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Effects of a date rape intervention on rape proclivity and acceptance of rape-supportive attitudes among male college students : a social learning approach

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Effects of a date rape intervention on rape proclivity and acceptance of rape-supportive attitudes among male college students : a social learning approach
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Abrams, Julie M., 1962-
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1992.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-147).
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by Julie M. Abrams.

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EFFECTS OF A DATE RAPE INTERVENTION ON
RAPE PROCLIVITY AND ACCEPTANCE OF RAPE-SUPPORTIVE ATTITUDES AMONG MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS:
A SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACH

















BY

JULIE M. ABRAMS


















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1992













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Carolyn M. Tucker, Dr. Phyllis Meek, Dr. Greg Neimeyer, Dr. Barbara Probert, and Dr. Robert Ziller, for their scholarly advice and guidance. Special thanks are extended to Dr. Tucker who, as chairperson, mentor, colleague, and friend, has been an admired and respected role model and a source of inspiration and support. Without her scholarly abilities and dedication, this dissertation would not have been possible.

Acknowledgments are due to several professionals and students at the University of Florida (UF) and elsewhere. Russ Sabella is immensely appreciated for conducting several of the workshops in the study, thus making data collection possible. Dr. John Dixon is gratefully acknowledged for his statistical consultation.

Dr. Andrea Parrot and Ms. Janet Salmons-Rue of Cornell University are respectfully acknowledged for their permission to use materials associated with their campus rape prevention program, "Stop Date Rape," as models for developing portions of the workshop interventions. Bill Abrams is warmly appreciated for his time and talent in the videotape production of "Date Rape Prevention: A ii







Demonstration," which was used in some of the workshop presentations. Peggy Moore and Tom Britt are thanked for their performances in this videotape.

The University of Florida's Sexual Assault Recovery

Service is acknowledged for sharing materials on date rape prevention. Marc Spector and Kristin Smith are thanked for their assistance during the planning phases of the project.

I wish to extend special thanks to all of my family and friends whose patience, support, and encouragement made this dissertation possible. My mother and father, Patricia and Robert Abrams, are thanked for their years of encouragement, guidance, hard work, and sacrifice to create the opportunities for me to learn. Warm thanks are also extended to all of my friends, whose support and friendship have given me the inspiration, confidence, and balance necessary to complete this endeavor.














TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . vi

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . vii

CHAPTERS

I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . I

Limitations of Previous Research . . . . 3 Rationale for the Study . . . . . . 4
Research Questions . . . . . . . . 6

2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE . . . . . . . 8

Rape . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Definition of Rape . * * * 8
Incidence and Prevalenc; *f*Ra*pe . . . . 11 Consequences of Rape . . . . . . . 19
Rape Myths . . . . . . . . . 25
Sex-Role Socialization and Cultural Norms
Regarding Violence . . . . . . 30
Rape Prevention Research and Practice . . 34
Social Learning Theory and Human Aggression . 48
Principles of Social Learning Theory . . . 49
Social Learning Theory and Aggression
Research . . . . . . . . . 59
Social Learning Theory and Rape . . . . 62
Effects of Modeling . . . . . . . 63
Effects of Reinforcement . . . . . . 66
Implications for Date Rape Prevention
Programming . . . . . . . . 68

3 METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . 71

Subjects . . . . . . . . . . 71
Instruments . . . . . . . . . 72
Procedure . . . . . . . . . . 78
Research Design . . . . . . . . 85
Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . 87



iv








4 RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . 89

Preliminary Analyses . . . . . . . 89
Tests of the Hypotheses . . . . . . 90
Post Hoc Analyses . . . . . . . . 104

5 DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . log

Summary of Results . . . . . . . . 109
Interpretation of the Results . . . . . 112 Limitations of the Study . . . . . . 117
Suggestions for Further Research . . . . 118 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . 120

APPENDICES

A DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM . . . . . 122

B SEXUAL EXPERIENCES SURVEY . . . . . . 124

C RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE SCALE . . . . . . 126

D ACCEPTANCE OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE SCALE . . 129 E MARLOWE-CROWNE SOCIAL DESIRABILITY SCALE (20) 130 F INFORMATION TEST . . . . . . . . 132

G INFORMED CONSENT FORM . . . . . . . 134

H DEBRIEFING FORM . . . . . . . . 137

REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . 139

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . . . . 148




















v













LIST OF TABLES


Table pacre

4-1 Item Means for the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale
at Baseline, Immediate Posttest, and Delayed
Posttest . . . . . . . . 95

4-2 Item Means for the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale at Baseline, Immediate
Posttest, and Delayed Posttest . . . 97

4-3 Pearson Correlation Coefficients Among the
Dependent Measures at Baseline . . . 99

4-4 Frequency and Percentage of "Yes" Responses to
Sexual Experiences Survey Items (N = 186) 100

4-5 Pearson Correlation Coefficients Between
Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale
(20) Scores and the Dependent Measures . 102

























vi













Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

EFFECTS OF A DATE RAPE INTERVENTION ON
RAPE PROCLIVITY AND ACCEPTANCE OF RAPE-SUPPORTIVE
ATTITUDES AMONG MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS:
A SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACH

By

Julie M. Abrams

May 1992

Chairperson: Carolyn M. Tucker Major Department: Psychology

The effects of four workshop/presentation

interventions on male college students' acceptance of date rape myths, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and selfreported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction were investigated. Specifically, the study was designed to test the effects of social learning theory-based interventions on rape-supportive attitudes.

Using a 2 X 3 repeated measures factorial design, 189 male college students were exposed to Intervention I (information about rape myths, rape trauma syndrome, and strategies for reducing the likelihood of rape); Intervention II (information in Intervention I, videotaped modeling of assertive interpersonal dating behaviors, and positive reinforcement of anti-rape behaviors and statements


vii







made in the videotape and by subjects); or a Control Condition (two videotapes that were unrelated to rape). Half of the subjects in each of the three conditions were exposed to a male presenter; half were exposed to a female presenter.

Results revealed less disparity in rape myth acceptance scores between the two presenter conditions during the second semester of data collection than during the first semester. No such differences were obtained with regard to acceptance of violence or likelihood of using physical force or verbal coercion. In addition, there were no overall effects for intervention type, presenter, semester, or any other 2- or 3-way interaction for any of the dependent variables tested.

A moderate correlation was found between the dependent measures. Interitem correlations for the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale were low to moderate, suggesting that these measures have low internal consistency and questionable construct validity for the sample tested.

Further research is needed on methods of rape attitude assessment with college populations. Descriptive data on the present sample of college males indicate a continuing need for research to assess and reduce rape proclivity and rape-supportive attitudes.




viii













CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION


Rape is the most common yet most underreported violent crime in the United States, according to estimates presented by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI, 1981). It is estimated that one rape occurs approximately every six minutes (FBI, 1986) and that for every rape that is reported, there are ten that remain unreported (Russell, 1984). It is further estimated that one in three women will be raped during her lifetime (FBI, 1986) and in the majority of these cases, the victim will know her assailant (Koss, 1985).

Most unreported rapes are committed by acquaintances (Koss, 1985) and many of these occur on dates (Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984). In one study, 27.5% of college women surveyed reported having experienced acts that met legal definitions of rape or attempted rape (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987). In another study, 15% of college men sampled admitted to having forced a date to have sexual intercourse (Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984). About 35% of college males admit to at least some possibility of raping a woman in the future if they could be assured anonymity (Malamuth, 1981).







2

University students are a high risk group for rape because they are similar in age to the majority of rape victims and offenders. Most rape victims are in their late teens or early twenties and almost half of all alleged rapists who are arrested are under age 25 (FBI, 1986). This, coupled with an increase in autonomy, availability of alcohol and drugs, and vulnerability due to uncertain surroundings and peer pressure, increases the likelihood of date/acquaintance rape on college campuses and makes this issue a serious concern nationwide.

Rape has a tremendous impact on victims and significant others. Victims often endure severe emotional, psychological, and physical trauma that can last over a period of months, years, and even a lifetime. Such effects have been referred to as rape trauma syndrome (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974) and encompass changes in one's sense of self, relationships with others (including sexual relationships), and physical functioning. Family, friends, and significant others are often affected by rape as well. Many may feel shocked, angry, guilty, helpless, and frustrated (Orzek, 1983). Some may question the integrity of the victims, blaming them for their predicament or doubting their honesty. Fueled by a host of culturally entrenched stereotyped, prejudicial, and false beliefs about rape, many significant others become victims themselves. It








3
is estimated that over half of all intimate partnerships dissolve after a rape has occurred (Crenshaw, 1978).

Many cultural myths about rape, rape victims, and

rapists exist in support of rape. Feminist theory contends that these myths are reflective of the patriarchal, competitive, sex-role stereotyped society in which we live (Brownmiller, 1975; Herman, 1984). Such myths serve to create an unsafe environment for the rape victim (Burt, 1980) and relieve the offender of responsibility for the crime.


Limitations of Previous Research


In recent years, the literature on rape has

proliferated and has addressed such topics as incidence rates (Koss et al., 1987; Russell, 1982), attitudinal correlates (Burt, 1980; Feild, 1978; Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984), counseling/recovery issues (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Halpern, Hicks, & Crenshaw, 1978; Katz, 1984), and prevention efforts (Borden, Karr, & Caldwell-Colbert, 1988; Parrot, 1985). The literature regarding prevention efforts, however, has been primarily descriptive in nature (Roark, 1987; Sandberg, Jackson, & Petretic-Jackson, 1987) and has mainly focused on strategies women can employ to reduce the likelihood of rape (Gray, Lesser, Quinn, & Bounds, 1990; Kidder, Boell, & Moyer, 1983; Krulewitz & Kahn, 1983; Krulewitz & Nash, 1979; Levine-MacCombie & Koss, 1986).








4

There has been relatively little research that has empirically investigated the effectiveness of date rape prevention activities, particularly efforts focusing on males (e.g., Lee, 1987). In addition, many of the studies that have been conducted have methodological limitations such as the use of informal evaluations to measure outcomes (Pace & Zaugra, 1988) and the omission of a treatment control group (Gilbert, Heesacker, & Gannon, 1991). Only one study was found which used a theoretical framework to guide the rape intervention research (Gilbert et al., 1991).


Rationale for the Study


The current research was proposed for three reasons:

(1) to investigate empirically the effectiveness of a date rape intervention, (2) to perform this investigation within the framework of a social psychological theory of human aggression, and (3) to target the prevention effort to males (because males represent the majority of rape offenders). The study was designed to extend beyond the use of informal evaluations to document the success of the intervention/ presentations. It proposed to assess the effects of a date rape intervention using existing measures that have been found to be valid and reliable.

Because rape is an act of violence and power, and not an act of lust (Brownmiller, 1975), it is helpful to consider the various social psychological theories of human







5

aggression in understanding the problem of rape. A review of the social psychological literature on human aggression reveals that the theoretical model that has received the most consistent empirical support to date is social learning theory as proposed by Albert Bandura (Bandura, 1973, 1977).

Briefly, social learning theory postulates that

aggression is primarily learned first by observing others behaving aggressively and second by witnessing the consequences of such aggression. Aggressive behavior may also be shaped and maintained through positive reinforcement from external or internal sources. Theoretically, people can act to increase or decrease their aggressive behavior by changing the environmental conditions that may induce aggression, altering cognitions which support aggression, and providing positive or negative reinforcement for such behavior (Bandura, 1973, 1977).

While several theorists and researchers have used

social learning theory principles to guide their thinking and research regarding the causes and correlates of rape (Boeringer, Shehan, & Akers, 1991; Donnerstein, 1980; Malamuth & Check, 1981), no empirical research was found that overtly applied social learning theory to the understanding of the rape prevention. The purpose of the proposed research, therefore, was to use social learning theory to investigate the effectiveness of two date rape prevention interventions (each conducted under two different







6

conditions) in reducing male college students, (a) selfreported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction,

(b) acceptance of date rape myths, and (c) acceptance of interpersonal violence.


Research Ouestions


My questions for research were:

(1) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that include

information on rape myths, rape trauma, and strategies

for reducing the likelihood of rape effective in

reducing male college students' acceptance of rape

myths, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and selfreported likelihood of using force in a sexual

interaction?

(2) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that include

the modeling and reinforcement of assertive

interpersonal behavior in addition to information on rape myths, rape trauma, and strategies for reducing

the likelihood of rape more effective in reducing male

students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance of

interpersonal violence, and self-reported likelihood of

using force in a sexual interaction than are workshop/

presentations that do not include such modeling and

reinforcement?

(3) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that are

conducted by a male more effective in reducing male







7

college students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and self-reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction than the same workshop/presentations conducted by a female?













CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE


Rape


An overview of the problem of rape in the United States is presented in this review. The magnitude and extent of rape, the consequences of rape, cultural norms and values that exist in support of rape, and current rape prevention strategies will be discussed. A social psychological analysis of sexual assault will be given in terms of Albert Bandurals social learning theory. Specific attention will be paid to the effects of modeling, reinforcement, and implications for date rape prevention outreach. Definition of Rape


The definition of rape varies greatly by jurisdiction. The Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Program of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) defines rape as "carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her consent" (FBI, 1986). This definition, thus, limits rape to assaults against females that involve the penetration of the vagina by a penis. Its requirement of force excludes some instances of child sexual abuse. The FBI's Uniform Crime Report Program provides widely cited national statistics regarding the

8







9

incidence and prevalence of rape. However, its rather narrow definition of rape may contribute to the underestimation of the magnitude and extent of the problem. In reporting crime to the FBI, some state law enforcement officers believe that the UCR definition forces them to underreport incidences of rape (Martin, DiNitto, Norton, & Maxwell, 1984).

In contrast to the FBI, several states have more

encompassing definitions of rape. Florida, for example, is recognized as having one of the most "comprehensive" or advanced sexual assault statutes in the country. According to the Florida statutes, sexual battery is defined as "oral, anal or vaginal penetration by union with a sexual organ of another or the anal or vaginal penetration by another by any other object" (Florida Statutes, 1983). These state statutes, thus, include not only vaginal penetration by a penis, but nonconsensual sodomy (anal intercourse), fellatio (oral intercourse on a male), cunnilingus (oral intercourse on a female), and penetration by fingers, hands, or foreign objects (Martin et al., 1984). They include instances of unwanted sexual contact in which there is no show of force, assaults against males, and instances of statutory rape. on the following pages, attempts will be made to clarify what definition of rape is used in the referenced research.

In defining rape, it is important to note that rape is an act of power and violence; it is not an act of passion or







10

lust (Brownmiller, 1975). Viewing rape as a sexual act in which the victim really wants to be dominated and overpowered contributes to the myth that victims ask to be raped. Similarly, it alleviates assailants of the responsibility for any wrongdoing and contributes to the belief that women (the victims, in most cases) are masochistic persons. Unfortunately, such beliefs also support the continued usage of such oxymorons as "rape fantasy."

Much of the early research on rape assumed a

typological approach to the conceptualization of rape. That is, a person was seen as either a rapist or a nonrapist, a victim or a nonvictim. Evidence now exists to support a dimensional view of rape. A dimensional view of rape still regards rape as an extreme behavior, but places rape on a continuum with normal male behavior (Koss & Oros, 1982). The continuum of sexually aggressive behavior is considered to include verbal coercion, threat of force, and actual use of physical force to obtain sexual intercourse. These behaviors, however, are not seen as a series of escalating events where one behavior necessarily leads to another (Koss & Gidycz, 1985).

Different terms have been coined to refer to specific

types of rape. Acquaintance rape refers to rape that occurs between persons who know one another. Date rape is a form of acquaintance rape in which the assailant and the victim







11

have an agreement for a social engagement. Gang rape refers to rape committed by two or more persons (C.P. Walsh, personal communication, October 12, 1990). This review will first address the general issue of rape, but will focus specific attention on the problem of date and acquaintance rape on college campuses. Because women do indeed represent virtually all of reported rape victims (Law Enforcement Assistance Administration CLEAA), 1975), this manuscript will focus on male offenders and female victims of sexual violence.


Incidence and Prevalence of Rape


Rape is the most frequent yet underreported violent crime in the United States (FBI, 1981). According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 87,340 rapes occurred in 1985 with one rape occurring approximately every 6 minutes (FBI, 1986). While these figures may seem shocking, they are considered to be underestimates of the full scope of rape for two reasons: (1) they include only those crimes that fit the FBI's narrow definition of rape, and (2) they are based only on those rapes that are reported to the police (Koss et al., 1987). It is thought that for every rape that is reported, 3-10 rapes are committed but are unreported (LEAA, 1975; Russell, 1984). Estimates of the actual frequency of rape are made more difficult by the fact that only a small proportion of reported rapes actually







12

result in convictions (Ross et al., 1987; Martin et al., 1984).

one of the main sources of crime estimates including

rape is the Bureau of Justice's National Crime Survey (NCS). Although frequently cited, the NCS has been criticized on conceptual and methodological grounds. For example, some of the NCS questions are considered to be vague and require the respondent to infer what is being asked. The survey assumes that victims of sexual assault use the term "rape" to conceptualize their experiences. In addition, because questions about rape are embedded in a list of questions about violent crime in general, respondents who are rape victims but who do not consider themselves to be victims of crime, may be less likely to give accurate accounts of their experiences. The survey is also criticized in that it assumes a typological view of sexual aggression and victimization and thus ignores the finer gradations of sexual assault (Koss et al., 1987).

Russell (1982) investigated the prevalence and

incidence of rape and attempted rape and found that of a sample of 930 adult women, 24% described experiences that met the criteria for rape. Only 9.5% of these women reported the crime to the police. In another study, about 15% of a sample of college men admitted to having sexual intercourse against their date's consent and only 39% denied







13

any coercive sexual involvement whatsoever (Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984).

Similar results were obtained by Miller and Marshall (1987) in a study of 795 undergraduate and graduate students. These researchers found that 27% of the women sampled reported psychologically or physically forced sexual intercourse. Interestingly, only 3% conceptualized the experience as "rape." Additionally, 15% of the men sampled indicated that they had coerced a woman into sex, but only it defined this experience as "rape." These findings suggest that large numbers of "hidden" victims and offenders abound.

Koss and colleagues (Koss et al., 1987) conducted the most encompassing research study to date on the incidence and prevalence of rape. Sampling 6,159 students from 32 institutions of higher learning and using an instrument designed to reflect a dimensional view of rape, these researchers asked subjects to indicate their experience with various levels of sexual victimization or aggression. They found that 53.7% of the women sampled revealed some form of sexual victimization and 25.1% of the men reported some involvement with sexual aggression. The most serious form of sexual victimization experienced by the women was rape for 15.4%, attempted rape for 12.1%, and sexual coercion for 11.9%. The most serious level of sexual aggression reported by the men was rape for 4.4%, attempted rape for 3.3%, and







14

sexual coercion for 7.2%. The institutions at which females reported the highest rape rates were major universities (17%) and private colleges (14%). The region in which the highest proportion of males admitted rape was the Southeast

(0).

Prevalence rates for sexual victimization and

aggression were also found to differ by ethnic group. Rape was reported by 16% of White women, 10% of Black women, 12* of Hispanic women, 7% of Asian women, and 40% of Native American women. Among men, rape was reported by 4% of Whites, 10% of Blacks, 7% of Hispanics, 2% of Asians, and 0% of Native Americans (Koss et al., 1987).

Based on this national sample, incidence rates for rape and attempted rape, i.e., the number of women per thousand who experienced rape, were calculated to be 83 per 1,000 women for a six-month period (using state definitions of rape) or 38 per 1,000 women (using the FBI's narrower definitions of rape and attempted rape). Perpetration rates for rape and attempted rape were calculated to be 34 per 1,000 men for a six-month period (using state statutes) or 9 per 1,000 men (using the FBI's definition) (Koss et al., 1987). It is pointed out that the victimization rate using the FBI's definition of rape is 10-15 times greater than statistics reported by the National Crime Survey and that the rape perpetration rate using the FBI's definition is 2-3 times greater than corresponding NCS figures. These data







15

provide some evidence to suggest that the NCS fails to assess the full scope of rape.

The discrepancy between victimization and perpetration rates is likely to be due, at least in part, to the fact that some of the incidents reported by the women undoubtedly occurred before college by males other than those surveyed. It was suggested, however, that some of the men surveyed may not have accurately perceived the degree of force or coercion involved in their interactions and may have misinterpreted a woman's nonconsent (Koss et al., 1987). If this is so, increased attention to communication and perceptions may be important during rape education programs.

Consistent with the findings of other researchers

(e.g., Miller & Marshall, 1987), results obtained by Koss et al. (1987) indicate that few rapes are acknowledged by the victim (27%). Even fewer rapes are ever reported to the police (5%) or prompt the victim to seek victim assistance services (5%). Many rapes are never revealed to anyone at all (42%). Because much of the existing research on rape is based on samples of women who are self-acknowledged rape victims (recruited through paper ads, police reports, court records, emergency rooms or counseling services), "hidden victims" (those who don't acknowledge, report, or reveal their rapes) are often omitted from study. It is recommended that those "hidden" victims be included in future research (Koss et al., 1987); a similar case may be







16

made for hidden offenders, i.e., those who may not recognize their aggression and those who are not reported, tried, and convicted.

An examination of the data on the incidence and

prevalence of rape in Florida is sobering. In 1982, Florida had the third highest rape index in the nation (with 53.6 rapes per 100,000 persons), second only to Alaska and Nevada. Among Florida's counties, Alachua had the seventh highest rape index (with 64.65 rapes per 100,000 persons) (Martin et al., 1984). Alarming as these statistics may be, they are not necessarily negative indicators for Florida. The high crime indices may indeed be reflective of Florida's increasing and transient population and concomitant social problems. However, they may also be due, in part, to the existence of rape victim support services, which may foster higher reporting rates.

A 10-month study of the problem of rape in Florida

involving personal interviews with over 200 people from rape crisis centers, law enforcement agencies, hospitals, mental health agencies, citizen action groups, and the state attorney's office, yielded a profile of rape in Florida similar to that of the nation. Most rapes were found to occur among acquaintances and between persons of the same race. The vast majority of victims were female (93-95%) and white (about 64%) and almost all offenders were male (Martin et al., 1984). Further, the vast majority of reported rapes







17

are assaults committed by one offender, although there were occasional reports of gang rape (Martin et al., 1984).

Although the rape assessment conducted in Florida

looked at rape among the general population, the majority of rape research, including many of the national incidence and prevalence studies, targetscollege students as subjects. Rape research on college students is important for several reasons. First, college students are particularly at risk for rape because of their age. The most common age for rape victims is between 16 and 19. The second highest rate occurs among persons between the ages of 20 and 24 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1984). Additionally, almost half of all alleged rapists who are arrested are under age 25 (FBI, 1986).

Second, college students of traditional age are especially vulnerable to victimization in general. Typically, these students are in an unfamiliar setting, for the first time without old support systems and parental supervision. Their identities are generally not yet established, their sexuality may not yet be fully explored, and they may have illusions of invincibility. Their cohorts may be-experimenting with new freedoms and exertfngptVrpressure to conform to the group (Roark, 1987).

Third, the environment in which college students live may also contribute to increased risk of rape. one aspect of the university environment that is often associated with








X is
increased risk of date/acquaintance rape is the widespread .1 ise of alcohol among college students. Research shows that about 50% of women who are victims of rape and about 65% of their assailants were drinking before the rape occurred (Johnson, Gibson, & Linden, 1978). Alcohol use can impair judgment and decrease assertiveness. Its purposeful use to increase a potential victim's vulnerability is illegal under certain circumstances in Florida. Under Florida law, it is illegal to have sexual intercourse with a person who, without their consent or prior knowledge, has been given )intoxicants which mentally or physically incapacitate them, thus disabling them from giving consent. It is also illegal to have sexual intercourse with a person who is physically helpless, i.e., unconscious, asleep, or for any other reason unable to communicate unwillingness to the act (Florida Statutes, 1983).

Another aspect of university life which is said to play a role in some rapes is the existence of closely knit, allmale groups such as fraternities. Fraternities, in general, have been characterized as having a narrow, stereotypic idea of masculinity and heterosexuality, an emphasis on group loyalty, competition, and supremacy, and an acceptance of the use of alcohol as a means to gain sexual access (Martin & Hummer, 1989). Indeed, one study showed that a disproportionate number of alleged campus rape offenders were members of fraternities (O'Shaughnessey & Palmer,








19

1990). In addition, the majority of reported gang rapes on campus are said to involve fraternity members (Roark, 1987). Fraternity members are also reported to be more likely than "independents" to use verbal coercion, drugs, and alcohol in order to obtain sexual intercourse (Boeringer, Shehan, & Akers, 1991).

Some evidence exists to support the idea that men and women enter college with different ideas regarding sexual relationships. Giarrusso, Johnson, Goodchilds, and Zeliman (1979) found that of a sample of 432 teenagers between the ages of 14 and 18, 76% of the boys and 56% of the girls said there were certain circumstances under which it was acceptable for a male to use force to obtain sexual intercourse. Such circumstances included when a girl gets a boy sexually aroused, and when a girl says she plans to have sex with a boy and then changes her mind. In a similar study of 272 female and 268 male college students, Muehlenhard (1988) found that both men and women believed that date rape was more "justified" when the woman initiated the date, when they went to the man's apartment and when the man paid the expenses. The degree of justification was greater for men compared to women under these conditions. Consequences of Rape


Rape has far-reaching consequences for the victim, significant others, and society. It often has severe







20

emotional, social, cognitive, and behavioral effects that may last for years and even a lifetime. Below is an overview of the literature on the impact of rape, including some discussion of the effects of rape on significant others and society at large.

