this idea of freedom: [t]hey stressed the
role of the creative impulse, of art as an expression of an attitude to life, dynamic and disordered like a
popular festival, rather than a form of identical production (41).


333
within Slab Citys built environment, begins to outline a semi-permanent community
linked through the technology of the C.B. Radio.
Making Camp: From Temporary to Permanent Autonomous Zones
Burning Man is ... something like a physical version of the Internet.45
The TAZ [temporary autonomous zone] is like an uprising which does not engage
directly with the State, a guerilla operation which liberates an area (of land, of time,
of imagination) and then dissolves itself to re-form elsewhere/elsewhen, before the
State can crush it.46
Known informally as Burning Man, the Black Rocks Arts Festival is held
annually in the remote desert of northern Nevada. Larry Harvey, the founder of Burning
Man, identifies the key elements of the festival as the experience of labor and the
experience of play.47 Framed as a carnival of the arts, these two components combine in
the collective making of the participatory exercise of Burning Man and the construction
of the spectacle and sculpture of the Man itself. The festival concludes with the
conflagration of the Man the repetition of an event initiated by Harvey on a California
beach in 1986. Requiring participation and relying on experience, culture is something
that is made, for Harvey and members of the Cacophonists Society, who helped initiate
Burning Mans present form in 1990 as what they called Zone Trip #4. Harvey notes
that the transformative experience of the event represents not ail about society but art
that generates society. Framing itself as a non-commercial event, Burning Man allows
43 Bruce Sterling, Variation on a Theme Park (Taking the Kids to Burning Man), Burning Man. Ed. Brad
Wieners. San Francisco: Hardwired, 1997. n.p.
46 Hakim Bey, Temporary Autonomous Zone http://www.hermetic.com/bey/taz3.html
47 Larry Harvey, The Burning Man An Oral History, Burning Man. Ed. Brad Wieners. San Francisco:
Hardwired, 1997. n.p.


51
and juxtaposed. '9 This documentary method has been utilized in an eminent British
Broadcasting Company series called Scrap-book that in its programming relates
directly to the methods used by the Federal Writers Project participants, James Agee,
and Ruskin himself. As an architectural research method, this combination of manual,
guide, and scrapbook is proposed as an open-ended process manual related to camping
practice.
In the western architectural tradition, the treatise plays a role in architectural design
related to many of the attributes of the manual, guide, and even scrapbook. By definition,
the treatise is a written work that addresses a subject formally and systematically;
etymologically, this format negotiates, discusses, handles, and draws out a subject.
Particularly in the Renaissance, the treatise conveyed a design procedure that related
theory to practice. Along with Vitruvius Ten Books, these early treatises were both
prescriptive and expressive: Indeed, in seeking to explain this architecture [in which
man was at the center and the ultimate pattern], the early treatises naturally aspired
towards a poetic or metaphorical imitation of nature, rather than one of scientific
exactitude.40 This combination of the poetic and the systematic is certainly found in the
camping procedure. The rigorous system of camping process (siting, clearing, making,
breaking) reflects the outlines of many architectural treatises; Leone Battista Albertis
Ten Books include Lineaments (I), Materials (II), Construction (III), Public Works (IV),
Works of Individuals (V); Vitruvius text begins with First Principles and the Layout of
39 Such a methodology can also be discussed in terms of Kurt Schwitters work including his collages,
reliefs, and Hannover Merzbau (a project combining collage, sculpture, and architecture carried out
between 1923 and 1937).
40 Vaughan Hart, Paper Palaces (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 28.


87
our duration, far from leaving us suspended in the void as pure analysis would do,
puts us in contact with a whole continuity of durations
to
To indicates a departure. See From for the idea of directionality and vectoral
connection. See of for the idea of prepositions and the relational connection.
be
Heideggers essay titled Building Dwelling Thinking can be read as a
progression from Being to Building to Dwelling and finally as a reciprocal return to the
Building-Dwelling relation through Thinking. Heidegger locates the origin of bauen (to
build) in buan (to dwell) and ultimately in bin or bis (to be). Thus, to be is to build. And
the construction of place might proceed from the activity of presencing the
Heideggerian fourfold of Being: earth, sky, divinities, mortals. It is not surprising that
the English to be has the original sense of place-dwelling. The idea of place for
Kenneth Frampton and Ignasi de Sola-Morales (in essence) hinges on this ontological
concept, though for Sola-Morales the approach is not delimited by the Critical
Regionalist aesthetic of the tactile. In fact, Sola-Morales critique of Framptons
approach is crucial to an understanding of contemporary iterations of place and resonates
with Jamesons own analysis of Critical Regionalism. Sola-Morales believes that
Frampton and others have misinteipreted Heideggers notions of estrangement, desertion,
and disappearance (the unheimlich) and as a result produced a phenomenologically
128
Henri Bergson, The Creative Mind: An Introduction to Metaphysics (New York: Citadel, 1992), 187.


125
Cutting a low architectural profile, the trailers were like the figures in aerial photos: flat
and diagrammatic. Thus, anything a tree, a telephone pole seemed capable of rising
above them with ease.
Looking at trailers individually and at trailer parks as a whole, Sandra Stannard
addresses questions of permanence and place associated with each. Noting the
residents relative lack of control over their settlement, Stannard locates the trailer park
condition between nomadism and land ownership in her study of trailer housing in
Moscow, Idaho. The author correctly observes that such a situation entails a critical
review of cultural and architectural value. But it is unclear from her argument if a sense
of place or the creation of place really requires permanence in every case. Charles
Moore counters this claim with the idea that trailer parks actually represent mobility in
the service of a sense of place.87 Moores concept gives a primacy to place in the
service of rather than creating place from within or with action dictated by the mobility-
permanence debate. Trailer parks potentially provide situations for making trailers into
strong individual statements.88 Stannard uses excerpts from J.B. Jackson to illustrate her
point that permanence yields place; yet, Jacksons position much like that of Moore is
much more complex and multivalent. In his essay The Movable Dwelling, Jackson
narrates an alternative historical thread of American domestic architecture that of the
impermanent and mobile dwelling, with its origins in the early American wood frame
85 Burch-Brown, text by David Rigsbee, 5-6.
86 Sandra J. Stannard, Trailers: Challenging a Tradition of Permanence and Place, Traditional Dwellings
and Settlements Review, Volume 94 (1996), 55-70.
87 Charles Moore, Trailers, Home Sweet Home: American Domestic Architecture, eds. Charles Moore,
Kathryn Smith, Peter Becker (New York: Rizzoli, 1983), 49-51.
Moore, 51.


8
absolute, for the spaces of the camp typically begin with the semi-public. The scale of
the Airstream Bambi in particular and other larger trailers in general requires an
extension of the threshold space of the interior private space out into the more public
zones of the campsite. The way that spaces of the camp are lived, made, and experienced
make the process of thresholding significant in terms of what a particular place means
and how its experience can be understood in terms of time.
If the Bambi is the spatial analog of thresholding, then the mattang map offers an
operational or methodological companion. In preparation for a trip to the atolls of the
Central Pacific, my research led me to the indigenous navigational constructs of the
Marshall Islanders. I did not truly understand the complexity and subtlety of these maps
until flying over the Pacific expanse and then being deposited on the hook-shaped
narrowness of an atoll. For Pacific Islanders, navigation is an architecture. Moreover,
the mattang maps were both a product of craft and a guide for crafting. Tool and method.
This understanding was supplemented by ideas found in two texts I had carried on the
trip. In Te Kaihau, I gleaned the aphoristic statement, Seeing is a matter of faith in
sight.5 And within Umberto Ecos The Island of the Day Before, I came across the
following less pithy thought: Hence the maps of the Pacific often seemed arabesques of
beaches, hints of perimeters, hypotheses of volumes, and later in the same text,
If Roberto had sensed a world now without any center, made up only of perimeters,
here he felt himself truly in the most extreme and most lost of peripheries; because,
if there was a center, it lay before him, and he was its immobile satellite.6
5 Keri Hulme, Te Kaihau / The Windeater (Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press. 1986), 215.
6 Umberto Eco, The Island of the Dav Before, trans. William Weaver (New York: Penguin, 1995), 129,
148.


346
vernacular is first and foremost a function of this question how. An important part of the
vernaculars connection to place (as will be discussed below), the focus on detail and
territory rather than singular building form lends one way of addressing this question.
But what has been found from closer inspection of the vernacular constructions
themselves is that the phenomenon (of vernacular) is already about how and can be
supplemented by but does not necessarily require this framing through other concepts.
The vernacular is the process of making place. It can also be said that the vernacular is a
process for making place. This research has looked at how place is made through the
vernacular in order to investigate how places might be constructed with the vernacular.
This idea is not an instrumentalization of the vernacular; and it does not pretend that we
as architects and researchers can or should simulate the vernacular, for such a practice
would fall into uncritical renovation and a static grouping of styles and components. The
reality of the vernacular and how it relates to a practice is found in the first theme
proposed at the beginning of this work that of an exteriority incorporated from within.
This appended from within characterizes the quality of indwelling or inhabiting a
place deeply that has always been a part of the vernaculars meaning and that has resulted
in the singularity of its usage. Yet this in-habitation is very important to the overall idea
of the internal manifestation of outside forces. The site for this expression of the external
is home. In addition to the etymological derivation discussed in the second chapter,
words related to the vernacular affirm this connection to home: indigenous and
autochthonous. As noted by both J.B. Jackson and Dante, the strength of the
vernacular is its ability take foreign materials, techniques, and ideas and transform them
to make a place, often a new place, a home. Equating the vernacular to his own exiled


188
use plan, allows for concession stands, performing animals, Ferris wheels, and any other
apparatus associated with the carnival or circus to be exhibited in the resident's yard. In
revised versions of the Hillsborough County Land Use Plan, the zoning classification has
been termed SB or Show Business Overlay.45 Sarasota, previously the focus of
circus and carnival life, changed its zoning laws in the 1950s to disallow such
exhibitions.46 The history of Gibsontons zoning will be expanded and critically assessed
in a later chapter. Whether zoned or not, this inversion of front and back is typical of
camp space.
IN> Making Camp
[trailer, caravan, caravel, circus wagon, gypsy, Airstream]
Making camp involves a negotiation of disparate elements such as distance and
proximity, inconsequential and grand (in terms of scale), mobility and fixity, standard
and non-standard, local and global, and permanent and impermanent. As shown in
constructing this idea of camp, it follows that Florida vernacular is a state or condition of
flux spatially and temporally a labile language, the grammar of which operates
between the oppositional qualities outlined above. This is the space between the words in
the phrase mobile home.47
45 See the Land Use and Zoning Section of Hillsborough Countys Planning and Growth Management
Office (http://was.hillsboroughcounty.org/pgm_zoning/mapkey.html).
4,1 Plunket, Walker Evans, the Mangrove Coast, and Me, Walker Evans: Florida, 41.
47 In his essay The Movable Dwelling, J.B. Jackson seeks to understand the new kind of home we are all
making in America. (Discovering the Vernacular Landscape, 101) From this text, two hypothetical
relations between mobility and home can be gleaned. One, the American house is a temporary construct
that, though conceived initially to enclose a mobile notion of home, can gain permanence over time.
Second, though for the most part housed in semi-permanent dwellings, the American concept of home is
temporary, fleeting, and mobile. These hypotheses begin to outline a network of relations that exist
between the two terms of the phrase mobile home.


341
the externalized frameworks of the Internet and the residual land policy that allowed the
formation of Slab City. Camping itself might serve as an appropriate analog for
operating within the places constructed on the Internet.


i 20
Figure 3-4. Chautauqua and Cassadaga: Program of the First Annual Session, Florida
Chautauqua, 1885, and Sanborn Map of Cassadaga, Florida. 191.5 (Florida
State Archives: Guthrie et al, Cmsaxiaga, 72, 110).
space of the campground occurs between the saered and the profane and allows the
behavioral and social freedom expected by the parishioners and their spiritual advisers.
Jackson's essay concludes with the re-structuring of the camp meeting into a more
regimented event and permanent construction with such organizations as Chautauqua in
the 1870s.
The second iteration of the Chautauqua movement was sited in De Funiak Springs,
Florida, with its first sessions held from February 10 to March 9, 1885. This Chautauqua
community was known as 'Chautauqua that began under a tree because the first
organizers met and camped under a large live oak tree to discuss and plan the future
development. "' Located tangential to the spring-fed sinkhole called Round Lake, the
settlement at De Funiak had begun similarly when Colonel W.D. Chipley camped along
the Lake with fellow surveyors who were laying out the route for the railroad line from
Jacksonville to Pensacola. Chipieys subsequent decision to run the railroad next to
Round Lake eventually factored, into the choice of the railroad stop as the site for the
Federa! Writers' Project, bionda: A iiuuh: to the Somheninttmi State (New York; Oxford UniverOiv
Press. 1939 r 446.


216
Gibsonton is an unincorporated collection of trailers and mobile homes on the
south side of the Alafia River in Hillsborough County. Its position between Tampa and
Sarasota and along Highway 41 has made it a convenient location for performers and
operators in the carnival and circus business. Eddie and Grace LaMay were the first
carnival performers to settle in the fish camp that had formed adjacent to the Highway 41
bridge on the north side of the Alafia River. The LaMays decided to make this location
their winter home after they stopped to fish during an overland tour in the off-season and
were unexpectedly welcomed by those living in the camp. In the late-1930s A1 and
Jeanie Tomaini began parking their travel trailer along the river in the fish camp for the
winter season. According to Judy Tomaini, the daughter of A1 and Jeanie Tomaini, their
Tampa friend Ruth Pontico, who had performed with them as the fat lady in circus
sideshows, introduced her parents to the area.4 In 1940 the Tomainis purchased 3 Vi acres
on the south side of the river. As noted by their daughter, the rationale behind the
purchase included the favorable fishing location but was primarily a function of the
parcels location within the land immediately south of the Alafia bridge. At the apex of
this wedge-shaped plot that is flanked by Highway 41 on the east and Lula Street to the
west, Giants Camp, named after the 8'4 tall A1 Tomaini, was developed over a period
of time between 1940 and 1952, in a process of clearing and filling the swampy areas of
the property for trailer sites as well as more permanent one-room cottages. Judy Tomaini
notes that Frank Lentini, the three legged man from Miami and a close friend of A1
Tomaini, encouraged Tomaini to name the place Giants Camp.5 The Tomainis built a
4 Judy Tomaini, Email to the author, 28 January 2003.
5 Tomaini, 28 January 2003.


or institutional). Thus, this condition or parasitism occurs from within the system and is
exemplified both by the operative practice developed by the criollized community and by
the labile architecture that similarly negotiates the political and natural landscape.
Defined by Michel de Certeau as a "calculated action determined by the absence of a.
proper locus,'"'1' the tactics practiced by the platform dwellers included building,
dwelling, making, and even shrimping. The resulting 'metaphorical or mobile city,
resonating with an archipelago condition, is not unlike a 'dark sea from which successive
institutions emerge, a maritime immensity on which socioeconomic and political
structures appear as ephemeral islands.'" De Certeau also relates such a protean
construct to the city postulated by Kandinsky in Du spiritual dans ¡'art. {1969} ~ a city
that is built to specifications but is subsequently altered by a series of uncontrollable
events. The platform city includes contingencies for such disaster in its design, its
structure (on piles), and the. inherent mobility of its inhabitants/0
Figure 6-7. Detail of topographic map and shrimp baskets, Manila Village
Michel de Certeau, "'Making Do: Uses and Tactics, The Practice of Everyday Life, traas. Steven
Renda!! {Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). 57.
Do Certeau, 41 A compariUn might also be made to Bruno Latour's arehlpelago model within his
critique of Actor-Network theory.
De Certeau. I ¡0.


284
1924. in the main pavilion of De Soto Park to discuss courses of action to address the
imminent eviction. During the meeting as a result of a motion submitted by Dr. V.M.
Figure 9-1. By-Laws and Constitution of Braden Castle Park, adopted in 1924 by the
Camping Tourists of America, 1945 edition
George of Columbus. Ohio, a committee led by R.W. Vaughn of Rome City. Indiana.
was formed to investigate purchasing land for a tourist-owned campground. A
subsequent meeting was held on February 20 in W.B. Jacobs' tent in De Soto Park to


164
the explanatory and the exploratory. In mapping, the legend provides a key for reading
the map; and in mythmaking, the legend provides possibilities for opening up and
making spaces, as implied by the transmission of stories in mythos. As methodologies
utilized in this chapter (as well as the work a whole), both mapping and mythmaking
serve as means of communication that operate between the analytical and the synthetic.
Analytically, aerial photography of the Florida peninsula serves both agricultural and
promotional ends. Early aerial imagery from the 1930s and 1940s satisfies the cadastral
objective of defining properties for agriculture; this imagery also provides an important
document for understanding the location and layout of Floridas early camps, from
turpentine to tourist campgrounds. As an enticement to tourists, Floridas Chamber of
Commerce and Eastern Airlines contracted with the Aero-Graphic Corporation in 1936
for three flights over the state: To travel it by land, is to visit a tropical paradise ... To
cover its thousands of mile shore lines [sic],... is to be one of natures chosen few who
are privileged to view so magnificent a spectacle.5 On the ground, the legendary
natural attributes of Florida are synthesized into the Indian mythology of the region
supplemented by folklore of both African-Americans and white settlers (known
colloquially as crackers) documented by Kennedy and Hurston.
In part, the introductory legend above serves as a guide for this chapters mapping
of camp. In addition to indicating this itinerary, the icons of the legend occur within a
column that serves a middle zone between an institutional meaning designated by the
National Parks Service (on the left) and a particular camp activity (on the right). The
Parks Service description was developed with the cooperation of the United Nations for
5 Welman A. Shrader, ed., Florida From the Air (Vero Beach, FL: Aero-Graphic Corporation, 1936), 3.


142
modeled on the artists traditional Korean house becomes his cocoon-like home in
Manhattan and Los Angeles interior spaces).
Inclusions
The cases in this study blur distinctions found in typological classification. In fact,
each case was chosen for its local idiosyncratic and ultimately paradoxical sets of
relationships (in order to study vernacular constructions of place) that resonate with more
global territories of ideas, place, and home. In an overall inductive mode, conclusions are
generated by beginning from the locality of the places studied. Thus, the specificity of
the place is always considered in addition to other possible typological connections, both
generic and specific. It was found that each particular camp(site) reverberates either
historically, spatially, or functionally with at least one additional (other) typologically
recognized construction (for example, Gibsonton with the midway (generically) and Slab
City with the military camp, specifically Camp Dunlap on which Slab City is for the most
part sited). Thus, eschewing typological classification in the choice of sites, this research
does address the idea of the type in terms of camping and the possibility of a taxonomy of
the generic and the specific camp.
Exclusions
The exclusions for this research occur at extremes of scale and mobility. At one
end is the complete control of mobility and consequently freedom. Such camps of
control include internment, concentration, and prisoner of war encampments. Aspects of
colonial camps, such as those types proposed by Foucault as iterations of heterotopia,
share aspects of these camps of control but the shades of difference here will be
addressed in later sections (particularly that of Ruskin and Slab City). At the other


9? 7
Figure 7-5. Concession stand in yard of mobile home, Gibsonton. Florida, and entrance to
Midway ride at the Florida State Fair
photographic research, and governmental directives. But in each case, the uniqueness of
Gibsonton, at this scale, is its maintaining its unique characteristics by way of (rather than
in spite of) these governmental regulations, overviews, and overlays. This
contradictory relationship actually inverts typical relationships to zoning ordinances held
by unincorporated areas and represents a vernacular construct that parasites the politic of
power, in a sense, Gibsonton zoned itself using the existing apparatus of governmental
regulation. This unique self -regulation is paradoxical in its reliance on a system-
(aiready)itt-place, which can be appropriated and used to regulate its blurring of the
temporary and the permanent and the public and the private. In such a system, the
excluded middle (or parasite) is both a component (or atom) of the relation and the
producer of change within the relational matrix of the system. And it is the fluidity of


102
Camp's military connotations include a temporary lodging for troops but also a
more permanent station for accepting those troops. Furthermore, camp refers to a body of
troops moving together. The idea of encampment that is inherent (though latent) in the
military definition points toward the notion of the city within a city":
Camp is also used among the Siamese and East Indians, for a quarter of a town
assigned to foreigners, wherein to carry on their commerce. In these camps, each
nation forms itself a kind of city apart, in which their store houses and shops are,
and the factors and their families reside.17
Such political and economic enclaves might be compared to the modern embassy. In
Australia, the Aboriginal Tent Embassy serves as an ad hoc office to represent
18
disenfranchised aboriginal inhabitants and as a form of political protest of Land Rights.
Started on January 26, 1972,19 the assemblage of tents that make up the Embassy
currently occupies the grounds of the Provisional Parliament House in the central urban
area of Canberra.7" Having established a greater degree of permanence since 1992, this
encampment was registered by the Australian Heritage Commission on the National
9 i
Estate as the first Aboriginal Heritage Site.
17 Chambers, Cycl. Supp., Camp (1753), excerpted in The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. II (New
York: Oxford, 1989), 810.
IS See Gregory Cowans Nomadology in Architecture: Ephemerality, Movement, and Collaboration,
University of Adelaide, 2002, http://gregory.cowan.com/nomad/.
19 In Australia, this date is known equally as Invasion Day and Australia Day.
20 The Building By-Laws at the time of the camps inception did not expressly disallow temporary
occupations of Canberras urban spaces. Six months passed before legislation could be passed to prohibit
such encampments and certify the original tent assemblys demolition. Following this destruction, the
Aboriginal Tent Assembly was re-established at regular intervals until 1975 and intermittently until 1992.
(Cowan, n.p.)
21 See the Commissions registration of this landmark at http://www.ahc.gov.au/cgi-
bin/register/site.pl? 18843


18
Early Xmas morn we [the Deering family] all went out to Mr. Macklin's (about 12
V2 mile in the country)... got us a big dinner of wild duck and beef roast... Right
after supper we talked a while then went home (I mean back to Desota Park)."
What happens when camps become camp-sites, or when the impermanent attains a
degree of permanency? In an aphorism typifying his gaya scienza, Nietzsche is drawn to
the beautiful monster of the sea as a home unburdened by rites of ownership. And an
early American autocamper confuses home with the camp of her familys vacation.
Nietzsche at home on the sea, and Ruth Deering at home on the road. Can such
mobilities of home be retained in the grounds of semi-permanent camps or with home
ownership? The Airstream trailer was advertised as the home away from home, with
the assumption that the trailer owner could and would always return to a primary home.24
What this promotional catch phrase does not account for is the co-incidence of homes,
when home1 and home2 become Home. It is this conjunction that this thesis addresses
and in which it resides.
In some ways, the work arises initially out of this authors purchase of a house as a
renovation project and subsequent thoughts about how it reflects home. To live in ones
work mentally, figuratively, and physically allows the possible confluence of distance
and proximity through the works imagined and actually constructed ideas. The overlap
between the renovation project that is the house on Livingston Street in Madison, Florida,
and the architectural construct, which this dissertation has become, lies in each projects
23 Ruth Deering, A 1921-2 Diary of a Trip to Florida, Unpublished manuscript, Manatee County Public
Library, Bradenton, Florida. Partial excerpt taken from December 25, 1921, entry.
_J An advertisement (ca. 1960) for Airstream's thirty-foot Liner travel trailer model includes the following:
The Airstream Liner is your true home away from home designed for glorious living and traveling
comfort. It has the most amazing interior youve ever seen...a big, big living room, worlds of closet and
drawer space...you have the last word in livability. Wherever you stay, you will enjoy living in
it...wherever you go, you will enjoy taking it with you.


110
improvement of the simple and the small.43 With societal competition and conquest
comes the prevalence of Sempers second type, the fortified camp. Sharing the
generative and thematic aspects of the four elements, the construction of the camp
however requires a defensibility and closure antithetical to the hut-based asymmetrical
settlements of the agrarian-nomadic societies. The fortified camp thus yields the court
building characterized by its regularity, clarity, convenient planning and strength.44 In
contrast to the native sovereign, vassalage creates the condition of rapid construction for
the camp. Subsequent building imitates the vassals infrastructure (small was a stunted
imitation of the great), the camp of the leader serves as the model for smaller-scale
developments down to the smallest units of the lowest class.46 It is in this evolution of
the camp, as nomadic, agrarian, and feudal construct, that Sempers four elemental
generative forces play out.46
Expanding on Sempers encampment archetype, Aaron Betsky provides a
totalized, if somewhat utopic, definition of the campground and its attributes. Betskys
introduction of his argument hinges on the campgrounds foundational and communal
characteristics. Serving also as a place for the synthesis of his main topics, the camp
was a site of two intertwined developments: the birth of architecture and matriarchy.47
43 Semper, 112.
44 Semper, 112.
45 Semper, 112, 116.
46 Gottfried Semper's Caribbean hut exhibited at the Crystal Palace Exhibition of 1851 manifests his four
elements (hearth, earthwork, framework/roof, enclosing membrane) in opposition to Laugiers primitive
hut (1753). For a discussion of the hut in the context of Sempers thought, see Kenneth Framptons Studies
in Tectonic Culture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996), 85-6. Also, see Figure illustrating the Caribbean
hut.
47 Aaron Betsky, Building Sex: Men, Women, Architecture and the Construction of Sexuality (New York:
William Morrow, 1995), 10.


260
four types of constructions can be understood in three ways: as historical objects of
study, in terms of the photograph as an act of making, and as methods for mapping the
space of the camps. Finally, Elon Jessups Motor Camping Book provides a series of
operations for camping and making a home on the road. Published in 1921, Jessups
manual records the techniques used by the Tin Can Tourists in converting mass-produced
vehicles to improvised autocampers, erecting tent structures attached to automobiles, and
generally making camp within the early municipal and roadside grounds. These
techniques and procedures are interpreted in order to define what camping practice is.
Clearing Camp: Denizen as Citizen
Communities have a real responsibility in the provision of camping facilities. . .
There is so much to be said about a so-called nomad population in the nation, using
trailers as the modus-operandi. . Trailerites form the great middle class of our
people.... Consequently, communities should provide for them with the finest
facilities possible.4
The debate over regulation of camps, both municipal and private, grew as
campgrounds became more accessible and thus more frequented by tourists. The field for
debate included ad hoc planning, self-regulation, and ultimately legal contests. As
previously mentioned, early camps were unregulated, spontaneous, and dispersed. The
openness of pasturelands and the informality of roadsides and schoolhouse or churchyard
lots allowed an abundance of choices for positioning the campsite. Within early
autocampgrounds, this informality of location was continued, relying equally on other
features such as shade trees, water accessibility, and campfire pits. The relation among
immediacy of the fragment Agees text holds together the most when it is the most fragmented (ex: 80-
page inventory in Eccentric Spaces 155+). This idea also relates to the discussion of the role of the
catalogue / manual / map.
43 J.E. Kavanaugh, Trailer News, December 1936.


23
Tschumis work seeks to address the problem of relegating event and program to
chronically subordinate roles in relation to architectural space. For Tschumi, an
architectural construction is not a passive object of contemplation but instead must be
viewed as a place that confronts spaces and actions.' Consequently, architecture
becomes the discourse of events. In his introduction to Paul Virilios work, Tschumi
continues this discussion: I have always felt, as an architect, that it was more exciting to
be designing conditions for events than to be conditioning designs.34 In question form,
the problem that arises is can these conditions for events be established by the architect in
terms of place rather than strictly space. Virilios reaction to this problem, similar to that
of Tschumi, is to recast space as a temporal phenomenon and to propose that duration is a
confluence of simultaneities such that the only relief in physical and historical
landscapes is that of the event.35 In this way, temporality makes manifest a constructed
landscape through the presencing of its particular sequence of events. Similar to this
privileging of the temporal, the phenomenal contours of place might be connected to the
production of the event. Ultimately, the possibility of the confluence of temporality, or
more precisely and contemporaneously the ephemerality, and place poses a problem for
the construction of built environments that this study of camps seeks to address.
For the architecture of camps, the problem occurs with assumptions of
placelessness in what is generally referred to as ephemeral architecture. Recent
discussions of ephemeral architecture, particularly in the analyses made by Robert
33 Bernard Tschumi, Architecture and Disjunction (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994), 141.
34 Bernard Tschumi, Foreword. A Landscape of Events (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000), ix.
3 Paul Virilio, Calling Card. A Landscape of Events, trans. Julie Rose (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press,
2000), xi.


273
was stationed on the left running board; the depth was that ot the running board, it
was as high as the top of the tonneau door, and the width extended from the rear
end of the running board to the front seat door. The left-side tonneau door was
^ 69
permanently closed while traveling but both front seat doors were free.
The sheets of galvanized iron are riveted together, and the front sheet is detachable and
can be used as a table with two steel rods to support its outside end. After relating the
campers use of felt lining to keep dirt and dust out of the food storage, Jessup describes
in detail the interior of the portable cupboard, which
contained two shelves holding foodstuffs, mostly in jars. Between the jars were
small wood partitions which prevented them from rubbing against each other.
These partitions were loose and detachable so that if one wished to rearrange the
jars, this could easily be done. In the lower space under the second shelf were
packed a gasoline stove and the cooking utensils.70
In another camping outfit outlined in Jessups text, the right running-board carries beds,
folding chairs, and other small pieces of equipment; and the rear of the automobile stores
a lean-to tent. The author again focuses on the left running-board compartment:71
It is 50 inches long, thus extending practically the full length of the running board
and 26 inches high. The bottom is 12 inches wide while the top is only 9 inches
wide. In general appearance, the outfit when closed reminds one of an upright
piano box. Various suit-case trunks used in motoring are of the same general lines
and very likely one of these was the inspiration for the idea. The front is in two
lengthwise sections, one hinged to the top of the box and the other to the bottom so
that in opening one flanges down and the other up. The box is made of three-ply
basswood and the addition of a covering all around of enameled duck keeps out
dust and rain. The interior is partitioned into two main compartments, the larger of
these being as high as the box and thirty-three inches long. In this, snugly fits a
large sized suit case containing clothing and other personal effects. Packed above
the suit case is an air mattress. The remaining seventeen inches of lengthwise
space in the box is devoted to culinary matters. This is subdivided into five smaller
compartments. In the upper left-hand corner is packed a coffee pot, bacon, and
61 Eton Jessup, The Motor Camping Book (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1921), 78.
70 Jessup. 79.
71 This passage is reminiscent of a Homeric catalogue such as the listing that occurs at the beginning of the
The Iliad.


229
parasitic mode and its associated local operations. At the scale of detailing, the
construction of camps and midways is an architectural procedure of indirect action. Such
processes relate to the concept of bricolage with its origins in the French term bricole,
which is an unexpected stroke or an occurrence brought about indirectly. Lvi-Strauss
expands on the meaning of the term:
In its old sense the verb bricoler applied to ball games and billiards, to hunting,
shooting and riding. It was however always used with reference to some
extraneous movement: a ball rebounding, a dog straying or a horse swerving from
its direct course to avoid an obstacle. And in our own time, the bricoleur is still
someone who works with his hands and uses devious means compared to those of a
craftsman.30
Such architecture relies on maintenance as a way of transforming its shape rather than
on the application of a plan or formal mandate. Thus, the paradoxical role of the
parasite can be read at this scale in its transforming by maintaining. Within the
standard series of actions that comprise camping (siting, clearing, making, breaking),
another array of operations are inserted within the process of camping to form temporary
alignments and connections. Bricolage becomes method. Michel Serres qualifies Lvi-
Strauss characterization of bricolage with the introduction of the joker / parasite:
The joker is a logical object that is both indispensable and fascinating. Placed in
the middle or at the end of a series, a series that has a law of order, it permits it to
bifurcate, to take another appearance, another direction, a new order. The only
describable difference between a method and bricolage is the joker. The principle
of bricolage is to make something by means of something else, a mast with a
30 Claude Lvi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (1966), 16. Lvi-Strauss characterization of the bricoleur is
similar to Michel Serres treatment of the figure of Hermes as both relay and operator for bringing things
together. Hermes, like the bricoleur, works between. An exchange between Bruno Latour and Michel
Serres helps to clarify the figure of Serres Hermes, particularly in terms of the bricoleurs seemingly
devious methodology. Moving and traveling in this excerpt can be considered analogous to the question
of making in Lvi-Strauss discussion. Latour begins, If we return to the problem of traveling from place
to place, which is thus the problem of folding time effecting juxtapositions and the problem of
metaphor...Serres replies, Metaphor, in fact, means transport. Thats Hermes very method: he
exports and imports; thus, he traverses. He invents and can be mistaken because of analogies, which are
dangerous and even forbidden but we know no other route to invention. The messengers impression of
foreignness comes from this contradiction... . (Conversations, 66)


92
presence in the process of developing some degree of permanence. It is with camps,
campsites, and camptowns that these paradoxes potentially become integral, even
foundational. With camps, paradoxical conditions arise such as mobile fixity, unstable
permanence, and chronic itinerancy. Michel Butor captures this idea in his description of
the unsolidified permanence and hardened ephemerality of the vernacular camp
constructions that became Istanbul:
An encampment that has settled, but without solidifying completely; huts and
shanties that have been enlarged and improved, that have been made comfortable,
but without ever losing their ephemeral feeling. Turkish Istanbul ... is truly the
expression of an empire that collapsed on itself as soon as it stopped growing. In
the great bazaars awning had turned into roof ,...144
The encampment, though enlarged and improved, does not lose its transient quality,
even within a growing permanency. Each of the camps investigated in this study
maintain a degree of permanency that is complicated by their origins in the ephemeral.
At the level of detail, vernacular as process and paradox also relates to the
improvisation of assembling constructions. This idea of improvisation found in the
vernacular is differentiated from the ad hoc-ism of Charles Jencks and Nathan Silver.I4S
The emphasis on process that is necessitated in camp situations and their study disallows
the notion of the ad hoc as a simple expression of social pluralism or as a formal
composition of fragments. The ad hoc of camping vernacular, while self-regulated to a
great extent, is inextricably tied to its local operations, which is the Deleuzian absolute
manifested locally. The ad hoc then is not an overlay, but an internally generated event
that is grounded in the place. Not completely a result of individual expressionism, its
144 Michel Butor. The Spirit of Mediterranean Places, trans. Lydia Davis (Marlboro, VT: Marlboro Press,
1986), 23-4.
143 Charles Jencks and Nathan Silver, Ad Hocism: The Case for Improvisation (New York: Doubleday,
1972).


63
case study. Similarly, the main clearing section of this work begins to lay out the
porous boundary of the dissertations topic and content. Like the Heideggerian peras,
this boundary shares the thresholding quality of the camp itself. Thus, the activities of
defining camp and reviewing pertinent literature are conceived more as starting points
than as delimiting lines, which are left to be drawn by the more finite circumscription of
the Inclusions and Exclusions.
Making
The sections on making outline practices of building and occupying camps.
Making is being enveloped in the process itself, and as a result camp constructions
essentially remain in an undeveloped, unfinished, and incomplete state regardless of their
apparent degree of permanence. The constructions of camping are not things made but
are Henri Bergsons things-in-the-making: This reality is mobility. There do not exist
things made, but only things in the making, not states that remain fixed, but only states in
the process of change.67 In making of this kind, the material forces are emphasized,
rather than the effective result or product. For Deleuze and Guattari, the ambulant
procedure and process of nomos that reflects a materiality on its way to forming an
assemblage contrast with matter submitted to laws, that is the form of logos imposed
on matter.68 Questions that the sections on making seek to answer are ones that Lars
67 Henri Bergson, Introduction to Metaphysics, The Creative Mind (New York: Citadel, 1992), 188.
Pertinent here is Quatremere de Quincys idea that architecture does not make what it sees but looks at how
constructions are made. Architecture thus arises out of making rather than the made.
68 Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 38, 98.


230
matchstick, a chicken wing with tissue meant for the thigh, and so forth. Just as the
most general model of method is the game, the good model for what is deceptively
called bricolage is the joker.31
The following operations can be found within Gibsonton and in a particular
instance of midway construction at the Florida State Fair in Tampa: laying out, edging,
clearing, gathering, layering, surfacing, inserting, placing, filling (in), grafting, laying,
folding, blocking, staging, accreting. These acts of making require human presence and,
although at times reduced to modalities of assembly, remain connected to human
experience through scale, materiality, and at times improvisation. While these activities
are sometimes carried out in sequences, their application depends on particularities of site
and context. Thus the process is not exclusively linear but forms a networked system of
actions.' The midways Lot Man must recast the construction at each new location to fit
specific configurations and conditions. The layout of the Florida State Fairs midway is a
good example of deviation from the midways prototypical horseshoe shape. Also, the
fill-in space varies with each new set of rides contracted for the fair. A comparison can
be made with the problem of fitting and arranging single-wide mobile homes at Giants
Camp that was originally laid out for the much smaller autocampers and travel trailers.
The operations (including the partial list above) can be seen as patches that eventually
form the network, or patch-work of the camp and midway. These patches can be
generally parsed under the headings of gathering (accretion), arranging (fill and infill),
and assembling (graft and attachment). In each case, the method is an end in itself; and
31 Serres, The Parasite, 160-1.
32 See for example the method circumscribed by David Greene in Gardeners Notebook Archigram (New
York: Princeton University Press, 1999), 110-115.


127
Record in 1936.93 Willsons design reflects the migration of modern industrial trailer
design into the realm of architectural discourse. In his detailed drawings, including plans
and longitudinal and transverse sections, Willson proposes a sleeping loft above the
compact 8 x 176 main floor; the design calls for lightweight molded plastic sections as
the primary construction material. In the Trailer Project that was carried out between
1941 and 1946, R. M. Schindler designed a trailer prototype for the George S. Gordon
Sturdy Built Trailer Corporation in 1942.94
An early study of mobile homes from a sociological perspective is Donald
Cowgills dissertation at the University of Pennsylvania in 1941.95 Cowgill succinctly
notes the mechanical antecedents (covered wagon, tent, automotive travel, freight trailers,
cloth-top trailer) and the social precedents (smaller living units, smaller families, separate
housing for aged, mobility, leisure time) for the house trailer as a dwelling type.
Speculating that trailers will not replace the stable and fixed dwelling unit, Cowgill
concludes that Roger Babsons 1936 prediction of half Americas population housed in
trailers within twenty years is alarmist and that, since the trailerites of the time are
primarily those with mobile jobs and retirees, trailers are only used out of the necessity or
possibility of mobility for work or leisure. With the rise in popularity and accessibility of
mobile home living and the increased production capacity following World War II,
architectural interest in the trailer returns as trailer parks become the subject of design
studies in architecture magazines of the 1950s and 1960s. Typifying these articles is a
9:1 Corwin Willson, The Mobile House Architectural Record (July 1936), 64-5.
94 Elizabeth Smith and Michael Darling, eds. The Architecture of R.M. Schindler (Los Angeles: Museum of
Contemporary Art, 2001), 209.
95 Donald Olen Cowgill, Mobile Homes: A Study of Trailer Life (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania,
1941).


55
The overall work utilizes the sequence of terms found in camping texts (siting,
clearing, making, breaking) for its sectional headings. Within the works Making"
section (beginning with Chapter 4), each chapter is also internally organized by these
terms. Thus, added to the qualities of continuation and paradox mentioned above is the
idea that within each phase of camping is found the repeated (and embedded) manifold of
operations. This concept is particularly evident in the making of camp because initial
sitings and clearings must be consistently re-assessed and future breakings must be
accounted for.
Siting
Yet site does not situate.45
Siting is the process that leads up to the establishment of a site.46 This activity in
effect works between the locative, specific, and reified qualities of site and the more
open-ended practices of exploration and discovery. Consequently, siting is a negotiation.
Methods of negotiation require openness; and [b]eing open is setting out the facts, not
only of a situation but of a problem. Making visible things that would otherwise remain
hidden.47 In camping, siting entails a decision-making process; the camper must often
choose a site such that siting is highly conditional and contingent. In many cases, siting
45 Casey, 201.
46 A parallel discussion, particularly in the context of the formatting of the academic dissertation and its
coding and formalization, could be carried out regarding the homophonic connection between siting
and citing. Denotatively, citing is a summoning or quoting. Connotatively, a clearer connection exists
with siting. Citing is a setting in motion, a beginning that occurs in movement (from the Latin citare).
Siting as an event can also be traced in the Oxford English Dictionary's fourth meaning of the verb to
cite as to bring forward an instance (The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol.III (New York: Oxford,
1989), 248-9). Moreover, citing like the siting of camps often occurs as an annotative process on the
margins or edge of the main work, or ground.
47 Giles Deleuze, Negotiations, trans. Martin Joughin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 127.


56
camp depends on the qualities of the ground. In camping, qualities of contour, solidity,
texture, hardness, and other particularities of the ground cannot be leveled, compacted, or
otherwise altered as in typical building projects and sites. Instead, siting negotiates the
ground.
In camping, this negotiation works as much qualitatively as formally. With his
premise that site does not situate, Casey contends that place rather than site is what
situates the rich multiplicity of things and events. Site remains bound up by and within
spatially articulated cartographic and geometric conceptions. Siting is proposed here as
an alternative to the limitations of reductive cartographic (specifically Cartesian) aspects
of site. The procedure of siting camp can be compared to the situation construite
(constructed situation) of the French Situationists. For Guy Debord and the Situationists,
the construction of a situation is a mode of siting that moves beyond the formal, visible
characteristics of a particular place. In this respect, siting becomes situating, to return to
Caseys aphoristic statement at the beginning of this section. In his initial Report on the
Construction of Situations (1957), Debord writes: Architecture must advance by taking
emotionally moving situations, rather than emotionally moving forms, as the material it
works with. And the experiments conducted with this material will lead to new, as yet
unknown forms.48 The situation precedes the form. The characteristics of setting up,
48 Guy Debord, Report on the Construction of Situations and on the International Situationist Tendencys
Conditions of Organization and Action, June 1957, trans. Ken Knabb, Berkeley, CA: Bureau of Public
Secrets. http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/reports.htm. The problem of defining suitable forms for building
situations remained for Debord and the rest of the Situationists throughout their investigations. The work
of Constant Nieuwenhuys remains the most architectural of the Situationist experiments with form (see
The Activist Drawing: Retracing Situationist Architectures from Constants New Babylon to Beyond
(2001), eds. Catherine de Zegher and Mark Wigley). It is also important to note that the phenomenon of
the situation construite begins with the environment of household parties (attended by Debord and the
Situationists) but is soon ideologically and politically transformed to form a part of a cumulative
revolutionary chain. (Sadler, The Situationist City, 106-7)


351
home and dwelling are suspended. Just as camps are mobile sites for dialogues with
place, the broken threshold is an artful connection that reties a detached elements or
disconnected itinerants. Serres notes that Penelope works within the broken threshold;
she at one and the same time constructs the route and traverses the itinerary of Ulysses -
she makes and undoes this cloth that mimes the progress and delays of the navigator,...
on board his ship, the shuttle that weaves and interweaves fibers separated by the void,
spatial varieties bordered by crevices.11 In making and traversing, Penelope weaves the
places of travel from a given location. Her woven cloth narrates Ulysses movement
from place to place, from campsite to campsite, only to be repeated with the breaking of
each camp. Serres summation of the broken threshold could also describe the method of
camping: This is a discourse that weaves a complex, in the first sense of the term, that
connects a network, that traces a graph upon space.12 Place in this respect is a middle
ground between a totalizing local and an encompassing global.13 In the end, the places of
camp are outlined by the practicality of the process itself. Camping pragmatism is not
however a reductive procedure emptied of complexity of meaning or significance.
Instead the practice of place through camping results in a synthesis of both the vagaries
and the poetics of existence. Practicalities here are not solely about efficiency but relate
(by necessity) to the experience of a place. As an act of distancing and maintaining
propinquity, the camp becomes a unique coincidence of two homes one home that is a
fixed point of reference (childhood home, family homestead, or simply the permanent
11 Michel Serres, Hermes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1980), 49.
12 Serres, 47.
13 To continue with Serres discussion, a loop that turns back upon itself toward a previous crossroads and
strongly reconnects the spatial complex. I began with local singularity of space, and I finish with a global
law that is invariably written as the connection of what is separated. (Hermes, 48. Italics added)


257
1947 by the Works Projects Administration and provided space for convention
proceedings, dances, and exhibitions. The City Trailer Camp (also known as Sarasota
Mobile Home Park, Sarasota Tourist Park, and Sarasota Municipal Tourist Camp) was
located in the sports and entertainment grounds known as Payne Park. Immediately
adjacent to this permanent camp (cited as the first of its kind in Florida40) was a baseball
diamond for minor league baseball and spring practice for major league players.
Adjacent to the towns early fairgrounds site, this area had been originally laid out as
public properties in John Nolens 1924 Comprehensive City Plan for Sarasota.41 In
the open area between the gridded trailer park and the baseball stadium, the Tin Can
Tourists camped and held many of their annual conventions, including the 13lh Annual
Convention in 1936 (Figure 8-5).
The research material for this chapter has itself been drawn from and sited within
four sources, each of which yields a mode for understanding the campsites of the Tin Can
Tourists of the World. The sources are postcards, aerial photography, documentary
photography, and early camping manuals contemporary with the T.C.T.s early years.
The postcards of the Tin Can Tourists form the 1920s and 1930s were derived and
created from early photographs that documented everyday life of the camp. In addition
to this documentation, the postcards (as devices of communication) contain information
about their use by other tourists and about relationships to external or distant places in
their written content and addresses. The postcard thus reflects a mobile
4(1 Mobile Home Park Believed Oldest, Sarasota Herald-Tribune, 15 November 1964, p.5.
41 John Nolen Papers, Department of Manuscripts and University Archives, Cornell University Library, in
Michael McDonough, Selling Sarasota: Architecture and Propaganda in a 1920s Boom Town, The
Journal of Decorative and Propaganda Arts, 1875-1945 (1998), 22.


312
places. In spite of his rhetoric of place, Foucault here resorts to differentiation by space,
or in spatial terms. What is real is also left to an ultimate definition by space rather
than place. Heterotopically, Slab City does correspond to aspects of this spatial
definition. Like the heterotopia, Slab City is marginally located in an unused section of
desert in Californias Imperial Valley. Its marginality places Slab City immediately
adjacent to the delimited space of the Chocolate Mountain Aerial Gunnery Range.
Geographically the City is also next to the ancient Lake Cahuilla beachline and the
present-day sea level. Spatial juxtaposition also occurs internally within the site of Slab
City motor homes parked on the slabs contradict the less mobile dwellings of the
homeless population located for the most part in what is known as Poverty Flats.
These characteristics of marginality and internal contradiction make the City a counter
site in which paradoxical sites intermesh and at times co-exist.
It is the layering of places within the site, rather than spatial juxtaposition, that
effectively makes Slab City and its spaces. Place here precedes space. In this important
distinction, place occurs in time as well as through time. Slab City combines the
festival time in the former and the museum-like accumulation of time in the latter. In
such a slippage, the past and present coexist, albeit uneasily through the layers of the
place, which can be identified historically and archaeologically. The area was initially
occupied by indigenous tribes, later set aside as a zone for educational uses by the Land
Grant system, subsequently utilized as a military training ground, and finally inhabited by
retirees and homeless people. The current manifestation of Slab City is an appropriation
of a site; and historically, it is actually a series of appropriations. The camp thus forms a


or forfeit the property back to the community (see excerpt, above). R.W. Vaughn notes
that as a result of this rule 95 cottages, along with a pavilion, a clubhouse, six rental
cottages, and 3 commercial buildings, were constructed between October 1924 and April
Figure 9-6. Typical streets in Braden Castle Park. A) Crowes Residence and R) View of
Braden Drive
1925.',: As one commentator notes, this rapid construction amounts to a rate of
construction exceeding one residence per day.5' Overall, each residence, though having
to follow the rigid guidelines of an accelerated construction schedule and a limited palette
of materials on a compact site, was constructed as an individual expression of the
"" R.W. Vaughn, Origin and History of ¡he Camping Tourists of America,'' 2.
in the Land of Manatee, Braden Castle Associat ion.


288
witnesses the historical events of its siting, construction, and decay. Moreover, the
castles first-person chronicle testifies not only to Floridas early turbulent history but
also to the Camping Tourists of Americas regained legitimacy within Floridas
landscape. This historical justification within Floridas cultural heritage is supplemented
by the material solidity of the 20 thick tabby walls and their semblance and imagery of
permanence, although slowly dissolving and crumbling. In the introduction, Robbins
hyperbolically notes the uniqueness of the site: [a] search in any part of the world will
not disclose another Braden Castle, or any tourist-owned winter homes like these owned
by 200 share-holders and showing a good growth each year...In this account,
Robbins cites the Camping Tourists occupation of the grounds as serving both to
preserve and extend the castles history by way of social and economic advancement.1'
In recording and re-writing the history of the castle, Dr. Robbins also creates a
mythology and foundational story that is not unlike the original settlement of the area in
the 19th century. Originally from Loudon County, Virginia, Dr. Joseph Addison Braden
moved from Leon County (in north Florida) to the Manatee area in 1843 after the
collapse of the Union Bank in Tallahassee and other deleterious economic effects of the
Panic of 1837. Having sold his heavily mortgaged tobacco plantation in north Florida,
Braden began to establish a sugar plantation across the Manatee River from another Leon
County transplant Robert Gamble. By the late 1840s, Braden had secured approximately
11 Robbins later adds through the voice of the Castle, I shall see one of the greatest tourist homes in the
world. . .(14)
In the History of Braden Castle, the Castle narrates, "they wanted to keep me as a landmark, to show
the tourists that would come here what this spot had experienced in the early history and the making of this
part of the Land of Manatee. (13-14) Robbins purpose, as well as other members of the board, is utopic
in terms of this imagined place of limitless freedom and history, and he begins to re-construct a mythology
of the place through phrases such as Land of Manatee.


173
^3 Breaking Camp
[camper shell, truck-tent, box-tent, tent-trailer, camper-top, pick-up, pop-up, slide-
in, pull-behind, camp-along]
The process begins again by breaking camp. How might the procedure of camping
be read? In terms of legends,19 this reading is comprised of a gathering of fragments that
are assembled to generate myth. The narration of these component parts necessitates an
elision of missing facts, unsubstantiated anecdotes, or unexplained phenomena. In
contrast, breaking camp involves disassembly, an analytical mode of reading that seeks to
document rather than mythologize. Unpacking meanings of camp can begin with the
linguistic vessel itself linked iconographically to the image of the pick-up truck with
its camper-top that is folded and unfolded. Breaking camp is thus conceived as a
simultaneous activity of dismantling into component parts and folding up into a unit. The
type of analysis implied by the camp com-plex is an unfolding of the relations of
fragments rather than a reduction to essences. To break camp is to utilize all possible
interstitial space.
As noted previously, defining camp yields a cluster of meanings that include
paradoxes in the degree of permanence and of organization that is connoted. Related to
its designation as a field prepared for games or leveled as a result of battle, the
abstraction of camp as an open space or field of settlement approximates the blank,
empty pages of John Ruskins own journals and diaries, which according to Jay Fellows
are the original models for the space of his world.: 19 The word legend has its origins in the Latin word legere meaning to read.
20 t
Jay Fellows, The Failing Distance: The Autobiographical Impulse in John Ruskin (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1975), vii.


364
realization."1 What implications do reversals and coincidences of the temporary and the
permanent have for the architecture of dwelling?
From camp(site) to campsite and then from campsite to campsite we follow this
constantly shifting ground that can in the end be classified as neither temporary nor
permanent. Remembering that Nietzsche wondered if there could be a grounding without
ground, we might ask the following: does the confluence of a contemporary itinerancy of
American dwelling (from permanent to temporary)11 and the incidence of camps that
linger as dwelling sites (from temporary to permanent) suggest an alternative method for
the study and construction of place embracing the paradoxes inherent in architectures of
mobility and time? This brief treatment proposes R.M. Schindlers Kings Road House as
one architectural response to this paradoxical situation of chronic itinerancy and material
inveteracy.
1 9
Beware, o wanderer, the road is walking too.
Campers Shelter: Recasting Semper with Schindlers Kings Road House
I received your letter high up in the mountains where I am having a vacation for
which I have waited a long time. It is one of the most marvelous places in
America. I camp at the shore of the Tenaya, sleep on a bed of spruce needles under
a free sky and bathe in the ice-cold waterfall.13
10 See Mary-Ann Ray, Gecekondu, Architecture of the Everyday, eds. Steven Harris and Deborah Berke
(New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997), 153-165.
11 See J.B. Jackson.
12 Rainer Maria Rilke, quoted in Jim Harrison, Off to the Side (New York: Grove, 2002).
Schindler to Neutra, October 1921, in Esther McCoy, Vienna to Los Angeles: Two Journeys (Santa
Monica: Arts + Architecture Press, 1979), 137.


10-6. Mapping of Slab City 342
11-1. William James Stillman, The Philosophers Camp in the Adirondacks 356
12-1. R.M. Schindler, Partial plan of Kings Road House 366
12-2. Schindlers Kings Road House and his campsite at Yosemite National Park 367
12-3. Making camp: Schindlers Kings Road House and Elon Jessups Motor
Camping Book 369
12-4. Wedge-style tent facing the campfire and Plans and sections of R.M.
Schindlers A. Gisela Bennati Cabin 372
12-5. Airstream Bambi, street side, 1964, and R.M. Schindler, Kings Road
House, Perspective exterior elevation 375
12-6. Schindler, Site plan for Kings Road House, 1921; John Hejduk, Site Plan for
A Gathering, 1999 376
xiv


245
A
Figure 8-3. Tin Can Tourists in De Soto Park, 1920 (Florida State Archives, re()3387 and
rc02622)
three to six thousand free municipal autocamps could be found throughout the United
States/ During this period, Kenneth Lewis Roberts, correspondent for the Saturday
Evening Post, makes his initial trip to Florida and writes his first articles, The Time-
Killers" (April 1, 1922) and "The Sun-Hunters" (April 15, 1922), In addition to
surveying the early trailer life of the Tin Can Tourists, Roberts publicizes an exaggerated
profile of Floridas economic potential and begins the Florida boom of the 1920s with his
far-fetched claims. At this relatively early stage in autocamping culture, the West and the
North housed the greatest distribution of these camps. In 1921. Floridas share of the
camping culture was limited to thirty-eight established autocamps, of which thirty fell
under the authority of municipalities.'0 By the late 1930s as roads across the southern
United States were improved, the distribution of trailer parks had increased in Florida,
giving the state (along with California) the greatest concentration of campgrounds in the
country. Produced in 1938 by Automobile and Trailer Magazine to show the distribution
' Waiiis, 40.
!,) Presin. S 22.


253
structure of their country. For them, the exiled state is a self-imposed absence from their
home and aspects of their home country.311 While not outright renouncing their
citizenship or the policies of their homeland, these quasi-expatriates also at certain
intervals become immigrants who arrive in, or return to, the previously known but
temporarily forgotten places of their original home.31 In the case of the Tin Can Tourists,
this internal displacement is a chosen circumstance that yields a domestic worldliness
in which its members, as a part of a mythologized seasonal tour, are habitually returning
home whether this is the original home or a newly established home. Although for the
most part not by his own choice and out of his control, Ulysses own peregrinations
culminate in his return home disguised as a beggar, only to reveal himself to the
unsuspecting suitors as the rightful, though temporarily displaced, home-owner. Without
Athenas mandate that the exile must return, this foreigner-at-home condition is
partially captured by the Tin Can Tourists in their seasonally activated transformations of
home. The activities of the Tin Can Tourists thus occur between a chronic arrival and
departure a constant moving between homes, a residual homecoming. Accordingly, the
tourists, while neither exiles nor immigrants, are truly in a state of what Lippard
characterizes as a becoming.
A true globality of camping does not occur until Wally Byam's project in the 1950s
and 1960s. As founder of the Airstream company and Wally Byams Caravanners Club
International (WBCCI), Byam led caravans around the world not only to engage
3(1 This absence can be seen as a dislocation generated from within.
31 The authors of the Guide to the Southernmost State go so far as to characterize the Tin Can Tourists
homecoming in Dade City as an annual hegira, invoking a secularized version of Mohammeds flight
from Mecca to Medina (371). Less specifically, the term describes the flight from danger, in the case the
climatic onslaught of the northern winters.


223
Figure 7-4. Gibsonton, Florida and Midway at Florida State Fairgrounds. A) Float in
yard, B) Unfolding ride at the Midway, C) Concession stand in front yard, D)
Concession stand at Midway


263
but in their permanence, they violate building code stipulations that in this case require
the minimum 400 square feet of living space. Subsequent legal debates attempt to
differentiate vehicle and dwelling, to regulate the potential permanence of trailers by
limiting the time of residence, and to define what qualifies as attachment. In most
rulings, the mobile unit of the trailer and its owner-inhabitants are considered transient
while the land on which camping occurs can have a permanent usage classification.
Wallis equates this treatment to that of the hotel.47 This ambiguity does not hinder many
municipalities from taxing the trailers either as vehicles by assessing registration fees or
as more permanent dwellings by levying property taxes. To avoid these land use
restrictions and taxation, trailer parks and campgrounds move immediately outside
municipal boundaries, thus maintaining access to the municipality's attractions and
infrastructure while evading regulation. As cities expanded, camps that fell within the
annexed area were usually included in the incorporation and were allowed to maintain
their status through existing use grandfathering.48
With the host-guest model used as a framework for studying relationships within
the campsite itself, the trailer site is the zone of the camps guest within the territory of
the host (the campgrounds). Here the varying degrees of attachment occur primarily in a
sectional relationship with the ground. The operation of attaching is discussed in this
chapters section Making Home; and in Chapter 7, the idea of lightness was proposed
in terms of stacking, laying, and resting in the support of temporary dwellings and the
Midway structures. In contrast to the sectional role of maintaining and transforming that
47 Wallis, 74.
48
Wallis, 76.


119
as in the Greek's grove of Olympus) to sacred space based on action originating from
outside a place and practiced in much of Christianity's ritual of sanctifying spaces. As
spatiai sanctity becomes hierarchical space and cosmological time becomes liturgical
time, the camp meeting offers a spatial and temporal antidote to this religious and
political orthodoxy. In the grove-camps, parishioners could experience a "private,
sudden sanctity" in contrast to the "pre-ordained public progress" of conventionally
Figure 3-3. Postcards from Chautauqua and Cassadaga. A) Chautauqua Hotel from
Round Lake and B) Camp Cassadaga from Spirit Lake, 1908 (Florida State
Archives)
mandated religions and social procedure.'9 Jackson notes that for the orthodox
establishment the first indication of this potential "spatial anarchy" was the itinerant
preacher who, according to an anonymous writer in correspondence titled "The
Wonderful Wandering Spirit," perambulates and "acts the busybody, is here and there
and everywhere and above all things bates rules and good order, or bounds and limits."
We will find these attributes reflected in the Tin Can Tourists themselves and in the
temporal constructions of their campgrounds. This unstructured, or "undifferentiated,"
Jackson, 82.
Jackson, B-4.
J.B, Jackson borrows tins ctb from Mlreea Eiiadc.


179
Campsites, like those photographed by Evans and Meyer, are usually found at a
periphery, tangential to a line of movement, or within a gray area between such zones as
urban and suburban. These sites are often inscribed with varying degrees of
monumentality. Ironically, the Giants Camp Restaurant shares its location at
Gibsontons social nexus with the gravestone business Rocks Monuments owned by
Judy Tomaini, the daughter of the famed sideshow performers A1 (the Giant) and
Jeanie (the Half-girl). In some cases, campsites are associated with the monumentality
of a natural landscape feature, which in Florida might be a spring or sinkhole, giving a
fixed point of interest.29 However, zones or vectors are of primary importance in
discussing Floridas camp space. At the regional scale of the southeastern United States
at the southern edge of the Deep South, central Florida represents a frontier space
remaining open to various types of settlement. This openness and centrifugality also
operates within Central Floridas peninsular condition dispersing campsites to liminal
locations along bays, rivers, and roadsides. As a result of the habitual nature of camping,
the settlers occupations of the marginalized territories of Masaryktown, Ruskin, and
Gibsonton were overlays onto other camps.
Masaryktown was founded around a logging camp. Its functioning sawmill
provided the timber for the construction of the original hotel. Gibsonton has its origins in
a fish camp along the Alafia River. George Miller and the other founders of the town of
Ruskin took over an abandoned tuipentine camp, with its three pine slab cabins serving
as classrooms and dormitories for the College campus and its commissary store providing
1 See Gregory Ulmer, "Metaphoric Rocks: A Psychogeography of Tourism and Monumentality, The
Florida Landscape: Revisited, ed. Christoph Gerozissis (Lakeland, FL: Polk Museum, 1992) and Abject
Monumentality, Lusitania 1 (1993): 9-15.


395
Wynne, Nick. Tin Can Tourists in Florida 1900- 1970, Images of America. Charleston,
SC: Arcadia, 1999.


82
making is repeated in iterations and is related to a commonality (held across the network
of the thousand sites). Specificity is tempered by generality (see place).
production
Sola-Morales reviews the modernist production of space as an extension ot human
perception, that of the subject. The mechanical codification of this linkage between the
production of space and the experience of space highlights the problematic of
functionalizing (and object-ification of) the perceptual mechanisms as in the
psychological empiricist projects. As Sola-Morales points out, the notion of producing
place replaces that of producing space in models such as Gestalt psychology.116 An
alternative to the universalizing tendencies of space production and to the closed
117
systematization of place might be Michel de Certeaus idea of space as practiced place.
In de Certeaus model, space can only arise from the reading of a particular place. The
idea of practice as a mode of production provides a hinge between the space-place term:
In short, space is a practiced place. Thus the street geometrically defined by urban
planning is transformed into a space by walkers. In the same way, an act of reading
118
is the space produced by the practice of a particular place....
Although similar in their projects to understand practices of place, a marked difference
remains between how de Certeau and Sola-Morales each view place. For de Certeau, the
production of space through an ensemble of movements remains distinct from the stable
116 Sola-Morales, 96.
117 Fredric Jameson, in his introduction to The Seeds of Time, proposes a model for the study of the
postmodern (as an ideology) that privileges modes of production over other partisan visions of
pluralism (Jameson, The Seeds of Time (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), xii). De Certeaus
concern with practice as a series of tactics gives an alternative, if still postmodern, way of
understanding the relation of space and place that although tied to political ideologies emphasizes
practice over a totalizing critical strategy.
118
de Certeau, 117.


291
communal space of this park within a park as the Plaza (Figure 9-3). The siting of
the camp in this location also works within the previous social-communal uses of the
place; the plantation house itself had been not only a safe haven but also a focus of
entertainment for the areas settlers. With its reduction in size to a property of 34 acres,
Braden Castle Park is a contraction of the original 640-acre territory of the sugar
plantations Section land claim. Today the ruins are no longer readily accessible for
social gatherings and are fortified not by expansive land tenure but by a chain link fence
serving to protect the remnants of the crumbling tabby structures.
The siting of the Park around the plantation house ruins elicits connections to the
residual and the sublime. In an ironic coincidence of old and new, the community
reconstructs and completes the ruined domestic structure. As a historical remnant, the
ruin gains a new meaning as the public Plaza of Braden Castle Park. The ruined house is
re-inhabited at a distance by way of the campers circumscribed dwellings. Off limits
to actual habitation, the place of the ruin is reserved initially for special events by a
locally generated communal agreement and later as a part of the districts oversight by
state and federal regulations for historic preservation.17 Consequently, the ruin is also
utilized for its scenic effect, and thinking of the plantation site as a fragment allows the
campers to inhabit the ruin. Since this occupation occurs at a remove, the ruins
become a scenographic element. And if the ruin is considered by the campers historically
as a fragment in the passage of time, then psychologically the ruins invoke the powerful
notion of time itself and the awe-inspiring power of the sublime. Braden Castle Park
' Braden Castle Park was included as a historic district in the National Register of Historic Places in 1983
(83001428) .


314
colony of domestic exile in which social status, rather than nationality, identifies their
commonality. Complicating the process of colonization is the mobility of the retirees
contrasted with the necessary fixity of the low-income population. The vacationing
campers have the additional freedom of moving from place to place within heterotopic
recreational vehicles, which constitute the placeless places of Foucault's ship as
heterotopia.4 On the other hand, the homeless must rely on the pre-existing attributes
and materials found in the camp-colony.
Siting Camp
Slab City is located in Imperial County, California, between the Coachella Canal
(on the East) and the Saltn Trough (on the West). Although for the most part hidden
from view, the dominant linear element that defines the area on the west is the southern
sector of the San Andreas Fault zone, which branches into the Brawley, Rico, and
Imperial faults. More visible, though at a distance, is the Chocolate Mountain range to
the East. In contrast to the 1000m heights of the Chocolate Mountains, the site for Slab
City has an elevation of 25m at its position on East Mesa. At this close range, the site is
defined to the west by the East Highline Canal, the ancient shoreline of Lake Cahuilla,
changing the elevation from 20 meters to sea level, and the high-tension powerlines
running parallel to the Canal. At the immediate eastern edge of the Slab City settlement
are the Coachella Canal and the boundary of the Chocolate Mountain Aerial Gunnery
Range, a United States Naval installment.
4 Foucault writes, "if we think, after all, that the boat is a floating piece of space, a place without a place,
that exists by itself, that is closed in on itself and at the same time is given over to the infinity of the sea and
that, from port to port, from tack to tack,. .. you will understand why the boat has . been ... the great
instrument of economic development. .. but has been simultaneously the greatest reserve of the
imagination. The ship is the heterotopia par excellence. In civilizations without boats, dreams dry up,
espionage takes the place of adventure. ... (15)


translated as Current whorls which change [the] course of these canoes, o-o-o-o-o;
northwest current, that causes death.
From within the series of thresholds outlined by the mattangs mapped relations.
the Marshallese navigator is constantly arriving (and departing) in response to hints of
perimeters and hypotheses ofloluraes. This centrifugal thresholding is
complemented by the more centripetal construction of the Airstream. Creating a different
kind of memory theatre, the cornpartmentaimation and enfolding scale of the trailer is
more of a physical reliquary or repository as opposed to a mental or even metaphysical
construction, .fust as the Marshall islander can lie in his water-born craft and direct its
motion across the open sea with eyes closed, the Airstream dweller can navigate the
trailer's confines.
Figure 1-4. Navigational maps and the Worlds Most. Traveled Trailer. A) Rebbelith
navigation map, B) drawing of Rebbelith navigation map (Sehuck, 1902), and
C) Airstream trailer the Worlds Most Traveled Trailer (Airstream
Corporation)
This activity o thresholding yields various types of thresholds identified by the
connections that are made. The mana tig connects the navigator with the forces of the
sea, the physical with the metaphysical, and the haptic world of touch with that of sight.
it should also he 'noted that "whorls refer to.the name of a navigational indicator ns well as to U;o name
of 3 ghost that was gfanslonnsil into a current Of this name; and the "northwest current-' is the name of a
'Current that will carry a canoe out id the region of the Marshall Islands.