Rape trauma syndrome, as identified by Burgess and

Holmstrum, (1974), has been the cornerstone of our current understanding of the impact of rape on victims and survivors. This syndrome has two basic stages: 1) an immediate or acute phase, involving a disruption of life style and 2) a long-term phase involving a reorganization of the self and a resolution of personal feelings about the rape. Recovery from the physical and emotional trauma of rape is thought to proceed through these stages.

The acute phase may last for a few days or a few weeks. During this crisis stage, the rape victim commonly experiences a wide range of emotions, including shock, disbelief, fear, anxiety, tension, hurt, alienation, powerlessness, defenselessness, distrust, depression, vulnerability, guilt, shame, embarrassment, confusion, anger, and loss of control (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Doweiko, 1981; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983; Guest, 1977). Some rape victims are visibly expressive of their feelings; others appear calm and controlled. Mood swings are common.

Physical reactions during the acute phase are typical. some rape victims report feeling a general bodily soreness.







21

others report having physical symptoms that are specific to the parts of the body that were violated. These may be expressed as an irritation of the mouth and throat, vaginal discharges and/or itching, a burning sensation upon urination, and rectal pain or bleeding. Many rape victims experience disrupted sleep patterns (insomnia, night terror) and disrupted eating patterns (abdominal pain, loss of appetite, nausea) (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983).

The long-term phase may last for months or even years. During this stage, rape victims deal with the impact the rape has had on their lives. Many make changes in their style of living. Some move, change or get an unlisted phone number, visit relatives, or remain home much of the time. Often victims have difficulty concentrating and report having nightmares. In their dreams, they may either feel like victims of violence or they may feel like victimizing others. They also have to deal with any phobias they may have developed as a result of the rape. These phobias may include a fear of sex, crowds, being alone, or being near those who have similar characteristics as the assailant (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983).

Physical symptoms during the long-term reorganization period may include chronic gynecologic problems, changes in the menstrual cycle, gastrointestinal problems, and conversion reactions. Emotionally, rape survivors may








22

experience continued sleeplessness, loss of appetite, anxiety, depression, mood swings, lowered self-esteem, difficulty trusting men, fear of sex, and reluctance to engage in sexual relations (Rosenburg, 1986).

In addition to the two-phase model offered by Burgess and Holmstrum (1974), other theorists have postulated a triphasic response to rape (Doweiko, 1981; Katz, 1984). Doweiko (1981) states that a middle phase exists between the initial crisis and subsequent resolution phases which he terms "outward adjustment." This phase is characterized by denial, suppression, and rationalization and may last for several weeks or months until the victim acknowledges and accepts the rape and begins to work toward resolution. Katz (1984) describes the middle phase as part of the post-crisis adjustment. During this phase before long-term reorganization, the rape victim may continue to experience many emotional and physical symptoms, including feeling disoriented and out of control and having nightmares.

Recovery from rape has also been conceptualized in terms of the many losses associated with sexual assault: loss of self-identity, security, friendships, status within the community, sexual identification (Whiston, 1981), selfrespect, power, control, and possibly virginity, as well as a threat of loss of life (Freiberg & Bridwell, 1976). According to this loss model, survivors of rape may experience many feelings commonly associated with the grief








23

process, including denial, depression, and anger (Freiberg & Bridwell, 1976). Feelings of loss associated with independence, privacy, and self-esteem may be aggravated when others make decisions for the victim following a rape.

The degree of emotional trauma experienced as a result of rape may vary according to the nature of the crime. It is argued that rape by an acquaintance, friend, or relative is much more psychologically harmful than rape committed by a stranger (Koss, Leonard, Beezley, & Oros, 1985). The violation of trust in nonstranger rape cases makes the process of maintaining current relationships and risking new attachments and emotional intimacy much more difficult for the survivor of nonstranger rape. Because victims of nonstranger rape, compared to victims of stranger rape, are less likely to report the crime committed against them (Russell, 1984), they are more likely to endure their suffering alone.

The impact of rape extends beyond the victim to include family members, friends, and significant others. It is common for loved ones to express (1) feelings of guilt, self-blame, and a desire to overprotect, (2) feelings of frustration, anger, and revenge, and (3) a tendency to blame the victim for his or her predicament (viewing rape as a sexual, rather than a violent act) (Orzek, 1983; Rodkin, Hunt, & Cowan, 1982). Friends and loved ones may be in crisis, may feel victimized, and may feel confused and







24

misguided by false information (myths) regarding rape (Egidio & Robertson, 1981; Rodkin et al., 1982).

Couples are particularly at risk following a sexual

assault. Statistics show that 50-80% of raped females lose their boyfriends or husbands within one year of the assault (Halpern et al., 1978). Partners may have questions regarding sexually transmitted diseases, pregnancy, and sexual desirability. Sexual behavior may be misinterpreted due to the different emotional stages experienced by each partner following a rape. For example, the sexual assault survivor may avoid sexual contact, which may, in turn, cause the partner to feel unwanted. The partner, on the other hand, may try to force sexual contact, which may result in the victim feeling used and/or robbed of personal autonomy (Orzek, 1983; Rodkin et al., 1982). Couples counseling or sex therapy may be indicated for couples with continued relationship difficulties following a sexual assault (Halpern et al., 1978).

The impact of rape is visible in the demand for victim assistance services. From counseling, law enforcement, medical assistance, and legal affairs, rape survivors are often in need of information, services, support, and advocacy. They often need information regarding medical procedures (including the physical exam and protection against pregnancy and infection), the legal system (including whether or not to prosecute), the impact of the







25

assault on significant others, and options for psychological counseling (Courtois, 1979; Doweiko, 1981; Guest, 1977). Each of these services are provided at some cost to the public at large.

In addition to straining legal, counseling, and medical services, rape may also present a cost to employers in terms of poor concentration, decreased work performance, and days absent from work. on university campuses, sexual violence may be evidenced by a loss of concentration, impaired academic performance, and lowered self-esteem.


Rape Myths


Rape is a crime supported by many cultural myths.

Because these myths exist, many victims are reluctant to file police reports and to seek professional counseling. Rape myths create an unsafe environment for rape victims. They often place the blame for rape on victims and relieve assailants of responsibility for any wrongdoing.

one of the existing myths is that rape is primarily a sexual act caused by sexual frustration or maladjustment. Research has failed to demonstrate support for this contention. There is, however, substantial evidence to support the view that rape is an act of sexual aggression (Briere & Malamuth, 1983; Burt, 1980; Malamuth, 1981). In one study, a number of sexuality variables failed to predict self-reported likelihood of raping or using force in a







26

sexual interaction. However, a variety of rape-supportive beliefs (such as blaming the victim and viewing sexual violence as arousing to women) did significantly predict likelihood of sexual aggression (Briere & Malamuth, 1983). In another study, men who reported a higher likelihood of raping displayed more aggressive behavior towards women in a laboratory setting (Malamuth, 1981).

It is a myth that most rapes are committed

spontaneously in a deserted area by a stranger. The fact is that many rapes take place in the victim's home and most are committed by a relative or acquaintance (Parrot, 1985). Most rapists appear to be average American men and, while many are married and young, rapists can be of any age, race, or class. Rapists, thus, are generally not deranged, sexstarved persons. Rather, they are more accurately characterized by an acceptance of misogynous attitudes, rape-supportive beliefs, and the use of aggression in a sexual context. In addition, they are likely to demonstrate low levels of responsibility and social conscience (Rapaport

Burkhart, 1984).

In addition to the above misconceptions about rape, it is also untrue that rape occurs only to certain types of people. The fact is that rape victims include individuals of any age, race, class, religion, occupation, education, or physical characteristic (Grossman & Sutherland, 1983). Rape victims are usually female, but can also be male (Burgess &







27
Holmstrum, 1974). The majority of rapes involves persons of the same ethnic background (Davis, 1981; Friedman, 1979; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983; Martin et al., 1984). The belief that most rapes are committed by black men against white women is untrue and is thought to be associated with the maintainance of white male property rights and the control of people of color (Friedman, 1979).

Finally, it is a myth that it is not really possible to rape a nonconsenting adult. It is false that any healthy, fully functioning woman can resist a rapist if she really wants to. Fear of death or physical injury often causes victims to say and do things against their will. Often victims will exhibit little resistance just in order to survive (Grossman & Sutherland, 1983). Because rape myths have been internalized by men (Beneke, 1982), women (Katz, 1984), laypeople and professionals (Burt, 1980), it is imperative that educational efforts aimed at increasing awareness continue to be made in order to avoid further perpetuation of this crime.

In studies investigating sex differences in beliefs

about rape, males are consistently more likely than females to accept rape myths (Ashton, 1982; Barnett & Feild, 1977; Feild, 1978; Sandberg et al., 1987), less likely to have knowledge about rape trauma, less likely to perceive the rape experience as aversive for the victim (Hamilton & Yee, 1990), and more likely to believe that rape will not occur







28

if the victim fights back (Krulewitz, 1981). Men, compared to women, have also been found to hold less favorable attitudes toward women (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973).

The degree of rape myth acceptance has also been found to vary among rape crisis counselors, citizens, police officers, and convicted rapists (Feild, 1978). Results of a survey of 1,448 subjects revealed that (1) counselors endorsed the fewest number of rape-supportive beliefs and

(2) citizens and police officers were more similar to rapists than to counselors on attitudes toward rape. Results of this study suggest that educational efforts may be necessary in order to increase awareness among persons who may have contact with rape victims, but who may not have accurate information for dealing effectively with these individuals.

Fischer (1986) investigated the predictive value of

five variables (attitudes towards women, sexual knowledge, sexual experience, tolerance of socially unapproved sexual behavior, and religiosity) on acceptance of forcible date rape. Results suggested that higher acceptance of forcible date rape is related to relatively more traditional attitudes about women and greater sexual selfpermissiveness. Also, persons who were more accepting of forcible date rape were less sure that the interaction really was rape, had slightly less accurate knowledge about sexuality, and, although most did indeed blame the male







29

rapist, were more likely to blame society or the situation. overall sexual experience (i.e., number of partners, frequency of masturbation, positions attempted, oral sex, etc.) and religiosity (defined in terms of a biblical basis for morality and frequency of church attendance) were not found to be significant predictor variables.

In a study investigating predictors of rape myth

acceptance, Burt (1980) found that the higher one's sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence, the higher was one's acceptance of rape myths. Variables that were found to be significant predictors of rape myth acceptance included age and education, with younger and better educated persons revealing less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence attitudes. Variables that were not found to significantly predict rape myth acceptance included self-esteem, personal experience of attempted or actual rape, knowledge of a rape victim, and conservative sexual attitudes.

Burt's (1980) findings support the notion that rape myth acceptance is widespread and strongly connected to a host of other beliefs about men, women, and relationships. As mentioned previously, attitudes about rape have also been associated with self-reported likelihood of raping (Briere & Malamuth, 1983). Expressed likelihood of raping, in turn, has been related to aggression towards women in a laboratory setting (Malamuth, 1981).







30

Burt (1980) suggests that rape prevention efforts should include education about sex-role stereotypes and promote the idea that sex is a mutual engagement that is freely chosen by its participants. Additionally, she recommends that rape prevention efforts challenge the societal values which tolerate and reinforce violence in our culture. These urgings are based on the finding that acceptance of interpersonal violence was the strongest predictor of rape myth acceptance among all the variables tested (explaining 27.9% of the variance in rape myth acceptance).


Sex-Role socialization and Cultural Norms Regarding violence


Feminist theory views rape as a logical extension of a patriarchal, competitive, sex-role stereotyped society (Burt, 1980). According to feminist theory, it is the culture in which we live that plays the primary role in establishing and maintaining rape by reinforcing pro-rape attitudes and behaviors (Brownmiller, 1975; Groth, 1979; Herman, 1984). Prevention efforts developed from this perspective focus on raising consciousness about prescribed gender roles that dictate male dominance over women and define the male identity in terms of the traditional "macho" ego.

In our society, male and female development generally takes place along fairly rigidly defined, sex-stereotypic







31

lines. Male development emphasizes the processes of separation and individuation, whereas female development emphasizes the processes of attachment and connectedness. Male identity is formed through roles, position, and individual achievement, whereas female identity is gained through the development of relationships and cooperative achievements. The cognitive styles of males and females generally differ, with males encouraged to develop basically rational cognitive styles and females encouraged to develop basically intuitive cognitive styles (Gilligan, 1982; Lerner, 1988).

The traditional male role, thus, is characterized by reason and intellect, an instrumental or task orientation, success gained through individual achievement and dominance over others, and demonstrations of strength and invulnerability. The traditional female role, in contrast, is characterized by emotional expression, a peopleorientation, recognition gained through association with others, relationships based on nurturance, helpfulness, and agreeableness, and demonstrations of deference and selfeffacement (Bloom, Coburn, & Pearlman, 1975).

Regarding sexual attitudes and behavior, men and women are socialized along very different lines. Men are taught to view sex as a performance in which an erection, intercourse, and orgasm are essential for success. Men are socialized to assume responsibility for initiating sexual







32

contact and to believe that a man should always be ready for and desiring of sex. Other lessons on male sexuality include the myths that all physical contact must lead to sex, that men shouldn't express certain feelings, that sex equals intercourse (Zilbergeld, 1978), and that a dating man can expect a sexual return on his financial and social investment (Sandberg et al., 1987).

Women, on the other hand, are taught that it is not feminine to show an interest in or initiate sex (Heiman & LoPiccolo, 1988), that it is best to defer to men in relationships, that it is not proper to hurt another's feelings, and that men will protect them from harm (Griffin, 1979; Lerner, 1988). These roles and attitudes, while complementary, support a male-dominated societal structure and create a game-like atmosphere in which sexual coercion, and possibly rape, are likely to occur.

Whereas much has been written about the limits placed on the traditional female role, it is only relatively recently that the restrictions placed on the traditional male role have been considered (O'Neil, 1981; Shiffman, 1987). The traditional male role is characterized by restricted emotional expression (allowing for expressions of anger and aggression, but not vulnerability), an emphasis on control, power, and competition (resulting in a need to dominate and succeed over others), homophobic attitudes (fearing intimacy with other men), restricted sexual and







33

affectionate behavior (behavior characterized by performance expectations and dominance), an obsession with achievement and success, and health care problems (resulting from a failure to attend to physical and emotional signs of distress) (O'Neil, 1981). Gender roles that limit men from developing themselves to their full human capacity result in attempts at proving masculinity through competition, sexual conquest, and rejection of men who display nontraditional male behavior. Role stress may also be manifested by alcohol and drug abuse, avoidance of intimacy, and an overinvolvement in work or studies.

Congruent with the notions of competition, hierarchical relationships, and an appreciation for dominance is a cultural acceptance of violence and aggression. Aggression is regarded as a satisfactory method for obtaining goals in our society, a message made clear to us through our history, our media, our advertising (Sheffield, 1984), and occasionally, our laws (Roark, 1987). We learn to make cowboys, cops, and military men our heros; we learn to glorify aggression and war (Kokopeli & Lakey, 1983). Violence is often tolerated, especially against groups who are unlike those in power. It is often tolerated within relationships. Traditionally, the closer the relationship, the more acceptable the violence (Roark, 1987).

In national surveys on the use of violence as a socialcontrol measure (e.g., spankings, capital punishment, and







34

military action), males were found to be more supportive of using force or violence as a way to achieve compliance than were females (Smith, 1984). Other research shows that males also admit to more hostility and aggression, particularly if the aggressive behavior is physical (e.g., electric shocks) as opposed to psychological (e.g., insults) and when the behavior causes the other person to feel anxious, guilty, or unsafe (Eagly & Steffen, 1986). In real-world situations, men are arrested for violent crimes eight times more often than women (FBI, 1985). In college dating situations, men, compared to women, are twice as likely to engage in severe, expressive violence and are four and a half times more likely to assault their partners with lethal weapons (Makepeace, 1983).


Rape Prevention Research and Practice


Approaches to the prevention of rape take a variety of forms. Some are remedial; some are proactive. Some focus on the potential victim; some target potential offenders. Some are directed towards administrative and program changes. All strategies are considered to be important in a multifaceted approach to preventing sexual assault. In this section, an overview of the current theory and practice regarding sexual assault prevention will be provided, focusing on outreach efforts aimed at decreasing date and







35

acquaintance rape. Research on the effects of rape prevention strategies will also be presented.

Prevention of campus violence, including rape, can occur on three levels: (1) tertiary prevention (direct services to victims in the aftermath of violence), (2) secondary prevention (policy and procedural development and local research on the nature and extent of the problem), and

(3) primary prevention (actions aimed at preventing further instances of violence from happening by addressing causes and by changing attitudes and behaviors that support violence) (Roark, 1987).

Primary prevention efforts include changes made to the physical environment (e.g., increased lighting, provision of nighttime escorts, accessible phones, and trimming of shrubbery near buildings), skill-building workshops (on assertiveness, self-defense, alcohol awareness, communication skills, conflict-resolution, and sexual decision-making), and programs that address topics such as sex-role socialization, sexuality and violence, and personal power. Because the vast majority of rapes occur among acquaintances or on dates,* efforts aimed at altering the physical environment may achieve only limited success in combatting sexual assault. It is argued that educational efforts and programs designed to increase awareness regarding sex-role socialization and sexual assault may be most effective in preventing date and acquaintance rape.







36

Many traditional rape prevention strategies focus solely on the potential victim and what women can do to avoid rape. Such strategies include assertiveness and selfdefense training (Kidder, Boell, & Moyer, 1983; Parrot, 1985; Sandberg et al., 1987), and efforts to increase a woman's sense of empowerment, knowledge of personal rights, and comfortability in discussing sexual topics (Parrot, 1985).

There has been a great deal of research investigating rape victim response, assault outcome, and causal attributions about rape. These studies generally reflect beliefs that women can prevent rape by altering their behavior. In one study, subjects assigned greater responsibility to the victim and less responsibility to the rapist for completed rape than attempted rape. Interestingly, men attributed less fault and more intelligence, while women attributed more fault and less intelligence to rape victims who resisted rape more forcefully. Subjects also were more sure that a rape had occurred when the victim showed more resistance (Krulewitz Nash, 1979).

In a later study, Krulewitz and Kahn (1983) found that, in general, subjects rated strategies which placed the locus of responsibility for change on women as more effective than strategies which placed the responsibility on men and society. Approaches that conformed to sex-role stereotypes







~37

(women avoiding rape with passive behavior and men and society attempting to stop rape by behaving aggressively towards the rapist) were perceived as more effective than strategies that transcended sex-role stereotypes. Feminists, however, differed from nonfeminists in that they viewed nonstereotypic strategies and strategies that placed the locus of responsibility on men and society as more desirable. one acknowledged limitation of these studies is that no empirical evidence of the actual effectiveness of rape reduction strategies was provided.

In a study that compared the response strategies of

rape victims and rape avoiders to determine whether or not there were any differences in emotional, cognitive, or behavioral responses between groups (Levine-MacCombie & Koss, 1986), results revealed that, compared to rape victims, avoiders were more likely to have run away and screamed, less likely to have quarrelled with the assailant, and more likely to have viewed the assault as less violent. No differences were found in the use of physical resistance among groups to avoid rape. one limitation of this study is that there is no way of knowing whether or not the completed rapes were more serious or threatening than the avoided rapes. Avoiders' perceptions of the rape attempts as being less violent may be accurate reflections of reality.

Only one study was found which explored the effects of an acquaintance rape prevention program designed for women







38

(Gray et al., 1990). This study investigated the effects of a personalized rape prevention program on women's selfreported likelihood of high-risk dating behavior and perceptions of vulnerability to acquaintance rape. Results showed that personalized programs, achieved through the use of local data and examples, resulted in perceptions of increased vulnerability and intentions to reduce risk-takinq behavior. The authors suggest that prevention programs targeted towards women use local data and examples in addition to providing generic information about rape and effective avoidance strategies.

The above research focuses on "prevention" strategies aimed at women. Although the objective of these efforts is admirable, i.e., the reduction of the likelihood of rape, they are, unfortunately, limited in that they do not address the central problem of rape. "Prevention" strategies that focus on changing women's behavior do not prevent rape. At best, they may help to avoid it, or reduce its likelihood of occurring. Furthermore, such efforts say nothing of the male offender's responsibility for rape; they do nothing to challenge the notion that "boys will be boys."

Recognizing that rape is a societal problem rather than a concern of women only, several programs have been designed to include both male and female participants. Objectives of these programs include increasing male and female students'







39

awareness of each other's feelings and perceptions and encouraging more open communication between the sexes.

The typical date rape awareness workshop involves a presentation of information including legal terms, definitions, incidence rates, common myths, rape prevention strategies, and available counseling resources (Borden et al., 1988; Buhrke & Lustgraaf, 1988; Pace & Zaugra, 1988). Workshops may also include information on the effects of rape, videotaped portrayals of typical date rape scenarios or interviews with rape survivors, small group discussions, and anonymous surveys of participant knowledge and experience. unique strategies such as "fishbowl exercises" are also occasionally used (Pace & Zaugra, 1988). Many of these programs are developed with the idea that peer educators can be trained to facilitate the workshops (Buhrke & Lustgraaf, 1988; Pace & Zaugra, 1988; C.P. Walsh, personal communication, January 28, 1991).

There is a great deal of discussion and investigation of the relative importance of various program topics and relative effectiveness of program formats. Some researchers recommend that educational efforts include information regarding rape myths, incidence rates, and the effect of sex-role socialization on dating practices (Sandberg et al., 1987). Others support education regarding sexual functioning and the effects of alcohol and drug use on sexual interactions (Miller & Marshall, 1987). Many support







40

communication skills training for males and females (especially around sexuality) (including assertiveness and accepting no for an answer) (Miller & Marshall, 1987; Sandberg et al., 1987).

Hamilton and Yee (1990) investigated the relationship between knowledge about the after-effects of sexual assault, beliefs about the aversiveness of rape, attitudes toward rape, and self-reported likelihood of raping among a sample of 276 undergraduate students. Results indicated that, for both males and females, greater knowledge about the social, psychological, and behavioral effects of rape was significantly correlated with perceptions of rape as more aversive, fewer rape-supportive attitudes, and, for men, less self-reported likelihood of committing rape. Their findings suggest that educational intervention programs that inform participants of the negative consequences of rape may help to reduce the incidence of sexual assault, particularly those assaults that are motivated by the goal of attaining sexual access (instrumental aggression), as opposed to those that are motivated by anger or the desire to harm the victim (hostile aggression) (Hamilton & Yee, 1990).

one study was found that was designed to compare the effects of two different strategies designed to increase male and female college students' knowledge about date and acquaintance rape (Nelson and Torgler, 1990). This experiment compared a 30-minute videotape entitled, "Someone







41

You Know: Acquaintance Rape," and a brochure on the same topic. No other prevention strategy was included in either intervention group, for example, a workshop presentation or discussion. A control group was included which received a brochure on career planning.

Results of the experiment revealed that attitudes

towards date rape changed significantly for all three groups from pretest to posttest and that posttest attitude scores did not differ between groups. Possible explanations for these results include (1) that the pretest measure itself sensitized participants to the topic of acquaintance rape, and (2) that subjects may have chosen socially desirable responses after having correctly guessed the nature of the study. It is suggested that further research assess the effects of combined prevention strategies (Nelson & Torgler, 1990). It also seems sensible to measure the degree of social desirability responding in order to test the veracity of the second possible explanation of the results.

An investigation of the effects of a didactic

presentation on empathy and attitudes toward rape also failed to produce significant results (Borden et al., 1988). The authors suggested that future research assess the impact of more dynamic, interactive formats which may include roleplays, videotapes, or live actors. They also recommended the comparison of different workshop formats to







42

assist in the development of successful rape prevention programming.

Although many rape education/prevention efforts are

targeted towards women and mixed audiences of men and women, few published reports were found that described programs aimed explicitly towards men. Some have argued a need for this type of intervention because (1) males are, in almost all cases, the ones who rape, and (2) men may be more willing to discuss certain issues in an all-male group (Lee, 1987).

Three reports were found which described rape education interventions targeted specifically towards males (Johnson, 1978/1979; Lee, 1987; Gilbert et al., 1991). The purposes of these educational efforts were to increase men's awareness about rape, change rape-supportive attitudes, and/or increase men's empathic understanding of rape victims.

The first of these interventions was a relatively early study investigating the effects of four rape education videotapes on fraternity members' attitudes toward rape and women (Johnson, 1978/1979). Johnson presented four successive films on rape education or drug education, using a pretest, posttest, and delayed posttest design. Johnson was interested in assessing the effects of the videotapes, sex-role identity, and Machiavellianism on male attitudes. Results of the experiment indicated that men who viewed the







43

rape videotapes became more liberal (profeminist, egalitarian) in attitudes toward rape, but not towards women. Neither sex-role identity nor Machiavellianism was found to have a significant main effect on change scores for attitudes toward women and rape.

Johnson discusses her results in terms of the

inconsistency-based motivational approach to cognitive dissonance theory, an approach that recently has been challenged on conceptual grounds (Scher & Cooper, 1989). The study is limited in that three of the four rape videotapes that were shown focused only on what women can do to avoid rape; the fourth was designed to demonstrate an effective police interview with a rape victim. None of the videotapes addressed the effect of sex-role socialization on males and females. The intervention, thus, may have been inadvertently reinforcing some of the rape-supportive beliefs that it was designed to change.