45
map. This is an absolute necessity to one who would not travel aimlessly over the
,?7
grounds and who has a purpose beyond that of a mere curiosity hunter.
Echoing the fairs goal to endow visitors with a liberal education, the Guide
assumes that visitors seek the enlightenment that the fair and the guide can provide as a
result of world progress in the arts, sciences, and industries. After the introduction, the
Official Guide also lists Ten Suggestions for Visitors, primarily a checklist of
preparations, expectations, and costs for the visitors arrival to Chicago and for the fair
with additional advice to consult with the fairs Bureau of Public Comfort upon
admission. In contrast to the Authentic Guide's, conciseness and the Official Guide's
lavishly illustrated documentation, the Official Catalogue to the Exposition serves as an
exhaustive compendium of all the exhibits of each Department. In excess of one
thousand pages, the catalogue is divided into sections for each Department, with a
reproduction of an oblique perspectival view of each building as a frontispiece.
Following the views rendered by A. Zeese and Company of Chicago is a brief description
of the exhibition building, a short section titled Key to Installation explaining the
internal arrangement of the exhibitions, and precisely detailed building plans. Illustrating
each exhibitions layout with layers of text, numbers, and partitions, the plans
(themselves a combination of scaled floor plan and diagram) serve as both map and
catalogue (Figure 2-6).29
"7 John J. Flinn, Official Guide to the Worlds Columbian Exposition (Souvenir Edition) (Chicago: The
Columbian Guide Company, 1893), 5.
28 -
M. P. Handy, ed., Official Catalogue of Exhibits: Worlds Columbian Exhibition (Chicago: W.B.
Conkey, Publishers to the Exhibition, 1893).
The Official Catalogue held by the University ot Florida Library includes a signature and inscription on
the first page: C.L. Willoughby...Corps of Guides...Jackson Park, Chicago... 1893. Willoughby has also
added to the Ground Plan of the Palace of Fine Arts hand-written, pencil notations that identify the spaces


117
scale and particular practices of each vary, Cassadagas mission and philosophy is related
to camp assembly grounds established in the northern United States for combinations of
education, spirituality, and leisure.64 These northern precursors to Cassadaga include the
Chautauqua Institution, organized in 1874 in Chautauqua County, New York, and the
Lily Dale Assembly, established by the National Spiritualist Association in 1879
(incorporated 1893). Mirroring a similar system used at Lily Dale Assembly, the
Cassadaga Spiritualist Camp Meeting Association leased land to prospective
homeowners in order to allow for semi-permanence but to avoid the highly temporary
nature of an assemblage of shacks as well as a permanent tent community.65
Designed and laid out by a civil engineer Louis Redmond Ord in 1896, the original plan
for Cassadaga was abandoned by the camps board of directors in an attempt to open up
the extensive public spaces of Ords picturesque landscape for additional development.66
The carnivalesque atmosphere that Moore assigns to the Spiritualist camp meetings can
64 For the complete listing of events, attractions, and lodging available at early Cassadaga camp meetings,
refer to the series of programs for the Annual Conventions published by the Southern Cassadaga
Spiritualist Campmeeting Association between 1912 and 1918 (in the University of Floridas Florida
Heritage Collection). See also John J. Guthrie, Jr., Seeking the Sweet Spirit of Harmony: Establishing a
Spiritualist Community at Cassadaga, Florida, 18933-1933, Florida Historical Quarterly, v.77 No.l
(Summer 1998), 1-38.
65 Johnston, 106. A similar system is found in the early stages of the formation of Braden Castle Park (see
Chapter 9).
66 Following the rolling topography and establishing picturesque links with the Lake, the town plan
responded to the Spiritualist principles of connecting with nature. Specifically, two of the National
Spiritualist Associations Principles adopted in Chicago in 1899 reflect this connection with nature.
Principle 2 reads We believe that the phenomena of Nature, both physical and spiritual, are the expression
of Infinite Intelligence. Principle 6 reads We affirm the moral responsibility of individuals, and that we
make our own happiness or unhappiness as we obey or disobey Natures physical and spiritual laws. (See
National Spiritualist Association of Churches, Declaration of Principles,
http://www.nsac.org/principles/index.htm). For this connection to nature in the Chautauquan experience,
see also John Heyl Vincent, The Chautauqua Movement (Boston: Chautauqua Press, 1886). Vincent
writes, At Chautauqua, Nature is our text-book, Nature our laboratory, Nature our teacher. We study
Nature in her material manifestations, in her mental and moral manifestations. (220) Johnston compares
the original town plan laid out by Ord to that of Frederick Law Olmsteds landscape master plan for the
Worlds Columbian Exposition in Chicago (109-110).


327
military camp reproduces and reclassifies knowledge and power through its hierarchy and
regimentation: the military hierarchy is to be read in the ground itself, by the tents and
the buildings reserved for each rank. It reproduces precisely through architecture a
pyramid of power.32 The tactic, on the other hand, is defined by de Certeau as a
calculated action determined by the absence of a proper locus. Tactics allow for an
autonomy and methodology that does not rely on the delimitation of an external territory
such that tactics must occur within the space of the other.33 In military operations,
strategies are far-reaching overlays that occur outside of the enemys field of vision,
while tactics occur within this field of vision and must afford an invisibility through
their speed, mobility, and weakness. If strategy relies on spatial manipulation and
domination, then tactic looks to nondelimited places for the siting of its practice/4
In Slab City, the trailers, unable to dominate the space of the camp, must rely on
their tactical mobility to create a suitable living space. This space can only arise out of
suitable placement (place as location) and configuration of places (place as a multivalent
complex of forces).33 Returning to de Certeaus model, we find that tactics must play on
and with a terrain imposed on its and organized by the law of a foreign power.36 At Slab
City, the compulsory terrain is the manipulated ground of the slabs; and organizing law is
the requisite administrative structure that initially imposed and currently maintains the
gridded township system, originally creating the Section 36 designation. Historically,
Michel Foucault. Power/Knowledge, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980), 255.
33 De Certeau, 36-7.
4 This type of construction recalls Deleuzes use of nonlimited locality" to describe the nomadic place.
35 These forces may be social, environmental, or pragmatic conditions.
M' De Certeau, 37.


388
Moore, William D. To Hold Communion with Nature and the Spirit-World: New
Englands Spiritualist Camp Meetings, 1865-1910. Exploring Everyday
Landscapes: Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, VII. Edited by Ann marie
Adams and Sally McMurry. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1997,
230-250.
More, Thomas. Utopia. Translated by Robert M. Adams. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1995.
Morley, David. Home Territories: Media, Mobility and Identity. New York: Routledge,
2000.
Morris, Dan and Inez. The Weekend Camper. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1973.
Morris, Robert. Some Notes on the Phenomenology of Making. Continuous Project
Altered Daily. Cambridge: MIT, 1995.
Mueller, Edward A. Ocklawaha River Steamboats. DeLeon Springs, FL: E.O. Painter,
1983.
Mugerauer, Robert. Phenomenology and Vernacular Architecture. Encyclopedia of
Vernacular Architecture of the World. Edited by Paul Oliver, 4 vols. London:
Blackwell, 1997.
Murphy, Richard J. Authentic Visitors Guide to the Worlds Columbian Exposition and
Chicago, May 1 to October 30, 1893. Chicago: The Union News Company, 1893.
Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Gay Science. Translated by Josefine Nauckhoff. New York:
Cambridge, 2001.
Nietzsche, Friedrich. Human, All Too Human. 2ml Edition. Edited by R.J. Hollingdale.
New York: Cambridge, 1996.
Nieuwenhuis, Constant. New Babylon (1974). Theory of the derive and other
situationist writings on the city. Edited by Libero Andreotti and Xavier Costa.
Barcelona: Museu dArt Contemporani de Barcelona, 1996.
Nieuwenhuis, Constant. New Urbanism. Provo #9 (1966). Buffalo, NY: The Friends
of Malatesta, 1970. (10 May
2003).
Nolen, John. New Towns for Old. Boston: Marshall Jones Company, 1927.
O'Grady, Patricia. Thales of Miletus. The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 17
April 2001. (23 September 2001).
Original Constitution of the Tin Can Tourists (1920). Florida State Archives.


246
of trailer camps, a map of the United States clearly represents the highest density of
camps surrounding the Tampa Bay area and Miami.11
The decline of the municipal campground begins in 1924 as the vacationing
camper is differentiated from the hobo tourist.12 Postcards from the time period
contrast the Tin Can Tourists perception of the freedom offered by a life on the road
with the Florida publics perception of the Tourist as a wild, unkempt group of
frontiersmen (Figures 8-3 and 8-4). In the first instance, the postcard shows Tourist
families camped along a road with autocampers, tents, and livestock forming an ad hoc
settlement within the semi-tropical landscape of palm trees and Spanish moss. The
caption Where the Iceman cuts on ice or Gas, or the Coal, or the Rent-man either
references the campers freedom from economic ties to typical societal structure. The
other postcard presents the Tin Can Tourist as a solitary figure with shot-gun and tent
without motorized transportation. Cloaked in a hunters outfit and partially obscured by
the uncultivated natural landscape, the camper represents the stranger and the outsider.
Community resistance to the Tin Can Tourists was based on the idea that the free
camps attracted a lower class of itinerants who did not contribute to the local economy
and who stayed longer than their middle class counterparts because of unemployment
rather than leisure time. The terminology contrasting camper and tourist and
vacationer and hobo indicates perceptions of the time. With respect to time, the
apparent assumption is that the camper remains for a short duration while the tourists
stay does not have a definite end; and as far as purpose of visit, the vacationer will return
11 Donald O. Cowgill, Mobile Homes: A Study of Trailer Life (Washington, D.C.: American Council on
Public Affairs, 1941).
12
Wallis, 71.


162
campfires were fueled by the resin-saturated pine lighter wood and provided the
typically communal focus at the end of the day: Sitting around the blazing pine logs that
night, the time passed quickly while talking of hunting, fishing, and sailing, and it was
eleven oclock when we turned in.2 However, at a practical level as a series of events,
camping is a circumstantial and highly conditional activity. Camping is thus repetition
with difference; and in the overall sequence, events can overlap or occur simultaneously.
Within camp, this differential quality is also found in the recounting of stories, legends,
and myths around the campfire. The oral re-telling of the legends modifies and blurs
distinctions between events. In Florida, this oral history is made up of the stories found
and re-told by Stetson Kennedy as director of the Florida Writers Project unit of the
Works Progress Administration (1937-1942) and in his publications, notably Palmetto
Country (1942). In one section, Kennedy recounts the harsh life of turpentine camps in
the stories and songs of African-American laborers.? Including the proposal for
interviews in a west Florida turpentine camp, Zora Neale Hurstons Proposed Recording
Expedition into the Floridas outlines areas of Florida defined by their oral history and
tradition of songs and folklore. In Area III from Palatka to Floridas West Coast near
Tampa, Hurston writes of the rich storytelling and singing traditions found in the regions
camps: The most robust and lusty songs of road and camp sprout in this area like corn
" James A. Henshall, Camping and cruising in Florida an account of two winters passed in cruising around
the coasts of Florida as viewed from the standpoint of an angler, a sportsman, a yachtsman, a naturalist
and a physician (1888), 41.
3 Stetson Kennedy, Turpmtine, Palmetto Country (Tallahassee, FL: Florida A&M University Press,
1989), 257-268.


268
modifications made to trailers that have stopped moving.54 And accordingly, this
difference in modes of construction affects the built environment of the camp. Where
semi-fixed trailers and mobile homes grow and are modified for the most part by an
externalized accretion, the transformation of autocampers occurs from the inside with
minor exterior additions. Without a stable ground for support, autocamper structure
relies on the bearing capacity of the axles and the main chassis. Elements must be
cantilevered from this central axial support. Additional shelter must then either fold out
from or must be stored within the camper. Canvas and fabric made up the material for
the latter configuration; and in many early camps, the tent-like shelters were built off of
the automobiles shell. The tent was fused with the motor car.60
Making Home: An Operational Manual for Tin Can Tourism
In his detailed account of types of camping shelter and cooking kits as well as his
recommendations for modifying camping vehicles, Elon Jessup presents techniques of
combining the tent and the autocamper as shelters for the campers home on the road. In
the 1920s, the tent was the most economical and readily available camping equipment for
travelers such as the Tin Can Tourists. The tents would soon be formalized in more
complex fold-out campers and eventually be superseded by the travel trailers of the
1930s. In spite of its less frequent use in modern campgrounds, the tent has remained an
important part of understanding camping practices. And Henry David Thoreaus
59 One precedent for the autocamper is the gypsy wagons displayed at the Worlds Columbian Exposition
of 1893. Wallis mentions the wagon in Wheel Estate (37-38). Staged as a competition, this exhibition
included the first prize-winning wagon built for King James Stanley of the Stanley tribe of English Gypsies
(see also Nerissa Wilson, Gypsies and Gentlemen, 1986). The gypsy camp returns in the work of Constant
for the Situationists New Babylon (1958).
60 Alan Wallis, in his discussion of the municipal camp, equates the ad hoc qualities of trailer design with
the design and layout of the trailer communities themselves. See also Charles Jencks Ad hocism (1972).


325
space on the frontier.26 With early forts on the United States frontier, emphasis was
placed on the perimeter wall since protection was a necessity against constant Indian
attack. Later with forts such as Fort Union (1866) in New Mexico, the buildings were
organized around a central parade ground, and the wall was articulated by the
arrangement of the officers' quarters, soldiers' barracks, and offices around the edge of
this open space. At Fort Sumner (1862), the original wall took the form of an exterior
covered walkway along the length of the barracks. This walk along with a back wall
formed an envelope of space in which the program, barracks and courtyards or offices
could be arranged.
This envelope of space is given clearer articulation in the double enceinte walls of
fortifications such as those around the cities of Carcassonne and Montagnana. At
Carcassonne, the city walls were refortified in 436 in the tradition of Roman building and
were again altered in 1285 with the medieval additions. At Montagnana, in the 1360s, a
pomerium was added as a street-like open area running parallel with and adjacent to
interior base of the walls.27 This no-mans land, with the width of a town street, was
cleared between the two walls to keep the interior surfaces of the heavily buttressed
walls clear of obstructions and facilitated the arming of the open-backed towers.28 In
the form of the U.S. military forts, the medieval fortification walls have been transformed
by elements moved into the actual wall envelope. The outer, more extensively fortified
barricade has elements such as towers and buttresses attached to its outer edge. Towers
26 Frazer, xi.
7 De la Croix 35.
28
De la Croix, 36.


33
and Cruising in Florida, The Motor Camping Book, Touring with Tent and Trailer,
Trailer Travel Here and Abroad, The Weekend Camper, and Camping. In Camp Life,
Hallock combines descriptions of camping techniques with advice on hunting and
Figure 2-1. A Triumphal Procession to camp (James Henshall, Camping arid Cruising
in Florida, 1888, n.p.)
recreation. Compiled in part from essays published in Forest and Stream, Hallocks
guide takes the form of a narrative of his and other explorers excursions between 1873
and 1875 in a Florida of which so little is known. One representative journey within
the Florida frontier takes L.A. Beardslee along the St. Johns River from Jacksonville to
Enteiprise with the service of a lawn tent in search of the black bass.5 Because of the
Florida peninsulas inaccessibility in the later 19th century, the combination of tent and
boat was a common way to explore the region (Figure 3-1). In a subsequent volume
titled Camping and Cruising in Florida, Henshall records travels throughout Florida,
5 Charles Hallock, ed.. Camp Life in Florida (New York: Forest and Stream Publishing Company, 1876).


17
paradoxical situation of camping in which the centrifugal (mattang) and the centripetal
(Airstream) coincide and the physical reliquaries of displaced homes (Airstream) and
metaphysical theatres (mattang) share a common, if fleeting, grounding. Ultimately,
camp thought can be closely linked to what Serres termed vectorial thought through the
idea that camps index both movement and transformation in their sedentary
moments. This indexed movement proceeds both from campsite to campsite, in the
series of interlaced sitings and places, and from camp(site) to campsite, when mobility is
tempered by a degree of permanence.21
From Camp(site) to Campsite
At the sea. I wouldn't build a house for myself (and it is part of my good fortune
not to be a home-owner!). But if I had to, I would, like some Romans, build it right
into the sea I certainly would like to share a few secrets with this beautiful
monster."
21 A third construction that possibly serves as a hinge between the Airstream and the mattang is the French
author Raymond Roussels Maison Roulante [also written roulotte]. Built in the early 1920s and
displayed at the 1925 Salon de lauto in Paris, the house on wheels served as a mobile writing studio that
assuaged Roussels acquired phobia of luggage and allowed the author to travel virtually in place. The
sumptuous interior spaces of the 30-foot long caravan created a hermetic volume where Roussel, with
blinds drawn, could read without interruption. Mark Ford notes, Fie spent his time .. immersed in his
daily ration of Loti and Verne, indifferent to the landscapes through which he was passing. The roulotte
lessened still further the danger of details from his voyages seeping into his writings. (Raymond Roussel
and the Republic of Dreams (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 171) Although Roussel traveled
widely, his writing method and content remained at a distance from his actual experiences of the places
visited such that his works such as Locus Solus (1914), Impressions of Africa (1910), and New Impressions
of Africa (1932) retain a magically real quality. Accordingly, the relationship between his motorized
caravan and his writing method warrants further study. It is my preliminary conclusion that his writing
method influenced the construction and occupation of the caravan rather than the procedure of writing as a
function of the vehicle, although New Impressions with its parenthetical construction was begun before
Roussel abandoned the caravan in late December of 1926 (See Roussels How I Wrote Certain of My
Books, ed. Trevor Winkfleld (New York: Sun, 1977).
22 Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science, trans. Josefme Nauckhoff (New York: Cambridge, 2001), 147.


134
camp of horizontality can compared to the vertical camp" proposed by Paul Rudolph for
the Graphic Arts Center in Lower Manhattan. As the main component of a mega
structure for the Lithographers of America Union from 1967-8, Rudolph proposed a
trailer tower of between 40 and 50 stories. For the architect, this construction adapts the
industrial to the architectural and the mobile to the fixed:
... my thought is that the trailer industry is here to stay and that you can't get
around that. Its unfortunate that the module had not been adapted to multi-story
buildings. You know Ive said this is the twentieth-century brick and I really
believe that.119
Rudolph also seeks to adapt an American vernacular construct into the verticality of the
high-rise condition:
Im a great believer that the vernacular architecture quite often solves problems
much better than architects do. Incidentally, the trailer you see is the true
vernacular of architecture in the United States whether we like it or not. One
reason I'm so fascinated by it is that Ive been to many trailer courts and seen what
people do architecturally to what they have. I find it absolutely fascinating.120
In this city within a city for Lower Manhattan, each 11-ton prefabricated trailer unit
would be hung from 3 diameter steel cables (encased in concrete) attached to
cantilevered sky hooks that extend from vertical hollow tubes (in which circulation and
mechanical components would be enclosed). Echoing Archigrams earlier terminology,
Rudolph calls the units capsules, with 3-1/2 thick corrugated steel walls and standard
12' x 60 x 8 dimensions that would fold out to 24-wide floors and roof terraces once in
place. The roof of the lower mobile house or truck van becomes the terrace for the
higher unit. Rudolph contrasts the lightness of his idea with that of concrete heaviness of
111 Paul Rudolph, Interview with Robert Bruegmann, Compiled in Chicago Architects Oral History
Project. The Ernest R. Graham Study Center for Architectural Drawings, Department of Architecture, The
Art Institute of Chicago, 28 February 1986, p.34. Text online at
http://www.artic.edu/aic/collections/dept_architecture/rudolph.pdf (accessed 05 May 2003).
1 Rudolph, 36.


105
Deborah Berke, in her concluding essay for Architecture of the Everyday, points
out a resonance between Sontags notion of camp and that of everyday architecture and
its counterpart vernacular architecture. Berke notes that neither architecture nor the
everyday is characterized by naivet. Like a methodologically driven camp, the making
of architecture is a highly conscious, indeed a self-conscious act; and similarly the
everyday should not be confused with sugary and debased notion of the vernacular and
the concomitant nostalgia for some state of original purity. Like Sontags
characterization of camp as supplemental and definition-defying, the everyday resists co
option.
As a supplementary practice, camp also connotes the performative. This
connotation of camp emerges as early as 1909 in J. Redding Wares Passing English of
the Victorian Era in which camp describes actions and gestures of exaggerated
90
emphasis. Such embellished behavior later comes to be associated with homosexual
mannerisms and taste at least by the 1930s and 1940s. Mark Booth locates this derivation
of camp in the French term se camper, which means to to act broadly and histrionically,
to be expansive but flimsy.29 Though homosexuals have been at what Sontag calls the
vanguard of defining camp taste, Sontag also notes that such aesthetic and even
philosophical sensibility is not limited to gay culture.30
7 Deborah Berke, Thoughts on the Everyday, Architecture of the Everyday, eds. Steven Harris and
Deborah Berke (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997), 226.
'7 The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. II (New York: Oxford, 1989), 811.
29 n
Mark Booth, Camp (London: Quartet Books, 1983), 33. We might also include method-acting,
theatricality, and exaggeration to the broader meaning of se camper.
30 Sontag, 290.


116
fleeting connections between the built form and the Spiritualist theology. But it is his
contention that these camps were unstructured arenas of experimentation and
communication centers for a movement that rejected hierarchy and institutionalization
that best illustrate the mediating potential of the camp.59 In this sense, camp is both
physical, ephemeral ground and a less tangible intellectual environment (and medium of
physical-metaphysical communication). Supplementing the work of both Weiss and
Moore is the photographic and textual documentation in Unbroken Circles: The
Campground of Marthas Vineyard, in which Betsy Corsiglias photographs reflect
contemporary usage of the typological range of camp structures.60
The Spiritualist camp at Cassadaga in Lake Helen, Florida, also reflects the idea of
the campground as a mediating zone between the physical and spiritual worlds.61
Formed in 1895, the fifty-seven acre Spiritualist camp had grown to include fifty
permanent houses within the campgrounds and approximately twenty outside the gates to
the camp.62 According to Sidney P. Johnston, the town plan was predicated on
Spiritualist ideology, and the interiors of the predominantly Victorian-style homes
included rooms adapted and set aside for readings, sances, and healings.6 Though the
59 Moore, 231,239, 241.
60 Betsy Corsiglia and Nary-Jean Miner, Unbroken Circles: The Campground of Marthas Vineyard
(Boston: David R. Godine, 2000).
61 George Colby, the founder of Cassadaga, was directed by his American Indian spiritual guide Seneca to
follow a footpath . through the deep forest and subsequently made a journey from Eau Claire,
Wisconsin to Central Florida, where the rolling terrain reminded him of his boyhood home in western
New York inspiring him to found the Spiritualist camp. (Sidney P. Johnston, No Palaces Among Us:
Cassadagas Historic Architecture, 1895-1945, Cassadaga: The Souths Oldest Spiritualist Community,
eds. John J. Guthrie, Jr. et al. (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2000), 99).
6 Volusia County Record, January 15, 1909 (cited in Johnston, No Palaces Among Us: Cassadagas
Historic Architecture, 1895-1945, Cassadaga, 96.
63 Johnston, No Palaces Among Us, in Guthrie et al., Cassadaga, 97.


114
iterations, the Methodist camp meeting becomes a more permanent place for religious
experience; in the case of Wesleyan Grove, the city of tents becomes an agglomeration
of cottages by 1859. Weiss also reviews the entrepreneurial development of Oak Bluffs
on property adjacent to Wesleyan Groves Cottage City in 1866-7. Reflecting much of
the Groves scale, spacing, and road layout, Oak Bluffs subverts the focus on religious
transformation to become a middle-class family resort with a spiritual component.
In later research, William D. Moore picks up on this synthesis of the sacred and the
secular-commercial in another type of camp meeting created by the Spiritualist
movement and reaching full development in Lake Pleasant and Onset Bay in
Massachusetts.5(1 Although not developing the idea, Moore begins to suggest that later
American resorts and campgrounds are secularized versions of the original camp meeting
also variously translated as tabernacle, hut, and tent. Occurring for seven days in the fall of each year and
ending with the full moon (during Tishri, Israels seventh month), the festival recalls this time of exile and
answers the Biblical instruction in Leviticus 23: 42-43 to dwell in the booths for a period of time: Ye shall
dwell in booths seven days; all that are Israelites born shall dwell in booths. That your generations may
know that I made the children of Israel to dwell in booths, when I brought them out of the land of Egypt: I
[am] the Lord your God" (from King James version of Old Testament). The festival also has historical and
agricultural significance. The Sukkah reflect the temporary shelters that farmers would erect in the fields
during harvest time to avoid a lengthy return to the main house, and the booths are also symbolic of the
Tabernacle built to house the Ten Commandments during the journey to the Land of Israel. The rules of
the sukkah have evolved and continue to change over time, but the main tenets are found in the Tractate
sukkah of the Talmud (See The Babylonian Talmud, trans. Michael L. Rodkinson http://www.sacred-
texts. com/jud/t04/suc02.htm#page_v ). The main rules call for the Sukkah to be protected with screens or
walls on three sides and to include a roof structure or ceiling (skhakh) with more shade than sun but
through which the occupant can see the stars and the full moon at night. The powerful symbolism of the
Sukkah includes the understanding of this skhakh as representing the clouds that protected the Israelites
from the desert sun. The ritual of the Sukkah emphasizes how one dwells within it or otherwise occupies
the structure rather than how it is constructed. This focus on use rather than manufacture is debated, and
Yerushalmi (according to Beit Hillel) calls for the construction of at least one new part (onto or within the
old booth) each festival year. In many ways, the Sukkah reflects the paradoxes of temporary and permanent
conditions: the construction itself combines fragility and strength and the skhakh combines the need for
protection and openness. (Derived in part from discussions with Professor Donna Cohen at the University
of Florida).
56 William D. Moore, To Hold Communion with Nature and the Spirit-World: New Englands
Spiritualist Camp Meetings, 1865-1910, Exploring Everyday Landscapes: Perspectives in Vernacular
Architecture, VII, eds. Annmarie Adams and Sally McMurry (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee
Press, 1997), 230-250.


158
circumvent. The eutopia of Braden Castle Park does however include the indefinite
remoteness of utopias ostensibly uncharted places. The Park does in fact form a
veritable island in its informal status as its own city within a city. The Parks laws do
also echo the expectation of social improvement found in Mores utopia.
Heterotopic questions the relationship between Foucaults heterotopia and the
construction of camp space. Although it is not a heterotopia as such, Slab City shares
characteristics with Foucaults heterotopic colony and the paradoxical place of the ship.
The heterotopic thus includes both dis-placement and mobility of place. Slab City can
be read as a colony of domestic exile in which the camping public defines its own rules
for living and constructing the built environment. Such self-regulation does not imply the
complete dissolution of codes of conduct and building, but results in a consciousness of
difference and otherness that is further complicated by an internal differentiation of
class.
This series of case studies thus seeks to watch how things are made as it moves
from campsite to campsite. The operators presented in each chapter title and throughout
the analyses and proposals can be read both as descriptive terms and as exploratory
terminology. The mode and manner proposed by each term outlines a working definition
of camping from which the investigation into poetic occupations and modifications of
place can proceed. Our itinerary takes us from taxonomic to asymptotic to parasitic to
eutopic to heterotopic.


CHAPTER 4
MAKING CAMP
Architecture does not make things it sees but watches how things are made.1
Preamble (pre-ambling)
The chapters (5 through 10) that follow are each dedicated to the study of a
particular place and its camp constructions. The sequence of their presentation has been
determined by the chronology of their detection and incorporation within this study. The
making and composition of this multiple-case study research thus proceeds from camp
to camp, and it is in the subsequent sections (Chapter 11 on Breaking and Chapter 12
on Departing) that a summary of possible connections and cross-references will be
made. To answer the question of how each camp is made, the case study is followed
from its siting and clearing through its making to its breaking.
Place(s) / Sitings
Each case was chosen for its specific use, its particularity of place, and the
complexity of its levels of making. Although too varied internally to denote a typology,
each camp can be assigned a generic function: Ruskin is a socialistic utopian settlement,
Manila Village is a fishing platform community, Gibsonton is a camptown for carnival
performers, Braden Castle Park is a permanent tourist camp, and Slab City is a camp for
retirees and the homeless. The places of the camps range from the regional to the local.
1 Quatremere de Quincy.
148


304
The paradox of freedom and control57 that is found in its physical composition is
also reflected in the Camping Tourists of Americas modes of self-governance. The
Constitution includes the provision that each member in good standing be entitled to
one vote only.58 These voting rights can only be granted internally, since the tourists do
not have permanent residency (and thus the right to vote) in the State of Florida. This
democratic basis is tempered by the oligarchic power structure of the nine Board of
Directors who transact all business of the Association, three of whom shall be elected at
the annual meeting of the members, to replace the three retiring directors, and they shall
serve for a period of three years.59 Though for the most part characteristic of
contemporary neighborhood associations, the duties of the Board to exact Penalties
exceed the prosaic administrative tasks of managing funds, overseeing membership, and
directing meetings. Although not acted upon in the memory of any of the current
members interviewed, the Penalties section of the By-Laws outlines the adjudication of
violations within the community, simulating a court of law in which the President of the
Board of Directors serves as Judge. The first part of the section on penalties describes
the conditions under which a member may be found in violation of the By-Laws:
57 This paradox is shown in the similarity of building footprints combined with a diversity of building style
and in the selective rules that appear in the By-Laws that are then open to interpretation by both certificate
holders and members of the Building and Grounds Committee.
58 Constitution and By-Laws, Article III § 4.
59 Constitution and By-Laws, Article IV § 1. Section 2 notes that the directors shall select from their own
members a President, a Vice President, a Secretary and Treasurer. Here, the mode of government of the
Park diverges from that of Utopia. Each group of thirty households elects a syphogrant to represent them
(121). Although also elected by a secret vote, the voting for the highest officials is not carried out by the
general populace and is instead conducted by the syphogrants (131). In general, public officials of Mores
Utopia must be scholars; and it is interesting to note that three of the nine original officers of the Camping
Tourists organization were identified by the title Dr. Research has been unable to determine if these
titles refer to medical or academic degrees.


393
Tin Can Tourists of the World, 1920-1982, unpublished documents, Florida State
Archives, Collection No. M93-2, Boxes 2 and 3.
Truman, Ben C. History of the Worlds Fair, Being a Complete Description of the
Worlds Columbian Exposition from its Inception. Chicago: E.C. Morse and Co.,
1893.
Tschumi, Bernard. Architecture and Disjunction. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994.
Turner, Drexel. Camptown Vitruvius: A Guide to the Gradual Understanding of
Seaside, Florida. Urban Forms, Suburban Dreams. Edited by Malcolm Quantrill
and Bruce Webb. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University, 1993, 103-120.
Tze, Lao. Tao Te Ching. Translated by D.C. Lau. New York: Penguin, 1986.
Tzu, Sun. The Art of War. Edited by James Clavell. New York: Delacorte Press, 1983.
Ulmer, Gregory. Abject Monumentality. Lusitania 1 (1993): 9-15.
Ulmer, Gregory. Heuretics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994.
Ulmer, Gregory. Metaphoric Rocks: A Psychogeography of Tourism and
Monumentality. The Florida Landscape: Revisited. Edited by Christoph
Gerozissis. Lakeland, FL: Polk Museum, 1992.
van de Lippe, Klaar. Interview with Joep Van Lieshout. Ephemeral / Portable
Architecture. Edited by Robert Kronenburg, 34-7.
Vattimo, Gianni. The End of Modernity. Translated by Jon R. Snyder. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins Press, 1988).
Vico, Giambattista. The New Science. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984.
Vidler, Anthony. The Architectural Uncanny. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1992.
Vidler, Anthony. Diagrams of Utopia. Daidalos 74 (2000).
Virilio, Paul. The Aesthetics of Disappearance. New York: Semiotext(e), 1991.
Virilio, Paul. Bunker Archeology. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1994.
Virilio, Paul. A Landscape of Events. Translated by Julie Rose. Cambridge, MA: MIT
Press, 2000).
Vitruvius. Ten Books of Architecture. Translated by Ingrid D. Rowland. Edited by
Rowland and Thomas Noble Howe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2001.


radicalized empiricism'6 espoused by Serres, such vectonii thought takes into account
external forces through a tactical, as opposed to strategic, mobility that allows movement
topologically, rather than strimiy topographically, across time and space. Arriving is
departing according to Serres development of vectorial thought, what could be called
thinking the vector. Ddeuz.e and Guattaris rhizomatic discipline similarly proposes
the externalized forces of a nomadic thought. Lake Serres' vectorial operators, the nomad
Figure 1 5. Advertisement for Airstream trailer and Rebhdith navigation map (Airstream
, 17
Corporation}'
- who in the context of this discussion acts as both the navigator and the tourist-traveler5 0
- is a vector of detenitorializaiion that by definition transforms places at both a
territorial and a local scale/9 For Deleuze, this change is brought about by the opposition
of nomadic, and State forces, which are manifested in smooth and striated spaces
respectively. While Deieuzian thought is inextricably political. Serresian epistemology
maintains a dialogue between myth and science for the most part eschewing
An empiricism ;rtuch hkg Dekuz/s "experimentation in contact with the real.
Note the sublime reflectivity of the poihhed Airstream and the phenomenal transparency of rise ft could
he argued that each of the construesions (though radically different in their origins and pojpxlutai
relationships} serves as a filter for the context and environment.
In this ease. jhe navigator is the Marshallese pilot, and the tourisbtrnveier is the Airstream oWMfc
'' Deieuze and Guattari, Notmdolgy. 53.


47
books.11 Book One outlines the preliminaries with two epigraphs, a fable of food,
shelter, and clothing; and an inventory of persons and places portrayed as actors in a
play. If the first book serves as the contextual siting of the story, places, and actors,
then the second book can be understood as the clearing, making, and breaking of the
action of the story. The first part of Book Two specifies the time (July 1936) and
summarizes the themes in A Country Letter. Corresponding to things that are made
and the processes of their making and use, the second part catalogues money, shelter,
clothing, education, and work. After an intermission, a set of three Inductions are
presented as a type of open-ended analysis of the findings in the previous section. Within
this loosely structured format, Agee summarizes the desire that his writing might
sufficiently represent the fragmentary nature of the projects subjects: If I could do it,
Id do no writing at all here. It would be photographs; the rest would be fragments of
cloth, bits of cotton, lumps of earth, records of speech, pieces of wood and iron, phials of
odors. .. .32
Related to this weaving of fragments and thus lending itself to the methodology of
a camp practice, John Ruskins guide titled St. Marks Rest uses an open-ended method to
assemble a fragmentary, yet truer than you have heard hitherto, account of the city of
Venice. Mirroring Ruskins own peripatetic method inclined to digression, the guide
combines historical, architectural, mythological, and legendary accounts to present the
book of a nations art and to examine the religious mind of Venice in the 15lh
11 James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (Boston: Houghton Mifflin. 1960).
32
Agee and Evans. 13.


104
within the dichotomy of literal and symbolic meaning, camp productions operate in the
differential space between the thing as meaning something, anything, and the thing as
pure artifice.24 Sontags treatment of camp simultaneously identifies this sensibility and
transforms the oppositional structure of an objective and subjective framework in order to
create her own critical space that is, to set up camp.
In its siting, camp combines this idea of a third sensibility with the paradox of a
mobile fixity or an unstable permanence. This mixture consequently elicits a non-
nostalgic rediscovery of ways of living, marginalized or forgotten by a dominant culture.
As understood by Sontag, this fugitive sensibility of camp is a set of values
supplemental to societal standards that disallows the possibility of completeness as
promoted by high cultures oeuvre in favor of a residual cultural fragmentation. The
difficulty of siting camp however lies in the complications of the utopic impulse and its
unique set of values by the inherent mobility of camp. This mobility is reflected in the
multiple possibilities of siting camp semantically as well as situationally. Sontag notes
camps flexibility of meaning (without a complete instability) in its usage as a verb to
describe a mode of seduction.26 Seduction etymologically implies that one is always
being lead away, and attraction to a person, place, or climate spurs habitual movement.
Situationally, the siting of camp operates as pure process; in fact, its stability is in this
consistency of movement, a cycle of seduction and of being lead away.
24 Sontag, 281.
2:1 Sontag, 287.
26
Sontag, 281.


345
central and southern Florida, outline a vernacular precedent for and in effect presuppose
the Situationists objectives of transforming the city and experiencing places through
play.4 The Situationists, particularly Constant, were already looking at the Gypsy culture,
which shares the itinerancy of the Tourists but is at the same time a product of complex
forces of politics and an extensive history. Thus contrasting aspects of Gypsy culture, the
Tourists in their choice of an itinerant lifestyle and in their experimentation (perhaps not
artistic but at least critical) with new places. Initially, the Tourists engage the space of
the city in urban zones that serve similar purposes to the Campus Martius, although at a
different scale and within a different depth of history.5 Finally, Slab City is sited over a
series of Indian camps and within a former military training camp. Its heterotopic
qualities link it to the real and imagined place of the Burning Man Festival. Both of these
constructs suggest camping as an analog for practicing and making place within the
Internets electronic landscape.
Vernacular
In this project, camps are considered vernacular architectural constructs. At one
level, the camp conforms to a typical conception of the vernacular as a building or built
environment that is created using local and regional materials and techniques. However,
as has been pointed out previously in this work, this understanding of the vernacular
takes into account what is used and what is built at the expense of how the constructions
are actually made. One of the objectives in this dissertation has been to show that the
4 The ludic tendencies of both groups have been compared throughout Chapter 7.
5 The Municipal Cantp in Tampa along the Hillsborough River can be compared to the Campus Martius in
its location within a river lowland; in its reservation of an open area for recreation, competition, and
military exercises; and in its layering of histories of Tampa from the areas occupation by the Rough Riders
of Spanish-American War fame to its current use as a high school education complex.


16
classifications of doctrinal politics. The emphasis and thus focus of this discussion
remains within the discourse and methodology proposed by Serres but does seek to
account for the relations both implicit and overt between the two philosophers, Serres and
Deleuze.20 In order to avoid a generalized political overlay, the politics of camp will
be addressed from within the specific context of the case studies that are sited in the
Tampa area.
If Serresian method provides an analog for what might be called camp thought, it
is the Deleuzian exercise that suggests a framework for understanding camp
construction. Camping occurs between the activities of reterritorialization and
deterritorialization; and it is essentially defined by these operations, just as the time of
camping is a question of arriving and departing (a becoming rather than a being). If my
image of the Airstream is a Serresian-Deleuzian vector, then the mattang is its map. And
it is ultimately through this simultaneity of arriving and departing and coincidence of
detail and territory that the idea of thresholding resonates with the spaces and places of
camp. Discussion will return to this question of mapping in a later section of this study.
The conceptual grouping of the Airstream and the navigation charts seeks to outline
a paradoxical construction that is simultaneously introductory, personal, and exemplary
of the some of the key components of camp. As both the subject matter and the mode
for developing a methodology, camps serve as indexes of the operators and attributes that
have been associated with the two lines of discussion and thought carried out in this
section. The theoretical combination of the Airstream and the mattang characterizes the
20
Throughout their careers, the two philosophers demonstrate mutual respect for each others work and
often cite each other in their writings. In one case, Serres describes Deleuze as an excellent example of
the dynamic movement of free and inventive thinking. {Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, 39)


133
Portable Construction Training Center and Mobile Eco Lab, although fundamentally
didactic, provide environments in which the surrounding community and its public spaces
are engaged through detailing and attention to material.115 Similarly, guest and migrant
worker houses designed by Bryan Bell of Design Corps, though lacking the complete
mobility of Siegals work, seeks affordable housing solutions utilizing materials and
craftsmanship available in rural areas.116 Siegals Mobile Event City Architecture is
the first of these projects to address explicitly the nature of the potential campsite
generated by these mobile vehicles, such that Kronenburgs undemocratic stasis is
mediated by an event of undetermined duration. In these constructions, existing truck
types are points of departure .. hybridize[d] ... with tensile fabric structures which
can be configured with a central focus or a linear orientation.117
In contrast to these projects that rely on the inherent and assumed mobility of the
portable unit, other architectural projects have been proposed that adopt the trailer or
mobile home unit as a more fixed unit of construction. Although influencing
architectural discourse and later built projects, this speculative work has remained
unbuilt. In 1952, Frank Lloyd Wright designed a 442-space trailer park with additional
motel lodging near Phoenix, Arizona. Not unlike a scaled-down version of Broadacre
City, the trailer park followed a grid scheme with small green spaces at each corner and a
centralized, u-shaped greenway defining a communal and commercial space."8 This
115 Siegal, 112-3, 116-7.
116 Jason Pearson and Mark Robbins, eds., University-Community Design Partnerships: Innovations in
Practice (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2002), 51-8.
117 Siegal, 124.
"s Refer also to Frank Lloyd Wrights design of camp cabins for the Chandler Land Improvement
Company (Chandler, Arizona) in 1929.


270
discussions attribute many of the tents features to the understanding of home in early
iterations of American housing. Thoreau describes the crystallization of his original tent
around him in his house by the pond:
The only house I had been the owner of before, if I except a boat, was a tent, which
I used occasionally when making excursions in the summer, and this is still rolled
up in my garret. .. With this more substantial shelter about me, I had made some
progress toward settling in the world. This frame, so slightly clad, was a sort of
crystallization around me, and reacted on the builder. It was suggestive somewhat
as a picture in outlines. I did not neejd to go out doors to take the air, for the
atmosphere within had lost none of its freshness. It was not so much within doors
as behind a door where I sat, even in the rainiest weather.61
The following operations are derived from the relations between tent and
autocamper in Jessups camping manual:
Unfolding
Jessup uses the example of the Auto-Kamp trailer to describe how a tent assembly
can unfold into a bedroom, dining room, and kitchen. When ready to make camp, the
trailer itself becomes your home ... practically a portable house, ready for light
housekeeping.62 The camping trailer folds out to provide the framework for two double
beds that are separated by a floor space (the bed of the trailer that is towed) with a
central table that folds up. The sides of the bed are used as benches to sit at the table.
Two central poles flip up to form the ridge of the canvas tent.
61 Thoreau, 57. A comparison might be made between Thoreaus house-tent crystallization and Michel
Butors description of the Turkish canopies becoming rigid material over time.
62 Jessup, 141.


352
address) and the other home away from home (vacation destination, seasonal tour, or
weekend retreat). One way I have tried to understand this possible simultaneity of homes
is through the idea of the nomad at home. In this concept, home is not a singular place
or idea but instead must embrace the multiplicity of recollections and resonances within
and around home. Through travel and inhabitation, the nomad circumscribes and
inscribes the construction of home, which then becomes bell hooks place of discovery, a
ground made productively unstable by traveling in place. Home is thus a combination of
David Morleys rhetorical territory and Gaston Bachelards garret or to return to the
introduction, the memory or mental image of the mattang and the Airstream trailer.
Similarly, camps as reconstructions of home also negotiate this zone between distant
homes (both the physical construct of the house and the mental construct of home) and
the specificity of the new place (hopefully, like eutopia, a good place) of the
campground. Camps become places where the idea of home is recast both in actual
construction and in the reconstruction of the home-place through stories. Camp thus
navigates what John Hejduk has called place-actual and place-imagined.
Place can also be understood as a negotiation between the local absolute and the
absolute local. And camps are paradoxical places that lie at the chi, crossing, and mixing
of these two conditions. Analogs for these poles might be the ship and the colony.
Similar to the detail described above, the Greek ship, as the mobile unit at sea and as an
immobilized, turned-over vessel at seaside camps is the local absolute.14 This form has
been concretized in Italian, Irish, and Norwegian keel churches. On the other hand, the
Roman colony-caestrum can be understood as the absolute local, its gridded matrix
14 Sometimes these overturned vessels are used for shelter within the camp.


350
Bergsons discussion of Aristotle in the excerpt quoted at the conclusion of the section on
Gibsonton: A body possesses a place on the condition of being at a remove from this
place. This being at a remove can occur both in potentiality (such as in the mobility
of the recreational vehicle, trailer, or camper) and in materiality or technique (such as the
imported platform construction and shrimp-drying processes in Manila Village). Finally,
the detail represents what Casey has called place-as-pragmatic most notably in the
improvised assemblages of the camps studied, from the minimal fabric lean-tos in 1920s
to the more stable, yet idiosyncratic cottages of Braden Castle Park. Place-as-pragmatic
refers to the zone were things are worked on. The reality of these situations is their
transcience such that we must resort to Bergsons things in the making as opposed to
things made in order to understand how such places are constructed. Manila Village,
Gibsonton, the municipal camps of the Tin Can Tourists, Slab City, and the festival of
Burning Man are all unfinished constructions. Their completion always awaits the next
season, the subsequent camping tour, or the tidal ebb and flow. As pointed out in
Chapter 7, the carnival midway is closely tied to the making of camps and is the
prototypical, even archetypal (as Midway), manifestation of this idea of place-as-
pragmatic. As a construct, it is composed of mobile details and encompasses a mobile
territory as a device that both makes and traverses a territory.
The camp and the camp as Midway become what Michel Serres has called the
broken threshold. In terminology that also applies to the place of camps, Serres
characterizes this threshold as crossing, chi, chimera, and chora. Camps also can occur at
literal and phenomenal crossroads, can be constructed as bricolaged assemblages (both
territorially and in terms of detail), and can be understood as matrices in which notions of


35
travel pleasure and freedom. In the text, Jessup includes sections on why we motor
camp (the nomadic instinct for a free life in the outdoors ran in our blood and had for
generations and time and space are at your beck and call), picking a camp site"
(one night he may be camped in the yard of a little red schoolhouse, the next in a
farmers orchard,... and then perhaps the following sundown finds him setting up his tent
in the sophisticated grove of a city park), the importance of right equipment (one
goes camping to have fun, not to be annoyed), the cooking fire (I must express an
extreme partiality for a lingering heap of glowing wood coals), and camp furnishings.9
Many of these camping manuals follow changes in technology; and with the
availability of trailers pulled by cars, Touring with Tent and Trailer supercedes guides
devoted to the autocamper. Kimball and Decker outline what they refer to as the science
of camping and include sections on planning the trip, pitching tents, making camp sites
with trailer and tent, and even caring for ones appearance while on the road (as in
Chapter xiv, which addresses well-groomed Motor Campers).10 Technical and social
issues are also covered in Wally Byams Trailer Travel Here and Abroad.'1 Byams text
serves as a general guide for campers and trailer owners and presents narratives of the
Wally Byam Caravan Clubs trips across the world. Techniques of stowing, hitching,
towing, backing, parking, and leveling are covered. Also, in the Clubs camps, Byam
shows how the camp circle becomes the wagon-wheel style formed by parked
Airstreams (Figure 2-3a). More recent guides return to the less technical, more
9 Jessup. 2, 189, 9,58, 149.
10 Winfield A. Kimball and Maurice H. Decker, Touring with Tent and Trailer (New York: Whittlesey
House, 1936).
11 Wally Byam, Trailer Travel Here and Abroad: The New Way to Adventurous Living (New York: David
McKay Company, 1960).


285
choose committee members.3 The committee eventually incorporated as the Camping
Tourists of America, with a Board of Directors that included Vaughn, W.J. Houck, Fred
F. Bates, L.K. Supernaw, W.B. Jacobs, H.F. Wagner, and H.E. Robbins.4 In this name
change, the Camping Tourists sought both to distance themselves from the negative
public perception of the Tin Can Tourists and to gain independence to look for a
permanent campground site and thus avoid similar occurrences at other municipal camps.
The by-laws of the Tin Can Tourists expressly disallow property ownership by members
in the camps occupied and patronized during the winter season.5
The closing of De Soto Park occurred one month earlier than was typical, but the
preparation for the eviction and the rapid purchase of land essentially only displaced the
newly formed Camping Tourists of America for one week. On March 8, 1924, the Board
members of the Camping Tourists of America agreed to purchase 34 acres of land known
as the Braden Castle Property for $16,000, with funds received from 160 shareholders.6
On March 9, the purchase of the land was officially made. Located east of the town of
Manatee, the property is defined by the confluence of the Braden and Manatee Rivers; its
southern section of land was originally interrupted by a tidal marsh that was later
partitioned to form a landscaped lagoon.
3 The committee included W.J. Houck, President; L.K. Supernaw, Vice President; R.W. Vaughn, Secretary;
and W.B. Jacobs, Treasurer. Membership fees were fixed at SI.00 for the family with fifty-cents in annual
dues. Shares cost $10.00 with a limit of fifty shares per person (see R.W. Vaughn, Origin and History of
the Camping Tourists of America, Braden Castle Association, dated January 8, 1927).
4 Manatee County, Clerk of Circuit Court. Incorporation Book C: 335-7, Bradenton, Florida.
5 See Loren O. Binkley and Pamela Gibson, Braden Castle Camp and the Camping Tourists of America,
April 1984, unpublished manuscript in the historical archive collection of Manatee County Public Library,
Bradenton, Florida.
6 Refer to the Minutes of the Camping Tourists meeting held in Tampa on March 8.


Detail (as territory) 374
Territory (as detail), or Future Research 376
LIST OF REFERENCES 377
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 396
IX


27
and materialities that cannot always be assigned to locative constructions or philosophies.
Cast as an architectural question, this issue lies between such exercises as Gordon Matta-
Clarks and Rachel Whitereads transformations of initially habitable structures into an
absence through which can be read the tactile presence of memory and traces of an
occupation and the act of making.44 At the other end are Krystof Wodiczkos projects
that attempt the presencing of an absent social commentary and the production of a
habitable yet mobile domestic space.44 In an intermediate zone is the work of architects
like Peter Zumthor, who seek an adaptation of one home and its memories (both
historical and personal) with a newly materialized dwelling. Carried out through details
and joints at the scale of the hand and the domestic volume, this synthesis of homes
creates a new home-place while maintaining a dialogue of invention with past and
future.46 Hooks connection of home with discovery proposes a productively unstable
home, the fixity of which occurs in unearthing and maintaining variation. It is possible
that a similar dialogue between camp and the revised home-place will suggest ways of
defining the paradoxical home. Perhaps the solution to this problem ultimately lies in an
architectural understanding of the relationship among place, time, and home within zones
of semi-permanence.
44 See for example Matta-Clarks Splitting (1974) and Whiteread's House (1993).
44 An aspect pertinent to the topic of this thesis and its discussion of home is the proximity of strangers,
familiar and unfamiliar objects, and even memories of incongruous places in Wodiczkos projections and
homeless carts.
46 In this context, Zumthors project for the addition of to a 1706 structure with living room and kitchen.
Zumthor refers to the Gugalun House in Versam. Switzerland (1990-4) as a new whole and an
absorption of new and old. Zumthor also speaks of knitting the new and old structures together, as in the
tradition of Swiss vernacular log homes and maintains the succession of spaces also found in local
architecture.


CHAPTER 10
SLAB CITY: HETEROTOPIC ZONES OF DOMESTIC EXILE, HOMELESSNESS
AND ENCAMPMENT
Introduction
The use of the term heterotopic must be clarified and qualified before proceeding
to discuss the place of Slab City. It has been pointed out that Michel Foucaults work
with heterotopias does not clearly differentiate place, space, and location.1 Framed in this
way, Slab City is not technically a heterotopia. It is however heterotopic" in that it has
characteristics that may lead to the formation of a heterotopia. Its potential of being a
heterotopia-in-the-making locates Slab City in contemporary discussions of other
spaces but at the same time points to a problem within Foucaults later work. This
introduction then seeks to point out the usefulness of characterizing Slab City as
heterotopic and at the same delimits this connection in order to note the problematic of
not differentiating place and space, especially in such a case as Slab City.
The heterotopia is capable of juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces,
several sites that are in themselves incompatible."
Revisiting the statement that introduces Foucaults third principle of heterotopias
provides a basis for introducing the relationship of Slab City to the heterotopia. Foucault
uses the term real to differentiate the heterotopia from utopia, which by definition has
no real place. In his description, however, heterotopias place is also outside of all
1 Casey, 183-5.
2 Michel Foucault, Other Spaces, Lotus International 48/9 (1986): 15.
311


297
frequently referred to as a city within a city.34 The deputization of members of the
community by the Manatee police chief exemplifies this semi-autonomy:
In every sense, its [Braden Castle Parks] administration has accepted the ordinance
of its parent community, Manatee. Officers of the law have been appointed by the
Manatee chief of police, directly responsible only to him, with all powers of a city
policeman within the confines of the camp, and offenders arraigned in the city court
of Manatee.36
Within the partial independence of the Parks self-government, the By-Laws of this city
within a city serve as the primary point of reference for the communitys membership,
governance, built environment, and adjudication. Typically, bylaw refers to the rules that
internally organize an association or group of people but remain subsidiary to the wider-
ranging rules of the land. Etymologically, the term by-law can be traced back to the
Old Norse combination of by-r meaning dwelling-place and lag fellowship, also
connoting law. In an early form, the term bymenighed was used in Scandinavian
languages to denote an association of farmers, usually commonly occupying a rural
township. 6 These meanings suggest that the modern by-law also includes the ideas of
settling disputes outside of traditional law courts by specially deputed arbitrators who
listen to the testimony of neighbors.37 As will be discussed in the next section, this
judgment by neighbors is an integral part of the Braden Castle Parks community. In
some cases the internal, purportedly subordinate regulations in the Parks By-Laws
actually simulate the external legal structure of the society in which the Park falls. The
34 See Braden Castle, Tourist Center, is a Part of Manatee copied from Manatee Chamber of Commerce
Celebration Edition, and rewritten from a feature article prepared for Braden Castle Camp in January 1926.
The manuscript is included in the collection of the Braden Castle Association.
35 Braden Castle, Tourist Center,..., n.d., n.p.
36 The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed vol. II (New York: Oxford, 1989), 733-4.
37 The Oxford English Dictionary\ 734.


182
spaces; service stations characterize the former, and junkyards the latter. '6 Gregotti thus
includes both intentional and seemingly unintentional places for his definition of atopia.
Camp space includes qualities of atopia, heterotopia, and as noted previously utopia.
Gregotti notes, .. it would be interesting to discuss what kinds of compatibilities are
possible between the principles of identity and belonging . and the principles of
atopia.37
Sub-cultures such as the Tin Can Tourists must reconfigure an ideal home at a
distance from their real home between each arrival and departure. What happens when
this planned impermanence translates into a more stable, locative settling-down? In
Masaryktown, a condition of the foreigner at home (a corollary of the Tin Canners
tourist-at-home) exists in which the utopic impulse is to create an encampment or
enclave within the fissures of political and cultural influence, found in the Floridian
frontier. In On the Beaten Track, Lucy Lippards term tourist-at-home collapses the
distinctions of the visitor and the visited, the touristic and the domestic. Lippards
contention is that appropriation of modes of tourism allows a critical artistic practice at
the interstice of the local and the foreign.39 In Ruskin, Florida, George Miller hoped to
create a self-sustaining community incorporating John Ruskins socialist ideals
concerning education and manual labor and to avoid earlier attempts that had failed
because of their geographic and economic proximity to existing communities in
y' Vittorio Gregotti, "On Atopia, Inside Architecture, trans. Peter Wong (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press,
1996), 80.
37 Gregotti, 81.
38 Lucy Lippard, On the Beaten Track: Tourism, Art, and Place (New York: New Press, 1999).
See also: Lucy Lippard, The Lure of the Local: Senses of Place in a Multicentered Society (New York:
New Press, 1997).


330
purchase of a permit for a relatively nominal fee (in 2001, a seven-month stay (between
September and April) costs $125, and a seven-day period of residence is $25). After
fourteen days at one location, campers must move their campsite to another area at least
25 miles away. The BLM has generated a set of rules for camping activities within
LTVAs. The BLMs rules specify a minimum distance of fifteen feet between trailers in
adjacent campsites and disallow any fixed structures, including fences, dog runs,
windbreaks, and storage units. Commercial activity within the LTVA requires a vending
permit, and quiet hours are between 10pm and 6am. In addition, campsites cannot be left
unattended for a period of more than five days. The Bureau of Land Management does
however allow for campers to stay on federal land outside of designated LTVA sections
for free, but the fourteen-day relocation rule still applies. This program was formulated
in 1983 when places like Slab City were becoming popular and the increasing influx of
winter campers (particularly between the programs applicable dates, September 15 to
April 15) required a degree of regulation by the government.39 Supplementary rules were
proposed by the Environmental Protection Agency for the use of LTVAs in Arizona and
California.411 Adopted in 2000 and 2002, these supplementary rules serve primarily as a
clarification to the previously issued guidelines.41 In its lack of restrictions on the
39 Reference Mark Lowans, Outdoor Recreation Planner, Yuma Field Office, Bureau of Land Management
(contact at Mark_Lowans@blm. gov)
40 See Notice of Proposed Supplementary Rules on Public Lands Within all Arizona and California Long-
Term Visitor Areas (December 2002) at IMPACT/2002/December/Day-12/30991 ,htm>
41 See Publication of supplementary rules for Long-Term Visitor Areas managed by the California Desert
District office, California, and the Yuma Field Office, Arizona. For rules issued in 2000 and specific to
California areas, refer to Federal Register: July 17, 2000 (Volume 65, Number 137) found at
For 2002 rules applicable
to both California and Arizona, refer to Federal Register: December 12, 2002 (Volume 67, Number 239) at



Each iteration of the parasitic modes found in Gibson ton and the midway begins to
outline an architecture of place and time. As the excluded middle, camps work between
the porosity of suburban development and the density of urban fabric. At the territorial
scale, camp as parasite also yields a system that relies on a flexible coding of difference
(rather than an overarching identity), in terms of making at the level of the detail, camp
includes a multiplicity of parasitic operations that comprise sites of possibility and
invention. Camps thus trace fluid connections between attachment and detachment and
maintaining and transforming as they address the paradoxes of place. The parasite, like
the stranger, the exile, and the tourist, modifies established relationships within particular
places: and architectural theory can review these situations by looking at localized
precedents where these paradoxes are being addressed in vernacular practice. From the
particular instance of Gib.sonton. two ideas that address the paradoxes of place-making
can be summarized: plaee-as-region and place-as-pragmaticA* Place is thus constructed
in a reciprocal relationship between territory and detail.*2 The network of summer
carnivals folds into Gibsonton, and Giant's Camp folds out to the practicalities of the
prototypical midway,
A body possesses a place [lieu] on the condition of being at a remove ¡loign]
from this place.
My thesis is that the knowing here is made by the ambulation through the
i n ter ve ni ng e x periences. 'u
11 Edward Casey utilizes this terminology in The Tate of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1997), 246 and 305.
in tins formulation, territory can thought of as primarily based on plaee-as-region and detail can be
understood initially through place-as-pragmatic. Apart from -hese initlai associations, the four lenn.s form
; network of interactions in which relations between territory and detail are transformed.
Henri Bergson, Lldee de Lieu chez Aristotle." Us Emes Bergsoniemes 0 949). 2:86.


130
culture, and mobility as distinctive and critical components of virtually every
architectural context and thus becomes an on-site, in-depth, moving design
laboratory.102 Though not in a studio setting, a chapter in Temporary Buildings (2000)
outlines the history of temporary buildings from tent structures to the virtual spaces of
video installations.103 The definition that this work provides for the temporary building
offers a background for this work on camp and its relation to time and space:
A temporary building implies construction. It has spatial structures and can adapt
itself to varying requirements. It is actually a form of transportable architecture
which can either be moved in one piece or dismantled into individual sections and
also assembled with little effort.104
Another work guest-edited by Robert Kronenburg addresses the intersection of the
ephemeral and portable in architecture and presents a series of projects about the making
of temporary structures.105 In his introduction, Kronenburg calls for the valuation and
treatment of ephemeral architecture (in which he includes temporary and portable)
alongside more permanent constructions and also notes the archetypal origin of the latter
in the former that encapsulates the primal act of building.106 In spite of his manipulated
reading of Heidegger (that is addressed in the previous section of this work), Kronenburg
102 See the programs website at http://www.themobilestudio.org. The mission statement continues, The
Mobile Studio intends to transcend the commonly accepted two-sided nature of the mythology of mobility,
on the one hand the destructive force that brought desolation and degradation to our urban cores, on the
other a symbol of freedom, adventure, and progress. Though the former is more insidiously omnipresent
and inevitably more detrimental to the landscape, neither version brings the designers potential
relationship with mobility as a cultural and physical context into maturity. It is the discovery and
exploration of that mature vision that is at the heart of The Mobile Studio. (Spring 2002)
103 r
Karin Schulte, From Nomads Tent to Multimedia Vision: A short history of temporary buildings,
Temporary Buildings (New York: Gingko, 2000).
11,4 Schulte, n.p.
Robert Kronenburg, ed., Ephemeral / Portable Architecture, Architectural Design Profile, No. 135, in
Architectural Design, ed. Maggie Toy (September-October 1998), v.68, n.9/10.
106
Kronenburg, 7.


129
type of permanent shelter." Regulations and problems of taxation are then discussed in
the context of mobile home park plans that adopt and scale down site plans of typical
suburban development. Another moment in the evolution of the trailer and mobile home
occurs with the design of a mobile home for National Homes by the Frank Lloyd Wright
Foundation in 1970.""'
A wide range of literature catalogues and describes trailer types, temporary
buildings, and ephemeral structures. A brief overview of some of the more
architecturally pertinent material will be given in order to contextualize a discussion of
more recent conceptual projects that appropriate the mobile unit to address ideas
related to the practice of camping and thus closer to the subject of this work. Allan
Wallis Wheel Estate provides an overview of the evolution of portable housing from
autocamper to trailer to mobile home to manufactured housing. Assembled in the form
of a linear time line, the analysis of this evolution also factored into a design studio as an
apparatus for the critical exploration of mobile housing. Carol Burns studio at Harvard
utilized this catalogue of trailer and mobile home types as an open work or source
model for the design work and its inquiries into the domestic paradoxes inherent in
mobile living and as an analog for problematic categorization in the manufactured home
industry and its regulatory overlays.101 Another architectural studio that seeks to address
design and mobility is Linda Samuels Mobile Studio, originating from the University
of North Carolina in Charlotte. The studio seeks to investigate issues of the road, car
99 Max S. Wehrly, The Evolution of the House Trailer, Urban Land (March 1967), v.26, n.3.
11X1 Cited in Robert Kronenburg, Houses in Motion: The Genesis, History and Development of the Portable
Building, 2nd edition (London: Wiley-Academic, 2002), 84-5.
101 Carol Burns, A Manufactured Housing Studio: Home / On the Highway, Journal of Architectural
Education (September 2001) 55/1, 51 -57.




218
As noted in the introduction, the general location of Gibsonton, in its earliest
iteration as a fish camp, was a function of the natural resources available from its
proximity to the river and the bay. However, in their decision to buy the acreage for what
would become Giants Camp and essentially to re-site the settlement on the south side of
the Alafia River bridge, the Tomainis took into account the approach of travelers passing
south on Highway 41 into what would become Gibsonton. Their experience with the
layout of sideshows and midways at carnivals and fairgrounds influenced the placement
of the camp; and this first addition to Gibsonton on the bay followed rules learned from
observed human nature at the midway: when setting up on a show lot, the most desirable
location was first in, on the right.7 In a sense, the Tomainis conceived of the camp as a
fairground and foresaw the potential for Gibsontons expansion to the south, with their
camp forming the gateway to the settlement.
This conceptual and formal resonance between camp and midway is not incidental.
Sideshow performers camped in trailers or tents attached to the back of their show trailers
8 ...
that fronted onto the midway. Also, in its assembly, the midway, like the camp, is
designed as a demountable construction that can be taken down and rebuilt in another
location. Moreover, the midway can be understood as both mode of passage (the
connector) and destination. This dual meaning is evident in the derivation of the term
midway from Chicagos Midway Plaisance, which was planned as a linking boulevard
between lakefront Jackson Park and inland Washington Park by Frederick Law Olmsted
7 Tomaini, 28 January 2003.
s Compare this arrangement and layout to the state fair setup shown in Figure 8-2 in Chapter 8.


39
dressed and planed in contrast to other, rougher boards.
Sd::
m ?*
STAfF OffSSfRS'
fitto mm
1
ItfiJIWMTiM, TfC8*l£/tL
^ ks ioEisne/tL mu
A
C
D
Figure 2-4. Military field manuals and Exposition guides. A) Staff Officers Field
Manual. FM 101-10, October 10, 1943, 5.75 x 9", B) Engineer Field
Momia!, April 23, 1943, 4.5' x 6.75, C) Authentic Visitors Guide to she
Worlds Columbian Exposition, 1893, 4.5 x 6.75, and D) Official Guide to
ike World's Columbian Exposition, 1893, 5.25 x 7.5
Published during World War IT, field manuals for military camps follow a similar
sequence of operations in setting up camp but exhibit an emphasis on efficiency and
function without the nostalgic or legendary associations of recreational, social, or
religious camping practice. The Staff Officers' Field Manual (FM 101-10} describes the
typical layout of semipermanent camps and more temporary shelter tent camps. The
field manual includes formulas for calculating square footage based on infantry size and
on the number of vehicles and animals. The layout of the shelter tent camps occurs along
a linear measure of its length and follow's a rigid hierarchy of rank and service (Figure 2-
5a). Across its main axis, the camp is arranged symmetrically around the Commanding
1S Gorham, i 30.


262
respectability. Such industry involvement in the regulation of trailers and their use also
results in the gradual replacement of the ad hoc home-modified autocampers with mass
produced and commercially manufactured camping units.
In spite of efforts of camping organizations and the trailer industry, communities
resisted campgrounds on the basis of the increasing permanence of some of the camping
vehicles as well as trailer owners reluctance to pay taxes.45 The question of permanence
has the implications for how camps are understood in terms of dwelling and the
clearing of settlement. Early legal decisions attempted to explain the new type of
accommodations found in trailers and campers by defining dwelling. In People v.
Gumarsol, the city of Orchard Lake, Michigan sued Hillard Gumarsol for violating an
ordinance that requires dwellings to be at least 400 square feet. Gumarsol, along with
five other trailer owners, had parked his travel trailer on a rented lot in the summer of
1936. Rather than moving his trailer at the end of the season, Gumarsol placed it on
blocks, attached a porch, and prepared it for his return the next summer. The courts
decision rules in favor of the City; Justice Green writes,
It is the opinion of this court that a house trailer of the type occupied by the
defendant and having a great many appointments of a modern home would come
under the scope of a human dwelling whether it stands upon blocks or the wheels
attached thereto or whether it be coupled to or detached from an automobile.46
Such a ruling, which was typical for the time, results in a problematic relation
between the legal definitions of the modern home and the requirements of local codes.
Because of this disconnect, the trailers are legally permanent and thus subject to taxation
45 It is interesting to note that the point of contention is no longer the itinerancy to the Tourists but their
inveteracy and determination to remain in one place for extended periods of time.
Barnet Hodes and Gale Roberson, The Law of Mobile Homes, 3d ed. (Washington, D.C.: The Bureau of
National Affairs, 1974), 105. quoted in Wallis, 71-2.


175
permanence or are clearly temporary structures of a limited duration. These two types of
portrayal can be summarized as camp as a sublime ruin of abandonment and camp at
the interval of breaking camp. Having recently completed Let Us Now Praise Famous
Men with James Agee, Evans was hired in 1941 by United Press International president
Karl Bickel to take photographs to illustrate the text of The Mangrove Coast, a book
about the Gulf Coast of Floridas natural beauty and mythology.- Relating indirectly to
Evans later Florida undertaking, Agees comments on the earlier project characterize
their documentary efforts: If I could do it, Id do no writing at all here. It would be
photographs; the rest would be fragments of cloth, bits of cotton, lumps of earth, records
of speech, pieces of wood and iron, phials of odors,..Along a similar line, the
photographs of Ernest Meyer, though portraying camp space with less social criticism,
document the events from the road and within the campground. His travels with the Tin
Can Tourists yielded an array of images depicting everyday life in the camp from proud
displays of fish catches to suppertime gatherings to games of cards. Improvised arrays of
fabric shelters drape across the assembly-line automobile forms to create ad hoc domestic
spaces that transform spaces of mass production into Bedouin-like zones of temporary
occupation. The vehicles mobility is resisted and tied down by the tensile canvas, rope,
and wire. These camp spaces can be seen as a perpetual process of lingering or waiting
as opposed to a desire to depart. Breaking in this sense is a remaining until the last
possible moment before an eventual untying. Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari have
~ Robert Plunket, Walker Evans, the Mangrove Coast, and Me, Walker Evans: Florida (Los Angeles: J.
Paul Getty Museum, 2000), 9-12.
-3 James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), 13.


128
contribution by Frank Fogarty titled Trailer parks: the wheeled suburbs.96 After
critiquing previous trailer parks as camp[s] of depression and wartime migrants,
Fogarty proposes suburban layout patterns as antidotes to unacceptable campground
design. Along these lines, his recommendation emphasizes an increased lot size
(ostensibly to meet Federal Housing Authority minimum standards of the time) to
alleviate the density of trailer parks and courts. In the article, Fogarty enlists the work of
architects specializing in trailer court design and proposes four plans for better trailer
parksangled sites (to break gridiron monotony), cluster scheme (four trailers
arranged around a Y-shaped parking area), and two neighborhood designs prepared for
the Farm Security Administration by the architect Vernon De Mars in 1942. The journal
Urban Land also published a series of articles in the mid-1960s that proposed similar
iterations of more expansive mobile home layouts.97 The University of Florida
Department of Urban Land Studies served as the nexus for this discussion of land use and
the semi-permanent dwellings of mobile homes. An early article by Alfred Ring surveys
the mobile home industry, financing, and mobile home park planning and concludes that
the building type potentially provides the average, middle-income family renewable
housing that slows community obsolescence.98 Such optimism is continued with the
article The Evolution of the House Trailer that begins with a historical overview of the
decreasing mobility of the mobile home and the growing societal acceptance of it as a
96Frank Fogarty, Trailer parks: the wheeled suburbs, Architectural Forum (July 1959), Volume 111,
127-131.
97 Frederick H. Bair, Jr.. Applying Land Use Intensity to Public Regulation, Urban Land (April 1967),
v.26, n.4.
go
Alfred A. Ring, The Mobile Home, Urban Land (July-August 1966), V.25, n.7, pp. 1-6.


243
Figure 8-2. Campsites of adjacency. A) Ernest Meyer, roadside camp, southern
Jacksonville (Florida Historical Society and the Alma Clyde Field Library of
Florida History) and B) Campsite next to state fair tent
and its characteristics mobility. Parasiting a municipality, each camping settlement
becomes a municipal colony.4
The municipal campgrounds, while not offering residents voting rights, mirror the
municipal-colonial relationship between Rome and municipio, at a smaller scale and a
closer physical proximity. Whether embedded within the relatively urban commercial
zone or in an outlying annexed area more evocative of the pastoral, landscape, the camps
themselves evoke a reinterpretation of the municipio. from which the concept of the
municipal originated. The residents of the municipal campground become in a sense
foreigners-at-home," or to return to the Greek origin of colony people (away) front
home.5
" See Walter Weyrauch, Gypsy Law: Romani Lega! Traditions and Cuitare (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2001). Refer particularly to Weyrauch's section titled Parallels between Private
Lawmaking and Tribal Law in which he discusses the relationship between gypsy rules and laws and the
larger tradition of western (European) lawmaking practices (19 -21).
' Michel de Certeau addresses this idea, of the foreigner-at-home in terms of language I)e Certeau looks
to Wittgensteins philosophical wotk with linguistics: in the accidental ways of being a foreigner away
from home (like any traveler or keeper of records) Wittgenstein sees the metaphors of foreign analytical
procedures inside the very language that circumscribes them... Tins is no longer the position of
professionals, supposed to be civilized men among savages, it is rather the position which consists in being
a foreigner at home, a savage in the midst of ordinary culture, lost in the. complexity of the common
agreement and what goes without saying. (13)


LIST OF REFERENCES
Adkins, Gerald. Shrimp with a Chinese Flavor. Louisiana Conservationist. 25, no.7-8
(1996): 20-25.
Agee, James, and Walker Evans. Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1960.
Alario, Daniel P. Shrimp Baskets. Cheniere to Canal (1996).
Alberti, Leone Battista. Dinner Pieces. Translated by David Marsh. Binghamton, NY:
Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1987.
Alexander, Christopher. The Production of Houses. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1985.
Alighieri, Dante. De Vulgari eloquentia. Edited by and Translated by Steven Botterill.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
Andreotti, Libero and Xavier Costa, eds. Theory of the derive and other situationist
writings on the city. Barcelona: ACTAR, 1994.
Aristotle. Metaphysics. Translated by Hugh Tredennick. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1936. 983 b20.
Assad, Maria L. Reading with Michel Serres: An Encounter with Time. Albany: SUNY,
1999.
Auden, W.H. Prologue: The Birth of Architecture. Complete Works ofW.H. Auden,
edited by Edward Mendelson. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993.
Bachelard, Gaston. The Psychoanalysis of Fire. Translated by Alan C. M. Ross.
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964.
Bachelard, Gaston. Water and Dreams. Translated by Edith R. Farrell. Dallas: Pegasus,
1983.
Bair, Jr., Frederick H. Applying Land Use Intensity to Public Regulation. Urban Land
26, no. 4 (April 1967).
377


79
defines the (common) place of discourse and the (anonymous) space of its development.
This place is ... the product of a process of deviation ... an overflowing of the common in
a particular position.107 Similarly, with respect to Derridas supplement, the marginal
(supplemental) term, though ostensibly weaker (less central), reveals the lack in the
dominant term and at the same time provides a rough definition of its edges. It should
also be noted that Derridas diffrance could provide an alternative constellational site,
with its combination of deferring and differing as well as an archaeological treatment of
place.108
sites
Sola-Morales is concerned with convergences of topographical and mental sites.
The physical and metaphysical come into contact in Sola-Morales project of place
making in much the same way as the mattang map provides a conjectural foundation for
navigating the Pacific archipelago. The oceanic site is composed of the mattang map
itself as a detail or joint between an invisible cosmology and visible (though fragmented)
array of phenomena in the horizontal plane. This sea surface is the territory in which the
mobile detail floats, literally and phenomenally. In practice, the mattang detail is
physically absent, only materializing as a mnemonic in the mind of the voyager who
relates its rubric to the perceived phenomena, moments, events which occur as a series
of thresholds. In this way, the series of sites, or thresholds, becomes what Deleuze and
Guattari have called the nonlimited locality in which the coupling of the place and the
107 de Certeau, 5.
108
Sola-Morales, 67.


155
classification necessitates a consideration of differences rather than a categorization of
simple equivalencies. These differences may be in kind or in degree. In Raoul
Bunschotens project The Skin of the Earth, an inventory of domestic fragments
becomes a taxonomy of degrees of familiarity or alienation.0 Thus, the hybridized
fragments, which Bunschoten calls domestic metafora, can be read through their
taxonomic difference, registered in each components defamiliarizing tendency.
Ultimately, the taxonomy aids in the negotiation of the projects manipulation of the
ground and its being recast in a domestic role. In its use here, taxonomy becomes a labile
grammar based on difference, much like the variability and improvisation found in the
vernacular languages by Dante and by William Labov in his work with nonstandard
English.6 With this emphasis on the often subjective arrangement of words (as in the
improvised constructions of camp), it can be differentiated from the taxonomic
methodologies espoused by structural linguists of the 1940s and 1950s and critiqued by
Noam Chomsky for their disregarding the perception of language. Thus, rather than
Michel Foucaults taxinomia as the science of articulation and classification,7 the usage
of taxonomic is more closely tied to its root in the taxis defined architecturally by
Vitruvius. Here taxis, and thus taxonomy, is not simply an order but an ordering, which
is the proportion to scale of the works individual components taken separately, as well
as their correspondence to an overall proportional scheme of symmetry.8 Such
5 Raoul Bunschoten, The skin of the earth: a dissolution in fifteen parts, AA Files 1991, Spring, no.21,57.
6 William Labov, The Study of Nonstandard English (Champaign, IL: National Council of Teachers of
English, 1970).
7 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things (New York: Vintage. 1994), 71-6.
Vitruvius, Ten Books of Architecture, trans. Ingrid D. Rowland, eds. Rowland and Thomas Noble Howe
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 24.


CHAPTER 3
CLEARING CAMP
At the meta-level of this work and its organization, the idea of camp(ing) must be
understood with respect to its own denotative and connotative meaning and in the context
of other works and projects that study and utilize camping as their subject. In terms of
this project, if siting is the choice of a forum for discussion (essentially the outlining of
broad topics, problems, and questions), then clearing entails the organization of that
forum to shed light on the particularities of the topic. Clearing the topic of camp
begins within the term camp itself and then expands to review related literature and
architectural projects.
Defining Camp
What it [camp] does is to offer for art (and life) a different a supplementary set
of standards.1
I admit its terribly hard to define. You have to meditate on it [camp] and feel it
intuitively, like Laotses Tao.
The constellation of meaning found across camps connotations embraces the
paradoxical coincidences of permanence and temporariness, dispersal and collection.
Camp is first of all a field, usually a level field, sometimes a battlefield or the grounds for
a tournament. In its usage as a field, camp has been derived from the Italian, Spanish, and
Portuguese term campo. In contemporary Spanish language, campo refers abstractly to
1 Susan Sontag, Notes on Camp, Against Interpretation and Other Essays (New York: Dell, 1964), 286.
: Christopher Isherwood. The World in the Evening (1954/6), 106.
95


392
Sobieszek, Robert A. Robert Smithson: Photo Works. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County
Museum of Art, 1993. 116-117.
Sola-Morales, Ignasi. Differences: Topographies of Contemporary Architecture.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997.
Sola-Morales, Ignasi. Mediations in Architecture and in the Urban Landscape, Cities
in Transition. Edited by Arie Graafland and Deborah Hauptmann. Rotterdam: 010
Publishers, 2001. 276-285.
Somol, R.E. Dummy Text, or the Diagrammatic Basis of Contemporary Architecture.
Diagram Diaries. New York: Universe Publishing, 1999.
Sontag, Susan. Notes on Camp. Against Interpretation and Other Essays. New York:
Dell, 1964.
Spigel, Lynn. Media Homes: Then and Now. International Journal of Cultural
Studies 4, no. 4 (2001): 385-411.
Stanaback, Richard. A History of Hernando County. Brooksville, FL: Hernando County
Historical Society, 1976.
Stannard, Sandra J. Trailers: Challenging a Tradition of Permanence and Place.
Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 94 (1996): 55-70.
Sterling, Bruce. Variation on a Theme Park (Taking the Kids to Burning Man).
Burning Man. Edited by Brad Wieners. San Francisco: Hardwired, 1997. n.p.
Stevens, Wallace. Nomad Exquisite. The Palm at the End of the Mind. Edited by
Holly Stevens. New York: Vintage, 1990, 44.
Stillman, William James. Poetic Localities. New York: Aperture, 1988.
Swanson, Betsy. Historic Jefferson Parish From Shore to Shore. New Orleans: Pelican
Publishing Company, n.d.
Sykes, Mark. The Caliphs Last Heritage: A Short History of the Turkish Empire.
London: Macmillan, 1915.
Taunton, Nina. A Camp well planted: Encamped Bodies in 1590s Military Discourses
and Chapman's Caesar and PompeyThe Body in Late Medieval and Early
Modern Culture. Edited by Darryll Grantley and Nina Taunton. Burlington, VT:
Ashgate, 2000. 83-96.
Tents and Tent Pitching (FM 20-15). Washington, D.C.: U.S. War Department, 24
February 1945, updated 9 January 1956.
Thoreau, Henry David. Walden. Philadelphia: Courage Books, 1990.


374
and space is cleared for diverse engagements.30 Analytically, breaking allows for the
possibility of invention and is always acknowledged in the creation of camp space.
3 1
Breaking in effect re-links and refastens camp to place.
That which casts off can be read as a detail temporarily detached from or
chronically lodged within a territory. Already complicating the distinction of temporary
and permanent, the vessels of camping also narrate relations between detail and territory.
They [nomads of the sea] do not grasp an itinerary as a whole, but in a fragmentary
manner, from campsite to campsite.32
Detail (as territory)
Wally Byams Airstream Bambi and the sleeping baskets of R. M. Schindlers
Kings Road House in West Hollywood, California both vessels function as a camping
apparatus and are the result of design and craft. The differences are evident industrial
as opposed to architectural design, riveted aluminum sheet metal and finely hewn
redwood panels, and an inherent mobility against an apparent repose. Although mass-
produced, the Bambi however is not the functionalist dream it appears; and the Kings
Road House, though initiating a domestic modernism, did not appear in Henry-Russell
Hitchcocks Modern Architecture (1929) or his International Style exhibition and
30 Massimo Cacciari (along with) notes the related idea of desertion in Heideggers later work (Eupalinos
or Architecture, Oppositions 21, 1980). In subsequent commentary, the architect Ignasi de Sola-Morales
salvages Cacciaris nihilism (in which desertion replaces dwelling) through the idea of an archeology of
weak architecture (Differences, 1997).
11 This refastening can also be understood as a reification that works back from place to camp. In this
sense, camp reifies the abstractions and ideas of place in its mental and often physical re-construction of
place. Camp becomes one of many possible materializations of place.
32 Jos Emperaire, Les Nmades de la mer (Paris: Gallimard, 1954), 225, quoted in Giles Deleuze and
Felix Guattari, Nomadology: The War Machine, 133.


10
successful functioning of the mattang. The condition of habitual displacement does not
constitute being lost at sea; the forces of displacement paradoxically become locative
devices. Moreover, the only center among this proliferation of peripheries (in a regional
territory, the surface of which is 91% water) is the navigator himself or herself.
Accordingly, the mattang map exemplifies speed as it is defined by Giles Deleuze and
Felix Guattari: speed ... constitutes the absolute character of a body whose irreducible
parts ... occupy or fill a smooth space in the manner of a vortex; and the navigator is
in a local absolute . engendered in a series of local operations of varying orientations:
desert, steppe, ice, sea.9
In essence, the Marshallese pilot travels in place, from the dynamic position of the
local absolute. From a navigational perspective, the sequence of forces (that arise from
island edges and peripheries) moves to the craft as a series of thresholds. From the
mariners perspective, these threshold conditions revolve centripetally around the
seemingly stationary pilot in a microcosmic version of a Ptolemaic system. The
movement-in-place from threshold to threshold is also characterized by a fragmentation
measured by the space between phenomena, or sets of relations associated with the
local absolutes. Such relational traveling can be summarized in the phrase from
campsite to campsite:
On the nomads of the sea, or of the archipelago, Jos Emperaire writes: They do
not grasp an itinerary as a whole, but in a fragmentary manner, by juxtaposing in
[the] order [of] its successive stages, from campsite to campsite in the course of the
journey. For each of these stages, they estimate the length of their crossing and the
successive changes in direction marking it.10
9 Deleuze and Guattari, 52, 54.
111 Excerpt from Jos Emperaire, Les Nmades de la mer (Paris: Gallimard, 1954), 225. quoted in Giles
Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nomadology: The War Machine, 133 [Italics added].


62
the performative and the residential. Throughout Florida, the Tin Can Tourists formulate
a code of the camping tourist who makes connections to the municipal organization and
to the zones of public access within the early urban landscape of Florida. Braden Castle
Park clears a city within a city with its own regulations that foreshadow modern
neighborhood associations. Slab City cultivates a site that remains in the public domain
as a result of its original Section 36 classification designating it for public educational use
and as a result of its subsequent adoption and abandonment as a military training facility.
It is interesting to note that these revised codes at the scale of the camp itself (rather
than its larger territorial context) approach a similarity to the Daoist way(s).65 Within
this comparison between camping and espousing the way is a suggestion that clearing
is an un-doing that has positive rather than negating consequences. In describing
attributes of the war machine of nomadology, Deleuze and Guattari touch on this
understanding of the way, echoing the role of cultivating and clearing:
Thus the martial arts do not adhere to a code, as an affair of the State, but follow
ways (voies), which are so many paths of the affect; upon these ways, one learns to
use them, as if the strength (puissance) and cultivation of the affect were the true
goals of the assemblage, the weapon being only a provisory means. Learning to
undo things, and to undo oneself, is proper to the war machine: the not-doing of
the warrior, the undoing of the subject.66
Code is transformed into way a siting and clearing that leads to a making that
includes a positive application of indirection and avoidance as well as instances of direct
contact and reference. In each case study, the clearing section outlines a forum for the
discussion of the codifying influences specific to each place. Clearing also provides a
setting for reviewing ideas associated with the particular iteration of camping in each
65 This correlation between camping and Daoisms way comes from a discussion with William Tilson.
66 Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 84.


282
and openness remains an important question for architects and planners today. What is
urban camping?


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
CAMP(SITE): ARCHITECTURE(S) OF DURATION AND PLACE
By
Charlie Hailey
December 2003
Chair: William Tilson
Major Department: Architecture
This research seeks to understand how camps and campsites are made within
contemporary culture. At one level, the study of camps provides a rereading of the
conception of place in cultures of itinerancy. Such an interpretation of place requires a
concomitant review of time. At a more detailed level as vernacular constructions, camps
negotiate qualities of mobility and fixity, temporality and permanence, and publicity and
domesticity. Premises for this research include the idea that camps are paradoxical
constructions of place and duration and that the vernacular is a dynamic situation best
understood as a process. An overriding concern of this work is the problem of
privileging conceptions and conditions of space over the situations of place in the
practice and research of architecture. In addition, questions of how the vernacular built
environment might inform the theory and practice of architecture make this study an
exploration of possibilities for contemporary architectural method influenced by
complexities of place. The work thus seeks to propose methods apposite to the study of
xv


The Black Rock Desert is also the site of land-speed records and the natural
phenomenon of transient dunes. On October 15, 1997, the British Thrust SSC Project set
the first supersonic land speed record with an average speed of 763.035 mph."v The
nearby Bonneville Salt Flats in western Utah hosted the World's Fastest Mobile Horne
documented by photographer Richard Misrach in 1992. According to Misrachhs
documentation, the Mobile Home attained a speed of 96mph. Recently, the Winnemucca
Field Office of the Bureau of Land Management issued a travel advisory as a result of a
series of unexplained transient dunes during the summer months of 2002.V) The BLM
mapped and. documented the movement of the dunes.
Figure 10-4. Aerial view of Airstream rally (1960). Compare this image to aerial views
of Burning Man Festival (particularly, 1996) (Airstream Corporation)
To form Black Rock City, the Burning Man festival is laid out as a 2/3 circle, with
nine concentric semi-circles on its interior. Clock-time and degree-based coordinates are
used to locate theme camps and other features within the city. Main axes occur on each
half hour between 2:00 and 10:00 (60 to 300). Center Camp includes the main
'w See websites and

Refer to

of burning the dead and arranging their landed ships, have woven and re-made the
grouping of ships into a camp that, is both temporary city and fortress.
Figure 6-1. Nautical navigational map of Mississippi River Delta area and Baratara Bay
In Louisiana, the Delta region of the Mississippi River and its ecological partner
the Atchafaiaya Swamp include settlements that must account for a landscape that is
predominantly water and malleable sedimentation. Like the landed ships forming the
Achaean camp, a history of houseboats both fixed and mobile characterizes the
inhabitation of the Atchafaiaya and the Delta. In the former, the decks of the houseboats
served as a re-constituted ground on which chickens were raised and gardens were
>
cultivated.' In particular, the frequent flooding of Bayou Chene in the Atchafaiaya
Swamp forced many of the areas residents to relocate onto houseboats/* This landing
of a house made temporary by natural forces of flooding and by the principal feature of
water also occurs in the settlements of Manila Village in the Mississippi Delta region.
" See CC. Lockwood. Atchafaiaya: America's Largest Rivet Basin Swamp (Bacon Rouge: Beauregard
Press. 1981). for a series of photographs that document a family living on a fixed barge that has been
converted to a houseboat.
* See Maygarden and Yakubiks Bayou Chene: The Life Story of an Atchafaiaya Basin Community {New
Orleans: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. 5999). The full text can be found at
http://www.imTUisace.anriy.mil/prjdtist_arch/bayou_.chene/bayou_ehene.pdf. The Flood of}927 ted
many of the settlers to move away from the area, although some built scaffolding inside their homes to
adjust to the new water level while others transferred their possessions to houseboats or barges.


323
ground at once, creating a field for performance and interaction and an interlocutory
99
process working between occupant and place.
Debates about the history and evolution of settlements in the frontier of the
American West illuminate Slab Citys contemporary place in self-regulated occupations
of the internalized frontier of open public land. In his work The Cities of the American
West, John Reps argues that the western frontier had its origins in a network of planned
communities. Reps counters Frederick Jackson Turners popular and long-held idea
presented in an address The Significance of the Frontier in American History at the
Columbian World Exposition of 1893. Turners thesis was that the westward expansion
followed a linear progression from the hunter-trapper sheltered by a crudely wrought
cabin, to the farmer, to the entrepreneur who transformed village to city. Reps, on the
other hand, points out that the establishment of urban settlements actually stimulated
rather than followed the opening of the West to agriculture: . . as vanguards of
settlement, towns led the way and shaped the structure of society rather than merely
responding to the needs of an established agrarian population for markets and points of
distribution.24 These communities, which included Spanish pueblos, mining camps, and
railroad communities, were in many cases highly planned and included extensive
fieldwork. The general procedure for the settlements began with the selection of a
promising site, the surveying of streets, lots, and open spaces, and the erecting of
buildings in predetermined locations. In the particular case of the mining camps that
22 De Certeau notes that this mediating role does not have the character of a nowhere that cartographical
representation ultimately presupposes. Instead, for de Certeau, stories rather than space begin to delimit
frontiers (127).
23
John Reps, Cities of the American West (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), x.
24 Reps, x.


226
and national political apparatus. Gibsonton's collection of performers and their
concomitant culture of the carnival' has led to the County governments recognition of a
community not only in the Show Business Overlay but also in the Gibsonton NFZ, or No
Fee Zone:
This program administers Hillsborough Countys five (5) general government
impact fees: transportation, right-of-way, park, school, and fire. These fees are
charged to new development, both residential and non-residential, to help pay for
the structures impact on the road, park, school and fire network. The County also
has impact fee relief programs such as the No Fee Zone (limited duration) and the
Affordable Housing Relief Program to encourage development in economically
distressed areas. Economic development incentives are provided to qualified
business creating quality jobs in Hillsborough County.25
Similar in conception to Urban Enterprise Zones, the NFZ is an area that is determined to
need impact fee relief, allowing economic development to forego paying fees for the
expected impact on existing infrastructure (roads, parks, school and fire network).
Another way governmental bodies have attempted to delineate Gibsontons
unincorporated community is evident in the United States Census characterization of the
area as a Census Designated Place (CDP) the Census Department defines the CDP as
follows:
A statistical entity, defined for each decennial census according to Census Bureau
guidelines, comprising a densely settled concentration of population that is not
within an incoiporated place, but is locally identified by a name. CDPs are
delineated cooperatively by state and local officials and the Census Bureau,
following Census Bureau guidelines. Beginning with Census 2000 there are no size
limits.26
These attributes outline a practice of simultaneous attachment and detachment. At the
territorial scale, these features can be mapped in terms of zoning regulations, aerial
25 Hillsborough Comprehensive Plan.
26 This definition is taken from the U.S. Census Glossary found at
http://factfinder.census.gov/bf/_Iang=en_vt_name=DEC_2000_SFl_U_DPl_geo_id=l 6000US1225900.html


278
municipality of the camp takes the parasitic position and operates on (or along) the
relationship between the city structure (host) and its citizens (guest). In this way, the
foreigner-at-home77 camp parasites the service infrastructure rather than the physical
infrastructure. In this series of events, operating on principles of fixity, the city loses
control over the space of the camp.78 Yet paradoxically, the city expunges the camps for
their inhabitants inclination to fixity and disallows the non-controlled or non-regulated
fixity of the camp.79 To use a term adapted from Deleuze and Guattari, this nomadic
hesitation is at odds with both the siting of camp (a conflict between place and space)
and the timing of camp (a conflict between temporality and duration). The space of the
camp is one of fluctuation and is primarily defined in the dynamics of the place, as in de
Certeaus concept of space as practiced place. In spite of the legal delineation of the
campsite itself (whether public park, municipal campground, or private property), the
camps realization only occurs through the activity of camping. It is thus the absolute
local that outlines the place rather than the relative global of the legal definition of space.
The time of camping, that of arrivals and departures, also characterizes the
changing camp-municipality relationship. The time of the regulated fixity of the free
municipal camp is the temporality of the two-week stay.81 The time of the self-regulated
77 See earlier discussion of foreigner-at-home.
78 In terms of the "time of camping, the departure is not given and is thus understood as a duration rather
than a temporality.
77 This problem becomes one of degree rather than kind.
80 Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 114.
81 The space of De Soto Park represents a less regulated version of the municipal camp.


42
relatively short duration: All buildings, with probably one exception, to be decided on
after the close of the Exposition, will be removed from the grounds within six months
after the gates are shut in October.22 In this context, John Hejduks projects and sketch
books also serve as manuals that record transitory events / interventions and that point
toward an imagined occupation of or experience within particular cities and places.
Documenting journeys associated with Venice, Berlin, and Russia, these works may also
be read as travel diaries or retrospective guidebooks. Similar to the Exposition manuals,
Hejduk writes of the fleeting and semi-permanent nature of the constructions and events:
I have established a repertoire of objects / subjects and the troupe accompanies me
from city to city, from place to place, to cities I have been to and to cities I have
never visited. The objects / subjects present themselves to a city and its
inhabitants. Some of the objects are built and remain in the city; some are built,
stay for a while, then are dismantled and disappear; some are built, dismantled and
moved to another city where they are reconstructed. I believe that this method /
practice is a new way of approaching the architecture of a city and of giving proper
respect to a citys inhabitants. It confronts head-on a pathology.23
The latter portion of the previous excerpt describes the residual nature of fairs and camps
that can be recorded and negotiated by the manuals procedural construction. In later
sections of this thesis, the connection between fairs, midways, and camps will be
examined in detail.
Within the condensed format of its seventy pages, the Authentic Visitors Guide to
the Worlds Columbian Exposition sought to furnish, in brief and attractive form, all
information required by the stranger relating to the Exposition and the city of Chicago.24
In addition to permanent and indispensable maps, the guide includes the text of
22 Richard J. Murphy, Authentic Visitors Guide to the World's Columbian Exposition and Chicago, May I
to October 30, 1893 (Chicago: The Union News Company, 1893), 12.
23 Riga (Berlin: Aedes, 1988), n.p.
23 Murphy, 3.


108
avoid the crisis of coherence if the rigors and technologies of modernism are completely
rejected.37 The event, along with its attendant intensities, is proposed as a dialogic
re-conditioning of modernist rigor with the pluralism and highly circumstantial nature of
place and time.38 Summarizing this idea, Sola-Morales could be outlining the purpose
and method for studying camp architecture: 1 propose it as a diagonal cut, slanting, not
exactly a generational section but as an attempt to detect in apparently diverse situations a
constant that seems to me to uniquely illuminate the present juncture. And closer to
the idea of camping, Sola-Morales invokes a Nietzschean aphorism to say that weak
architecture is a grounding without ground, suggesting that every interval requires goal
and grounding.
Adding to camps semantic constellation, various references utilize the term in
critical discussions of art, culture, and society. For Gottfried Semper, the camp serves as
an archetypal site for shelter: The art of dressing the bodys nakedness (if we do not
count the ornamental painting of ones own skin) is probably a later invention than the
use of coverings for encampments and spatial enclosures.40 More importantly, Sempers
theses on the four elements, style, and the principle of dressing arise from the idea of
A reading of Martin Heideggers version of weak thought can be made from the term developed late in
his career Andenken, a pure residuum or recollection, that accounts for modernist impulses but remains
apart from the idealism granted to the movements goals of progress. For a discussion of this idea, see
Michael Hays introduction to Sol-Moraless Weak Architecture, anthologized in Architecture Theory
Since 1968 (2000).
3X Gianni Vattimos interpretation of Heideggerian ontology as a weak ontology in which the occurrence
of Being is ... an unnoticed and marginal background event (86) can be found in The End of Modernity
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988). See particularly pages 85-87 of the chapter
Ornament/Monument.
39 Sola-Morales, 58.
40 Gottfried Semper, The Four Elements of Architecture and Other Writings, trans. Harry Francis Mallgrave
and Wolfgang Herrmann (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 254.


Figure 4-2. Rough Riders Camp, Tampa, Florida, 1898 (Florida State Archives)
to hunt these gray forms until they would transmit... a part of their mystery." Virilio
arrives at an archaeological time characterized by rupture in the apprehension of the
real." Although connected to archaeological constructions, this time is not simply
stratified; in fact, the layering is often broken and folded. In archaeology, si rati graphic-
disruption is the norm, and contiguity is the anomaly. Archaeological time is
consequently non-linear but is instead series of broken cycles. Such is the cyclic lime of
Gibsontons carnival worker population and Slab City's snowbird" inhabitants. Though
a profane secularization of native culture, the material of Ruskins shell midden remains
in the surfacing of its streets. In addition, this time is prospective, so that Virilios
taxonomy of the bunkers is based on the different manifestations of time" found at each
site. Braden Castle's ruins are the focus of the communitys public grounds; and the
slabs of Slab City, as the most permanent material of the sites previous use, provide
foundations for exceedingly temporary shelters. Even Manila Vi llages support posts
remain, though encrusted and wracked by tidal fluctuations, and are echoed in the
Paul Virilio. Bunker Archeology, ] 1,13.


306
A
B
Figure 9-7. Detail of roof cantilever, Zimmerman residence built in 1934, Braden Castle
Park.
Breaking Camp: Strangers at the gale of a Tourists Home
Ultimately, the founders of Braden Castle Park envision a boundless future for
their community. Speaking through the guise of the Castle, Robbins concludes the
Castles soliloquy with an invocation to the mythology of the place ami classifies the
camp as hallowed ground:
Again in reverence to the many friends that crossed the great divide and to the
pioneers that made and shaped my walls, I say, may their spirits ever hover over
these sacred grounds, and bless and encourage the onward trend of advancement
that will perpetuate my memory to future generations, and the continuance of this
tourists' home throughout coming generations. 6
More also sees the possibility of limitless longevity in the construction of the Utopians:
Through the plan of living which they have adopted, they have laid the foundations of a
commonwealth that is not only very happy but also, as far as human prescience can tell,
J H.E. Robbins, History of Braden Castle, n. case Robbins narrati ve history, the 1516 publication of Utopia includes two introductory inscriptions that
personify the island, which narrates its story. One of these is excerpted later in this section, and the other
served as an example of the Utopian language. Titled A Quatrain in the Utopian Language, this latter
text reads, The commander Utopus made me-, who was once not an island, into an island. I alone (Tali
nations, without philosophy, have portrayed for mortals the philosophical city. Freely f impart my benefits:
not unwillingly T accept whichever is better. (23)


185
which are commonplace in many planned communities. An extreme example ot' the
latter is Celebration, Florida in which publicly visible drapery is mandated by the town's
restrictive codes. Similarly, the New Urbanist community of Seaside utilizes two codes,
urban and architectural, to regulate the appearance of its development. It is this
iuteniioned sameness, or homogeneity, that contrasts with the campgrounds
codification that is restrictive in certain forms of behavior (garbage management, speed
within the camp, loud music) but more permissive in terms of a heterogeneous physical
. 'V d'O. ..O '
/S.4, e- f'gvf,:. y'- *
4 ...
... o
..-y, yv:v, < fy. '
, .s'-''
, /N,:.. ,:.:.d:y //:> ./-g y;hv.A'..
f.. i '-OvO:;&, y ,. y. .yr;..
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-y. V C
rov-o.. .5 | ;.Oi .
. O', e'/.t: s"..-. .: vj fy. .
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iv;:,/ y--oi: <:: s";k..
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;; y
gvr-fy :W-i. y ,i. -y.,. . ;
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-NO
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y V ';;i i .O'-f ' <,:;>> :>0... S S dSi
Figure 5-15. Rules for Gulf Hills Campground, 1992


276
pail of water a few feet deep in the shade of his camp to be independent on the luxury of
ice.74 Continuing his argument for an economy of dwelling, Thoreau laments, [w]e
now no longer camp as for a night, but have settled down on earth and forgotten
heaven.75 For Thoreau, the permanence of dwelling has sacrificed the proximity to
nature (heaven and earth) that exists in camps.
Walking Camp / Making Territory: Marion Post Wolcott Narrates Camps
Between Spaces
In January of 1939, Marion Post Wolcott documented the Sarasota City Trailer
Camp adjacent to Payne Park (Figure 8-10). She photographed the spaces outside of and
between trailers the threshold space external to the trailers contained spaces. Within
the sequence of her photographs, the space of the camp also reads as a series of
thresholds. Begun with atop the Ringling Tower from which she took the birds eye view
of the camp, Wolcotts itinerary worked up and down the corridors of the camps parked
vehicles and trailers. Wolcotts photographs also review the relationship between the
body, the vessel (that is, the mobilized home of the recreational vehicle, trailer, or
autocamper), and the camp. This narrative is carried out through the story told by
Wolcotts captions and the sequence of photographs.
Breaking Camp
In this chapter, the changing and flexible nature of public place has been explored
by looking at the early relationship between city and camp. The particular instances of
camps utilized by the Tin Can Tourists in West Central Florida serve as cases for the
74 Thoreau. 113.
75
Thoreau, 29.


131
highlights an important aspect of the ephemeral that translates into the idea of camp; the
cyclic quality of building, building-in-use, dismantling, and building again (indexed in
the work itself) can be found in the projects collected in the edition. This emphasis on
making is explored by Mark Prizeman in his architectural studios (titled The Tent
Project) at the Architectural Association; each tent-fragment is improvised materially
and in relation to other constructions during the communal event in what Prizeman
terms a Medieval manner.107 The work from Prizemans studios is a rural version of
Tadashi Kawamatas projects for interstitial urban spaces. The first of these self-
described guerilla-architecture projects titled Field Work was carried out in New York,
Tokyo, Chicago, Fort Worth, Montreal, Hannover, and other cities from 1986 to 1993.108
In this extremely personal work, Kawamata makes temporary structures out of
cardboard, plywood, nails, and tape that show a transient state during which change is
already happening.100 In 1998, Kawamata installs proposed living spaces, or illegal
houses, within interstitial urban spaces to question the possibilities of forgotten spaces
that exist between other sites.110 Houses from the project include the House of
Vending Machines, built within an L-shaped residual space between drink machines of
Setagaya Ward; House of Billboards, between two perpendicular rooftop billboards in
Ota Ward; and House of Construction Fences, built between two 3-meter high walls of
galvanized tin used to divide a construction site in Setagaya Ward. Kawamata
107 Mark Prizeman, Intensity: Portable Architecture as Parable, Ephemeral / Portable Architecture, ed.
Robert Kronenburg, 22-9.
Tadashi Kawamata, Field Work, ed. Karin Orchard (Hannover: Sprengel Museum. 1998).
109 Kawamata, 15.
110 Monty DiPietro, Tadashi Kawamata at Galerie Deux,
http://www.assemblylanguage.com/reviews/Kawamata.html accessed 05/04/03.


204
Further complicating the differentiation of island and mainland and resonating with the
platforms of Baratara Bay is the phenomenon of mudlumps in the Mississippi delta.17
This problem of an islands potential assimilation to the mainland reflects the
tangential (and asymptotic) nature of the platform structures. Although the platforms are
fixed, the changeability of the estuarine landscape means that at certain points
(particularly at low tide) in time the structures are connected by land to the mainland.
The following excerpt summarizes this problem of the mudlumps:
Islands v. Mainland. After the Supreme Court concluded that features that meet the
Conventions definition of island may nevertheless be assimilated to the mainland
... the special master was faced with a number of areas in which that question
arose. Most common were the mudlumps. . Typically these features appear
just seaward of the jetties that form at the mouths of the rivers distributaries.
These jetties frequently form the sides of indentations into the mainland. The state
took the position [opposed to that of the United States] that the more seaward
mudlumps, though technically islands, should be assimilated to the mainland and
18
serve as headlands for bay closing lines.
This series of excerpts from The Tidelands Litigation, can be read as an instance of
Michel de Certeaus travel literature of juridical discourse:
These operations of marking out boundaries, consisting in narrative contracts and
compilations of stories, are composed of fragments drawn from earlier stories and
fitted together in makeshift fashion (bricols). In this sense, they shed light on the
formation of myths, since they also have the function of founding and articulating
spaces. Preserved in the court records, they constitute an immense travel literature,
that is, a literature concerned with actions of organizing more or less extensive
social cultural areas. But this literature itself represents only a tiny part (the part
17 Primarily associated with the Louisiana Delta region (though appearing elsewhere), mudlumps are cones
of clay that form in the intermediate coastal area between the tidal forces of the Gulf of Mexico and the
Mississippi Rivers current. In the mudlumps formation, the weight of the rivers sedimentary deposits
pushes down on the plastic clay stratifications along the coast. As the mudlumps begin to form through a
process of extrusion, the tides reinforce the uplift of the clay, and eventually the cones reach the surface of
the water. With the possibility of rapid formation and growth (as much as four feet per day), the mudlumps
are a dynamic element that changes form and position. Geologically, they are understood as fields of
sediment that after formation are primarily moved around by tidal push and pull and the river's current.
The mudlumps frequently serve as matrices for fossils and shipwrecks as a result of their formation from a
natural dredging of the ocean floor by the tides.
iS Aaron L. Shalowitz and Michael W. Reed, The Tidelands Litigation, 72.


277
study of this conjunction of mobile entities (both physical and theoretical) and fixed
territories (such as the municipal construct). In its siting, the mobile construct of the
autocamp can be understood as a place with differing degrees of attachment (and its
inverse detachment) to the municipal entity. In its earliest iteration, the autocamp was
associated with the infrastructure of the farm, with its accessibility to well water and
availability of open space for setting up camp. From this agrarian setting, the autocamp's
next mode of attachment occurred within the municipal fabric as a result of the towns
recognition of a potential economy derived from the provision of campsites. In later
iterations (which will be addressed in the next section devoted to Braden Castle Park),
attachments become tangential and eventually detached from municipal infrastructure
connections to a regionalized infrastructure. Necessary connections to a regionalized
infrastructure (for electrical power and for a transportation network) are maintained, but
for the most part the camp becomes either a city within a city or a city completely outside
municipal districts as an enclave or satellite.
Read within this host-guest-parasite framework, the sets of relationships form a
series of systems. In each case the parasite attaches to the relationship established
between host and guest. In the first system, the municipality parasites the proximity of
city and camp. The campers-vacationers are seen essentially as temporary inhabitants
provided with all of the amenities that the municipality has to offer its own citizens. The
campers are given the key to the city; as Wally Byam boasts, Ive got so many keys to
so many cities, Im going to start a museum just for keys.76 With the rejection of this
model by citizens of the city (and in essence the municipality itself), the quasi-
76 Wally Byam from Trailer Travel Here and Abroad, in Burkhart and Hunt, 105.


post, office in the country with a special counter for midgets and a museum of dirt,
collected from around the world.
Located along McKay Bay south of Tampa's Ybor City, DeSoto Park provided the
temporal and iiminai territory for the first meeting of the Tin Can Tourists of the World
along the parks ''Easy Street in 1919. Subsequent gatherings were held bi-annual!y in
Michigan and in Tampa or Sarasota until the clubs disbanding in 197?. The origin of the
term Tin Can is the topic of a legendary dispute among tin-canners. Attributions for
the name given to the group vary an allusion to Tin Lizzie, a derivation from the
tinned food cans that provided sustenance on the road, and a reference to the gasoline and
water cans welded to the sides of their ears and trailers for extra storage capacity. in
spite of these disparate stories, a tin can welded to an automobiles radiator represented
membership and solidarity to ai l road weary tin-canners.
f5j||i :
Figure 5-6. Postcard, Ruskin, Florida
A third zone of inquiry is the town of Ruskin, twenty miles south of Tampa along
Highway 41. The town was founded by George M. Miller as a socialist colony based on
the philosophy of Englishman John Ruskin. A Chicago Sawyer and educator, Miller had
previously attempted similar communities in Missouri and Michigan and, with this
Honda iteration, had decided to construct a self-sustaining agricultural and educational
' Nick Wynne, hn Can loans!;; in florida 19(X)~ ¡970. Imanes of America (Charleston, SC: Arcadia.
99'-}), 7.


CHAPTER 8
MOVING IMAGES OF HOME: TIN CAN TOURISM AND FLORIDAS MUNICIPAL
CAMPS
Early Xmas morn we all went out to Mr. Macklins (about 12 Vi mile in the
country)... got us a big dinner of wild duck and beef roast.... But thats not all,
we had all the oranges we could eat and also grapefruit and tangerines ... we all
had our pictures taken after dinner. . Right after supper we talked a while then
went home (I mean back to Desota Park).1
Introduction
This chapter has two purposes to explore the relation between early towns and
camps and to provide a context for the case study of Braden Castle Park in the following
chapter. Braden Castle Park was formed as a result of the changing relationship between
the citizens of Tampas Ybor City and tourists camping at De Soto Park. Taking a
critical look at the municipal camps of Central Florida introduces the complex situation
of tourists, local communities, and the places of dwelling that blur and mix the public
with the private and the variable with the fixed. The municipal camp maintains a unique
combination of proximity to and distance from its host city or town that is not found in
later private campgrounds. This paradoxical condition has implications for
understanding the camps connection to the urban fabric, their internal architectural
constructions that at times transcend their planned ephemerality, and their siting at the
confluence of tourism and place.
1 Ruth Deering, A 1921-2 Diary of a Trip to Florida, Unpublished manuscript. Manatee County Public
Library, Bradenton, Florida. Excerpt taken from December 25, 1921, entry.
240


8SS&
28'
Figure 9-2, Postcards of Braden Castle Park (Manatee County Public Library, Florida)


200
groupings of wooden stilt platforms above the shifting tidal waters. Construction and
layout of the posts for these housing platforms followed a ritualized sequence:
The traditional Tausug house (bay-sinug) has nine posts, arranged in three rows of
three, each representing a part of the body. The post at the center, representing the
navel, is the first to be erected. This is followed by the post on the southeast
corner, which represents the hip; then the post on the northwest corner, the
shoulder; that on the southwest corner, the other hip; that on the northeast corner,
the other shoulder; that on the west of the navel, the rib; that on the east, the other
rib; that on the north of the navel, the neck; that on the south of the navel, the groin.
Observance of this order will ensure the durability of the house and the protection
of its occupants.9
The platforms of Manila Village combine the connectivity of the floating Badjao shelters
and the Tausug use of pilings for the structural support of the platforms. Although no
longer the floating boat-like units of the Badjao, the Manila Village structures retain a
connection to the shifting level of tidal waters in the horizontal surfaces close proximity
to the water surface. Thus, one connection with camping that can be made is the fixing
of a virtually mobile unit, whether considered as ship-as-platform or boat-as-house. In
addition, the agglomeration of these units occurs through other semi-fixed constructs
such as the walkways (both floating and raised on stilts). New vessels can be easily
connected by way of new plank walkways. The water serves as a ground for temporary
support, which is then replaced by stilts and pilings. The water also provides the sole
means of access to and from this community. Thus, water acts as connector and isolator,
allowing for and at the same time limiting contact with the mainland. In this case,
mobility essentially allows for the development of a fixed and semi-permanent
community at a distance from territorial governance.
Rodrigo Perez, 'Tausug,' Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1997), 1206.


113
Review of Literature (and related projects)
A camping area is a form, however primitive, of a city.
One perspective from which camps and camping are viewed is the architectural-
historical assessment of early camp meetings. In City in the Woods, Ellen Weiss
chronicles the history of camp meetings in early America and reviews two cases in
Marthas Vineyard, Massachusetts Wesleyan Grove and Oak Bluffs.'"3 With a history
that extends back to 1799 in central Kentucky, the camp meeting was originally
comprised of an informal grouping of tents sited in rural areas and woodlands/4 Itinerant
Methodist preachers arranged, organized, and performed the siting, construction, and
sermons of the camp meetings that were designed to add converts to the Methodist faith
and to renew those who had been lost. To maintain this loosely held congregation,
the itinerant preachers followed a circuit of locations that create an other world, or
other place, that transcends the locative worldliness of more permanent homes. Weiss
looks at the Hebraic analogies made in Methodist writings of the time that compare the
camp meeting to the Feast of Tabernacles that reminded Jewish people of the travels of
their ancestors, often living in tents or temporary huts within the wilderness.55 In its later
32 Constant Nieuwenhuis, New Urbanism, Published in Provo #9 (1966), English translation published
by The Friends of Malatesta (Buffalo, NY, 1970). < http://www.notbored.org/new-urbanism.html>
(accessed 10 May 2003).
53 Ellen Weiss, City in the Woods: The Life and Design of an American Camp Meeting on Martha's
Vineyard (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).
54 B.W. Gorham identifies the origin of the Methodist camp meeting with the tour of William and John
McGee. The brothers tarried to attend a Sacramental service ... about to be held along the Red River in
Kentucky (14-5). Because of its unexpected popularity with the regions inhabitants, the service assembly
was continued and according to Gorham became known as the first Camp Meeting, from which other
meetings in adjacent districts were spawned.
55 Weiss, 8. The Feast of Tabernacles is also known as the Feast of Sukkof and the Fest of Ingathering.
Sukkot is the plural form of the Hebrew word Sukkah (also spelled Succah) that refers to the booths that
were the temporary dwelling places of the Israelites during their forty years of exile. Note that Sukkah is


192
between regulated spaces. Which is not to say that camps are not regulated, but the
perimeter projects49 of camp space subvert and often invert typical ways of space-making
in a much more subtle operational mode.
John Ruskins parenthetical statements in his writing point toward themes of
digression and accumulation, which characterize and in many ways summarize the
broken cycle of the camping process. In one case from the manuscript of the Praeterita,
Ruskin annotates a paradoxically vague specificity (I will return ...) with a subsequent
announcement by the editor of his collected work (This, however,. ,).50 In Ruskins
collected Works, this pairing of statements yields a diagram with an open-ended meaning
that lies along the horizontal dividing line between parenthetical statement and footnote:
(I will return to this point afterwards1)
'[This, however, was not done.]51
49 This term was used by Robert Segrest in his article The Perimeter Projects: Notes for Design
Assemblage (1986) and later in The Perimeter Projects: The Architecture of the Excluded Middle
Perspecta 23 (Yale Architectural Journal, 1987). As will be explored in later chapters, Segrests discussion
of the carnival Midway relates to this definition of camp.
50 The referenced passage occurs in the Appendix of Volume 35 of the complete Works. The section titled
The Tour of 1841 is an appendix to Ruskins diaries of his travels through Venice, Padua, Milan, Turin,
Susa, Mont Cenis, and finally Lans-le-bourg, which (along with Chamouni) he considers as one of his
homes on earth. In an earlier passage, he identifies Rouen, Geneva, and Pisa as centers of his life.
51 John Ruskin, The Works of John Ruskin, eds. E.T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn, Library Edition
(London: George Allen, 1903-1912) Vol. 35, 619. It should be noted that Ruskin is composing this work
in 1882 from diary fragments (1841-2) and recollections of his previous experiences. The textual context
for the parenthetical statement (I will return . .) is the following: In the first place [city of Laon, in 1842],
I had the invaluable quality of ductility. In fact, I was a mere piece of potters clay. ... In the second place
[Laon, 1882], I had a curiously broad scope of affection, alike for little things and large. From my ants nest
in Herne Hill garden, up to Mont Blanc and Michael Angelo [sic], nothing came amiss to me. ... I liked
small things for being small...; the weak for their weakness .. And with this power of adaptation, I had
also a sensual faculty of pleasure in sight, as far as I know unparalleled. Turner very certainly never took
the delight in his own drawings that I did, else he had more uniformly drawn beautiful and sublime things,
instead of, as too often, merely intellectually true ones (I will return to this point afterwards), and certainly


334
the sale of only two items: ice and coffee. In 2002, an estimated 29,000 participants
attended Burning Man.4*
Like Slab City, Burning Man is sited in a desert area. Both locations share a
similar climate and degree of remoteness. Similar to the Slab City areas current and
historical use as a naval training and bombing region, the Black Rock Desert was used in
the 1940s and 1950s as a bombing range and is currently used for low altitude aviation
training runs. Both zones are also characterized by basins of internal drainage the
Saltn Sea was formed as the water from the breach of the Colorado River canals
traveled to the areas lowest point, and the Black Rock zone collects drainage from
surrounding highlands. But geographically, Slab City is at the edge of the Saltn Trough
basin and the natural features of the ancient beachline and the line of Chocolate Mountain
range; Burning Mans site is located in the middle of a basin and characterized by the
emptiness and flatness of Lake Lahontan in the Black Rock Desert. Recharged with
water in the winter months, the lakebed dries the summer, forming a flattened silt alkaline
slab of cracked earth. The winter moisture flattens the surface sediment into hardpan
and erases all traces of human occupation. The focus of Burning Man, known as the
Playa takes its name from the lake and the geological characteristic of the silt alkaline
playa. Like the Long Term Visitor Areas (LTVA), this area is administered by the
Bureau of Land Management. The BLMs Winnemucca Field Office is responsible for
issuing the required permits for the Burning Man festival each year.
4S U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Burning Man 2003 Environmental
Assessment Available For Public Review and Comment, 2 June 2003.



69
both rhetorically in the text and physically with the body, these operators deny
substantive fixity and allow for a multivalency of meaning. Serres uses the example of
the French preposition de, which indicates origin, attribution, cause as well as an array
of other conditions.82 Expanding on his earlier treatments of the figure of Hermes, Serres
seeks an epistemological model based on these prepositional operators allowing for a
fluidity of relations through time, space, and place. This unique epistemology is
essentially topological in its use of proximity and ongoing or interrupted
transformations to generate meaning.83 Serres circumscribes a space of simultaneous
arrival and departure. This exodical space includes the continuous arriving of the pre
positional mapping and the expansiveness of concurrent departure, to which he refers as
casting off an activity that will be reviewed with respect to camp in the concluding
chapters.
Within such a methodological model, camp becomes the epistemological and
empirical ground for mapping a camping practice. If Serres describes the activity of
writing and mapping, then Deleuze and Guattari circumscribe the map that might result:
The map is open and connectable in all of its dimensions; it is detachable,
reversible, susceptible to constant modification. It can be torn, reversed, adapted to
any kind of mounting.... It can be drawn on a wall, conceived of as a work of art,
84
constructed as a political action or as a meditation.
8~ Serres, 106.
83 Serres, 105.
84 Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 12. This idea of meditation and mapping appears in James
Cowans A Mapmakers Dream: The Meditations of Fra Mauro, Cartographer to the Court of Venice
(1996). Cowan asks his reader to treat Fra Mauros ruminations as a process of gradual guessing. His
dream is to derive meanings from the perfect use of mystery. (xviii) Cowan appends a similar though
more conclusive assessment of Mauros meditative-map-making process: the idea of an invisible
geography affecting the way we think about place. The spirit in the world, namely the elusive power of the
imagination, dominated his ruminations to the point that he abandoned any objective pretense (151). This
collapsing of mapping and mapmaker, map and subject (how Mauro crafted himself into his map) lays
the ground for mapping to become a method of discovery and invention.


369
Figure 12-3. Making camp: Schindler's Kings Road House (1.921) and Elon Jessup's
Motor Camping Book (192!) {R.M. Schindler Archive, Architecture and
Design Collection. University Art Museum, University of California, Santa
Barbara)
California' upon their return from the camping trip in the High Sierras and during
Schindler's work on the design and construction of the Kings Road House. "
Other aspects of the Kings Road House that relate to camping and the campground
are the fireplaces, the treatment of figure-ground, and the idea of collective living. Each
of the six living areas (including the outdoor rooms'* of the terrace and court) has an
open fireplace. With the requisite open front and 'protected back, the openness of
each of these spaces gives the impression of the domestic fire as campfire. As a figure-
ground composition, the Kings Road building site, like the campsite, integrates and mixes
Smith and Dsslmg, l4.


324
Reps includes in this type of planned community, initial improvisation was followed by
an overlay of parameters and regulations. Thus, early mining camps did develop more
or less spontaneously, although clearly not as the logical result of earlier pioneer or
farming settlement, and in spite of the lack of structure, efforts were quickly made to
bring some necessary degree of order through surveys of streets, adjustments in property
claims, and reservations for public buildings and spaces.22 In its evolution from an
improvised settlement to a self-regulated community, Slab City follows Reps argument
for the planned community as the catalyst for operations (in this case, tourism along with
dwelling) in the frontier.
The typology of the military fort offers architectural expression to the paradox of
enforcement and open expansiveness along the American frontier, whether in its
historical or contemporary iterations. The United States built military forts in the first
half of the 19lh century in an attempt to mark the frontier boundary. As a result of the
frontier lines rapid progression across the country, the majority of permanent forts were
built along the Atlantic and in the southwest in the 1860s and 1870s when most of the
resistance from Indians and Mexicans was encountered as the frontier reached its final
location in the buffer zone of the international border. The military forts were used
mostly for the Mexican-American war after which they often functioned as trading posts.
In this dual use, the military forts were the first centers of community and exchange in
the southwestern region. Mexico also built forts called presidios, referring to the garrison
of a plaza and providing a structure and protection for the communitys central open
25Reps, xii.


202
colonial possession." A three-volume publication by the National Oceanographic and
Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) summarizes the technical and legal aspects of
determining maritime boundaries in the United States from both historical and
contemporary perspectives. From these documents, it is clear that the determination of
territorial sea is a highly litigated problem, involving changes and forces defined in
meteorology, astronomy, climate, and geography. The two main problems that
characterize the situation in the Delta region are questions of delimitation and passage,
which were the subject of a United Nations conference in 1958.12 Because the tidal range
varies with the particularity of sites, the problem of delimitating land boundaries and thus
territorial boundaries is highly dependent on context. For example, the Supreme Courts
list of factors in defining a particular islands status reflects the importance of the
specific context: size, distance from the mainland, depth and utility of intervening
waters, shape, and relationship to the configuration or curvature of the coast.13 Thus,
within this concept of delimitation, two problem zones seek resolution: island and
mainland. First, the problem of determining the edge of land through the ordinary low
water mark from which to begin the territorial sea poses a problem because of the
ambulatory nature of the coastline. In fact, the Supreme Court included this
characterization in its ruling for the Louisiana Boundary Case of 1969: any line drawn
by application of the rules of the Convention on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous
Aaron L. Shalowitz and Michael W. Reed. United Nations Conferences on the Law of the Sea, Shore
and Sea Boundaries: Volume I (Washington, D.C.: Office of Coast Survey, National Oceanic and
Atmospheric Administration, 1962) Part 3, Chapter 2, 211. Note: The three volumes have also been
published online at .
11 Louisiana Boundary Case, 394 U.S. 66 (1969), in Aaron L. Shalowitz and Michael W. Reed, The
Tidelands Litigation, Shore and Sea Boundaries: Volume III (Washington, D.C.: Office of Coast Survey,
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, 2000) Part 1, 64.


74
From
From indicates an arrival. Michel Serres has suggested a science of prepositions.
He argues that the pre-position precedes the positional quality of the concept or thesis. If
positions are static, closed, and univalent, then prepositions are dynamic, open, and
multivalent. Each preposition contains the possibility of multiple meanings, depending
on its particular usage or condition. This conditionality relates to Serres idea of local
interpretation and global demonstration. In the case of studying place, local
inteipretation would rely on the subtle differences of the situation such as materiality,
space, history and politics. Thus Serres prepositional methodology relates to Sola-
Morales project for studying place. The production of place is similar to local
interpretation, and a thousand different sites shares Serres idea of global
demonstration (and multiplicity). Moreover, the former could be considered a detail
found within the territory of the latter.
a
Problems of place include the possibility of its reduction to an essence or unity.
Such diminution and abstraction of place has occurred with the theory of genius loci.
This understanding of place utilizes Heideggers ontology to attempt to define the
singularity of place. Interpreting place in this way, critics such as Norberg-Schulz,
characterizing space as the systematization of place, have relied on an exteriority (or
receptacle for the person (220). The velvet folds of the cases interior leave impressions of the
instruments, just as the ground of camping is pressed into and molded for the particular occupation of the
place. This connection also exists between the lexical toolbox and the camping kit, both of which register
the traces of an occupation, whether theoretical-critical or practical. The camping kit measures each
iterative reconstruction of the domestic space within the campsite, and the lexical toolbox preserves traces
of the larger project of the design toolbox that this dissertation becomes.


67
theory and practice of camp.77 Such radicalized empiricism relates to what can be called
mapping, a project that is carried out in the dissertation content and format itself and in
the fold-out maps included in the work.
Research Method and Methodological Framework
Since the exploratory aspect of this research is about method and since the subject
of research inspires the critical framework of the dissertation, the research method
operates at two levels. At one level, the research uses the framework of the case study to
describe and explain the phenomena found in each situation. In this respect, the work is
not unlike Ruskins critical museum of findings in the built environment. At another
level, the work utilizes a method of mapping that responds to contemporary ideas of
epistemology and empiricism. This emphasis on ways of knowing and ways of
discovering yields two forms of maps. One is the rendering of this project in its work
with method, process, and format as guide-manual-scrapbook. The other is the dialogic
commentary made by the images as well as a series of mapping exercises that serve as
77 Related to this idea of re-working and re-making is Gregory Ulmers work with the remake. Relating
this procedure to the use of dialogue in Platos model of learning, Ulmer utilizes the remake in
Heuretics to evoke the scene of learning appropriate to electronic invention. (Ulmer, Heuretics
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1994), 42) In the context of this dissertation, Ulmers more general
commentary on this form of research relates to the overall design of this projects methodology: The
remake serves as a place within which the theory of method may be displayed.(42) The question then is
can a camping practice attempting to operate in fleeting conditions of place both occupy this place and
invent a place that becomes a theoretical home on the road or home away from home?
7S In this case, John Ruskins textual works (including The Stones of Venice and the previously covered St.
Mark's Rest) are considered as museums that draw together his ruminations and observations on
architecture and place. This idea also returns to Robert Harbison's treatment of Ruskins work as a
museum-map synthesis. Another museum-map formed and administered by Ruskin was the Museum of
the Guild of St. George, which formed the nexus of his the educational components of the Guild. This
museum houses a wide range of selections from art and science including animal specimens, furniture,
clothing, photographs, paintings, geological samples, and Ruskins own drawings.


78
Outlining the marvelous real, Alejo Carpentier develops a similar understanding
of the inner possibilities of place, specifically the Latin American landscape where the
surreal is the everyday. In light of Sola-Morales diferencias, it should be noted that
Carpentiers essay Lo real maravilloso americano was first published in its expanded
form in a collection titled Tientos y diferencias (1967). In Carpentiers marvelous real,
the place-maker artist is a detector of realities who finds internally generated, though
improbable, juxtapositions by way of an unaccustomed insight that is singularly favored
by the unexpected richness of reality ... perceived with a particular intensity.104 Under
the assumption that all spaces are contaminated, Sola-Morales asserts that external
influence may also engender difference. Accordingly, how might the foreign or
peripheral define place? For Lucy Lippard, the local is defined by its unfamiliar
counterparts, with its corollary that frontier can characterize place.|{b If every place is
both local and foreign as noted by Lippard, then her formulation of the tourist-at-home
relates to Michel de Certeaus designation of the foreigner-at-home. This savage in
the midst of ordinary culture forms the third component of de Certeaus definition of the
science of the ordinary by a three-fold foreignness (of the specialist, foreigner away from
home, foreigner-at-home).i0'' In de Certeaus treatment, this inherently foreign quality of
the everyday relates to Freuds use of the ordinary man for both difference and
universality a situation in which the ordinary man becomes the narrator,... it is he who
104 Alejo Carpentier, The Marvelous Real in America, Magical Realism: Theory, History, Community.
eds. Lois Parkinson Zamora and Wendy B. Faris (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995), 75, 86. The
marvelous aspect of place is magical (coming from within) rather than mystical (coming down from).
105 Lucy Lippard, On the Beaten Track: Tourism, Art, and Place (New York: The New Press, 1999).
106 Here de Certeau is re-working a Wittgensteinian model of language. See Michel de Certeau, A
Common Place: Ordinary Language in The Practice of Everyday Life, 13.


in April*'* Such variations along with particularities of circumstance provide the initial
framework for understanding the paradoxes of camp space.
The cyclic nature of camping is also susceptible to interruption. Such disturbances
in Florida range from the natural (wild animals, rain, wind, cold, fire) to the social (irate
landowner, disagreement among campers) to the technical (loss or failure of equipment).
The dashed line in the legend represents the break in the camping process fa procedure
that is both sequential and cyclical). With this characteristic in mind, the sequence of
camping is re-worked to begin around the campfire. In addition, the campfire can be
seen as an originary and centralizing feature from which the. camping practice proceeds
as a series of four events and from which the practices operational modes radiate. At. a
metaphorical level, this rupture within campings typical progression serves to localize
the chapter's own event, which instrumentalizes the process of camping in order to
outline a potential practice that will be utilized and expanded upon in .subsequent
chapters.
Thus, the legend introduces and indexes not only literal and metaphorical
considerations of camping but also illustrates two co-existing trajectories of this work:
Figure 5-2. Reviva] camp on the southern limits of Madison. Florida
Collections, 9.W <:ht.tp://niemorydoc.gov/cgi-bin/queryyr?anm)em/flwpa:#f?dd(DC}Ci.D+ess,ay iffe,
accessed 04 May 2(K)3. Hurston concludes the proposal with the summary appellation: Florida. the innec
melting po; of the great melting pot. America. Of the components in this proposal, Hurston only
completes recordings at turpentine camps in Cross City and Tampa


26
this case the researcher, avoid the predicament of this new vernacularism"40? This
research seeks to address this problem by looking at the vernacular as a dialogue between
detail and territory. Tectonic presence is studied alongside the experience of absence"
that characterizes the poetic contours of everyday life.41 In this formulation, the
vernacular is seen as a process that, although in many ways absent, traces or indicates
how a construction has been made. And buildings and constructions are circumscribed
by scalar shifts in an attempt to understand the locality and globality that characterizes
contemporary vernacular production. J.B. Jackson summarizes this problem of the
vernacular by noting the paradox that many of the materials and techniques assumed to
be locally derived and indigenously crafted are actually imported from elsewhere.42
The problem of defining home follows closely along the lines of this paradox of a
locality constructed of and defined by the distant and the foreign. Notions of home, not
necessarily connected to geographies of place, require alternative grounds for
speculation. For bell hooks, this home-place is that place which enables and promotes
ever-changing perspectives, a place where one discovers new ways of seeing reality,
frontiers of difference.43 Thus, home still resonates with place, but through modalities
40 Sola-Morales, Differences, 64.
41 Sola-Morales, 65. Because of the prominence of place and methodology in this work, a treatment of
tectonic culture remains for the most part implied in the study of detail and the way camps and their
constructions are actually made. The notion of the tectonic as outlined by Kenneth Frampton in works such
as Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century
Architecture (1996) passes into this work through discussions of philosophers and architects such as Martin
Heidegger and Gottfried Semper. See also Carles Vallhonrat, Tectonics considered: between the presence
and the absence of artifice, Perspecta (1988): 122-135.
42 For Jacksons specific treatment of the vernaculars incorporation of foreign components, attributes,
materials, and techniques, refer to his essay Vernacular in Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1984).
43 bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990), 148.


86
locale as it is related to an idea or commonly held system of place-making (even if it is
one of dis-location). If, as Jackson hints, the American house is a temporary construct
that gains permanence over time, then what is the residual effect of this impermanence?
Though housed in semi-permanent dwelling, the American concept of home is temporary
and fleeting. Consequently, notions of place are also temporary, and it is Sola-Morales
conjectural foundation, both built and theoretical, that might provide the series of site-
plateaus for constructing within place.
continues
One item for this set is Deleuzes flow, but it makes sense to go back to the
source of this idea in Bergsons understanding of duration. Bergson seeks to reduce the
space between the object and its explanation. Time should be re-connected with
duration just as movement with mobility and change with fluidity. Duration disallows
superpositional hierarchies, resulting in a paratactic schema (related to Deleuzes
rhizomatic model). To describe a single duration, Bergson uses the image of the beaded
necklace. In this analog, the thread as abstract unity is connected to the beads, which
represent abstract multiplicity or points along the trajectory. The beaded moment is
duration. Bergsons beads are analogous to Deleuzes split-rings, which for him are an
analog to the plateaus, also referred to as the becomings (see be), that make up the
thousand plateaus. Beads and plateaus are not unlike the linkage established in the
formulation from camp(site) to camp(site). These bead-moments and ring-plateaus can
be accessed at any point within the flow of continuity. Bergson writes:
It is altogether different if one places oneself directly, by an effort of intuition, in
the concrete flowing of duration ... just as the consciousness of color [orange] ...
would feel itself caught between red and yellow, would have a presentiment of a
whole spectrum in the continuity which goes from red to yellow, so the intuition of


93
stability is found in its imperfect repetition; the success of each operation relates to
previous successes in a partially empirical mode. Improvisation is half empiricism and
half systematization (by rules, code, or material limitations).146 As researchers and
architects, the ad hoc offers for us not a license of pluralism and a promise of the
spontaneous creation, but instead a method of looking, like Quatremre de Quincy, at the
way things are made (rather than just at what is made).147 It is possible that the lessons
learned in the study of the vernacular (in particular, camps and camping) can be folded
back into the process of design, avoiding mimesis, and instead achieving a poetic
relation. Improvisation, in this sense, relates to bricolage. Casey compares the
transitory nomadic camp to what he calls the bricoleurs home laboratory that is set up
with materials ready at hand in a casually arranged workplace that lacks the fortification
of walls.I4S Vernacular is that which is made, and it is the process of making that gives it
meaning. Camp, as a vernacular construction, will be reviewed for its connection to
bricolage and improvisation.
146 The concept of vernacular as process relates to jazz improvisation. See Mark Levines The Jazz
Theory Book (Sher Music Company, 1996) and Jerry Cokers Improvising Jazz (Fireside, 1986). Coker
discusses jazz improvisation as having five elements in which the intellect (the only completely
controllable factor) undertands the general framework, or improvisational system, which is then
transformed and modified by the other four, more subconscious, factors intuition, emotion, sense of pitch,
and habit (4). The intellectual coding is tempered by the emotive practice of playing, but at the same
time the improvisation requires the establishment and understanding of a system of harmonic construction,
tone, individual chords, and scales. For a treatment of jazz improvisation and its relationship to
contemporary culture, see also Ted Gioias The Imperfect Art: Reflections on Jazz and Modern Culture
(Oxford University Press, 1990). Gioia proposes an aesthetics of imperfection to discuss jazz as an art
that privileges the haphazard over the premeditated. In his essay Hiphop Rupture for the journal
Ctheory (10/26/2000), Charles Mudede takes up Gioias claim and pursues the idea that accident and
mistake are essential compositional components of hiphop music. Mudede identifies three types of error:
rupture (the moment of a songs collapse), incidental noise (in which fragmentary noises are dropped into
the flow of a track), and the art of wrecking records (http://www.ctheory.net/text_file.asp?pick=225).
147 See Sylvia Lavin, Quatremre de Quincy and the Invention of Modern Language of Architecture
(Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992).
148 Casey, 302.