A more recent account of a rape awareness program

targeting males was described by Lee (1987). Lee's 2-hour experiential program involved a 20-minute didactic presentation on rape myths and facts, a male's reading of a detailed account of being raped, a guided imagery exercise of a date rape situation, and discussion following each of these three parts. Lee included ideas about what men can do to help prevent rape, including discouraging friends from telling jokes about violence toward women, volunteering for







44

a night escort service, crossing the street when passing a woman walking alone at night, and getting involved in community education regarding rape prevention. Results from very preliminary research suggested that the workshop was effective in changing subjects' attitudes toward rape in the desired direction. These results are limited, however, in that they were based on a sample of only 24 students and the study did not include a control group.

Furthering the research on rape prevention programming for men, Gilbert et al. (1991) designed a study to assess the effectiveness of a psychoeducational intervention in changing the rape-supportive attitudes of male college students. In building upon the research initiated by Lee (1987), Gilbert and colleagues used a slightly larger sample of male undergraduates (n = 61), included a control group, and provided a theoretical framework for their research (Petty and Cacioppols (1986) elaboration likelihood model (ELM) of attitude change). Results showed significantly tore attitude change among males who received the intervention than among males who did not receive any intervention at all. The authors conclude that the elaboration likelihood model of attitude change is a useful framework for developing rape education interventions and understanding attitudinal change processes regarding rape.

While this research is recognized as a significant

first step in applying social psychological theory to rape







45

prevention research, the study is limited in that it did not include a treatment control group, i.e., a group that received a psychoeducational intervention that was not based on the principles of ELM. The inclusion of such a group would have allowed the researchers to assess whether a presentation based on the principles of the ELM was significantly more effective in changing attitudes than a presentation not based on the ELM.

one other limitation of this study is the sole focus on attitude change as opposed to behavior change. No data were reported on the effects of the intervention on behavior or behavioral intent. The researchers apparently collected data on behavioral intent (self-reported likelihood of raping and using force in a sexual interaction), but chose not to discuss the data as they did not relate to the stated hypotheses. What is needed is a theory that encompasses behavioral change to guide future research on the effects of date rape education programs.

No research was found which compared the effectiveness of male and female presenters of rape education workshops. Lee (1987) used only male presenters with the assumption that participants would be more open to discussion. However, no data were provided to support this assumption. A male and a female team was used by Gilbert et al. (1991) to present their sexual assault educational workshop. No rationale or data were supplied to support this approach.







46

Research is currently being conducted, however, to compare the effectiveness of male-male and male-female teams in programs targeted solely to males (Lee, 1987).

There seems to be some general consensus that increased attention needs to be placed on targeting males for rape education and prevention programming. In a research study investigating male sex-role orientation, beliefs about rape, and self-reported likelihood of acquaintance and stranger raping, Quackenbush (1989) found that (1) males, in general, viewed stranger rape as more deleterious than acquaintance rape and (2) males who more closely adhered to traditional masculine roles tend to hold more rape-supportive beliefs than do androgynous males. Implications of these findings for rape prevention include (1) increasing males, awareness of the negative consequences of date/acquaintance rape and

(2) increasing male's awareness of and access to feelings, desires, and needs that traditionally have been viewed as appropriate only for females.

In their needs assessment study of services of rape victims in Florida, Martin and colleagues (1984) call for prevention efforts targeted towards potential rape offenders. Such efforts should include adult males or respected male authority figures to reinforce anti-rape messages (especially if the main presenter is female) and education about the consequences of rape. Other recommended activities include panel discussions, public service







47

announcements, and mass public forums. The use of mass media to inform the public about the facts of rape has received support elsewhere (Youn, 1987).

Among the ten major findings of the needs assessment

study was the fact that little attention was placed on rape prevention in Florida. It was noted that much of the current focus in existing prevention efforts was on rape avoidance, rather than on the conditions which foster rape. Efforts that focus solely on potential victims were criticized on the grounds that they reinforce the myth that victims are responsible for the crime committed against them (Martin et al., 1984).

The researchers noted that rape victim-blaming is

pervasive in Florida, not only among laypeople but among many service providers as well. Their recommendations include not only increased education/prevention efforts, but further research on rape prevention, with particular focus on assessing the differential success of strategies and materials aimed at specific target groups, including potential offenders as well as victims (Martin et al., 1984).

The systematic evaluation of rape education workshops is lacking in the literature. Some authors offer a description of their program as a model for others to emulate (Buhrke & Lustgraaf, 1988) while others may also provide a summary of feedback obtained informally from







48

workshop participants (Pace & Zaugra, 1988). Few studies have attempted to assess empirically the effectiveness of workshops in changing rape-supportive attitudes, increasing empathy towards rape victims, and altering interpersonal behavior.


Social Learnina Theory and Human Aggression


Although the majority of rape research has been guided by feminist philosophy, few studies on rape have employed social psychological theory to provide direction for the research. There is a great need for a social psychological model of sexual aggression (Malamuth, 1988). Such a model should encompass the general component of aggression, factors specific to violence towards women, and factors that promote aggression towards those regarded as "inferior" or "weak" (Malamuth, 1988).

A review of the literature reveals that the social

psychological theory of human aggression that has received the most abundant and most consistent empirical support to date is social learning theory as proposed by Albert Bandura (Myers, 1987). Briefly, social learning theory postulates that aggression is primarily learned by observing others behaving aggressively and witnessing the reinforcement of such behavior. Aggressive behavior is also shaped and maintained by positive reinforcement from external and internal sources (Bandura, 1973, 1977). A more detailed








49

account of the principles of social learning theory is outlined below.


Principles of Social Learning Theory


Human aggression is a complex phenomenon originating from a multitude of sources and serving a number of purposes. It can be personally initiated or collectively sanctioned (Bandura, 1979). It is usually defined as "behavior that results in personal injury and physical destruction" (Bandura, 1979, p. 198), although not all acts that result in injury or damage are perceived as aggressive.

To label an act as aggressive depends on perceptions of injurious intent and attributions of responsibility (Bandura, 1973, 1979). The greater the attribution of personal responsibility and perception of injurious intent, the more likely an act will be seen as aggressive (Bandura, 1973). Causal attribution and judgments about harmful intent vary depending on the sex, race, age, attractiveness, and status of the harmdoer. In general, the harmful behavior of highly regarded persons is seen as less intentional and prompted by external circumstances, whereas the harmful acts of disfavored persons are often seen as more intentional and internally motivated (Bandura, 1979). origiins of aggression

Social learning theory emphasizes two mechanisms for acquiring aggressive behavior: observational learning and







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reinforced performance (Bandura, 1973, 1979). The principle mechanism of learning aggression is through observation, i.e., watching others model aggressive behavior and then witnessing the consequences of their acts (Bandura, 1973, 1979). observational learning occurs much faster than reinforced performance alone. This process of learning is particularly important in the acquisition of aggressive behavior because a large amount of aggressive behavior requires intricate and complex skills (e.g., sparring with opponents and military combat) and mistakes can be fatal.

Bandura (1973, 1979) outlines four interrelated

subprocesses that comprise observational learning. The first subprocess is attention and involves sensing, perceiving, and exploring the environment. The second subprocess serves a memory function and involves the formation of symbolic representations of sensed experiences. It is the process of coding and storing information. The third subprocess is the motor reproduction of the stored memory, or the integration of the observed acts with actual response repertoires. The fourth and final subprocess of observational learning serves a regulatory function. Essentially, this is the process of deciding whether or not the learned behavior is performed by analyzing the costs and benefits of the enactment. Each of these subprocesses operate in the learning of specific and general behavioral skills (Bandura, 1979).







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Bandura (1973, 1979) contends that aggression is

learned by observing models that exist in everyday society and outlines three sources of these models: (1) one's family, (2) one's subculture, and (3) the mass media. Parents are often potent models of behavior for children. Children whose parents use physical aggression as a means of gaining compliance tend to use similar strategies in their interactions with others (Bandura & Walters, 1959). Parents who abuse their children are often survivors of child abuse themselves (Silver, Dublin, & Lourie, 1969).

The subculture in which one lives or with which one has repeated contact can also be a source of aggressive models. Violent gangs and certain all-male enclaves are examples of such subgroups. Subcultures that value traditional male roles and the "macho" image teach younger generations that aggressive behavior is acceptable, functional, and rewarding.

A third source of aggressive models is the mass media. Television, for example, has been shown to be an excellent vehicle for the symbolic modeling of aggression. Research has shown that children and teens who watch televised violence are more interpersonally aggressive in everyday life (Bandura, 1973). Television is also thought to be a vehicle for teaching criminals new skills, a way for them to perfect their crimes (Aronson, 1988; Bandura, 1979). Research on the effects of television reveals that







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television can also influence the amount of positive social behavior exhibited. Prosocial programming has been shown to increase cooperation and sharing and to decrease aggression among children (Leiffer, Gordon, & Graves, 1974).

In addition to teaching aggressive styles of behavior, television can also disinhibit persons from behaving aggressively. This occurs when television watchers witness few negative consequences for modeled aggression. For example, when heros are portrayed as winning a great deal and losing little by killing, robbing, and taking revenge, observers learn that violence is not only acceptable, but preferred as a way of achieving goals and solving conflict (Bandura, 1973, 1979).

Television influences aggressive behavior by

desensitizing and habituating persons to violence. Research shows that heavy viewers of television respond with less emotion to violence (Bandura, 1979) and decreased emotional responsiveness can occur after watching just one violent program (Thomas, Horton, Lippincott, & Drabman, 1977). In addition to decreased emotionality, those who watch television a great deal are less likely to intervene when observing human conflict and aggression (Bandura, 1979).

Television also affects our sense of reality. Heavy watchers, compared to light viewers, are less trusting of others and perceive a greater likelihood of personal victimization. Heavy viewers are more apt think that







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societal violence is more common than not. Apparently, this difference is not affected by sex, age, educational level, or amount of newspaper reading (Bandura, 1979).

Exposure to modeled aggression influences attitudes and values as well as behavior. It is suggested that modeled aggression influences attitudes towards groups that differ in occupation, race, and other demographic variables. Attitude formation is thought to occur through modeled associations, i.e., by making evaluations of others based on observations of their behavior (Bandura, 1973).

Although modeling can account for the majority of learning of complex human behavior including aggression, behavior is also learned, or shaped, by direct reinforcement (Bandura, 1973, 1977, 1979). In humans, the process of reinforcement is considered primarily to be an informative and motivational operation, rather than a mechanistic one. It is basically a cognitive process of learning response consequences; it allows one to make judgments about the future likelihood of behavioral reinforcement. Bandura (1973, 1977, 1979) suggests that reinforcement and modeling operate together in daily life. Behavior may be learned first through observation and then later refined through reinforcement.

Observational learning and reinforced performance

account for most aggressive behavior in humans. The amount and type of aggression exhibited, however, is somewhat







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limited by biological and structural factors (e.g., physical strength and genetic factors that influence speed of learning) (Bandura, 1973). The effects of biology, however, are relatively less among humans than among other animals primarily because of our cognitive capacities. For example, stimulation of the hypothalamus (a part of the brain that helps mediate aggression) is controlled by the central processing of environmental stimuli. How we perceive an event determines whether or not activity in the hypothalamus occurs. Humans also have the capacity to design and build weapons of aggression which further decreases our dependence on biological structure (Bandura, 1979). Instigators of aggression

According to Bandura, there are two basic types of instigators of aggressive behavior: those that are biologically based and those that are cognitively based. Biologically based motivators include tissue defects and pain felt as a result of aversive experience. Cognitively based motivators include mental representations of future consequences and self-generated inducements affected by personal goal-setting and individual performance standards (Bandura, 1979). Cognitively based motivators are considered to account for more aggression than biologically based motivators.

One type of biologically based instigator of aggression is aversive experience. This includes pain, deprivation,







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delay or reduction of rewards, personal insults, failures, and obstructions. Aversive experiences can lead to emotional arousal that, together with the pull of anticipated consequences, can facilitate any number of responses including aggression, dependency, achievement, withdrawal, problem-solving, and drug use. The type of behavioral response chosen depends on how the source of arousal is evaluated, what responses one has learned, and the effectiveness of the response. Aggression is more likely if the instigating event is regarded as intentionally injurious and if the individual believes that he or she can do the behavior and that the behavior will lead to the desired consequence (self-efficacy) (Bandura, 1979).

The most common source of cognitively based instigators of aggression are the actions of others. Modeled behavior instigates aggression (1) by informing observers about what behavior leads to desired consequences (directing), (2) by showing observers what behaviors result in a lack of social censorship (disinhibiting), (3) by generating emotional arousal, and (4) by directing observer's attention to particular instruments used in aggressive acts (stimulus enhancing) (Bandura, 1973, 1979). The effect of modeling influences is greater when observers are angered and when the modeled aggression is socially justified and rewarded (Bandura, 1979).







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In addition to modeling cues and aversive experience,

aggression can be influenced by instruction. Because people learn to obey orders (through rewarding compliance and punishing disobedience) aggression on command is possible. In fact, some of the most horrific acts in human history occurred due to obedience to authority. Obedient aggression declines when the harmful consequences of aggression become more salient and personalized (Bandura, 1979).

A less common antecedent cue for aggression is delusional thought. Examples of delusional types of instigators include divine inner voices, paranoid beliefs, and grandiose convictions about one's heroic duty to eliminate evil (Bandura, 1973, 1979). These types of instigators occur much less frequently than modeled cues and are basically limited to persons with psychotic thinking.

Finally, aggressive behavior can be motivated by selfgenerated inducements influenced by personal goals and performance standards. The anticipation of self-rewards based on successful goal attainment can serve as a pull for aggression (if aggressive behavior is considered an acceptable means of accomplishing one's goals). Likewise, self-praise may be an effective inducement if aggressive behavior is a valued part of one's role or identity. Regulators of aggression

Bandura identifies three types of behavioral

consequences that serve to regulate behavior: external







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consequences, observed consequences, and self-produced consequences (Bandura, 1973, 1977, 1979). One can, thus, experience, witness, and create consequences. Behavioral consequences may be positive or punishing. They may also be relatively concrete or abstract. Following is a discussion of the various maintaining mechanisms, or regulators, of aggression.

External consequences of aggression include positive reinforcement and punishment. Positive reinforcement may include tangible rewards (money, food, and drink), social and status rewards (approval, promotions, awards), reductions of aversive treatment (relief from misery), and expressions of pain among victims. Punishment can originate from one's social environment or from within (i.e., selfcondemnation). Both positive reinforcement and punishment influence aggression by creating expectations of similar outcomes on future occasions. Aggression is more likely when the expected benefits are great and the anticipated punishments are few (Bandura, 1973, 1979).

Like external consequences, observed consequences of

aggression also may be positive or negative. The difference here, of course, is that learning occurs vicariously rather than through direct experience. As with external regulators of aggression, observed reinforcement operates primarily through its informative function. The likelihood of aggression is increased when one witnesses the reinforcement







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of aggression and is decreased when one witnesses the punishment of aggression (as long as the punishment occurs infrequently). The frequent use of punishment may inadvertently promote aggressive behavior by modeling punitive methods of control (Bandura, 1973, 1979).

The third type of regulator of aggressive behavior is self-produced reinforcement. Self-generated reinforcement results from a cognitive process of judging one's own behavior against referential standards. The first stage of this process is self-observation. Particular aspects of one's own behavior that may be considered are quality, quantity, rate, originality, deviancy, and ethicalness. The second stage involves making a judgment about one's own behavior. This occurs by comparing one's own behavior to personal standards, the standards of others, or the behavior of others; making a value judgment of the behavior (i.e., positive or negative); and making an attribution of the performance (i.e., internal or external locus of control). The final stage is making a self-response. This may include positive or negative self-evaluations, rewarding or punishing tangible consequences, or choosing no response at all (Bandura, 1979).

It is theorized that aggressive acts may occur through a process of disengagement of internal control (Bandura, 1973, 1979). There are several ways in which this may happen. The aggressive behavior may be morally justified,







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contrasted with more horrible acts, or disguised by the use of euphemistic language. Responsibility may be displaced onto others or diffused among a crowd. The impact of the aggressive act may be minimized, ignored, or distorted. And, finally, internal control may be disengaged by dehumanizing or blaming the victim. It is suggested that humanizing or personalizing victims may be an effective strategy in counteracting aggression (Bandura, 1979).

Psychological functioning is characterized by a continuous reciprocal interaction between cognitive, behavioral, and environmental determinants. All three aspects are considered interdependent and mutually influential. People, thus, have the capacity to play active roles in affecting their environment, their own behavior, and the behavior of others. Social learning theory considers behavior change to be possible, and compared to more traditional theories of aggression, social learning theory is relatively optimistic about the chance of decreasing aggression in our society.


Social Learning Theory and Aggression Research


There is substantial empirical evidence to support a social learning model of human aggression. The earliest experiments were conducted by Bandura in a series of "Bobo" doll studies that were designed to investigate the impact of modeled aggression on children's behavior. Bandura and







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colleagues (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1961) noted that children who observed an adult model aggressive behavior towards an Bobo doll and who were then intentionally frustrated by an experimenter, were more likely to behave aggressively than were similarly frustrated children who did not observe an adult behave aggressively. moreover, those children who watched an aggressive adult often imitated the very same actions and words used by the adult. Bandura's experiments support the hypothesis that the observation of aggressive behavior not only lowers inhibitions, but also teaches specific strategies for behaving aggressively (Bandura et al., 1961).

Interestingly, male subjects who were exposed to a nonaggressive male model in this experiment exhibited significantly less physical and verbal aggression than did males who were not exposed to any model (control group males). Furthermore, subjects who watched a nonaggressive model engaged in significantly more nonaggressive play with dolls than did subjects who either observed an aggressive model or did not observe any model at all (Bandura et al., 1961). One clear implication of these results for interventions aimed at reducing male violence and aggression is to provide nonaggressive or nonviolent male models for potentially aggressive males.

Bandura et al. (1961) also noted sex differences in the learning of aggressive behavior. They found that an







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aggressive male model was more effective in influencing male and female subjects than an aggressive female model. They suggested that this was due to the fact that aggressive behavior is more "masculine-typed." They suggested further that, for behavior that is less clearly sex-linked, the greatest amount of imitation occurs by observing a same-sex model. Following this line of reasoning, one might suppose that for behavior that is more traditionally "femininetyped" (e.g., relationship-building skills) the greatest amount of learning may occur by observing a female model. Such a hypothesis for male learners of relationship skills, however, contradicts the notion that learning is greatest when observers perceive themselves to be similar to the model.

The effects of watching violence are not limited to aggressive behavior exhibited towards "Bobo" dolls. They extend to interpersonal aggression as well. In one study, children were shown a violent episode of "The Untouchables" (a "cops-and-robbers" show), and then were allowed to play with a group of other children (Liebert & Baron, 1972). Results showed that compared to a control group who watched an action-oriented sporting event, those children who watched the violent television program displayed far more aggression towards the other children.

In another study, juvenile delinquent males in

detention centers were shown either violent or nonviolent







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movies. Those boys who watched the violent films displayed significantly more physical and verbal aggression towards others than did the boys who watched the nonviolent films (Parke, Berkowitz, Leyens, West, & Sebastian, 1977). These results support the conclusion that viewing filmed or televised violence can lead to increased displays of aggression.

Research shows that observation of aggressive models

not only increases aggression, but it also provides cues as to the characteristics of potential victims of future violence. In an investigation of the effects of highly publicized prizefights, Phillips (1983) found that in the days following the prizefights, there was a significant increase in the number of homicides. The race of the losers of these prizefights was related to the race of the victims of subsequent murders. When white boxers lost the matches, there was an increase in the number of white men murdered, but not in the number of black men killed. When black boxers lost the fights, there was an increase in the number of black men murdered, but not in the number of white men slain.


Social Learning Theory and Ra2e


There is a growing body of research to support a social learning model of sexual assault. Much of this support comes from investigations of the modeling effects of violent







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pornography. Recent studies of the reinforcing properties of all-male groups on male aggression against women lend further support to a social learning analysis of sexual violence. Below is a discussion of this research. Effects of Modeling


There is increasing evidence to suggest that sexual violence against women is symbolically modeled through violent pornography. Malamuth, Donnerstein, and colleagues have conducted a series of studies which, taken together, support the conclusion that exposure to violent pornography promotes greater acceptance of sexual violence toward women and is associated with increased aggression toward women in natural and laboratory settings.

In a study comparing the effects of exposure to

aggressive-erotic, erotic, and neutral films on aggressive behavior in a laboratory setting, Donnerstein (1980) found that the men who watched an aggressive-erotic film (rape film) later displayed the most intense aggression, but only towards female confederates. Apparently, the aggressiveerotic film not only modeled aggressive behavior, but provided information about the gender of "appropriate" victims as well. No differences in aggression levels were obtained between nonangered subjects who watched the erotic and neutral films. These findings are consistent with those of the President's Commission on Obscenity and Pornography







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(1970) which concluded that exposure to sexually explicit material (in and of itself) does not contribute to antisocial behavior.

In a field experiment, the effects of exposure to violent-sexual films that portray sexual aggression as having positive consequences were investigated (Malamuth & Check, 1981). Male and female college students were randomly assigned to watch either violent-sexual or control films shown as part of the regular campus film program. one week later, subjects were surveyed regarding their attitudes about rape, violence, and sexual relations. Findings showed that males who watched the sexually violent films were more accepting of interpersonal violence towards women and more accepting of certain rape myths. Women had tendencies in the opposite direction. These results provide some evidence to support the contention that the observation of modeled aggression can influence attitudes in a real-world setting.

Further support for the influence of symbolic modeling on attitudes was provided by the results of an investigation of the effects of aggressive pornography on men's beliefs about rape (Malamuth & Check, 1985). During this experiment, subjects first listened to one of eight audiotapes passages and then listened to another passage depicting either rape or mutually consenting sex. Afterwards, subjects' perceptions of the second passage and their attitudes about rape were assessed. Results provided







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support for the hypothesis that media depictions can influence men's beliefs in rape myths. Men with relatively higher inclinations to aggress against women were particularly likely to be affected by media depictions of rape myths.

Demare and Briere (1988) examined the relationship between pornography use, attitudes, and self-reported likelihood of raping and using sexual force among male undergraduate students. Results showed that use of sexually violent pornography (as measured by self-report) and acceptance of interpersonal violence against women were both associated with self-reported likelihood of engaging in sexual aggression against women. Although the correlational nature of the study precludes any conclusions regarding causal antecedents of sexual aggression, the findings do point out a relationship between observed sexual violence and inclinations toward future sexual aggression.

In addition to the media as a source for the modeling

of sexual violence, peers can also serve as models of sexual aggression. It is suggested that inclusive male groups such as fraternities may provide a context for modeling and reinforcing rape-supportive behavior (Boeringer, Shehan, & Akers, 1991). Because fraternity members, compared to nonmembers, are more likely to have friends who engage in verbal coercion and who use drugs or alcohol to gain sexual access, it is likely that fraternity members have more







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opportunities to observe such behaviors modeled and reinforced.

One's parents or caretakers can also be a source of modeled sexual aggression. In a study investigating the relationship between child sexual abuse and sexual coercion experienced as a young adult, researchers found a significant relationship between histories of child sexual abuse and reported acts of sexual coercion in college. No relationship was found between histories of child sexual abuse and reported sexual victimization at college (Miller & Marshall, 1987).


Effects of Reinforcement


One potential source of reinforcement for sexually

aggressive behavior is one's peer group. Such reinforcement can take a variety of forms. Positive consequences for sexual aggression may include social approval, affirmation of one's masculinity and manhood, and increased social status. Negative consequences for refusing to engage in sexual aggression may include ostracization, rejection, and ridicule.

Evidence to suggest that the social learning principles of differential association and differential reinforcement do indeed play significant roles in the development and maintenance of sexually aggressive behavior among college males was provided by Boeringer and colleagues in a study







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conducted at the University of Florida (Boeringer, Shehan, & Akers, 1991). These researchers designed a study to assess the impact of fraternity membership in the adoption of sexually aggressive behavior. They compared fraternity members' and nonmembers' perceptions of their friends use of alcohol to gain sexual access, anticipated social approval for sexually aggressive behavior, self-reported pornography use, and acceptance of rape myths. Results showed that fraternity members, compared to nonmembers, anticipated a greater likelihood of positive reinforcement for sexual promiscuity and sexual aggression and less likelihood of disapproval for the use of drugs or alcohol to obtain sex.

Boeringer and researchers (1991) demonstrated that when the social learning variables (i.e., differential association, differential reinforcement, modeling, and beliefs about sexual aggression) were statistically controlled, the effect of fraternity membership on selfreported likelihood of using force or committing rape was nonsignificant. Similarly, when controlling for the social learning variables, the effect of fraternity membership on the use of alcohol and drugs, verbal coercion, and physical force in gaining sexual access was nonsignificant. The researchers conclude that social learning is the process through which fraternity members come to engage in sexual coercion and aggression.







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Implications for Date Rave Prevention Programming


Results from research supporting the application of social learning theory to the understanding of sexual coercion and aggression in males has several implications for date rape prevention programming. In this discussion the focus will be on date rape interventions for male college students.

one important implication of social learning theory for rape prevention efforts is the provision of appropriate models for target audiences. Because observational learning is important in the learning of complex behavior patterns, and because responsible, mature, and appropriate interpersonal behavior requires complex behavioral skills, target audiences must have the opportunity to observe models demonstrate these behaviors. It may also be useful to have models demonstrate alternative coping skills and strategies for dealing with anger. Theoretically, the most successful models will be peers. Regardless of who the model is, it is imperative that the observed behavior be positively reinforced.

Following the demonstration of the new behaviors,

observers (males) should have the opportunity to practice the newly learned skills. Such practice efforts need to be appropriately reinforced so that the learned behavior can be perfected. As part of this learning process, males must be educated regarding what constitutes sexual aggression







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(including verbal coercion, the use of alcohol as a "weapon," and the use of physical force). In this way, they will learn to discriminate better between behaviors that are acceptable and unacceptable. Boeringer et al. (1991) suggest that the differential reinforcement of anti-rape attitudes and behaviors may be effective in reducing rapesupportive behavior.

Negative consequences for rape and other forms of sexual aggression need to be made more salient. It is important that persons observe that rape will not be tolerated. The consistent and firm use of punishment for sexual aggression may help change referential standards held by potential assailants, and perhaps eventually, alter internal self-standards of behavior.

Attention must be paid to the existing social

environment in which students reside. Faculty advisors and leaders of fraternities and other all-male groups are strongly encouraged to become aware of and modify any existing aspects of the social environment that may positively reinforce sexual aggression (Boeringer et al., 1991). To encourage change in the social environment, it is recommended that sanctions be levied against organizations (including fraternities) that provide social support for individual members who engage in sexually aggressive behavior (Boeringer et al., 1991). Punishment for violencesupporting organizations may help shape the social context







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in which individual members' behavior is learned and maintained. Positive reinforcement for organizations that have clear and effective anti-rape policies may also be effective.

Strategies aimed at blocking the process of

disengagement from internal control may also be useful tactics in preventing rape. Such methods include personalizing and humanizing the rape victim (perhaps by educating males on rape trauma syndrome), increasing awareness regarding the effects of alcohol on dating behavior (to reduce the likelihood of diffusing responsibility), increasing awareness regarding rape language (to decrease the use of euphemisms that conceal the reality of rape), and increasing awareness about rape (to decrease victim-blaming).

In summary, social learning theory provides a

reasonable model for understanding the development and prevention of sexually aggressive behavior. Bandurals model for understanding the origins, instigating factors, and regulatory mechanisms of human aggression give us a framework for understanding how sexual aggression is developed and maintained. It also provides ideas as to how such behavior may be prevented. It is now up to research to test empirically the adequacy of social learning theory as a framework for understanding rape and rape prevention approaches.













CHAPTER 3
METHOD


Subjects


Subjects were 189 male undergraduate students enrolled in introductory psychology classes at the University of Florida. The sample consisted of Caucasians (n = 148, 79.6%), Hispanic Americans (n = 15, 8.1%), African Americans (D = 7, 3.8%), International students (n = 5, 2.7%), and Native Americans (n = 3, 1.6%). A small number (n = 8,

4.3%) did not report their ethnicity. Almost half of the sample were freshmen (D = 88, 47.6t), while smaller numbers were sophomores (D = 50, 27.0t), juniors (n = 28, 15.1%), and seniors (11 = 19, 10.3%). The average age for subjects was 19.2 years (S.D. = 1.67); ages ranged from 17 to 27.

Fraternity membership was reported by 40 (21.5%) subjects and previous attendance at a workshop on date/acquaintance rape was reported by 34 (18.3%) subjects. A substantial number (n = 72, 38.9%) indicated that they knew a rape survivor. For those that knew a survivor, the survivor was said to be an acquaintance (n = 45, 58.4%), a classmate (n = 25, 32.9%), a date 24, 31.6%), or a

family member (n = 6, 7.8%).



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The vast majority of subjects reported no previous

sexual activity (including fondling, kissing, petting, and intercourse) that was performed or attempted without a woman's consent (n = 143, 77.7%). A full 22.3% (D = 41), however, reported having engaged in or attempted some sexual activity against a woman's will. More specifically, of these males, 27 (14.5%) indicated that they had engaged in sex play (fondling, kissing, and/or petting) with a woman by coercion or threat of physical force; 21 (11.3%) reported having engaged in sexual intercourse with a woman by verbal pressure or position of authority; 9 (4.8%) stated that they had engaged in activities that met the definition of attempted rape; and 7 (3.8%) acknowledged having engaged in behaviors that met the criterion for rape. Because some subjects had engaged in more than one type of sexually coercive behavior, the total percent above exceeds 100%.


Instruments


A Demographic Information Form (Appendix A) was used to collect demographic data on the research subjects. This form consisted of items regarding subject age, race, academic class level, fraternity membership, personal knowledge of rape survivors, and previous attendance at a date/acquaintance rape workshop.

The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) (Koss & Gidycz, 1985; Koss & Oros, 1982) was used in the sample selection







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procedure to ensure that intervention groups were matched on previous experience with sexually coercive behavior (Appendix B). The Sexual Experiences Survey is a 10-item instrument designed to assess varying degrees of sexual aggression and victimization. It was developed to aid in the identification of "hidden" rape victims and undetected offenders and to support a dimensional, as opposed to a typological, view of sexual aggression (Koss & Oros, 1982).

Each of the ten items on the SES are to be answered either "yes" or "no." Respondents are then classified according to the most severe type of sexual aggression reported. "Sexual contact" is the label given to those whose response is "yes" to items 1, 2, or 3, but not to any higher numbered items. "Sexual coercion" is the category for those who answer "yes" to items 6 or 7, but not to any higher numbered items. "Attempted rape" is the group label for those giving "yes" responses to items 4 or 5, but to no higher item. And finally, "rape" is the classification for those saying "yes" to items 8, 9, or 10.

Internal consistency for the SES was found to be .89 for males and test-retest reliability with a one-week interval was found to be .93 (Koss & Gidycz, 1985). Initial investigation of the validity of the SES revealed a Pearson correlation between a male's self-report on the SES and responses given in the presence of a male psychologist/ interviewer of .61 (Koss & Gidycz, 1985). More recently, a







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93% agreement was found between male subjects' responses on the SES completed in private and responses given in the presence of a male interviewer. These subjects rated their honesty at 95% and explained that the reason for a lack of full honesty was due to time pressure to complete the questionnaire (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987).

The Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) (Burt, 1980) is a 19-item measure designed to assess adherence to rapesupportive beliefs (i.e., false, prejudicial, and stereotyped beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists) (Appendix C). Items on the RMAS are to be answered on 5- or 7-point Likert scales ranging from "strongly agree" to "strongly disagree," "almost all" to "almost none," and "always" to "never." Responses are converted (to correct for item direction) and summed to create an index from 19 (low rape myth acceptance) to 117 (high rape myth acceptance). Mean scores for a sample of 598 adults, aged 18 and over, was 49.4 with a standard deviation of 11.9. Cronbach's alpha with this sample was calculated to be .875 (Burt, 1980).

In a previous study, validity testing of the RMAS

yielded predicted results. That is, scores on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale were found to be significantly and positively correlated with scores on a dogmatism scale (r.51, p < .05), and significantly and negatively correlated with scores on a scale measuring trustworthiness (r =-.46,







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R < .05) (Ashton, 1982). To some extent, acceptance of rape myths is associated with a closed-minded inability to evaluate information critically and objectively, and a tendency to view others with suspicion and, perhaps, as dishonest (as many rape victims are perceived).

The Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV) (Burt, 1980) is a 6-item measure that was developed to assess one's belief that force and coercion are legitimate ways to gain compliance, particularly in intimate, sexual relationships (Appendix D). Responses to this scale are made on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from "strongly agree" to "strongly disagree". Responses are converted and summed to create an index from 6 (low acceptance of interpersonal violence) to 42 (high acceptance of interpersonal violence). Mean scores for a sample of 598 adults was 18.2 with a standard deviation of 5.9. With this sample, Cronbach's alpha was found to be .586 (Burt, 1980).

Two items were administered to assess subjects' selfreported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction. These items were adaptations from items used in previous research to investigate self-reported likelihood of using force (LF) (Briere & Malamuth, 1983). The items were prefaced with the following question: "If you could be assured that no one would know and that you could in no way be punished for engaging in the following behaviors, how likely is it that you would do them?" The items of interest







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were: (1) "pressuring a woman with continual verbal arguments to obtain sexual intercourse," and (2) "using some degree of physical force (i.e., twisting a woman's arm, holding her down, etc.) to obtain sexual intercourse." These items were chosen to distinguish between instances of sexual assault achieved by way of verbal coercion and instances of sexual assault gained by way of physical force. Each of the two items was to be rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = "not at all likely" and 5 = "very likely."

Test-retest reliability for the likelihood of force

item (LF) developed by Malamuth was found to be .74. Tests of construct validity yielded significant relationships between the LF item and behavioral measures of previous sexual aggression (.34) and future intent (.60) (Malamuth, 1989).

The Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale, shortform (M-C (20]) (Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972), is a 20-item measure designed to assess the need for positive selfpresentation via culturally acceptable and approved behaviors that are unlikely to occur (Appendix E). Based on the original 33-item instrument (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960), the 20-item scale was developed in order to find a measure that was more practical for research, yet still valid and reliable. Kuder-Richardson formula 20 (K-R 20) reliability coefficients for the short version closely approximated







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those for the original 33-item inventory, and were .78 and .83 respectively for university males. Correlations between the 20-item scale and the original scale were all in the .90's (Fraboni & Cooper, 1989; Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972) suggesting adequate construct validity for the shorter scale.

A 10-item information test (Appendix F) was used after each presentation intervention to ensure that subjects attended to and understood the material that was presented. The test was an assessment of subjects' knowledge regarding date/acquaintance rape. All questions were designed to be answerable upon attentive listening to the presentation. Each correctly answered item was given a score of I'1", thus yielding a possible score range from 0 (no correct answers) to 10 (all correct answers).

Following each presentation intervention, a 1-item

question was also administered to assess subjects' perceived similarity to the presenter. Responses to the item, "How similar do you perceive yourself to be to the main presenter of this workshop?" were made on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = "not at all similar" to 5 = "very similar." This item served as a validity check for the male (more similar presenter) vs. female (less similar presenter) manipulation.








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Procedure


A preliminary screening measure that included

demographic items and a measure of previous experience with sexual coercion (The sexual Experiences Survey (SES), Koss & Oros, 1982; Koss & Gidycz, 1985) was administered to 453 male college students enrolled in introductory psychology classes. Test administration was conducted by the experimenter at the beginning of two different semesters during which these classes were offered and was conducted during the class hour designated as pretesting time for psychology experiments using this pool of potential subjects.

In order to protect students' anonymity, all response forms were coded with subject-generated 6-digit code numbers. These code numbers were used in subsequent phases of the study for those students who opted to participate further in the study. These code numbers were the only means by which subject data could be tracked across data collection points.

Using a block randomization sampling procedure, all 453 male college students who completed the preliminary screening measure were assigned to one of six groups such that groups were matched on race and previous use of sexual coercion. Scores on the preliminary screening measure were used to match the groups.







79

of the six different groups involved in the study, four were intervention groups and two were control groups. The four intervention groups involved only two different types of interventions, but each type was implemented separately by a male and a female, thus resulting in four groups. Each of the two intervention control groups was also run separately by a male and a female. Because of logistical considerations (e.g., having a workshop size that allowed interaction between and reinforcement of participants), each of the six groups was subdivided into four subgroups with an average size of about eight subjects. The four subgroups within a group received the same intervention.

The resulting twenty-four subgroups (four subgroups for each of the six larger groups) were randomly distributed across time in such a manner as to ensure that (1) an equal number of subgroups representing each larger group occurred during any one semester of data collection and that (2) when more than six subgroups occurred in a semester (i.e., when 18 subgroups occurred during the fall semester), then subgroups representing each of the larger groups occurred with equal frequency at the beginning, middle, and end of that semester. Different numbers of subgroups (i.e., 6 vs. 18) occurred across semesters due to subject availability.

Of the 453 students who completed the preliminary screening measure, those who were interested in participating further were asked to "sign up" using a








80

department-assigned 4-digit code number that allowed them to receive course credit for their participation. Everyone who completed the preliminary screening measure was eligible to continue in the study.

Subjects who indicated an interest in participating

further in the study were asked to meet (by subgroup) in a conference room located in the Psychology Department. After a brief overview of the study given by the experimenter, all subjects who agreed to participate further in the study were asked to sign an Informed Consent Form (Appendix G). This form and all other assessment instruments used in the study were administered by the experimenter in the same conference room for every group involved in the experiment.

Subjects were then given the following assessment battery: the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS), the Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV), and the Likelihood of Force items (LF). This assessment battery constituted the baseline dependent measures. At the same time, a 20-item short version of the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale was administered to measure the extent to which subjects were responding in a socially favorable manner.

In order to control for a possible order effect to the dependent measures, the RMAS, AIV scale, and the LF items were administered in one of three different sequences to each subject. The three different sequences were: (1) RMAS,







81

AIV scale, and LF items, (2) AIV scale, LF items, and RMAS, and (3) LF items, RMAS and AIV scale. This procedure was performed at each of the three different testing intervals (described below).

The independent variables involved in the study were

(1) workshop/presentation type and (2) gender of presenter. (There were three workshop/presentation types; each was implemented separately by a male and a female presenter, thus resulting in six groups/conditions.) The three levels of the first independent variable (workshop/presentation type) were the following:

(1) Information only. This intervention was a 1 hour and

15 minute presentation of information regarding date rape myths, rape trauma syndrome, and strategies for

reducing the likelihood of date rape and aggressive

interpersonal behavior (Intervention I). The

information was presented in verbal and written form.

(2) Information Plus modeling and reinforcement of rape

Preventive behaviors and attitudes. This

intervention involved Intervention I plus (a) the

videotaped modeling of assertive nonaggressivee)

interpersonal dating behaviors by a male and female, (b) the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement of nonaggressive, anti-rape behaviors (including verbal statements) modelled by the videotaped persons, and (c) the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement of







82

subjects' comments conveying anti-rape behaviors and attitudes (Intervention II). The subjects comprised

the audience. This intervention was also about 1

hour and 15 minutes long.

(3) Videotapes unrelated to rape or interpersonal

violence (Intervention Control). This group did not

receive a workshop/presentation on date rape during

the data collection period. Instead, subjects in

this group watched two half-hour videotaped

presentations on topics unrelated to date rape and

interpersonal violence. Between 5 and 10 minutes

were reserved for comments and discussion about the

videotapes.

The information presented during Interventions I and II included rape myths and facts, the effects of rape on victims, and rape prevention strategies for men and women. Two examples of the rape myths discussed were, "Rape happens only rarely" and "Rapists are motivated by a need for sexual release." Rape trauma syndrome was presented as a stage model that outlined the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral impact of rape on victims. The effects of rape on family, friends, and partners of victims was also acknowledged. Strategies for reducing the likelihood of sexual aggression included: "Know your sexual desires and limits" (men and women), "Assume that 'no' means 'no,' not maybe" (men), "When in doubt, ask" (men), "Say "no, if you mean 'no"







83

(women) and "Know your rights" (women). The information in Interventions I and II was presented in a manner that allowed subjects the opportunity to make comments or ask questions throughout the presentation.

The videotape shown during Intervention II included a male and a female modeling assertive interpersonal behavior in a dating situation. The modelled behavior included an honest expression of feelings regarding a potential sexual interaction with the date, assertive limit-setting, and a show of respect for each other's feelings and desires. Examples of the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement for this behavior were statements such as, "In this video, the male seemed very relaxed, confident, honest, and respecting" and "You know, what I really like about this way of doing it is that it relieves the male of the responsibility of guessing what his date really wants."

The Intervention Control group with the male presenter/ facilitator was shown two half-hour videotaped presentations by a male on topics unrelated to date rape and interpersonal violence. Similarly, the Intervention Control group with the female presenter/facilitator was shown two half-hour videotaped presentations by a female also on topics unrelated to the dependent measures.

Control group subjects were invited to attend a date rape workshop/presentation conducted by the principal investigator after the study was completed. Participation







84

in this "extra" workshop was voluntary. No data were to be collected during this presentation. Only one subject (1.6%) from the control groups expressed interest in attending such a workshop and was met with individually to share information presented in Intervention I and to address specific questions and concerns raised.

The second independent variable in this study was

gender of presenter. As stated earlier, each of the three workshop/presentation types was conducted separately with a male presenter and a female presenter; therefore, the total number of groups was six (four intervention groups and two intervention control groups). The male and female presenters were matched on age, race, and level of expertise (e.g., similar educational backgrounds and experience).

Immediately following the interventions (excluding the volunteer workshop for Intervention Control subjects at the end of the study), subjects were asked to complete the same assessment battery administered at baseline (the RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items), thus providing immediate posttest data. In addition, subjects were asked to report their perceived similarity to the presenter on a one-item Likert type question. Subjects in Interventions I and II were tested on their acquisition of workshop information to ensure that the intervention was effectively implemented (i.e., that the subjects attended and learned most of the information that was common to Interventions I and II).







85

Subjects in the Intervention Control group were not required to complete the information test. The duration of each intervention and control group experimental session plus baseline and immediate posttest assessments was approximately I hour and 45 minutes.

one week after immediate posttest data collection, all subjects were asked to attend a follow-up meeting (1) to complete anonymously the same assessment battery administered at baseline and at immediate posttesting (RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items) and (2) to be debriefed. This delayed posttest (i.e., the third administration of the assessment battery) was designed to assess any change maintained over time and to control for the demand effect of immediate evaluation of the workshop. Subjects who may have had personal concerns as a result of participating in the study were invited to discuss these concerns with the principal investigator individually. Subjects would have been referred to the Counseling Center if the principal investigator deemed this to be necessary; no subjects were viewed as requiring this referral. All subjects received course credit for their participation after completion of the study.


Research Design


The design for the experiment was a 2 X 3 repeated measures factorial design. The independent variables







86

involved in the study were (1) type of presentation (information only vs. information plus modeling and positive verbal reinforcement vs. two videotapes unrelated to rape and interpersonal violence) and (2) gender of presenter. The dependent variables were (1) acceptance of rape myths (as measured by the RMAS), (2) acceptance of interpersonal violence (as measured by the AIV scale), and (3) selfreported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction (as measured by the LF items).

A model of the experimental design including the distribution of subjects across groups is as follows: Intervention I

Condition A (male presenter) Group 1 (n = 35) Condition B (female presenter) Group 2 (n = 31)

Intervention II

condition (male presenter) Group 3 (n = 29)

condition B (female presenter) Group 4 (n = 33)

Intervention Control

condition A (male presenter) Group 5 (n = 30) Condition B (female presenter) Group 6 (n = 31)

Each of the six groups was comprised of 4 subgroups ranging in size from 3 to 14 subjects.

A summary of the assessment battery administration schedule is as follows:

Prescreening Demographic Form SES

Pretest RMAS AIV LF M-C (20)








87

Intervention

Immediate Posttest RMAS AIV LF IT PSP

Delayed Posttest RMAS AIV LF

In the above summary, IT = Information Test and PSP Perceived Similarity to Presenter item. The Information Test was not given to the Intervention Control groups.


Hypotheses


Specific hypotheses tested were:

(1) Subjects who are exposed to Intervention II will have

lower scores on all dependent measures (i.e., accept fewer rape myths, be less accepting of interpersonal

violence, and report less likelihood of using force in a

sexual interaction) at immediate and delayed posttest

assessments than subjects exposed to either Intervention

I or to the Control Intervention only.

(2) subjects who are exposed to Intervention I will have

lower scores on all dependent measures at immediate and

delayed posttest assessments than subjects exposed to

the Control Intervention only.

(3) Subjects receiving Interventions I or II from a male

presenter will have lower scores on all dependent

measures at immediate and delayed posttest assessments

than subjects receiving the same intervention from a

female presenter.








88

(4) Baseline measures of self-reported likelihood of using

force, acceptance of rape myths, and acceptance of

interpersonal violence will all be significantly

correlated.














CHAPTER 4
RESULTS


Preliminary Analyses


of the 453 students who completed the Demographic

Information Form and the Sexual Experiences Survey as part of the sample selection procedure, 189 (41.7%) chose to participate in the experiment. No significant differences were found between those who completed the experiment and those who did not on any of the following preliminary test measures: age, race, academic class level, fraternity membership, personal knowledge of a rape survivor, previous attendance at a date/acquaintance rape workshop, and previous experience with sexual coercion. Among students who knew a rape survivor, those who participated in the experiment were less likely to describe the survivor as an acquaintance (58.4%) than were persons who did not participate in the experiment (74.0%), X2 (1, N = 173)

4.66, R < .03.

Of the 189 subjects who participated in the experiment, only 15 failed to return for the follow-up (1-week delayed posttest assessment), yielding a completion rate of 92.1%. One additional subject did not finish the entire RMAS (at



89







90

baseline) and thus, was omitted from analyses involving this variable. The overall usable data ratio, therefore, was .915.

Subjects were fairly evenly distributed across

intervention groups with 66 (34.9%) receiving Intervention 1, 62 (32.8%) receiving Intervention II, and 61 (32.3%) receiving the Intervention Control condition. Approximately half of the sample was exposed to a male presenter (n 94, 49.7%) and half was exposed to a female presenter (n 95, 50.3%). (Cell sizes for each of the six groups are listed in the Research Design section of Chapter 3.) Fifty-two (27.5%) subjects participated during the summer semester and 137 (72.5%) subjects participated in the fall.

The three different test sequences for the RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items were evenly distributed across the six intervention groups at pretest, posttest, and delayed posttest assessments. A manova used to test the hypothesis of no overall order effect revealed no significant differences between groups, indicating that test sequence did not account for a significant amount of variance in scores on the dependent measures.


Tests of the Hypotheses


Four repeated measures ancovas were computed in order to test hypotheses 1, 2, and 3. As stated previously, hypothesis 1 was that subjects receiving Intervention II







91

would have lower scores on the dependent measures at both posttest assessments than would subjects exposed to Intervention I or to the Control Condition; hypothesis 2 was that subjects receiving Intervention I would have lower scores on the dependent measures at both posttest assessments than would subjects in the Control Conditions; and hypothesis 3 was that subjects in the male presenter condition would have lower scores on the dependent measures at both posttest assessments than would subjects in the female presenter condition. The covariates for these analyses were baseline scores on the RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items. The independent variables were intervention type, gender of presenter, and semester. The semester variable was included to assess potential score differences between students enrolled in psychology classes during different semesters. The semester variable was to be discarded if preliminary analyses indicated no overall effect for semester and no interaction between semester and any other independent variable.

Results from the repeated measures ancova with rape myth acceptance (RMA) as the dependent variable showed a significant presenter by semester interaction effect, E(l, 161) = 4.04, R < .05, with less disparity in RMAS scores between the two presenter conditions during the fall semester than during the summer term. There was no overall effect for intervention type or any other 2- or 3-way








92

interaction on RHAS scores. The interaction between presenter and semester suggests that the data were affected by the semester during which the data were collected, thus semester remained in the model for further data analysis.

Univariate tests for within subjects effects showed a significant overall time effect for RMAS scores, F(2, 322) 20.71, R < .0001, but no significant differences in scores over time due to presenter by semester interaction. Thus, changes in RMAS scores over time did not affect the nature of the presenter by semester interaction. These results suggest that changes in RMAS responses across time were due to factors not tested in the present model.

Results from the repeated measures ancova with

acceptance of interpersonal violence (AIV) as the dependent variable revealed no significant differences between groups. There was no overall effect for presenter, intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction on the AIV scores.

Similarly, results from the repeated measures ancova with likelihood of using verbal coercion (LFl) as the dependent variable also revealed no significant differences between groups. There was no overall effect for presenter, intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction on this LF item.

In addition, results from the repeated measures ancova with likelihood of using physical force (LF2) as the




Full Text
121
measures appropriate for the sample tested. Until such
research is conducted, the effects of these social learning
based interventions on rape proclivity and rape-supportive
attitudes remain inconclusive. Research to retest the
interventions in this study and other interventions to
prevent rape and sexual coercion are needed given that
almost a quarter of college males in this study reported
having engaged in some form of sexually aggressive behavior.