136
(1966) followed: theoretically, you could make a home wherever you chose to park the
container, since you would have with you all the equipment necessary for survival...
,124 Free time node Trailer Cage (1967) and Blow-Out Village (1966) offer inflatable
shelter as mobile villages to victims of disaster, vacationers at seaside resorts,
participants in festivals, and workers in remote areas. The influence of camps and
camping on Archigrams work is also evident in David Greenes essay Gardeners
notebook that includes the project L.A.W.U.N. (Locally Available World Unseen
Networks), which resonates with Leo Marxs The Machine in the Garden (1964) in
Greenes explication of the Bot as a machine transient in the landscape. Greene
proposes a landscape of proprietary Rokplugs and Logplugs that provide a dispersed,
invisible infrastructure within the garden left after the decay of both urban and
suburban developments. These outlets, hidden in boulders and logs, allow for instant
villages ... (camping scene not included) and are ironically offered as a solution to the
campers problem of energy sources for mobile living support systems.125
Though conceived along different technological, social, and theoretical lines, the
work of the Situationists influences elements of Archigrams projects for the city. If its
satire of functionalist consumerism is disregarded, Michael Webs Sin Centre (1962)
can be compared to models for New Babylon (1958-) in terms of its scale, flexibility, and
conception in model form. In addition, the influence of Johan Huizingas homo ludens is
evident in both groups interest in the role of play in urban situations. Two of
124 Michael Webb and David Greene, Drive-in housing, Archigram, ed. Peter Cook (New York:
Princeton Architectural Press, 1999), 55.
125
David Greene, Gardeners notebook, Archigram, ed. Peter Cook (New York: Princeton Architectural
Press, 1999), 110-115.


CHAPTER 2
SITING
Organization of the Work
Guide Manual Scrapbook
There is no history book just a scrapbook of cherished fragments.1
The topic of this work is closely tied to its format and structure as well as to the
method developed for its study. The ubiquity and importance of the guidebook in
camping practice suggests the adoption of the guides configuration for the presentation
of information and more importantly for its critical assessment. The typical camping
guidebook, although sometimes appendicizing directories and lists of campgrounds
specific to a region, departs from the provision of information about particular places
usually found in tourist guides and instead outlines a practice and presents possible
situations for which the prospective traveler-camper might prepare. In its generic form,
the camping guide is not placeless but is open to all places and is prepared to work with
the specificity of a place through operations. In spite of this openendedness, the camping
guide like the tourist guide does maintain the perspective that the campers will be visitors
1 British Broadcasting Company, Radio Times, 8 December 1933, 740/2. In his differentiation of modern
maps and those driven more by myth, ritual, and itinerary, Michel de Certeau describes the 15th century
Aztec map of the Totomihuacas exodus as a history book rather than a geographical map. The book
portrays the log of the journey and the map the route. Opposing the totalizing aspect of contemporary
maps, de Certeau emphasizes the spatial stories inherent in the itineraries and tours that articulate the arts
of actions and the citation of stories of places (120). In this formulation, de Certeaus history book and
the scrapbook both serve as a re-weaving of narrative fragments through an interlaced tour of the subject,
camps.
31


170
stories serve as inchoate travel guides to what is the shifting syntactic field o the
campground. This section carries out at a smaller synoptic scale the documentary activity
of the Federal Writers Projects Guide, which presents information gleaned from a
variety of sources without privileging one resource over another. Serving as a model for
this projects presentation of information, this paratactic quality of the Guides content
juxtaposes fragments of folklore with economic facts and accounts of quotidian life with
descriptions of annual festivals.
Figure 5-5. Giant's (tamp Restaurant, Gibsonton, Florida
The town of Gibsonton serves as one node of this research. Following Highway 41
ten miles south of Tampa, we reach Gibsonton on the south bank of the Alafia River.
Named for the pioneer Gibson family, the town has become the winter home for many
sideshow organizers and performers. Carnival trailers and trailer-homes radiate out from
the centrally located Giant's Camp Restaurant (Figure 5-5) at the Alafia Bridge where in
the early 1920s Eddie and Grace LaMay, who would become the town's first carnival
performer residents, stopped their trailer to rest and fish. Gibsonton was home to Melvin
Burkhart, the original Human Blockhead,' before his death in 2001: and it has the only


121
Chautauquan community.74 The original grounds of the De Funiak Chautauqua included
a public park area, a large auditorium, a hotel, and a series of residences.7^ In the 1930s,
the Works Progress Administration restored the remaining buildings; but the annual six-
week educational and entertainment sessions were no longer held.
Not far geographically from the Chautauqua settlement at De Funiak Springs in
Floridas Panhandle region, the new town of Seaside has been planned and developed by
architects Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk with developer Robert Davis since
the late 1970s (Figure 3-5c). Popular literature, a series of monographs (both
photographic and textual), and a special issue of ANY76 debates have alternately lauded
and critiqued Seasides relation to New Urbanism as well as the towns architectural
fabric regulated heavily by its urban and architectural codes. It is Drexel Turner, in an
essay from a 1993 collection, who makes explicit the connection between Seaside and
camps. The camptown in his essays title refers to the semi-permanent settlements of
the camp meetings at Marthas Vineyard and Chautauqua towns; and the allusion to
Vitruvius, implicating Leon Kriers heavy-handed neo-Classical influence, captures
Renaissance interpretations of the Ten Books on Architecture for ideal city plans of the
Enlightenment. In their introduction to the collection in which Turners essay appears,
74 The railroad access not only allowed for participants to arrive by railcar but also gave access to Chicago
and New York via rail for educational and entertainment excursions (see Thomas E. Low, The
Chautauquans and the Progressives in Florida, The Journal of Decorative and Propaganda Arts, 1875-
1945 (Miami Beach, FL: Wolfsonian-Florida International University, 1998), 310-1.
75 The entrance gallery is the only extant structure of the auditorium building.
76 This title serves both as an acronym for Architecture New York and as a descriptor for something
undecideable; for a complete retrospective look at the groups programs from 1993 to 2000, see the
website: http://www.anycorp.com.
Drexel Turner, Camptown Vitruvius: A Guide to the Gradual Understanding of Seaside, Florida,"
Urban Forms, Suburban Dreams, eds. Malcolm Quantrill and Bruce Webb (College Station. TX: Texas
A&M University, 1993), 103-120.


77
diferencias provides the starting point for understanding the conditional attributes of a
particular place, which he speaks of as the given situation."" A places complexity -
its plurality, diversity, and multiplicity can be mapped in terms of difference, which
may be developed internally with the contradictory, the idiosyncratic, accidental or the
paradoxical. This difference within place sketches the multiple components of the
moment of intensity as a form of convergence that Sola-Morales introduces as a
fleeting stability along the inherently unstable ground of a place. In this way, the
potential (see possible) meanings of a place unfold from a physical and metaphysical
interior rather than being constructed in a formal exercise of estrangement elicited by
internal external juxtaposition. Vittorio Gregotti notes that if architecture is a series of
relations and distances, as the measurement of intervals, then the specificity of an
architectural solution is closely related to differences in situation, context, or
environment.102 Spatial difference then is considered to have value and an inextricable
experiential quality. In The Parasite, Michel Serres writes,
In one word and not only in one prefix, the whole text and the whole story. Then
and then only can it be understood that it is an origin for the art of memory. The
discourse, the course taken [parcours], is of canonical simplicity: it is deductive, it
constructs reality, it constructs the real by starting with the difference. In a variety
bestrewn with simple arrows, the difference is in the place of the inclination.103
1 Janusian Thresholds for the dual nature of the Janusian perspective: both ways are one way with a
difference (46). In addition, consider Fredric Jamesons work (The Seeds of Time, 1994) for its
opposition of the Critical Regionalist project to that of postmodern ideologies of Difference (190-2) and
politics of difference (151 -2). At the conclusion of The Constraints of Postmodernism, Jameson asks:
Is global Difference the same today as global Identity? (205) Compare this notion to Alan Colquhouns
idea that difference, no longer dependent on the autonomy of regions, is now based on two other
phenomena individualism and the nation-state (The Concept of Regionalism, 20).
101 Sola-Morales, 7.
102 Vittorio Gregotti, Territory and Architecture, Architectural Design Profile 59, no. 5-6 (1985): 28-34.
1113 Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans. Lawrence R. Schehr (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1982), 33.


290
a result, the camp served as a strategic site of defense and resistance. Braden Castle Park
is located at the confluence of the Manatee and Braden Rivers, forming a point of land
partially protected from Indian attack. The Parks central tidal pool (that was later
modified to become the lagoon) also contributed to the sites inaccessibility from land.
With its marginal location at a distance from the central districts of Bradenton and the
settlement of Manatee, the site also provided refuge for the tourists seeking a zone that
could be self-regulated. The Braden house became identified as Castle both in its
massive tabby construction and in its use as a safe haven during frequent Indian attack.
The siting of Braden Castle Park at the nexus of the sugar plantation also engages,
if unwittingly, the Camping Tourists in the memory of an economy with far-reaching
territorial implications of power and land control. By collapsing the sugar plantation and
the campground, the typical progression from camp to city, or from temporary to
permanent, is reversed. The openness of the ruined plantation house provides a suitable
site for the early camping activities, which are initially unenclosed, dispersed, and tied
directly to the characteristics and topographies of previous occupations of the site.
Postcards produced before the founding of Braden Castle Park portray Sunday picnics
amidst the ruins.1:1 Such romantic and idyllic scenography attracted the Camping
Tourists, whose own historically temporal occupation of places resonates with the leisure
activity and freedom of picnicking.16 As the initial tents and trailers have been replaced
in the planning and construction of more permanent housing, the Tourists continue this
tradition by setting aside the area around the ruins as a park. Early plans designate the
15 Postcards are found in the collection of the Manatee County Clerk of Court.
16 Note that H.E. Robbins sub-titles his History" of the castle with the phrase .. in History and
Romance.


89
image of the cocoon and chrysalis1 '3 to discuss both duration (see continues) and the
possible (see Jameson notes a similar open-system model. The tendencies of
postmodernism can be sorted into a system that is at one and the same time freedom and
determination opening a set of creative possibilities (which are alone possible as
responses to the situation it articulates) as well as tracing ultimate limits of praxis (see
production) that are also the limits of thought and imaginative projection.134 Finally,
like the toolbox format of this lexicon, Deleuze and Guattaris plateau project can be read
as an open system that should be played like a record, allowing the listener to skip to the
chosen sections with no pre-determined entry or exit. And if we take Robert Morris
nc
statement that Any process implies a system, but not all systems imply process ~ then
we might rename these projects as open processes.
periodos, circuit, (cycle), way + around
Vernacular (as process)
If camps can be understood as places of production and transformation, then the
transformative force is connected to what I will call the vernacular process. This usage
of the vernacular is closely tied to Dante Alighieris treatment of vernacular language in
De Vulgari eloquentia, which was written between 1303 and 1305.136 In his work, Dante
133 Refer to discussion of Airstream trailer and monococque construction in Chapter 1.
134 Jameson, 129-30.
1^5
' Robert Morris, Some Notes on the Phenomenology of Making, Continuous Project Altered Daily.
(Cambridge: MIT. 1995), 83.
136 Dante Alighieri, De Vulgari eloquentia, ed. and trans. Steven Botterill (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1996).


CAMP(SITE): ARCHITECTURES OF DURATION AND PLACE
By
CHARLIE HAILEY
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2003


3-6. Mapping of camping codes 147
4-1. Constructing Camp Blanding 150
4-2. Rough Riders Camp, Tampa, Florida 151
4-3. Official Map of the Midway Plaisance at the World's Columbian Exposition 153
5-1. Caution to Tourists 160
5-2. Revival camp on the southern limits of Madison, Florida 163
5-3. Billboards and entrance to campground, Highway 53 exit and Interstate 10,
Madison, Florida 165
5-4. Campfire at Airstream rally 167
5-5. Giants Camp Restaurant, Gibsonton, Florida 170
5-6. Postcard, Ruskin, Florida 171
5-7. History of Masaryktown, Florida 172
5-8. Camps photographed by Walker Evans and Ernest Meyer 174
5-9. Ernest Meyer, Tin Can Tourist camp 176
5-10. Kassino midgets at camp of carnival performers and Shell Point Hotel 176
5-11. Plan of Ruskin Colony, Florida, and bust of John Ruskin 180
5-12. Map of the town of Ruskin 181
5-13. Ruskin College campus 183
5-14. Ruskin, Florida: Postcard of farming practices and newspaper image of tourist
on the beach 184
5-15. Rules for Gulf Hills Campground 185
5-16. Ruskin College emblem and Tin Can Tourist logo 187
5-17. Parked trailers and circus vehicles, Gibsonton, Florida 187
5-18. John Ruskins sketch for a Swiss Cottage and Ruskin Colleges Presidents
Home 189
5-19. Masaryktown Hotel and Masaryktown Community Center 189
xi


former, performance precedes the organization of a cultivated location. This condition
of clearing also yields the differentiation of camping and campsite. The in-between
situation can be best be described by the terminology campe site). Though varying in
degrees of stability, both procedures characterize camping and encompass what amounts
to a dwelling along a surface, which is a movement along the surface, a scraping rather
than a foundational or hierarchical stratification. This characteristic of surfacing5 relates
to the fact that the camp(site)s history is found in traces whether ruins or the
discarded remains of the campfire. The icon of the pedestrian trail (see subheading
above) highlights this idea of temporary traces and tracks. The question that remains is
can these fragmentary relics provide a basis for the waiting of a flexible code - suggested
by the dashed line of the trail? This section proposes a form of ichnographv, literally
track-writing, that serves like the icons within this text as a reservoir of possibilities5'
from which to generate a fluid taxonomy for camp spaces.4'
Figure 5-14. Ruskin, Florida: Postcard of farming practices and newspaper image of
tourist on the beach
in the absence of governmental or other regulatory enforcement, as in the case of
ad hoc trailer camps or early mobile home parks, an array of much more subtie codes of
ownership and separation exist. Often these codes5 outline expected behavior or delimit
permitted quotidian activities rather than inscribe spatial or overtly legalistic regulations.
u Michel Serrcs. Genesis, frnns. Genevieve James and James Nielson (Ann Arbor;
Press, 1995). 19.
Uni versuy of Michigan


22
?9
body or the way the world is but the placialization of space itself.' Place is
differentiated from space, and at the same time place has the potential to generate space.
In subsequent work, Casey summarizes this problem in the title of his recent book the
fate of place.30 In one sense, places destiny has varied historically with philosophical
and cultural changes, with its nadir in a fateful assimilation by space in 17lh century
Newtonian science. In another respect, fate points toward places renewed role as an
event.
If place results from the production of an event, then what role does the concept
of regionalism have in the production of architecture within the postmodern world?
Regionalist doctrine has typically relied on the stable, public meaning of a particular
place. The current dilemma of re-defining regionalism arises from the unstable
difference characteristic of contemporary places and late capitalist production. Alan
Colquhoun locates the problem in a shift from differences between regions to differences
within regions a polyvalent condition that doctrines such as critical regionalism, with its
restorative stability, are not prepared to address.
Thus, along one thread, the problem for this study becomes relating ideas from
recent work such as Bernard Tschumis architecture of the event and Paul Virilios
landscape of events to the role of place, region, and event in the construction of camps.
29 Edward Casey, Smooth Spaces and Rough-Edged Places: The Hidden History of Place, The Review of
Metaphysics LI, no.2 (1997): 268.
30 Edward Casey, The Fate of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
31 Ignasi de Sola-Morales, Place: Permanence or Production in Differences: Topographies of
Contemporary Architecture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 104.
2 Alan Colquhoun, The Concept of Regionalism, Postcolonial space(s), eds. G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T.
Wong (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997).


52
Cities (I) and Building Materials (II). The poetics of camping as an event, one that
occurs around the mythically charged setting of the campfire, might be best reflected in
Albertis more lyrical text Dinner Pieces. Although collected as a series of eleven books
around certain themes, the Dinner Pieces present an array of subjects and styles that can
be read in any order. Thus, the didacticism does not come through their formal ordering
or sequence, but instead by way of their internalized moral lesson, whether interpreted as
fable or allegory. These fragmentary scraps were meant to be read and consumed
over dinner, and David Marsh has noted that the Latin title Intercenales is a neologism
that implies a sort of leisurely improvisation.41 There is potentially a link between the
art of storytelling (over dinner) presented in Albertis fragments and the art of building
presented in his systematized treatise Ten Books. Susan Sontag ascribes a gravity to the
treatise when she writes Its embarrassing to be solemn and treatise-like about Camp,4"
but perhaps the poetic quality found in Renaissance treatises and writings does link the
systematic quality of camping to a more open-ended process that connotes both the
scrapbooks jottings and pastings and the treatises formal arrangement of ideas and
design procedures.
An additional, if not obvious, component of the organization of this work is the
dissertation format itself. Framed within the academic tradition and format, this project
ascribes to the coding of the dissertations requirements. This relationship influences
the format of the work (titles, headings, style, and other conventions) but also initiates a
dialogue about what a dissertation within the field of architecture, particularly one that
41 David Marsh, in the introduction to his translation of Leon Battista Albertis Dinner Pieces (Binghamton,
NY: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1987), 5.
42 Sontag 276.


347
condition, Dante himself inhabits the vernacular language as a linguistic home away from
home. Jackson speaks of the basis of the American understanding of home being one of
a mobile indigenous architecture. As sites for research and practice, camps provide a
laboratory for investigating all of the workings of the vernacular. As sets of relations, the
camps studied clearly address this paradox of the internal incorporation of the external,
the foreign, the strange. Camps are also homes that reconstruct place through the realities
of the situation and memories of the home that has been left behind. As a living
organism, the vernacular provides a working site for these constructions of place. The
vernacular becomes an environment for both McDonoughs living world6 of the nature
building interdependence and Bergsons lived act of intuition. The vernacular provides
a site for two contracts to be drawn up: the natural contract between built and natural
environment and the more ontological (and for Bergson intuitive) contract between true
experience and the environment of differences of kind that Bergson finds in duration.
Camps and the ways of practicing and thinking they suggest afford vernacular sites for
the review of these contracts.
Duration
Camps and campsites are understood through time, specifically a time of duration.
The second theme introduced in the opening of this work noted the idea of a temporary
presence in the process of becoming permanent, or reaching a degree of permanency.
This degree of permanency depends on time rather than space. Action, in and through
time, rather than perceptions o/space defines the transience of the camp. Camps are then
Bergsons zones of indetermination. Duration occurs in the middle temporal ground of
6 This term is derived from William McDonoughs Hannover Principles for sustainable design.


122
Figure 3-5. Drawings of projects for camps and camptowns. 1809 1979. A) Benjamin
Henry Lafrobe, Sketch plan of camp meeting in Virginia, 1809 (Talbot
Hamlin, 1955), B) R.M Schindler, A.E. Rose Beach Colony, Santa Monica,
California, 1937 (Smith and Darling, 2001), and C) initial plan for Seaside,
Florida, Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, April 5, 1979 (Mohney
and Easterling, 19911


294
Bradentons Chamber of Commerce between March 4 and 6._l Enthralled by the Braden
Castle site, the group presented its findings to the Board of Directors on March 8:
... the most available one [campsite] was the Braden Castle property, at
Bradentown [sic], Florida, of thirty five acres, which was offered at sixteen
thousand dollars ($16,000). A motion was made, seconded and carried that the site
be purchased at the offer made. The said site being on the Manatee River in the
city of Manatee, Florida.22
On March 10, the officers reported that the purchase had been made,23 and the group
decided to place another advertisement in the Tampa Tribune to attract investors and
residents to the future camping community. In addition, the group sought approval of a
charter for its non-profit corporation to perfect an organization for the betterment of the
camping tourists.24 The application for charter was rejected by Tampas governing
officials, but was eventually accepted by Manatee Countys administrators.25
Subsequent meetings of the Camping Tourists provide the basis for the writing of
the By-Laws, which will influence the way the camp is organized and constructed. On
April 1, 1924, a motion is passed that all political and religious meetings be referred to
the director and incorporated into the by-laws.26 A draft of the By-Laws is read and
discussed on April 3; and the officers move to add the stipulation that no established
21 Ironically, the real estate agents took the group of Camping Tourists to the Home Restaurant for lunch
during their evaluation of properties on March 4.
22 Minutes, Braden Castle Association, page 7.
23 See the section of the Minutes dated March 9, 1924, but appearing out of sequence in the text, pages 22-
25.
24 Minutes, February 20, 1924, page 5.
22 See entries in the Minutes, March 22 and 27 and April 1, 1924.
J' Minutes, page 14. The next section of this chapter will explore this idea in terms of the utopian
construct, particularly for its resonance with Thomas Mores framing of utopia.


376
Figure
Territory (as detail), or Future Research
12-6. Schindler, Site plan for Kings Road House, 1921; John Hejdufc, Site Pian
tor A Gathering, 1999 (R.M. Schindler Archi ve; Hays, Sanctuaries, E-23).


254-
Figure 8-6. Airstream camps. A) Wally Byam leads a camp circle during the African
Caravan of 1959 and B) Game of checkers at an Airstream rally (Airstream
Corporation)
media attention for his company but also to carry out his doctrine of unfettered leisure
and discovery principles that read like a utopic manifesto of mobility in his Creed:
To place the great wide world at your doorstep for you who yearn to travel with all
the comforts of home... To open a whole world of new experiences .., To
encourage clubs ... that provide an endless source of... personal expression. . .
To lead caravans wherever the four winds blow... over twinkling boulevards,
across trackless deserts .. to the traveled and untraveled corners of the earth ...
To play some part in promoting international goodwill ., through person -to-
person contact.3'1
Byams trips included the Central American Caravan of 1956 (from the United States to
Managua, Nicaragua), the African Caravan of 1959 (from Cape Town to Cairo), and the
Caravan Around the World of 1963 (from Lisbon to Tokyo). 3 Byam's vision included a
network of stopping points, or rest areas, across the world to facilitate Airstream owners
Wally Byam Creed, in Bryan Burkhart and David Hunt, Airstream. The History of the Land Yacht (San
Francisco: Chronicle. 2000). 83.
Two of these journeys tire documented in published narratives: Lillie B. Douglass. Cape 'Town to Cairo,
and McGregor W. Smith, Jr., Thank yon, Marco Polo: The Story of the First Around-the World frailer
C aravan, and in Wally Byams own publication, Trailer Travel Here and Abroad: The New BV Adventurous Living. The Caravan Around the World" is also documented in a film narrated by Vincent
Price,


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank my wife Melanie and my parents for their love and support. I
thank William Tilson for his indispensable critical readings, guidance, and
encouragement. I also want to thank Diana Bitz for her vital scholarship and mentorship
and Nina Hofer, Martin Gundersen, and Ralph Berry for their consistently productive
comments and ongoing critical dialogue. In addition, Herschel Shepard provided many
entry points to crucial background information. I thank Jo Hasell and Robert Stroh for
engaging my scholarly interests early in the doctoral process. I also want to recognize the
contributions of Rustie Rock (Judy Tomaini), Forrest Bone, Dr. Arthur McA. Miller, Sue
Neff, the Braden Castle Association, Cindy Russell, and Alex Necochea in the
construction of this dissertation.
v


i 9
models, combined an external gathering of disparate objects placed in a traveling
museum exhibit. This museum of objects that was paralleled by a process of internal
documentation and .re-formulation in Raskin's written projects --- a florid, even lavish,
style of writing and collecting, using dashes to prolong a breathless stream of movement
that at any moment could be diverted by a swerve of digression, in his writing and
imagination, Ruskm moves easily between Venice and Manchester and among painting,
sculpture, architecture, and philosophy. It is this patchwork mentality that links Raskin
to camp in all of its indeterminacy and paradox. Camp becomes a methodology. This
usage of camping as a method for research and a possible architectural practice relates to
Michel de CerteatTs work, on walking as a crit ical act. De Certeau proposes a
metaphorical city existing as a network of fissures and interstitial spaces that occur
between totalizing institutional constructions. The operation of walking, like camping, is
based on the idea that these spaces (within de Certeaus network of anti-discipline") can
be understood as practiced place.*8 Camp is thus a mode for practicing paradox, and
inventing spaces for researching and building within Florida's context.
Figure 5-21. Gibsonton, Florida: Circus and tent trailers and residences, including the
Winter Quarters of Stu and Sara Millers American Family Circus
Each camp is an event registered in Its suing, its clearing, its oral communication of
codes, its continual making, down to the storied ashes of its re-used fire pit. Making
camp remains a way of negotiating space that allows for territories of smoothness
Michel ik Certeau, Spatial Stories. The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley
University of Cali forma Press. 1988 s. 115-180.


373
97
there for nine days between December 31, 1933 and January 9, 1934. Cage writes of
the Kings Road House, The entire effect was one of horizontality and a sort of organic
calm which was not exciting but rather full and complete.
Casting Off: An Interlude Between fiera + 6 Mixing episodic experiences of place with Bergsonian duration, the camp(site)
allows for a co-existence (however uneasy) of the temporary and the permanent. Camps
as method (fiera + 8c;), reworked as an exodical (sx + g) movement, yields the
possible simultaneity of untying and retying.
When seafaring craft cast off, they turn their sailyards toward a world that is
strange beside the landlocked daily routine: on the plain of the high seas, nothing
ever resembles whats been left behind. Whats square becomes round, whats
stable moves; youll never make the same movements, youll speak a singular
language, which no one who hasnt been there will understand. To leave is to sever
all bonds. To go out from this world and enter another, where nothing will be the
same: thats called casting off. Equipped with their gear, foreign to land and
adapted to the sea, loosing their hawsers and cutting fabric of former connections,
vessels are capable of providing this shattering transition. Were going to live
differently, perhaps for a long while, elsewhere, where the watchman will have
only the wind and sky for companions; thats why sailors always have about them,
when they return, that odd little air.29
Casting off, or breaking camp, returns the camper to movement. Tied up in this renewed
itinerancy of departure is an assumed arrival. Thus, breaking, in what might be called its
un-siting, retains elements of re-siting. Martin Heideggers einbruch, which is a
breaking (into) space, permits the opening (Heidegger says lighting) of specific places;
27 Note that Cage recalls staying at the Kings Road House for much longer; in Thomas Hines Cage was
not yet Cage, he recalls his stay as probably a little less than a year (in Smith and Darling, 110). Smith
and Darling note that Cage returned in April 1935 to host a concert of classical shakuhachi music.
K Cage to Pauline Sibling Schindler, 15 April 1935, Collection 980027, The Getty Research Institute for
the History of Art and the Humanities, Los Angeles, in Smith and Darling, 110.
29
Michel Serres, The Natural Contract, trans. Elizabeth MacArthur and William Paulson (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan, 1995), 99-100.


167
concludes: So, in me, come flinging / Forms, flames, and the flakes of flames;"
Stevens composed the original version of this poem on the back of a postcard sent on
January J5. 1919 from West Palm Beach, Florida, to Harriet Monroe who was the editor
of Poetry at the time, in this earlier draft, the last line reads Fruits, forms, flowers,
flakes, and fountains.'"8 The image on the postcard i ncludes a grove of palms in the front
Figure 5-4, Campfire at Airstream rally (Airstream Corporation)
of a dimly perceptible house."9 In the later version, Stevens maintains the alliteration
but has converted the memory of these associations into elements of fire. As an object,
fire forms the central zone of the idealized campground. Gaston Bacheiard has written
about fire as an object of reverie that makes up the center' of a star-like formation
around which associations, memories, and fragmented ideas are gathered and assembled
In Water and Dreams, Bacheiard notes that [djreams come before contemplation.
' Wallace Steven, 'Nomad Exquisite. The Palm at the End of the Mind.
Vmtage, 1990), 44.
Holly Steve ns (New York:
* Stevens, 40. Tins original line appears in a notation about the poem at the conclusion of the collection.
J Daryl Hine, Email to the author. 26 November 2002.


280
condenses their physical impact on the urban environment. The tent structures and small
scale of the autocamping units themselves prove remarkably adaptable to a variety of
situations. However, questions of duration of stay, effects on property values, and
enduring thrift of the tent-dwelling autocampers leads to their expulsion beyond the city
walls. Thus, it is ultimately public perception rather than infrastructural strain (except
for isolated issues of health and sanitation) that defeat the openness of the municipal
campground. Although targeting a different subject, Rosalind Krauss assessment of
the politics of space informs the situation of the Tin Can Tourists and their particular
exclusion from De Soto Park. Taking up the subject of homelessness, Krauss links the
homeless person and public space as dual products of the spatioeconomic conflicts that
or
constitute contemporary urban restructuring. ~ The homeless person does not introduce
conflict into the space but is instead inextricably tied along with a proliferating array of
other factors, such as the public of public space and perceptions of home. While the
camping tourists are for the most part homeless by choice and thus cannot be classified as
such, the notion of a democratic spatial politics recognizes the fruitful rather than
inimical significance of openness and difference.
Fleet horses bear me
Without fear or dismay
Through distant places.
And whoever sees me, knows me,
And whoever knows me, calls me:
The homeless man ...
No one dares to ask
Me where my home is:
84 Krauss primary focus is contemporary high arts intervention into the urban landscape as opposed to the
low bricolaged art of tourism
88 Rosalyn Deutsche. Evictions: Art and Spatial Politics (Cambridge. MA: MIT Press, 1998), xv.


279
fixity82 of camps such as Braden Castle Park is the duration of intercalary arrivals and
departures. This duration applies both to the seasonal occupations of the cottage-owners
in the Park as well as the mobile homeowners and trailer site renters of the Parks other
areas.
Concluding camp: municipal evictions
The low-flung herd is moving on its way
In Tin Can Fords, high with brats
And mattresses and stoves that seem to sway
In sympathy with misplaced beds and slats.
Why they move? God only knows, but thanks
That Tampa has a respite from the doom
That year from her friendly life yanks
The Gulf Port City from the Tin Can tomb.
They come, each with a sardine in his hand;
They fling their tents on homestead, field and lawn;
They never buy but try to own the land -
Lord knows, we Tampans joy when they are gone.82
The eviction of the camping public from municipal grounds marks the end of the
short-lived symbiotic relationship between outsiders and the localized political entity.
While the facilities of the modestly sized public parks are strained by the seasonal influx
of campers, it is the disappointment of local businesses and citizens with the frugality of
the middle class of the camping public that precipitates the closing of many camps.
Although lodged within town limits, the modes of camping employed by groups such as
the Tin Can Tourists allow for an economic maximization of interstitial public space that
82 This self-regulation becomes codified in places such as Braden Castle Park.
s' Frank Wing, An Elegy in De Soto Park," published in the Tampa Morning Tribune, April 4, 1924. The
poem was published one month after the Tin Can Tourists were officially evicted from De Soto Park.


370
interior and exterior. The house shapes the site and the site shapes the house. As with
the dominant ground in camps figure-ground, the houses ground of the courtyard spaces
molds the flexible enclosure of the partitions and edges. The figure of the walls remains
the porous membrane defined by the reflected light of the campfire and fixed only by
the fireplaces and the position within the overall pinwheel organization of the plan.
Prefiguring his experiment with communal and multiple housing in the 1930s,
Schindlers design of the Kings Road House represented an attempt at collective living.
The Chaces joined the Schindlers for the first two years, followed by Richard and Dione
Neutra and a succession of other couples and friends. The shared kitchen, bath, and
dining room form the public core of the house, while the peripheral spaces allow for each
couples semi-privacy. Like the intimacy and relatively open living found in many
camps, the Kings Road House was an experiment in communal living, made possible
through its design. Schindler would revisit this idea in later projects, particularly the
Beach Colony for A.E. Rose in Santa Monica, California (1937).
Hesitating
The nomad is there, on the land, wherever there forms a smooth space that gnaws,
and tends to grow, in all directions. The nomad inhabits these places, he remains in
them, and he himself makes them grow, for it has been established that the nomad
makes the desert no less than he is made by it. He is a vector of deterritorialization.
He adds desert to desert, steppe to steppe, by a series of local operations the
orientation and direction of which endlessly vary.24
I came to live and work in California. I camped under the open sky, in the
redwoods, on the beach, the foothills and the desert. I tested its adobe its granite
24 Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nomadology, 53.


96
the country (as opposed to urban) and more tangibly to the countryside, which is the open
field of the country. The Spanish word camping has come to designate the campsite, and
campamento is a less organized collection of tents. Campo's Latinate origins are found
in campus, referencing more precisely the level field.
In ancient Rome, the Campus Martius was a multi-purpose leveled field. As is
eponymously suggested, the Campus Martius was the field of Mars dedicated to the
god of war. During its republic period, the Campus Martius lay outside the city of Rome
on its northwestern limit. The multi-use field functioned primarily as a place for military
drills in the spirit of its namesake, but the Campus also became a place for games and
athletic practice as well as simulated combat. Public assemblies of citizens and religious
activities also occurred in the Campus Martius.3 The fields adjacency to the Tiber River
and its low-lying elevation made it subject to frequent flooding and necessitated that the
activities and events be temporary or short-lived. In 54 B.C., the Roman government
initiated flood control projects to resist the effects of the periodic flooding. Pompey and
Caesar added a theater, colonnade, an assembly hall, and between the city proper and the
Campus a new forum with a temple; and Augustus and Agrippa continued the process of
urbanization with an expansion.4 Along with an array of games and altars dedicated to
strange gods, Hadrians school of liberal arts the Athenaeum was reputedly built in the
Northern Campus Martius. With the perfection of flood control, the Campus becomes
the urban center of medieval Rome and was later documented by Giovanni Battista
1 Robert E. A. Palmer. Studies of the Northern Campus Martius in Ancient Rome (Philadelphia: American
Philosophical Society, 1990), vii.
H Palmer, vii.


30
7. What methods might be used to study and work within paradoxes of place? The
paradoxes of place in this question includes contradictions inherent both in a
place itself and in the architectural constructive occupation of a place. Paradoxical
pairings include the following: attachment / detachment; mobile entity / fixed zone;
extensivity / intensivity.
8. Moreover, what happens to our understanding of home when questions of time and
place occur and are thus addressed between mobility and fixity? This particular
question arises out of the tension between the two components in the following
terms: camp-site and mobile home.
9. What does it mean to build the unfinished? How does the unfinished continue to
be constructed? What does it look like?


313
situation rather than a site. In this appropriation this taking place, Slab City becomes
an event, an example of Caseys place as event.3
The campers at Slab City reverse the universalizing tendency of the military camp
in the tradition of the Roman castrum by specifying a place of both leisure and home.
The seeming incompatibility among military camp, holiday camp, and homeless camp is
resolved in the characteristic mobility and lack of regulation of the place. The gridded
form of the military camp is subverted by the temporary occupations of the mobile
camping units. The organizing feature becomes the residual slabs themselves. The
original grid having been obscured by shifting sands and encroaching scrub, the fire
marshal from the nearby town of Niland has reintroduced the grid in a numbering system
that serves as an aid to identify and differentiate locations in the event of emergencies.
Used to field-locate a particular slab or problem area, the system divides the military
camps original gridded areas into sub-sectors from 1 to 22 (Figure 10-2a). For the
campers, the original linear (top-to-bottom) hierarchy of the military camp apparatus has
been replaced by a more dispersed hierarchy based on the suitability of the slab surfaces
for camping.
Slab City also forms two particular, though not necessarily incompatible, versions
of the colony. The zones self-regulation affords the settlers known locally as
slabbers a freedom from the dependency typical of colonial constructions. The
colonists remain connected to an original home culturally but not necessarily politically
or socially. The predominance of snowbirds among the retiree population makes only
a cursory connection to Canada. The low income, homeless campers have formed a
3 Casey, 279, 335.


166
camping. Within this legend and as a result of its diagrammatic possibility, the middle
columnar zone also serves conceptually as a site for marginal annotations that might arise
from the readers parallel practices of place-making. Such usage is derived from the
th
practice of embellishing the spaces between text of 16 -century manuscripts with
iconographic words and phrases that were called tropes. This figural marginalia
resonates with the peripheral and annotative practice of camping in its habitual re-
invention of spaces whether textual, theoretical, or environmental. The icons used in
this chapter also operate as sites of association, exemplified by the clustered set of terms
at the beginning of each section.
The first sections (campfire and breaking camp) of this chapter seek to reveal
and review (analytically) existing spaces of camping in the specific region of central
Florida focused around Tampa Bay. Intermediate sections (siting camp and clearing
camp) propose practical and theoretical extensions of the identified camp spaces by
demonstrating the literal and metaphorical operations that are associated with camping.
The final section (making camp) proposes a practice derived from camp for inventing
and contracting spaces that is, methods of research and of a simultaneous occupation
for construction within Floridas cultural and architectural context.
E) Campfire
[forest-fire, smudge fire, pyre, embers, ashes]
We begin around the campfire with its evocations of reverie. The flickering space
of the campfire combines reflection, revelation, and regeneration (Figure 5-4). For
Wallace Stevens, the idea of fire along with Floridas context results in fleeting poetic
imagery as a part of introspective reflection. In the poem Nomad Exquisite, Stevens


and essentially to close.*' However, the mobility of markers used to identify the border
continued to make border line more like a frontier zone. Partially as a result of the
Figure 10-3. Guardhouse (original to Camp Dunlap) at main entrance to Slab City, and
Leonard Knight's Bible camper, Salvation Mountain, west of Slab City (Erie
Amptmeyerl
continued ambiguit y of the line, on June 25, 1897, President William McKinley
announced the creation of the international Strip, a sixty-foot wide buffer (or no-man's
land) between the two countries along international Street in Nogales. '
With Americas geographic frontier long since closed/ only personal frontiers
remain for those camping at Slab City, in addition to providing a continuation of the
Citys community online, the primary purpose of its official website is the preservation
of Slab City. The directors and managers of the site are currently (December 2002)
1' The Trearv of Guadalupe Hidalgo disallowed she revision of the international border as surveyed and
designated wish monuments by Emerson and Salazar in the 1850s. With the subsequently rapid
improvement of surveying equipment, imprecision in the location of the Treaty's mandate aiong the
parallel 31 47' was shown by subsequent surveys, most notably by Barlow and Blanco C! 894).
The mobility os' the markers of the border itself exacerbated this deviation: Thomas T Glannon has
pointed out that since the monumenting was mostly piles of rock, "many cattle men. in order to extend the
range lauds, would move the monuments farther south*
Finally, on May 27, IVOf* President Theodore Roosevelt extended the zone the entire length of the
border from F.l Paso to the Pacific Ocean and thus established ail public lands within sixty-feet of the
International Boundary as free from entry . provided that said strip may be used for public highways,
but for no other purpose whatsoever. (Thomas J. Glannon, 2}


231
process is integral to the system used. Method is not applied but carried out and arrived
at. This method, however, does retain the indirect action characteristic of bricolage.'
A useful comparison can be made here to the activity of domestic gardening in
which a multiplicity of actions (tilling, seeding, pulling, weeding, covering) is used and
formal design often succumbs to the necessities of maintenance. Moreover, the private
gardens association with the house and yard reappears in the practice of camping. In one
specific case, temporary shell gardens decorate the ground around the supports for trailer
hitches and identify the trailer owners. The caption of Marion Post Wolcotts 1941
photograph of a Guest at Sarasota trailer park identifies the garden components as
shells and odds and ends and notes that the camp has a garden club for members.34
The series of photographs taken by Wolcott includes additional documentation of these
gardens in the Sarasota trailer park, and these gardens will be addressed in more detail in
the next chapter. Michel Butor has pointed out that in addition to the knowledge of
making something, bricolage is comprised of the collecting of things. According to Butor,
the two levels of bricolage are the knowledge of making something and the collection of
things, which have been neglected. This second level of bricolage represents the urge for
infusing an unknown meaning into abandoned things. Such a collection, or
accumulation, allows for a traveling-in-place. In Giants Camp, one of the cottages
serves as Judy Tomainis office (for her business Rocks Monuments) and as an
informal museum of celebrity, family history, the camps history, and travel. In addition
33 See Elizabeth Grosz on the patch and Deleuze and Guattaris interpretation and use of bricolage.
34 Farm Securities Administration, Library of Congress American Memory Collection.
35 Martine Reid and Noah Guynn, Bricolage: an interview with Michel Butor by Martine Reid and Noah
Guynn (Yale French Studies; Jan 1994, n84. 17(10).


156
ordering occurs in a modular layout rather than within the confinement of a grid. In
sum, the usage of taxonomic occurs in three ways in Chapter 5: (1) how the iterations
of camps within the Florida context refer to a generic Floridian camp and at the same
time refer to a specificity of place and intention; (2) taken as a whole, the Florida camps
constitute a taxonomic grammar of regional camping practice; and (3) as adaptations of
existing sites (with their own system of ordering), ordering principles can be found in
each camp along with an inherent connection in each settlement (in many ways, a
relationship of proportionality) between territory and detail.
Asymptotic refers to a proximity that retains its distance, however small. Such a
paradoxical situation can be described colloquially as almost touching or closing (the)
distance. The platform communities of Manila Village maintain such propinquity and
remoteness as well as attachment and detachment. The asymptotic characterizes two
main relationships within the constructions of Manila Village the territorial tangencies
of the community with the ambiguous political boundaries of the State and, more at the
scale of the detail, the relation between the fluctuating surface of the tidal waters of
Baratara Bay and the horizontal surfaces of the platform structures. In both cases, the
asymptotic space can be understood as a variable space-in-between. Also, working at
the scale of both detail and territory, the asymptotic suggests a potential combination of
the diagrammatic and the tectonic in the understanding of how the constructions might be
made. Like the asymptotic, the diagram serves as the intermediate generator between
processes of thought and making. Consequently, the diagram of the asymptotic becomes
; Vitruvian taxis could also inform a review of the types of modular housing units that comprise many of
the camps studied.


115
type. Beyond the scope of analysis of this work, this claim may be true for the region of
New England; however, in a broader analysis frontier camps and military encampments
of the American West would have to be taken into account to understand fully the
influences on and development of the campground between the 19lh and 20lh centuries.
The works of both Weiss and Moore locate the layout and formal origins of the camp
meeting grounds in early American cemeteries. Weiss notes that Oak Bluffs
developers chose the landscape architecture firm Copeland-Cleveland (Robert Morris
Copeland and H.W.S. Cleveland), which had designed rural cemeteries in the 1850s in
Massachusetts.57 Later camp meetings appear to follow this model of the garden
cemetery, a type of organic planning that Moore illustrates with Mt. Auburn Cemetery
(1831) in nearby Cambridge. Moore contrasts this naturalized and curvilinear plan
appropriated by the Spiritualist camps with the rational, rectilinear, and rigidly
hierarchical layouts of Methodist camps such as Ocean Grove, New Jersey and Pitman
Grove, Pennsylvania.55 Pointing out this non-hierarchical aspect of the Spiritualist
campgrounds, Moore touches on the paratactic quality of camp an important idea about
camps in general that will be addressed later in this work. In the specific context of the
Spiritualist belief that the physical world (the living) can communicate with that of the
spiritual (the dead), the campground space itself mediates between the secular and the
spiritual, the artificial and the natural, and the permanent and the temporary. We might
carry this further and say that the camp takes the form of the Spiritualist medium, the
person acting as conduit to for supernatural forces and disembodied spirits. Moore makes
57 Weiss, 80.
58
Moore, 239.


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Charlie Hailey received his bachelors degree in architecture from Princeton
University and his Master of Architecture degree from the University of Texas at Austin.
396


construction of she Achaeans city of beached (or landed) ships. Gihsonton is reviewed
in relation to the original midway', the Midway Piaisanee at the World's Columbian
Figure 4-3. Official Map of the Midway Piaisanee at the Worlds Colombian Exposition.
Corrected from Official Map furnished by the Department of Surveys and
Grades, to June 15, 1893 (Flinn, 1893)
Exposition of 1893, winch itself included an array of exhibits staged as camps, in a
folding of time, Tampa's Municipal Campground becomes the Roman Campus Martins
with its public space of low-lying, flood-prone river-frontage. "With its pragmatic by
laws and spatial efficiency combined with the sublime environment of its romantic ruin,
Braden Castle Park can be contrasted with New Urbanist planned developments that in
some cases were begun as Chaulauquan experiments in community and have become
seasonal tourist settlements driven by nostalgia and displaced sentimentality. Finally,
Slab City resonates with the hierarchies and formality of the Roman caslnan while also


301
building lot that does not exceed 40 feet by 40 feet 46 Buildings are required to be not
less than three feet from the lot lines and must conform to the City of Bradentons
building ordinances and must be approved by the Board of Directors.47 The materials
allowed by the By-Laws are wooden structures .. [with] horizontal siding, or shingles,
... or covered with stucco.48 This material gives a greater degree of permanence to the
dwellings than was found in the earlier canvas and tent shelters of the camps in De Soto
Park. With the houses of Amaurot in Utopia, construction has also progressed from the
original cabins built slapdash to the handsomely constructed houses of fieldstone,
quarried rock or brick.49 The By-Laws also limit the number of cottages to one per lot
and disallows duplexes (in order to avoid the possibility that one side could be rented
out). Rooms built above garages must be a part of the house.50 The rules of
construction are administered by the Building and Grounds Committee, which is made up
of three certificate (stock) holders who serve for one-year terms and must give written
consent before new buildings are erected or old buildings are modified. Today, 194
residences are extant in Braden Castle Park.51 Nearly half of these structures were
erected in the first year of the Parks existence as a result of the requirement that
certificate holders build on their allotted land within 18 months of the April 1924 meeting
46 Constitution and By-Laws of Camping Tourists of America, Braden Castle Park, Bradenton, Manatee
County, Florida, 1945, Article IX § 1.
47 Constitution and By-Laws, Article IX § 2.
48 Constitution and By-Laws, Article IX § 3.
49 More, 121.
50 Constitution and By-Laws, Article IX § 4.
51 The original number of properties was set at 200 based on the maximum membership allowed for by the
By-Laws (Article II § 3). The National Register of Historic Places also notes that three additional structures
(the clubhouses and community hall) make up the historic site.


43
Figure 2-6. Building Plans of the World's Columbian Exposition: Transportation Exhibits
Building, Machinery Hall, Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building (M.P,
Handy, ed., Official Catalogue of Exhibits: World s Columbian Exhibition
(Chicago: W.B. Conkey, 1893), Parts Vil: 4, VI: 4, XI: 4-5).


169
On a larger natural scale, fire in Florida serves a regenerative purpose to clear the
natural under-story and at the same time to enrich the soil for new growth. As in
Stevens poem, the Florida landscape is fire, such that campfires (as in the proliferation
of fire found in the excerpt describing a camp meeting) reference this natural occurrence
at the human scale.
Tales of natural beauty, unmatched economic prospects, and buried treasure make
up Floridas legend. Stories in Florida: A Guide to the Southernmost State show that, as
early as the sixteenth century, Florida was known as Stolida, the Land of Fools. The
Guide also includes a story told to a friend in an English tavern by an inebriated sailor
who boasts of perles in oysteres and glysterynge gold [sold] for tryfels.14
GIBSONTON, 11.2 m. (250 pop.), a small trailer camp and filling station own on the
southern bank of the Alafia River, was named for the pioneer Gibson family.
Residents have often searched for buried pirate gold in the vicinity. One group, in
possession of an old chart, unearthed a skeleton sitting upright, and below it a metal
disk with the points of the compass and a needle marked on its face; in the
excitement one of the party snatched up the compass without noting the direction
indicated by the needle. Although many days were spent excavating the premises,
no treasure was found.15
Gibsontons story of a hidden cache of pirates gold illustrates the problematic reading of
maps without legends when the orientation is lost by an over-eager resident.
How can we decipher "place when only traces remain? Maps without legends
become legendary in their ambiguity, difficulties of reading, and multiplication of
possible interpretations. Can we interpret a place by reading its ashes or by listening to
the stories told around the campfire? Mixing fact and legend, the following introductory
14 Federal Writers Project. Florida: A Guide to the Southernmost State (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1939), 137.
15 Federal Writers Project, 403.


11
In this context, it is important that the term stage be understood not as a static resting
place but as the procedural zone between stops or standing places, much like the
theatrical and filmic stage serves as the locus of action during designated acts or
episodes. The activity of camping occurs between campsites, at the collapsed moments of
arrival and departure.
As pedagogical models, the mattang and its variants represent this observable and
implied data in their physical composition (Figure 1-3). The mattang is a predominantly
symmetrical model illustrating general concepts of wave action (Figure 1 -3b). Its
component parts are flexible sticks that can be bound at their intersection with sennit -
the thin cordage of braided coconut fiber. Within this woven construct, sticks that are
completely wrapped in the sennit allude to minor asymmetries that designate
particularities of wave refraction. As Davenport notes, such a wrapped stick in some
cases indicates the direction of the dominant trade wind swell called rilib (meaning
backbone).11 While the mattang represents generalized nautical conditions, the meddo
and rebbelith stick charts portray specific islands and island chains within the Ralik
(sunset) and Ratak (sunrise) archipelagoes (Figures l-3c, 1 -3d). Small cowry shells
lashed to intersections of sticks indicate island locations within the model; these positions
do not show true distances and directions but suggest positions perceived through wave
action and experienced time. This rendering of perceptions is combined with knowledge
of wave swells, bird flight patterns, and at times visible island features such as trees or
atoll rises through a series of indicator mnemonics (rojen kkll). Poetic in their
narrative quality, the components and signs (kkll) of the wave patterns that the mattang
11 Davenport. 22.


4
Airstream Bambi trailer (Figure 1-2) at various times in Florida while learning the art of
building.3 Though the trailer itself remained fixed to the same place, the experience
yielded an understanding of what I have called thresholding. This activity does not so
much occur between arrival and departure but instead speaks of the potential simultaneity
of arriving and departing. Such simultaneous experience is not enclosed or inscribed by
boundaries but instead must occur within the zone of the boundaries themselves. As
Martin Heidegger notes in his reading of the Greek term peras, boundaries do not merely
enclose but more significantly serve as areas from which a place opens up or unfolds.
Thresholding also articulates a process defined by coincidences of time and place. Often
contradictory, these concurrences include present-past, internal-external, and foreground-
background.4 This idea of thresholding also relates to method, in particular the method
proposed by this work to negotiate the paradoxical places of camps. In the above
excerpt, Peter Handke writes how the archaeologist often begins with the location and
excavation of thresholds from which the rest of the building layout can be deduced.
These residual edges indicate how the site was occupied. In camps, a proliferation of
thresholds reflects the occupation of the site, and many of these thresholds are not simply
boundaries to be crossed but are entire zones to be occupied. In a concluding section of
this work, Rudolph Schindlers Kings Road house is read as a concretization of this idea
3 Note that this 16-foot dimension is the external length of the trailer.
4 It should be noted that thresholding is a term commonly used in processes of image alteration. In
particular, thresholding is the setting of a range within a gray-scale image from which to parse out a binary
coding of black and white designations. This conversion from gray-scale to a binary image must
simultaneously take into account and adapt to the changing attributes of foreground and background along
the image edge that is being considered and analyzed. Such adaptive thresholding used in digital
imaging serves as one analog for the introduction of this idea of thresholding as a process of concurrent
arrival and departure a process that is ultimately a negotiation of a series of thresholds, as seen in the
experience of the campsite.


process. .. Ruskin's writing procedure reca Is Susan Son tags structuring of her text
on camp:
To snare a sensibility in words, especially one that is alive and powerful, one must
be tentative and nimble. The form of jottings, rather than an essay (with its claim
to a linear, consecutive argument ), seemed more appropriate for getting down
something of this particular fugitive sensibility.'-
Not surprisingly, in her Notes on Camp of 1964, Susan Sontag identifies John Ruskin
and his work as falling within what she calls camp.'4
Figure 5-12. Map of the town of Ruskin. 1914
Floridas camp, with its utopic impulse, in a sense occupies a middle ground
between Foucaults heterotopia and a residual atopia as discussed by Vittorio Oregon!.
Camps negotiation of paradoxes of identity and anonymity, placetiessness). and stability
and movement oscillates between atopias non-place and heterotopias network of
juxtaposed places. Related to the notion of camp is Michel Foucaults usage of
imaginative heterotopia to describe and classify the phenomenon of the colony, winch
for him includes the piaceiess place of the ship.-- In contrast to Foucaults heterotopia.
Vittorio Gregottis atopia includes both what he calls atopicai typologies and residual
John Ruskin, The Works of John Ruskin, eds. E.T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn, Library Edition
(London. 1903-1912) XXV, 216.
Susan Sontag. Notes on Camp," Against interpretation and Other Essays (New York: Dell. }%45, 276-
7. Emphasis lias been added for comparison to Ruskins work.
Sontas, 281.
'' Mschel Foucault, "Other Spaces," U>ius International48/9 ( ¡986): 14.


71
movement, and relations then are the ways to move from place to place. Serres actually
replaces the phenomenologists ontology of existence with this peripatetic mode of
abstraction. Serres summarizes, Synthesis ... is differentiated from system or even from
methodological unity. A cluster of highly different relations becomes a body. Serres
begins with the relation to reach form. However, the inverse passage from the formal to
the relational remains a consideration, notably in the history of architectural studies.
Though in a different context, Sola-Morales faces a similar challenge to that of Serresian
model. Summarizing the role of the eidetic between topology and ontology (between
folding and revealing), Sola-Morales invokes the analog of camps to describe the sites to
be bridged:
A primarily positivist attitude prevails in both camps an attentiveness to the
formal, eidetic dimension of our understanding which builds more than one
bridge between poststructuralists awareness of flows, energies, and displacements
and the ontological search for intentionalities the signification and meaning of
oo
consciousness, in short, of knowing.
It is the practical and theoretical analog of camping that this framework seeks to add as a
possible hinge between the encampments of the two theoretical positions. Thus, the
theoretical framework for this work lies between the projects of Sola-Morales and Serres.
And in order to understand the frameworks of place, I propose the forging of a lexical
tool for understanding the broad topic within which the study of camps and camping
falls. This tool-box seeks to set up a cluster of relations from which the demonstration of
the topic of camping and its connection to place may proceed.
87 Serres and Latour, 101.
88
Sola-Morales, 10.


380
Collins, A. Frederick. How To Build a Motor Car Trailer. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott,
1936.
Colomina, Beatriz. The Media House. The city of small things. Rotterdam: Stichting
Parasite Foundation, 2000, 105-117.
Colquhoun, Alan. The Concept of Regionalism, Postcolonial space(s). Edited by G.B.
Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997.
Cook, Peter. Plug-In. Archigram. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999.
Corbin, Carla I. The Old/New Theme Park: The American Agricultural Fair. Theme
Park Landscapes: Antecedents and Variations. Edited by Terence Young and
Robert Riley. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and
Collection, 2002.
Corsiglia, Betsy, and Nary-Jean Miner. Unbroken Circles: The Campground of Marthas
Vineyard. Boston: David R. Godine, 2000.
Cowan, James. A Mapmakers Dream: The Meditations of Fra Mauro, Cartographer to
the Court of Venice. Boston: Shambhala, 1996.
Cowgill, Donald O. Mobile Homes: A Study of Trailer Life. Washington, D.C.:
American Council on Public Affairs, 1941.
Cowgill, Donald Olen. Mobile Homes: A Study of Trailer Life. Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania, 1941.
Curzon, George Nathaniel. Persia and the Persian Question. London: Longmans,
Green, and Company, 1892.
Davenport, William. Marshall Islands Navigational Charts, Imago Mundi XV (1960):
22.
de Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Rendall.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.
De la Croix, Horst. Military Considerations in City Planning: Fortifications. New York:
G. Braziller, 1972.
Deering, Ruth. A 1921-2 Diary of a Trip to Florida, Unpublished manuscript, Manatee
County Public Library, Bradenton, Florida.
Deleuze, Giles. Bergsonism. Translated by Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam.
New York: Zone Books, 1991.
Deleuze, Giles. The Fold: Leibniz and the Baroque. Translated by Tom Conley.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993.


81
unique trajectories.112 If we return to Deleuze and Guattari, we can better understand
this usage of style in terms of site. Style is both the holding together of disparate
elements and the activity of thinking the multiple. Camp as an idea takes in this type of
style in its tracing of what Sontag calls a fugitive sensibility. Thus the site is an
assemblage of multiple forces, relationships, and vectors. In the work of Vittorio
Gregotti, it is the site that serves as the intermediary, or territory, for the modification that
transforms place into architecture. Ideas of the memory of the site and building the
site converge for Gregotti in a project that reflects the complexities of Sola-Morales
permanence-production model and seeks to develop an architecture of context."' For de
Certeau, this layering of the site occurs as imbrications (rather than juxtapositions) that
result in stratified places, a veritable collaging of places attributes along its surface."4
[,]
Absent (implied) mark, comma, caesura; kopteirr. to cut; Any of several butterflies
of the genus Polygonia, having wings with brownish coloring and irregularly notched
edges.115
the
This definite article connotes both specificity and generality. In the case of the
particular, it is the production of a place; and in the broader context, the activity of place-
112 Carpentier, 82.
113 Vittorio Gregotti, Territory and Architecture, 342.
11' Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 200-
203.
115 An implied caesura, or comma. (The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. Ill (New York: Oxford,
1989), 539).


84
itineraries to which he opposes map. Mapping entails a dialogue between process and
product, a constant revising through experience and use(fulness). Henri Lefebvres
project of producing space, specifically social space, similarly invokes a relationship
between the means of production and the product to be used.1'1 For Deleuze, mapping is
the creation of cartographies of becoming (see be) through the apparatus of the
rhizome. As a form of method, the map is then differentiated from the tracing by virtue
of its openness, connectibility, and maintenance of multiplicity. The map fosters
connections between fields and is entirely oriented toward an experimentation in
contact with the real124 tying the map back to the idea of practice, which for Deleuze is
ultimately a pragmatic empiricism. Michel Serres use of mapping as a mode of
production relates to that of Deleuzes.125 For Serres, mapping is writing to write is to
draw a map; his maps are inscribed with possible situations while remaining functional
technical objects.12'1
123 Lefebvre, 85. Henri Lefebvre also outlines the possible connotations of producing space and the act of
producing (15). Social space for Lefebvre negotiates logico-mathematical space and practico-sensory
space.
124 Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 12-15.
125 For Serres, this type of map is a fluctuating and mobile inventory of fragments and directions
(Conversations with Bruno Latour, 1993). While the mattang navigators are not experimenting per se,
their negotiation of the real is a flexible empiricism that must constantly adjust to the changing
environment. The navigators mapping practices reflect a tangential movement related both to the
inherent asymmetry built into their sea-craft and to their constant movement through a series of thresholds
(or joints) requiring constant coordination of their contact with the real and of their mental image of the
map. Always working down or up to [his] mark, Ruskin refers to this practice as nothing but process
in which a series of indirect movements (digressions, progression, regressions, and tangential actions)
begin to inscribe direction, measure, and form.
126 Comparable architectural projects include Jennifer Bloomers Architecture and the Text: The (S)crypts
of Joyce and Piranesi (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993) and her essay Abodes of Theory and
Flesh: Tabbies of Bower in Assemblage 17 (April 1992). In these texts, the act of writing forms an
architecture that maps a complex web of relations allegorically and structurally. Mark Z. Danielewskis
House of Leaves (New York: Pantheon, 2000) also inscribes a hypertextual architecture of fragments,
formal inversions and subversions, and ruminations. Finally, John Hejduks poetry writes from a tradition
of both reading and building. His prose poem Sentences on the House and Other Sentences maps a


This work is dedicated to my wife Melanie and to my parents.


154
mirroring elements of the Autonomous Zones of yearly event-cities such as Burning
Man.
-ics
. .. after the manner of... of the nature of. . pertaining to ... of. . .3
The making of each camp is also reflected in its qualification by the inclusion of
an analytic-poetic term for each section. As a living formative, each word with the
suffix -ic is a provisionally assigned operator that arises from the studies of the place
and serves as a makeshift ground for the preliminary study and analysis of the place.4
Each camps term is derived from its making; for example, the platforms of Manila
Village are asymptotic in their relation horizontally to the tidal water surface and
tangentially to the territorial waters of the United States. Thus, if one aspect of making
is the study of how the camp is (or in some cases, was) made including the process of
navigating the resonances and layerings of each camp(site), then the other aspect is bound
up in the question of how to analyze or understand the relevance of the made thing.
This idea returns to the formulation of making as a noun. Each of the -ic terms
qualifies and modifies the stability of the camp as a completed, or seemingly finished,
site of construction. Each of these qualifier-operators is then reviewed for its relevance
and significance in the concluding sections of the work.
Taxonomic relates the complexity and difficulty of classifying the proliferation
of campsites, particularly in the case of Floridas varied places. Such an attempt at
3 The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed vol. VII (New York: Oxford, 1989), 595-6.
4 In the entry for -ic, the Oxford English Dictionary notes that the Greek suffix -iKq, as one of the
commonest suffixes, serves as a living formative for an extensive array of descriptive terms (595).


212
The asymptotic territory of Manila Village can also be described in terms of a
tangential situation. Such is the condition of touching without intersecting. The platform
community maintained contact with nature, economy, and institutions, while preserving a
distance that allowed for multiplicity. Yee Foos patent of 1885 and the eventual
purchase of several small islands by Chinese immigrants from the Louisiana Land
Office for $1.25 per hectare indicate this partial appropriation of institutionalized
structures of ownership and invention. Two elements are evident in this tangency:
convergence and divergence. The asymptotic condition of mixing without combining
thus occurs within Manila Village as well as externally in relationship to the mainland.
Michel Serres describes this process as well as the resulting soup-like situation:
It is the chain of genesis. It is not solid. It is never a chain of necessity. Suddenly,
it will bifurcate. It goes off on a tangent. It surrenders to the passing signals, the
fluctuations of the sea, or some sowing of sameness. The chain is not a chain of
chance either, it would remain meticulously broken. It is the chain of contingency;
the recruiting takes place through tangency, by local pulls and by degrees, by word
of mouth, from one mouth to the other. It emerges from the sea noise, the nautical
to
noise, the prebiotic soup.
What are the implications of the asymptotic for architecture, specifically the
possibility of an architecture of camping? At the scale of regionalism as well as at the
more detailed scale of actual construction? Recent discussions of the problem of region
have noted that difference based on autonomous (or recognizable) regions is no longer
possible and that such distinctions must be refocused to understand an internal difference
within a region. It has also been noted by Fredric Jameson that the post-capitalist
7 Gerald Adkins, Shrimp with a Chinese Flavor, Louisiana Conservationist 25, no.7-8 (1996): 20-25.
's Michel Serres, Genesis, trans. Genevieve Janies and James Nielson (Ann Arbor, MI: University of
Michigan Press, 1995), 71-2.


299
Figure 9-5. Partial plan of Braden Castle Park, showing central plaza and ruins, Sanborn
map, January 1929 (Manatee County Clerk of Court)
communities.49 As with More's Utopia, social ordering is tied up in human construction
with respect to the making of Braden Castle Park.4
An introductory comparison, though ostensibly coincidental, can be made
between the plan of Braden Castle Park and the geographic configuration of Mores
** The connection between Thomas More's Utopia and the By-Laws can also be seen in the treatise-like
quality of tire earlier text. More's lengthy title of his work characterizes the project as a handbook": One
the Best State of a Commonwealth and on the New Island of Utopia.: A Truly Golden Handbook, No Less
Beneficial than Entertaining. .. ." {Emphasis added) Indeed, many subsequent planners and architects such
as Sant'Eiia. Tony Gamier, and Patrick Geddes have taken up tilts project.
in this model, religion is regarded as a necessary social institution (More, 16!. 219, 225). in Braden
Castle Park, religious and political requirements are integrated into the early drafts of the By-Laws fse
Minutes. April 1,1924. page 14). The most explicit reference to this assimilation is found in Article XI §
2, prohibiting manual labor and games anywhere in the Park on Sunday.


also be seen in the particular de velopment of contemporary Cassadaga. Weiss alluded to
tins quality in describing the almost lyrical.., sweet disorder of Wesleyan Grove in
1873.In its current manifestation, the areas adjacent to the camp at. Cassadagatv have
attracted an array of mediums, psychics, rmmerol.ogi.sb, palmistry practitioners, and tarot
card readers.
mw
mmi
sg **;+*****''jjrm *
My. .. *yv-y **-''*&&
> i *&,&*$* X* ... > -l
I IrH x ' -. w;v:'- V V'J
k FMKM wOill V|t|i j:
*y/jzL 'm$***:** t*% i ?
A \r: */'"* ** -A b
% YW , s, I c /> a
.if::!'
M
, X <;-
S* A"
7 ^
J y
^ ^ --- v-
as&i A* .
Figure 3-2. Plan of Florida Chautauqua in De Funiak Springs (1884 ) and view of
entrance to Cassadaga Spiritualist Camp, Lake Helen, Florida (Florida State
Archives)
In his essay lire Sacred Grove in America, J.B. Jackson looks at this uniquely
American tradition of holding religious ceremonies in cleared camps within the open area
of a stand of trees.'(y} Beginning his account with a review of the meaning of sacred in
America. Jackson points out the evolution from sacred place (an inherently spiritual zone
t,? Weiss. 5?.
** The original campgrounds are administered by tire Southern Qissadaga Spiritualist Camp Meeting
Association (SCSCMA), which has attempted to distance and differentiate itself from the- wider ranging
belief systems of the practitioners outside the camp's original grounds.
".lohn BrmckerhoffJackson, The Sacred Grove in America." The Necessity fwRuins (Amherst.: The
University of Massachusetts Pres., 1980).


70
In this excerpt, the term map is interchangeable with camp as both construction and
method.
Theoretical Framework
Similar to Sola-Morales navigation of the apparent contradictions of post
structuralism and phenomenology, this research works between the radical empiricism of
Michel Serres epistemological exercises of mapping and the radical hermeneutics that
can be connected to Heideggers later work in phenomenology and associated with the
activity of making.85 As reflected in the previous discussion of method, a primary aspect
of this methodological and theoretical investigation is the possibility that invention and
interpretation can provide a constructive grounding for the research of the built
environment (and its relation to place). The problem is essentially one of relating
movement (place to place and the particularity of each place) and synthesis, or difference
and system. For Serres, one mode for such movement is topological, in which time and
space are folded. This topology requires the forging of locally adapted tools at each new
objective or phenomenon. Serres writes: ...what was necessary was a tool adapted to the
problem. No work without this tool. You have to invent a localized method for a
localized problem.8* The particularities of the tool also require a localized vocabulary,
or lexicon, in order to understand and respond to the specific problem. From such local
interpretation arises the possibility of a demonstration that is based not on the application
of an external system but instead on a cluster of relations. Synthesis then occurs through
85 For the connection between hermeneutics and phenomenology, see Robert Mugerauer, Phenomenology
and Vernacular Architecture, Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World, ed. Paul Oliver
(London: Blackwell, 1997).
86
Serres and Latour, 92.