There has been relatively little research that has
empirically investigated the effectiveness of date rape
prevention activities, particularly efforts focusing on
males (e.g., Lee, 1987). In addition, many of the studies
that have been conducted have methodological limitations
such as the use of informal evaluations to measure outcomes
(Pace & Zaugra, 1988) and the omission of a treatment
control group (Gilbert, Heesacker, & Gannon, 1991). Only
one study was found which used a theoretical framework to
guide the rape intervention research (Gilbert et al., 1991).
Rationale for the Study
The current research was proposed for three reasons:
(1) to investigate empirically the effectiveness of a date
rape intervention, (2) to perform this investigation within
the framework of a social psychological theory of human
aggression, and (3) to target the prevention effort to males
(because males represent the majority of rape offenders).
The study was designed to extend beyond the use of informal
evaluations to document the success of the intervention/
presentations. It proposed to assess the effects of a date
rape intervention using existing measures that have been
found to be valid and reliable.
Because rape is an act of violence and power, and not
an act of lust (Brownmiller, 1975), it is helpful to
consider the various social psychological theories of human


143
Katz, J.H. (1984). No fairy godmothers, no magic wands:
The healing process after rape. Saratoga, CA: R & E
Publishers.
Kidder, L.H., Boell, J.L., & Moyer, M.M. (1983). Rights
consciousness and victimization prevention: Personal
defense and assertiveness training. Journal of Social
Issues. 39., 155-170.
Kokopeli, B., & Lakey, G. (1983). More masculine power
than we want: Masculine sexuality and violence. In P.
Blood, A. Tuttle, & G. Lakey (Eds.), Off their
backs...And on our own two feet (pp. 17-24) .
Philadelphia: New Society Publishers.
Koss, M.P. (1985). The hidden rape victim: Personality,
attitudinal, and situational characteristics.
Psychology of Women Quarterly. 9, 193-212.
Koss, M.P., & Gidycz, C.A. (1985). Sexual Experiences
Survey: Reliability and validity. Journal of Consulting
and Clinical Psychology. 53. 422-423.
Koss, M.P., Gidycz, C.A., & Wisniewski, N. (1987). The
scope of rape: Incidence and prevalence of sexual
aggression and victimization in a national sample of
higher education students. Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology. 55, 162-170.
Koss, M.P., Leonard, K.E., Beezley, D.A., & Oros, C.J.
(1985). Nonstranger sexual aggression: A discriminant
analysis of the psychological characteristics of
undetected offenders. Sex Roles. 12, 981-992.
Koss, M.P., & Oros, C.J. (1982). Sexual Experiences
Survey: A research instrument investigating sexual
aggression and victimization. Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology. 50, 455-457.
Krulewitz, J.E. (1981). Sex differences in evaluations of
female and male victims' responses to assault. Journal
of Applied Social Psychology. 11. 460-474.
Krulewitz, J.E., & Kahn, A.S. (1983). Preferences for rape
reduction strategies. Psychology of Women Quarterly. 7,
301-312.
Krulewitz, J.E., & Nash, J.E. (1979). Effects of rape
victim resistance, assault, outcome, and sex of observer
on attributions about rape. Journal of Personality. 47,
557-574.


47
announcements, and mass public forums. The use of mass
media to inform the public about the facts of rape has
received support elsewhere (Youn, 1987).
Among the ten major findings of the needs assessment
study was the fact that little attention was placed on rape
prevention in Florida. It was noted that much of the
current focus in existing prevention efforts was on rape
avoidance, rather than on the conditions which foster rape.
Efforts that focus solely on potential victims were
criticized on the grounds that they reinforce the myth that
victims are responsible for the crime committed against them
(Martin et al., 1984).
The researchers noted that rape victim-blaming is
pervasive in Florida, not only among laypeople but among
many service providers as well. Their recommendations
include not only increased education/prevention efforts, but
further research on rape prevention, with particular focus
on assessing the differential success of strategies and
materials aimed at specific target groups, including
potential offenders as well as victims (Martin et al.,
1984) .
The systematic evaluation of rape education workshops
is lacking in the literature. Some authors offer a
description of their program as a model for others to
emulate (Buhrke & Lustgraaf, 1988) while others may also
provide a summary of feedback obtained informally from


96
coefficients ranging from .79 (p c .0001) to .84 (p <
.0001) .
The mean total score for the AIV scale at baseline was
15.05 (SD = 5.32) for the sample tested. This figure is
slightly less than the mean score for the normative sample
of 598 adults (M = 18.2, SD = 5.9) tested by Burt (1980),
suggesting slightly less acceptance of values legitimizing
aggression among the present sample of male university
students. Item means for the AIV scale are listed in Table
4-2. On the whole, subjects tended to disagree with
statements condoning interpersonal violence. They were
relatively more accepting of "an eye for an eye and a tooth
for a tooth" general philosophy (item 1) than more specific
uses of physical aggression (e.g., items 4 and 6) or sexual
aggression (e.g., items 3 and 5). The most disagreement
among subjects was on whether or not a wife should move out
of the house if her husband hits her (item 4), followed
closely by the "eye for an eye" philosophy (item 1) and
whether or not a husband is justified in hitting his wife
(item 6). Pearson correlation coefficents between total
scores on the AIV scale at baseline (m = 15.05, SD = 5.32),
immediate posttest (m = 14.09, SD = 5.00), and delayed
posttest (m = 14.41, SD = 4.81) suggest moderate consistency
over time, with coefficients ranging from .57 (p < .0001) to
.61 (p < .0001).


58
of aggression and is decreased when one witnesses the
punishment of aggression (as long as the punishment occurs
infrequently). The frequent use of punishment may
inadvertently promote aggressive behavior by modeling
punitive methods of control (Bandura, 1973, 1979).
The third type of regulator of aggressive behavior is
self-produced reinforcement. Self-generated reinforcement
results from a cognitive process of judging one's own
behavior against referential standards. The first stage of
this process is self-observation. Particular aspects of
one's own behavior that may be considered are quality,
quantity, rate, originality, deviancy, and ethicalness. The
second stage involves making a judgment about one's own
behavior. This occurs by comparing one's own behavior to
personal standards, the standards of others, or the behavior
of others; making a value judgment of the behavior (i.e.,
positive or negative); and making an attribution of the
performance (i.e., internal or external locus of control).
The final stage is making a self-response. This may include
positive or negative self-evaluations, rewarding or
punishing tangible consequences, or choosing no response at
all (Bandura, 1979) .
It is theorized that aggressive acts may occur through
a process of disengagement of internal control (Bandura,
1973, 1979). There are several ways in which this may
happen. The aggressive behavior may be morally justified,


147
Silver, L.B., Dublin, C.C., & Lourie, R.S. (1969). Does
violence breed violence? Contributions from a study of
the child abuse syndrome. American Journal of
Psychiatry. 126. 404-407.
Smith, T.W. (1984). The polls: Gender and attitudes toward
violence. Public Opinion Quarterly. 48. 384-396.
Spence, J.T., Helmreich, R., & Stapp, J. (1973). A short
version of the Attitudes toward Women Scale (AWS).
Bulletin of the Psvchonomic Society. 2, 219-220.
Strahan, R., & Gerbasi, K.C. (1972). Short, homogeneous
versions of the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability
Scale. Journal of Clinical Psychology. 28, 191-193.
Thomas, M.H., Horton, R., Lippincott, E., & Drabman, R.
(1977). Desensitization to portrayals of real-life
aggression as a function of exposure to television
violence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
35, 450-458.
Whiston, S.K. (1981). Counseling sexual assault victims.
The Personnel and Guidance Journal. 60, 363-366.
Youn, G. (1987). On using public media for prevention of
rape. Psychological Reports. 61, 237-238.
Zilbergeld, B. (1978). Male sexuality. New York: Bantam
Books.


116
The percentages of subjects reporting past experience
with various forms of sexual aggression are similar to
percentages reported in previous research on college males
(Koss et al., 1987). The findings that almost a guarter of
subjects reported having engaged in some form of sexually
aggressive behavior with 6% of subjects reporting having
committed rape or attempted rape further evidence the
magnitude of the potential for rape and existence of sexual
aggression toward women among normal male populations.
These findings provide support for the assertion that rape
occurs on a continuum of sexually aggressive behaviors (Koss
& Oros, 1982) and highlight the need for addressing this
problem, particularly on college campuses where these data
are obtained.
A comment is indicated regarding the finding that among
students who knew a rape victim, those who participated in
the experiment were less likely to describe the victim as an
acquaintance (58.4%) than were persons who did not
participate in the experiment (74.0%). This difference may
have been because persons who knew a victim who was an
acquaintance may have had more knowledge of date/
acquaintance rape issues by virtue of association, and
therefore, may not have been as interested in participating
in a study on this topic. The reason for this difference
remains uncertain, however, and worthy of further research


13
any coercive sexual involvement whatsoever (Rapaport &
Burkhart, 1984).
Similar results were obtained by Miller and Marshall
(1987) in a study of 795 undergraduate and graduate
students. These researchers found that 27% of the women
sampled reported psychologically or physically forced sexual
intercourse. Interestingly, only 3% conceptualized the
experience as "rape." Additionally, 15% of the men sampled
indicated that they had coerced a woman into sex, but only
1% defined this experience as "rape." These findings
suggest that large numbers of "hidden" victims and offenders
abound.
Koss and colleagues (Koss et al., 1987) conducted the
most encompassing research study to date on the incidence
and prevalence of rape. Sampling 6,159 students from 32
institutions of higher learning and using an instrument
designed to reflect a dimensional view of rape, these
researchers asked subjects to indicate their experience with
various levels of sexual victimization or aggression. They
found that 53.7% of the women sampled revealed some form of
sexual victimization and 25.1% of the men reported some
involvement with sexual aggression. The most serious form
of sexual victimization experienced by the women was rape
for 15.4%, attempted rape for 12.1%, and sexual coercion for
11.9%. The most serious level of sexual aggression reported
by the men was rape for 4.4%, attempted rape for 3.3%, and


59
contrasted with more horrible acts, or disguised by the use
of euphemistic language. Responsibility may be displaced
onto others or diffused among a crowd. The impact of the
aggressive act may be minimized, ignored, or distorted.
And, finally, internal control may be disengaged by
dehumanizing or blaming the victim. It is suggested that
humanizing or personalizing victims may be an effective
strategy in counteracting aggression (Bandura, 1979).
Psychological functioning is characterized by a
continuous reciprocal interaction between cognitive,
behavioral, and environmental determinants. All three
aspects are considered interdependent and mutually
influential. People, thus, have the capacity to play active
roles in affecting their environment, their own behavior,
and the behavior of others. Social learning theory
considers behavior change to be possible, and compared to
more traditional theories of aggression, social learning
theory is relatively optimistic about the chance of
decreasing aggression in our society.
Social Learning Theory and Aggression Research
There is substantial empirical evidence to support a
social learning model of human aggression. The earliest
experiments were conducted by Bandura in a series of "Bobo"
doll studies that were designed to investigate the impact of
modeled aggression on children's behavior. Bandura and


(4) Baseline measures of self-reported likelihood of using
force, acceptance of rape myths, and acceptance of
interpersonal violence will all be significantly
correlated.


3
is estimated that over half of all intimate partnerships
dissolve after a rape has occurred (Crenshaw, 1978).
Many cultural myths about rape, rape victims, and
rapists exist in support of rape. Feminist theory contends
that these myths are reflective of the patriarchal,
competitive, sex-role stereotyped society in which we live
(Brownmiller, 1975; Herman, 1984). Such myths serve to
create an unsafe environment for the rape victim (Burt,
1980) and relieve the offender of responsibility for the
crime.
Limitations of Previous Research
In recent years, the literature on rape has
proliferated and has addressed such topics as incidence
rates (Koss et al., 1987; Russell, 1982), attitudinal
correlates (Burt, 1980; Feild, 1978; Rapaport & Burkhart,
1984), counseling/recovery issues (Burgess & Holmstrum,
1974; Halpern, Hicks, & Crenshaw, 1978; Katz, 1984), and
prevention efforts (Borden, Karr, & Caldwell-Colbert, 1988;
Parrot, 1985). The literature regarding prevention efforts,
however, has been primarily descriptive in nature (Roark,
1987; Sandberg, Jackson, & Petretic-Jackson, 1987) and has
mainly focused on strategies women can employ to reduce the
likelihood of rape (Gray, Lesser, Quinn, & Bounds, 1990;
Kidder, Boell, & Moyer, 1983; Krulewitz & Kahn, 1983;
Krulewitz & Nash, 1979; Levine-MacCombie & Koss, 1986).


10
lust (Brownmiller, 1975). Viewing rape as a sexual act in
which the victim really wants to be dominated and
overpowered contributes to the myth that victims ask to be
raped. Similarly, it alleviates assailants of the
responsibility for any wrongdoing and contributes to the
belief that women (the victims, in most cases) are
masochistic persons. Unfortunately, such beliefs also
support the continued usage of such oxymorons as "rape
fantasy."
Much of the early research on rape assumed a
typological approach to the conceptualization of rape. That
is, a person was seen as either a rapist or a nonrapist, a
victim or a nonvictim. Evidence now exists to support a
dimensional view of rape. A dimensional view of rape still
regards rape as an extreme behavior, but places rape on a
continuum with normal male behavior (Koss & Oros, 1982).
The continuum of sexually aggressive behavior is considered
to include verbal coercion, threat of force, and actual use
of physical force to obtain sexual intercourse. These
behaviors, however, are not seen as a series of escalating
events where one behavior necessarily leads to another (Koss
& Gidycz, 1985).
Different terms have been coined to refer to specific
types of rape. Acguaintance rape refers to rape that occurs
between persons who know one another. Date rape is a form
of acguaintance rape in which the assailant and the victim


APPENDIX A
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM
Directions: Do not write on this paper. Put all answers on
the "bubble sheet" that accompanies this questionnaire. Do
NOT put your name or social security number on the bubble
sheet.
Special Codes: In the lower left hand corner of your
"bubble sheet" is a Special Codes section. Please fill in
columns A F with six digits that only you will recognize.
This number will serve as your personal code number. Do NOT
use any number that might obviously identify you. Examples
you may opt for may be a friend's birthday or the last six
digits of a phone number of a friend who lives out-of-town.
Use any six digits that are personally meaningful and are
already in your memory. Whatever number you choose, make
sure it is one that you will remember later in the semester,
but one that is relatively obscure to ensure your own
confidentiality.
Items
1,2. Age: Fill in number 1 on the bubble sheet by blackening
the appropriate 10's digit for your age. Fill in
number 2 on the bubble sheet by blackening the
appropriate single's digit for your age.
122


57
consequences, observed consequences, and self-produced
consequences (Bandura, 1973, 1977, 1979). One can, thus,
experience, witness, and create consequences. Behavioral
consequences may be positive or punishing. They may also be
relatively concrete or abstract. Following is a discussion
of the various maintaining mechanisms, or regulators, of
aggression.
External consequences of aggression include positive
reinforcement and punishment. Positive reinforcement may
include tangible rewards (money, food, and drink), social
and status rewards (approval, promotions, awards),
reductions of aversive treatment (relief from misery), and
expressions of pain among victims. Punishment can originate
from one's social environment or from within (i.e., self-
condemnation) Both positive reinforcement and punishment
influence aggression by creating expectations of similar
outcomes on future occasions. Aggression is more likely
when the expected benefits are great and the anticipated
punishments are few (Bandura, 1973, 1979).
Like external consequences, observed consequences of
aggression also may be positive or negative. The difference
here, of course, is that learning occurs vicariously rather
than through direct experience. As with external regulators
of aggression, observed reinforcement operates primarily
through its informative function. The likelihood of
aggression is increased when one witnesses the reinforcement


APPENDIX D
ACCEPTANCE OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE SCALE
Please rate the following statements on the 7-point scale
below with 1 = "strongly agree" to 7 = "strongly disagree."
1234567 1. People today should not use "an eye for
an eye and a tooth for a tooth" as a rule
for living.
1234567 *2. Being roughed up is sexually stimulating
to many women.
1234567 *3. Many times a woman will pretend she
doesn't want to have intercourse because
she doesn't want to seem loose, but she's
really hoping the man will force her.
1234567 4.A wife should move out of the house if
her husband hits her.
1234567 *5. Sometimes the only way a man can get a
cold woman turned on is to use force.
6. A man is never justified in hitting his
wife.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Note. Item scales with an asterisk (*) are reversed before
scoring.
129


Demonstration," which was used in some of the workshop
presentations. Peggy Moore and Tom Britt are thanked for
their performances in this videotape.
The University of Florida's Sexual Assault Recovery
Service is acknowledged for sharing materials on date rape
prevention. Marc Spector and Kristin Smith are thanked for
their assistance during the planning phases of the project.
I wish to extend special thanks to all of my family and
friends whose patience, support, and encouragement made this
dissertation possible. My mother and father, Patricia and
Robert Abrams, are thanked for their years of encouragement,
guidance, hard work, and sacrifice to create the
opportunities for me to learn. Warm thanks are also
extended to all of my friends, whose support and friendship
have given me the inspiration, confidence, and balance
necessary to complete this endeavor.
iii


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Dpptor of Ph j. ljjsophy-.
CaroJ'yn^t
Professor of Psychology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Phyllis Meek
Associate Professor of
Counselor Education
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable^ standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequat\ in scope aqd qua!rtyf as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Greg Neimeyer
Professor of Psychology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Barbara Probert
Associate Professor of
Psychology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor jof^PTiiTosoi
Professor of Psychology


43
rape videotapes became more liberal (profeminist,
egalitarian) in attitudes toward rape, but not towards
women. Neither sex-role identity nor Machiavellianism was
found to have a significant main effect on change scores for
attitudes toward women and rape.
Johnson discusses her results in terms of the
inconsistency-based motivational approach to cognitive
dissonance theory, an approach that recently has been
challenged on conceptual grounds (Scher & Cooper, 1989).
The study is limited in that three of the four rape
videotapes that were shown focused only on what women can do
to avoid rape; the fourth was designed to demonstrate an
effective police interview with a rape victim. None of the
videotapes addressed the effect of sex-role socialization on
males and females. The intervention, thus, may have been
inadvertently reinforcing some of the rape-supportive
beliefs that it was designed to change.
A more recent account of a rape awareness program
targeting males was described by Lee (1987). Lee's 2-hour
experiential program involved a 20-minute didactic
presentation on rape myths and facts, a male's reading of a
detailed account of being raped, a guided imagery exercise
of a date rape situation, and discussion following each of
these three parts. Lee included ideas about what men can do
to help prevent rape, including discouraging friends from
telling jokes about violence toward women, volunteering for


38
(Gray et al., 1990). This study investigated the effects of
a personalized rape prevention program on women's self-
reported likelihood of high-risk dating behavior and
perceptions of vulnerability to acguaintance rape. Results
showed that personalized programs, achieved through the use
of local data and examples, resulted in perceptions of
increased vulnerability and intentions to reduce risk-taking
behavior. The authors suggest that prevention programs
targeted towards women use local data and examples in
addition to providing generic information about rape and
effective avoidance strategies.
The above research focuses on "prevention" strategies
aimed at women. Although the objective of these efforts is
admirable, i.e., the reduction of the likelihood of rape,
they are, unfortunately, limited in that they do not address
the central problem of rape. "Prevention" strategies that
focus on changing women's behavior do not prevent rape. At
best, they may help to avoid it, or reduce its likelihood of
occurring. Furthermore, such efforts say nothing of the
male offender's responsibility for rape; they do nothing to
challenge the notion that "boys will be boys."
Recognizing that rape is a societal problem rather than
a concern of women only, several programs have been designed
to include both male and female participants. Objectives of
these programs include increasing male and female students'


67
conducted at the University of Florida (Boeringer, Shehan, &
Akers, 1991). These researchers designed a study to assess
the impact of fraternity membership in the adoption of
sexually aggressive behavior. They compared fraternity
members' and nonmembers' perceptions of their friends' use
of alcohol to gain sexual access, anticipated social
approval for sexually aggressive behavior, self-reported
pornography use, and acceptance of rape myths. Results
showed that fraternity members, compared to nonmembers,
anticipated a greater likelihood of positive reinforcement
for sexual promiscuity and sexual aggression and less
likelihood of disapproval for the use of drugs or alcohol to
obtain sex.
Boeringer and researchers (1991) demonstrated that when
the social learning variables (i.e., differential
association, differential reinforcement, modeling, and
beliefs about sexual aggression) were statistically
controlled, the effect of fraternity membership on self-
reported likelihood of using force or committing rape was
nonsignificant. Similarly, when controlling for the social
learning variables, the effect of fraternity membership on
the use of alcohol and drugs, verbal coercion, and physical
force in gaining sexual access was nonsignificant. The
researchers conclude that social learning is the process
through which fraternity members come to engage in sexual
coercion and aggression.


141
Doweiko, H. (1981). Counseling the victim of sexual
assault. Journal of College Student Personnel. 22. 455-
456.
Eagly, A.H., & Steffen, V.J. (1986). Gender and aggressive
behavior: A meta-analytic review of the social
psychological literature. Psychological Bulletin. 100.
309-330.
Egidio, R.K., & Robertson, D.E. (1981). Rape awareness for
men. Journal of College Student Personnel. 22., 455-456.
Federal Bureau of Investigation.
reports. Washington, DC: U.S.
Office.
(1981). Uniform crime
Government Printing
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (1985). Uniform crime
reports. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Office.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (1986). Crime in the
United States: Uniform crime reports. Washington, DC:
U.S. Department of Justice.
Feild, H.S. (1978). Attitudes toward rape: A comparative
analysis of police, rapists, crisis counselors, and
citizens. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
36. 156-179.
Fischer, G.J. (1986). College student attitudes toward
forcible date rape: I. Cognitive predictors. Archives
of Sexual Behavior. 15, 457-466.
-^Florida Statutes. 794-011-01. (1983) .
Fraboni, M., & Cooper, D. (1989). Further validation of
three short forms of the Marlowe-Crowne Scale of Social
Desirability. Psychological Reports. 65, 595-600.
Freiberg, P., & Bridwell, M.W. (1976). An intervention
model for rape and unwanted pregnancy. The Counseling
Psychologist. 6, 50-53.
Friedman, D. (1979). Rape, racism, and reality. Quest. 5,
40-52.
Giarusso, R., Johnson, P., Goodchilds, J., & Zellman, G.
(1979, April). Adolescent cues and signals: Sex and
assault. Paper presented at the meeting of the Western
Psychological Association, San Diego.


118
Finally, the nature of the sample itself lessens the
likelihood of obtaining significant results. Because the
majority of subjects at baseline reported few rape-
supportive beliefs, few attitudes condoning interpersonal
violence, and little likelihood of using force in a sexual
interaction at baseline, significant differences in the
dependent variables over time may have been more difficult
to observe, expecially given the fairly small number of
subjects in each group.
Suggestions for Further Research
The low to moderate correlations among items on the
Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of
Interpersonal Violence Scale indicate a need for further
basic research on developing valid and reliable instruments
designed to measure college students' attitudes about rape
and violence. Research is needed to identify factors
associated with rape myth acceptance among male and female
college students. This research should involve
differentiation of factors such as victim-blaming attitudes,
the meaning of nonverbal communications, and general
attitudes about women. It may also include differentiation
of attitudes about date rape, stranger rape, and gang rape.
With regard to the AIV scale, it would be important to
identify more specifically those factors of interest in
assessing acceptance of interpersonal violence towards


Ill
was not found to be a significant factor in response changes
across time. Indeed, all subjects were deemed to have paid
adeguate attention to the presentation to which they were
exposed.
Descriptive data on the sample revealed that 22.3% of
subjects acknowledged having engaged in some form of
sexually aggressive behavior with 6% of subjects reporting
having committed rape or attempted rape. Over half (53.8%)
of the sample indicated at least some likelihood of using
verbal coercion to obtain sexual intercourse and 12.8%
reported at least some likelihood of using physical force to
achieve the same end.
The results of post hoc analyses with perceived
similarity to the presenter (PSP) as a covariate and rape
myth acceptance and acceptance of interpersonal violence as
dependent variables failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and
3. Similarly, the results of post hoc analyses with two
selected AIV scale and RMAS item scores as the dependent
variables failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3. Post
hoc repeated measures ancovas using only subjects with no
previous exposure to a date rape workshop and using rape
myth acceptance and acceptance of interpersonal violence as
the dependent variables could not be performed due to a
violation of the assumption of homogeneity of slopes.


145
Martin, P.Y., & Hummer, R.A. (1989). Fraternities and rape
on campus. Gender and Society. 3, 457-473.
Miller, B., & Marshall, J.C. (1987). Coercive sex on the
university campus. Journal of College Student
Personnel. 28. 38-47.
Muehlenhard, C.L. (1988). Misinterpreted dating behaviors
and the risk of date rape. Journal of Social and
Clinical Psychology. 6, 20-37.
Myers, D.G. (1987). Social psychology (2nd ed.). New
York: McGraw-Hill.
Nelson, E.S., & Torgler, C.C. (1990). A comparison of
strategies for changing college students' attitudes
toward acquaintance rape. Journal of Humanistic
Education and Development. 29, 69-85.
O'Neil, J.M. (1981). Patterns of gender role conflict and
strain: Sexism and fear of femininity in men's lives.
Personnel and Guidance Journal. 60, 203-210.
Orzek, A.M. (1983). Sexual assault: The female victim, her
male partner, and their relationship. The Personnel and
Guidance Journal. 62. 143-146.
O'Shaughnessey, M.E., & Palmer, C.J. (1990). The sexually
stressful events survey: Summary report. Urbana-
Champaign: University of Illinois, Office of the Dean of
Students.
Pace, D., & Zaugra, J. (1988). Model of a date rape
workshop for college campuses. Journal of College
Student Development. 29, 371-372.
Parke, R., Berkowitz, L., Leyens, J., West, S., & Sebastian,
R. (1977). Some effects of violent and nonviolent
movies on the behavior of juvenile delinquents. In L.
Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social
psychology (pp. 135-172). New York: Academic Press.
Parrot, A. (1985). Acquaintance rape and sexual assault
prevention manual. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University,
Department of Human Service Studies.
Petty, R.E., & Cacioppo, J.T. (1986). Communication and
persuasion: Central and peripheral routes to attitude
change. New York: Springer-Verlag.