32
and even strangers in a foreign place. As a result, the guide in most cases remains limited
to that which is immediately accessible and visible to the outsider.
However, by outlining a practice that follows a particular procedural sequence and
by emphasizing the necessary activities, the camping guide resembles the manual. This
guide-manual coupling complicates the idea of simple application of instructions found in
the manual and the notion of explication associated with the guide. Where the guide is
about seeing (to gain orientation and knowledge) the manual requires touching (to gain
skill and knowledge)3. The format and the critical ground suggested by this combination
must occur between hand and eye. Like camping, such coordination requires practice
and repetition in the context of real situations. The camping guide-manual thus goes
beyond the didacticism of the guides portrayal of information and the manuals
instruction. The portability of the object itself suggested in its suitability to fit in the
hand and its necessity of being kept at hand allows it to be relocated and its contents
to be transformed by a new place and context.4 With all these characteristics, such a
guide-manual thus becomes a heuristic, and it is at this intersection of the conceptual and
the practical that this thesis connects with the methodological implications of camping.
For the framework and structure (both formal and theoretical) of this work, an array
of guides and manuals, directly related and more indirectly related to camping, are
consulted. Those guides specifically related to camping include: Camp Meeting
Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground (1854), Camp Life in Florida, Camping
2 Sanskrit, veda, to see.
3 Latin, manus, hand.
4 Corps of Engineers and military manuals were carried in belt pouches designed to hold documents, food,
and other stock. Their attachment to the belt allowed for easy access and protection from the elements.


315
In its historic usage, the Slab City site has undergone at least three phases of
organized occupation. From 1000 to 1500 AD, the Saltn Bluff Indians sited their camps
along the shoreline of Lake Cahuilla. This non-extant freshwater lake included the basin
that is filled by the Saltn Sea today. The ancient beach line is evident along the scarp
forming the geographic transition between the Coachella and Imperial Valleys sea level
elevations to the West and East Mesa on which Camp Dunlap and present-day Slab City
are sited. The siting of Indian camps along Lake Cahuilla was the result of this
geographic feature and its abundance of necessary natural resources including fish,
clams, and water. The second phase of siting camps in this area was the installation of
Camp Dunlap in 1942, formed as a naval training base for World War II. Slab City, the
third iteration, is sited on the remaining concrete slabs of the naval training base Camp
Dunlap.
Re-siting Camp: Military Fieldwork and Encampments
The siting and construction of Camp Dunlap was the first intervention into this
landscape since the American Indian camps in mid-millennium.5 The War Powers Act of
1941 allowed the military to move quickly in appropriating the site for the Camp, and a
Declaration of Taking was filed in Californias district court system on February 6,
1942.6 The installation was activated on October 15, 1942 by the Marine Corps and was
eventually decommissioned on March 5, 1945. The cotemporaneous purchase and
5 Dorothy Ann Phelps points out that thirty acres near the campsite had been cultivated in the 1930s but
was never planted. (A Singular Land Use in the California Desert, 1989. 40)
" Technical Report and Project History, Contract NOy 5426. Prepared by Kister, Curtis, and Wright
Architects and Engineers, San Diego, California, March 30. 1944.


19
negotiation of theory and practice, of imagination and reason, and of mobility and tixity.
I am reminded of the German Situationist Giinther Feuerstein, whose own apartment
became the experimental site not only for artistic and theoretical expression but also for
living. These intensely personal projects, termed impractical flats, map the artists
ideas, dreams, and history in a domestic palimpsest of the unfinished. While our
intention of inhabiting the unfinished house did not share Feuersteins outright rejection
of labor-saving devices and contempt for environmental comforts, we did see this
domestic occupation of incomplete space as a chance to construct our own real and
imagined homes.25 Just as this thesis serves as the ground for exploring the notion that
place can be constructed from disparate, even placeless or dis-placed, components and
ideas, our house became a construction site for nomads at home. To borrow Vittorio
Gregottis phrase, we were building the site in which home might converge with the
permanence of the unfinished house and the temporality of our propensity to drift.26 We
were essentially camping at home.
The idea of camp and camping remained in the unfinished walls and the living
spaces, completed only by temporary porches awaiting more permanent roofing (Figure
2> That is to say, we did not rip out air-conditioning and throw open our windows so that we could swelter,
shiver, an struggle to hear [ourselves] above the roar of the city; but in some cases we did unwind by
throwing paint against the walls and drilling holes into them, as Simon Sadler describes Feuersteins
activities within his impractical flats (7-8).
26 The transformation of the domestic space into a construction site is not unlike a scaled down version of
Christopher Alexanders formulation of the builders yard. As a social institution, this yard
decentralizes building knowledge; and as a domestic and communal component, it serves as a laboratory
for construction work developed and carried out from within the community itself. Alexander refers to the
builders yard as the nucleus of construction activity...a physical anchor point, a source of information,
tools, equipment, materials, and guidance(94-5). The organic relation of the yard to its built context
follows Alexanders emphasis on process rather than product and the understanding of the building system
in terms of actions that are needed to produce a building (and not in terms of its physical
components(222).


249
internal class structure of trailer life in general and of Tin Can Tourist culture in
particular. Authored by an artist known as Webster, the cartoons portray conversations
among campers, conflicts with trailer park owners, and feigned nostalgia for a distant
home in an atmosphere of tedious leisure. In one exemplary sketch titled The
Aristocrat, a tourist peeling potatoes rhetorically deliberates over the dilemma of her
next luxurious vacation stop while seated outside of her trailer (Figure 8-1). This cartoon
was included as a newspaper clipping in a Tin Can Tourist scrapbook compiled by the
Levitt family and housed at the Florida State Archives; a visible addition to this cartoon
is a penciled inscription on the womans apron the initials E.H.C.W, perhaps
identifying a member of the organization. In spite of some of the aspirations of the
Tintype characters, Roberts classifies the Tin Can Tourists as sun-hunters as opposed
to the more affluent and less pecuniary time-killers of the upper class resorts of Miami,
Palm Beach, and Daytona. However, within the sun-hunters, Roberts does find a mix of
professions and incomes:
The sun-hunters are not recruited from any one class of citizen .. there are some
bankers among them and some burglars. . The bulk of them are farmers. Next
to them come contractors, builders, and carpenters. The sun-hunters are the people
who can get away from home with the least amount of trouble . among them one
finds retired businessmen of all sorts, dairymen, doctors, bankers, lawyers. .. .2,}
While the general public perception of the Tin Can Tourists in the 1920s and 1930s may
have been that the group was comprised of a lower class of vacationers, the actual
demographics of the Tin Can Tourists organization was much more varied and though
20
Roberts, 84-5.


60
preparation for making camp, clearing is cultivating and gathering. In Heideggerian
terms, this combination could be summarized as thinking the open." Such openness is
not attained simply by removing encumbrances but by bringing them to light and by
lightening them. In the former, the metaphor of cultivating can be associated with a
tilling that turns the previous work of siting and the potential site itself. Clearing, as
cultivating, is then a revealing and a disclosing, which can be followed by a drawing
together. In the sense of easing a weight, the aspect of lightening implies what
Heidegger calls the event of Appropriation (ereignen and das Ereignis) a pulling
together of what is particular and what is near. A description of the Open City project (in
Ritoque, Chile), which is itself a combination of camp and campus, further elucidates the
possibilities of this type of lightening and lightness. In the process of design, not unlike
the method of clearing, the ordering devices are malleable and can be transformed as a
building of the site proceeds:
Lightness because the way in which the constructions touch the ground does not
demarcate territory of building through strong physical impact and authoritarian
footprints but, instead, lets the land initiate the configuration of territory and space
in both plan and section. Lightness, also, because the materiality ... is related to a
type of construction that is artisanal, which remains attached to the physical process
of building at the scale of the artisan and not the machine....And status of lightness
because there are no apparent imposed formal ordering devices that regulate the
development of the constructions.60
The additional, if supplemental, connotation of ereignen as lighting expands on
the idea of lightening and lightness and develops further the potential for clearing as a
conceptual process. In his introduction to the text Poetry, Language, Thought and his
clarification of ereignen, Heideggers translator notes the reciprocal nature of clearing-
Ann M. Pendleton-Jullian, The Road Is Not a Road and the Open City, Ritoque, Chile (Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press, 1996), 3.


140
made an enclosure, and it is this event that inspires the initial model and the larger
utopian project:
That was the day I conceived the scheme for a permanent encampment for the
gypsies of Alba and that project is the origin of the series of maquettes of New
Babylon. Of a New Babylon where, under one roof, with the aid of moveable
elements, a shared residence is built; a temporary, constantly remodeled living area;
136
a camp for nomads on a planetary scale.
Early in 1957 after preparing a psychogeographic program for Alba and designing a
pavilion for the Laboratory, Constant developed (upon his return to Amsterdam) the
Gypsy Camp Model that Troels Andersen calls the first mobile architecture of
urbanisme unitaire.137 The Gypsy Camp included moveable dividing walls that could
be manipulated by the nomadic inhabitants, and its overall design resembles a tent-like
circular tensegrity structure.
In addition, Pinot-Gallizios 1959 exhibition of work in Paris at the Galerie Ren
Drouin reflected his vision for a diverse urban festival. As Peter Wollen notes, one
purpose of Pinot-Gallizios exhibition was to show that [f]ree time, rather than being
filled with banality. . could be occupied in creating brightly painted autostrade, massive
architectural and urbanistic constructions, fantastic palaces of synesthesia, the products of
industrial poetry, and sites of magical-creative-collective festivity. The
exhibitions space draped with hundreds of feet of Pinot-Gallizios unrolled paintings and
canvases simulates an immersion in the urban environment that the artist called the
136 Constant, New Babylon.
137 Mirella Bandini, An Enormous and Unknown Chemical Reaction: The Experimental Laboratory in
Alba, on the passage of a few people through a rather brief moment in time: The Situationist
International 1957-1972. ed. Elisabeth Sussman (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989), 71.
138 Peter Wollen, Bitter Victory: The Art and Politics of the Situationist International, on the passage of a
few people through a rather brief moment in time: The Situationist International 1957-1972, ed. Elisabeth
Sussman (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989), 50.


286
Para-siting the Ruins / Parasiting History
The primary reason for the choice of the property in Manatee County was the
existence of Braden Castle. Other reasons included its immediate accessibility to water
for transportation and recreation and nearby Bradentons reputation for welcoming
various forms of tourism. Known traditionally as the Friendly City, Bradentons
promotional literature markets the towns affability, and its Tourist Club includes 1,567
registered members from 38 states and three foreign countries in the 1929-1930 season.7
Although already in ruins, Braden Castles massive tabby walls connected the tourist
group with a part of Florida history extending back into the mid-19lh century. The Board
of Directors realized the importance of this link and quickly appointed H.E. Robbins to
write a history of the site. Robbins account includes a prefatory poetic ode to the castle,
a brief introduction, and an informal history of the grounds. Beginning with the line Old
Braden Castle is the tourists home, the poem with its forced rhyme encapsulates Braden
Castle Parks offerings from the best in Floridas clime to the tonsorial artists and
easy access to health care.9 The introduction reads as promotional literature, similarly
touting freedom from domination by political influence and advertising up-to-date
tourist camps with good fishing and facilities for dancing.10 The main text tells the
history of the site from the perspective of the castle itself. In the narration, the castle
7 Bradenton Chamber of Commerce, Bradenton Florida Tourist Club (unpublished pamphlet, 1929-
1930), Eaton Room, Manatee County Public Library, Bradenton, Florida.
s On April 3, 1924, Robbins was appointed historian and was directed to write a history of the Castle
property (Camping Tourists of America Minutes, 16).
9 Robbins, n.p.
10 Robbins, n.p.


76
up of numbers. For Sola-Morales, there is not only a multiplicity of places but also
places within places. For Deleuze, groups of ten are related to the numbering
numbers utilized by the war machine and nomads, for whom numerology has
operational and cosmological significance. In addition, the 10s of thousand serve as
extracted subsets that form the mixed aggregate and allow for substitution.97 One
go
possible cultural derivation for the title might be the flaky French pastry mille-feuille
that refers to a rich layering of sheets and alludes to the layering of place. Discussing the
multiplicity and inteipenetration of social spaces that require a unique mapmaking, Henri
Lefebvre uses the image of the pastry to describe the structure of this social space as
opposed to the invariance of Cartesian space:
Thus social space, and especially urban space, emerged in all its diversity and
with a structure far more reminiscent of flaky mille-feuille pastry than of the
homogeneous and isotropic space of classical (Euclidean/Cartesian) mathematics.99
Not only does Sola-Morales (and Lefebvre) understand place as a multi-layered
construction, but these delicate and brittle layers are also heterogeneous through their
mixing and flaking that precludes a quantifiably numeric or Cartesian conception of
place and space.
different
Understanding the relationship between difference and ideas about place is crucial
to the construction of place.100 As the title of Sola-Morales collected essays suggests,
)7 Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, 1987), 71. 118.
98 Literally, a thousand sheets.
Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford: Blackwell. 1991), 86.


7
thresholds because there is out of necessity a continual movement between and across
activities. For example, the everyday activities of sleeping, eating, and washing are so
compressed that spaces normally devoted exclusively to these activities are overtaken by
zones in which the actions are mixed. Also, the interior trailer space serves as a semi
public threshold connecting private life to the camps public zone. More correctly, the
threshold spaces of each trailer in a camp extend into the camps space and bleed into
adjacent threshold spaces. Similar to the compressing and collapsing of domestic space
that occurs internally, the trailer in its context of the camp serves as a foyer or lobby by
which private daily activities fold out into the camp. Thresholding encompasses both the
bodily movement within the trailer and the blurring of interior-exterior and public-private
within the camp.
In one sense, thresholding implies the residual and continued occupation of the
between space of the trailers interior. The apparent volume of the trailer is in reality
conceived experientially as an extension of the body a prosthetic that is built out from
rather than built on to the body. Restriction of movement yields an economy of motion.
A third skin is generated within the two external skins of the aluminum shell. Because
the trailers scale necessitates an economy and compartmentalization of component parts,
thresholding transforms the interior space into a closely-knit skin accreted to the
manufactured surface of the monococque shell. The lived space of the trailer-threshold
translates the technology of monococque into a chrysalis (cocque) woven from the inside
through occupation. In another sense, thresholding is the process of setting the limits or
thresholds that define the differences (in degree) of what is considered inside or outside
and what can be construed as public or private. Clearly these differences are not


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page
1-1. Engravings of Hernando de Soto in Florida 1
1 -2. Airstream Bambi trailer 3
1-3. Airstream trailer and navigation maps from the Marshall Islands 5
1-4. Navigational maps and the Worlds Most Traveled Trailer 13
1-5. Advertisement for Airstream trailer and Rebbelith navigation map 15
1-6. Authors house in Madison, Florida, and demonstration of lightness at Airstream
manufacturing facility 20
2-1. A Triumphal Procession to camp 33
2-2. Ernest Meyer, Early roadside autocamp 34
2-3. Camp layouts of Airstream rally and Methodist camp meeting 36
2-4. Military field manuals and Exposition guides 39
2-5. Military tent camps 40
2-6. Building Plans of the Worlds Columbian Exposition 43
2-7. Camping kits from the 1930s 72
3-1. Stereo photographer Charles Seaver, Jr. in his steamboat-barge 99
3-2. Plan of Florida Chautauqua in De Funiak Springs and view of entrance to
Cassadaga Spiritualist Camp, Lake Helen, Florida 118
3-3. Postcards from Chautauqua and Cassadaga 119
3-4. Chautauqua and Cassadaga: Program of the First Annual Session, Florida
Chautauqua, 1885, and Sanborn Map of Cassadaga, Florida 120
3-5. Drawings of projects for camps and camptowns, 1809 1979 122
x


187
can be hand written on yellow legal pads, on what appears to be a case-by
with the Gulf Hills Campground Code*,
basis, as
Figure 5-16. Ruskin College emblem and Tin Can Tourist logo (Collection of Arthur
McA. Miller: Tin Can Tourists of America)
One source for codification, apart from the everyday requirements of the Gulf Hills
Code, is the definition of the moral character of prospective members of the society The
implicit principle of social respect within trailer camps was concretized and verbalized in
the settlements of Ruskin and by the members of the Tin Can Tourists. The town of
Ruskins socialism was built on membership to the Commongood Society. Based on the
3 Hs the enrichment of Head, Heart, and Hands, the Society held regular meetings and
oversaw' ail facets of community life from land-parceling to prescribing college
curriculum. Similarly, the Tin Can Tourists defined moral character as a necessary
qualification of applicants. Their Ode arising out of the 1930'$ also reflects a set of
shared principles, at times sounding the battle hymn and resonating with a lively
camaraderie/4
Figure 5-17. Parked trailers and circus vehicles, Gibson ton, Florida. 2000
In Gibsonton, the zoning laws themselves were manipulated to allow for the
carnival performers to store the tools of their trade in their front yards. The special
classification Residential Show Business, an overlay on Hillsborough Countys land
1 W. H. Hesselinan, Ode to the TOT (Tin Can Tourists, Collection of Florida State Archives.
Tallahassee, Florida.


of thresholding in which the grounds of a camp are domesticated and articulated as a
series of open threshold spaces. The pairing of the Airstream Barnhi and the matiang
map in this introductory section also defines thresholding's combination of the detail and
the territory. Within this hypothetical coupling, the Barnhi becomes the moveable
threshold in the multiplicity of possible itineraries implied by the maticing.
Figure 1-3. Airstream trailer and navigation maps from the Marshall Islands.
A) Airstream Barnhi trailer, 1964 model, B) Matiang navigation map, C)
Rehbeliik navigation map. and D) Mecido navigation map (A. Schuck, Die
Stabkarten der Marshall bmdaner. Hamburg: H.O. Persiehi, 1902)
The scale, spatial economy, monocoque construction, and skin are a few of die
Barnhis attributes that, characterize this idea and process of thresholding. The smallest
model of Airstream"s fleet, the .1964 Airstream Barnhi is approximately 13 feet long (16-
foot overall length) and 8 feet wide, with interior dimensions of 76 x 12'6'' x 6'5T


37
Preceding these more contemporary examples of camping procedure is Reverend
B.W. Gorhams Camp Meeting Manual created for Methodist preachers and their
adherents.14 One of Gorhams objectives is to stop the gradual abandonment of camp
meetings by adapting them to contemporary taste[s] of the people and the spirit of the
age.15 In this adaptation, the minister also seeks to guard the church by maintaining a
degree of doctrinal and thus spiritual control of the meetings, both in terms of
formulation and content. By creating the manual, Gorham hopes to prove the utility and
at the same time increase the efficacy of the camp meeting event. Along these lines, the
portable manual16 is meant to serve the itinerant Methodist preacher in his circuit of
stops within the territories defined by the church as districts. Gorham sees these
temporary assemblies administered by the preacher as equally (if not more) important to
the doctrine of Methodism as the permanent churches themselves (Figure 2-3b). Seen as
a providentially mandated construction, the camp meeting links to the ecclesiastical
system of Methodism in the following characteristics: removal of people from worldly
care, a place where sublime truths of revelation are sustained and the mind of the
church may rise, a break from the worldliness of summer, and a singular occasion for
conversion.17 These attributes revolve around the simple act of going into the woods
and setting up a camp away from the temptations, excesses, and distractions of the
world.
14 Gorham, B.W. Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground (Boston: H.V. Degen,
1854).
15 Gorham, vii.
16 The dimensions of the manual are 3.8 x 6.1.
17 Gorham, 13-17.


319
the diagram of the tent layout is followed. The company streets are formed by paired
drives on either side of which are blocks with a central line of latrines and lavatories and
alternating blocks of mess halls and storehouses. Selected blocks are left open to allow
for the pitching of tents. The central grounds would have been used for the pyramidal
tents that house eight individuals per structure. While proportions among the component
areas remain consistent between the diagram and the Camp layout, the dimensions of the
central parade grounds have been increased by a factor of two.
Figure 10-2. Maps of Slab City. A) Identification of numbered zones used by Niland Fire
Department and B) Key locations and zones within Slab City
Clearing Camp
Slab Citys location places it in the context of what was historically considered the
American frontier. The meaning of the Spanish word la frontera, which denotes both
border and frontier, summarizes the nature of the frontier. Historically, the American
frontier space has been both line and zone. Initially designated as the Fall Line in order
to inhibit uncontrolled growth, this frontier boundary mandated by George III in 1763
was soon superseded by continually expanding growth rings designated by temporary and


289
1 100 acres and had begun construction of the tabby walls for his plantation home.
Completed in 185 L.the castle' included two four-room levels with central hallways.
The house's footprint formed a fifty-foot square, with ten-foot wide halls, twenty-foot
square rooms, and four chimneys serving eight fireplaces. After the beginning of the
Third Seminole War on December 17, 1855, the castle serves as a refuge for members of
Figure 9-3. Plat of Braden Castle Camp, property owned by the Camping Tourists of
America, 1936, showing lots, trailer camp, and public-commercial buildings,
H.E. Robbins (Manatee County Public Library, Negative 730
the surrounding community seeking security from the initial Seminole, attack on March
31. 1856.1-1 Ironically, the castle again served the purpose of security and refuge for the
Camping Tourists of America, who were forced to retreat from municipal regulation. As
1" Paul Hugen Camp, The Attack on Braden Castle: Robert Gamble's Account,'' 2. Other sources place
he completion at the castle earlier,, for example, Jack 8. Leffmgwell cites 1843 as the completion date to
coincide with reports of a prolonged attack by Seminole Indians in the area that: according to some accounts
sacked the castle's grounds 'Tor? Braden: Beginning, of Bradenton Was Part of % Venture of Braden
Brothers and Making of Sugar,'' Manatee County Public Library archives, MM 18C. n.p., n.d.).
Robert Gamble. "Some Recollections of the Seminole Chief Afpioka Bowlegs -- and his war with the
States,' Richard Keith Call Papers, florida Historical Society, University of South Florida ('n.p., a d. >.


308
cast within a cultivated Floridian landscape are achieved through the built environment of
a clean tourist home that has no equal in the world."71 This new form provides a home
away from home for the Tourists, recently evicted from their temporary lodgings in
nearby Tampa.72
The Camping Tourists of America attach to the constructed history of the place.
Inserting themselves into this history through such devices as Robbins Castle soliloquy,
the Tourists seek to make a home in spite of their condition of estrangement. Robbins,
through the Castles voice, notes this situation:
. . how this gladdens my life as I view this wonderful transformation of the past.
To these environments come people from the Northland from East and West to
this home of flowers and verdure, and many other semi-tropical fruits that bless the
73
stranger within our gates.
In this situation, the utopic and the eutopic occur simultaneously within the construction
of Braden Castle Park. In its rigorous By-Laws, the Tourists have attempted to construct
a good place by restricting vices, cultivating an environment of morality, and
regulating construction practices. At the same time, the campers must maintain the
imagined no place of their still ephemeral existence within the equally transient Florida
of history, nature, and tradition; a framing that has the power to reshape culture and nature to its own
needs.(l) For this tourist who, as the neo-nomad, constructs new hybrid cultural forms and must rely on
stories accumulated from his or her travels, the only reality is the imagination.(2,4)
71 Robbins, 16.
7 This outlook is also found in John Nolens New Towns for Old that was published in 1927 thus
overlapping with the Braden Castle Park project. At the conclusion of his work, Nolen also addresses the
idea of creating a new community: The new order of community life such as is here roughly and briefly
depicted as being possible in the planning of satellite towns . ought to include more things that make life
worth living; decent homes,... fit bodies and active minds;. .. reasonable quiet; and, above all, safety
from danger and disease. In these new cities we could .. add much to the decoration and adornment of
life and its legitimate amusements and recreations. . Indeed by building anew we could raise the whole
plane and standard of the common life.... (156-7)
77 Robbins. 16.


124
Montgomery County, Virginia.82 Rigsbees critical-personal essay resonates with the
subjectivity of Burch-Browns images to approach the realities of occupying the
provisional frame of the manufactured mobile home what Burch-Brown calls the
O T
exigencies of the trailers limited but oddly independent space. Problematic is the
authors non-distinction of the terms trailer and mobile home, and it is the latter that
provides the focus of their work. In her introductory remarks, Burch-Brown does
however capture an important characteristic that can be applied to both types; as
American dwellings, [tjheir campiness is oddly resistant to nostalgic idealization.84 In
the main text, Rigsbee notes a series of paradoxes associated with the trailer as object:
its containment of both additive and subtractive modifications, its immobilized mobility
(they perch on a hill and then proceed no further), and its combining the centrifugality
of dream space (which is actually closer to time) with the claustrophobic skin / skein of
its manufactured surfaces. The photographs similarly record accreted porches, skirting of
pressed tin patterned like concrete blocks, and a miniaturized domesticity meshing in
close quarters the extravagances of collecting with economies of space. With the
exception of a few photographs, the work does not address the arrangement of trailers in
the park itself, at the expense of understanding what happens in the between spaces.
The images focus instead on the immediate object and its interior habitation. Describing
the Atlantic coast trailer community in which his family vacationed, Rigsbees insights
do however include an understanding of how trailer parks might be read on one level:
82 Carol Burch-Brown, Trailers (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1996).
83 Burch-Brown, ix.
84
Burch-Brown, viii.


i 89
B
Figure 5-1.8. John Ruskins sketch for a Swiss Cottage and Ruskin Colleges
Presidents Horae (Poetry of Architecture, 1893}
Ruskin Colleges campus included a later building supplemental to its wood plank
structures. Built in 1912. the Presidents Home served not only as George Millers
dwelling but also as additional classrooms. The permanence of its construction contrasts
with the more temporary qualities of the original turpentine camp buildings that did not
survive the fire of 1919. I'he inspiration for this buildings design came directly from a
sketch by John Ruskin in his Poetry of Architecture published in 1893. For the College,
Adaline Dickman Miller adapted what Ruskin had termed a Swiss Cottage. Thus, added
to the Ruskin camp, this construction negotiates a paradoxical permanence, eoliaged
stylistically from its remove and absent founders sketches.
B
Figure 5-19. Masaryktown Hotel (1925) and Masaryktown Community Center (2000)
halls or restrooms and changing rooms. In Masaryktown, the hotel building served as the
original communal lodge. And ironically, today the community center is housed in a
prefabricated building dressed in facing stone. Serving a similar purpose as the focal


331
location of campsites and its cost-free camping, the situation at Slab City (which is not a
designated LTVA) is similar to these areas immediately outside of Long Term Visitor
Areas. Boondocking in these open BLM lands is referred to as dispersed or dry
camping.42 The main difference between the LTVA program and Slab City lies in the
Citys background history, the self-regulating complexity of the society that has evolved
there, and the existence of permanent campers along with the seasonal tourists.
Making Camp
The making of the camp at Slab City differs between its temporary and permanent
residents. The retirees and vacationers who occupy the camp from October to the first of
May utilize the mobile infrastructure of their camping vehicles. The interstitial space
between recreational vehicles and trailers is draped with fabric for shade and privacy and
is organized by the placement of furniture and cooking equipment. In some cases,
American flags, astro-turf, and camouflage netting enhance these spaces between
vehicles. For the more permanent, year-round occupants, immobile or immobilized
vehicles serve as the basis for constructing shelter. As Dorothy Phelps notes, the
permanent residents of Slab City seem to be collectors and builders. They start, typically,
with a broken-down yellow school bus and begin adding lean-tos and rooms. Next
comes a fence or old tires to mark their domain.43
As a result of the sites distance from resources, many of those camping at Slab
City are gleaners. Both permanent and temporary residents of the City participate in this
4~ Refer to for a presentation of the General Rules
issued by the Bureau of Land Management, as well as a listing of exceptions to the rules.
43 Dorothy Phelps, unpublished thesis. University of California, Riverside, 1989: 79.


228
Gibsonton's camping community that allowed for this condition. As Maria Assad notes
about the Serresian parasite: the excluded third insinuates ,.. {itself) into a given system
only to become, in turn, the system per se/" This process of re-invention is inherent in
camping and in setting up the midway. Robert Segrest. writes, The Midway lingers -
residual, delinquent as a premonition, a possible model for a less possible architecture.
The Midway wanders only to repeat its parasitic manufacture in a succession of
marketplaces/'-
Figure 7-6. Carnival equipment in frontage yard of Gibsonton Drive, Gibsonton, Florida
and a Midway funhouse at the Florida State Fair
Making Camp: Clearing and Collecting (Shell Gardens and Museums of Dirt)
Any process implies a system, but not all systems imply process/'
in addition to its place-making activities at the territorial scale, camp practice
occurs at. the level of the detail. As a system composed of multiple activities, camping (in
which can be included both camp and midway) is process. Taking up Robert Morris'
aphoristic statement, we can say that the system of camping implies process through the
Maria 1- Assad, Heading with Michel Serves: An Encounter with Time (Albany: SONY, 19991, 25.
Robert Segrest. Perspecta, 54-5.
Robert Monis. "Some Notes on the Phenomenology of Making. Continuous Protect Altered Daily
(Cambridge, MA: MIT. 1993). 83.


355
practiced place of Michel de Certeau. Such method combines John Ruskin's
caravannish manner and his patchwork mentality. By moving in a digressive path
from personal reflection to observation to Ruskinian verity, moving thus from camp(site)
to campsite, Ruskin outlines a practice of pure process that can be traced and read as a
loosely drawn itinerary that is followed to varying degrees. Such is a peripatetic practice.
In camping, learning occurs in moving. The Peripatetic school practiced this notion by
moving within the campus of the lyceum. Within this open field, the Peripatetics
walked from place to place under the maxim solvitur ambulando the solution is in the
walking.
In America, the tradition of camping in the Adirondack mountains attracted writers,
philosophers, and scientists to remote camps. The Transcendentalists frequented Camp
Maple, which Ralph Waldo Emerson describes in his poem The Adirondacks.
Mentored by John Ruskin on frequent trips to England, William James Stillman painted
The Philosophers Camp in the Adirondacks, which represents a group of thinkers
moving within the setting of Camp Maple. Local guides referred to the location as The
Philosophers Camp; and in 1858, it was Stillman, who served as guide for the group,
including James Russell Lowell, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Louis Agassiz, and John
Holmes. Prepared as a study for a larger painting that was never completed, The
Philosophers Camp includes Emerson as the solitary figure in the center, dividing the
scientists and the writers. At the left, the scientists gather around Agassiz who dissects a
fish; and to the right, Lowell anchors the group of writers. Notably absent from the scene
is Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, who refused to attend after Emerson announced his


271
Attaching
Attaching is used in the lean-to and the one-legged tent attached to side of car. In
this version of the combination bed and tent, the running board supports the head rail, and
the car top serves as the ridge pole. Serving as the single (centralized) leg to support the
bed, a stretcher rail attached to the cars foot rail is notched to allow height adjustments.
Two outriggers staked at angle away from the tents foot end keep the entire assemblage
in tension. Jessup notes that this tent-bed avoids the problem of other such
configurations that tend to be drawn out of center by off-center forces.6 Other
collapsible tents that combine bed with tent and utilize folded storage on the running
board are the Stoll, the Schilling, and the Andersen.64 The running-board canvas bed can
serve as a table when the tent is removed. Other configurations of car-supported tents
(for shelter, excluding structure for bed) include the single-tent lean-to; the single-tent
with car shelter (or what Jessup calls the portable garage)65; the double tent in which
the car is completely enclosed or wrapped in canvas; the Des Moines double tent; the
lean-to with sewed-in floor;66 and the faceted wedge-style, with open front to face the
campfire.
Wrapping
With the slip-on cover as in the Burch double outfit, one canvas covers the hood
and the other protects the rear of the automobile. In the double tent, the automobile is
63 Jessup, 115.
64 Jessup discusses these types throughout the text (123, 120, 122, and 151).
65 Jessup 126.
66
Jessup, 128.


145
point of provocation from which theories and methods might be induced. The idea of
vernacular as dynamic process, which this research takes on, also fills a gap in vernacular
studies. By treating each case from an interdisciplinary perspective, the contemporary
iterations are put in their historical, social, political, and spatial contexts in order to
understand the role of time and place in their siting and making.
Contribution
The study of camps provides a rich subject matter for interrogating methods of time
and place in architecture. By looking at camps from a theoretical and practical
perspective, it is possible to consider the role of place within conditions of semi
permanence, itinerancy, and temporal flux. By examining relationships between camping
and time, this research also contributes ideas about the possibility of an architecture of
time and place, rather than one exclusively defined by space. In order to reach the
objectives of this thesis, camp is understood as both phenomenon and idea. The ideas
associated with camp also play an important role in the critical understanding of the
realities, practicalities, procedures, and materialities of actual camps. Camp as idea
yields camp as method. In terms of method, camping entails a series of operations that
suggest new possibilities for making architecture. In addition to the theoretical and
methodological contributions, this study adds to the understanding of the practice of
American dwelling. The pragmatics of camping can be associated with both early and
contemporary American notions of home and dwelling. The mobility inherent in
camping practices also registers the complex development of American housing, as a
product of both houses and home. From a broader scope, the history of the camp is the
history of the relationship between city and country. Cultural history as well might be


349
itself to the absolute, to have its own purity. This was to be the double
progression of Bergsonian philosophy.10
This new space will be found within, and come from, things-in-the-making a procedure
related to the idea of place-as-pragmatic. Place is not simply remolded or remodeled
matter but a composition of differences (of kind) and memories (whose origins differ
absolutely in kind). Bergson helps clarify the distinction of place and space in which
camping occurs. Camps must differ in kind because the situation (of camping) changes
with each iteration of place. Camps and their methodology remain in the making -
momentarily lodged between the thingness of places and the times of camping.
Ultimately, camping becomes a mediation of between things and between durations
and in doing so becomes a meditation on place.
Returning to an initial question: how is place (re)constructed in zones characterized
by the paradoxes of itinerancy?
Place
In order to comprehend the role of place in cultures-conditions of itinerancy, place
can be conceived as a negotiation between detail and territory. In this model, the detail
serves as a locus for the incorporation of external attributes. Such loci include the mobile
detail of the camping vehicle and the temporary structure of the camping shelter. The
theme introduced at the outset of this work, that of the exteriority incorporated from
within, thus occurs both in movement and in partial fixity, in the making and in the made,
and in the series of local operations and in their previous iterations elsewhere. The detail
thus serves as the locus of this paradox of proximity and distance which leads back to
10
Deleuze, 49.




176
Figure 5-9. Ernest Meyer, Tin Can Tourist camp, north of Jacksonville, Florida (Florida
Historical Society and the Alma Clyde Field Library of Florida History)
identified this propensity to linger as nomadic hesitation.'^4 In this way, the operations
of breaking" and siting" camp are woven together by the reciprocal activities of
packing and unpacking.
El Siting Camp
[tepee, Bedouin, tent, revival[
Figure 5-10. Kassino midgets at camp of carnival performers and Shell Point Hotel, also
known as Ruskin Hall, 1909 (Collection of Arthur Me A. Miller)
Siting camp initiates the writing of a camp practice. Through its symbolization of
ephemeraiity (fabric material) and transience (transportability), the tepee-tent icon
identities the problems inherent with the layered histories associated with camping. As
previously noted, the temporary quality of the campground occupation leaves limited
Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadologx, 110-115.


CHAPTER 9
BRADEN CASTLE PARK: EUTOPIC COMMUNITIES OF TOURISM
Siting Camp: March 1,1924
The Civic Club of East Tampa forced the expulsion of the Tin Can Tourists from
the municipality through legal action, closing De Soto Park to public camping on March
1, 1924. An unpublished document titled Origin and History of the Camping Tourists of
America in the collection of the Braden Castle Association shows that the idea to
purchase land for a permanent camp was begun during the Winter of 1921-1922 when
nineteen tourists camping at De Soto Park signed an agreement to purchase land, which
would be platted and sold to other tourists.1 In the Summer of 1923, the Civic Club filed
the initial law suit to close De Soto Park; however, the districts judge ordered that the
Park be opened on November 1, 1923, at its normal time. The Civic Club followed with
another lawsuit filed in early 1924; this action proved successful, and the Park was closed
on March 1. In the introduction to his history of Braden Castle, H.E. Robbins cites
conflict with the Latin people who lived in that part of Ybor City as the impetus for
Tampas Mayor Perry G. Wall to expel the tourists from De Soto Park.: Foreseeing the
possibility of this closure, the members of the Tin Can Tourists met on February 19,
' Three of the original signatories (Ed Genia, D.L. Barlow, and R.W. Vaughn) to this agreement would
later become residents to Braden Castle Park and would play an important role in its development. Land
purchase was again considered during the Winter of 1922-1923 without any result.
2 H.E. Robbins, History of Braden Castle, Florida: A Soliloquy by the Old Castle in History and Romance
- A True Story.
283


21
the unfinished is not necessarily the incomplete. And, at this arrival and departure, the
question remains, as it did for Nietzsche, can there be grounding without ground?' Can
there be a home on the metaphorical sea?
Statement of Problem
This study of camps and campsites addresses the relation of architectural
constructions to three overall topics: place, time, and the vernacular. An overriding
concern of this research is the potential problem of privileging the role of space over the
implications that other components (particularly the three listed above) might have in
making architecture.
One sub-problem that this research addresses is the confusion of space and place.
This study assumes that place is not the same as space, and in its treatment of camps and
campsites seeks to avoid the subsuming of place by space. Looking at this problem of
place, Edward Casey defines a distinction of place and space that is not derivative but
generative and contends that the ultimate source of spatial self-proliferation is not the
28 This rhetorical question adapts Sola-Morales reading of Nietzsches understanding of the aesthetic in
contemporary society. Rather than located in and limited to a particular place, the components of life and
culture are experienced paratactically that is to say, side by side without a relative or hierarchical
positioning through specific places. Sola-Morales argues that the displaced and peripheral position of
aesthetic experience in contemporary culture results in a paradigmatic value of the marginal that forms
one version of the weak construction of the true or the real a construction related to his essays central
paradox that is also its title Weak Architecture (Differences 60). For Nietszche, this contemporary crisis
of finding a grounding without ground, a weak architecture, occurs between the current agitated
ephemeral existence and the slow-breathing repose of metaphysical ages (Human, All Too Human 24).
Different ideas and cultures that can now be experienced in proximity without localized domination yield
for the philosopher, as well as for Sola-Morales architect, an enhanced aesthetic sensibility. But for
Nietszche, the problem remains: A completely modern man who wants, for example, to build himself a
house has at the same time the feeling he is proposing to immure himself alive in a mausoleum. (24) It
might be said that Henry David Thoreau, writing in 1854, presaged Nietszches concept of home: We
have built for this world a family mansion, and for the next a family tomb. The best works of art are the
expression of mans struggle to free himself from this condition.


307
likely to last forever.67 In one respect, the longevity of the Tourists depends on their
attachment to the early history of the place and the physical components of the place
itself. In the unrefined spiritualist-humanist model proposed by Robbins, tourists rather
than citizens of the place make the legendary grounds home and are given the
responsibility of remembering and advancing the ideals begun by the pioneers.
Robbins has also formed a creation myth that, even though ingenuous, attempts to re
connect the entire project to the elemental materials of the Florida landscape the
beautiful white sands at low tide, the shell life of the aquatic environments, and the
shimmering waters of the Manatee. Recounting the process of its creation, the Castle
begins its soliloquy by describing the formation of its own tabby walls:68
Well do I remember when I first saw the light of day and awoke from that trance to
a realization that I was a changed body from that of aquatic environments made up
of shell life, that had counted the ceaseless changes of the tide that lashed my
various forms at will. ... I became conscious of my surroundings when I fully
awoke from that state of transformation to the realization that I was a form that was
new .. destined to mark the early trend of domestic and social development in this
land.69
Robbins makes it clear with this statement that the Camping Tourists saw themselves as
generating a new form of development that would revolutionize domestic and
social.70 The goals of health, education, moral betterment, amusement, and fellowship
67 More, 247. More continues in a passage resonating with the earlier conflict of the Tourists with the
neighboring municipalities and with their search for home: As long as they preserve harmony at home,
and keep their institutions healthy, they can never be overcome or even shaken by all the envious princes of
neighboring countries, who have often attempted their ruin, but always in vain.(247)
68 On the facing page of this introductory passage appears an advertisement for Wakeman Funeral Home in
Bradenton.
69 Robbins, 1.
7" In The Tourist (1989) and the subsequent Empty Meeting Grounds: The Tourist Papers (1992), Dean
MacCannell examines the possibility of tourism serving as the primary ground for the production of new
cultural forms on a global base. Continuing the introduction to the latter publication, MacCannell notes,
In short, tourism is not just an aggregate of merely commercial activities; it is also an ideological framing


in 1870-i. Although never completed to Olmsted's specifications, the Midway Plaisance
did however serve as a component of the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 and
consequently gave its name to subsequent carnival expositions and fairs. Thus, in this
Figure 7-2 Aerial photographs of Giant's Camp, Gibson ton, Florida, 1938, 1968, 1996


234
the carnival performers and by the communitys semi-permanent structure. Moreover
the interrelationship between camp and midway generates conceptually a movement-in-
Figure 7-9. Northwest view of Giants Camp Restaurant, 2003. and aerial view of Florida
State Fair Midway, Tampa. Florida, 1964 (Florida State Archives)
place': breaking camp in Gibsonton in essence means re-siting home along the
midway. This perpetual process of lingering and awaiting departure constructs a time to
which linear, cyclic, or calendric models cannot be exclusively applied. Traditionally,
performers and sideshow operators depart in early May for the carnival season: but
evidence of a strict adherence to calendar days is only found in a derisive term describing
carnival neophytes, eager to sign on, as Firsts of May.' The time of Gibsonton is the
intercalary lived time of experience between arrival and departure and requires the
redefinition and recalibration of temporary, permanent' and impermanent. Thus,
camp time conceptually reflects Henri Bergsons argument that the external realities of
time and movement are duration and mobility (not moments and snapshot positions):
This reality is mobility. There do not exist things made, but only things in the making,
<> Note the similarity to the "traveling-in-place aspect of the collection of dirt noosed at Giant's Camp,
indy Tomaint, Personal interview, ]l February 2003.


103
Variants, found in the Oxford English Dictionary, refer to camp more conceptually
as a body of adherents to a commonly held doctrine or theory or as a defensible position
of beliefs (protected by a veritable army of arguments or facts). As a position from
which ideas are defended, camp takes on the quality of an idea itself and thus describes
mental activity and imagery. Worth consideration in this study, though deemed
22
linguistically obsolete, is camps definition as a field of inquiry, discussion, or debate.
Such derivation from the physical reference to the field of contest or combat yields the
more conceptual and abstract notion that a camp is an epistemological area open for or
to debate. Camp thus can describe an idea and the schematic zone of its development, or
becoming. Accordingly, one aspect of this thesis is the potential for camp, understood
both concretely and abstractly, to suggest method.
Although distinct from camp as idea but within this conceptual understanding,
camp also reflects a sensibility in terms of intensive intellectual perception and mental
responsiveness to situations. In her 1964 essay Notes on Camp, Sontag outlines camp
as a third sensibility that offers supplementary standards to those of high culture and the
avant-garde. By titling her essay Notes on .. she indicates an understanding that
discussion of camp requires an alternative mode that allows her both pathos and objective
distance. This notational mode, which she refers to as jottings in contrast to the linear
logic of the formal essay, sites her argument as commentary within camp. Sontag
discusses this necessary paradox: To name a sensibility, to draw its contours and to
recount its history, requires a deep sympathy modified by revulsion.23 Rather than
2 The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. II (New York: Oxford, 1989), 809.
23 Susan Sontag, Notes on Camp, Against Interpretation and Other Essays (New York: Dell, 1964), 276.


25
what she sees as a dilemma of architects and planners equivocally addressing
problems of heterogeneous flow with incompatible answers in terms of homogeneous
spatial fixity.38 Thus, it might be that spaces of flow have the potential for responding to
this operational disconnect, especially through a connection with issues of place and time.
This research seeks to address this problem by studying the spaces and places of camps.
Another problem that this study addresses is how to define the vernacular and
determine its relevance to the production of architecture, both in practice and in theory.
When discussions of vernacular architecture focus on the building form and its
programming of space at the exclusion of the complexity of the context and place,
potential problems, such as architectures of style, uncritical typologies, and limited
morphologies, can result. This problematic consequence is less likely with inductive
(though still a-posteriori) approaches in which particular situations are studied initially in
terms of their own specificity and later grouped, as in the work of Henry Glassie. In the
context of regionalism and the profession of architecture, Colquhoun refers to this
problematic compositional appropriation of vernacular motifs as a second-order system
that arises from an individual architects interpretation. How does the architect, and in
38 Deborah Hauptmann, The Past which Is: The Present that Was, Cities in Transition, eds. Arie
Graafland and Deborah Hauptmann (Rotterdam: 010 Publishers, 2001), 361.
}> The work of Henry Glassie presents a rigorous documentation of the material culture and vernacular
architecture of rural building practice in the United States (particularly the Middle Atlantic region and New
England), northern Europe, and Turkey. Glassies most recent book Vernacular Architecture (2000) is an
expanded version of the fifth chapter of Material Culture (1999) and looks comparatively at regional
architecture from around the world in order to relate the cultural history of place. The architect Steven Holl
identifies Glassie as a guide in his critical assessment of architectural types and his attempt to develop a
typology suggesting abstract context and unconscious logic (6). Holl writes, Glassie illuminates the
dominance of geometrical ideas in the silent artifacts of indigenous rural houses the way a
composer/analyst might discover the fundamental dotted dance rhythm or the structure of melodies with
imperfect cadence in a folk song. (6)


381
Deleuze, Giles. Negotiations. Translated by Martin Joughin. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1995.
Deleuze, Giles, and Felix Guattari. Nomadology: The War Machine. Translated by
Brian Massumi. New York: Semiotext(e), 1986.
Deleuze, Giles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus. Translated by Brian
Massumi. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987.
Department of Planning and Growth Management, Hillsborough County, Florida.
Hillsborough County Comprehensive Plan, Sec. 3.01.02 SB Show Business
Overlay District / Purpose. Land Development Code.
(9 January 2002).
Derrida, Jacques. De Ihospitalite autor de Jacques Derrida. Passe du Vent,
Genouilleux, 2001.
Deutsche, Rosalyn. Evictions: Art and Spatial Politics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press,
1998.
DiPietro, Monty. Tadashi Kawamata at Galerie Deux. Tokyo: Assembly Language,
10 April 1999. (5
April 2003).
Dominy, Eric. Camping. New York: David McKay Co., 1978.
Douglass, Lillie Bernard. Cape Town to Cairo. Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton, 1964.
Duany, Andres and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk. Urban Code The Town of Seaside.
Seaside. Edited by David Mohney and Keller Easterling. Princeton: Princeton
Architectural Press, 1990, 98-9.
Eco, Umberto. The Island of the Day Before. Translated by William Weaver. New
York: Penguin, 1995.
Eisenman, Peter. Diagram: An Original Scene of Writing. Diagram Diaries. New
York: Universe Publishing, 1999.
Emperaire, Jos. Les Nmades de la mer. Paris: Gallimard, 1954.
Espina, Marina E. Filipinos in Louisiana. New Orleans: A.F. Laborde and Sons, 1988.
Federal Writers' Project. Florida: A Guide to the Southernmost State. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1939.
Fellows, Jay. The Failing Distance: The Autobiographical Impulse in John Ruskin.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975.


329
public schools within each Township.3S This provision was reflected in the subsequent
Land Act of 1848 that organized the Oregon Territory. In this Act, Section 36 of each
Township was to be used for educational purposes in addition to Section 16. The Treaty
of Guadalupe ended the United States war with Mexico that same year and resulted in
Californias statehood in 1850. Adopting the idea that both Sections 16 and 36 should be
set aside for educational development or investment, surveys of southern California were
carried out between 1854 and 1856. The area where Slab City would be located fell
within the boundary of Section 36 such that the quadrants full designation is Section 36,
T10N, R14E SBBM (San Bernardino Baseline and Meridian).
More recent land management policies have also influenced the public use of
western lands in ways that reflect the current occupation of the Slab City site. The
United States Department of the Interiors Bureau of Land Management (BLM) oversees
a policy that allows long term camping in sections of public land designated as Long
Term Visitors Areas (LTVA). Established in 1983 to meet the needs of winter visitors,
this program administers an array of LTVA's in the southeastern California and western
Arizona by offering limited security, occasional access to a water supply, and in a few
cases, sewer waste stations. LTVAs differ from typical campgrounds in their lack of
services (there is no electricity or telephony), in their expansiveness and dispersal of
trailer sites, and in their low cost. Administered by the BLM, LTVAs require the
38 The full title of the Land Ordinance is An Ordinance for Ascertaining the Mode of Disposing of Lands
in the Western Territory. Passed by Congress on May 20, 1785, the complete entry for this allotment of
land for educational purposes reads: There shall be reserved the lot No. 16, of every township, for the
maintenance of public schools, within the said township; also one-third part of all gold, silver, lead and
copper mines, to be sold, or otherwise disposed of as Congress shall hereafter direct.
Benjamin Hibbard notes a similar policy
generated with the Land Grant Provision of the Ordinance of 1787, applying to the Northwest Territory the
stipulation that Section 16 be dedicated to the use of schools (310).


353
having been imposed on and in the ground and thus defining a colonial territory that lies
at the regional extreme.15 To clarify, the local absolute is not the opposite of the absolute
local. The Deleuzian concept of the relative global offers the condition diametrically
opposed to the local absolute.16 As places of mediation and paradox, camps often include
attributes of both the local absolute and the absolute local, and tension between these
factors characterizes the process of camping. In Slab City, the motorhomes offer a
potentially infinite succession of local operations that can be considered the initial
stages of the local absolute. The slabs themselves contribute the condition of the absolute
local not because of their fixity alone, but primarily in their having been overlaid and
pressed into the ground as a regulating apparatus. These open platforms are limiting but
they no longer completely de-limit. The slabs now float on the sea of porous
(superstitious) clay and depend on external forces and extra-ordinary occupations for
their definition. This indefinite quality allows their incorporation into, as opposed to
their previous definition of, a particular place. Through this combination of localization
and indefinitely limiting forces at Slab City, local becomes absolute for a particular
duration. The internally generated event of Slab City is grounded through the slabs.
And place can then be constructed through this event. From the understanding of place-
as-region, we can derive the idea that place is everywhere. This wide-ranging potential
15 See John Reps account of the evolution of the Laws of the Indies, begun by Philip II as a set of rules
governing the layout and establishment of Spanish colonies. Reps contends that the Spanish authorities
would have known of Machiavellis Arte della Guerra (1521), which includes detailed plans of A
Fortified Camp and Lodgings (see Figures VI and VII in Machiavellis work). In addition to Roman
castramentation theories published in the mid-16th century provided plans for civil communities based on
the Roman castra and related military settlements (1969: 46). See also Reps on the rules governing the
layout and function of mining camps (Reps 1980).
16 The pairing of these terms occurs within a field of becoming where the local becomes the absolute
and the absolute becomes the local crossings of these movements may occur at any number of points
within this hypothetical field, particularly in recalling Caseys contention that place is everywhere.


CHAPTER 7
GIBSONTON: PARA-SITIC REGIONS OF THE CARNIVAL MIDWAY
Introducing Camp: Method, Para-site and Place (Gibsonton)
In this chapter, the concept of the parasite is used to address the multivalent and
often paradoxical relationship of place, time, and region. The term is introduced not for
its distinctly negative connotations of a biological organism, but for its operational
tendency (as para-site) of simultaneously maintaining and transforming within a host-
guest relationship. This basic idea has its origins in Michel Serres treatment of the term
in his work entitled The Parasite,' in which Serres begins his theory of human relations
with the premise that (based on its multiple meanings in French) parasite is host, guest,
and noise. Even more important to this discussion is Serres contention that the parasite
essentially parasites the relation between host and guest. Recent work on parasitism
has been also been carried out by Jacques Derrida in his study of hospitality2 and Andrew
Benjamins Parasitism in Architecture a theoretical introduction for the international
competition to design ephemeral structures for the 2004 Olympics in Athens, Greece.2
Under this general theme, three iterations of the parasitic mode will be addressed:
parasite as excluded middle, parasite as system of relations (in which the parasite is both
a relational term and an instrument of change), and parasite as duration.
1 Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans. Lawrence R. Schehr (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1982).
' Jacques Derrida, De lhospitalite autor de Jacques Derrida (Passe du Vent, Genouilleux, 2001).
Andrew Benjamin. "Parasitism in Architecture, Ephemeral Structures in the City of Athens:
International Competition Program (Athens: Hellenic Cultural Heritage SA, 2002), 55-62.
215


34
Figure 2-2. Ernest Meyer, Early roadside autocamp, south of Jacksonville, Florida, 1922
(Florida Historical Society and the Alma Clyde Field Library of Florida
History)
particularly along the Indian River in his craft called the Bluehil!; the narrative occurs in
daily journeys leaving camp and returning back to camp (Figure 2-1)/
Written by Elon Jessup, a later publication The Motor Camping Book reflects North
America's greater accessibility by way of autocampers and roads of increasingly better
quality beginning in the late 1910s. The documentation of Tin Can Tourist camps by the
photographer Ernest Meyer illustrates the variety of campsites allowed for by the
expansion of the road network (Figure 2-2).' Within this context, the purpose of Jessup's
book is to give a practical working knowledge of how to camp out along the way while
touring in a motor car.8 This objective is qualified by the thesis that the motorist who
carries a camping outfit and is wadi prepared for the trip achieves the greatest degree of
*' James A. Hen.shaH, Comping and cruising in Florida an account of two winter* passed in cruising around
the coasts of Florida as viewed from the standpoint of an angler, a sportsman, a yachtsman, a naturalist
and a physician (! 888).
See Howard Lawrence Prestons Dirt Roads to Dixie: Accessibility and Modernization in the South,
,188b-¡9*5 (ium ). Ernest Meyer's photographs depict Florida tourists camping in farm lots, alongside
roadways, in longleaf pine stands, and in more regulated community campgrounds. For a collection of
Meyers photographs t in the Alma Clyde Field Library of Florida History) and other images from the time
period, refer to Nick Wynnes Tin Can Tourists in Florida (1999).
9 Elon Jessup, The Motor Camping Book (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, !92i), i.


Clearing Camp: Denizen as Citizen 260
Making Camp: The Bricoleurs (Mobile) Home Laboratory 264
Making Home: An Operational Manual for Tin Can Tourism 268
Unfolding 270
Attaching 271
Wrapping 271
Stretching 272
Adding 272
Storing / Boxing / Unpacking the box 272
Walking Camp / Making Territory 276
Breaking Camp 276
Concluding Camp: Municipal Evictions 279
9 BRADEN CASTLE PARK: EUTOPIC COMMUNITIES OF TOURISM 283
Siting Camp: March 1, 1924 283
Para-siting the Ruins / Parasiting History 286
Clearing Camp: Braden Castle Park 293
Making Camp: The Eutopic Construct 298
Breaking Camp: Strangers at the gate of a Tourists Home 306
10 SLAB CITY: HETEROTOPIC ZONES OF DOMESTIC EXILE,
HOMELESSNESS AND ENCAMPMENT 311
Introduction 311
Siting Camp 314
Re-siting Camp: Military Fieldwork and Encampments 315
Clearing Camp 319
Making Camp 331
Making Camp: From Temporary to Permanent Autonomous Zones 333
Breaking Camp: Heterotopic Camping and the Web 338
11 BREAKING CAMP (CONCLUSIONS) 343
Camps 343
Vernacular 345
Duration 347
Place 349
Method(s) 354
Methodological Coda 357
12 DEPARTING 361
From Permanent to Temporary 361
Campers Shelter: Recasting Semper with Schindlers Kings Road House 364
Hesitating 370
Casting Off: An Interlude Between ¡lem + 8c; and x + g 373
viii


205
that is written about disputed points) of the oral narration that interminably labors
to compose spaces, to verify, collate, and displace their frontiers.19
The spatial stories of court documents and legal proceedings orchestrate this assemblage
and the displacement of frontiers. For de Certeau, these juridical stories operate on
places as an everyday mobile and magisterial tribunal for delimiting boundaries. It is
also important to point out that the places act and operate on the stories, which are not an
untransformed overlay onto the place. The anomalous and counterintuitive aspects of
southern Louisianas landscape results in a near-mythical treatment by the litigation
proceedings presented above. Unique to the Louisiana delta, the phenomenon of
mudlumps affects the writing of the tidelands litigation. Moreover, the mudlumps
reflect the platform constructions in their marginality and mixing of land and sea
attributes and forces. The aspects problematic to the litigation proceedings of the
mudlumps are actually the qualities beneficial to the inhabitants of Manila Village. The
liminality and shifting ground of the Delta region creates a peripheral condition making
assimilation difficult and allowing a degree of autonomy, outside the feasible limits of
political control and similarly protected from the vagaries of the unfettered sea.
Making Camp: Detail and Technique
While questions of territory are important to the latter diagram of a horizontally
mandated matrix, a return to the vertical relation between water and platform allows a
scalar shift to the level of detail, where the construction and composition of the platforms
Michel de Certeau, Spatial Stories, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1988), 122-3.
20 De Certeau, 122.


186
and built environment. The rules of camping represent a code of conduct that affects
actions but does not directly dictate the setting or situation. The informality of this code
is evident in the hand-written text for Gulf Hills Campground that outlines a few
rules.42 The campgrounds owners, Ray and Wilma Warren provided this text to the
author upon agreeing to rent a mobile home along the Gulf of Mexico. It is in a sense
ironic that rules are written on a yellow legal pad. The implications that this document
has for the architecture of the camp include the unscripted appearance of the grounds, the
open nature of the space of the camp as a park (This is an adult Park ..and the ad
hoc hybridity of materials and modes of construction. As shown in the rules for Gulf
Hills Campground, a new grammar of physical boundaries applies to these spaces, which
are not divided into the series of thresholds found in more permanent developments like
typical suburban areas. Instead, the camp spaces exist as one large threshold, in which
there is a hierarchical flattening out, a general equivalence of objects folding lawn
chairs, plastic tables, automobiles, and work-related tools. Michel Serres has referred to
this type of space as a broken threshold.42 For the most part, Florida camps (whether
RV, trailer, or mobile home parks) remain open without extensive partitioning or
enclosure; however in the case of Gibsontons varied landscape, chain-link fences serve
as containers for these collections. But other typical edges or boundaries are transgressed
- curbs are driven over and grass blends to sand and gravel becomes pavement. Rules
4~ The author received this list of rules on a sheet from a yellow legal pad after agreeing to rent a single
wide mobile home in Northwest Florida (1992).
43 Michel Serres, "Language and Space: From Oedipus to Zola, eds. Josu V. Harari and David F. Bell,
Hermes: Literature, Science, and Philosophy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 47.
Discussion will return to this term broken threshold in the concluding chapter.


6
Two shells (one inside the other) are formed from heat-treated load-bearing aluminum
sheeting to which an aluminum-reinforcing framework is then riveted. The 2 interstitial
space is insulated with aerocore fiberglass. Influenced directly by airplane wing and
fuselage design, the Airstream was the only trailer of its time to use monocoque
construction, referring to its completely rounded form, its stress-bearing skin, and its
structural synthesis of body and chassis. Reflecting the nesting of its shells,
monocoque etymologically refers to a cocoon or the shell of a seed or berry. Itself a
shell within a shell, the Bambi becomes a second skin, the mobility of which allows for
easy relocation. As a result of its construction and balance, the trailer can be pulled short
distances by direct human force; similarly, a person on a bicycle can pull larger
Airstream trailers. The imaging of this fact resulted in an Airstream icon and logo: the
Frenchman Alfred Latourneau towed the 22-foot Airstream Liner behind his bicycle in
a 1947 advertisement to publicize the trailer in Europe and North America. This image
appeared on subsequent Airstream trailer plaques. The Bambis interior space can be
spanned in its width by extending ones arms, and its interior length is two such
extensions. It is difficult for a person taller than 58 to stand comfortably erect in the
Bambi. The Bambi is thus an extreme case of the miniaturization of dwelling space
found in Airstreams and other early trailer designs that shared more with the interior
spaces and configurations of aeronautical and nautical vehicles and vessels.
The entirety of the Bambis interior space becomes a threshold. In this case, the
use of space does not designate the fixed, or enclosed, volume that might be suggested
by the trailers form as aluminum container. Instead, the trailers threshold space is a
dynamic place of movement. Internally, this threshold space is actually a series of


97
Piranesi in a series of mid-18th century engravings known as II Campo Mani dell'Antica
Roma.
As its Latin designation and the historical coincidence of the Campus Martius and
Hadrians Athenaeum suggest, camp also relates to the open field of the college or
university campus. At times, this etymological and metaphorical concurrence
characterizes the formal properties and the layering of built environments. A later
discussion in this thesis points out that the campus of Ruskin College in Florida was
founded in a turpentine camp. Another more contemporary example is the Oregon
Institute of Marine Biology, which was built over two campsites and field stations, for the
Corps of Engineers (in the 1910s) and the Civilian Conservation Corps (in the 1930s).
Before the renovation in the 1990s, the Institutes buildings were comprised exclusively
of recycled material from these earlier constructions. The new design includes a central
green-space called the hearth and used for informal gatherings and volleyball and
basketball games/
Camps Latin origins also lead to its usage, though obsolete, in the term watery
camp. Arising from the phrases caeruleus campus and campus latus aquarium, camp
here refers to the surface of the sea.6 Not unlike Deleuze and Guattaris smooth space,
the surface of the sea with its web of forces and paratactic condition (in which
characteristics and qualities are flattened within the horizontal expanse) provides an
important background for later discussions of camp and possibilities for a camping
practice. In her account of a caravan trip organized by the Airstreams Wally Byam,
5 Charles Linn, Field Station, Architectural Record (November 1992), 74-9.
6 The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. II (New York: Oxford, 1989), 809-811.


138
old places of assembly in the city have been abandoned by the event that he calls the
fete,'2i> and he thus advocates the creation of places appropriate to a renewed fete
fundamentally linked to play. This revitalization of the fete proposes the centrality of
play that has as one result the privileging of time (in particular, what Archigram and
Huizinga call free time)130 over the inflexible space of production. At the apogee of
play, Lefebvre proposes an ephemeral city, the peipetual oeuvre of the inhabitants,
themselves mobile and mobilized for and by this oeuvre.,,]1,] In this idealized ephemeral
city, Lefebvre notes that the centrality of play makes space obsolete and instead
privileges inhabiting over habitat; the art of living is no longer reduced to its spatial
manifestation.132
Finally, fragments such as the Situation Gloop in Archigrams Living City make
more direct allusion to the Situationists concurrent discourse across the English Channel.
The Situation Gloop is an area of exhibition concerned with the happenings within
spaces in-city and the transient throw-away objects, the passing presence of cars and
133
people; such situations can be caused by a single individual, by groups or a crowd.
Archigram and the Situationists share an interest to transcend the banal through the
129 Lefebvre defines the fete as the eminent use of the city, that is, of its streets and squares, edifices and
monuments. La Fete is a celebration which consumes unproductively, without other advantages but
pleasure and prestige and enormous riches in money and objects. (66)
130 This idea of free time is not simply leisure time but goes deeper to include a time of fluidity apart
from historys linear time, a folded time of coincidences and overlapping moments.
131 Lefebvre, 173.
132
~ For a discussion of the relationship between habitat and inhabit through a Heideggerian lens, refer to
pages 76-80 in Lefebvres Writings on Cities. It is also important to point out that Lefebvres previous
work addresses his premise that modern space is political or, more precisely, politicized with an emphasis
on rationalist functionalism at the expense of a poetics or lyricism of living or inhabiting. See Production
of Space (London: Blackwell, 1991).
133 Peter Cook, 21.


40
Officer's shelter, which is at the top and in the middle. An exception to the symmetry is
the vehicle parking area and picketed animal pens at the bottom of the layout. The guide
also dictates the degree of dispersion of tents and vehicles within the bivouac area of
CAXS ZÂ¥g&C A3M5JWS
SM4C3AM*WtfK OXQ&t OT A TfWT
Figure 2-5. Military tent carnps. A) Diagrammatic layout of tent camp and B) The lent
City. Camp Blanding, Florida, postcard (Staff Officers Field Manual, n.p.;
Florida State Archives. n044770)
the temporary encampment; this dispersion is governed by hostile mechanized threat,
the air situation, and control of the command.Iv Also prepared by the United States War
Department, the Engineer Field Manual includes more extensive operational procedures
for siting and constructing carnps. The Field Manual presents four categories of troop
shelters that are based on the duration of the camp and its degree of permanency
Camps, and Bivouac Area. Staff Officers' Field Manual: Organization. Technical and Logistical Data
il-M 101-10), War Department {Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office. !0 October
i 943,), 901-906, 905.


149
In Chapter 5, Florida and its central region serve as places for the construction of a set of
camps that share characteristics determined in part by the specificity of the Floridian
context. Chapter 6 looks at the platform constructions unique to the locality of Baratara
Bay in the Mississippi Rivers delta. Introduced in the chapter on Florida, the
unincorporated town of Gibsonton is the context for studying the particularities of place
associated with a trailer camp in Chapter 7. Occupied in the 1920s by the Tin Can
Tourists, the municipal camps of Floridas central region are reviewed in Chapter 8,
which is followed by the study of a particular iteration of the tourist camp Braden
Castle Park in Chapter 9. The series of case studies closes with Chapter 10s presentation
of Slab City, sited in southern California. Each of the camps includes questions of
territory and detail in their complex constructions within these places. From the review
of some of central Floridas camps, the making of Ruskin ranged from the 12,000 acres
of its timber plantation to the 160 acres dedicated to its college to the few acres of its
original shell midden and camp. Braden Castle Parks 34-acres of land divide into 900
square-foot properties, and Slab Citys sprawling 640-acre territory can be contracted to
the individual study of its particular slab constructions, providing a series of 600
square-foot sites. Details of how the camps are made are also found in the connections
and assemblies of the dwellings. Ruskins traditional pine slab and board-and-batten
cabins contrast with Gibsontons modified mobile homes and trailers with manufactured
concrete block foundations. Slab Citys dwellings range from assemblages of discarded
military ordnance to Class A motor homes parked in communal configurations. Manila
Villages pole construction and partially floating walkways reflect the density of Braden
Castles bungalow constructions scaled to the autocampers and travel trailers they had


336
playa area, and the sculpture of the Burning Man is located *4 mile north of Center
Camp (also called Camp Headquarters) at the circles geographic center. The following
is a typical coordinate location for a theme camp: 2500 feet (Bowsprit) & 75 degrees.
Bowsprit refers to the concentric ring that occurs between 2500 and 2700 feet from the
Burning Man sculpture.
The theme camps of Burning Man are a synthesis of Slab Citys makeshift cliques
such as the group of Canadian snowbirds and the singles club called Loners on Wheels
(LOA) and the Midway Plaisances series of thematic camps including military and
Bedouin encampments as well as Sitting Bulls camp at the Worlds Columbian
Exposition of 1893. The Exposition also included a loggers camp, hunters camp, and
an Australian squatters hut in the main grounds of fair. Each year the organizers of
Burning Man publish a set of criteria on the official website of the event,51 which also
includes a Theme Camp and Village Resource Guide in which.' Theme camps from
2003 include CarnEvil Camp (sideshow, carnival midway, and fun house), Christmas
Camp, Free Photography Zone, Bad Idea Theater, BRC Bike Repair and Divinity School,
and Lost Temple of Waterboy. The following section from Burning Mans website
identifies the locations available for the theme camps:
The Esplanade This is the first street at the front of the city and faces the Man. It
is reserved for camps that have 24-hour interactivity, a completely conceived visual
scheme, and playa-frontage needs. (Evaluations based on past project history,
adherence to deadlines and clear visual plans.)
Non-Esplanade Located within the city limits. This is for fun interactive camps
51 See the website:

52 Guides offered at the Burning Man website include a Resource Guide and a Survival Guide:
and



244
Municipal camps were created with the proliferation of autocampers as a viable
means of tourism. Previously, tourists camped in the yards of farmers who could offer
space for pitching tents and water for drinking and washing (Figure 8-2).6 Charles
Treffert, one of the original Tin Can Tourists who appeared in Life Magazine (1948),
notes that in the early years before more established campgrounds were readily available
you camped anywhere you could find water farm, schoolhouse, graveyard.7 Such
informal campgrounds relied on road access; and as the number of autocampers grew,
roadsides and farm lots could no longer support the influx of tourists. In their early
iterations, the municipality provided these camps for free, with the expectation that
tourists would spend money in the towns or cities where the camps were sited. These
municipal camps averaged in size between 10 and 15 acres and often included kitchens,
lavatories, and showers as well provisions for laundry, lights and other electrical services.
Funded by both government chambers of commerce and local businesses, advertisements
from the period show how towns competed for the tourism dollars expected from these
camps which were the source of civic pride and rivalry between towns and cities.
Following the rapid increase in production and availability of the automobile,
municipal camps proliferated in the late 1910s and early 1920s. By 1918 in response to
tourists trepidation in traveling to the Deep South, Henry McNair, editor of the
American Automobile Associations guide books, declared that a sortie through the
southland was no longer considered a perilous adventure.8 Between 1920 and 1924,
6 Allan D. Wallis, Wheel Estate: The Rise and Decline of Mobile Homes (New York: Oxford, 1991), 39.
7 Barbara Hunting, Tampa Tribune, 1960.
Howard Lawrence Preston, Dirt Roads to Dixie: Accessibility and Modernization in the South, 1885-1935
(Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee, 1991), 116.