113
in the present study that influenced responses over time.
One possible explanation for this is that there may have
been a test effect in that mere exposure to the dependent
measures at baseline was enough to influence rape myth
response scores. All subjects, including those in the
intervention control groups, completed the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale, Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence
Scale, and Likelihood of Force items before the intervention
occurred. It is possible that subjects thought about the
items after completing the baseline assessment and, as a
result, changed their responses to show less rape myth
acceptance at immediate posttest assessment. If this is
true, then activities that encourage thinking or discussion
among male students about rape, sexual exploitation, and
aggression may influence attitudes on this topic.
It is important to note that during the data collection
phase of this study, there was significant media attention
devoted to the issues of acquaintance rape (the William
Kennedy Smith trial), sexual harassment (the U.S. Supreme
Court confirmation hearings of Judge Clarence Thomas), and
the need for campus rape prevention programs (local, state,
and national press coverage). Subjects from each
intervention or control group were likely to have been
exposed to these media stories which may have influenced
response scores over time.


REFERENCES
Aronson, E. (1988). The social animal (5th ed.). New
York: W.H. Freeman.
Ashton, N.L. (1982). Validation of Rape Myth Acceptance
Scale. Psychological Reports. 50, 252.
Bandura, A. (1973). Aggression: A social learning
analysis. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Bandura, A. (1979). The social learning perspective:
Mechanisms of aggression. In H. Toch (Ed.), Psychology
of crime and criminal justice (pp. 198-236). New York:
Holt, Rinehart, & Winston.
Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S.A. (1961). Transmission
of aggression through imitation of aggressive models.
Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 63., 575-582.
Bandura, A., & Walters, R.H. (1959). Adolescent
aggression. New York: Ronald Press.
Barnett, N., & Feild, H.S. (1977). Sex differences in
attitudes toward rape. Journal of College Student
Personnel. 18, 93-96.
Beneke, T. (1982). Men on rape. New York: St. Martin's
Press.
Bloom, L.Z., Coburn, K., & Pearlman, J. (1975). The new
assertive woman. New York: Dell Publishing Company.
Boeringer, S.B., Shehan, C.L., & Akers, R.L. (1991).
Social contexts and social learning in sexual coercion
and aggression: Assessing the contribution of fraternity
membership. Family Relations. 40. 58-64.
Borden, L.A., Karr, S.K., & Caldwell-Colbert, A.T. (1988).
Effects of a university rape prevention program on
attitudes and empathy toward rape. Journal of College
Student Development. 29, 132-136.
139


26
sexual interaction. However, a variety of rape-supportive
beliefs (such as blaming the victim and viewing sexual
violence as arousing to women) did significantly predict
likelihood of sexual aggression (Briere & Malamuth, 1983).
In another study, men who reported a higher likelihood of
raping displayed more aggressive behavior towards women in a
laboratory setting (Malamuth, 1981).
It is a myth that most rapes are committed
spontaneously in a deserted area by a stranger. The fact is
that many rapes take place in the victim's home and most are
committed by a relative or acquaintance (Parrot, 1985).
Most rapists appear to be average American men and, while
many are married and young, rapists can be of any age, race,
or class. Rapists, thus, are generally not deranged, sex-
starved persons. Rather, they are more accurately
characterized by an acceptance of misogynous attitudes,
rape-supportive beliefs, and the use of aggression in a
sexual context. In addition, they are likely to demonstrate
low levels of responsibility and social conscience (Rapaport
& Burkhart, 1984).
In addition to the above misconceptions about rape, it
is also untrue that rape occurs only to certain types of
people. The fact is that rape victims include individuals
of any age, race, class, religion, occupation, education, or
physical characteristic (Grossman & Sutherland, 1983). Rape
victims are usually female, but can also be male (Burgess &


CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Rape
An overview of the problem of rape in the United States
is presented in this review. The magnitude and extent of
rape, the consequences of rape, cultural norms and values
that exist in support of rape, and current rape prevention
strategies will be discussed. A social psychological
analysis of sexual assault will be given in terms of Albert
Bandura's social learning theory. Specific attention will
be paid to the effects of modeling, reinforcement, and
implications for date rape prevention outreach.
Definition of Rape
The definition of rape varies greatly by jurisdiction.
The Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Program of the Federal Bureau
of Investigation (FBI) defines rape as "carnal knowledge of
a female forcibly and against her consent" (FBI, 1986).
This definition, thus, limits rape to assaults against
females that involve the penetration of the vagina by a
penis. Its requirement of force excludes some instances of
child sexual abuse. The FBI's Uniform Crime Report Program
provides widely cited national statistics regarding the
8


APPENDIX G
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
You are being asked to volunteer as a participant in a
research study. This form is designed to provide you with
information about this study and to answer any questions you
may have.
The purpose of the research is to study college
students' dating and interpersonal relationship attitudes.
The results of the study will help counselors and educators
facilitate more positive and healthy relationships among
college students. In particular, the results will help
identify concerns and questions students may have regarding
dating relationships and hopefully will begin to address
some of those concerns.
Participants in the study will be asked to complete a
short set of questionnaires three times during a 2-week
period. The questionnaires can be completed in about 15
minutes. Your name will not be written on any of the
materials collected so that your rights to confidentiality
will be protected. In addition, participants will be asked
to attend one 1-hour and 15-minute presentation. The
presentation will be offered during times when most students
are available.
134


23
process, including denial, depression, and anger (Freiberg &
Bridwell, 1976). Feelings of loss associated with
independence, privacy, and self-esteem may be aggravated
when others make decisions for the victim following a rape.
The degree of emotional trauma experienced as a result
of rape may vary according to the nature of the crime. It
is argued that rape by an acquaintance, friend, or relative
is much more psychologically harmful than rape committed by
a stranger (Koss, Leonard, Beezley, & Oros, 1985). The
violation of trust in nonstranger rape cases makes the
process of maintaining current relationships and risking new
attachments and emotional intimacy much more difficult for
the survivor of nonstranger rape. Because victims of
nonstranger rape, compared to victims of stranger rape, are
less likely to report the crime committed against them
(Russell, 1984), they are more likely to endure their
suffering alone.
The impact of rape extends beyond the victim to include
family members, friends, and significant others. It is
common for loved ones to express (1) feelings of guilt,
self-blame, and a desire to overprotect, (2) feelings of
frustration, anger, and revenge, and (3) a tendency to blame
the victim for his or her predicament (viewing rape as a
sexual, rather than a violent act) (Orzek, 1983; Rodkin,
Hunt, & Cowan, 1982). Friends and loved ones may be in
crisis, may feel victimized, and may feel confused and


30
Burt (1980) suggests that rape prevention efforts
should include education about sex-role stereotypes and
promote the idea that sex is a mutual engagement that is
freely chosen by its participants. Additionally, she
recommends that rape prevention efforts challenge the
societal values which tolerate and reinforce violence in our
culture. These urgings are based on the finding that
acceptance of interpersonal violence was the strongest
predictor of rape myth acceptance among all the variables
tested (explaining 27.9% of the variance in rape myth
acceptance).
Sex-Role Socialization and Cultural Norms Regarding Violence
Feminist theory views rape as a logical extension of a
patriarchal, competitive, sex-role stereotyped society
(Burt, 1980). According to feminist theory, it is the
culture in which we live that plays the primary role in
establishing and maintaining rape by reinforcing pro-rape
attitudes and behaviors (Brownmiller, 1975; Groth, 1979;
Herman, 1984) Prevention efforts developed from this
perspective focus on raising consciousness about prescribed
gender roles that dictate male dominance over women and
define the male identity in terms of the traditional "macho"
ego.
In our society, male and female development generally
takes place along fairly rigidly defined, sex-stereotypic


T F
Are more likely to sleep well. (F)
Note. Letters in parentheses indicate the correct response.
Correct responses are given a score of 1. A score of 0 is
given otherwise.


107
acceptance scores varied among intervention groups, F(2,
113) = 3.88, p < .05, and was subject to an intervention by
PSP interaction, F(2, 113) =4.06, p < .05. Similarly, the
amount of change in acceptance of interpersonal violence
scores varied among intervention groups, F(2, 113) = 3.43, p
< .05, and was subject to an intervention by PSP
interaction, F(2, 113) = 4.44, p < .01. These findings of
heterogeneity of slopes violated an assumption of the
analysis of covariance and therefore precluded further data
analysis.
Because interitem correlations on the RMAS and AIV
scale were low to moderate, four repeated measures ancovas
used to retest the first three hypotheses were performed,
this time using two separate item scores from both the RMAS
and AIV scale as the dependent measures. RMAS items 1
(assessing the meaning of a woman's nonverbal behavior) and
5 (measuring victim-blaming attitudes) and AIV scale items 3
(assessing rape justification beliefs) and 4 (measuring
acceptance of spouse abuse) were selected because (a) the
items were deemed salient to factors associated with an
acceptance of rape-supportive beliefs and/or interpersonal
violence and (b) responses to these items were relatively
varied. Results from preliminary tests of homogeneity of
slopes revealed violations of the assumption of homogeneity
for RMAS items 1 and 5 and AIV item 3. The amount of change
in responses to AIV item 4 was not found to vary between


102
Table 4-5
Pearson Correlation Coefficients Between Marlowe-Crowne
Social Desirability Scale (20) Scores and the Dependent
Measures
M-C (20)
Baseline
RMAS
-0.12
AIV
-0.23**
LF1
-0.28***
LF2
-0.19
Posttest 1
RMAS
-0.12
AIV
-0.17*
LF1
-0.17*
LF2
-0.07
Posttest 2
RMAS
-0.17*
AIV
-0.23*
LF1
-0.18*
LF2
-0.05
Note. Posttest 1 = Immediate Posttest. Posttest 2 = Delayed
Posttest.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .0001.
Likelihood of using physical force was not found to be
significantly associated with social desirability at any of


16
made for hidden offenders, i.e., those who may not recognize
their aggression and those who are not reported, tried, and
convicted.
An examination of the data on the incidence and
prevalence of rape in Florida is sobering. In 1982, Florida
had the third highest rape index in the nation (with 53.6
rapes per 100,000 persons), second only to Alaska and
Nevada. Among Florida's counties, Alachua had the seventh
highest rape index (with 64.65 rapes per 100,000 persons)
(Martin et al., 1984). Alarming as these statistics may be,
they are not necessarily negative indicators for Florida.
The high crime indices may indeed be reflective of Florida's
increasing and transient population and concomitant social
problems. However, they may also be due, in part, to the
existence of rape victim support services, which may foster
higher reporting rates.
A 10-month study of the problem of rape in Florida
involving personal interviews with over 200 people from rape
crisis centers, law enforcement agencies, hospitals, mental
health agencies, citizen action groups, and the state
attorney's office, yielded a profile of rape in Florida
similar to that of the nation. Most rapes were found to
occur among acquaintances and between persons of the same
race. The vast majority of victims were female (93-95%) and
white (about 64%) and almost all offenders were male (Martin
et al., 1984). Further, the vast majority of reported rapes


27
Holmstrum, 1974). The majority of rapes involves persons of
the same ethnic background (Davis, 1981; Friedman, 1979;
Grossman & Sutherland, 1983; Martin et al., 1984). The
belief that most rapes are committed by black men against
white women is untrue and is thought to be associated with
the maintainance of white male property rights and the
control of people of color (Friedman, 1979).
Finally, it is a myth that it is not really possible to
rape a nonconsenting adult. It is false that any healthy,
fully functioning woman can resist a rapist if she really
wants to. Fear of death or physical injury often causes
victims to say and do things against their will. Often
victims will exhibit little resistance just in order to
survive (Grossman & Sutherland, 1983). Because rape myths
have been internalized by men (Beneke, 1982), women (Katz,
1984), laypeople and professionals (Burt, 1980), it is
imperative that educational efforts aimed at increasing
awareness continue to be made in order to avoid further
perpetuation of this crime.
In studies investigating sex differences in beliefs
about rape, males are consistently more likely than females
to accept rape myths (Ashton, 1982; Barnett & Feild, 1977;
Feild, 1978; Sandberg et al., 1987), less likely to have
knowledge about rape trauma, less likely to perceive the
rape experience as aversive for the victim (Hamilton & Yee,
1990), and more likely to believe that rape will not occur


24
misguided by false information (myths) regarding rape
(Egidio & Robertson, 1981; Rodkin et al., 1982).
Couples are particularly at risk following a sexual
assault. Statistics show that 50-80% of raped females lose
their boyfriends or husbands within one year of the assault
(Halpern et al., 1978). Partners may have questions
regarding sexually transmitted diseases, pregnancy, and
sexual desirability. Sexual behavior may be misinterpreted
due to the different emotional stages experienced by each
partner following a rape. For example, the sexual assault
survivor may avoid sexual contact, which may, in turn, cause
the partner to feel unwanted. The partner, on the other
hand, may try to force sexual contact, which may result in
the victim feeling used and/or robbed of personal autonomy
(Orzek, 1983; Rodkin et al., 1982). Couples counseling or
sex therapy may be indicated for couples with continued
relationship difficulties following a sexual assault
(Halpern et al., 1978).
The impact of rape is visible in the demand for victim
assistance services. From counseling, law enforcement,
medical assistance, and legal affairs, rape survivors are
often in need of information, services, support, and
advocacy. They often need information regarding medical
procedures (including the physical exam and protection
against pregnancy and infection), the legal system
(including whether or not to prosecute), the impact of the


138
The videotape involved the modeling of assertive
interpersonal behaviors by two persons and the presenter's
positive verbal reinforcement of these behaviors. Attempts
were also made to respond positively to audience members'
comments conveying anti-rape behaviors and attitudes. Two
other groups watched videotaped presentations on topics
unrelated to date rape and interpersonal relationships.
Each of the presentation types was conducted with a male
presenter in one condition and a female presenter in
another.
The study was designed to determine whether or not the
videotaped roleplays added significantly to the
effectiveness of the workshop and whether or not having a
male or female presenter made a difference.
If, at this time, you do not wish your responses to be
included in further data analysis, please inform the
Principal Investigator, Julie Abrams, and your responses
will be omitted from the study. It is your right to
withdraw your responses if so desired.
Thank you again for your participation in this project.
If you have any questions at all about the study, please
feel free to contact Julie Abrams at 392-9436.


CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
Preliminary Analyses
Of the 453 students who completed the Demographic
Information Form and the Sexual Experiences Survey as part
of the sample selection procedure, 189 (41.7%) chose to
participate in the experiment. No significant differences
were found between those who completed the experiment and
those who did not on any of the following preliminary test
measures: age, race, academic class level, fraternity
membership, personal knowledge of a rape survivor, previous
attendance at a date/acquaintance rape workshop, and
previous experience with sexual coercion. Among students
who knew a rape survivor, those who participated in the
experiment were less likely to describe the survivor as an
acquaintance (58.4%) than were persons who did not
participate in the experiment (74.0%), X2 (1, N = 173) =
4.66, p < .03.
Of the 189 subjects who participated in the experiment,
only 15 failed to return for the follow-up (1-week delayed
posttest assessment), yielding a completion rate of 92.1%.
One additional subject did not finish the entire RMAS (at
89


LIST OF TABLES
Table
4-1
4-2
4-3
4-4
4-5
Item Means for the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale
at Baseline, Immediate Posttest, and Delayed
Posttest
Item Means for the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale at Baseline, Immediate
Posttest, and Delayed Posttest
Pearson Correlation Coefficients Among the
Dependent Measures at Baseline
Frequency and Percentage of "Yes" Responses to
Sexual Experiences Survey Items (N = 186) .
Pearson Correlation Coefficients Between
Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale
(20) Scores and the Dependent Measures . .
page
95
97
99
100
102
vi


72
The vast majority of subjects reported no previous
sexual activity (including fondling, kissing, petting, and
intercourse) that was performed or attempted without a
woman's consent (n = 143, 77.7%). A full 22.3% (n = 41),
however, reported having engaged in or attempted some sexual
activity against a woman's will. More specifically, of
these males, 27 (14.5%) indicated that they had engaged in
sex play (fondling, kissing, and/or petting) with a woman by
coercion or threat of physical force; 21 (11.3%) reported
having engaged in sexual intercourse with a woman by verbal
pressure or position of authority; 9 (4.8%) stated that they
had engaged in activities that met the definition of
attempted rape; and 7 (3.8%) acknowledged having engaged in
behaviors that met the criterion for rape. Because some
subjects had engaged in more than one type of sexually
coercive behavior, the total percent above exceeds 100%.
Instruments
A Demographic Information Form (Appendix A) was used to
collect demographic data on the research subjects. This
form consisted of items regarding subject age, race,
academic class level, fraternity membership, personal
knowledge of rape survivors, and previous attendance at a
date/acguaintance rape workshop.
The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) (Koss & Gidycz,
1985; Koss & Oros, 1982) was used in the sample selection
l


108
groups with PSP as a covariate, thus meeting the criterion
of homogeneity of slopes with AIV item 4 as the dependent
variable.
A repeated measures ancova performed with AIV item 4 as
the dependent variable and PSP as a covariate revealed no
significant differences between groups. That is, there was
no overall effect for presenter, intervention type,
semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction on AIV item 4
scores. Thus, the results of this post hoc repeated
measures ancova with AIV item 4 as the dependent variable
failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.


made in the videotape and by subjects); or a Control
Condition (two videotapes that were unrelated to rape).
Half of the subjects in each of the three conditions were
exposed to a male presenter; half were exposed to a female
presenter.
Results revealed less disparity in rape myth acceptance
scores between the two presenter conditions during the
second semester of data collection than during the first
semester. No such differences were obtained with regard to
acceptance of violence or likelihood of using physical force
or verbal coercion. In addition, there were no overall
effects for intervention type, presenter, semester, or any
other 2- or 3-way interaction for any of the dependent
variables tested.
A moderate correlation was found between the dependent
measures. Interitem correlations for the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale were low to moderate, suggesting that these
measures have low internal consistency and questionable
construct validity for the sample tested.
Further research is needed on methods of rape attitude
assessment with college populations. Descriptive data on
the present sample of college males indicate a continuing
need for research to assess and reduce rape proclivity and
rape-supportive attitudes.
viii


49
account of the principles of social learning theory is
outlined below.
Principles of Social Learning Theory
Human aggression is a complex phenomenon originating
from a multitude of sources and serving a number of
purposes. It can be personally initiated or collectively
sanctioned (Bandura, 1979). It is usually defined as
"behavior that results in personal injury and physical
destruction" (Bandura, 1979, p. 198), although not all acts
that result in injury or damage are perceived as aggressive.
To label an act as aggressive depends on perceptions of
injurious intent and attributions of responsibility
(Bandura, 1973, 1979). The greater the attribution of
personal responsibility and perception of injurious intent,
the more likely an act will be seen as aggressive (Bandura,
1973). Causal attribution and judgments about harmful
intent vary depending on the sex, race, age, attractiveness,
and status of the harmdoer. In general, the harmful
behavior of highly regarded persons is seen as less
intentional and prompted by external circumstances, whereas
the harmful acts of disfavored persons are often seen as
more intentional and internally motivated (Bandura, 1979).
Origins of aggression
Social learning theory emphasizes two mechanisms for
acquiring aggressive behavior: observational learning and


144
Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. (1975).
Criminal victimization surveys in 8 American cities.
(Publication No. SD-NCS-C-5). Washington, DC: U.S.
Government Printing Office.
Lee, L.A. (1987). Rape prevention: Experiential training
for men. Journal of Counseling and Development. 66,
100-101.
Leiffer, A.D., Gordon, N.J., & Graves, S.B. (1974).
Children's television: More than mere entertainment.
Harvard Educational Review. 44., 213-245.
Lerner, H.G. (1988). Women in therapy. Northvale, NJ:
Jason Aronson Inc.
Levine-MacCombie, J., & Koss, M.P. (1986). Acquaintance
rape: Effective avoidance strategies. Psychology of
Women Quarterly. 10, 311-320.
Liebert, R., & Baron, R. (1972). Some immediate effects of
televised violence on children's behavior. Development
of Psychology. 6, 469-475.
Makepeace, J. (1983). Life events, stress, and courtship
violence. Family Relations. 32., 101-109.
Malamuth, N.M. (1981). Rape proclivity among males.
Journal of Social Issues. 37, 138-157.
Malamuth, N.M. (1988). Predicting laboratory aggression
against female and male targets: Implications for sexual
aggression. Journal of Research in Personality. 22,
474-495.
Malamuth, N.M. (1989). The Attraction to Sexual Aggression
Scale, part one. Journal of Sex Research. 26. 26-49.
Malamuth, N.M., & Check, J.V.P. (1981). The effects of
mass media exposure on acceptance of violence against
women: A field experiment. Journal of Research in
Personality. 15, 436-446.
Malamuth, N.M., & Check, J.V.P. (1985). The effects of
aggressive pornography on beliefs in rape myths:
Individual differences. Journal of Research in
Personality. 19, 299-320.
Martin, P.Y., DiNitto, D., Norton, D.B., & Maxwell, M.S.
(1984). Services to rape victims in Florida. 1984: A
needs assessment study. Tallahassee, FL: Department of
Health and Rehabilitative Services.


9
incidence and prevalence of rape. However, its rather
narrow definition of rape may contribute to the
underestimation of the magnitude and extent of the problem.
In reporting crime to the FBI, some state law enforcement
officers believe that the UCR definition forces them to
underreport incidences of rape (Martin, DiNitto, Norton, &
Maxwell, 1984).
In contrast to the FBI, several states have more
encompassing definitions of rape. Florida, for example, is
recognized as having one of the most "comprehensive" or
advanced sexual assault statutes in the country. According
to the Florida statutes, sexual battery is defined as "oral,
anal or vaginal penetration by union with a sexual organ of
another or the anal or vaginal penetration by another by any
other object" (Florida Statutes, 1983). These state
statutes, thus, include not only vaginal penetration by a
penis, but nonconsensual sodomy (anal intercourse), fellatio
(oral intercourse on a male), cunnilingus (oral intercourse
on a female), and penetration by fingers, hands, or foreign
objects (Martin et al., 1984). They include instances of
unwanted sexual contact in which there is no show of force,
assaults against males, and instances of statutory rape. On
the following pages, attempts will be made to clarify what
definition of rape is used in the referenced research.
In defining rape, it is important to note that rape is
an act of power and violence; it is not an act of passion or


62
movies. Those boys who watched the violent films displayed
significantly more physical and verbal aggression towards
others than did the boys who watched the nonviolent films
(Parke, Berkowitz, Leyens, West, & Sebastian, 1977). These
results support the conclusion that viewing filmed or
televised violence can lead to increased displays of
aggression.
Research shows that observation of aggressive models
not only increases aggression, but it also provides cues as
to the characteristics of potential victims of future
violence. In an investigation of the effects of highly
publicized prizefights, Phillips (1983) found that in the
days following the prizefights, there was a significant
increase in the number of homocides. The race of the losers
of these prizefights was related to the race of the victims
of subsequent murders. When white boxers lost the matches,
there was an increase in the number of white men murdered,
but not in the number of black men killed. When black
boxers lost the fights, there was an increase in the number
of black men murdered, but not in the number of white men
slain.
Social Learning Theory and Rape
There is a growing body of research to support a social
learning model of sexual assault. Much of this support
comes from investigations of the modeling effects of violent


76
were: (1) "pressuring a woman with continual verbal
arguments to obtain sexual intercourse," and (2) "using some
degree of physical force (i.e., twisting a woman's arm,
holding her down, etc.) to obtain sexual intercourse."
These items were chosen to distinguish between instances of
sexual assault achieved by way of verbal coercion and
instances of sexual assault gained by way of physical force.
Each of the two items was to be rated on a 5-point Likert
scale ranging from 1 = "not at all likely" and 5 = "very
likely."
Test-retest reliability for the likelihood of force
item (LF) developed by Malamuth was found to be .74. Tests
of construct validity yielded significant relationships
between the LF item and behavioral measures of previous
sexual aggression (.34) and future intent (.60) (Malamuth,
1989) .
The Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale, short-
form (M-C [20]) (Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972), is a 20-item
measure designed to assess the need for positive self
presentation via culturally acceptable and approved
behaviors that are unlikely to occur (Appendix E). Based on
the original 33-item instrument (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960),
the 20-item scale was developed in order to find a measure
that was more practical for research, yet still valid and
reliable. Kuder-Richardson formula 20 (K-R 20) reliability
coefficients for the short version closely approximated


80
department-assigned 4-digit code number that allowed them to
receive course credit for their participation. Everyone who
completed the preliminary screening measure was eligible to
continue in the study.
Subjects who indicated an interest in participating
further in the study were asked to meet (by subgroup) in a
conference room located in the Psychology Department. After
a brief overview of the study given by the experimenter, all
subjects who agreed to participate further in the study were
asked to sign an Informed Consent Form (Appendix G). This
form and all other assessment instruments used in the study
were administered by the experimenter in the same conference
room for every group involved in the experiment.
Subjects were then given the following assessment
battery: the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS), the
Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV), and the
Likelihood of Force items (LF). This assessment battery
constituted the baseline dependent measures. At the same
time, a 20-item short version of the Marlowe-Crowne Social
Desirability Scale was administered to measure the extent to
which subjects were responding in a socially favorable
manner.
In order to control for a possible order effect to the
dependent measures, the RMAS, AIV scale, and the LF items
were administered in one of three different sequences to
each subject. The three different sequences were: (1) RMAS,


64
(1970) which concluded that exposure to sexually explicit
material (in and of itself) does not contribute to
antisocial behavior.
In a field experiment, the effects of exposure to
violent-sexual films that portray sexual aggression as
having positive conseguences were investigated (Malamuth &
Check, 1981). Male and female college students were
randomly assigned to watch either violent-sexual or control
films shown as part of the regular campus film program. One
week later, subjects were surveyed regarding their attitudes
about rape, violence, and sexual relations. Findings showed
that males who watched the sexually violent films were more
accepting of interpersonal violence towards women and more
accepting of certain rape myths. Women had tendencies in
the opposite direction. These results provide some evidence
to support the contention that the observation of modeled
aggression can influence attitudes in a real-world setting.
Further support for the influence of symbolic modeling
on attitudes was provided by the results of an investigation
of the effects of aggressive pornography on men's beliefs
about rape (Malamuth & Check, 1985). During this
experiment, subjects first listened to one of eight
audiotaped passages and then listened to another passage
depicting either rape or mutually consenting sex.
Afterwards, subjects' perceptions of the second passage and
their attitudes about rape were assessed. Results provided


46
Research is currently being conducted, however, to compare
the effectiveness of male-male and male-female teams in
programs targeted solely to males (Lee, 1987).
There seems to be some general concensus that increased
attention needs to be placed on targeting males for rape
education and prevention programming. In a research study
investigating male sex-role orientation, beliefs about rape,
and self-reported likelihood of acquaintance and stranger
raping, Quackenbush (1989) found that (1) males, in general,
viewed stranger rape as more deleterious than acquaintance
rape and (2) males who more closely adhered to traditional
masculine roles tend to hold more rape-supportive beliefs
than do androgynous males. Implications of these findings
for rape prevention include (1) increasing males' awareness
of the negative consequences of date/acquaintance rape and
(2) increasing male's awareness of and access to feelings,
desires, and needs that traditionally have been viewed as
appropriate only for females.
In their needs assessment study of services of rape
victims in Florida, Martin and colleagues (1984) call for
prevention efforts targeted towards potential rape
offenders. Such efforts should include adult males or
respected male authority figures to reinforce anti-rape
messages (especially if the main presenter is female) and
education about the consequences of rape. Other recommended
activities include panel discussions, public service


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Julie M. Abrams was born on August 26, 1962, in Bryn
Mawr, Pennsylvania. After living in the northeastern United
States for several years, Ms. Abrams and her family moved to
Gainesville, Florida. Ms. Abrams attended Bushey Meads
Secondary School near London, England, in 1978-1979 and was
graduated from Gainesville High School in 1980. In 1984,
she was graduated cum laude from Davidson College, North
Carolina, receiving a bachelor's degree with honors in
psychology.
Currently, Ms. Abrams is employed as a student
counseling specialist at the University of Florida's (UF)
Sexual Assault Recovery Service while completing her
doctorate in counseling psychology. She completed her
predoctoral internship at the Counseling Center at Southern
Illinois University at Carbondale, was a research assistant
at the UF Vocational Rehabilitation Research Laboratory, and
is an associate member of the American Psychological
Association (APA).
148


68
Implications for Date Rape Prevention Programming
Results from research supporting the application of
social learning theory to the understanding of sexual
coercion and aggression in males has several implications
for date rape prevention programming. In this discussion
the focus will be on date rape interventions for male
college students.
One important implication of social learning theory for
rape prevention efforts is the provision of appropriate
models for target audiences. Because observational learning
is important in the learning of complex behavior patterns,
and because responsible, mature, and appropriate
interpersonal behavior requires complex behavioral skills,
target audiences must have the opportunity to observe models
demonstrate these behaviors. It may also be useful to have
models demonstrate alternative coping skills and strategies
for dealing with anger. Theoretically, the most successful
models will be peers. Regardless of who the model is, it is
imperative that the observed behavior be positively
reinforced.
Following the demonstration of the new behaviors,
observers (males) should have the opportunity to practice
the newly learned skills. Such practice efforts need to be
appropriately reinforced so that the learned behavior can be
perfected. As part of this learning process, males must be
educated regarding what constitutes sexual aggression


22
experience continued sleeplessness, loss of appetite,
anxiety, depression, mood swings, lowered self-esteem,
difficulty trusting men, fear of sex, and reluctance to
engage in sexual relations (Rosenburg, 1986).
In addition to the two-phase model offered by Burgess
and Holmstrum (1974), other theorists have postulated a
triphasic response to rape (Doweiko, 1981; Katz, 1984).
Doweiko (1981) states that a middle phase exists between the
initial crisis and subsequent resolution phases which he
terms "outward adjustment." This phase is characterized by
denial, suppression, and rationalization and may last for
several weeks or months until the victim acknowledges and
accepts the rape and begins to work toward resolution. Katz
(1984) describes the middle phase as part of the post-crisis
adjustment. During this phase before long-term
reorganization, the rape victim may continue to experience
many emotional and physical symptoms, including feeling
disoriented and out of control and having nightmares.
Recovery from rape has also been conceptualized in
terms of the many losses associated with sexual assault:
loss of self-identity, security, friendships, status within
the community, sexual identification (Whiston, 1981), self-
respect, power, control, and possibly virginity, as well as
a threat of loss of life (Freiberg & Bridwell, 1976).
According to this loss model, survivors of rape may
experience many feelings commonly associated with the grief


90
baseline) and thus, was omitted from analyses involving this
variable. The overall usable data ratio, therefore, was
.915.
Subjects were fairly evenly distributed across
intervention groups with 66 (34.9%) receiving Intervention
I, 62 (32.8%) receiving Intervention II, and 61 (32.3%)
receiving the Intervention Control condition. Approximately
half of the sample was exposed to a male presenter (n = 94,
49.7%) and half was exposed to a female presenter (n = 95,
50.3%). (Cell sizes for each of the six groups are listed
in the Research Design section of Chapter 3.) Fifty-two
(27.5%) subjects participated during the summer semester and
137 (72.5%) subjects participated in the fall.
The three different test sequences for the RMAS, AIV
scale, and LF items were evenly distributed across the six
intervention groups at pretest, posttest, and delayed
posttest assessments. A manova used to test the hypothesis
of no overall order effect revealed no significant
differences between groups, indicating that test sequence
did not account for a significant amount of variance in
scores on the dependent measures.
Tests of the Hypotheses
Four repeated measures ancovas were computed in order
to test hypotheses 1, 2, and 3. As stated previously,
hypothesis 1 was that subjects receiving Intervention II


55
delay or reduction of rewards, personal insults, failures,
and obstructions. Aversive experiences can lead to
emotional arousal that, together with the pull of
anticipated consequences, can facilitate any number of
responses including aggression, dependency, achievement,
withdrawal, problem-solving, and drug use. The type of
behavioral response chosen depends on how the source of
arousal is evaluated, what responses one has learned, and
the effectiveness of the response. Aggression is more
likely if the instigating event is regarded as intentionally
injurious and if the individual believes that he or she can
do the behavior and that the behavior will lead to the
desired consequence (self-efficacy) (Bandura, 1979).
The most common source of cognitively based instigators
of aggression are the actions of others. Modeled behavior
instigates aggression (1) by informing observers about what
behavior leads to desired consequences (directing), (2) by
showing observers what behaviors result in a lack of social
censorship (disinhibiting), (3) by generating emotional
arousal, and (4) by directing observer's attention to
particular instruments used in aggressive acts (stimulus
enhancing) (Bandura, 1973, 1979). The effect of modeling
influences is greater when observers are angered and when
the modeled aggression is socially justified and rewarded
(Bandura, 1979).


98
that at baseline, a full 53.8% (n = 101) of the sample
acknowledged at least some likelihood of using verbal
coercion (a score of 2 or above) to obtain sexual
intercourse and 12.8% (n = 24) reported at least some
likelihood of using physical force to achieve the same end.
Pearson correlation coefficients were computed to test
hypothesis 4 which stated that the baseline measures of rape
myth acceptance, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and
likelihood of force would be significantly correlated.
Results revealed moderate correlations between the dependent
measures (see Table 4-3), thus providing only marginal
support for hypothesis 4. These results are not surprising
given that the internal consistencies of the RMAS and the
AIV scale were low to moderate for the sample tested.
Table 4-4 lists the number and percentages of subjects
responding "yes" to each of the ten items on the Sexual
Experiences Survey (SES). The numbers show that almost 14%
of subjects acknowledged that they had engaged in fondling,
kissing, or petting with a woman when she did not want to by
overwhelming her with continual arguments and pressure (item
1). Over 11% said they had engaged in sexual intercourse
with a woman when she did not want to by the same means
(item 6). Almost 5% of subjects admitted to having
attempted sexual intercourse with an unwilling woman by
giving her alcohol or drugs (item 5), and almost the same
percentage of subjects indicated that they succeeded in


95
Table 4-1
Item Means for the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale at Baseline.
Immediate Posttest, and Delayed Posttest
Baseline Posttest 1 Posttest 2
Item
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
1
189
2.52
1.60
189
2.08
1.42
174
2.22
1.51
2
189
1.61
1.33
189
1.56
1.36
174
1.60
1.41
3
189
3.57
1.75
189
2.80
1.64
174
2.62
1.46
4
189
2.24
1.60
189
2.34
1.79
174
2.45
1.78
5
189
3.61
1.75
189
2.76
1.74
174
3.10
1.73
6
189
2.33
1.28
189
2.19
1.30
174
2.19
1.38
7
189
2.33
1.51
189
1.97
1.29
174
2.04
1.31
8
188
1.99
1.57
189
1.77
1.45
174
1.93
1.49
9
189
1.57
1.19
189
1.42
0.89
174
1.51
1.06
10
189
2.02
1.49
189
1.74
1.14
174
1.76
1.07
11
189
1.49
1.20
189
1.36
0.95
174
1.38
1.03
12
189
1.61
0.65
189
1.44
0.60
174
1.49
0.62
13
189
1.60
0.67
189
1.46
0.60
174
1.48
0.60
14
188
1.20
0.61
189
1.19
0.61
174
1.15
0.56
15
188
2.05
0.93
189
1.98
0.90
174
1.96
0.85
16
188
1.87
0.79
189
1.86
0.84
174
1.83
0.77
17
188
2.13
1.11
189
2.03
1.05
174
2.02
1.01
18
188
1.98
0.86
189
1.96
0.88
174
1.95
0.85
19
188
1.91
0.79
189
1.92
0.86
174
1.90
0.80
Note. Posttest 1 = Immediate Posttest. Posttest 2 = Delayed
Posttest.


97
Table 4-2
Item Means for the Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence
Scale at Baseline. Immediate Posttest, and Delayed Posttest
^ wj ^ ^ W W W W W ¡ ^ ^ -Mr
Item
Baseline
Posttest
1
Posttest
2
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
1
188
3.32
1.85
189
3.22
1.96
174
3.44
1.92
2
188
2.51
1.50
189
2.12
1.33
174
2.28
1.40
3
188
2.54
1.43
189
2.26
1.38
174
2.28
1.34
4
188
2.84
1.89
189
2.69
1.85
174
2.66
1.73
5
188
1.64
1.10
189
1.56
0.96
174
1.72
1.26
6
188
2.18
1.85
189
2.25
1.92
174
2.02
1.62
Note. Posttest 1 = Immediate Posttest. Posttest 2 = Delayed
Posttest.
The mean score for the LF item assessing intent to use
verbal coercion was 2.05 (SD = 1.22) indicating that,
overall, subjects saw themselves as minimally likely to
pressure a woman verbally in order to obtain sexual
intercourse. (The scale for the LF items was 1 = "not at
all likely" to 5 = "very likely.") The mean score for the
LF item assessing intent to use physical force was 1.19 (SD
= 0.55) indicating that among most subjects there was almost
no likelihood at all of using physical force to obtain
sexual intercourse. It is interesting to note, however,


41
You Know: Acquaintance Rape," and a brochure on the same
topic. No other prevention strategy was included in either
intervention group, for example, a workshop presentation or
discussion. A control group was included which received a
brochure on career planning.
Results of the experiment revealed that attitudes
towards date rape changed significantly for all three groups
from pretest to posttest and that posttest attitude scores
did not differ between groups. Possible explanations for
these results include (1) that the pretest measure itself
sensitized participants to the topic of acquaintance rape,
and (2) that subjects may have chosen socially desirable
responses after having correctly guessed the nature of the
study. It is suggested that further research assess the
effects of combined prevention strategies (Nelson & Torgler,
1990). It also seems sensible to measure the degree of
social desirability responding in order to test the veracity
of the second possible explanation of the results.
An investigation of the effects of a didactic
presentation on empathy and attitudes toward rape also
failed to produce significant results (Borden et al., 1988).
The authors suggested that future research assess the impact
of more dynamic, interactive formats which may include
roleplays, videotapes, or live actors. They also
recommended the comparison of different workshop formats to


14
sexual coercion for 7.2%. The institutions at which females
reported the highest rape rates were major universities
(17%) and private colleges (14%). The region in which the
highest proportion of males admitted rape was the Southeast
(6%) .
Prevalence rates for sexual victimization and
aggression were also found to differ by ethnic group. Rape
was reported by 16% of White women, 10% of Black women, 12%
of Hispanic women, 7% of Asian women, and 40% of Native
American women. Among men, rape was reported by 4% of
Whites, 10% of Blacks, 7% of Hispanics, 2% of Asians, and 0%
of Native Americans (Koss et al., 1987).
Based on this national sample, incidence rates for rape
and attempted rape, i.e., the number of women per thousand
who experienced rape, were calculated to be 83 per 1,000
women for a six-month period (using state definitions of
rape) or 38 per 1,000 women (using the FBI's narrower
definitions of rape and attempted rape). Perpetration rates
for rape and attempted rape were calculated to be 34 per
1,000 men for a six-month period (using state statutes) or 9
per 1,000 men (using the FBI's definition) (Koss et al.,
1987). It is pointed out that the victimization rate using
the FBI's definition of rape is 10-15 times greater than
statistics reported by the National Crime Survey and that
the rape perpetration rate using the FBI's definition is 2-3
times greater than corresponding NCS figures. These data


34
military action), males were found to be more supportive of
using force or violence as a way to achieve compliance than
were females (Smith, 1984). Other research shows that males
also admit to more hostility and aggression, particularly if
the aggressive behavior is physical (e.g., electric shocks)
as opposed to psychological (e.g., insults) and when the
behavior causes the other person to feel anxious, guilty, or
unsafe (Eagly & Steffen, 1986). In real-world situations,
men are arrested for violent crimes eight times more often
than women (FBI, 1985). In college dating situations, men,
compared to women, are twice as likely to engage in severe,
expressive violence and are four and a half times more
likely to assault their partners with lethal weapons
(Makepeace, 1983).
Rape Prevention Research and Practice
Approaches to the prevention of rape take a variety of
forms. Some are remedial; some are proactive. Some focus
on the potential victim; some target potential offenders.
Some are directed towards administrative and program
changes. All strategies are considered to be important in a
multifaceted approach to preventing sexual assault. In this
section, an overview of the current theory and practice
regarding sexual assault prevention will be provided,
focusing on outreach efforts aimed at decreasing date and


87
Intervention
Immediate Posttest
RMAS
AIV
LF
IT
PSP
Delaved Posttest
RMAS
AIV
LF
In the above summary, IT = Information Test and PSP =
Perceived Similarity to Presenter item. The Information
Test was not given to the Intervention Control groups.
Hypotheses
Specific hypotheses tested were:
(1) Subjects who are exposed to Intervention II will have
lower scores on all dependent measures (i.e., accept
fewer rape myths, be less accepting of interpersonal
violence, and report less likelihood of using force in a
sexual interaction) at immediate and delayed posttest
assessments than subjects exposed to either Intervention
I or to the Control Intervention only.
(2) Subjects who are exposed to Intervention I will have
lower scores on all dependent measures at immediate and
delayed posttest assessments than subjects exposed to
the Control Intervention only.
(3) Subjects receiving Interventions I or II from a male
presenter will have lower scores on all dependent
measures at immediate and delayed posttest assessments
than subjects receiving the same intervention from a
female presenter.


69
(including verbal coercion, the use of alcohol as a
"weapon," and the use of physical force). In this way, they
will learn to discriminate better between behaviors that are
acceptable and unacceptable. Boeringer et al. (1991)
suggest that the differential reinforcement of anti-rape
attitudes and behaviors may be effective in reducing rape-
supportive behavior.
Negative consequences for rape and other forms of
sexual aggression need to be made more salient. It is
important that persons observe that rape will not be
tolerated. The consistent and firm use of punishment for
sexual aggression may help change referential standards held
by potential assailants, and perhaps eventually, alter
internal self-standards of behavior.
Attention must be paid to the existing social
environment in which students reside. Faculty advisors and
leaders of fraternities and other all-male groups are
strongly encouraged to become aware of and modify any
existing aspects of the social environment that may
positively reinforce sexual aggression (Boeringer et al.,
1991). To encourage change in the social environment, it is
recommended that sanctions be levied against organizations
(including fraternities) that provide social support for
individual members who engage in sexually aggressive
behavior (Boeringer et al., 1991). Punishment for violence
supporting organizations may help shape the social context


128
almost all about 1/2 almost none
about 3/4 about 1/4
A person comes to you and claims they were raped. How
likely would you be to believe their statement if the person
were:
14.
your best friend?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
15.
an Indian woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
16.
a neighborhood woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
17.
a young boy?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
18.
a black woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
19.
a white woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
Note. Item scales with an asterisk (*) are reversed before
scoring.


146
Phillips, D.P. (1983). The impact of mass media violence
on U.S. homocides. American Sociological Review. 48.
560-568.
Quackenbush, R.L. (1989). A comparison of androgynous,
masculine sex-typed, and undifferentiated males on
dimensions of attitudes toward rape. Journal of
Research in Personality. 23. 318-342.
Rapaport, K., & Burkhart, B.R. (1984). Personality and
attitudinal characteristics of sexually coercive college
males. Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 93., 216-221.
Roark, M.L. (1987). Preventing violence on college
campuses. Journal of Counseling and Development. 65,
367-371.
Rodkin, L.I., Hunt, E.J., & Cowan, S.D. (1982). A men's
support group for significant others of rape victims.
Journal of Marital and Family Therapy. 8, 91-97.
Rosenberg, M.S. (1986). Rape crisis syndrome. Medical
Aspects of Human Sexuality. 20, 65-71.
Russell, D.E.H. (1982). The prevalence and incidence of
rape and attempted rape of females. Victimology. 1_, 81-
93.
Russell, D.E.H. (1984). Sexual exploitation: Rape, child
sexual abuse, and workplace harassment. Beverly Hills,
CA: Sage Publications.
Sandberg, G., Jackson, T.L., & Petretic-Jackson, P. (1987).
College students' attitudes regarding sexual coercion
and aggression: Developing educational and preventive
strategies. Journal of College Student Personnel. 28,
302-311.
Scher, S.J., & Cooper, J. (1989). Motivational basis of
dissonance: The singular role of behavioral
conseguences. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology. 56, 899-906.
Sheffield, C.J. (1984). Sexual terrorism. In J. Freeman
(Ed.), Women: A feminist perspective (3rd ed.) (pp. 3-
19). Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield Publishing Company.
Shiftman, M. (1987). The men's movement: An exploratory
empirical investigation. In M.S. Kimmel (Ed.),
Changing men: New directions in research on men and
masculinity (pp. 295-314). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.


25
assault on significant others, and options for psychological
counseling (Courtois, 1979; Doweiko, 1981; Guest, 1977).
Each of these services are provided at some cost to the
public at large.
In addition to straining legal, counseling, and medical
services, rape may also present a cost to employers in terms
of poor concentration, decreased work performance, and days
absent from work. On university campuses, sexual violence
may be evidenced by a loss of concentration, impaired
academic performance, and lowered self-esteem.
Rape Mvths
Rape is a crime supported by many cultural myths.
Because these myths exist, many victims are reluctant to
file police reports and to seek professional counseling.
Rape myths create an unsafe environment for rape victims.
They often place the blame for rape on victims and relieve
assailants of responsibility for any wrongdoing.
One of the existing myths is that rape is primarily a
sexual act caused by sexual frustration or maladjustment.
Research has failed to demonstrate support for this
contention. There is, however, substantial evidence to
support the view that rape is an act of sexual aggression
(Briere & Malamuth, 1983; Burt, 1980; Malamuth, 1981). In
one study, a number of sexuality variables failed to predict
self-reported likelihood of raping or using force in a


1
A preliminary screening measure that included
demographic items and a measure of previous experience with
sexual coercion (The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES), Koss &
Oros, 1982; Koss & Gidycz, 1985) was administered to 453
male college students enrolled in introductory psychology
classes. Test administration was conducted by the
experimenter at the beginning of two different semesters
during which these classes were offered and was conducted
during the class hour designated as pretesting time for
psychology experiments using this pool of potential
subjects.
In order to protect students' anonymity, all response
forms were coded with subject-generated 6-digit code
numbers. These code numbers were used in subsequent phases
of the study for those students who opted to participate
further in the study. These code numbers were the only
means by which subject data could be tracked across data
collection points.
Using a block randomization sampling procedure, all 453
male college students who completed the preliminary
screening measure were assigned to one of six groups such
that groups were matched on race and previous use of sexual
coercion. Scores on the preliminary screening measure were
used to match the groups.


79
Of the six different groups involved in the study, four
were intervention groups and two were control groups. The
four intervention groups involved only two different types
of interventions, but each type was implemented separately
by a male and a female, thus resulting in four groups. Each
of the two intervention control groups was also run
separately by a male and a female. Because of logistical
considerations (e.g., having a workshop size that allowed
interaction between and reinforcement of participants), each
of the six groups was subdivided into four subgroups with an
average size of about eight subjects. The four subgroups
within a group received the same intervention.
The resulting twenty-four subgroups (four subgroups for
each of the six larger groups) were randomly distributed
across time in such a manner as to ensure that (1) an equal
number of subgroups representing each larger group occurred
during any one semester of data collection and that (2) when
more than six subgroups occurred in a semester (i.e., when
18 subgroups occurred during the fall semester), then
subgroups representing each of the larger groups occurred
with equal frequency at the beginning, middle, and end of
that semester. Different numbers of subgroups (i.e., 6 vs.
18) occurred across semesters due to subject availability.
Of the 453 students who completed the preliminary
screening measure, those who were interested in
participating further were asked to "sign up" using a


4 RESULTS 89
Preliminary Analyses 89
Tests of the Hypotheses 90
Post Hoc Analyses 104
5 DISCUSSION 109
Summary of Results 109
Interpretation of the Results 112
Limitations of the Study 117
Suggestions for Further Research 118
Conclusion 120
APPENDICES
A DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM 122
B SEXUAL EXPERIENCES SURVEY 124
C RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE SCALE 12 6
D ACCEPTANCE OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE SCALE .... 129
E MARLOWE-CROWNE SOCIAL DESIRABILITY SCALE (20) . 130
F INFORMATION TEST 13 2
G INFORMED CONSENT FORM 134
H DEBRIEFING FORM 137
REFERENCES 139
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 148
v


44
a night excort service, crossing the street when passing a
woman walking alone at night, and getting involved in
community education regarding rape prevention. Results from
very preliminary research suggested that the workshop was
effective in changing subjects' attitudes toward rape in the
desired direction. These results are limited, however, in
that they were based on a sample of only 24 students and the
study did not include a control group.
Furthering the research on rape prevention programming
for men, Gilbert et al. (1991) designed a study to assess
the effectiveness of a psychoeducational intervention in
changing the rape-supportive attitudes of male college
students. In building upon the research initiated by Lee
(1987), Gilbert and colleagues used a slightly larger sample
of male undergraduates (n = 61), included a control group,
and provided a theoretical framework for their research
(Petty and Cacioppo's (1986) elaboration likelihood model
(ELM) of attitude change). Results showed significantly
more attitude change among males who received the
intervention than among males who did not receive any
intervention at all. The authors conclude that the
elaboration likelihood model of attitude change is a useful
framework for developing rape education interventions and
understanding attitudinal change processes regarding rape.
While this research is recognized as a significant
first step in applying social psychological theory to rape


15
provide some evidence to suggest that the NCS fails to
assess the full scope of rape.
The discrepancy between victimization and perpetration
rates is likely to be due, at least in part, to the fact
that some of the incidents reported by the women undoubtedly
occurred before college by males other than those surveyed.
It was suggested, however, that some of the men surveyed may
not have accurately perceived the degree of force or
coercion involved in their interactions and may have
misinterpreted a woman's nonconsent (Koss et al., 1987). If
this is so, increased attention to communication and
perceptions may be important during rape education programs.
Consistent with the findings of other researchers
(e.g., Miller & Marshall, 1987), results obtained by Koss et
al. (1987) indicate that few rapes are acknowledged by the
victim (27%). Even fewer rapes are ever reported to the
police (5%) or prompt the victim to seek victim assistance
services (5%). Many rapes are never revealed to anyone at
all (42%). Because much of the existing research on rape is
based on samples of women who are self-acknowledged rape
victims (recruited through paper ads, police reports, court
records, emergency rooms or counseling services), "hidden
victims" (those who don't acknowledge, report, or reveal
their rapes) are often omitted from study. It is
recommended that those "hidden" victims be included in
future research (Koss et al., 1987); a similar case may be