157
C.S. Peirces icon of intelligible relations among earth, land, water, materiality, and
territory.10
Parasitic corresponds to that which maintains and transforms. Typically,
parasites are understood as unwanted guests within or attached to yielding or unknowing
hosts. However, in the work of Michel Serres, the parasite maintains and transforms the
relation between host and guest. As the basis for the parasitic in this section, this
notion of the parasite yields three modalities: parasite as excluded middle, parasite as
both static term and operator in a system of relations, and the time of the parasite as
duration. Giants Camp and the town of Gibsonton are reviewed for their parasitic
qualities in each of these iterations. In the preliminary research, it is found that the
practice of camping is inherently para-sitic in its relation to the places where camps are
made. Giants Camp, in particular, over a period of time serves as agent of both
preservation and change for the larger camp community of Gibsonton. In these cases
where camps reach a point between the temporary and the permanent, the parasitic
reflects the importance of considering time and place rather than exclusively space.
Eutopic refers to the qualities of a place of ideal happiness and good order. The
term arises from the tourism and optimism of the Tin Can Tourists in their pursuit of
eutopia in Florida. Braden Castle Park, in its founding principles, by-laws, and
architecture, resonates with the tourists search for the ideal place to visit and ultimately
to settle. The term is offset slightly from Sir Thomas Mores imaginary island of
utopia" and its perfected (at least in theory) legal, social, and political system. It is the
impossibility of utopias no place that the pragmatics of eutopia necessarily
Originally appearing in Peirces Collected Papers (1960), this idea of the diagram as an icon of relations
will be explored further in Chapters 5 and 6.


316
development of Rancho Margarita, which would later become Camp Pendleton and serve
as the primary headquarters of the Marine divisions on the west coast, reduced the scale,
Figure 10-1. Site plan of Camp Dunlap, California, June 30, 1943
permanence, and overall importance of Camp Dunlap.7 The site was chosen for its
remoteness that would allow high-angle gunfire up to a distance of nine kilometers.8
Topographically, the chosen site offered a mesa of high ground between two washes,
which were later incorporated into Siphons 7 and 8 to help divert water flow from the
Chocolate Mountain watershed over the Coachella Canal and around the main campsite.
Electricity came from the Imperial Irrigation Districts power grid, and fresh water was
7 Camp Dunlap is named after Robert H. Dunlap.
* Phelps, 42-3.


371
and its sky. And out of a carefully built up conception of how the human being
could grow roots in this soil unique and delightful I built my house."
Hesitating prior to his departures for Japan and Vienna, Schindler maintains camp
in Yosemite, at Kings Road, and throughout the California region. At home in the
bricoleurs laboratory, the architect does not hesitate out of indecision but lingers, waits,
and ultimately submits to the forces of matter and place. The siting of this paradoxical
combination of Virilios speed and Kunderas slowness occurs within the camp, within
such constructions as Kings Road. Deleuzes rhizome at first appears to oppose
Schindlers growing roots, but the idea that place acts on the nomad-architect remains.
It could be argued that Schindlers immigration-homelessness-nomadism does not end
with his decision not to depart California; his nomadic spirit is temporarily localized.
And in Schindlers case, the camp is both vehicle and process, a grounding without
ground. The Kings Road house serves as a prototype for a flexible traveling-in-place
that corresponds to his understanding of contemporary notions of home and dwelling:
the modern dwelling will not freeze temporary whims of [the] owner. .. ,26 Also, the
house attracts other travelers artists and luminaries visit the Schindlers as the house
becomes a fixed zone of contact among fellow campers. Campers who occupied the
Chace studio at Kings Road included John Cage and his friend Don Sample, who lived
25 Schindler to Esther McCoy, 4-5, 18 February 1952, Box 26 / Architects Files / Correspondence with
McCoy / R.M. Schindler, Esther McCoy Papers. Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington. D.C. (in Smith and Darling, The Architecture of R.M. Schindler, 2001: 209). The excerpt
continues with the following: And unless I failed it should be as Californian as the Parthenon is Greek
and the Forum Roman. In fact the beginning of a new classic growth drinking California sap.
26 Schindler, Modern Architecture: A Program, (Vienna 1912), in Sheine, 81.


248
Figure 8-4. Postcards adapted from photographs of Tin Can Tourist camps. A) 'Where
the Iceman cuts no ice . / (Manatee County Public Library, {XX)67.ia} and B)
A Tin Can Tourist Camp, Florida, 1.924
spaces in its city park that had become overcrowded. Known as Bacon Park, the new
camp was regulated by city ordinance, and in 1926 four thousand campers generated
more than fifteen thousand dollars of revenue each month.1'' In the Park, the city of West
Palm Beach provided three choices for camping, each primarily defined by its sheltered
space and degree of permanence:
... a bungalow, a tent house, or a wooden-floor tent. The most expensive of these,
a comfortable fourteen-by-twent.y-eight.-foot bungalow rented for a reasonable
sixty-five dollars a month. In addition to these bungalows were sixty-eight close
to nature tent houses ... smaller and designed to suit motorists on tighter budgets.
For even less money five dollars: a week visitors ,.. could rent one of a hundred
tents [set] on wooden floors.'18
Such class differentiation heightens negative perceptions of lower and middle
income groups such as the Tin Can Tourists. By the mid-1930s, tents were no longer
allowed in many campsites, and camps were designated as parks in the late 1930s to
distinguish the grounds from those patronized by hobo tourists.19 A cartoon series
i raiier Tintypes' published in the New York Herald Tribune in the 1930s reflects the
*' Pfesi>¡!, f?3.
Presto, ¡124.
f' WnHis.a;


46
The guide produced by the Federal Writers Project for Florida includes
information on Floridas camps and campgrounds in the 1930s and represents a mode of
recording information that relates to the process of camping itself. The Guide to the
Southernmost State is divided into three parts: Floridas background in diverse categories
from its natural features to its architecture, an overview of the states principal cities, and
a series of tours called The Florida Loop. Although primarily structured by its twenty-
two tours, the Guide can be read as a collection of fragments each of which can be
understood as a separate story (within the larger story). As a collection of newspaper
exceipts, oral history, text from signage, song lyrics, legend, geographic description, and
statistics, the Guide resembles the plateau structure of Deleuze and Guattaris A
Thousand Plateaus. The Florida Guide does not require a linear reading, its itineraries
criss-cross and can be cross-referenced and gives equal weight to fact and myth (as an
alternative history of the place). The text thus provided a guide to visitors and tourists
from outside Florida and served as a reference for those already familiar with the
Floridian environment. As a centn, the Guide is the result of fragments sewn and woven
together. It is this patchwork of its composition that relates to the bricolaged vehicles,
dwellings, and grounds of the Florida camps. A work more consciously wrought as an
assembly of fragments is Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, which is structured as two
assigned to particular countries (see page 8 in Fine Arts section (K) of Catalogue). The Corps of Guides
identifies Willoughby as a member of Queen Victorias Corps, also known as the Frontier Force
established in 1846 as an Indian Army regiment on the Northwest frontier of India during British rule.
Interestingly, Willoughby purchased in 1890 Plymouth Beachs Columbus Pavilion, which he enlarged to
include not only room for dancing and dining but also accommodations for visitors. In 1893, he built a
series of beach cottages to expand guest lodging. It is also known that Willoughby was sole proprietor
around 1901 of the Cyclorama of the Battle of Gettysburg on Tremont Street in Boston.
" Federal Writers Project, Florida: A Guide to the Southernmost State (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1939).


their capacity of 105 pounds of shrimp was set to the barrel standard. The mailer
'champagne basket/' was also related to this standard, holding 70 pounds and equaling
one barrel when three champagnes' were grouped. The champagne basket received its
name from use in packaging champagne imported to New Orleans from Trance."
Figure 6-6. Topographic map of Manila Village Oil and Gas Field'5 and the process of
dancing the shrimp
Breaking Camp: Untying the Diagram
Thus, the originally proposed diagrams (in the vertical and horizontal orientation)
are complicated by the diverse spatial practices and techniques of the place. While
Alario, n.p. Just as the vernacular houseboat: constructions were de veloped into the platform dwellings
and synthesized with the drying platforms, the traditionally woven Chinese shrimp baskets are related to
the standards of measure utilized in the West for measurement and trade. Techniques of construction are
maintained while the form is allowed to vary based on local economic standards and environmental
conditions.


109
the camp. The four generative elements are hearth, roof, enclosure, and mound, with
their concomitant practices of ceramics, caipentry, textiles, and masonry. In a literal
reading of the camp, the hearth clearly links to the campfire, and the roof / enclosure can
be associated with the tent. Emphasizing the significance of the tent, readings of Semper
often ignore the importance of the camp as the nexus in which his elemental operations
are acted out. Semper actually seeks to prove the thematic, as opposed to the mimetic,
role of weaving that appears in both the nomadic tent and the carpet wall. Expanding on
Mallgraves treatment of Sempers elements as technical operations,41 we can begin to
understand the development of the camp as an active response to necessities of shelter
and communal life as well as a unique process and method that eschews both permanence
and codification. The responses of these camping procedures follow two thematic
threads that Semper outlines in his explication of the four elements. Before beginning his
ethnological account of the four-phases development of building practice on his way to
proving the existence of a polychromic architecture, Semper outlines two types of camps
in which all themes and practices originate the open and the closed. The former type of
camp, in which the hut form predominates and the roof is emphasized, develops as free
and asymmetrical groupings characterized by irregularity (as a result of a lack of
property rights) and isolation. In agrarian cases, this type of camp results from the
communal efforts to conquer nature. The openness of this camp is further qualified by
its slow growth under a native sovereign and its expansion by development and
41 Harry Francis Mailgrave, Introduction, The Four Elements of Architecture and Other Writings (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 24.
4~ Semper, Ill.


Ruskin's pages are spaces to be filled. Closely linked is the l.ndexicai space of Ruskins
journals and museums. In Ku.skb¡'s Maze, Fellows notes. The Index World is a world of
appetite, clouds, and dense space, as convoluted as a labyrinth without discernible
beginning or end ., the intricate infinity of the Index World predicts the blank pages of
silence and madness... .*-i Thus, Ruskinian blank space, as related to that of camp
space, does not necessitate an emptying out. but instead operates as an interval or spatial
moment between the episodic experience of texts or places. Camp is also a college
campus, more precisely the open space around and between the buildings that is to say,
the college grounds of the centrally located campus of Ruskin College as well as the
campus of Oxford University where Ruskin himself was a student.
The photographs of Walker Evans and Ernest Meyer represent both an exploration
of Florida's camp spaces and, in the process, the development of a documentary mode
that registers camp's multivalencies. The images portray both entrenched and exodieal
space ~ that is, camps that have either gained a degree of
.Figure 5-8. Camps photographed by Walker Evans and Ernest Meyer. A) Walker Evans,
Recreational vehicle with striped canopy, 1941 (1. Paul Getty Museum
Collection). B) Ernest Meyer. Easy Street" in DeSoto Park, Tampa, Florida,
1919 (Florida Historical Society and the Alma Clyde Field Library of Florida
History), C) Walker Evans, Trailer in camp, 1941 (I. Paul Getty Museum
Collection)
Fellows, The Failing Distance-^'?'!.


368
weave of a few structural materials and notes the organic fabric of the building."
Although referring to the house as a primitive cave in other writings" Schindler here
makes explicit reference to the fabric walls of tents and implies a connection to Gottfried
Sempers thesis on the dressing of architecture."' The panels of the tilt-wall
construction can be read as pieces of fabric in the immediacy of their creation and the
lightness and facility of their assembly. The formwork for each slab requires that a 3
space be left between the wall units. In some cases, Schindler has glazed this space,
which then becomes an open joint between the walls to filter air and light effectively
dematerializing the heaviness and confinement of the concrete walls. These partings of
the wall correspond to the parted flap of the opening in Schindlers tent. Moreover,
canvas walls and sliding panels and doors provide tent-like enclosure along the open ends
of the u-shaped spaces. If the sleeping baskets are a smaller version of the spaces of the
house, then their canvas walls and roofs also point toward the tent as shelter. Although
ascribed to the economy of material, the camber of the slab walls toward the top also
alludes to the taper of a tent awning. Echoing this interest in the tent as shelter, Pauline
Schindler will write the unpublished manuscript, Joys of Tent Life in
21 In the opening line of his essay Modern Architecture: A Program, Schindler writes, The cave was the
original dwelling ... To build meant to gather and mass material, allowing it to form empty cells for
human shelter. (Sheine, 80).
Having studied under Otto Wagner at the Imperial Technical College of Vienna, Schindler would have
been very familiar with Semper, particularly through Wagners design to complete Sempers 1869/1870
plan for an Imperial Forum with the Hofburg Throne Room. Schindler would also have known Semper
through Adolf Loos, with whom he associated and who critiqued the German architects concept of style
(Der Stil in der technischen und tektonischen Kunsten). Contemporary critics such as Mark Wigley have
realigned Loos and Semper through their understanding of surface and the clothing of architecture. See
also Andrew Benjamins Architectural Philosophy (The Athlone Press, 2000).


292
Figure 9-4. Castle ruins in Braden Castle Park
achieves a degree of 'timelessness in the archaeological collapsing of time through the
combination of historical place and new building.


123
Quantrill and Webb note the potentially radical and innovative nature of such a playful
collusion of the classical treatise and the impermanent camp: he [Duany] might have
given birth to a gentle, friendly monster, a leviathan,... relieving [Seasides]
determination to be a holiday camp for time-sharing puritans. From its ambiguously
socialist and utopic roots79 combined with an economy of Simmel-esque fashion,
Seaside becomes a permanent campground for the wealthy that relegates trucks, boats,
campers, and trailers to the rear yards only while exempting the stylish air-stream
type trailers.80 Seasides design ultimately reflects a revernacularization of the
classical, or the monumentalization of the vernacular after Colquhouns concept of the
vernacular classical.81 The towns regulation, through its codes, denies the possibility
of a vernacular freedom that exists even in the most manufactured mobile home
communities.
Discussions of other more recent camping practice have looked primarily at the
mobile home and trailer unit. Such literature often takes a social-historical perspective to
review contemporary problems of housing. With text by David Rigsbee and the
photographs of Carol Burch-Brown, the book Trailers combines sociological, theoretical,
and artistic techniques to analyze and assess particular instances of mobile home living in
78
Malcolm Quantrill and Bruce Webb, Preface, Suburban Dreams, xiv.
79 This idea is inferred from Robert Davis early education at Antioch College and Davis formation of the
Seaside Institute, modeled on and closely resembling the educational, pedagogical apparatus of
Chautauqua.
80 tt
Urban Code The Town of Seaside, Seaside, David Mohney and Keller Easterling, eds. (Princeton:
Princeton Architectural Press, 1990), 98-9.
81
Turner, 114.


210
territory, and itinerancy. Like the campsites reviewed in the previous chapter, in their
historic traces, these platform communities negotiate paradoxes of proximity and
disconnection, relatedness and multiculturalism, fixity and mobility. The contemporary
manifestation of the platform as oil drilling derrick invoke a different relationship to
place, resource, and economy. Though similarly resulting in a contested ground that can
be studied territorially as a network of adjacencies and points of control, the scale of the
constructs themselves disallows comparison to the shrimping platforms in spite of a basic
formal similarity. Thus, a third diagram that of the asymptotic territory, can further
inform the two diagrams introduced by way of Thales early pronouncement. This
diagrammatic overlay does not inscribe an oppositional relationship between nature and
technology, political entities, or cultural backgrounds. Instead, the asymptotic territory
narrates between two situations: the para-sitic and the tangential.
To play the position or to play the location is to dominate the relation. It is to have
a relation only with the relation itself. Never with the stations from which it comes,
to which it goes, and by which it passes. Never to the things as such and,
undoubtedly, never to subjects as such. Or rather, to those points as operators, as
sources of relations. And that is the meaning of the prefix para- in the word
parasite: it is on the side, next to, shifted; it is not on the thing, but on its relation.
It has relations, as they say, and makes a system of them. It is always mediate and
never immediate. It has a relation to the relation, a tie to the tie... ,33
Seen as para-sites (in much the same way as Michel Serres speaks of the parasite), the
platform communities can be understood as pre-positional, a condition that allows for the
combination of their paradoxical qualities of temporality and permanence as well as
propinquity and distance. The groupings of platforms are para-sitic onto the relation
between oppositional elements rather than onto the entities themselves (whether political
" Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans. Lawrence R. Schehr (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1982), 38-9.


320
sparsely scattered military forts of a newly independent United States. For the most part
ineffective, these forts oversaw unsurveyed and overlapping territories of Spain and the
United States. As a result, a buffer zone rather than the precision and unmistakability of
a line separated the settled zone from the uncharted territory, the outer limit of which was
the declared, though still ambiguous, frontier line. The land of the Louisiana Purchase
(1803) might be interpreted as the initial and largest buffer zone between settled and
unsettled territory. Such buffering or use of intermediate zones has had a long history in
the division of lands. Cases in which no natural boundary exists require what Lord
Curzon, in his analysis of frontiers, has called the Neutral Zone to define Artificial
Frontiers.IS In some cases, these intermediate zones have later become formalized into
autonomous states as in the case of the defensive Marks of medieval times dividing
territory and safeguarding frontiers between territories of Charlemagne and Otto. In
North America, with subsequent Treaties and purchases, the space of discrepancy
between unsettled country and the declared frontier line of mandates began to shrink.
This contraction of the frontier began with the annexation of the Republic of Texas in
1845 led to U.S. negotiations with Mexico on borders and buffer zones between the
Nueces River and the Rio Grande and subsequently between the Rio Grande and a line
three miles to the interior.16 With the advancements in the technology of surveying
equipment, the borders and for that matter the American frontier continued to pull back
15 Curzon, George Nathaniel. Persia and the Persian Question (1892).
16 The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) located the U.S. Mexican border near its present longitude
cutting across the deserts of southern New Mexico, Arizona and California. Surveying errors resulted in a
disputed land area known as the Mesilla strip and required the United States to purchase this zone in the
Gadsden Treaty (1853). After Barlow and Blancos survey and 258 granite monuments replaced the
shifting rock piles, the formation of a no-mans land between the U.S. and Mexico at the active border
crossing of Nogales completed the evolution of the American frontier space.


used as tourists. In Florida's municipal parks, it is the connections between tent and
automobile that define the spaces of those early camps.
Figure 4-1. Constructing Camp Bianding, 1941 (Florida State Archives)
The making of these camps across historical time is considered in each chapter, but
it is each camps most contemporary iteration that is the focus of the research. The time
of the camps is pulled to the present, and historical development informs the current
complexities of the camps construction of place. Pasts are, and presents were. Such
coincidence is not merely an inversion but a porosity of time within the relatively thin
historical layering of the campsite, best illustrated in the dense but short history of
European occupation of camps in the Florida landscape (see Chapter 5). And camping
practice with its relation to method lends itself to these coincident times. Two objects of
study, however, do require a more historical assessment. Manila Village was destroyed
and must he studied wholly from the traces present in maps, narratives, and histories of
the place. The municipal camps in Chapter 8 have for the most part closed or have been
modified or privatized and are studied as precursors of more permanent private camps
like Braden Castle Park. The time of camping (and its making) is ultimately a layered
time, similar to the architecture of waiting that Paul Virilio finds in the World War II
bunkers o France's 'Atlantic Wall.- Carrying out his 'solely archaeological objective


203
Zone would be ambulatory and would vary with the frequent changes in the shoreline.14
Moreover, nautical charts (as static maps) cannot reflect the ongoing natural processes at
work in the Mississippi Delta region, and in such extreme cases of fluctuation, in effect
reflect the reality of the situation only at the moment that the reference aerial photograph
is taken: Again we emphasize that we are not suggesting that the chart, as printed,
contained errors. Rather the Court recognizes that with erosion and accretion no chart is
likely to remain accurate forever.15 This ambulatory line becomes a wider zone of
indeterminacy in the problem of differentiating islands from mainland in the attempt to
reference the lines origination and consequently define inland waters. The Supreme
Court's responses to the mobility of the Louisiana coastline reflect the paradoxes of this
situation:
But again Louisianas geography varies from the norm. The Supreme Court has
described the Louisiana coast as marshy, insubstantial, riddled with canals and
other waterways, and in places consists of small clumps of land which are entirely
surrounded by water and therefore technically islands. In other words, in at least
the delta areas, the mainland is islands. If an area of land surrounded by water at
high tide (i.e., and island) cannot form the headland of a bay there are no bays on
the Louisiana coast. That conclusion seems counterintuitive.
In fact the Supreme Court has already determined that some of this marsh land
should be considered mainland. In Louisiana v. Mississippi,... the Court said
Mississippi denies that the peninsula of St. Bernard and Louisiana marshes
constitute a peninsula in the true sense of the word, but insists that they constitute
an archipelago of islands. Certainly there are ... portions of sea marsh which
might technically be called islands,. . but they are not true islands. Louisiana v.
Mississippi, 202 U.S. 1,45 (1906). It went on the treat the peninsula as mainland.16
11 Louisiana Boundary Case, 394 U.S. I I, 32 (1969), in Aaron L. Shalowitz and Michael W. Reed, "The
Tidelands Litigation, Shore and Sea Boundaries: Volume III (Washington, D.C.: Office of Coast Survey,
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, 2000) Part 1,92.
Aaron L. Shalowitz and Michael W. Reed, "The Tidelands Litigation, 72.
16 Aaron L. Shalowitz and Michael W. Reed, The Tidelands Litigation, 64.


Havana, Cuba (Summer 2002). Finally, Chapter 7 arises from the paper Clibsonton.
Florida: Para-si tic regions and the construction of place'5 presented at the Southern
American Studies Association conference titled Regionalisms in this Age of
Globalization'5 (Spring 2003}. One other work during this time period that has shaped the
framing of this project is a nonfiction essay written in Spring 2001 and published in The
Antioch Review {Fail 2002} titled. Building / Dwelling i Drifting. 1 return to many of
this essays ideas about place, home, and. mobility in this opening section.
Airstream and MaUang
. once thresholds are located, the whole ground plan can be deduced .., they
provide the boundaries that indicate the original layout... A
Two images serve as details that introduce this project: the Airstream trailer and the
mattang map of the Marshall Islands. I have arrived at these prefatory details through
both personal experience and a subsequent interest in each construct's potential
methodological implications for making architecture, i lived in a 16-foot-iong
Figure 1-2. Airstream Bamhi trailer, Redland, Florida, 1993
Peter Hanrike. nans. Alar: Sheridan (New York: Norton, \

296
All property rights and holdings as to location may be changed to other locations
when the holder has failed to erect a building inside of 18 months from date of
allotment, if such changes are in the interests of the improvement of the cottage
district, or in the judgment of the board, said board may make such changes as they
i 32
see best.
This specification seemingly contradicts the temporal nature of the tourist community
(particularly found in its earlier iteration as the Tin Can Tourists), but at the same time it
alludes to the goal of achieving a more permanent stability amidst fears of continued
itinerancy and conflict with municipalities. This requirement also shows the power
invested in the Board of Directors to shape all aspects of the community a power that is
expressed in the final draft of the By-Laws and that will be explored further in the next
section.
In their preparations to purchase the Braden Castle property, the officers of the
Camping Tourists had consulted the mayor of the municipality with jurisdiction over the
site to ask that certain concessions be made. The Tourists wanted the Mayor of Manatee
to give up the citys authority and control over the property. R.W. Vaughn, acting
Secretary of the first Board of Directors, describes the situation, [we] had a talk with the
Council and Mayor of Manatee in which we tried to have them agree to take the Braden
Castle property out of the city but they would not consent to do this...In spite of
this initial refusal, Braden Castle Park has achieved a degree of autonomy and Parks is
32 Minutes, April 7, 1924. pages 20-1.
33 R.W. Vaughn, Origin and History of the Camping Tourists of America. In the text, Vaughn continues
but [they] did make many promises to us, some of which, sorry to say, have not been kept.


Figure 8-5. Views of Tin Can Tourist convention at Payne Park and City Trailer Park in
Sarasota, Florida. Panoramic view of Payne Park, 1936 (Trailer Park in upper
right.) and aerial view of central Sarasota with Payne Park at center, 1948
point to their unique conditional tenancy within their own country. The Tourists are
neither denizens nor citizens; they are essentially foreigners-at-home. In its original
meaning, denizen denoted both the original inhabitant of a place and a foreigner admitted
to provisional residency within a particular district. The denizen thus has the dual, if
contradictory, status as indweiler and resident foreignerThe Tin Can Tourists spent
nearly halt of the calendar year away front their original home. The typical season for
! ins residence was. established through habitual dwelling in a foreign place.


372
B
Figure 12-4. Wedge-style tent facing the campfire in Jessups Molar Camping Book.
(1921) and Plans and sections of R.M. Schindlers A. Gisela Bennati Cabin.
Lake Arrowhead, California (1934-7) (Jessup 129; R.M. Schindler Archive,
Architecture and Design Collection, University Art Museum, University of
California, Santa Barbara)


326
also protect and support the corner bastions of the enceinte. The ground in between
offers access to these towers and can serve as a second battle zone if the first
fortifications fall. The inner wall is made up of embedded elements, smaller towers and
fortified buildings.
The site of Slab City can be read in one respect as a contemporary transformation
of the early American military fort. Its siting over the remains of a military training camp
gives additional meaning to this connection between military and retiree camps. The
camp at Slab City recasts the frontier fort by internalizing and embedding its
fortifications such that the trailers and recreational vehicles become individually
defensible vehicles dispersed throughout the grounds. The strategic deployment of these
privatized vessels is based on the complex social relationships within the camp and the
layout of the remaining slabs. These moveable placements become the operators for
what Michel de Certeau calls tactics, or the art of the weak. This term art of the
weak deftly contrasts with the much-used art of war. De Certeau differentiates tactic
from strategy, which is the calculation (or manipulation) of power relationships that
becomes possible as soon as a subject with will and power can be isolated.31 As a
Cartesian approach, strategy transforms places into readable spaces an activity that de
Certeau compares to the imposition of the power of knowledge by modern science and
military strategy onto situations. Foucault draws a similar conclusion about power and
knowledge from his reading of military camps. For Foucault, the architecture of the
Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, 38.
Treatises on the art of war have echoed this idea, including William Garrard, in the Arte of Wane (1591),
Sun Tzu (in his Art of War written approximately 500 and 300 B.C.), Machiavellis Art of War, and Karl
von Clausewitz in On War (1955).
31 De Certeau. 35-6.


338
healthful resort of the campground.56 The Burning Man festival is also transformed
into a sacred space through the development of what has been called place-myths, the
composites of rumors, images, and experiences that make particular places fascinating.57
The place-myths of Burning Man are what remain after the idea of Leave no Trace has
been applied to the site itself. This mandate authored by the Bureau of Land
Management asks that campers on public federal lands in general and Burning Man
festival-goers in particular remove all materials and evidence of their occupation in order
to preserve the nations cultural and natural resources.
Breaking Camp: Heterotopic Camping and the Web
I've been monitoring Slab City on the net, as its the only way I HAD for visiting.
But now Im retired at 52 and understand its the state thats going to shut it
down?'59
If the TAZ is a nomad camp, then the Web helps provide the epics, songs,
genealogies and legends of the tribe; it provides the secret caravan routes and
raiding trails which make up the flowlines of tribal economy; it even contains some
of the very roads they will follow, some of the very dreams they will experience as
signs and portents.60
56 B.W. Gorham, Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground (Boston: H.V. Degen,
1854), 17, 65. Larry Harvey, who originated Burning Man, speaks of its sacred symbolism in address he
made in January 1997, Liberty, at Burning Man, is tempered by our primal needs as human beings, and
this shared experience, symbolized by our species' attraction to fire, forms a central and necessary basis for
our community. A second basic lesson we have learned while acting in the abstract and liberating space of
the desert is that in order to found a cultural sphere human beings require a center of gravity, a powerful
axis in time and space. At our event this transcendent center is most conspicuously supplied by Burning
Man himself.
57 Pike, 159. Pike derives this idea from Rob Shields who writes, an imaginary geography vis-a-vis the
place-myths of other towns and regions which form the contrast which established its reputation as a
liminal destination (Places on the Margin: Alternative Geographies of Modernity (New York: Routledge,
1991), 112.)
58 Refer to
59 Daniel Adkins, post to website, 28 December 2002.
60
Bey, n.p.



PAGE 1

CAMP(SITE): ARCHITECTURES OF DURATION AND PLACE By CHARLIE HAILEY A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF 1 HE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2003

PAGE 3

Copyright 2003 by Charlie Hailey

PAGE 4

This work is dedicated to my wife Melanie and to my parents.

PAGE 5

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my wife Melanie and my parents for their love and support. I thank William Tilson for his indispensable critical readings, guidance, and encouragement. I also want to thank Diana Bitz for her vital scholarship and mentorship and Nina Hofer, Martin Gundersen, and Ralph Berry for their consistently productive comments and ongoing critical dialogue. In addition, Herschel Shepard provided many entry points to crucial background information. I thank Jo Hasell and Robert Stroh for engaging my scholarly interests early in the doctoral process. I also want to recognize the contributions of Rustle Rock (Judy Tomaini), Forrest Bone, Dr. Arthur McA. Miller, Sue Neff, the Braden Castle Association, Cindy Russell, and Alex Necochea in the construction of this dissertation. V

PAGE 6

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS v LIST OF FIGURES x ABSTRACT xv CHAPTER 1 ARRIVING 1 Prologue I Airstream and Mattang 3 From Camp(site) to Campsite 17 Statement of Problem 21 Themes and the Concept of Paradox 28 Statement of Purpose 29 Statement of Questions 29 2 SITING 31 Organization of the Work 31 Guide Manual Scrapbook 31 "-ing" 54 Siting 55 Clearing 59 Making 63 Breaking 65 Research Design 66 Research Method and Methodological Framework 67 Theoretical Framework 70 Lexical Toolbox: From Camp(site) to Campsite 72 Vernacular (as process) 89 3 CLEARING CAMP 95 Defining Camp 95 Review of Literature (and related projects) 113 Inclusions 142 Exclusions 142 vi

PAGE 7

Filling a Research Gap 144 Contribution 145 4 MAKING CAMP 148 Preamble (pre-ambling) 148 Place(s) / Sitings 148 "-ics" 154 5 CAMP(SITE): TAXONOMIC SELECTIONS OF CAMP SPACE FROM VERNACULAR PLACES OF MOBILITY AND TEMPORALITY IN FLORIDA 159 Introducing "Camp Space" 159 U Campfire 166 Breaking Camp 173 Q Siting Camp 176 MM Clearing Camp 1 83 liiP Making Camp 188 6 MANILA VILLAGE: ASYMPTOTIC TERRITORIES OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER DELTA REGION 195 Introduction 195 Achaeans 195 Siting Camp: Water 197 Clearing Camp: Criollization and Difference 201 Making Camp: Detail and Technique 205 Breaking Camp: Untying the Diagram 208 7 GIBSONTON: PARA-SITIC REGIONS OF THE CARNIVAL MIDWAY 215 Introducing Camp: Method, Para-site and Place (Gibsonton) 215 Siting Camp: At Home on the Midway 217 Clearing Camp: Para-siting (Zoning Places and Placing Zones) 222 Making Camp: Clearing and Collecting (Shell Gardens and Museums of Dirt) 228 Breaking Camp: The Time of the Parasite 233 Concluding Camp: Repetition with a Difference (Parasite, Paradox, and Place).... 235 8 MOVING IMAGES OF HOME: TIN CAN TOURISM AND FLORIDA'S MUNICIPAL CAMPS 240 Introduction 240 Siting the Autocamp: Para-siting the Municipal 241 Between Denizen and Citizen: Siting the Tin Can Tourists of the World 250 vii

PAGE 8

Clearing Camp: Denizen as Citizen 260 Making Camp: The Bricoleur's (Mobile) Home Laboratory 264 Making Home: An Operational Manual for Tin Can Tourism 268 Unfolding 270 Attaching 271 Wrapping 271 Stretching 272 Adding 272 Storing / Boxing / Unpacking the box 272 Walking Camp / Making Territory 276 Breaking Camp 276 Concluding Camp: Municipal Evictions 279 9 BRADEN CASTLE PARK: EUTOPIC COMMUNITffiS OF TOURISM 283 Siting Camp: March 1, 1924 283 Para-siting the Ruins / Parasiting History 286 Clearing Camp: Braden Castle Park 293 Making Camp: The Eutopic Construct 298 Breaking Camp: "Strangers at the gate" of a Tourist's Home 306 10 SLAB CLTY: HETEROTOPIC ZONES OF DOMESTIC EXILE, HOMELESSNESS AND ENCAMPMENT 311 Introduction 311 Siting Camp 314 Re-siting Camp: Military Fieldwork and Encampments 315 Clearing Camp 319 Making Camp 331 Making Camp: From Temporary to Permanent Autonomous Zones 333 Breaking Camp: Heterotopic Camping and the Web 338 1 1 BREAKING CAMP (CONCLUSIONS) 343 Camps 343 Vernacular 345 Duration 347 Place 349 Method(s) 354 Methodological Coda 357 12 DEPARTING 361 From Permanent to Temporary 361 Camper's Shelter: Recasting Semper with Schindler's Kings Road House 364 Hesitating 370 Casting Off: An Interlude Between i.iem + ohbq and ex + oSog 373 viii

PAGE 9

Detail (as territory) 374 Territory (as detail), or Future Research 376 LIST OF REFERENCES 377 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 396 ix

PAGE 10

LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1. Engravings of Hernando de Soto in Florida 1 1-2. Airstream Bambi trailer 3 1-3. Airstream trailer and navigation maps from the Marshall Islands 5 1-4. Navigational maps and the "World's Most Traveled Trailer" 13 1-5. Advertisement for Airstream trailer and Rebbelith navigation map 15 16. Author's house in Madison, Florida, and demonstration of lightness at Airstream manufacturing facility 20 21. "A Triumphal Procession" to camp 33 2-2. Ernest Meyer, Early roadside autocamp 34 2-3. Camp layouts of Airstream rally and Methodist camp meeting 36 2-4. Military field manuals and Exposition guides 39 2-5. Military tent camps 40 2-6. Building Plans of the World's Columbian Exposition 43 27. Camping kits from the 1930s 72 31. Stereo photographer Charles Seaver, Jr. in his steamboat-barge 99 3-2. Plan of Florida Chautauqua in De Funiak Springs and view of entrance to Cassadaga Spiritualist Camp, Lake Helen, Florida 118 3-3. Postcards from Chautauqua and Cassadaga 1 19 3-4. Chautauqua and Cassadaga: Program of the First Annual Session, Florida Chautauqua, 1885, and Sanborn Map of Cassadaga, Florida 120 3-5. Drawings of projects for camps and camptowns, 1809 1979 122 X

PAGE 11

36. Mapping of camping codes 147 41. Constructing Camp Blanding 150 4-2. Rough Riders Camp, Tampa, Florida 151 43. Official Map of the Midway Plaisance at the World's Columbian Exposition 153 51. "Caution to Tourists" 160 5-2. Revival camp on the southern limits of Madison, Florida 163 5-3. Billboards and entrance to campground. Highway 53 exit and Interstate 10, Madison, Florida 165 5-4. Campfire at Airstream rally 167 5-5. Giant's Camp Restaurant, Gibsonton, Florida 170 5-6. Postcard, Ruskin, Florida 171 5-7. History of Masaryktown, Florida 172 5-8. Camps photographed by Walker Evans and Ernest Meyer 174 5-9. Ernest Meyer, Tin Can Tourist camp 176 5-10. Kassino midgets at camp of carnival performers and Shell Point Hotel 176 5-11. Plan of Ruskin Colony, Florida, and bust of John Ruskin 180 5-12. Map of the town of Ruskin 181 5-13. Ruskin College campus 183 5-14. Ruskin, Florida: Postcard of farming practices and newspaper image of tourist on the beach 184 5-15. Rules for Gulf Hills Campground 185 5-16. Ruskin College emblem and Tin Can Tourist logo 187 5-17. Parked trailers and circus vehicles, Gibsonton, Florida 187 5-18. John Ruskin's sketch for a "Swiss Cottage" and Ruskin College's President's Home 189 5-19. Masaryktown Hotel and Masaryktown Community Center 189 xi

PAGE 12

5-20. Marion Post Wolcott, "Guest at Sarasota trailer park,..." 190 521. Gibsonton, Florida: Circus and tent trailers and residences 191 61. Nautical navigational map of Mississippi River Delta area and Barataria Bay 196 6-2. Manila Village, Barataria Bay, Louisiana 197 6-3. Navigational map of Barataria Bay, oyster camp at Bayou Bruleau, and shrimpdrying platforms, Manila Village 198 6-4. Navigational map of western area of Barataria Bay and views of shrimp-drying platforms 199 6-5. Topographic map of western edge of Barataria Bay and view of "dancing the shrimp" on the platforms of Manila Village 206 6-6. Topographic map of "Manila Village Oil and Gas Field" and the process of "dancing the shrimp" 208 67. Detail of topographic map and shrimp baskets, Manila Village 211 71. Gibsonton, Florida and the World's Columbian Exposition Midway Plaisance 217 7-2 Aerial photographs of Giant's Camp 219 7-3. Photographs of Giant's Camp, 1950 221 7-4. Gibsonton, Florida and Midway at Florida State Fairgrounds 223 7-5. Concession stand in yard of mobile home, Gibsonton, Florida, and entrance to Midway ride at the Florida State Fair 227 7-6. Carnival equipment in frontage yard and a Midway funhouse 228 7-7. Layout marks and string lines used to set up the Midway 232 7-8. Gibsonton, Florida: Ferris wheel in front yard, and real estate advertisement along Highway 41 233 7-9. Northwest view of Giant's Camp Restaurant, and aerial view of Florida State Fair Midway, Tampa, Florida 234 7-10. Base support for equipment on the Midway, Florida State Fair, and mobile home hitch support, Gibsonton, Florida 235 7-11. Support and matrix for roller coaster on the Midway and detail of blocking 237 xii

PAGE 13

7-12. View of Giant's Camp to the north along Highway 41 and view of Midway at Florida State Fair 238 8-1. "The Aristocrat," Trailer Tintypes cartoon 242 8-2. Campsites of adjacency 243 8-3. Tin Can Tourists in De Soto Parle 245 8-4. Postcards adapted from photographs of Tin Can Tourist camps 248 8-5. Views of Tin Can Tourist convention at Payne Park and City Trailer Park in Sarasota, Florida 251 8-6. Airstream camps 254 8-7. Marion Post Wolcott, Views of Sarasota City Trailer Park and Payne Park 258 8-8. House-cars of the Tin Can Tourists 265 8-9. "A home-devised sheet metal, running-board food box" 269 810. Marion Post Wolcott, Sequence of views of Sarasota City Trailer Park 275 91. By-Laws and Constitution of Braden Castle Park 284 9-2. Postcards of Braden Castle Park 287 9-3. Plat of Braden Castle Camp 289 9-4. Castle ruins in Braden Castle Park 292 9-5. Partial plan of Braden Castle Park 299 9-6. Typical streets in Braden Castle Park 302 97. Detail of roof cantilever, Zimmerman residence 306 101. Site plan of Camp Dunlap, California 316 10-2. Maps of Slab City 319 10-3. Guardhouse at main entrance to Slab City, and Leonard Knight's Bible camper. Salvation Mountain 321 10-4. Aerial view of Airstream rally 335 10-5. El Dorado motorhome. Slab City, California 340 xiii

PAGE 14

106. Mapping of Slab City 342 111. William James Stillman, The Philosopher's Camp in the Adirondacks 356 121. R.M. Schindler, Partial plan of Kings Road House 366 12-2. Schindler's Kings Road House and his campsite at Yosemite National Park 367 12-3. Making camp: Schindler's Kings Road House and Elon Jessup's Motor Camping Book 369 12-4. Wedge-style tent facing the campfire and Plans and sections of R.M. Schindler's A. Gisela Bennati Cabin 372 12-5. Airstream Bambi, "street side," 1964, and R.M. Schindler, Kings Road House, Perspective exterior elevation 375 12-6. Schindler, Site plan for Kings Road House, 1921; John Hejduk, Site Plan for A Gathering, 1999 376 xiv

PAGE 15

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CAMP(SITE): ARCHITECTURE(S) OF DURATION AND PLACE By Charlie Hailey December 2003 Chair: William Tilson Major Department: Architecture This research seeks to understand how camps and campsites are made within contemporary culture. At one level, the study of camps provides a rereading of the conception of place in cultures of itinerancy. Such an interpretation of place requires a concomitant review of time. At a more detailed level as vernacular constructions, camps negotiate qualities of mobility and fixity, temporality and permanence, and publicity and domesticity. Premises for this research include the idea that camps are paradoxical constructions of place and duration and that the vernacular is a dynamic situation best understood as a process. An overriding concern of this work is the problem of privileging conceptions and conditions of space over the situations of place in the practice and research of architecture. In addidon, questions of how the vernacular built environment might inform the theory and practice of architecture make this study an exploration of possibilities for contemporary architectural method influenced by complexities of place. The work thus seeks to propose methods apposite to the study of XV

PAGE 16

paradoxical situations such as camps. As relatively unexplored examples of the vernacular, camps suggest how place and time influence architectural constructions. A series of case studies provides a critical review of selected camps and campsites. The study focuses on the following places: in Florida, camps near Tampa Bay and Sarasota, Gibsonton, and Braden Castle Park; Manila Village in the Mississippi Delta; and Slab City in southern California. Utilizing both explanatory and exploratory study types, this multiple-case format adapts a hermeneutic research method to understand the particular campsites and to inform the invention of suitable methods to map these constructions of place. From the interpretation and mapping of these camps, it is generally concluded that camp constructions require a revised understanding of place as a multivalent grounding that works between detail and territory and necessitate a reconsideration of time as duration. Such constructions of place and duration also call for a recalibration of the notion of home in a modern culture of itinerancy. Drawing from these case studies, this project's critical objective is to understand how camps address paradoxes of place and the paradoxical occupation of these places through time, because it is in the architectural response to these conditions that lie methods for design practice within contemporary conditions of itinerancy. xvi

PAGE 17

t shailaSi i ia?K ,Lw \ i< of < o's !C >m ert < a su uhv'^ > su V. is !tt' ifit < u IS !. k oh K tl i 4 up aii V s < ru ^ >* a ^! t<. of as <.! J ( (l ^^ov^lii'^f itrs 5i-2. 1

PAGE 18

2 discussed, and subsequently recast. Lending itself to cross-disciplinary content and methodology, the body of work has benefited from presentation in both architectural and inter-disciplinary conferences (one organized by an English department and another within American studies). From early on in the choice and formulation of this topic for study, a general premise has been that opening a dialogue between the architectural discipline and the broader context of the humanities is important in establishing a critical zone of research simultaneously internal and external to my chosen vocation within architecture. In a sense, from the outset this project has enlisted the idea of camp as a procedural heuristic that allows for both the discursive and the digressive with the common purpose of understanding the possibilities of method. Consequently, the project's originary concepts and their cross-pollinating testing grounds may be sited in what Jay Fellows has called the "peripheral middle" in his reading of John Ruskin's "patchwork mentality." An earlier iteration of this dissertation's Chapter 5 was presented in an interdisciplinary conference titled "Souths: Local and Global" and held at the University of Florida in Spring 2001. The paper given at this conference was titled "Southern Camp(sites): Florida's Vernacular Spaces from John Ruskin to the Tin Can Tourists of the World", and a revised version of the paper is forthcoming (Fall 2003) in a special issue of The Southern Quarterly: A Journal of Arts in the South. At the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture (ACSA) Southwest Conference in Fall 2001, much of the content of Chapter 6 was presented in a paper titled "Platform Architectures: Asymptotic Territories of the Mississippi River Delta." Subsequent work on the main ideas of this dissertation was discussed in a paper titled "Camp(Site): Vernacular Spaces / Territories of Itinerancy" at the ACSA International Conference in

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n^iv.ina, ('u(->;i iSuaiiucr 20U2i. hinalU, Chapfci 7 ;u5-'.-s hova die |)i'-,uv.ciioi\ place-" prC'vcateJ a? the Souihcn; Ai'nciii'aii SiiKsics A'--mk lalion conicrcncc ulk-ci '"Keaitsnaii^^Hi-in Age Globalization" (Spring 2(K)3), One other work during this time period that has shaped the framing of this projecc is a nonfiction essay written in Spring 2(K)i and published in The Antioch Review • Fail 2002) titled "Building / DweHing / Drifting." ] {-etum to many of this essay's ideas about place, home, and mobility in this opening section. Airstream axid MaUang once thresholds are located, trie whole ground plan can be deduced . they provide the boundaries that indicate the original layout. . Two images serve as details that introduce this project: the Airslream trader and the mattang map of the Marshal! Islands. I have arrived at these prefatory details through bofl'i pcrs
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4 Airstream Bambi trailer (Figure 1-2) at various times in Florida while learning the art of building.'' Though the trailer itself remained fixed to the same place, the experience yielded an understanding of what I have called "thresholding." This activity does not so much occur between arrival and departure but instead speaks of the potential simultaneity of arriving and departing. Such simultaneous experience is not enclosed or inscribed by boundaries but instead must occur within the zone of the boundaries themselves. As Martin Heidegger notes in his reading of the Greek term peras, boundaries do not merely enclose but more significantly serve as areas from which a place opens up or unfolds. Thresholding also articulates a process defined by coincidences of time and place. Often contradictory, these concurrences include present-past, internal-external, and foregroundbackground.'* This idea of thresholding also relates to method, in particular the method proposed by this work to negotiate the paradoxical places of camps. In the above excerpt, Peter Handke writes how the archaeologist often begins with the location and excavation of thresholds from which the rest of the building layout can be deduced. These residual edges indicate how the site was occupied. In camps, a proliferation of thresholds reflects the occupafion of the site, and many of these thresholds are not simply boundaries to be crossed but are entire zones to be occupied. In a concluding section of this work, Rudolph Schindler's Kings Road house is read as a concretizafion of this idea ^ Note that this 16-foot dimension is the external length of the trailer. It should be noted that "thresholding" is a term commonly used in processes of image alteration. In particular, thresholding is the setting of a range within a gray-scale image from which to parse out a binary coding of black and white designations. This conversion from gray-scale to a binary image must simultaneously take into account and adapt to the changing attributes of foreground and background along the image edge that is being considered and analyzed. Such "adaptive thresholding" used in digital imaging serves as one analog for the introduction of this idea of thresholding as a process of concurrent arrival and departure a process that is ultimately a negotiation of a series of thresholds, as seen in the experience of the campsite.

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of thresholding in which the grouiids of a camp are doiTieslicated and artsculaied a^, a series of open threshold spaces. The pairing of the Aifstream Banibi md the mtutang map in this introductory section also defines thresholding's combination of the deusil aiid the territory. Within this hypothetical coupiing. the Barnbi becomes the moveable threshold in the tmiltiplicity of possible itineraries impfietl by the mauang. li ( D Figure l-'i \ ist e ui m u es ,n d nn: \]v \j;j!->hail Keind--. ^ \ i ei n B '110 t'Lf 1064 nsvuel, B) Muti^Hi.' nd^iauhoo nrdp, i 'i !i
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6 Two shells (one inside the other) are formed from heat-treated load-bearing aluminum sheeting to which an aluminum-reinforcing framework is then riveted. The 2" interstitial space is insulated with aerocore fiberglass. Influenced directly by airplane wing and fuselage design, the Airstream was the only trailer of its time to use monocoque construction, referring to its completely rounded form, its stress-bearing skin, and its structural synthesis of body and chassis. Reflecting the nesting of its shells, "monocoque" etymologically refers to a cocoon or the shell of a seed or berry. Itself a shell within a shell, the Bambi becomes a second skin, the mobility of which allows for easy relocation. As a result of its construction and balance, the trailer can be pulled short distances by direct human force; similarly, a person on a bicycle can pull larger Airstream trailers. The imaging of this fact resulted in an Airstream icon and logo: the Frenchman Alfred Latourneau towed the 22-foot Airstream "Liner" behind his bicycle in a 1947 advertisement to publicize the trailer in Europe and North America. This image appeared on subsequent Airstream trailer plaques. The Bambi' s interior space can be spanned in its width by extending one's arms, and its interior length is two such extensions. It is difficult for a person taller than 5' 8" to stand comfortably erect in the Bambi. The Bambi is thus an extreme case of the miniaturization of dwelling space found in Airstreams and other early trailer designs that shared more with the interior spaces and configurations of aeronautical and nautical vehicles and vessels. The entirety of the Bambi' s interior space becomes a threshold. In this case, the use of "space" does not designate the fixed, or enclosed, volume that might be suggested by the trailer's form as aluminum container. Instead, the trailer's threshold space is a dynamic place of movement. Internally, this threshold space is actually a series of

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7 thresholds because there is out of necessity a continual movement between and across activities. For example, the everyday activities of sleeping, eating, and washing are so compressed that spaces normally devoted exclusively to these activities are overtaken by zones in which the actions are mixed. Also, the interior trailer space serves as a semipublic threshold connecting private life to the camp's public zone. More correctly, the threshold spaces of each trailer in a camp extend into the camp's space and bleed into adjacent threshold spaces. Similar to the compressing and collapsing of domestic space that occurs internally, the trailer in its context of the camp serves as a foyer or lobby by which private daily activities fold out into the camp. Thresholding encompasses both the bodily movement within the trailer and the blurring of interior-exterior and public-private within the camp. In one sense, thresholding implies the residual and continued occupation of the "between space" of the trailer's interior. The apparent volume of the trailer is in reality conceived experientially as an extension of the body a prosthetic that is built out from rather than built on to the body. Restriction of movement yields an economy of motion. A third skin is generated within the two external skins of the aluminum shell. Because the trailer's scale necessitates an economy and compartmentalization of component parts, thresholding transforms the interior space into a closely-knit skin accreted to the manufactured surface of the monococque shell. The lived space of the trailer-threshold translates the technology of monococque into a chrysalis (cocque) woven from the inside through occupation. In another sense, thresholding is the process of setting the limits or thresholds that define the differences (in degree) of what is considered inside or outside and what can be construed as public or private. Clearly these differences are not

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8 absolute, for the spaces of the camp typically begin with the semi-public. The scale of the Airstream Bambi in particular and other larger trailers in general requires an extension of the threshold space of the interior private space out into the more public zones of the campsite. The way that spaces of the camp are lived, made, and experienced make the process of thresholding significant in terms of what a particular place means and how its experience can be understood in terms of time. If the Bambi is the spatial analog of thresholding, then the mattang map offers an operational or methodological companion. In preparation for a trip to the atolls of the Central Pacific, my research led me to the indigenous navigational constructs of the Marshall Islanders. I did not truly understand the complexity and subtlety of these maps until flying over the Pacific expanse and then being deposited on the hook-shaped narrowness of an atoll. For Pacific Islanders, navigation is an architecture. Moreover, the mattang maps were both a product of craft and a guide for crafting. Tool and method. This understanding was supplemented by ideas found in two texts I had carried on the trip. In Te Kaihau, I gleaned the aphoristic statement, "Seeing is a matter of faith in sight."'^ And within Umberto Eco's The Island of the Day Before, I came across the following less pithy thought: "Hence the maps of the Pacific often seemed arabesques of beaches, hints of perimeters, hypotheses of volumes," and later in the same text, If Roberto had sensed a world now without any center, made up only of perimeters, here he felt himself truly in the most extreme and most lost of peripheries; because, if there was a center, it lay before him, and he was its immobile satellite.^ Keri Hulme, Te Kaihau /The Windeater (WdVmgton, NZ: Victoria University Press, 1986), 215. ^ Umberto Eco, The Island of the Dav Before, trans. William Weaver (New York: Penguin, 1995), 129, 148.

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9 The mattang is a mnemonic device through which the navigator "sees." It is said that a navigator schooled in and faithful to the arts of the mattang can still navigate, even if he or she has lost the ability of sight. With the relations and conditions represented by the mattang in mind, the navigator can read the wave pattern by sensing the wave forces and swells against the side of the hull while lying on his or her back in the canoe. The Marshallese pilot does not lay out a course or use the maps as aids to recognize or visually identify particular land forms but relies on a combination of empirical data and "higher order concepts not directly observable."^ The position of islands and the depth of the water are intuited by way of forces that occur tangentially as a result of the refraction, reflection, diffraction, and dissipation of wave energy (as wave swells) along or between islands. In the reading of these forces, visual information is not privileged and is relegated to an equal if not lesser importance in relation to senses of hearing and touching. Synesthetic experience yields a topologically defined mental map; visualization occurs through sound or touch: . there is no line separating earth and sky; there is no intermediate distance, no perspective or contour, visibility is limited; and yet there is an extraordinarily fine topology that does not rely on points or objects but on haecceities, on sets of relations (winds, undulations of snow or sand, the song of the sand or the creaking of ice, the tactile qualities of both); it is a tacfile space, or rather 'haptic,' a sonorous much more than a visual space ... The variability, the polyvocity of directions, is an essenfial feature of smooth spaces of the rhizome type, and it alters their cartography.^ Forces such as these "haecceities" occur along perimeters. This situation of being lost among edges that Eco's character laments is actually an assumption necessary to the William Davenport, "Marshall Islands Navigational Charts," Imago Mundi XV (1960): 22. ^ Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nomadology: The War Machine, trans. Brian Massumi (New York: Semiotext(e), 1986), 53.

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10 successful functioning of the mattang. The condition of habitual displacement does not constitute being "lost at sea"; the forces of displacement paradoxically become locative devices. Moreover, the only center among this proliferation of peripheries (in a regional territory, the surface of which is 91% water) is the navigator himself or herself. Accordingly, the mattang map exemplifies speed as it is defined by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari: "speed . constitutes the absolute character of a body whose irreducible parts . occupy or fill a smooth space in the manner of a vortex"; and the navigator is "in a local absolute . engendered in a series of local operations of varying orientations: desert, steppe, ice, sea."^ In essence, the Marshallese pilot travels in place, from the dynamic position of the local absolute. From a navigational perspective, the sequence of forces (that arise from island edges and peripheries) moves to the craft as a series of thresholds. From the mariner's perspective, these threshold conditions revolve centripetally around the seemingly stationary pilot in a microcosmic version of a Ptolemaic system. The movement-in-place from threshold to threshold is also characterized by a fragmentation measured by the space between phenomena, or "sets of relations" associated with the local absolutes. Such relational traveling can be summarized in the phrase "from campsite to campsite": On the nomads of the sea, or of the archipelago, Jose Emperaire writes: 'They do not grasp an itinerary as a whole, but in a fragmentary manner, by juxtaposing in [the] order [of] its successive stages, /ram campsite to campsite in the course of the journey. For each of these stages, they estimate the length of their crossing and the successive changes in direction marking it."* Deleuze and Guattari, 52, 54. Excerpt from Jose Emperaire, Les Nomades de la mer (Paris: Gallimard, 1954), 225, quoted in Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nomadology: The War Machine, 133 [Italics added].

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11 In this context, it is important that the term "stage" be understood not as a static resting place but as the procedural zone between "stops" or "standing places," much like the theatrical and filmic stage serves as the locus of action during designated acts or episodes. The activity of camping occurs between campsites, at the collapsed moments of arrival and departure. As pedagogical models, the mattang and its variants represent this observable and implied data in their physical composition (Figure 1-3). The mattang is a predominantly symmetrical model illustrating general concepts of wave action (Figure l-3b). Its component parts are flexible sticks that can be bound at their intersection with sennit the thin cordage of braided coconut fiber. Within this woven construct, sticks that are completely wrapped in the sennit allude to minor asymmetries that designate particularities of wave refraction. As Davenport notes, such a wrapped stick in some cases indicates the direction of the dominant trade wind swell called rilib (meaning "backbone"). ' While the mattang represents generalized nautical conditions, the meddo and rebbelith stick charts portray specific islands and island chains within the Ralik (sunset) and Ratak (sunrise) archipelagoes (Figures l-3c, l-3d). Small cowry shells lashed to intersections of sticks indicate island locations within the model; these positions do not show true distances and directions but suggest positions perceived through wave action and experienced time. This rendering of perceptions is combined with knowledge of wave swells, bird flight patterns, and at times visible island features such as trees or atoll rises through a series of "indicator mnemonics" {rojen kdkldl). Poetic in their narrative quality, the components and signs {kdkldl) of the wave patterns that the mattang Davenport, 22.

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12 describes include rolok, nit in kot, okar, bot, and jur in okme (something lost, a hole, root, knot/node, and stakes). While the constructed maps themselves are not used in the actual navigation and are discarded after teaching exercises and memorization, the patterns and relationships illustrated by the charts remain lodged in the oral tradition and cultural memory of the islanders. Respected as spiritual leaders, the teachers maintain this knowledge of the art of navigation as a mnemonics of the sacred. The navigation charts further exemplify the indivisibility of landscape, or more precisely the seascape, and human perception within the Marshall Islanders' culture. The historian Simon Schama notes, "Before it can ever be a repose for the senses, landscape is the work of the mind. Its scenery is built as much from strata of memory as from layers of rock."'^ As a mental construct, the landscape mapped by the traditional sea charts combines the physical and the metaphysical an interlacing evident both in the mythically inspired songs of the Marshallese navigator and in the woven lattice of the chart itself.'^ Closely tied to a formulaic system, the songs of the mariners of the Marshall Islands serve as additional navigational reminders and as ways of maintaining confidence during the journey. Confidence is elevated by the magical properties associated with the songs and their formulas and rules of thumb for security and orientation. The following characterizes these songs of navigation: Lijiblili ekejeri wa kein, o-o-o-o-o; eato ealok ion; eatoen mij in a phi'aseology that can be Simon Schama, Landscape and Memor\^ (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1995), 6-7. Schama speaks of his own work and research for the book as an "excavation" through which he might "recover the veins of myth and memory" beneath the surface of cultural convention (14). Schama also makes the case that "cultural habits of humanity have always made room for the sacredness of nature." (18) In the Marshall Islands, the sea frames all notions of natural consecration and mythos.

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1.3 iransiiUed as ''Curreni whorls which cisange [the] course of these canoes, o-o-o-o-o, northwest current, thai: eaBses deaiir"'" From within the series of threshoicls outlined by the mattang's mapped relation?., the MarshaHese navigator is ctmstantiy arriving (and departing) in response to "hints of pemneters'and ''hypotheses, of volumes." T'his centrifugai thresholding is complemented by the .more centripetal construction of the Airstream. C'reating a different kind of nicmory dieatsx;. the cornpartnientaiization and entolding scale of the trailer is STiose of a physical reliquary or repository as opposed lo a merstai or even metaphysical construction. Just as die Marshall islander can lie In his water-born cratt and direct its iriotion across ihe open sea widi eyes closed, the Airstream dweller can liavigaie the irailer s contsnes. 'a\!^i /'O ///Ana^ i'^'tion a 'St.kkk /'!<„'! a, j ( } \\ i-.' n to Ls ~t u' \\v>jid s Mo-,. looC'C T wlc i \ i--Uv^A Corporation) This activity of ''thresholding'" yields various types of thresholds identified, by the connections that are made. The maitang connects the navigator with the forces of the sea, :ho ph\s!ca %\\\\ tb. fut t ip'jx ~k < I asiiMhc 1 sp >c ^\oJc ol t(iav.h with that of sight. h should .,;ls;> be aoied diat "wfir>! !;r' reier \o the nanse of a nav;t;ativH)id hxik-ator as well :is io Uio natne cif a ghost fhaf was traijiltsrmcd inUa carrer!; of ihis name; aad ttsc "riorthwest carreiU" k t\K -iainc of a cuneni rhat vvlii can-y a caijoe ok; of X\v: region of ihe Mar^haO l^lamls.

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14 The trailer links site to place, home to region, and mobile unit to ground. As a result of this connectivity, these details (mattang and Airstream) relate to and in many ways become territories. The mattang becomes the open sea, and the surface of the trailer registers its journey by indexing an itinerary. The "World's Most Traveled Trailer" (Figure l-4c) references past destinations in a listing applied to the exterior skin of the Airstream Globetrotter. Similar to indigenous dwellings that can be quickly erected in a site (for example, yurts, teepees, and bamboo lodgings), the shell of the Airstream trailer does not change but allows for almost instantaneous occupation of the site. The context in which the trailer is placed changes. And in the particular case of the Airstream trailer, the surface reflects the new siting in its polished skin a mirroring that alludes to the transformative potential (physically and metaphysically) between the new site and its displaced occupant. Both mattang and Airstream are vectors in the sense of the term developed by the philosopher Michel Serres: ...one must seize the gesture [as in transformations, wanderings, crisscrossings] as the relation is in progress and prolong it. There is neither beginning nor end; there is a sort of vector. That's it I think vectorially. Vector: vehicle, sense, direction, the trajectory of time, the index of movement or of transformation. Thus, each gesture is different, obviously.''' Although retaining directionality, this type of vector does not link fixed point to fixed point, histead, the intensification of this directionality becomes indexed travel, recording changes in place and time. For Serres, the gesture occurs at the intersection of thinking and acting; and gestural difference results from the specificity of the particular transformations, wanderings, and "crisscrossings" of the nomadic subject. With the '"^ Michel Serres with Bruno Latour, Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, trans. Roxanne Lapidus (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 104.

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15 radicalized empiricism'^' espoused by Serres, such vectorial thought fakes into account CAternai mrces throuafi a tacticaL iis opposed t& ssrategic, n:K)biliiy thai allows movenienf. topobgically, rather dian strictly topographically, across time ami space. Arriving is departing according to Serres' development of vectorial thought, what could be called "thinking the vector." Deieuxc and Guattari's rhizomatic discipiine simihuiy proposes the externalized forces of a nornadic thought. I.jke Serres" vectorial operators, the nomud Figure 1 -5. Advertisement Ibr Airsts'eani trailer and RebbeUtJ! iiavigafior! map (Airstrcan! (''orporation')' who in the context of this discrissiori acts as both the navigator and the tourist-traveler is a "vector of detenitoriallzatiOH" that by definition iraasforins places at both a territorial and a local scale. '"^ For Deleuze, this change is brought about by the opposition of nomadic and State forces, which are manifested in smooth and striated spaces respectively. While Deleuzian thought is inextricably political. Serresian epistemology maintains a dialogue between myth and science for the most part eschewing An efnpjficistr. iriuch iskc Dckuze's "cxperimenfation in contact with the i'cal." Note the subiiine reflecuvuy of the polished Airstream and the pijenomen;}! liansparency of tlx. ft coulti be argued that e,,;ci; of iiK cont^triiciions (though rtKlicaUy (Ufk-ieni: it; their t'l igins isnd j^rocedunil telationships) serves a^. & filter for ti)e c<>ntexi: tsnd envii-oninent, '' '' tn this case, fiti; !i:JV!<:3i:or (:•: the Ma:r5,i)ai'ie..;e pilot, :v-\d ihe jo(jrist-sra\eler is fi-e Airstrenns owner. Deieuze aau Guattari, Nmiiadology. 5.i.

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16 classifications of doctrinal politics. The emphasis and thus focus of this discussion remains within the discourse and methodology proposed by Serres but does seek to account for the relations both implicit and overt between the two philosophers, Serres and Deleuze." In order to avoid a generalized political overlay, the "politics of camp" will be addressed from within the specific context of the case studies that are sited in the Tampa area. If Serresian method provides an analog for what might be called "camp thought," it is the Deleuzian exercise that suggests a framework for understanding "camp construction." Camping occurs between the activities of reterritorialization and deterritorialization; and it is essentially defined by these operations, just as the time of camping is a question of arriving and departing (a becoming rather than a being). If my image of the Airstream is a Serresian-Deleuzian vector, then the mattang is its map. And it is ultimately through this simultaneity of arriving and departing and coincidence of detail and territory that the idea of thresholding resonates with the spaces and places of camp. Discussion will return to this question of mapping in a later section of this study. The conceptual grouping of the Airstream and the navigation charts seeks to outline a paradoxical construction that is simultaneously introductory, personal, and exemplary of the some of the key components of "camp." As both the subject matter and the mode for developing a methodology, camps serve as indexes of the operators and attributes that have been associated with the two lines of discussion and thought carried out in this section. The theoretical combination of the Airstream and the mattang characterizes the Throughout their careers, the two philosophers demonstrate mutual respect for each other's work and often cite each other in their writings. In one case, Serres describes Deleuze as "an excellent example of the dynamic movement of free and inventive thinking." {Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, 39)

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17 paradoxical situation of camping in which the centrifugal (mattang) and the centripetal (Airstream) coincide and the physical reliquaries of displaced homes (Airstream) and metaphysical theatres {mattang) share a common, if fleeting, grounding. Ultimately, camp thought can be closely linked to what Serres termed vectorial thought through the idea that camps index both movement and transformation in their sedentary moments. This indexed movement proceeds both from campsite to campsite, in the series of interlaced sitings and places, and from camp(site) to campsite, when mobility is tempered by a degree of permanence."^' From Camp(site) to Campsite At the sea. I wouldn't build a house for myself (and it is part of my good fortune not to be a home-owner!). But if I had to, I would, like some Romans, build it right into the sea 1 certainly would like to share a few secrets with this beautiful monster.'" ^' A third construction that possibly serves as a hinge between the Airstream and the mattang is the French author Raymond Roussel's "Maison Roulante [also written 'roulotte']." Built in the early 1920s and displayed at the 1925 Salon de I'auto in Paris, the "house on wheels" served as a mobile writing studio that assuaged Roussel's acquired phobia of luggage and allowed the author to travel virtually in place. The sumptuous interior spaces of the 30-foot long caravan created a hermetic volume where Roussel, with blinds drawn, could read without interruption. Mark Ford notes, "He spent his time . immersed in his daily ration of Loti and Verne, indifferent to the landscapes through which he was passing. The roulotte lessened still further the danger of details from his voyages seeping into his writings." (Raymond Roussel and the Republic of Dreams (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 171) Although Roussel traveled widely, his writing method and content remained at a distance from his actual experiences of the places visited such that his works such as Locus Solus (1914), Impressions of Africa (1910), and New Impressions of Africa ( 1932) retain a magically real quality. Accordingly, the relationship between his motorized caravan and his writing method warrants further study. It is my preliminary conclusion that his writing method influenced the construction and occupation of the caravan rather than the procedure of writing as a function of the vehicle, although New Impressions with its parenthetical construction was begun before Roussel abandoned the caravan in late December of 1926 (See Roussel's How I Wrote Certain ofMx Books, ed. Trevor Winkfield (New York: Sun, 1977). Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science, trans. Josefme Nauckhoff (New York: Cambridge, 2001), 147.

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18 Early Xmas mom we [the Deering family] all went out to Mr. Macklin's (about 12 Vi mile in the country) ... got us a big dinner of wild duck and beef roast ... Right after supper we talked a while then went home (I mean back to "Desota Park")."'^ What happens when camps become camp-sites, or when the impermanent attains a degree of permanency? In an aphorism typifying his gaya scienza, Nietzsche is drawn to the "beautiful monster" of the sea as a home unburdened by rites of ownership. And an early American autocamper confuses home with the camp of her family's vacation. Nietzsche at home on the sea, and Ruth Deering at home on the road. Can such mobilities of home be retained in the grounds of semi-permanent camps or with home ownership? The Airstream trailer was advertised as the "home away from home", with the assumption that the trailer owner could and would always return to a primary home."^"^ What this promotional catch phrase does not account for is the co-incidence of homes, when home' and home^ become Home. It is this conjunction that this thesis addresses and in which it resides. In some ways, the work arises initially out of this author's purchase of a house as a renovation project and subsequent thoughts about how it reflects home. To live in one's work mentally, figuratively, and physically allows the possible confluence of distance and proximity through the work's imagined and actually constructed ideas. The overlap between the renovation project that is the house on Livingston Street in Madison, Florida, and the architectural construct, which this dissertation has become, lies in each project's ~^ Ruth Deering, "A 1921-2 Diary of a Trip to Florida," Unpublished manuscript, Manatee County Public Library, Bradenton, Florida. Partial excerpt taken from December 25, 1921 entry. An advertisement (ca. 1960) for Airstream's thirty-foot Liner travel trailer model includes the following: "The Airstream Liner is your true "home away from home" designed for glorious living and traveling comfort. It has the most amazing interior you've ever seen. ..a big, big living room, worlds of closet and drawer space.. .you have the last word in livability. Wherever you stay, you will enjoy living in it.. .wherever you go, you will enjoy taking it with you."

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19 negotiation of theory and practice, of imagination and reason, and of mobility and fixity. I am reminded of the German Situationist Giinther Feuerstein, whose own apartment became the experimental site not only for artistic and theoretical expression but also for living. These intensely personal projects, termed "impractical flats," map the artist's ideas, dreams, and history in a domestic palimpsest of the unfinished. While our intention of inhabiting the unfinished house did not share Feuerstein' s outright rejection of labor-saving devices and contempt for environmental comforts, we did see this domestic occupation of incomplete space as a chance to construct our own real and imagined homes. Just as this thesis serves as the ground for exploring the notion that place can be constructed from disparate, even placeless or dis-placed, components and ideas, our house became a construction site for nomads at home. To borrow Vittorio Gregotti's phrase, we were "building the site" in which home might converge with the permanence of the unfinished house and the temporality of our propensity to drift."^ We were essentially camping at home. The idea of camp and camping remained in the unfinished walls and the living spaces, completed only by temporary porches awaiting more permanent roofing (Figure That is to say, we did not rip out air-conditioning and throw open our windows so that we "could swelter, shiver, an struggle to hear [ourselves] above the roar of the city"; but in some cases we did "unwind by throwing paint against the walls and drilling holes into them," as Simon Sadler describes Feuerstein's activities within his "impractical flats" (7-8). The transformation of the domestic space into a construction site is not unlike a scaled down version of Christopher Alexander's formulation of the "builder's yard." As a social institution, this "yard" decentralizes building knowledge; and as a domestic and communal component, it serves as a laboratory for construction work developed and carried out from within the community itself. Alexander refers to the "builder's yard" as the "nucleus of construction activity. ..a physical anchor point, a source of information, tools, equipment, materials, and guidance"(94-5). The "organic relation" of the yard to its built context follows Alexander's emphasis on process rather than product and the understanding of "the building system in terms of actions that are needed to produce a building (and not in terms of its physical components"(222).

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y\u'sa'eam niasiufacturirsg tacshiy i Au'stream (...(KporalKin ; 1-6). If home can be seen as a rheCorical territory (Morley 2001), tbett cm\p arid its image serve as a deterritorializing influence that maintains an unfinished ordering in the potential, however latent, of transforming home and ideas about home. With our entry into home-ownership on August 28, 1999, the "grounding" of a house's spaces provided both antithesis to a previously peripatetic existence and stable grounds within which to work on our respective dissertations. Such antithetical (and paradoxical) "territories" are based on the relational rather than the strictly fonnal. From a social standpoint, situations in which "relations" (both communal and economic) are required and mandated through an overlaid set of rules often force a devolution into a solidarity of the same; and the camp becomes an encampment. But the opportunity exists that the camp is a place of inclusK--n rather than csciusivitv and a space tst ccthe.si\u ditferciicc rather than enclosed eonsistcncx in serraofpiao.. and tij:!C, fire pr!\ tleifint; of the relational ispcis-. up tht possibility of a domestic architectui-e of the unfinished. Such designation as "unfinished" does not provide vaktation or quantification of completeness or of a lack; thai is to say. Viewed ano-her way, roots ciwasf floors and waib

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21 the unfinished is not necessarily the incomplete. And, at this arrival and departure, the question remains, as it did for Nietzsche, can there be grounding without ground?" Can there be a home on the metaphorical sea? Statement of Problem This study of camps and campsites addresses the relation of architectural constructions to three overall topics: place, time, and the vernacular. An overriding concern of this research is the potential problem of privileging the role of space over the implications that other components (particularly the three listed above) might have in making architecture. One sub-problem that this research addresses is the confusion of space and place. This study assumes that place is not the same as space, and in its treatment of camps and campsites seeks to avoid the subsuming of place by space. Looking at this "problem of place," Edward Casey defines a distinction of place and space that is "not derivative but generative" and contends that "the ultimate source of spatial self-proliferation is not the This rhetorical question adapts Sola-Morales' reading of Nietzsche's understanding of the "aesthetic" in contemporary society. Rather than located in and limited to a particular place, the components of life and culture are experienced paratactically — that is to say, "side by side" without a relative or hierarchical positioning through specific places. Sola-Morales argues that the displaced and peripheral position of aesthetic experience in contemporary culture results in a "paradigmatic value of the marginal" that forms one version of the "weak construction of the true or the real" a construction related to his essay's central paradox that is also its title "Weak Architecture" (Dijferences 60). For Nietszche, this contemporary crisis of finding a "grounding without ground", a weak architecture, occurs between the current "agitated ephemeral existence and the slow-breathing repose of metaphysical ages" (Human, All Too Human 24). Different ideas and cultures that can now be experienced in proximity without "localized domination" yield for the philosopher, as well as for Sola-Morales' architect, an "enhanced aesthetic sensibility." But for Nietszche, the problem remains: "A completely modern man who wants, for example, to build himself a house has at the .same time the feeling he is proposing to immure himself alive in a mausoleum." (24) It might be said that Henry David Thoreau, writing in 1854, presaged Nietszche's concept of home: "We have built for this world a family mansion, and for the next a family tomb. The best works of art are the expression of man's struggle to free himself from this condition."

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22 body or the way the world is but the placiaUzation of space itself.""'^ Place is differentiated from space, and at the same time place has the potential to generate space. In subsequent work, Casey summarizes this problem in the title of his recent book "the fate of place."'"* In one sense, place's destiny has varied historically with philosophical and cultural changes, with its nadir in a fateful assimilation by space in 17"^ century Newtonian science. In another respect, "fate" points toward place's renewed role as an event. O 1 If place results from the "production of an event," then what role does the concept of regionalism have in the production of architecture within the postmodern world? Regionalist doctrine has typically relied on the stable, public meaning of a particular place. The current dilemma of re-defming regionalism arises from the "unstable difference" characteristic of contemporary places and late capitalist production. Alan Colquhoun locates the problem in a shift from differences between regions to differences within regions a polyvalent condition that doctrines such as critical regionalism, with its restorative stability, are not prepared to address. Thus, along one thread, the problem for this study becomes relating ideas from recent work such as Bernard Tschumi's "architecture of the event" and Paul Virilio's "landscape of events" to the role of place, region, and event in the construction of camps. Edward Casey, "Smooth Spaces and Rough-Edged Places: The Hidden History of Place," The Review of Metaphysics LI, no.2 (1997): 268. ^" Edward Casey, The Fate of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997). Ignasi de Sola-Morales, "Place: Permanence or Production" in Differences: Topographies of Contemporary Architecture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 104. Alan Colquhoun, "The Concept of Regionalism," Postcolonial space(s), eds. G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997).

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23 Tschumi's work seeks to address the problem of relegating event and program to chronically subordinate roles in relation to architectural space. For Tschumi, an architectural construction is not a "passive object of contemplation" but instead must be viewed as a "place that confronts spaces and actions. ""''^ Consequently, architecture becomes the "discourse of events." In his introduction to Paul Virilio's work, Tschumi continues this discussion: "I have always felt, as an architect, that it was more exciting to be designing conditions for events than to be conditioning designs."^'* In question form, the problem that arises is can these conditions for events be established by the architect in terms of place rather than strictly space. Virilio's reaction to this problem, similar to that of Tschumi, is to recast space as a temporal phenomenon and to propose that duration is a confluence of simultaneities such that "the only relief in physical and historical landscapes is "that of the event.""*^ In this way, temporality makes manifest a constructed landscape through the presencing of its particular sequence of events. Similar to this privileging of the temporal, the phenomenal contours of place might be connected to the "production of the event." Ultimately, the possibility of the confluence of temporality, or more precisely and contemporaneously the ephemerality, and place poses a problem for the construction of built environments that this study of camps seeks to address. For the architecture of camps, the problem occurs with assumptions of placelessness in what is generally referred to as "ephemeral architecture." Recent discussions of ephemeral architecture, particularly in the analyses made by Robert Bernard Tschumi, Architecture and Disjunction (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994), 141. Bernard Tschumi, "Foreword." A Landscape of Events (Cambridge. MA: MIT Press, 20(X)). ix. Paul Virilio, "Calling Card." A Landscape of Events, trans. Julie Rose (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000). xi.

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24 Kronenburg, for the most part ignore the possibihties of place in the siting and making of architectural constructions. The source of this problem often arises from an unexamined attachment of the ephemeral construct to the particular place. "Attachment" here refers to material connections but also historical, phenomenological, even metaphysical associations. Demountability does not deny the possibility of these linkages. Moreover, ephemerality can in effect transcend temporality in its relation to duration. An additional problem occurs when this intended ephemerality gains a degree of permanence and becomes in effect a site for continued architectural production (and, in the case of groupings, with the attendant social, cultural, and political productions). Anthony Vidler outlines this problem of the mobile and the fixed in his discussion of John Hejduk's "vagabond architecture" that explores "a new type of space, that of the nomad, as it intersects with the more static space of established realms.""*^ The problem of ephemerality in relation to place and space is understood in the context of this introduction of a characteristically heterogeneous mobile space within the normalized space of the city. This intersection of zones of mobility and fixity potentially problematizes the relation between time and architecture. Discussing the problem of "confusions of domains of space with those of the experience of time," Deborah Hauptmann summarizes Refer to the "Review of Literature" in Chapter 3 for a complete treatment of Kronenburg's work. His seminal work is Houses in Motion: The Genesis, History and Development of the Portable Building (2002). Anthony Vidler, The Architectural Uncanny (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1992), 214. Among the many books and diary constructions of John Hejduk are Riga (Berlin: Aedes, 1988) and Vladivostok (New York: Rizzoli, 1989). In each of these works, Hejduk sounds the depths of particular places (in this case, the cities identified in the titles), in both their actual and imagined manifestations. Noted by Bernhard Schneider, the result of his brigade of "vagabond architecture" is "that the view from afar, from a foreigner, the distant perspective is laden with imagination which can observe many things sharper and more clearly than one familiar with the site for many years." (Hejduk, Riga, n.p.) For Hejduk, "place actual" is transformed into "place imagined" through the "particular atmospheres and sounds" of the sites and the impregnation of his "soul with the spirit of place" (Hejduk n.p.).

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25 what she sees as a dilemma of architects and planners "equivocally addressing problems of heterogeneous flow with incompatible answers in terms of homogeneous spatial fixity."''^ Thus, it might be that spaces of flow have the potential for responding to this operational disconnect, especially through a connection with issues of place and time. This research seeks to address this problem by studying the spaces and places of camps. Another problem that this study addresses is how to define the vernacular and determine its relevance to the production of architecture, both in practice and in theory. When discussions of vernacular architecture focus on the building form and its programming of space at the exclusion of the complexity of the context and place, potential problems, such as architectures of style, uncritical typologies, and limited morphologies, can result. This problematic consequence is less likely with inductive (though still a-posteriori) approaches in which particular situations are studied initially in terms of their own specificity and later grouped, as in the work of Henry Classic. In the context of regionalism and the profession of architecture, Colquhoun refers to this problematic compositional appropriation of vernacular motifs as a "second-order system" that arises from an individual architect's interpretation. How does the architect, and in Deborah Hauptmann, "The Past which Is: The Present that Was," Cities in Transition, eds. Arie Graafland and Deborah Hauptmann (Rotterdam: 010 PubHshers, 2001), 361. "'^ The work of Henry Glassie presents a rigorous documentation of the material culture and vernacular architecture of rural building practice in the United States (particularly the Middle Atlantic region and New England), northern Europe, and Turkey. Classic's most recent book Vernacular Architecture (2000) is an expanded version of the tlfth chapter of Material Culture (1999) and looks comparatively at regional architecture from around the world in order to relate the cultural history of place. The architect Steven Holl identifies Glassie as a guide in his critical assessment of architectural types and his attempt to develop a typology suggesting "abstract context" and "unconscious logic" (6). Holl writes, "Glassie illuminates the dominance of geometrical ideas in the silent artifacts of indigenous rural houses the way a composer/analyst might discover the fundamental dotted dance rhythm or the structure of melodies with imperfect cadence in a folk song." (6)

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26 this case the researcher, avoid the predicament of this "new vernacularism" ? This research seeks to address this problem by looking at the vernacular as a dialogue between detail and territory. Tectonic presence is studied alongside the "experience of absence" that characterizes the poetic contours of everyday life.'*' In this formulation, the vernacular is seen as a process that, although in many ways absent, traces or indicates how a construction has been made. And buildings and constructions are circumscribed by scalar shifts in an attempt to understand the locality and globality that characterizes contemporary vernacular production. J.B. Jackson summarizes this problem of the vernacular by noting the paradox that many of the materials and techniques assumed to be locally derived and indigenously crafted are actually imported "from elsewhere.""*^ The problem of defining home follows closely along the lines of this paradox of a locality constructed of and defined by the distant and the foreign. Notions of home, not necessarily connected to geographies of place, require alternative grounds for speculation. For bell hooks, this home-place is "that place which enables and promotes ever-changing perspectives, a place where one discovers new ways of seeing reality, frontiers of difference."'*'' Thus, home still resonates with place, but through modalities Sola-Morales, Dijferences. 64. Sola-Morales, 65. Because of the prominence of place and methodology in this work, a treatment of "tectonic culture" remains for the most part implied in the study of detail and the way camps and their constructions are actually made. The notion of the tectonic as outlined by Kenneth Frampton in works such as Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Architecture (1996) passes into this work through discussions of philosophers and architects such as Martin Heidegger and Gottfried Semper. See also Carles Vallhonrat, "Tectonics considered: between the presence and the absence of artifice," Perspecta (1988): 122-135. For Jackson's specific treatment of the vernacular's incorporation of foreign components, attributes, materials, and techniques, refer to his essay "Vernacular" in Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984). bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990), 148.

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27 and materialities that cannot always be assigned to locative constructions or philosophies. Cast as an architectural question, this issue lies between such exercises as Gordon MattaClark's and Rachel Whiteread's transformations of initially habitable structures into an absence through which can be read the tactile presence of memory and traces of an occupation and the act of making.'*'* At the other end are Krystof Wodiczko's projects that attempt the presencing of an absent social commentary and the production of a habitable yet mobile domestic space.'*"^ In an intermediate zone is the work of architects like Peter Zumthor, who seek an adaptation of one home and its memories (both historical and personal) with a newly materialized dwelling. Carried out through details and joints at the scale of the hand and the domestic volume, this synthesis of homes creates a new home-place while maintaining a dialogue of invention with past and future."*^ Hooks' connection of home with discovery proposes a productively unstable home, the fixity of which occurs in unearthing and maintaining variation. It is possible that a similar dialogue between camp and the revised home-place will suggest ways of defining the paradoxical home. Perhaps the solution to this problem ultimately lies in an architectural understanding of the relationship among place, time, and home within zones of semi-permanence. See for example Matta-Claik"s Splitting (1974) and Whiteread's House (1993). An aspect pertinent to the topic of this thesis and its discussion of home is the proximity of strangers, familiar and unfamiliar objects, and even memories of incongruous places in Wodiczko's projections and homeless carts. In this context, Zumthor's project for the addition of to a 1706 structure with living room and kitchen. Zumthor refers to the Gugalun House in Versam, Switzerland (1990-4) as a "new whole" and an "absorption of new and old." Zumthor also speaks of knitting the new and old structures together, as in the tradition of Swiss vernacular log homes and maintains the succession of spaces also found in local architecture.

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28 Finally, responses to the overall problem of mobility, ephemerality, and temporality in architecture range from an embracing of highly technological solutions to a nostalgic return to a simulacrum of stability and homogeneity. These reactions occur diagnostically at the scales of detail and territory. Within high technology, fabricated and highly machined details occur fleetingly inside the evacuated "non-places" of Marc Auge; and the nostalgic homecoming yields New Urbanist planned communities that adopt the form of detailing without attention to materiality and technique. Alan Colquhoun identifies what he terms the "core of the problem" in his discussion of regionalism; he asks, "What is the relation between cultural patterns and technologies?"'*^ Is this relationship evolutionary or juxtaposed, or is there a dialogic middle ground in which we can engage their differences? This, study addresses the problematic terrain between (and in some cases among) the polarized reactions to and the complexities of the contemporary architectural situation. Themes and the Concept of Paradox From this set of problems arise two main conceptual themes: 1. An exteriority incorporated from within. 2. A temporary presence in the process of becoming permanent. These themes and concepts cut across each component of the statement of purpose and each question stated below. The recurrence of these themes throughout this study reflects the paradoxical situations of camping that must be negotiated through the objectives and questions. Colquhoun, "The Concept of Regionalism," 22.

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— ^ 29 Statement of Purpose In the order of their relative importance to researching the topic and carrying out the case studies, the objectives of this work can be summarized as follows: 1 To understand place and time in cultures and conditions of itinerancy through the study of particular constructions of camps. 2. To review the potential for the vernacular (characterized by the camps) in the construction of theories of architecture. Two additional objectives, subordinate to each of the previous two, are: 3. To understand the role of the culture of itinerancy on disurbanized"*^ settlement patterns and on site construction. 4. To address the potential implications of camping practice for architectural methodologies, both theoretical and practical. Statement of Questions Concomitant with these objectives are a series of questions addressed in each case study and considered as a whole in the formulation of the conclusion in the final chapters of the project. The following questions serve as the focus of the investigation: 5. How is place constructed and reconstructed in zones characterized by the paradoxes inherent in itinerancy? (The general framework for this focal point of the inquiry is the question: What is the relation between cultures of itinerancy and the built environment?) 6. How might we (as architect-practitioner-theorist) research, operate, and make new or adapt existing constructions in these paradoxical and fleeting places? As a sub-set to the two main questions, the following secondary questions are also considered in this study: The term "disurbanized" has been employed by Henri Lefebvre to describe urban zones that occur between typical distinctions of public and private, planned and non-planned, legal and illegal, and center and periphery ("The Right to the City," Writing on Cities, 1995). In this case, I am using this term to reference the phenomenon of an increasingly fragmented dispersion of suburban, exurban, and edge-city settlements in addition to these paradoxical connotations.

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30 7. What methods might be used to study and work within paradoxes of place? The 'paradoxes of place' in this question includes contradictions inherent both in a place itself and in the architectural constructive occupation of a place. Paradoxical pairings include the following: attachment / detachment; mobile entity / fixed zone; extensivity / intensivity. 8. Moreover, what happens to our understanding of home when questions of time and place occur and are thus addressed between mobility and fixity? This particular question arises out of the tension between the two components in the following terms: camp-site and mobile home. 9. What does it mean to build the unfinished? How does the "unfinished" conUnue to be constructed? What does it look like?

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CHAPTER 2 SITING Organization of tlie Work Guide Manual Scrapbook There is no history book just a scrapbook of cherished fragments.' The topic of this work is closely tied to its format and structure as well as to the method developed for its study. The ubiquity and importance of the guidebook in camping practice suggests the adoption of the guide's configuration for the presentation of information and more importantly for its critical assessment. The typical camping guidebook, although sometimes appendicizing directories and lists of campgrounds specific to a region, departs from the provision of information about particular places usually found in tourist guides and instead outlines a practice and presents possible situations for which the prospective traveler-camper might prepare. In its generic form, the camping guide is not placeless but is "open to all places" and is prepared to work with the specificity of a place through operations. In spite of this openendedness, the camping guide like the tourist guide does maintain the perspective that the campers will be visitors British Broadcasting Company, Radio Times, 8 December 1933, 740/2. In his differentiation of modern maps and those driven more by myth, ritual, and itinerary, Michel de Certeau describes the 15"^ century Aztec map of the Totomihuacas exodus as a "history book" rather than a "geographical map." The book portrays the log of the journey and the map the route. Opposing the totalizing aspect of contemporary maps, de Certeau emphasizes the spatial stories inherent in the itineraries and tours that articulate the "arts of actions" and the citation of "stories of places" (120). In this formulation, de Certeau's history book and the scrapbook both serve as a re-weaving of narrative fragments through an interlaced tour of the subject, camps. 31

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32 and even strangers in a foreign place. As a result, the guide in most cases remains limited to that which is immediately accessible and visible to the outsider. However, by outlining a practice that follows a particular procedural sequence and by emphasizing the necessary activities, the camping guide resembles the manual. This guide-manual coupling complicates the idea of simple application of instructions found in the manual and the notion of explication associated with the guide. Where the guide is about seeing (to gain orientation and knowledge)^, the manual requires touching (to gain skill and knowledge)"\ The format and the critical ground suggested by this combination must occur between hand and eye. Like camping, such coordination requires practice and repetition in the context of real situations. The camping guide-manual thus goes beyond the didacticism of the guide's portrayal of information and the manual's instruction. The portability of the object itself suggested in its suitability to "fit in the hand" and its necessity of being "kept at hand" allows it to be relocated and its contents to be transformed by a new place and context."* With all these characteristics, such a guide-manual thus becomes a heuristic, and it is at this intersection of the conceptual and the practical that this thesis connects with the methodological implications of camping. For the framework and structure (both formal and theoretical) of this work, an array of guides and manuals, directly related and more indirectly related to camping, are consulted. Those guides specifically related to camping include: Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground (1854), Camp Life in Florida, Camping Sanskrit, veda, "to see." ^ Latin, manus, "hand." "Corps of Engineers' and military manuals were carried in belt pouches designed to hold documents, food, and other stock. Their attachment to the belt allowed for easy access and protection from the elements.

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33 and Cruising in Florida, The Motor Camping Book, Touring with Tent and Trailer, Trailer Travel Here and Abroad, The Weekend Camper, and Camping. In Camp Life, Hallock combines descriptions of camping techniques with advice on hunting and Figure 2-1. "A Triumphal Procession" to camp (James Henshall, Camping and Cruising in Florida, 1888, n.p.) recreation. Compiled in part from essays published in Forest and Stream, Hallock's guide takes the form of a narrative of his and other explorers' excursions between 1873 and 1875 in a Florida of which "so little is known." One representative journey within the Florida frontier takes L.A. Beardslee along the St. Johns River from Jacksonville to Enterprise with the service of a "lawn tent" in search of the black bass."^ Because of the Florida peninsula's inaccessibility in the later 19"^ century, the combination of tent and boat was a common way to explore the region (Figure 3-1). In a subsequent volume titled Camping and Cruising in Florida, Henshall records travels throughout Florida, ^ Charles Hallock, ed.. Camp Life in Florida (New York: Forest and Stream Publishing Company, 1876).

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Figure 2-2. Ernest Mever, Early rc-jadside autocamp. south of Jacksonville, Florida, 1922 (Flonda i hsioiical Society inn) the Ahna Clyde Field Library of Florida History) partjcularly along the Indian River in his craft called the Blue.hiU; \hc nanative occurs m daily journeys 'leaving camp" and returning "back to camp" (Figure 2-1)."' Written by Elon Jessup, a later publication The Motor Camping Book retlects North America's greater accessibility by way ofautocanipers and roads of increasingly better quality beginning in the late 19i0s. The documentation of Tin Can Tourist camps by the photographer Firriest Meyer ilhisirates the variety of campsites allowed for by the expansion of the road network (J^'igure 2-2). Within this context, the purpose of Jessup's book is "to give a practical working knowledge of how to camp out along the way while touring in a motor car.''^ lliis objective is quahfled by the thesis that the .motorist who carries a camping outfit and is well prepared for the tiip achieves the '"greatest degree of .lanu's A. Hcissiiall. Can:pini; ami cruising in Florida an accnsm! of Ar. ? winiers paxxed in cruising aroh'nd the coasts of Florida a.s viewed firm the suindpoim of an angler, a stmnsnuui. a vtichtman. a tuitumlhi and a physician { 1 888). .See Howard Lawrence Presiorvs /);;•,' Roads to Dixie: Accessihdiiy and Modernization in the South. .188519.^5 (f99)). Ernest Meyer's photograpii* depict Florida tourists camping in farm ioi.s, along.sick r()adw;)y.s, in iongleaf pine stands, and in more regulated coraniuniiy campground.s. Fix a coliecdt'n of Meyer's photographs fin the Alma Clyde Field Ijbrary of I-tortda Hrstory) and other htiages frottt the time period, refer to Nick Wynne's Tin Can Tourists in Florida ( 1999), Elon Jessup, The Motor Camping Bool-: (New York: G.P, Putnanrs Sons, 1921 ), 1.

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35 travel pleasure and freedom." In the text, Jessup includes sections on "why we motor camp" ("the nomadic instinct for a free life in the outdoors ran in our blood and had for generations" and "time and space are at your beck and call"), "picking a camp site" ("one night he may be camped in the yard of a little red schoolhouse, the next in a farmer's orchard, ... and then perhaps the following sundown finds him setting up his tent in the sophisticated grove of a city park"), "the importance of right equipment" ("one goes camping to have fun, not to be annoyed"), "the cooking fire" ("I must express an extreme partiality for a lingering heap of glowing wood coals"), and "camp furnishings."^ Many of these camping manuals follow changes in technology; and with the availability of trailers pulled by cars. Touring with Tent and Trailer supercedes guides devoted to the autocamper. Kimball and Decker outline what they refer to as "the science of camping" and include sections on planning the trip, pitching tents, making camp sites with trailer and tent, and even caring for one's appearance while on the road (as in Chapter xiv, which addresses "well-groomed Motor Campers"). ' Technical and social issues are also covered in Wally Byam's Trailer Travel Here and Abroad}^ Byam's text serves as a general guide for campers and trailer owners and presents narratives of the Wally Byam Caravan Club's trips across the world. Techniques of stowing, hitching, towing, backing, parking, and leveling are covered. Also, in the Club's camps, Byam shows how the camp circle becomes the "wagon-wheel style" formed by parked Airstreams (Figure 2-3a). More recent guides return to the less technical, more Jessup, 2, 189, 9,58, 149. '" Winfield A. Kimball and Maurice H. Decker, Touring with Tent and Trailer (New York: Whittlesey House, 1936). ' Wally Byam, Trailer Travel Here and Abroad: The New Way to Adventurous Living (New York: David McKay Company, 1960).

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.36 nmhologized mode of camping characterized as a return to nature and as enienainmem for the faniily. In Camping. Erse Donriiv}. mixes ti{)s on huikliiiL' Ciur!pfiiX^^ techniques for using iintl urifolding trailejtenis u Puhlic AlTaiTs I'aniphkf oj i*-*66. camping is also proposed as an antidote to social prc>blen>s such as the dissohifton of tainily structure. The goal of 'fauiil.y camping" U)liows the Public Affairs Conunittee's nuiudate of .19.15 to "develop new lechniqiics to educate the Amencan public on vital economic and social problems...,'"'" Presented with a siniiUuiy nostalgic quality but without the social directive, Dm arui Inez. Morris' guide presents the typical procedure for camping: choosing a ca.nipsite, makirjg and breaking camp, and the campfire and the cookiiig fire.' Figure 2-3. Camp layouts of Airsireara rally and Methodist camp meeting. A) Airstream ral ly forrnaiiosu Auburn. Washington, 1962, and B) C5round plan of camp ground for camp meeting, 14 by 1.6 rods (.Airstream Corporation; B.W. (iorham, Caffin Mi^nuig Manual, 133) BJi/abesh and William Gciiine. dmpiug vAth the Family, Public AtTairs Pamphlet No. 388 (Public Aflairs Conuniitee: i^)66i, 'Dan and Inez MojiH. fhe Week^iui Camper (New York: Bobb.s-Merriil. !'>7.^).

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37 Preceding these more contemporary examples of camping procedure is Reverend B.W. Gorham's Camp Meeting Manual created for Methodist preachers and their adherents. '"^ One of Gorham's objectives is to stop the gradual abandonment of camp meetings by adapting them to contemporary "taste[s] of the people and the spirit of the age."'"'' hi this adaptation, the minister also seeks to guard the church by maintaining a degree of doctrinal and thus spiritual control of the meetings, both in terms of formulation and content. By creating the manual, Gorham hopes to prove the utility and at the same time increase the efficacy of the camp meeting event. Along these lines, the portable manual'^ is meant to serve the itinerant Methodist preacher in his "circuit" of stops within the territories defined by the church as "districts." Gorham sees these temporary assemblies administered by the preacher as equally (if not more) important to the doctrine of Methodism as the permanent churches themselves (Figure 2-3b). Seen as a providentially mandated construction, the camp meeting links to the ecclesiastical system of Methodism in the following characteristics: removal of people from "worldly care," a place where "sublime truths of revelation" are sustained and the "mind of the church may rise," a break from the "worldliness of summer," and a "singular occasion for conversion."''' These attributes revolve around the simple act of "going into the woods" and setting up a camp away from the temptations, excesses, and distractions of the "world." Gorham, B.W. Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for the Camp Ground (Boston: H.V. Degen, 1854). Gorham, vii. The dimensions of the manual are 3.8" x 6.1". "Gorham, 13-17.

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38 Gorham divides the manual into two parts, the first framed as a conversation between a skeptic and a believer (ostensibly Gorham himself) and the second a more technically wrought section titled "Practical Observations and Directions." Introducing the minister's defense of the assemblies and addressing the doctrinal questions outlined above, the first part also serves as a guide for what the participant can expect, with sections dealing with the arrival (Chapter V's "Going to Camp Meeting"), duration (Chapter VI's "At Camp Meeting"), and departure (Chapter VIFs "Returning from Camp Meeting"). In the second part, Gorham outlines the "preparation of the ground" that should occur after determination of which ministerial circuits will participate in the assembly and where the camp meeting will be sited. This preparation begins with ascertaining the bounds of the assembly as a circle. The site is then cleared and graded before the initial siting of the preacher's stand around which the rest of the camp's components will be arranged (Figure 2-3b). Dimensioned to cover approximately 25 feet square, the altar is then located in front of the stand, and a "broad aisle" (between 7 and 9 feet wide) is laid out separating the seating areas of the male and female participants. All of the components are contained within the circle established at the beginning of the layout; the family and social tents are sited outside of the circle. In addition to this rigorous and hierarchical layout. Rules of Order are posted throughout the camp to outline and clarify restrictions on conduct during the meeting. Gorham's notations about the building of the stand, altar, benches, and tents are specific in terms of the procedure and layout to be followed, the materials to be used, and the dimensions to be employed. With its plan dimensions laid out as 12' x 16', the construction of the stand, or speakers' platform, includes a partition that separates the platform's two-level space front to back.

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39 According to Gorhani, the rear area is used for lodging and "secret devotions.'' The specific Is-eatnient and dimensiOing of the '"book board'^ oti wfaieh Bibijca! lexB will rest in the upper level of the platform includes the necessity that this compoaent be properly dressed and planed in contrast to other, rougher boards. BmX"~'' c 'd Figure 2-4. Military field manuals and Exposition guides. A) Staff Officers' Field Manual. FM 1 0 M 0, October 0, 1 943, 5.75" x 9", B) Engineer Field Manual, April 23, 1943, 4.5" x 6.75". Q) Authentic Visitors' Guide to tlw. World's Columbian Exposition, .1 893, 4.5" x 6.75", and D) Official Guide to iJie World's Coiurnbian Exposition, 1893, 5.25'' x 7.5" Published during World War II field manuals for niiiitarscanrps t'oliow a similar sequence of operations in setting up camp but exhibit an emphasis on efficiency and function without the nostalgic or legendary associations of recreational, social, or religious camping practice. The Staff Officers' Field Manual (FM 101-10} describes the typical layout of "semipermanent camps'' and more temporary "shelter tent camps." The field manual includes formulas for calculating square footage based on infantry size and on the number of vehicles and animals. The layout of the shelter tent camps occurs along a linear measure of its length and follows a rigid hierarchy of rank and service {Figure 25a). Across its main axis, the camp is arranged symmetrically around the Commanding Gorhani. i30. nmmm mmimm mmim Willi ^^^k>mp iwy .<>:.:< j'i i yi

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40 Officer's shelter, which is at the top and, in the middle. An exception to the symmetry is the vehicle parking area and picketed aiiifual pens at tiie boiioni of the layout. The giude also dictates the "degree of dispersion'" of tents and vehicles within the bivouac area of A Figure 2-5. MiJitas v ictst c Camp Bianding, i jorida, postcard (SfqffOflii cr\ hielJ Munuu!, n.p.; Piotitia Mate Archives. nt)44770) the temporary encampment; this dispersion is "governed by hostile mechanized threat, the air situation, and control of the command."''^ Also prepared by the United States War Department, the Engineer Field Manual inckides more extensive operational procedures for siting and constructing camps. The f ield Manual presents four categories of u'oop shehers that are based on the dusation of ii\e canvp and its degree of permanency "Camps
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41 organized by decreasing temporality. The following categories are included: bivouacs "in which troops rest on the ground covered by shelter tents or hastily improvised shelter", camps "in which cover is provided by tentage more elaborate than shelter tents", cantonments "in which shelter is provided by buildings erected for that purpose", and billets "in which shelter is provided in [pre-existing] public or private buildings."" Paragraph 158 of the manual outlines the "selection of camp and bivouac sites" based on comfort and convenience as well as from a tactical standpoint. The War Department's Field Manual FM 20-15 specifically addresses erecting tents within military camps. This manual includes guidance in siting, pitching, trenching, striking (breaking), and folding tents. The chapter describing the "selection of site" includes a list of rules to follow such as "Do not camp at the base of a cliff and "Choose level ground." The section on "pitching tents" is presented as a sequence of procedures from "Divide the tent pole sections into four parts..." to "Stake out the side guy ropes on tent pins.""' In addition to documents that directly relate to the practice and procedure of camping, guides and manuals that include descriptions of camps were reviewed for their relevance to the methods and practices of camping. Examined in this study both for their organization and for their descriptions of the camp exhibits along the Midway Plaisance, manuals for experiencing the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 took the form of guides and catalogues. It is also interesting in the context of this study that the manuals were produced for an event (like a camp) that was assumed to be temporary and of ^" "Shelters and Camps for Engineer Units," Engineer Field Manual: Operations of Engineer Field Units (FM 5-6), War Department (Washington D.C.: 23 April 1943). 176-180 (Paragraphs 156-163), 176. ^' Tents and Tent Pitching (FM 20-15) (Washington, D.C.: U.S. War Department, 24 February 1945), 51, 8-9. Note that FM 20-15 was updated on 9 January 1956.

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42 relatively short duration: "All buildings, with probably one exception, to be decided on after the close of the Exposition, will be removed from the grounds within six months after the gates are shut in October."'^ In this context, John Hejduk's projects and sketch books also serve as manuals that record transitory events / interventions and that point toward an imagined occupation of or experience within particular cities and places. Documenting journeys associated with Venice, Berlin, and Russia, these works may also be read as travel diaries or retrospective guidebooks. Similar to the Exposition manuals, Hejduk writes of the fleeting and semi-permanent nature of the constructions and events: I have established a repertoire of objects / subjects and the troupe accompanies me from city to city, from place to place, to cities I have been to and to cities I have never visited. The objects / subjects present themselves to a city and its inhabitants. Some of the objects are built and remain in the city; some are built, stay for a while, then are dismantled and disappear; some are built, dismantled and moved to another city where they are reconstructed. I believe that this method / practice is a new way of approaching the architecture of a city and of giving proper respect to a city's inhabitants. It confronts head-on a pathology.^"^ The latter portion of the previous excerpt describes the residual nature of fairs and camps that can be recorded and negotiated by the manual's procedural construction. In later sections of this thesis, the connection between fairs, midways, and camps will be examined in detail. Within the condensed format of its seventy pages, the Authentic Visitors Guide to the World's Columbian Exposition sought to "furnish, in brief and attractive form, all information required by the stranger relating to the Exposition and the city of Chicago.""''^ In addition to "permanent" and "indispensable" maps, the guide includes the text of Richard J. Murphy, Authentic Visitors' Guide to the World's Columbian Exposition and Chicago, May 1 to October 30, 1893 (Chicago: The Union News Company, 1 893), 12. Riga (Berlin: Aedes, 1988), n.p. Murphy, 3.

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43 ''hi Figure 2-6. Building Plans of the World's C^ojumbian Expositifin: Transponation Exhibits Building, Mncliinory [laiK Manutactiircs and Liberal Ads Buiidinu (M P Handy, ed., Offii ia! C<(h.d'>i:uc o/Exhihi!\: World's Columbian ExSiihlliofi (Chicago: WJj. Conkcy 1893). Pials VI!. 4, \T. 4, XI; -i-.^j.

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44 President Harrison's Proclamation, the program of the Dedicatory Exercises, the Exposition's Chronological History, and a description of the Exposition Site with its connections to transportation as well as its buildings and grounds. The guide's condensed format relies on a unique "system of classification" that "has been arranged exclusively for the Authentic Visitors' Guide, and is copyrighted.""^"^ The system functions as both index and catalogue, containing "1,000 classified subjects" and takes the form of a "Finding List." Designated as a "Concise Method of Locating Exhibits in All Buildings," this list of immense diversity includes articles from Academies to Zinc, from Aromatic Substances to Axle Grease, from Crystallography to Immigration. By pairing the officially sanctioned Group numbers of exhibits (as located within exposition structures) with the guide's page numbers, the system indexes the contents of each of the guide's pages dedicated to a particular building and Department (assigned letters A through N). Lacking this systematization in its standard index, the Official Guide of the Exposition serves as a handbook with extensive background information about American progress, the city of Chicago, and the fair itself"^ The Guide also includes numerous illustrations adapted from "original drawings" and incorporates the "official map" (updated June 15, 1893) of the grounds. The Official Guide's didacticism is apparent in the compiler's introductory encouragement of the visitor "to study the accompanying Murphy, 3. In this case, the fair becomes a detail within the political territories of Chicago itself and within the historical and cultural territory of the increasingly industrialized American apparatus of production and perceived societal progress.

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45 map. This is an absolute necessity to one who would not travel aimlessly over the grounds and who has a purpose beyond that of a mere curiosity hunter."" Echoing the fair's goal to endow visitors with a "liberal education," the Guide assumes that visitors seek the "enlightenment" that the fair and the guide can provide as a result of world progress in the arts, sciences, and industries. After the introduction, the Ojficial Guide also lists "Ten Suggestions for Visitors," primarily a checklist of preparations, expectations, and costs for the visitor's arrival to Chicago and for the fair with additional advice to consult with the fair's Bureau of Public Comfort upon admission. In contrast to the Authentic Guide's conciseness and the Official Guide's lavishly illustrated documentation, the Official Catalogue to the Exposition serves as an exhaustive compendium of all the exhibits of each Department." In excess of one thousand pages, the catalogue is divided into sections for each Department, with a reproduction of an oblique perspectival view of each building as a frontispiece. Following the views rendered by A. Zeese and Company of Chicago is a brief description of the exhibition building, a short section titled "Key to Installation" explaining the internal arrangement of the exhibitions, and precisely detailed building plans. Illustrating each exhibition's layout with layers of text, numbers, and partitions, the plans (themselves a combination of scaled floor plan and diagram) serve as both map and catalogue (Figure 2-6)?^ John J. Flinn, Official Guide to the World's Columbian Exposition (Souvenir Edition) (Chicago: The Columbian Guide Company, 1893), 5. 28 M. P. Handy, ed., Official Catalogue of Exhibits: World's Columbian Exhibition (Chicago: W.B. Conkey, Publishers to the Exhibition, 1893). The Official Catalogue held by the University of Florida Library includes a signature and inscription on the first page: "C.L. Willoughby... Corps of Guides.. Jackson Park, Chicago... 1893." Willoughby has also added to the Ground Plan of the Palace of Fine Arts handwritten, pencil notations that identify the spaces

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46 The guide produced by the Federal Writers' Project for Florida includes information on Florida's camps and campgrounds in the 1930s and represents a mode of recording information that relates to the process of camping itself. The Guide to the Southernmost State is divided into three parts: Florida's background in diverse categories from its natural features to its architecture, an overview of the state's principal cities, and a series of tours called "The Florida Loop." Although primarily structured by its twentytwo tours, the Guide can be read as a collection of fragments each of which can be understood as a separate story (within the larger story). As a collection of newspaper excerpts, oral history, text from signage, song lyrics, legend, geographic description, and statistics, the Guide resembles the plateau structure of Deleuze and Guattari's A Thousand Plateaus. The Florida Guide does not require a linear reading, its itineraries criss-cross and can be cross-referenced and gives equal weight to fact and myth (as an alternative history of the place). The text thus provided a guide to visitors and tourists from outside Florida and served as a reference for those already familiar with the Floridian environment. As a centon, the Guide is the result of fragments sewn and woven together. It is this patchwork of its composition that relates to the bricolaged vehicles, dwellings, and grounds of the Florida camps. A work more consciously wrought as an assembly of fragments is Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, which is structured as two assigned to particular countries (see page 8 in Fine Arts section (K) of Catalogue). The "Corps of Guides" identifies Willougiiby as a member of Queen Victoria's Corps, also icnown as the "Frontier Force" estabhshed in 1 846 as an Indian Army regiment on the Northwest frontier of India during British rule. Interestingly, Willoughby purchased in 1890 Plymouth Beach's Columbus Pavilion, which he enlarged to include not only room for dancing and dining but also accommodations for visitors. In 1893, he built a series of beach cottages to expand guest lodging. It is also known that Willoughby was sole proprietor around 1901 of the Cyclorama of the Battle of Gettysburg on Tremont Street in Boston. Federal Writers' Project, Florida: A Guide to the Southernmost State (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939).

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47 books. ^' Book One outlines the "preliminaries" with two epigraphs, a fable of "food, shelter, and clothing;" and an inventory of "persons and places" portrayed as actors in a play. If the first book serves as the contextual "siting" of the story, places, and actors, then the second book can be understood as the clearing, making, and breaking of the action of the story. The first part of Book Two specifies the time (July 1936) and summarizes the themes in "A Country Letter." Corresponding to "things that are made" and the processes of their making and use, the second part catalogues money, shelter, clothing, education, and work. After an "intermission," a set of three "Inductions" are presented as a type of open-ended analysis of the findings in the previous section. Within this loosely structured format, Agee summarizes the desire that his writing might sufficiently represent the fragmentary nature of the project's subjects: "If I could do it, I'd do no writing at all here. It would be photographs; the rest would be fragments of cloth, bits of cotton, lumps of earth, records of speech, pieces of wood and iron, phials of odors. . Related to this weaving of fragments and thus lending itself to the methodology of a camp practice, John Ruskin's guide titled St. Mark's Rest uses an open-ended method to assemble a fragmentary, yet "truer than you have heard hitherto," account of the city of Venice. Mirroring Ruskin's own peripatetic method inclined to digression, the guide combines historical, architectural, mythological, and legendary accounts to present the "book of a nation's art" and to "examine the religious mind of Venice" in the 15'** James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960). Agee and Evans. 1 3.

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48 century.''^ Ruskin studies the historical manuscript of Venice metaphorically through its buildings and their stories, which he notes are no longer "open on the waves" of history: What fragments of it may yet be saved in blackened scroll, ... of which so much has been redeemed by love and skill, this book will help you, partly, to read. Partly, for I know only myself in part; but what I tell you, so far as it reaches, will be truer than you have heard hitherto, because founded on this absolutely faithful witness, despised by other historians, if not wholly unintelligible to them.'^"* Thus, Ruskin' s work serves as a guide for telling Venice's other history and for reading the Venetian fragments. At times, his text resembles stage directions (in typography and punctuation as well as direction) by courteously outlining the preferred itinerary; and in other sections, his ruminations take the reader-tourist on an imagined tour across history and space. On his way to describing the imagery of St. George in the bas-reliefs of the house above the Ponte de Baratteri (or as Ruskin notes "Rogue's Bridge") before arriving at St. Theodore's Scuola and the "hypocrisy" of its conversion into a furniture warehouse, Ruskin writes: And now, if you please, we will walk under the clock-tower, and down the Merceria, as straight as we can go. There is a little crook to the right, bringing us opposite St. Julian's church, (which, please, don't stop to look at just now): then, sharply, to the left again, and we come to the Ponte de' Baratteri, "Rogue's bridge" on which, ... let us reverently pause. In an earlier section, crossing the Rialto Bridge, Ruskin mixes philology and myth with Italian fragments in his description of the "Deep Stream" and eventually brings us to his immediate present (February 26, 1877): And this Venetian slow-pacing water, not so much as a river, ... but a rivulet, 'fumicello' ... "'Rialto,' Rialtum,' 'Prealtum'" (another idea getting confused with the first), "dal fiuniicello ... Realtine." The seipentine depth, ... being here vital; John Ruskin, St. Mark's Rest (London: George Allen, 1904), 160. Ruskin, viii. Ruskin, 47-8.

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49 and the conception of it partly mingled with that of the power of the open sea the infinite 'Altum'; sought by the sacred water, as in the dream of Eneas, ... and yesterday, Feb. 26"^, in the morning, a little tree that was pleasant to me....''^ Ruskin has organized each chapter of St. Mark's Rest into one day for the reader, giving a sense that the guide is constructed in and operates within "real time." The excerpts above occur in Chapters III and FV respectively and occur within walks along the same route. As a result, Ruskin does not attempt to traverse the entirety of the city but instead finds the history of Venice written into its details; and his understanding of the city is not linear but topological, as he folds time and space in the interest of his narrative journey driven by a combination of the specific reality of the place and the imagined "dream-space" of his own personal historical discourse. Writing about the "contracted world" of museums and catalogues, Robert Harbison interprets Ruskin's work in St. Mark 's Rest as a synthesis of the museum and the map. In this sense, the guide is ordered by Ruskin's personally curated collection within the given reality of the Venetian landscape: His objects are works of art and his collection of them in a book a kind of museum, but he brings together a museum and a map, because he locates his objects in real space.... By giving the sense of a few things with lots of space around them Ruskin conceals the fact that he assembles a museum, but his powers of selection are making an order discriminate like a museum and not indiscriminate like a map, and what feels like a further freedom, leaving things where they live, is the occasion for a further order. Ruskin's museum-map construction circumscribes a version of the guide-manual that allows for both explanation and exploration. Ruskin, 38-9. Robert Harbison, Eccentric Spaces (New York: Avon, 1980), 141.

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50 An analog for many of the aspects of the guides and manuals presented in this review is the scrapbook. The methodology of assembling a scrapbook resonates with some of the procedures found in Ruskin's composition of the museum-map. The scrapbook is a kind of tourist "memory book" that captures the recollected experience but can also serve as a reference for future tours. Such an intersection of memory and geography occurs like the diary (specifically, Ruskin's Brantwood Diaries) as a personal recording of events "pasted" within the blank pages of the journal. While the typical diary may remain undisclosed to a public reading, the scrapbook records and preserves fragments (pictures, newspaper clippings, tickets, and other scraps) for both private and public reference. Like the travel slide show, the scrapbook is prepared for a potential performance. Within the context of the guide-manual coupling and its implications for a camping practice, it can be argued that the scrapbook be added to this pairing (guide and manual) as a third aspect of the idea of "camp as method." Thus it is not coincidental that the story of the Tin Can Tourists (T.C.T) is told in a series of scrapbooks housed in the Florida State Archives. Composed by their donors Ray and Mary Levett (members of the Tin Can Tourists), the scrapbooks document the functions of the T.C.T., the various campsites where meetings were held, the evolution of the trailers used and the automobiles that towed them, and the activities and amusements enjoyed by the members. As historical documents, the T.C.T. scrapbooks serve as manuals for retrospectively interpreting the camping practices of the Tin Can Tourists. Moreover, the scrapbook as a methodology follows what has been described as Ruskin's own "caravannish manner" in which seemingly disparate items are pasted together, linked, Tin Can Tourists of the World, 1920-1982, unpublished documents, Florida State Archives, Collection Number M93-2, Boxes 2 and 3.

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51 and juxtaposed.'''^ This documentary method has been utilized in an eminent British Broadcasting Company series called "Scrap-book" that in its programming relates directly to the methods used by the Federal Writers' Project participants, James Agee, and Ruskin himself. As an architectural research method, this combination of manual, guide, and scrapbook is proposed as an open-ended process manual related to camping practice. In the western architectural tradition, the treatise plays a role in architectural design related to many of the attributes of the manual, guide, and even scrapbook. By definition, the treatise is a written work that addresses a subject formally and systematically; etymologically, this format negotiates, discusses, handles, and "draws out" a subject. Particularly in the Renaissance, the treatise conveyed a design procedure that related theory to practice. Along with Vitruvius' Ten Books, these early treatises were both prescriptive and expressive: "Indeed, in seeking to explain this architecture [in which man was at the center and the ultimate 'pattern'], the early treatises naturally aspired towards a poetic or metaphorical imitation of nature, rather than one of scientific exactitude."'**^ This combination of the poetic and the systematic is certainly found in the camping procedure. The rigorous system of camping process (siting, clearing, making, breaking) reflects the outlines of many architectural treatises; Leone Battista Alberti's Ten Books include Lineaments (I), Materials (II), Construction (III), Public Works (IV), Works of Individuals (V); Vitruvius' text begins with First Principles and the Layout of Such a methodology can also be discussed in terms of Kurt Schwitters' work including his collages, reliefs, and Hannover Merzbau (a project combining collage, sculpture, and architecture carried out between 1923 and 1937). *' Vaughan Hart, Paper Palaces (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 28.

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52 Cities (I) and Building Materials (II). The poetics of camping as an event, one that occurs around the mythically charged setting of the campfire, might be best reflected in Alberti's more lyrical text Dinner Pieces. Although collected as a series of eleven books around certain themes, the Dinner Pieces present an array of subjects and styles that can be read in any order. Thus, the didacticism does not come through their formal ordering or sequence, but instead by way of their internalized moral lesson, whether interpreted as fable or allegory. These fragmentary "scraps" were meant to be read and consumed "over dinner," and David Marsh has noted that the Latin title Intercenales is a neologism that implies "a sort of leisurely improvisation.""^' There is potentially a link between the art of storytelling (over dinner) presented in Alberti's fragments and the art of building presented in his systematized treatise Ten Books. Susan Sontag ascribes a gravity to the treatise when she writes "It's embarrassing to be solemn and treatise-like about Camp,""*^ but perhaps the poetic quality found in Renaissance treatises and writings does link the systematic quality of camping to a more open-ended process that connotes both the scrapbook's "jottings" and pastings and the treatise's formal arrangement of ideas and design procedures. An additional, if not obvious, component of the organization of this work is the dissertation format itself. Framed within the academic tradition and format, this project ascribes to the "coding" of the dissertation's requirements. This relationship influences the format of the work (titles, headings, style, and other conventions) but also initiates a dialogue about what a dissertation within the field of architecture, particularly one that David Marsh, in the introduction to his translation of Leon Battista Alberti's Dinner Pieces (Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1987), 5. Sontag 276.

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53 focuses on methodology, might become. As a discipline with critical-theoreticalhistorical traditions as well as design and research traditions, architecture's combination of the explanatory and the exploratory allows for a unique dialogue of theory and practice. This dissertation's adaptation of the "field manual" construction serves to emphasize the inextricable importance of process in linking theory and practice within architecture's disciplinary background. Accordingly, the work becomes an intensively architectural construct, while respecting the tradition and format of the dissertation. For example, footnotes serve as a memory theatre of bibliographic attribution and the thought process itself. Similarly, the introductory quotations and excerpts at many of the section headings form an aphoristic style and are contextualized by their placement in the text but also are allowed to maintain an openness of meaning that will be discussed further in Chapter 3. Grafted to and framed within the dissertation format, these headings, divisions, and excerpts mirror the procedural quality of the field manual and the camping process itself, which moves from campsite to campsite much like Ruskin's "caravannish manner" and his textual stage directions. The "field" component of the field manual also links the academic construction of field of architecture to the campsite as open field within a particular place. Pressing this connotative association further, the connection between camp and campus should also be noted, both implying the field or place for "carrying out an activity," for process. From this relation between manual and dissertation, camping practice is proposed as both a building and a thinking practice, ultimately an architectural process of thinking-making.

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54 "-ing"^^ Between arrival and departure are the activities of camping. Taking into account the methodological implications of the camping manual, this work appropriates the structure of the camping process for its value of both explication and invention. As a rhetorical and creative device, camping practice follows a sequence that in part is linear but as a whole forms a cyclic construction in which arriving and departing overlap. Camping proceeds from siting to clearing to making and finally to breaking. These phases in the sequence often overlap and are susceptible to interruption, accident, and stoppage. Thus, the definitions that follow, while delimiting for clarity, characterize the essence of each term but at the same time refer to their presentation as verbal nouns (the appended "-ing"). The idea of action inherent in these verbal nouns is found in their Latinate grammatical term "gerund," which is "capable of being construed as a noun, but retaining the regimen of the verb."'*'* The Latin gerundum is literally "a carrying on," and it is this suggestion of continuation, of unending process, that is always present in the procedure of camping. In this open system, siting continues through clearing, making, and breaking. Clearing does not cease with the initiation of the "making" phase. And so on. In its implied continuance, the "ing" suffix relates to time, particularly a time of duration; the role of time in camp(ing) will be addressed in later sections. These organizing gemnds paradoxically combine the active and the passive, movement and fixity. The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol.VII (New York: Oxford, 1989), 954-5. The Oxford English Dictionary', 2d ed., vol. VI (New York: Oxford, 1989), 473.

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55 The overall work utilizes the sequence of terms found in camping texts (siting, clearing, making, breaking) for its sectional headings. Within the work's "Making" section (beginning with Chapter 4), each chapter is also internally organized by these terms. Thus, added to the qualities of continuation and paradox mentioned above is the idea that within each phase of camping is found the repeated (and embedded) manifold of operations. This concept is particularly evident in the making of camp because initial sitings and clearings must be consistently re-assessed and future breakings must be accounted for. Siting Yet site does not situate.'^'' Siting is the process that leads up to the establishment of a site."^^ This activity in effect works between the locative, specific, and reified qualities of site and the more open-ended practices of exploration and discovery. Consequently, siting is a negotiation. Methods of negotiation require openness; and "[b]eing open is setting out the 'facts,' not only of a situation but of a problem. Making visible things that would otherwise remain hidden."'*^ hi camping, siting entails a decision-making process; the camper must often choose a site such that siting is highly conditional and contingent. In many cases, siting Casey, 201. A parallel discussion, particularly in the context of the formatting of the academic dissertation and its "coding" and formalization, could be carried out regarding the homophonic connection between "siting" and "citing." Denotatively, citing is a summoning or quoting. Connotatively, a clearer connection exists with siting. Citing is a setting in motion, a beginning that occurs in movement (from the Latin citare). Siting as an event can also be traced in the Oxford English Dictionaiy's fourth meaning of the verb "to cite" as "to bring forward an instance" {The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. Ill (New York: Oxford, 1989), 248-9). Moreover, citing like the siting of camps often occurs as an annotative process on the margins or edge of the main work, or "ground." ''^ Gilles Deleuze, Negotiations, trans. Martin Joughin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 127.

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56 camp depends on the qualities of the ground. In camping, quaUties of contour, solidity, texture, hardness, and other particularities of the ground cannot be leveled, compacted, or otherwise altered as in typical building projects and sites. Instead, siting negotiates the ground. In camping, this negotiation works as much qualitatively as formally. With his premise that "site does not situate," Casey contends that place rather than site is what situates the rich multiplicity of things and events. Site remains bound up by and within spatially articulated cartographic and geometric conceptions. Siting is proposed here as an alternative to the limitations of reductive cartographic (specifically Cartesian) aspects of site. The procedure of siting camp can be compared to the situation construite (constructed situation) of the French Situationists. For Guy Debord and the Situationists, the construction of a situation is a mode of siting that moves beyond the formal, visible characteristics of a particular place. In this respect, siting becomes situating, to return to Casey's aphoristic statement at the beginning of this section. In his initial "Report on the Construction of Situations" (1957), Debord writes: "Architecture must advance by taking emotionally moving situations, rather than emotionally moving forms, as the material it works with. And the experiments conducted with this material will lead to new, as yet unknown forms. """^ The situation precedes the form. The characteristics of setting up, Guy Debord, "Report on the Construction of Situations and on the International Situationist Tendency's Conditions of Organization and Action," June 1957, trans. Ken Knabb, Berkeley, CA: Bureau of Public Secrets. http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/reports.htm. The problem of defining suitable forms for building situations remained for Debord and the rest of the Situationists throughout their investigations. The work of Constant Nieuwenhuys remains the most "architectural" of the Situationist experiments with form (see The Activist Drawing: Retracing Situationist Architectures from Constant's New Babylon to Beyond (2001), eds. Catherine de Zegher and Mark Wigley). It is also important to note that the phenomenon of the situation construite begins with the environment of household parties (attended by Debord and the Situationists) but is soon ideologically and politically transformed to form "a part of a cumulative revolutionary chain." (Sadler, The Situationist City, 106-7)

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57 constructing, or siting a situation mirror the initial procedures of camping. According to a follow-up report produced by Situationist International in 1958, the situation construite should be provisional and should be experienced, or lived, rather than merely constructed as a work of art and left to be read and interpreted."*^ For the Situationists, this provisional experience includes the following characteristics: A situation is also an integrated ensemble of behavior in time. It [situation construite] is composed of actions contained in a transitory decor. The really experimental direction of situationist activity consists in setting up, on the basis of more or less clearly recognized desires, a temporary field of activity. A constructed situation must be collectively prepared and developed. These qualities tie into the idea of siting as a procedure of camping and outline the initial stages of a camping practice. The disconnect between siting and site highlights the problem of place in treatments of space and position. Michel Foucault's statement in "Of Other Spaces" reflects the possible coincidence of these terms and ideas: "heterotopia is capable of juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces, several sites that are in themselves incompatible.""^' In his critique of such paratactic treatments of this terminology, Edward The "problem" that the Situationists encountered became the contradictory nature of their theoretical (in many ways, political) and practical pursuits. Debord's polemic of a "free architecture" and his proposal of psychogeographic research as both observation and intervention results in the duality of Situationist project. For Debord, this form of research has a "double meaning: active observation of present-day urban agglomerations and development of hypotheses on the structure of a situationist city." ("Report on the Construction of Situations...") Anonymous, "Preliminary Problems in Constructing a Situation," 1958, trans. Ken Knabb, Berkeley, CA: Bureau of Public Secrets. http://www.bopsecrets.0rg/SI/l .situations.htm. With this document, the Situationists, in addition to outlining the attributes of the constructed situations, are attempting to resolve the problem of meshing an artistic endeavor (and its "mechanical" production of ambiance) with the more communal, accessible, and experimental zones of activity. ^' Michel Foucault, "Other Spaces," Lotus International 48/9 (1986): 15.

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58 Casey speculates that the collapse of notions of space and place into position (or site) is completed in the IS"' century following Descartes and reaching full development in Leibniz's analysis situs. ^~ With place subsumed into sites as nodal positions and space defined by relativized networks, Leibniz's model limits place's potential (at the very least, to offer basic directionality and orientation) and denies "inherent properties ascribed to [space and place] by ancient and early modern philosophies: properties of encompassing, holding, sustaining, gathering, situating."' As opposed to site, sitmg retains these active properties. Such openness and non-static qualities contrast with the relativism and delimitation of sites found in "striated spaces" and their definition by the "relative global.""^'* Foucault also recognizes a connection between the architectural requirements of institutions and the leveling of sites, as in the functional sites of prisons and penitentiaries.^'^ Foucault later summarizes his view of the modern trajectory (that was noted by Casey): "Our epoch is one in which space takes for us the form of relations among sites. "'^^ But if we experience space through site and Foucault' s heterotopic counter-sites are closely linked to real places (in fact, a proliferation of sites and possible "other sites"), then is not the process of negotiating site through place the basis for determining space? Foucault touches on this engagement in his discussion of inverting Edward S. Casey, The Fate of Place (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), 182-3. Casey, 183. ^'^ Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nomadology, 54. In contrast to striated space, nomad space is "localized and [yet] not delimited." This paradoxical condition is reflected in the discussion of siting in this section where there is the possibility of a placing without emplacement, that is a geometric freezing of siting into site. See Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1979), 231-256. Foucault, "Of Other Spaces," 16.

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59 the site; but his unquestioned idea of site, as Casey points out, leaves problematic its role in our actual experience of space and understanding of place.'^^ Accounting for this critique, the concept of siting is proposed as a response to Foucault's unresolved role of site and Casey's own claim that site is necessarily anti-place. Siting occurs simultaneously at two scales: the territorial scale of the camp and the more immediate scale of the body, moving and orienting within the area of the camp's siting. This dual work of siting offers a possible response to the difficulties of resolving the sited stability of Heideggerian habitation with the fragmentation found in the postmodern, post-capitalist landscape of production and philosophy. Following closely the work of Peter Eisenman and his idea of "spacing,"''^ Casey proposes and advocates the "non-static anti-site."''^ But the negation of site (whether in counter-site, anti-site, or non-site) may not be necessary with the dynamic multiplicity of siting. The parenthetical inclusion of "site" in this work's title points out not the complete suppression of site but the possibility of simultaneously maintaining and transforming sitedness through practices such as siting, within the overall work of camping. Moreover, the term "camp(site)" also suggests the potential of camp as idea and campsite as an architecture of the unfinished. Clearing In this work, clearing is not simply the removal of obstructions, hi camping, places are not cleared away to make room for the fixing of a permanent position. Rather, as a Casey, 300-1. Eisenman quoted in Casey, 3 1 8. ^'^ Casey, 335.

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60 preparation for making camp, clearing is cultivating and gathering. In Heideggerian terms, this combination could be summarized as "thinking the open." Such openness is not attained simply by removing encumbrances but by bringing them to light and by lightening them. In the former, the metaphor of cultivating can be associated with a tilling that "turns" the previous work of siting and the potential site itself. Clearing, as cultivating, is then a revealing and a disclosing, which can be followed by a drawing together. In the sense of easing a weight, the aspect of "lightening" implies what Heidegger calls the "event of Appropriation" (ereignen and das Ereignis) a pulling together of what is particular and what is near. A description of the Open City project (in Ritoque, Chile), which is itself a combination of camp and campus, further elucidates the possibilities of this type of lightening and lightness. In the process of design, not unlike the method of clearing, the ordering devices are malleable and can be transformed as a building of the site proceeds: Lightness because the way in which the constructions touch the ground does not demarcate territory of building through strong physical impact and authoritarian footprints but, instead, lets the land initiate the configuration of territory and space in both plan and section. Lightness, also, because the materiality ... is related to a type of construction that is artisanal, which remains attached to the physical process of building at the scale of the artisan and not the machine.... And status of lightness because there are no apparent imposed formal ordering devices that regulate the development of the constructions. ''^ The additional, if supplemental, connotation of ereignen as "lighting" expands on the idea of lightening and lightness and develops further the potential for "clearing" as a conceptual process. In his introduction to the text Poetry, Language, Thought and his clarification of ereignen, Heidegger's translator notes the reciprocal nature of clearing^' Ann M. Pendleton-Jullian, The Road Is Not a Road and the Open Cit}', Ritoque, Chile (Cambridge, MAMIT Press, 1996), 3.

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61 lighting and appropriating in an "interpenetrating association of coming out into the open, the clearing, the light or disclosure with the conjunction and compliancy of mutual appropriation."^' In Heidegger's own words, clearing is "the lighting of selfconcealment.. .from which again all self-lighting stems."''" This bringing forth "clears the openness of the open."^"^ Such bringing forth and "letting happen" precedes and in many ways disallows (or at least postpones) the fixing of place. Movement is inherent in the activity of clearing. While the clearing of camp may result in the establishment of a bounded situation, the boundary does not delimit or enclose completely. Instead, again drawing from Heidegger, the boundary (Greek peras) is the place from which "something begins its essential unfolding."^'* Thus, Heidegger's "clearing space" (Rdumen) is the way that room is made for space. And clearing mediates between the qualities of place (which are gathered) and the required preparations for a space-in-the-making (Heidegger's Einrdumen). A pragmatics of clearing is reflected in each case study's response to codes. The case of Manila Village reveals the loose structuring of a criollized community of exiles who set up platforms in a watery fissure between legal boundaries made indefinite by river sedimentation and tidal fluctuations. In Gibsonton, the community of carnival performers enlists the county zoning overlay known as Residential Show Business to allow for an inversion of typical relations between the public and the private as well as Albert Hofstadter, "Introduction," Poetry, Language, Thought (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), xxi. ^' Martin Heidegger, "Addendum to the 'Origin of the Work of Art,'" Poetry, Language, Thought, trans. Albert Hofstadter (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), 84. Martin Heidegger, Poetry, Language, Thought, 62. Martin Heidegger, "Building, Dwelling, Thinking," trans. Albert Hofstadter, Basic Writings (New York: Harper and Row 1977), 332.

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62 the performative and the residential. Throughout Florida, the Tin Can Tourists formulate a code of the camping tourist who makes connections to the municipal organization and to the zones of public access within the early urban landscape of Florida. Braden Castle Park clears a city within a city with its own regulations that foreshadow modern neighborhood associations. Slab City cultivates a site that remains in the public domain as a result of its original Section 36 classification designating it for public educational use and as a result of its subsequent adoption and abandonment as a military training facility. It is interesting to note that these revised codes at the scale of the camp itself (rather than its larger territorial context) approach a similarity to the Daoist "way(s)."^^ Within this comparison between camping and espousing the "way" is a suggestion that clearing is an un-doing that has positive rather than negating consequences. In describing attributes of the war machine of nomadology, Deleuze and Guattari touch on this understanding of the "way", echoing the role of cultivating and clearing: Thus the martial arts do not adhere to a code, as an affair of the State, but follow ways (voies), which are so many paths of the affect; upon these ways, one learns to use them, as if the strength (puissance) and cultivation of the affect were the true goals of the assemblage, the weapon being only a provisory means. Learning to undo things, and to undo oneself, is proper to the war machine: the 'not-doing' of the warrior, the undoing of the subject.^*' Code is transformed into "way" a siting and clearing that leads to a making that includes a positive application of indirection and avoidance as well as instances of direct contact and reference. In each case study, the "clearing" section outlines a forum for the discussion of the codifying influences specific to each place. Clearing also provides a setting for reviewing ideas associated with the particular iteration of camping in each '''' This correlation between camping and Daoism's way comes from a discussion with William Tilson. Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 84.

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63 case study. Similarly, the main "clearing" section of this work begins to lay out the porous boundary of the dissertation's topic and content. Like the Heideggerian peras, this boundary shares the thresholding quality of the camp itself. Thus, the activities of defining camp and reviewing pertinent literature are conceived more as starting points than as delimiting lines, which are left to be drawn by the more finite circumscription of the Inclusions and Exclusions. Making The secdons on making outline practices of building and occupying camps. Making is being enveloped in the process itself, and as a result camp constructions essentially remain in an undeveloped, unfinished, and incomplete state regardless of their apparent degree of permanence. The constructions of camping are not things made but are Henri Bergson's "things-in-the-making": "This reality is mobility. There do not exist things made, but only things in the making, not states that remain fixed, but only states in the process of change."^'' In making of this kind, the material forces are emphasized, rather than the effective result or product. For Deleuze and Guattari, the "ambulant procedure and process" of nomas that reflects a materiality on its way to forming an assemblage contrast with "matter submitted to laws", that is the form of logos imposed 68 on matter. Questions that the sections on making seek to answer are ones that Lars Henri Bergson, "Introduction to Metaphysics," The Creative Mind (New York: Citadel, 1992), 1 88. Pertinent here is Quatremere de Quincy's idea that architecture does not make what it sees but looks at how constructions are made. Architecture thus arises out of making rather than the made. Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 38, 98.

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64 Lerup has also asked: what does it mean to build the unfinished, how might the unfinished be constructed, and what will it look like?^^ Although considered obsolete, a usage for the verbal noun "making" is to identify a poetical composition/" In a collection fittingly titled Poetic Localities, this idea of camp as poem is found in William J. Stillman's photographs of New England Adirondack camps and in his painting The Philosopher's Camp (Figure 11-1). In this historical usage and meaning, the act of writing a poem is tied to the activity of making and creating (Greek poiein and poiesis). Also, the resonance between making as process and poetic act and poem as result of the making further connects camp and poem. Returning to the work at the Open City, this connection is carried out in the actual process of making and building through the poem Ame re ida and the use of the travesiaJ^ The travesia serves a dual purpose: to discover valuable connections between the natural and the historical and to inform the ways of making through a process of discovery. The poetic acts of the travesia are "group meetings that occur on site and employ poetic methods to initiate discovery and creative processes."''^ The making of poetry stimulates imagination and initiates construction; and travesias, as poetic voyages, journeys, or crossings, pull together the immediate as well as the distant. This poetic methodology also links theoretical thought and the pragmatics of "concrete action"; and the concept of travesia relates to the way camps are made by engaging "space, place, and poetry through See Lars Lerup, Building the Unfinished. The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. IX (New York: Oxford, 1989), 250. ^' Apart from its connotations in the Open City project, travesia in Spanish refers to a crossroad, crossing, crossway, and journey. As a nautical term, travesia describes a crosswind. Pendleton-Jullian, 46.

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65 improvisational activity.' The making of the Open City relies on the correspondence between the poiesis of this travesia and city as polisJ^ The Open City itself then becomes a poetic act. The idea of an "open city" meshes with the understanding of the making of camp not only as an open-ended process but also as an indefinite material, social, and political construction. In the "open city," the campo of the field and country is re-introduced to the polls; and the polls is returned to its historical and poetic origins that lie in the process of making camp.^"" In the work's organization, the main section "Making" is comprised of the case studies that, as material for the work, generate situations and ideas that are reviewed in concluding sections. Within each case study, a sub-section titled "Making" relates the specific practices associated with that particular iteration of camping. Breaking Breaking camp returns the camper to pure movement. Tied up in this renewed itinerancy of departure is an assumed arrival. Thus, breaking, in what might be called its "un-siting," retains elements of re-siting. Analytically, breaking allows for the possibility of invention. The acknowledgement of breaking is always present in the creation of Pendleton-Jullian, 85-7. '''' Pendleton-Jullian, 143. Poiesis is the action or faculty of producing or doing something especially creatively. Pendleton-Jullian notes the implied emphasis on process or the "act of creativity" as opposed to the result. In her discussion of polis, Indra Kagis McEwen notes that the construction (as opposed to chora) was "allowed to appear as a surface woven by the activity of its inhabitants; with processions to sanctuaries providing linkages to the territorial edges." McEwen argues that the polis was "emergent" and "made" in addition to being influenced by colonization (Socrates' Ancestor: An Essay in Architectural Beginning, Cambridge. MA: MIT Press, 1993, 80-1). The idea of the "open city" can also work at the scale of the house or individual residence. The domestic construction as poetic act is reflected in R.M. Schindler's understanding of the Kings Road house that combined a campsite with poetics of construction with the regional attributes of southern California. Chapter 1 2 will focus on the Kings Road house.

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66 "camp space." It is this characteristic of desertion that Sola-Morales and Massimo Cacciari find in Heidegger's later work. The restorative stability (sought by NorbergSchulz, Frampton and others in Heidegger's work) is precluded by this presence of breaking. To Heidegger's ideas of Rdumen (clearing space), Einraumen (making room), and Raumgeben (giving space) is added his notion of Einbruch, which is breaking (into) space. Li his reading of Being and Time, Casey summarizes this notion: '"Dasein [beingin-the-world] takes space not only so as to 'break into space' more freely, such an Einbruch into space is accomplished by making room for leeway: clearing the space for diverse engagements. From such spatial latitude, Dasein comes back to place." Breaking in effect re-links and refastens camp to place. This refastening can also be understood as a reification that works back from place to camp. Li this sense, camp reifies the abstracfions and ideas of place through the camper's mental and often physical re-construction of place. Camp becomes one of many possible materializations of place. Research Design For its design, this study uses multiple-case studies as the framework for answering the research questions and achieving the objectives. The research design works between two types of case studies, the explanatory and the exploratory. The explanatory model adapts a hermeneutic method of interpretation to understand the particular situafions of camp cases and the forces that shape them. This empiricism is altered by the inclusion of exploratory aspects that inform the invention of a method not only for understanding the camps studied but also for re-working them into a tool that might be used to inform a Casey, 258.

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67 theory and practice of camp." Such radicalized empiricism relates to what can be called "mapping," a project that is carried out in the dissertation content and format itself and in the fold-out maps included in the work. Research Method and Methodological Framework Since the exploratory aspect of this research is about method and since the subject of research inspires the critical framework of the dissertation, the research method operates at two levels. At one level, the research uses the framework of the case study to describe and explain the phenomena found in each situation. In this respect, the work is 78 not unlike Ruskin's critical museum of findings in the built environment. At another level, the work utilizes a method of mapping that responds to contemporary ideas of epistemology and empiricism. This emphasis on ways of knowing and ways of discovering yields two forms of maps. One is the rendering of this project in its work with method, process, and format as guide-manual-scrapbook. The other is the dialogic commentary made by the images as well as a series of mapping exercises that serve as Related to this idea of re-working and re-making is Gregory Ulmer's work with the "remake." Relating this procedure to the use of dialogue in Plato's "model of learning," Ulmer utilizes the "remake" in Heuretics to "evoke the scene of learning appropriate to electronic invention." (Ulmer, Heuretics (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1994), 42) In the context of this dissertation, Ulmer's more general commentary on this form of research relates to the overall design of this project's methodology: "The remake .serves as a 'place' within which the theory of method may be displayed. "(42) The question then is can a camping practice attempting to operate in fleeting conditions of place both occupy this place and invent a place that becomes a theoretical "home on the road" or "home away from home"? In this case. John Ruskin's textual works (including The Stones of Venice and the previously covered St. Mark's Rest) are considered as museums that draw together his ruminations and observations on architecture and place. This idea also returns to Robert Harbison's treatment of Ruskin's work as a museum-map synthesis. Another museum-map formed and administered by Ruskin was the Museum of the Guild of St. George, which formed the nexus of his the educational components of the Guild. This museum houses a wide range of selections from art and science including animal specimens, furniture, clothing, photographs, paintings, geological samples, and Ruskin's own drawings.

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68 visual and theoretical supplements to the field manual/^ The maps are themselves critically charged fields of inquiry into place and the multiplicity of physical, mental, and mythical itineraries through that place. In this sense, the maps index the relations between a particular camp and place. The intent of such a methodological framework is to map the movement "from camp(site) to campsite." Thus, the work produces two interrelated maps: the writing itself and the mapping of each case study. The starting point for this idea of mapping as 80 method is the work of Michel Serres, who contends that "to write is to draw a map. Serres' statement about his own methodology interrelates the processes of writing, drawing, and mapping. These three activities resonate with the siting, clearing, and making bound up within camping. The three components can be substantively related but also can be separate generators of subsequent activity. Inextricably tied to its construction, the Serresian map remains "in the making": I want to finish drawing this navigational map, this inventory fluctuating and mobile before I die. Once this work is done it will be clearly seen that all the rapports I traced out either followed or invented a possible road across the ensemble of movements from place to place. Note that this maritime chart, an ocean of possible routes, fluctuates and does not remain static like a map. Each route invents itself.^' In order to generate this mapping of "possible routes," Serres proposes pre-positional operators (such as toward, by, for, from) rather than substantives that he argues are abstractions that remain as concepts and thus restrict invention. By preceding position ''^ These fold-out maps adopt the convention used in guidebooks but do so in a critical way challenging the map as an explanation of the route, path, or layout. ^" Michel Serres, Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, trans. Roxanne Lapidus (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 105. Serres, 105.

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69 both rhetorically in the text and physically with the body, these operators deny substantive fixity and allow for a multivalency of meaning. Serres uses the example of the French preposition de, which "indicates origin, attribution, cause" as well as an array of other conditions.*^" Expanding on his earlier treatments of the figure of Hermes, Serres seeks an epistemological model based on these prepositional operators allowing for a fluidity of relations through time, space, and place. This unique epistemology is essentially topological in its use of proximity and "ongoing or interrupted transformations" to generate meaning. Serres circumscribes a space of simultaneous arrival and departure. This exodical space includes the continuous arriving of the prepositional mapping and the expansiveness of concurrent departure, to which he refers as "casting off an activity that will be reviewed with respect to camp in the concluding chapters. Within such a methodological model, camp becomes the epistemological and empirical ground for mapping a camping practice. If Serres describes the activity of writing and mapping, then Deleuze and Guattari circumscribe the map that might result: The map is open and connectable in all of its dimensions; it is detachable, reversible, susceptible to constant modification. It can be torn, reversed, adapted to any kind of mounting.... It can be drawn on a wall, conceived of as a work of art, OA constructed as a political action or as a meditation. Serres, 106. ^•^ Serres, 105. Deleuze and Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus. 1 2. This idea of meditation and mapping appears in James Cowan's A Mapmaker's Dream: The Meditations of Fra Mauro, Cartographer to the Court of Venice ( 1996). Cowan asks his reader to treat Fra Mauro's "ruminations as a process of gradual guessing. His dream is to derive meanings from the perfect use of mystery." (xviii) Cowan appends a similar though more conclusive assessment of Mauro's meditative-map-making process: "the idea of an invisible geography affecting the way we think about place. The spirit in the world, namely the elusive power of the imagination, dominated his ruminations" to the point that he abandoned any objective pretense (151). This collapsing of mapping and mapmaker, map and subject (how Mauro "crafted himself into his map") lays the ground for mapping to become a method of discovery and invention.

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70 In this excerpt, the term "map" is interchangeable with camp as both construction and method. Theoretical Framework Similar to Sola-Morales' navigation of the apparent contradictions of poststructuralism and phenomenology, this research works between the radical empiricism of Michel Serres' epistemological exercises of mapping and the radical hermeneutics that can be connected to Heidegger's later work in phenomenology and associated with the activity of making.^'' As reflected in the previous discussion of method, a primary aspect of this methodological and theoretical investigation is the possibility that invention and interpretation can provide a constructive grounding for the research of the built environment (and its relation to place). The problem is essentially one of relating movement (place to place and the particularity of each place) and synthesis, or difference and system. For Serres, one mode for such movement is topological, in which time and space are folded. This topology requires the forging of locally adapted tools at each new objective or phenomenon. Serres writes: "...what was necessary was a tool adapted to the problem. No work without this tool. You have to invent a localized method for a localized problem."*^ The particularities of the tool also require a localized vocabulary, or lexicon, in order to understand and respond to the specific problem. From such local interpretation arises the possibility of a demonstration that is based not on the application of an external system but instead on a cluster of relations. Synthesis then occurs through ^"^ For the connection between hermeneutics and phenomenology, see Robert Mugerauer, "Phenomenology and Vernacular Architecture," Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World, ed. Paul Oliver (London: Blackwell, 1997). Serres and Latour, 92.

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71 movement, and relations then are the ways to move from place to place. Serres actually replaces the phenomenologist's ontology of existence with this peripatetic mode of abstraction. Serres summarizes, "Synthesis ... is differentiated from system or even from methodological unity. A cluster of highly different relations becomes a body."^^ Serres begins with the relation to reach form. However, the inverse passage from the formal to the relational remains a consideration, notably in the history of architectural studies. Though in a different context, Sola-Morales faces a similar challenge to that of Serresian model. Summarizing the role of the eidetic between topology and ontology (between folding and revealing), Sola-Morales invokes the analog of camps to describe the sites to be bridged: A primarily positivist attitude prevails in both camps an attentiveness to the formal, eidetic dimension of our understanding which builds more than one bridge between poststructuralists' awareness of flows, energies, and displacements and the ontological search for intentionalities the signification and meaning of consciousness, in short, of knowing. It is the practical and theoretical analog of camping that this framework seeks to add as a possible hinge between the encampments of the two theoretical positions. Thus, the theoretical framework for this work lies between the projects of Sola-Morales and Serres. And in order to understand the frameworks of place, I propose the forging of a lexical tool for understanding the broad topic within which the study of camps and camping falls. This tool-box seeks to set up a cluster of relations from which the demonstration of the topic of camping and its connection to place may proceed. Serres and Latour, 101 Sola-Morales. 10.

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I^exicai I'oofbox: J^'roni <"amp(site) to Campsite, or "A Thousand Different Sites' Figure 2-7. Camping kits frofn the !S>30s. A) Nested aluminurn cookijig kit, refrigerykir basket, and thennos jar, B) C^ookiftg atid stove kit (Kinibali and Decker. Touring with Tent and Trailer, iS5, 64) Camping oceurs from camp to camp, and when a degree of permanency is achieved the place of the campfsite) becomes a campsite. Camping is a mode of producing place. Such cantpsiies do not merely form static cotninunities but, as places of transfortnation, become dynamic coincidences of nternory, geography, and architecture. In this section, the work is framed theoretically by a close reading of Ignasi de Sola-Morales' statement: From a thousand different sites, the production of place continues to bepossible." This close reading is meant to serve as a le.Kical tof>!box^''' for ti^inking about and making place, for describing the context in w hicli a cainping practice might be carried out, and Saia-Morates, 104, *' Hie ide U)Mlij c'skJ: >lhu\ x <> iiw i h nx j^^ d( pmert < 1 nt-l ol ies!,!cleaned 'ru ji !l k work of M'.i>c' SciTvIwS^rusc! k mu> ) soiigtil not ->ii ^ t > tktn ^ tht pi (k>->opniL! -Kn'tji't hi! al.so to i'md co>n!!o!.a!!vc uii.t'icon:fiec£!0!i<; among fiis vvorKS. 1 h' ( t u )is ras ged lif^n uW'i vs;<>K' i>i '.jf u!i jy) io viiiaila {connecn >; s! ..sni nojn c<> >;<. >if a lu h vr! 'o !hul\ni\ ic cnn ic^fisjt ti%><.sipna of a vaFley or navigabk^^atctw 1^ Ik, ,Ni < !^ Xvi'ti is 4 pa !!tu!,.a p.a ^
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73 for framing the subsequent discussion focused on the vernacular and camp in the following chapter. The theoretical framework is thus not an overarching platform on which this work rests but a set of tools, like the "cluster of relations," to be stowed away and carried "from camp(site) to camp(site)."^' Such a theoretical toolbox relates to the traditionally requisite camping kit, from the nested aluminum cooking vessels to the four92 party cooking kit (Figure 2-7). The lexical toolbox forms a part of the larger design toolbox that makes up this work as a whole. As a set of cross-referenced pieces, this section compiles a range of components to be used in a camping practice. The dissertation adopts and adapts many of these features and pursues the possible relations that exist between and among them. Thus, the lexicon lists and defines, while the overall work makes connections and linkages and reworks these ideas in a more extensive design toolbox that yields possible productions of place in architecture.^"^ departs from its original context and becomes its own construction an interlaced network of thoughts from which new ideas could spring. Each term's descriptive set can be thought of as a Deleuzian "plateau"; Sola-Morales himself writes: "Thinkers such as Gilles Deleuze have demonstrated the nonexistence of a platform from which it is possible to construct a vision of the world. There is no such platform, but rather mille plateaux, a limitless multiplicity of positions from which it is possible only to erect provisional constructions." (86) (see sites for the question of permanence). These ideas of compartmentalization and openness, packing and unpacking, and the "kit of parts" are also found in such disparate sources as Louis Vuitton's suitcases and steamer trunks, etuis, and cabinets of curiosities. 93 In the Arcades Project, Walter Benjamin speaks of the "ancient correspondence between house and cabinet" (Convolute I, "The Interior, The Trace," 215). From this idea, an additional connection can be established between campsite (or camping ground) and kit. The camping kit can be understood to register the ways of occupying a particular site. This occupational mode is a relative scalar shift from the portable cabinet to the temporary shelter. Benjamin's association of house to cabinet occurs through his reading of the shell or casing as containing the registration of domestic use and occupation. "The etuis, dust covers, sheaths with which the bourgeois household of the preceding century encased its utensils were so many measures taken to capture and preserve traces." (226) The encasement of utensils or tools (as in the camping kit) within the cabinet leaves interior traces and thus connects with the idea of that camping traces an occupation on the camp-ground. The interiorized camp is not unlike Benjamin's "residence as a

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74 From "From" indicates an arrival. Michel Serres has suggested a science of prepositions. He argues that the pre-position precedes the positional quality of the concept or thesis. If positions are static, closed, and univalent, then prepositions are dynamic, open, and multivalent. Each preposition contains the possibility of multiple meanings, depending on its particular usage or condition. This conditionality relates to Serres' idea of local interpretation and global demonstration, hi the case of studying place, local interpretation would rely on the subtle differences of the situation ~ such as materiality, space, history and politics. Thus Serres' prepositional methodology relates to SolaMorales' project for studying place. The "production of place" is similar to local interpretation, and "a thousand different sites" shares Serres' idea of global demonstration (and multiplicity). Moreover, the former could be considered a detail found within the territory of the latter. a Problems of place include the possibility of its reduction to an essence or unity. Such diminution and abstraction of place has occurred with the theory of "genius loci." This understanding of place utilizes Heidegger's ontology to attempt to define the singularity of place. Interpreting place in this way, critics such as Norberg-Schulz, characterizing space as the systematization of place, have relied on an exteriority (or receptacle for the person" (220). The velvet folds of the case's interior leave impressions of the instruments, just as the ground of camping is pressed into and molded for the particular occupation of the place. This connection also exists between the lexical toolbox and the camping kit, both of which register the traces of an occupation, whether theoretical-critical or practical. The camping kit measures each iterative reconstruction of the domestic space within the campsite, and the lexical toolbox preserves traces of the larger project of the design toolbox that this dissertation becomes.

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75 feigned objectivity) in their analysis of place. In the contemporary context, the problem with these models arises when "difference" is established between places rather than within places. Models developed for Critical Regionalism have utilized this problematic treatment of difference (See different). Alan Colquhoun has written that an understanding of ironic difference is critical to understanding how regionalism has been transformed by the current development of post-industrialist nation-states.^"^ Critical Regionalism has also instrumentalized and emphasized particular aspects of placemaking at the expense of other features. For example, Kenneth Frampton's version of the movement prioritizes the tectonic over cultural and spatial characteristics. Such treatments create a hierarchical rather than a paratactic organization of qualities of place, and thus relegate minor qualities to a peripheral role in defining place.^'' Sola-Morales has considered the importance of the "minor" in terms of a "weak" architecture.^^ The totalizing quality of "a" denies the "possible" (See possible). thousand With this term, Sola-Morales references Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's A Thousand Plateaus and provides an open-ended quantification of the possible proliferation of places. As 10^, "thousand" is both a base ten number and a number made Alan Colquhoun, "The Concept of Regionalism," Postcolonial space(s), eds. G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997). '^^ "Paratactic" is used to describe an arrangement of terms or components without a presupposition of coordination or sub-ordination. Derived from the Greek napaxa^iq, this term describes a "placing side by side" as opposed to an arranging above and below or an explicit linking. Such arrangement relates to the open-ended and non-hierarchical quality of camping and its unique mode of relating to and producing place. Hans-Georg Gadamer similarly describes the idea of "weakness" in relation to a radicalized hermeneutics.

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76 up of numbers. For Sola-Morales, there is not only a multiplicity of places but also places within places. For Deleuze, "groups of ten" are related to the "numbering numbers" utilized by the war machine and nomads, for whom numerology has operational and cosmological significance. In addition, the lO's of "thousand" serve as 97 extracted subsets that form the mixed aggregate and allow for substitution. One 98 possible cultural derivation for the title might be the flaky French pastry mille-feuille that refers to a rich layering of sheets and alludes to the layering of place. Discussing the multiplicity and inteipenetration of social spaces that require a unique mapmaking, Henri Lefebvre uses the image of the pastry to describe the structure of this "social space" as opposed to the invariance of Cartesian space: Thus social space, and especially urban space, emerged in all its diversity and with a structure far more reminiscent of flaky mille-feuille pastry than of the homogeneous and isotropic space of classical (Euclidean/Cartesian) mathematics.^^ Not only does Sola-Morales (and Lefebvre) understand place as a multi-layered construction, but these delicate and brittle layers are also heterogeneous through their mixing and "flaking" that precludes a quantifiably numeric or Cartesian conception of place and space. different Understanding the relationship between difference and ideas about place is crucial to the construction of place."* As the title of Sola-Morales' collected essays suggests, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 71,118. Literally, a "thousand sheets." Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 86.

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77 diferencias provides the starting point for understanding the conditional attributes of a particular place, which he speaks of as the "given situation."'"' A place's complexity its plurality, diversity, and multiplicity can be mapped in terms of difference, which may be developed internally with the contradictory, the idiosyncratic, accidental or the paradoxical. This difference within place sketches the multiple components of the "moment of intensity" as a form of convergence that Sola-Morales introduces as a fleeting stability along the inherently unstable ground of a place. In this way, the potential (see possible) meanings of a place unfold from a physical and metaphysical interior rather than being constructed in a formal exercise of estrangement elicited by internal external juxtaposition. Vittorio Gregotti notes that if "architecture is a series of relations and distances, as the measurement of intervals," then the specificity of an architectural solution is "closely related to differences in situation, context, or environment."'"' Spatial difference then is considered to have value and an inextricable experiential quality. In The Parasite, Michel Serres writes. In one word and not only in one prefix, the whole text and the whole story. Then and then only can it be understood that it is an origin for the art of memory. The discourse, the course taken [parcours], is of canonical simplicity: it is deductive, it constructs reality, it constructs the real by starting with the difference. In a variety bestrewn with simple arrows, the difference is in the place of the inclination. See also Vittorio Gregotti on "authentic differences" in Inside Architecture (1996), 1 1 Jay Fellows in "Janusian Thresholds" for the dual nature of the Janusian perspective: "both ways are one way with a difference" (46). In addition, consider Fredric Jameson's work (The Seeds of Time, 1994) for its opposition of the Critical Regionalist project to that of "postmodern ideologies of Difference" (190-2) and "politics of difference" (151-2). At the conclusion of "The Constraints of Postmodernism," Jameson asks: "Is global Difference the same today as global Identity?" (205) Compare this notion to Alan Colquhoun's idea that difference, no longer dependent on the autonomy of regions, is now based on "two other phenomena" individualism and the nation-state ("The Concept of Regionalism," 20). Sola-Morales, 7. '"' Vittorio Gregotti, "Territory and Architecture," Architectural Design Profile 59, no. 5-6 (1985): 28-34. Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans. Lawrence R. Schehr (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1982), 33.

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78 Outlining the "marvelous real," Alejo Carpentier develops a similar understanding of the inner possibilities of place, specifically the Latin American landscape where the surreal is the everyday. In light of Sola-Morales' diferencias, it should be noted that Carpentier' s essay "Lo real maravilloso americand" was first published in its expanded form in a collection titled Tientos y diferencias (1967). In Carpentier's "marvelous real," the place-maker artist is a "detector of realities" who finds internally generated, though improbable, juxtapositions by way of "an unaccustomed insight that is singularly favored by the unexpected richness of reality ... perceived with a particular intensity."'"'' Under the assumption that "all spaces are contaminated," Sola-Morales asserts that external influence may also engender difference. Accordingly, how might the foreign or peripheral define place? For Lucy Lippard, the "local is defined by its unfamiliar counterparts", with its corollary that frontier can characterize place. If every place is both local and foreign as noted by Lippard, then her formulation of the "tourist-at-home" relates to Michel de Certeau's designation of the "foreigner-at-home". This "savage in the midst of ordinary culture" forms the third component of de Certeau's definition of the science of the ordinary by a three-fold foreignness (of the specialist, foreigner away from home, foreigner-at-home). In de Certeau's treatment, this inherently foreign quality of the everyday relates to Freud's use of the ordinary man for both difference and universality a situation in which "the ordinary man becomes the narrator, ... it is he who '"^ Alejo Carpentier, "The Marvelous Real in America," Magical Realism: Theory, History, Community. eds. Lois Parkinson Zamora and Wendy B. Paris (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995). 75, 86. The "marvelous" aspect of place is magical (coming from within) rather than mystical (coming down from). '""^ Lucy Lippard, On the Beaten Track: Tourism, Art, and Place (New York: The New Press, 1999). Here de Certeau is reworking a Wittgensteinian model of language. See Michel de Certeau, "A Common Place: Ordinary Language" in The Practice of Everyday Life, 13.

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79 defines the (common) place of discourse and the (anonymous) space of its development. This place is ... the product of a process of deviation ... an overflowing of the common in a particular position."'"^ Similarly, with respect to Derrida's supplement, the marginal (supplemental) term, though ostensibly weaker (less central), reveals the lack in the dominant term and at the same time provides a rough definition of its edges. It should also be noted that Demda's dijfe ranee could provide an alternative constellational site, with its combination of deferring and differing as well as an archaeological treatment of place. '"^ sites Sola-Morales is concerned with convergences of topographical and mental sites. The physical and metaphysical come into contact in Sola-Morales' project of placemaking in much the same way as the mattang map provides a conjectural foundation for navigating the Pacific archipelago. The oceanic site is composed of the mattang map itself as a detail or joint between an invisible cosmology and visible (though fragmented) array of phenomena in the horizontal plane. This sea surface is the territory in which the mobile detail floats, literally and phenomenally. In practice, the mattang detail is physically absent, only materializing as a mnemonic in the mind of the voyager who relates its rubric to the perceived phenomena, moments, events which occur as a series of thresholds. In this way, the series of sites, or thresholds, becomes what Deleuze and Guattari have called the "nonlimited locality" in which the "coupling of the place and the de Certeau, 5. Sola-Morales, 67.

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80 absolute" is achieved by an "infinite succession of local operations." The nomadic mattang voyagers navigate the smooth sea space from a fixed point, which actually is a series of fixed points around which the sea, sun, moon, stars, waves, currents, and birds move. This procedure can also be understood as a series of deterritorializations, or "strategic thresholds" for the resistance of an object's fixity and the notion that process is an end in itself. " A site can serve as the place for an event; and siting, as discussed previously, is the event-in-action. Deleuze notes four components of the event (after Alfred North Whitehead): extension, intensity, individual, and the eternal object.'" Parallel to these components, two general characteristics are identified: event as vibration and event as flux. Sola-Morales relates place to vibration. In addition, just as Deleuze notes that a "permanence has to be born in flux," Sola-Morales offers us two options for place permanence and/or production. Not historical permanence as the structuralists would have it, nor Vitruviany/rm/Ya^. "Sites" (in the plural) suggests that siting place may be both permanence and production: a momentary stability ("point of encounter") "grasped" from a flow and the "production of an event." This momentary stability is the siting of camp. In describing the Latin American situation and its "marvelous real" condition, Alejo Carpentier relates event to style: "events tend to develop their own style, their own Deleuze and Guattari, Nomadology, 52-55. "" Sandro Marpillero uses this terminology in the title to his essay "Strategic Thresholds" in which he opposes Tafuri's conception of the urban image as given exclusively by an "ideology of commodification" (52). Instead Marpillero advocates dreams as a mode for shuttling the subject between the real and the imagined and the present and the absent, even though the "object of desire" may still motivate the process itself. In this context, the martang map shows the possible crystallization of a moment or event that is derived from dream or memory of a map's (or an urban image's) figuration. "' Gilles Deleuze, The Fold: Leibniz and the Baroque, trans. Tom Conley (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993). 77-9.

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81 unique trajectories.""" If we return to Deleuze and Guattari, we can better understand this usage of "style" in terms of "site." Style is both the holding together of disparate elements and the activity of "thinking the multiple." Camp as an idea takes in this type of style in its tracing of what Sontag calls a "fugitive sensibility." Thus the site is an assemblage of multiple forces, relationships, and vectors. In the work of Vittorio Gregotti, it is the site that serves as the intermediary, or territory, for the modification that transforms place into architecture. Ideas of the "memory of the site" and "building the site" converge for Gregotti in a project that reflects the complexities of Sola-Morales' permanence-production model and seeks to develop an architecture of context. ""^ For de Certeau, this layering of the site occurs as imbrications (rather than juxtapositions) that result in stratified places, a veritable collaging of place's attributes along its surface."" [,] Absent (implied) mark, comma, caesura; koptein: to cut; "Any of several butterflies of the genus Polygonia, having wings with brownish coloring and irregularly notched edges.""' the This definite article connotes both specificity and generality. In the case of the particular, it is the production of a place; and in the broader context, the activity of placeCarpentier, 82. "^ Vittorio Gregotti, "Territory and Architecture," 342. "'' Miciiel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 200203. An implied caesura, or comma. {The Oxford English Dicrionary, 2d ed., vol. Ill (New York: Oxford, 1989), 539).

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82 making is repeated in iterations and is related to a commonality (held across the network of the thousand sites). Specificity is tempered by generality (see place). production Sola-Morales reviews the modernist production of space as an extension of human perception, that of the subject. The mechanical codification of this linkage between the production of space and the experience of space highlights the problematic of functionalizing (and object-ification of) the perceptual mechanisms as in the psychological empiricist projects. As Sola-Morales points out, the notion of producing place replaces that of producing space in models such as Gestalt psychology."^ An alternative to the universalizing tendencies of space production and to the closed 117 systematization of place might be Michel de Certeau's idea of space as practiced place. In de Certeau's model, space can only arise from the reading of a particular place. The idea of practice as a mode of production provides a hinge between the space-place term: In short, space is a practiced place. Thus the street geometrically defined by urban planning is transformed into a space by walkers. In the same way, an act of reading 118 is the space produced by the practice of a particular place.... Although similar in their projects to understand practices of place, a marked difference remains between how de Certeau and Sola-Morales each view place. For de Certeau, the production of space through an ensemble of movements remains distinct from the stable "^Sola-Morales, 96. Fredric Jameson, in his introduction to The Seeds of Time, proposes a model for the study of the postmodern (as an ideology) that privileges "modes of production" over other partisan "visions of pluralism" (Jameson, The Seeds of Time (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), xii). De Certeau's concern with "practice" as a series of tactics gives an alternative, if still "postmodern," way of understanding the relation of space and place that although tied to political ideologies emphasizes practice over a totalizing critical strategy. "*de Certeau, 1 17.

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83 positions of place (in French, the term used is lieu); practice transforms place. On the other hand, Sola-Morales' place is the production of an event; and place acts on architectural practice as much as place is transformed by the activity or movement (see place). The production of place occurs over a conjectural, even unstable, "foundation.""'' What forms might this practice-production mode take? Although his politics and ideology of the postmodern remain outside the scope of this work, Fredric Jameson's proposal of mapping as the remaining form of praxis in contemporary culture provides an 1 ''0 mteresting starting point for looking at operations that result in productions of place. Mapping is intimately related to the subject's negotiation of space, his or her "practice of space." If we are immersed in process and if architecture (and its practice) is conceived as a web of transactions, interactions, and relations (rather than as a static object or paradigmatic), then de Certeau's oneiric model of spatio-temporal folding offers a means for mapping this indeterminate network. '^^ Serving as the potential bases for mapping exercises, operations on and in place include walking, story-telling, narration, itineraries, and transgressions, or a "delinquent narrativity" as with the Situationist derive. An important distinction should be made between map and mapping, the former a flattened, plan-oriented projection of the objectified / abstracted image of the place and the latter an operation that is more closely associated with de Certeau's "tour" of "''Sola-Morales, 104. Fredric Jameson, The Geopolitical Aesthetic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 58. For Jameson, cognitive mapping is a metaphor for the political unconscious (xiv-xv). Jameson has noted that contemporary culture is immersed in process (see The Geopolitical Aesthetic). de Certeau, 201.

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84 itineraries to which he opposes "map." Mapping entails a dialogue between process and product, a constant revising through experience and use(fulness). Henri Lefebvre's project of producing space, specifically "social space," similarly invokes a relationship between the means of production and the product to be used.'^"* For Deleuze, mapping is the creation of cartographies of "becoming" (see be) through the apparatus of the rhizome. As a form of method, the map is then differentiated from the tracing by virtue of its openness, connectibility, and maintenance of multiplicity. The map "fosters connections between fields" and "is entirely oriented toward an experimentation in contact with the real"'""^ tying the map back to the idea of practice, which for Deleuze is ultimately a pragmatic empiricism. Michel Serres' use of mapping as a mode of production relates to that of Deleuze 's.'"^"^ For Serres, mapping is writing "to write is to draw a map"; his maps are inscribed with possible situations while remaining functional technical objects.'"^ Lefebvre, 85. Henri Lefebvre also outlines the possible connotations of producing space and the act of producing (15). "Social space" for Lefebvre negotiates logico-mathematical space and practico-sensory space. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 12-15. '^^ For Serres, this type of map is a fluctuating and mobile inventory of fragments and directions (Conversations with Bruno Latour, 1993). While the mattang navigators are not experimenting per se, their negotiation of the real is a flexible empiricism that must constantly adjust to the changing environment. The navigators' "mapping" practices reflect a tangential movement related both to the inherent asymmetry built into their sea-craft and to their constant movement through a series of thresholds (or joints) requiring constant coordination of their "contact with the real" and of their mental image of the map. Always "working down or up to [his] mark," Ruskin refers to this practice as "nothing but process" in which a series of indirect movements (digressions, progression, regressions, and tangential actions) begin to inscribe direction, measure, and form. '^^ Comparable architectural projects include Jennifer Bloomer's Architecture and the Text: The (S)crypts of Joyce and Piranesi (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993) and her essay "Abodes of Theory and Flesh: Tabbies of Bower" in Assemblage 77 (April 1992). In these texts, the act of writing forms an architecture that maps a complex web of relations allegorically and structurally. Mark Z. Danielewski's House of Leaves (New York: Pantheon, 2000) also inscribes a hypertextual architecture of fragments, formal inversions and subversions, and ruminations. Finally, John Hejduk's poetry writes from a tradition of both reading and building. His prose poem "Sentences on the House and Other Sentences" maps a

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85 of Discussing his philosophy of prepositions, Serres writes, "that's prepositions for you. They don't change in themselves, but they change everything around them: words, things, and people ... prepositions transform words and syntax, while pre -poses transform men."'^^ "Of describes the relation of an object, subject, or mechanism to place as opposed to a relationship of directionality or vectoral connection (See From and to). place For Sola-Morales, place is the production of an event (see production and sites). In contrast, J.B. Jackson takes on the idea of place historiographically through a range of vehicles including the forest, the mobile home, the ruin, and the garage. Though still linked to a historical treatment, Jackson also studies place thematically as paired questions of mobility-immobility, habitat-habit, and sacred-profane. Jackson's thematic treatment of the vernacular hints at potential paradoxes of place that fold back into SolaMorales' own place-event production. Vernacular is not merely a locally developed agricultural-rural construction; it has also been identified with mining and shipping communities in which a majority of the techniques and materials were imported from another location (see difference). Vernacular then is not so much tied to a particular conjectural architecture by narrating a series of metaphoric houses from life to death and back. Moments in the poetic map include "A house roams at night when its occupants sleep" and "The house likes the weaver; it remembers its early construction." (John Hejduk, Such Places as Memory (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1998). 120). As David Shapiro notes in his introduction to Such Places as Memory, Hejduk links poetry and architecture as building arts, "ontologically the same art" (xvii). It should also be noted that this text, along with that of Ignasi de Sola-Morales' Differences, is part of the Writing Architecture Series of Anyone Corporation and MIT Press. See also Sanford Kwinter's idea of "text as site" in Architecture(s) of Time, and Michel de Certeau's contention that "an act of reading is the space produced by the practice of a particular place: a written text" {The Practice of Everyday Life, 1 17). Michel Serres, Angels: A Modern Myth, trans. Frances Cowper (Paris: Flammarion, 1993). 140-7.

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86 locale as it is related to an idea or commonly held system of place-making (even if it is one of dis-Iocation). If, as Jackson hints, the American house is a temporary construct that gains permanence over time, then what is the residual effect of this impermanence? Though housed in semi-permanent dwelling, the American concept of home is temporary and fleeting. Consequently, notions of place are also temporary, and it is Sola-Morales' "conjectural foundation," both built and theoretical, that might provide the series of siteplateaus for constructing within place. continues One item for this set is Deleuze's "flow," but it makes sense to go back to the source of this idea in Bergson's understanding of duration. Bergson seeks to reduce the space between the object and its explanation. Time should be re-connected with duration just as movement with mobility and change with fluidity. Duration disallows superpositional hierarchies, resulting in a paratactic schema (related to Deleuze's rhizomatic model). To describe a single duration, Bergson uses the image of the beaded necklace, hi this analog, the thread as abstract unity is connected to the beads, which represent abstract multiplicity or points along the "trajectory." The beaded moment is duration. Bergson's beads are analogous to Deleuze's split-rings, which for him are an analog to the plateaus, also referred to as the "becomings" (see be), that make up the "thousand plateaus." Beads and plateaus are not unlike the linkage established in the formulation "from camp(site) to camp(site)." These bead-moments and ring-plateaus can be accessed at any point within the flow of continuity. Bergson writes: It is altogether different if one places oneself directly, by an effort of intuition, in the concrete flowing of duration ...just as the consciousness of color [orange] ... would feel itself caught between red and yellow, would have a presentiment of a whole spectrum in the continuity which goes from red to yellow, so the intuition of

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87 our duration, far from leaving us suspended in the void as j^ure analysis would do, puts us in contact with a whole continuity of durations ....'"^ to "To" indicates a departure. See From for the idea of directionality and vectoral connection. See of for the idea of prepositions and the relational connection. be Heidegger's essay titled "Building Dwelling Thinking" can be read as a progression from Being to Building to Dwelling and finally as a reciprocal return to the Building-Dwelling relation through Thinking. Heidegger locates the origin of bauen (to build) in buan (to dwell) and ultimately in bin or bis (to be). Thus, to be is to build. And the construction of place might proceed from the activity of "presencing" the Heideggerian fourfold of Being: earth, sky, divinities, mortals. It is not surprising that the English "to be" has the original sense of place-dwelling. The idea of place for Kenneth Frampton and Ignasi de Sola-Morales (in essence) hinges on this ontological concept, though for Sola-Morales the approach is not delimited by the Critical Regionalist aesthetic of the tactile. In fact, Sola-Morales' critique of Frampton's approach is crucial to an understanding of contemporary iterations of place and resonates with Jameson's own analysis of Critical Regionalism. Sola-Morales believes that Frampton and others have misinterpreted Heidegger's notions of estrangement, desertion, and disappearance (the unheimlich) and as a result produced a "phenomenologically Henri Bergson, The Creative Mind: An Introduction to Metaphysics (New York: Citadel, 1992), 187.

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88 ingenuous restoration,"'"^ naively focused on a tectonics at the expense of contemporary problematics of place. Overall, Sola-Morales attempts to negotiate the apparent aporia of relating phenomenology and post-structuralism; he notes: "I am aware that by declaring a parallel interest in Deleuze and in the phenomenological tradition I am committing ... a serious crime against the canons of coherence." Returning to this question of be-ing, he attempts to provide a potential theoretical bridge between "the ontological search for intentionalities" and an "awareness of flows, energies, and displacements" through "the formal, eidetic dimension of our understanding."' ^" In this way, we approach what Deleuze and Bergson would call "becoming" {un devenir). In this sense, becoming is ahistorical, marginal, multiple, fluid, and transformative.'^' For Bergsonian ideas of "becoming," see continues. possible For Bergson, the "possible" is part of an open system. Rather than the possibility of things preceding existence, his premise is that the "possible" results /rom (See from) reality and gives a multiplicity not found in reality alone. Possible = real + "act of mind which throws its image back into the past" after being enacted.'^" Bergson uses the Sola-Morales, 64-65. Fredric Jameson notes that Frampton's focus on the tactile, the tectonic and the telluric (after Heidegger) results in the reconception of space as place by displacing the visual for the invisible presence absence of the joint {The Seeds of Time, 197). Sola-Morales, 10. In Negotiations, Martin Joughin summarizes the relation between becoming and being: "Rather than a transition between two states of being, a line of development defined by a starting point and endpoint, becoming is free play of lines or flows whose intersections define unstable points of transitory identity" (186). Bergson, 99-100.

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89 image of the cocoon and chrysalis'" to discuss both "duration" (see continues) and the "possible" (see "[,]"). Jameson notes a similar open-system model. The tendencies of postmodernism can be sorted into a system that is "at one and the same time freedom and determination" opening a "set of creative possibilities (which are alone possible as responses to the situation it articulates) as well as tracing ultimate limits of praxis (see production) that are also the limits of thought and imaginative projection."''*'* Finally, like the toolbox format of this lexicon, Deleuze and Guattari's plateau project can be read as an open system that should be played like a record, allowing the listener to skip to the chosen sections with no pre-determined entry or exit. And if we take Robert Morris' statement that "Any process implies a system, but not all systems imply process"'''^ then we might rename these projects as "open processes." • periodos, circuit, (cycle), way + around Vernacular (as process) If camps can be understood as places of production and transformation, then the transformative force is connected to what I will call the "vernacular process." This usage of the vernacular is closely tied to Dante Alighieri's treatment of vernacular language in De Vulgari eloquentia, which was written between 1303 and 1305.'"^^ In his work, Dante Refer to discussion of Airstream trailer and monococque construction in Chapter 1 ''''Jameson, 129-30. '''^ Robert Morris, "Some Notes on the Phenomenology of Making," Continuous Project Altered Daily. (Cambridge: MIT, 1995), 83. '""^ Dante Alighieri, De Vulgari eloquentia. ed. and trans. Steven Botterill (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

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90 compares the vernacular to a living organism such as the human body. Dante uses a man's development to maturity as a metaphor to describe the process of the vernacular's growth: "Nor should what I have just said seem more strange than to see a man grown to 1 ^7 maturity when we have not witnessed his growing." According to this model, the vernacular is a being in the process of becoming. ''^ Such a dynamic proceeds along Sola-Morales' "unstable ground" of difference and thus contradicts vernacular's commonly held meaning of similitude and uncomplicated locality, also found in the explicit etymology of its synonym autochthonous meaning "from one (or the same) earth 1 ^9 or ground." Linking language and humanity, the "illustrious vernacular" is to be composed of suitable fragments from existing and nascent languages. Though Dante hopes the vernacular language can become the standard language of citizens, poets, and courts alike, the initial formulation of the language begins from difference and the dissimilarity of dialects and regional influences. The organism of the vernacular will however remain a "living system" that can adapt and evolve with change. An additional characteristic of this vernacular, particularly in the context of the mobility of camps, is Dante's personification of the new language as a "homeless stranger." This itinerant formulation Alighieri, I.ix.6 (Botterril, 21). Ironically, Dante must use Latin, which he believes is artificial in contrast to the vernacular's natural quality, in order to outline his proposal for the "illustrious vernacular": "Nee aliter mirum videatur quod dicimus quam percipere iuvenem exoletum quern exolescere non videmus...." This aspect of vernacular as process relates to Michel Serres discussion of the organism-system-sheaf Also writing about the "Origin of Language," Serres notes, an "organism is a system" and later asks, "What is an organism? A sheaf of times. What is a living system? A bouquet of times." (Hermes, 7 1 75) The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. I (New York: Oxford, 1989), 802. In this respect, Dante's vernacular is similar to a koine or a lingua franca in its attempt to gather together linguistic and syntactic fragments from various dialects into a standard language common to a larger region.

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91 arises from Dante's focus on the Italian poetry of troubadours in the aulic, or courtly, tradition: So this is why those who frequent any royal court always speak an illustrious vernacular; it is also why our illustrious vernacular wanders around like a homeless stranger, finding hospitality in more humble homes because we have no court. Dante finds himself in a similar situation to that of the vernacular as a result of his exile from Florence beginning in January 1302: "To me, however, the whole world is a homeland, like the sea to fish ... I suffer exile unjustly and I will weight the balance of my judgment more with reason than with sentiment. "'"^^ As J.B. Jackson has noted, vernacular contains paradoxes. And in many ways, paradox is the driving mechanism behind "vernacular as process." Jackson writes. It was not simply rural and agricultural; it was identified with mining and shipping communities, with cities and architector engineer-planned villages having military or political function. Finally, it used materials and techniques imported from elsewhere.''*'* The indigenous and local characteristics of the vernacular are complicated by the influence from "elsewhere," or more precisely "another place." Delving deeper into vernacular's origins reflects this connotative complexity. In Latin, verna refers to a slave born abroad that is a slave bom within the master's home but away from the verna' s native land. This particular distinction, while alluding to an etymological disconnect somewhere along the term's linguistic evolution, also reflects two of the themes important to this research: an exteriority incorporated from within and a temporary '" Alighieri, I.xviii.3. Alighieri, I.vi.3. Note that Dante's writing of Vulgari eloquentia between 1303 and 1305 immediately follows his condemnation to exile in 1302. In his wandering life, Dante becomes the troubadour from whom he borrows in researching the "illustrious vernacular." J.B. Jackson. Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 86.

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92 presence in the process of developing some degree of permanence. It is with camps, campsites, and camptowns that these paradoxes potentially become integral, even foundational. With camps, paradoxical conditions arise such as mobile fixity, unstable permanence, and chronic itinerancy. Michel Butor captures this idea in his description of the unsolidified permanence and hardened ephemerality of the vernacular camp constructions that became Istanbul: An encampment that has settled, but without solidifying completely; huts and shanties that have been enlarged and improved, that have been made comfortable, but without ever losing their ephemeral feeling. Turkish Istanbul ... is truly the expression of an empire that collapsed on itself as soon as it stopped growing. In the great bazaars awning had turned into roof ....'"^ The encampment, though "enlarged" and "improved," does not lose its transient quality, even within a growing permanency. Each of the camps investigated in this study maintain a degree of permanency that is complicated by their origins in the ephemeral. At the level of detail, vernacular as process and paradox also relates to the improvisation of assembling constructions. This idea of improvisation found in the 1 45 vernacular is differentiated from the ad hoc-ism of Charles Jencks and Nathan Silver. The emphasis on process that is necessitated in camp situations and their study disallows the notion of the ad hoc as a simple expression of social pluralism or as a formal composition of fragments. The ad hoc of camping vernacular, while self-regulated to a great extent, is inextricably tied to its local operations, which is the Deleuzian absolute manifested locally. The ad hoc then is not an overlay, but an internally generated event that is "grounded" in the place. Not completely a result of individual expressionism, its Michel Butor. The Spirit of Mediterranean Places, trans. Lydia Davis (Marlboro, VT: Marlboro Press, 1986), 23-4. '"^ Charles Jencks and Nathan Silver, Ad Hocism: The Case for Improvisation (New York: Doubleday, 1972).

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93 stability is found in its imperfect repetition; the success of each operation relates to previous successes in a partially empirical mode. Improvisation is half empiricism and half systematization (by rules, code, or material limitations).'"*^ As researchers and architects, the ad hoc offers for us not a license of pluralism and a promise of the spontaneous creation, but instead a method of looking, like Quatremere de Quincy, at the way things are made (rather than just at what is made).'"^^ It is possible that the lessons learned in the study of the vernacular (in particular, camps and camping) can be folded back into the process of design, avoiding mimesis, and instead achieving a poetic relation. Improvisation, in this sense, relates to bricolage. Casey compares the "transitory nomadic camp" to what he calls the bricoleur's home laboratory that is "set up with materials ready at hand in a casually arranged workplace" that lacks the fortification of walls. Vernacular is that which is made, and it is the process of making that gives it meaning. Camp, as a vernacular construction, will be reviewed for its connection to bricolage and improvisation. The concept of "vernacular as process" relates to jazz improvisation. See Mark Levine's The Jazz Theory Book (Sher Music Company, 1996) and Jerry Coker's Improvising Jazz (Fireside, 1986). Coker discusses jazz improvisation as having five elements in which the intellect (the "only completely controllable factor) undertands the general framework, or improvisational system, which is then transformed and modified by the other four, more subconscious, factors intuition, emotion, sense of pitch, and habit (4). The intellectual "coding" is tempered by the emotive practice of playing, but at the same time the improvisation requires the establishment and understanding of a system of harmonic construction, tone, individual chords, and scales. For a treatment of jazz improvisation and its relationship to contemporary culture, see also Ted Gioia's The Imperfect Art: Reflections on Jazz and Modern Culture (Oxford University Press, 1990). Gioia proposes an "aesthetics of imperfection" to discuss jazz as an art that privileges the "haphazard" over the "premeditated." In his essay "Hiphop Rupture" for the journal Ctheory (10/26/2000), Charles Mudede takes up Gioia's claim and pursues the idea that accident and mistake are essential compositional components of hiphop music. Mudede identifies three types of error: rupture (the moment of a song's collapse), incidental noise (in which fragmentary noises are "dropped" into the flow of a track), and "the art of wrecking records" (http://www.ctheory.net/text_file. asp?pick=225). ''^ See Sylvia Lavin, Quatremere de Quincy and the Invention of Modern Language of Architecture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992). Casey, 302.

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94 As Dante's "living organism," the vernacular manifests itself not merely as a building (which in many historical and contemporary treatments results in stylistic, formal, or typological analysis and an eventual and often uncritical appropriation) but as a building process. The question becomes one of how rather than what. Accordingly, this work proposes that the vernacular built environment occurs as a dialogue and as a set of operations between the detail and territory an operational condition in which the building process must negotiate this scalar divide. With its materials and techniques imported from Jackson's "elsewhere," the vernacular as process takes us from the highly localized architectural detail to the extensive cultural exchange created by external cultural, economic, and social forces. The buildings and constructions created are artifacts of this process. With such complexity and often paradoxical interconnectedness, this artifact becomes a "specific elsewhere" reflecting both local and global constraints and possibilities.

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CHAPTER 3 CLEARING CAMP At the meta-level of this work and its organization, the idea of camp(ing) must be understood with respect to its own denotative and connotative meaning and in the context of other worlcs and projects that study and utilize camping as their subject, hi terms of this project, if "siting" is the choice of a forum for discussion (essentially the outlining of broad topics, problems, and questions), then "clearing" entails the organization of that forum to shed light on the particularities of the topic. "Clearing" the topic of camp begins within the term "camp" itself and then expands to review related literature and architectural projects. Deflning Camp What it [camp] does is to offer for art (and life) a different a supplementary set of standards. I admit it's terribly hard to define. You have to meditate on it [camp] and feel it intuitively, like Laotse's Tao." The constellation of meaning found across camp's connotations embraces the paradoxical coincidences of permanence and temporariness, dispersal and collection. Camp is first of all a field, usually a level field, sometimes a battlefield or the grounds for a tournament. In its usage as a field, camp has been derived from the Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese term canipo. In contemporary Spanish language, campo refers abstractly to Susan Sontag, "Notes on Camp," Against Interpretation and Other Essays (New York: Dell, 1964), 286. Christopher Isherwood. The World in the Evening (1954/6), 106. 95

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96 the country (as opposed to urban) and more tangibly to the countryside, which is the open field of the country. The Spanish word camping has come to designate the campsite, and campamento is a less organized collection of tents. Campo's Latinate origins are found in campus, referencing more precisely the level field. In ancient Rome, the Campus Martius was a multi-purpose leveled field. As is eponymously suggested, the Campus Martius was the "field of Mars" dedicated to the god of war. During its republic period, the Campus Martius lay outside the city of Rome on its northwestern limit. The multi-use field functioned primarily as a place for military drills in the spirit of its namesake, but the Campus also became a place for games and athletic practice as well as simulated combat. Public assemblies of citizens and religious activities also occurred in the Campus Martius. The field's adjacency to the Tiber River and its low-lying elevation made it subject to frequent flooding and necessitated that the activities and events be temporary or short-lived. In 54 B.C., the Roman government initiated flood control projects to resist the effects of the periodic flooding. Pompey and Caesar added a theater, colonnade, an assembly hall, and between the city proper and the Campus a new forum with a temple; and Augustus and Agrippa continued the process of urbanization with an expansion."* Along with an array of games and altars dedicated to "strange gods," Hadrian's school of liberal arts the Athenaeum was reputedly built in the Northern Campus Martius. With the perfection of flood control, the Campus becomes the urban center of medieval Rome and was later documented by Giovanni Battista ^ Robert E. A. Palmer, Studies of the Northern Campus Martius in Ancient Rome (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1990), vii. Palmer, vii.

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97 Piranesi in a series of mid18"' century engravings known as // Campo Marzio delVAntica Roma. As its Latin designation and the historical coincidence of the Campus Martins and Hadrian's Athenaeum suggest, camp also relates to the "open field" of the college or university campus. At times, this etymological and metaphorical concurrence characterizes the formal properties and the layering of built environments. A later discussion in this thesis points out that the campus of Ruskin College in Florida was founded in a turpentine camp. Another more contemporary example is the Oregon Institute of Marine Biology, which was built over two campsites and field stations, for the Corps of Engineers (in the 1910s) and the Civilian Conservation Corps (in the 1930s). Before the renovation in the 1990s, the Institute's buildings were comprised exclusively of recycled material from these earlier constructions. The new design includes a central green-space called the "hearth" and used for informal gatherings and volleyball and basketball games. Camp's Latin origins also lead to its usage, though obsolete, in the term "watery camp." Arising from the phrases caeruleus campus and campus latus aquarium, camp here refers to the surface of the sea.^ Not unlike Deleuze and Guattari's "smooth space," the surface of the sea with its web of forces and paratactic condition (in which characteristics and qualities are flattened within the horizontal expanse) provides an important background for later discussions of camp and possibilities for a camping practice. In her account of a caravan trip organized by the Airstream's Wally Byam, Charles Linn, "Field Station," Architectural Record (November 1992), 74-9. The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. II (New York: Oxford, 1989). 809-81 1.

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98 Lillie B. Douglass echoes this camper-mariner confluence in her view of the African landscape's "watery camp": "the world seemed a watery blur, without end, and we afloat in it."^ In this case, the desert is transformed into a series of mirages, or seemingly real "sheets" of water across the landscape. These improbable oases lie at the confluence of the real and the imaginary within the particularly disorienting setting of the ocean-like desert. The Bedouin camp then would serve as a transitory location within the real-unreal environment of the Arabian desert. Echoing Lillie B. Douglass' experience, Gertrude Bell notes the seemingly impossible coincidences of camp and mirage: We saw tents with men beside them pitched on the edge of mirage lakes and when at last we actually did come to a stretch of shallow water, it was a long time before I could believe that it was not imaginary. ... It is excessively bewildering to be deprived of the use of one's eyes in this way.^ The fluidity of this setting in which water, air, and sand merge proved perplexing to early surveyors of the region and connoted a sublime of the "infinite and the immeasurable."^ Distances collapse, and scale oscillates between the miniature mountain and the immensity of sand granules. Camps are thus associated with the "oasis" formed by subtle variations of the ground. Bell writes, "[w]e are camped to-night in what is called a Lillie Bernard Douglass, Cape Town to Cairo (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton, 1964). ^ Gertrude Bell, The Letters of Gertrude Bell (New York: Penguin, 1987), 276. This particular letter to her family is dated 2/17/11. Bell began her travels in through the Near East in 1 892 and later, as Great Britain's Oriental Secretary to the High Commissioner in Baghdad, helped form the modern state of Iraq. My introduction to the writings of Bell comes through Priya Satia's dissertation work titled "The Secret Center: Arabia Intelligence in British Culture and Politics, 1900-1932." ^ See Mark Sykes, The Caliph 's Last Heritage: A Short History of the Turkish Empire (London: Macmillan, 1915). Sykes notes, "Space, distance, infinite and immeasurable, is the keynote of the Assyrian landscape." (436) In the desert, traditional methods of surveying such as locating geographic-topographic features and positions have to be transformed into more flexible modes to understand less immediately visible data through such means as astronomical observation and learning to 'read the void' and its more subtle topographic qualities.

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99 } \i\nc ^-i Sicw' {> !<'f<'i!!.ipnei <"iKJos S.^a\c!, h i'\h steamboat barge along ihe Ocklawaha Kfvei jn [ hvtCd Hie scss.-i --onv'd as both tent (and mobile ..^jiip^nc (tnj lo! re\eiOpinj: Isi'pisoiographs (Florida Phoiographic C'oUeciiOfl, puDiiShed \n hdward A. iVliselier. OcUawaha River Steamboats (Dei..eoii Springs, FL: E.G. Painter, 1983), 5L

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100 valley. It takes a practiced eye to distinguish the valley from the mountain, the one is so shallow, the other so low. The valleys are often two miles wide "' The features of the desert are the all-encompassing of the unreal made visible as mirages, and the infrequent and subtle anomalies of sand and stone within the sublime emptiness of the desert: Though we were riding through plains which were ... to the casual observer almost featureless, we seldom traveled more than a mile without reaching a spot that had a name. In listening to Arab talk you are struck by this abundant nomenclature. If you ask where a certain sheikh has pitched his tents you will at once be given an exact answer. The map is blank, and when you reach the encampment the landscape is blank also. A rise in the ground, a big stone, a vestige of ruin, not to speak of every possible hollow in which there may be water either in winter or in summer, these are marks sufficiently distinguishing to the nomad eye." Similar to the mattang-maiimrs of the Marshall Islands, the Bedouin's navigation of these attributes through careful observation and translation of the real and the unreal 1 allows for the transient positioning of camps within the ephemeral landscape. Camp's etymological derivation is not typically taken past its Latin origins in campus in references such as the Oxford English Dictionary. However, in Greek texts, descriptions of camps and campsites often include Greek variants of the term chora. This Gertrude Bell, Letters, 21 A. Bell attempts to see the siting of these camps in the midst of the subtle landscape as the Bedouin does: "I looked out beyond him into the night and saw the desert with his eyes, no longer empty but set thicker with human associations than any city. Every line of it took on significance, every stone was like the ghost of a hearth in which the warmth of Arab life was hardly cold, though the fire might have been extinguished this hundred years." {The Desert and the Sown, 60). Gertrude Bell, The Desert and the Sown (London: W. Heinemann, 1907), 48-9. My introduction to the writings of Bell comes through Priya Satia's dissertation work titled "The Secret Center: Arabia Intelligence in British Culture and Politics, 1900-1932." The Bedouin's navigation and understanding of the landscape could also be read as a negotiation of intensities. For Paul Virilio, this condition becomes what he calls an 'aesthetics of disappearance' in which one finds the possible perception of the non-representable. This idea recalls the desert as an unmappable (at least by traditional methods) landscape of subtle fiows and movements. The desert then becomes a series of sublime moments, which for the Bedouin is the everyday experience of moving from campsite to campsite. See Paul Virilio, The Aesthetics of Disappearance (Autonomedia, 1991).

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101 possible lexical connection between camp and chora is most evident in Homeric works. For example, in the Iliad, Hector makes camp in a "space cleared of the dead": Then did glorious Hector make an assembly of the Trojans, leading them away from the ships beside the eddying river, in an open space ixcopog) where the ground showed clear of the dead.' "^ In this usage translated here as "open space", X'^POQ (or chows) is also a "piece of ground," or "a place.""* This specificity of a siting on a particular section of the ground is also qualified by the related term xa\ia8iq, which denotes directionality and positioning "to" or "on the ground." Such a place is also notable as a site for speech-making; from the "open space," Hector delivers a rousing speech to the assembled Trojans. Later, the chores serves as the site for a series of speeches from Hector's men: ". . so they went through and out from the trench they had dug and sat down in an open space where the ground showed clear of dead men fallen. . ."'"^ In each case, after speeches are made, campfires are lit and food is prepared. In these references, the process of siting camp includes both a clearing of the dead and a ritual of making speeches at the outset of assembling within and occupying the open space. The connection between camp and the Greek term chora (along with its implications for space and place as expressed in Plato's Timaeus) occurs in the possibility of the linguistic interchange between o and a (co and a), which would link chora to choro and thus to the "open space" of the Trojans' temporary military camps. Homer, Iliad. 8. 489. Greek Lexicon, 898. Iliad, 10, 198. Refer to Section 8. "Interchange of co and a," in Etyma Graeca, 142-3.

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102 Camp's military connotations include a temporary lodging for troops but also a more permanent station for accepting those troops. Furthermore, camp refers to a body of troops moving together. The idea of encampment that is inherent (though latent) in the military definition points toward the notion of the "city within a city": Camp is also used among the Siamese and East Indians, for a quarter of a town assigned to foreigners, wherein to carry on their commerce. In these camps, each nation forms itself a kind of city apart, in which their store houses and shops are, and the factors and their families reside.''' Such political and economic enclaves might be compared to the modern embassy. In Australia, the Aboriginal Tent Embassy serves as an ad hoc office to represent 1 8 disenfranchised aboriginal inhabitants and as a form of political protest of Land Rights. Started on January 26, 1972,''^ the assemblage of tents that make up the Embassy currently occupies the grounds of the Provisional Parliament House in the central urban area of Canberra."" Having established a greater degree of permanence since 1992, this encampment was registered by the Australian Heritage Commission on the National Estate as the first Aboriginal Heritage Site." Chambers, Cycl. Siipp., Camp ( 1 753), excerpted in The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. II (New York: Oxford, 1989), 810. See Gregory Cowan's "Nomadology in Architecture: Ephemerality, Movement, and Collaboration," University of Adelaide, 2002, http://gregory.cowan.com/nomad/. ''^ In Australia, this date is known equally as 'Invasion Day' and "Australia Day.' The Building By-Laws at the time of the camp's inception did not expressly disallow temporary occupations of Canberra's urban spaces. Six months passed before legislation could be passed to prohibit such encampments and certify the original tent assembly's demolition. Following this destruction, the Aboriginal Tent Assembly was re-established at regular intervals until 1975 and intermittently until 1992. (Cowan, n.p.) See the Commission's registration of this landmark at http://www.ahc.gov.au/cgibin/register/site.pl? 1 8843

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103 Variants, found in tlie Oxford English Dictionary, refer to camp more conceptually as a body of adherents to a commonly held doctrine or theory or as a defensible position of beliefs (protected by a veritable "army" of arguments or facts). As a position from which ideas are defended, camp takes on the quality of an idea itself and thus describes mental activity and imagery. Worth consideration in this study, though deemed 22 linguistically obsolete, is camp's definition as a field of inquiry, discussion, or debate. Such derivation from the physical reference to the field of contest or combat yields the more conceptual and abstract notion that a camp is an epistemological area "open" for or to debate. Camp thus can describe an idea and the schematic zone of its development, or "becoming." Accordingly, one aspect of this thesis is the potential for camp, understood both concretely and abstractly, to suggest method. Although distinct from "camp as idea" but within this conceptual understanding, camp also reflects a sensibility in terms of intensive intellectual perception and mental responsiveness to situations. In her 1964 essay "Notes on Camp," Sontag outlines camp as a third sensibility that offers supplementary standards to those of high culture and the avant-garde. By titling her essay "Notes on . ." she indicates an understanding that discussion of camp requires an alternative mode that allows her both pathos and objective distance. This notational mode, which she refers to as "jottings" in contrast to the linear logic of the formal essay, sites her argument as commentary within camp. Sontag discusses this necessary paradox: "To name a sensibility, to draw its contours and to recount its history, requires a deep sympathy modified by revulsion."""* Rather than The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., vol. II (New York: Oxford. 1989), 809. Susan Sontag, "Notes on Camp," Against Interpretation and Other Essays (New York: Dell, 1964), 276.

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104 within the dichotomy of literal and symbolic meaning, camp productions operate in the differential space between the "thing as meaning something, anything, and the thing as pure artifice. "^'^ Sontag's treatment of camp simultaneously identifies this sensibility and transforms the oppositional structure of an objective and subjective framework in order to create her own critical space — that is, to "set up camp." In its siting, camp combines this idea of a third sensibility with the paradox of a mobile fixity or an unstable permanence. This mixture consequently elicits a nonnostalgic rediscovery of ways of living, marginalized or forgotten by a dominant culture. As understood by Sontag, this "fugitive sensibility" of camp is a set of values supplemental to societal standards that disallows the possibility of completeness as promoted by high culture's oeuvre in favor of a residual cultural fragmentation. ~ The difficulty of siting camp however lies in the complications of the "utopic impulse" and its unique set of values by the inherent mobility of camp. This mobility is reflected in the multiple possibilities of siting camp semanfically as well as situationally. Sontag notes camp's flexibility of meaning (without a complete instability) in its usage as a verb to describe a "mode of seduction.""*' Seduction etymologically implies that one is always being "lead away," and attraction to a person, place, or climate spurs habitual movement. Situationally, the siting of camp operates as pure process; in fact, its stability is in this consistency of movement, a cycle of seduction and of being "lead away." -^Sontag, 281. Sontag, 287. Sontag, 281.