65
support for the hypothesis that media depictions can
influence men's beliefs in rape myths. Men with relatively
higher inclinations to aggress against women were
particularly likely to be affected by media depictions of
rape myths.
Demare and Briere (1988) examined the relationship
between pornography use, attitudes, and self-reported
likelihood of raping and using sexual force among male
undergraduate students. Results showed that use of sexually
violent pornography (as measured by self-report) and
acceptance of interpersonal violence against women were both
associated with self-reported likelihood of engaging in
sexual aggression against women. Although the correlational
nature of the study precludes any conclusions regarding
causal antecedents of sexual aggression, the findings do
point out a relationship between observed sexual violence
and inclinations toward future sexual aggression.
In addition to the media as a source for the modeling
of sexual violence, peers can also serve as models of sexual
aggression. It is suggested that inclusive male groups such
as fraternities may provide a context for modeling and
reinforcing rape-supportive behavior (Boeringer, Shehan, &
Akers, 1991). Because fraternity members, compared to
nonmembers, are more likely to have friends who engage in
verbal coercion and who use drugs or alcohol to gain sexual
access, it is likely that fraternity members have more


85
Subjects in the Intervention Control group were not required
to complete the information test. The duration of each
intervention and control group experimental session plus
baseline and immediate posttest assessments was
approximately 1 hour and 45 minutes.
One week after immediate posttest data collection, all
subjects were asked to attend a follow-up meeting (1) to
complete anonymously the same assessment battery
administered at baseline and at immediate posttesting (RMAS,
AIV scale, and LF items) and (2) to be debriefed. This
delayed posttest (i.e., the third administration of the
assessment battery) was designed to assess any change
maintained over time and to control for the demand effect of
immediate evaluation of the workshop. Subjects who may have
had personal concerns as a result of participating in the
study were invited to discuss these concerns with the
principal investigator individually. Subjects would have
been referred to the Counseling Center if the principal
investigator deemed this to be necessary; no subjects were
viewed as requiring this referral. All subjects received
course credit for their participation after completion of
the study.
Research Pesian
The design for the experiment was a 2 X 3 repeated
measures factorial design. The independent variables


73
procedure to ensure that intervention groups were matched on
previous experience with sexually coercive behavior
(Appendix B). The Sexual Experiences Survey is a 10-item
instrument designed to assess varying degrees of sexual
aggression and victimization. It was developed to aid in
the identification of "hidden" rape victims and undetected
offenders and to support a dimensional, as opposed to a
typological, view of sexual aggression (Koss & Oros, 1982).
Each of the ten items on the SES are to be answered
either "yes" or "no." Respondents are then classified
according to the most severe type of sexual aggression
reported. "Sexual contact" is the label given to those
whose response is "yes" to items 1, 2, or 3, but not to any
higher numbered items. "Sexual coercion" is the category
for those who answer "yes" to items 6 or 7, but not to any
higher numbered items. "Attempted rape" is the group label
for those giving "yes" responses to items 4 or 5, but to no
higher item. And finally, "rape" is the classification for
those saying "yes" to items 8, 9, or 10.
Internal consistency for the SES was found to be .89
for males and test-retest reliability with a one-week
interval was found to be .93 (Koss & Gidycz, 1985). Initial
investigation of the validity of the SES revealed a Pearson
correlation between a male's self-report on the SES and
responses given in the presence of a male psychologist/
interviewer of .61 (Koss & Gidycz, 1985). More recently, a


142
Gilbert, B.J., Heesacker, M., & Gannon, L.J. (1991).
Changing the sexual aggression-supportive attitudes of
men: A psychoeducational intervention. Journal of
Counseling Psychology. 38, 197-203.
Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
Gray, M. D., Lesser, D., Quinn, E., & Bounds, C. (1990).
The effectiveness of personalizing acguaintance rape
prevention: Programs on perception of vulnerability and
on reducing risk-taking behavior. Journal of College
Student Development. 31. 217-220.
Griffin, S. (1979). Rape: The power of consciousness. San
Fransisco: Harper & Row.
Grossman, R., & Sutherland, J. (1983). Surviving sexual
assault. New York: Congdon & Weed.
Groth, A.N. (1979). Men who rape: The psychology of the
offender. New York: Plennum Press.
Guest, F. (1977). To comfort and relieve them: Counseling
rape victims. Atlanta: The Fulton-DeKalb Hospital
Authority.
Halpern, S., Hicks, D.J., & Crenshaw, T.L. (1978). Rape:
Helping the victim. Oradell, NJ: Medical Economics
Company.
Hamilton, M., & Yee, J. (1990). Rape knowledge and
propensity to rape. Journal of Research in Personality.
24, 111-122.
Heiman, J.R., & LoPiccolo, J. (1988). Becoming orgasmic: A
sexual and personal growth program for women. New York:
Prentice-Hall Press.
Herman, D. (1984). The rape culture. In J. Freeman (Ed.),
Women: A feminist perspective (pp. 20-38). Palo Alto,
CA: Mayfield Publishing Company.
Johnson, P.J.R. (1979). The effects of rape education on
male attitudes toward rape and women (Doctoral
dissertation, Texas Woman's University, 1978) .
Dissertation Abstracts International. 40. 493B.
Johnson, S.D., Gibson, L., & Linden, R. (1978). Alcohol
and rape in Winnipeg, 1966-1975. Journal of Studies on
Alcohol. 39, 1887-1894.


11
have an agreement for a social engagement. Gang rape refers
to rape committed by two or more persons (C.P. Walsh,
personal communication, October 12, 1990). This review will
first address the general issue of rape, but will focus
specific attention on the problem of date and acquaintance
rape on college campuses. Because women do indeed represent
virtually all of reported rape victims (Law Enforcement
Assistance Administration [LEAA], 1975), this manuscript
will focus on male offenders and female victims of sexual
violence.
Incidence and Prevalence of Rape
Rape is the most frequent yet underreported violent
crime in the United States (FBI, 1981) According to the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, 87,340 rapes occurred in
1985 with one rape occurring approximately every 6 minutes
(FBI, 1986). While these figures may seem shocking, they
are considered to be underestimates of the full scope of
rape for two reasons: (1) they include only those crimes
that fit the FBI's narrow definition of rape, and (2) they
are based only on those rapes that are reported to the
police (Koss et al., 1987). It is thought that for every
rape that is reported, 3-10 rapes are committed but are
unreported (LEAA, 1975; Russell, 1984). Estimates of the
actual frequency of rape are made more difficult by the fact
that only a small proportion of reported rapes actually


127
1234567 *8. Women who get raped while hitchhiking get
what they deserve.
1234567 *9. A woman who is stuck-up and thinks she is
too good to talk to guys on the street
deserves to be taught a lesson.
1234567 *10. Many women have an unconscious wish to be
raped, and may then unconsciously set up
a situation in which they are likely to
be attacked.
1234567*11. Ifa woman gets drunk at a party and has
intercourse with a man she's just met
there, she should be considered "fair
game" to other males at the party who
want to have sex with her, too, whether
she wants to or not.
Please rate the following statements on the 5-point scales
as indicated.
12. What percentage of women who report a rape would you
say are lying because they are angry and want to get
back at the man they accuse?
almost all about 1/2 almost none
about 3/4 about 1/4
13. What percentage of reported rapes would you guess were
merely invented by women who discovered they were
pregnant and wanted to protect their own reputation?


51
Bandura (1973, 1979) contends that aggression is
learned by observing models that exist in everyday society
and outlines three sources of these models: (1) one's
family, (2) one's subculture, and (3) the mass media.
Parents are often potent models of behavior for children.
Children whose parents use physical aggression as a means of
gaining compliance tend to use similar strategies in their
interactions with others (Bandura & Walters, 1959). Parents
who abuse their children are often survivors of child abuse
themselves (Silver, Dublin, & Lourie, 1969).
The subculture in which one lives or with which one has
repeated contact can also be a source of aggressive models.
Violent gangs and certain all-male enclaves are examples of
such subgroups. Subcultures that value traditional male
roles and the "macho" image teach younger generations that
aggressive behavior is acceptable, functional, and
rewarding.
A third source of aggressive models is the mass media.
Television, for example, has been shown to be an excellent
vehicle for the symbolic modeling of aggression. Research
has shown that children and teens who watch televised
violence are more interpersonally aggressive in everyday
life (Bandura, 1973). Television is also thought to be a
vehicle for teaching criminals new skills, a way for them to
perfect their crimes (Aronson, 1988; Bandura, 1979).
Research on the effects of television reveals that


81
AIV scale, and LF items, (2) AIV scale, LF items, and RMAS,
and (3) LF items, RMAS and AIV scale. This procedure was
performed at each of the three different testing intervals
(described below).
The independent variables involved in the study were
(1) workshop/presentation type and (2) gender of presenter.
(There were three workshop/presentation types; each was
implemented separately by a male and a female presenter,
thus resulting in six groups/conditions.) The three levels
of the first independent variable (workshop/presentation
type) were the following:
(1) Information only. This intervention was a 1 hour and
15 minute presentation of information regarding date
rape myths, rape trauma syndrome, and strategies for
reducing the likelihood of date rape and aggressive
interpersonal behavior (Intervention I). The
information was presented in verbal and written form.
(2) Information plus modeling and reinforcement of rape
preventive behaviors and attitudes. This
intervention involved Intervention I plus (a) the
videotaped modeling of assertive (nonaggressive)
interpersonal dating behaviors by a male and female,
(b) the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement of
nonaggressive, anti-rape behaviors (including verbal
statements) modelled by the videotaped persons, and
(c) the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement of


TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES vi
ABSTRACT vii
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION 1
Limitations of Previous Research 3
Rationale for the Study 4
Research Questions 6
2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE 8
Rape 8
Definition of Rape 8
Incidence and Prevalence of Rape 11
Consequences of Rape 19
Rape Myths 25
Sex-Role Socialization and Cultural Norms
Regarding Violence 30
Rape Prevention Research and Practice 34
Social Learning Theory and Human Aggression ... 48
Principles of Social Learning Theory 49
Social Learning Theory and Aggression
Research 59
Social Learning Theory and Rape 62
Effects of Modeling 63
Effects of Reinforcement 66
Implications for Date Rape Prevention
Programming 68
3 METHOD 71
Subjects 71
Instruments 72
Procedure 78
Research Design 85
Hypotheses 87
iv


12
result in convictions (Koss et al., 1987; Martin et al.,
1984) .
One of the main sources of crime estimates including
rape is the Bureau of Justice's National Crime Survey (NCS).
Although frequently cited, the NCS has been criticized on
conceptual and methodological grounds. For example, some of
the NCS questions are considered to be vague and require the
respondent to infer what is being asked. The survey assumes
that victims of sexual assault use the term "rape" to
conceptualize their experiences. In addition, because
questions about rape are embedded in a list of questions
about violent crime in general, respondents who are rape
victims but who do not consider themselves to be victims of
crime, may be less likely to give accurate accounts of their
experiences. The survey is also criticized in that it
assumes a typological view of sexual aggression and
victimization and thus ignores the finer gradations of
sexual assault (Koss et al., 1987).
Russell (1982) investigated the prevalence and
incidence of rape and attempted rape and found that of a
sample of 930 adult women, 24% described experiences that
met the criteria for rape. Only 9.5% of these women
reported the crime to the police. In another study, about
15% of a sample of college men admitted to having sexual
intercourse against their date's consent and only 39% denied


135
Following the experiment, participants will have an
opportunity to learn more about the nature of the study and
obtain a summary of results. Any questions or concerns that
participants may have as a result of participating will be
addressed.
There are no risks or discomforts anticipated for
participants in this study. If you wish to discuss any
discomforts you may experience, you may call Ms. Julie
Abrams, Principal Investigator, at 392-9436.
You may benefit directly from participation in this
study by increasing your knowledge and awareness of your
interpersonal relationship attitudes and your interaction
styles. You may also benefit indirectly as a result of
others gaining knowledge of how to enhance their
relationships, thus creating a more positive and healthy
university environment in which to live.
I have been fully informed of the procedure for the
above-described study and understand its possible benefits
and risks. I also understand that I will receive no
compensation other than course credit for participation in
this study. Participation in all phases of the experiment
is required in order to receive full credit (i.e., five
credits); credit will be given after completion of the
study. I understand that I am free to discontinue my
participation in this study at any time. I agree to


CHAPTER 3
METHOD
Subjects
Subjects were 189 male undergraduate students enrolled
in introductory psychology classes at the University of
Florida. The sample consisted of Caucasians (n = 148,
79.6%), Hispanic Americans (n = 15, 8.1%), African Americans
(n = 7, 3.8%), International students (n = 5, 2.7%), and
Native Americans (n = 3, 1.6%). A small number (n = 8,
4.3%) did not report their ethnicity. Almost half of the
sample were freshmen (n = 88, 47.6%), while smaller numbers
were sophomores (n = 50, 27.0%), juniors (n = 28, 15.1%),
and seniors (n = 19, 10.3%). The average age for subjects
was 19.2 years (S.D. = 1.67); ages ranged from 17 to 27.
Fraternity membership was reported by 40 (21.5%)
subjects and previous attendance at a workshop on
date/acquaintance rape was reported by 34 (18.3%) subjects.
A substantial number (n = 72, 38.9%) indicated that they
knew a rape survivor. For those that knew a survivor, the
survivor was said to be an acquaintance (n = 45, 58.4%), a
classmate (n = 25, 32.9%), a date (n = 24, 31.6%), or a
family member (n = 6, 7.8%).
71


APPENDIX E
MARLOWE-CROWNE SOCIAL DESIRABILITY SCALE (20)
Listed below are a number of statements concerning personal
attitudes and traits. Read each item and decide whether the
statement is true or false as it pertains to you personally.
T F
1. I never hesitate to go out of my way to help
someone in trouble. (T)
T F
2. I have never intensely disliked anyone. (T)
T F
3. I sometimes feel resentful when I don't get my
way. (F)
T F
4. I like to gossip at times. (F)
T F
5. There have been times when I felt like rebelling
against people in authority even though I knew
they were right. (F)
T F
6. I can remember "playing sick" to get out of
something. (F)
T F
7. There have been occasions when I took advantage
of someone. (F)
T F
8. I'm always willing to admit it when I make a
mistake. (T)
T F
9. I always try to practice what I preach. (T)
T F
10. I sometimes try to get even rather than forgive
and forget. (F)
130


APPENDIX C
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE SCALE
Please rate the following statements on the 7-point scale
below with 1 =
: "strongly agree" to 7 = "strongly disagree."
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*1. A woman who goes to the home or apartment
of a man on their first date implies that
she is willing to have sex.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
2. Any female can get raped.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*3. One reason that women falsely report a
rape is that they frequently have a need
to call attention to themselves.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*4. Any healthy woman can successfully resist
a rapist if she really wants to.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*5. When women go around braless or wearing
short skirts and tight tops, they are
just asking for trouble.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*6. In the majority of rapes, the victim is
promiscuous or has a bad reputation.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*7. If a girl engages in necking or petting
and she lets things get out of hand, it
is her own fault if her partner forces
sex on her.
126


CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION
Summary of Results
The present study was designed to investigate the
effects of social learning theory-based interventions on
rape-supportive attitudes and rape proclivity among college
male students. More specifically, the study tested the
effects of four workshop/presentations on male college
students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance of
interpersonal violence, and likelihood of using verbal
coercion and physical force in a sexual interaction. A
summary of the results is presented below.
A significant interaction was observed between
presenter and semester with regard to rape myth acceptance
scores, with less disparity in RMAS scores between the two
presenter conditions during the fall semester than during
the summer term. No significant differences in RMAS scores
were found due to intervention type or any 2- or 3-way
interaction other than the presenter by semester
interaction. An overall time effect for RMAS scores was
observed, but no significant differences in scores over time
were found due to presenter by semester interaction.
109


61
aggressive male model was more effective in influencing male
and female subjects than an aggressive female model. They
suggested that this was due to the fact that aggressive
behavior is more "masculine-typed." They suggested further
that, for behavior that is less clearly sex-linked, the
greatest amount of imitation occurs by observing a same-sex
model. Following this line of reasoning, one might suppose
that for behavior that is more traditionally "feminine-
typed" (e.g., relationship-building skills) the greatest
amount of learning may occur by observing a female model.
Such a hypothesis for male learners of relationship skills,
however, contradicts the notion that learning is greatest
when observers perceive themselves to be similar to the
model.
The effects of watching violence are not limited to
aggressive behavior exhibited towards "Bobo" dolls. They
extend to interpersonal aggression as well. In one study,
children were shown a violent episode of "The Untouchables"
(a "cops-and-robbers" show), and then were allowed to play
with a group of other children (Liebert & Baron, 1972).
Results showed that compared to a control group who watched
an action-oriented sporting event, those children who
watched the violent television program displayed far more
aggression towards the other children.
In another study, juvenile delinquent males in
detention centers were shown either violent or nonviolent


99
Table 4-3
Pearson
Correlation
Coefficients
Amona the Dependent
Measures
at Baseline
RMAS
AIV
LF1
LF2
RMAS
1.00
0.50*
0.47*
0.31*
AIV
0.50*
1.00
0.34*
0.30*
LF1
0.47*
0.34*
1.00
0.56*
LF2
0.31*
0.30*
0.56*
1.00
*p < .0001.
having sexual intercourse with an unwilling woman by these
same means (item 8). Less than 1% of subjects admitted to
having engaged in sex play (not including intercourse) with
an unwilling woman by threat of physical force (item 3). No
subjects said that they had attempted or engaged in
nonconsensual sexual intercourse by threat or use of
physical force (items 4 and 9). Not surprisingly given this
rather young sample, no subjects reported having used their
position of authority to coerce a woman into sex play or
sexual intercourse (items 2 and 7). Percentages of "yes
responses to each of the 10 items on the Sexual Experiences
Survey are similar between the present sample and the
normative sample (Koss et al., 1987), providing further


112
Interpretation of the Results
The interaction between gender of presenter and
semester with regard to rape myth acceptance scores suggests
that differences in RMAS responses between presenter
conditions varied across the two semesters of data
collection. RMAS scores for subjects in the male presenter
conditions were slightly higher in the fall compared to the
summer, whereas RMAS scores for subjects in the female
presenter conditions were slightly lower in the fall
compared to the summer. The finding that there was less
disparity in RMAS scores between presenter conditions during
the second semester of data collection (fall) than during
the first semester (summer) is, at present, unexplained and
deserves further research. The finding does suggest that
gender of presenter is a significant factor in the
acknowledgment of rape-supportive attitudes. If this is
so, then this may have implications for the planning and
development of date rape prevention programs. In any
case, further research is needed to clarify the effect of
the presenter's gender on reports of rape-supportive
beliefs.
The finding of a significant overall time effect for
RMAS scores (with scores decreasing from baseline to
immediate posttest), but no significant differences in RMAS
scores over time due to presenter by semester interaction
suggests that there may have been factors not controlled for


106
measures ancova with AIV as the dependent variable and PSP
as a covariate revealed no significant differences between
groups. More specifically, there was no overall effect for
presenter, intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way
interaction on AIV score totals. Thus, the results of the
post hoc repeated measures ancova with perceived similarity
to presenter (PSP) as a covariate failed to support
hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.
Because 18.3% (n = 34) of subjects indicated that they
had attended a workshop on date/acquaintance rape
previously, the repeated measures ancovas used to test
hypotheses 1, 2, and 3 were performed again, this time
including only those subjects with no previous exposure to a
date rape presentation or workshop. Subjects who had
attended a date rape workshop prior to the study were
omitted in order to obtain a more "pure" sample to study.
The independent variables for these analyses were
intervention type, gender of presenter, and semester. The
dependent variables were rape myth acceptance and acceptance
of interpersonal violence. PSP was included as a covariate.
Likelihood of force was again omitted from these analyses in
order to maintain statistical power.
Results from preliminary tests of homogeneity of slopes
revealed differences between groups with regard to rape myth
acceptance and acceptance of interpersonal violence scores.
More specifically, the amount of change in rape myth


32
contact and to believe that a man should always be ready for
and desiring of sex. Other lessons on male sexuality
include the myths that all physical contact must lead to
sex, that men shouldn't express certain feelings, that sex
equals intercourse (Zilbergeld, 1978), and that a dating man
can expect a sexual return on his financial and social
investment (Sandberg et al., 1987).
Women, on the other hand, are taught that it is not
feminine to show an interest in or initiate sex (Heiman &
LoPiccolo, 1988) that it is best to defer to men in
relationships, that it is not proper to hurt another's
feelings, and that men will protect them from harm (Griffin,
1979; Lerner, 1988). These roles and attitudes, while
complementary, support a male-dominated societal structure
and create a game-like atmosphere in which sexual coercion,
and possibly rape, are likely to occur.
Whereas much has been written about the limits placed
on the traditional female role, it is only relatively
recently that the restrictions placed on the traditional
male role have been considered (O'Neil, 1981; Shiffman,
1987). The traditional male role is characterized by
restricted emotional expression (allowing for expressions of
anger and aggression, but not vulnerability), an emphasis on
control, power, and competition (resulting in a need to
dominate and succeed over others), homophobic attitudes
(fearing intimacy with other men), restricted sexual and


28
if the victim fights back (Krulewitz, 1981). Men, compared
to women, have also been found to hold less favorable
attitudes toward women (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973).
The degree of rape myth acceptance has also been found
to vary among rape crisis counselors, citizens, police
officers, and convicted rapists (Feild, 1978). Results of a
survey of 1,448 subjects revealed that (1) counselors
endorsed the fewest number of rape-supportive beliefs and
(2) citizens and police officers were more similar to
rapists than to counselors on attitudes toward rape.
Results of this study suggest that educational efforts may
be necessary in order to increase awareness among persons
who may have contact with rape victims, but who may not have
accurate information for dealing effectively with these
individuals.
Fischer (1986) investigated the predictive value of
five variables (attitudes towards women, sexual knowledge,
sexual experience, tolerance of socially unapproved sexual
behavior, and religiosity) on acceptance of forcible date
rape. Results suggested that higher acceptance of forcible
date rape is related to relatively more traditional
attitudes about women and greater sexual self
permissiveness. Also, persons who were more accepting of
forcible date rape were less sure that the interaction
really was rape, had slightly less accurate knowledge about
sexuality, and, although most did indeed blame the male


participate in the procedure and have received a copy of
this description.
136
Signature of Participant
Signature of Principal Investigator
Julie M. Abrams, M.S.
392-9436, Box 33 Psychology
Date
Date


5
aggression in understanding the problem of rape. A review
of the social psychological literature on human aggression
reveals that the theoretical model that has received the
most consistent empirical support to date is social learning
theory as proposed by Albert Bandura (Bandura, 1973, 1977).
Briefly, social learning theory postulates that
aggression is primarily learned first by observing others
behaving aggressively and second by witnessing the
consequences of such aggression. Aggressive behavior may
also be shaped and maintained through positive reinforcement
from external or internal sources. Theoretically, people
can act to increase or decrease their aggressive behavior by
changing the environmental conditions that may induce
aggression, altering cognitions which support aggression,
and providing positive or negative reinforcement for such
behavior (Bandura, 1973, 1977).
While several theorists and researchers have used
social learning theory principles to guide their thinking
and research regarding the causes and correlates of rape
(Boeringer, Shehan, & Akers, 1991; Donnerstein, 1980;
Malamuth & Check, 1981), no empirical research was found
that overtly applied social learning theory to the
understanding of the rape prevention. The purpose of the
proposed research, therefore, was to use social learning
theory to investigate the effectiveness of two date rape
prevention interventions (each conducted under two different


6
conditions) in reducing male college students' (a) self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction,
(b) acceptance of date rape myths, and (c) acceptance of
interpersonal violence.
Research Questions
My guestions for research were:
(1) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that include
information on rape myths, rape trauma, and strategies
for reducing the likelihood of rape effective in
reducing male college students' acceptance of rape
myths, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual
interaction?
(2) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that include
the modeling and reinforcement of assertive
interpersonal behavior in addition to information on
rape myths, rape trauma, and strategies for reducing
the likelihood of rape more effective in reducing male
students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance of
interpersonal violence, and self-reported likelihood of
using force in a sexual interaction than are workshop/
presentations that do not include such modeling and
reinforcement?
(3) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that are
conducted by a male more effective in reducing male


74
93% agreement was found between male subjects' responses on
the SES completed in private and responses given in the
presence of a male interviewer. These subjects rated their
honesty at 95% and explained that the reason for a lack of
full honesty was due to time pressure to complete the
questionnaire (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987).
The Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) (Burt, 1980) is a
19-item measure designed to assess adherence to rape-
supportive beliefs (i.e., false, prejudicial, and
stereotyped beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists)
(Appendix C). Items on the RMAS are to be answered on 5- or
7-point Likert scales ranging from "strongly agree" to
"strongly disagree," "almost all" to "almost none," and
"always" to "never." Responses are converted (to correct
for item direction) and summed to create an index from 19
(low rape myth acceptance) to 117 (high rape myth
acceptance). Mean scores for a sample of 598 adults, aged
18 and over, was 49.4 with a standard deviation of 11.9.
Cronbach's alpha with this sample was calculated to be .875
(Burt, 1980).
In a previous study, validity testing of the RMAS
yielded predicted results. That is, scores on the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale were found to be significantly and
positively correlated with scores on a dogmatism scale (r =
.51, p < .05), and significantly and negatively correlated
with scores on a scale measuring trustworthiness (r = -.46,


EFFECTS OF A DATE RAPE INTERVENTION ON
RAPE PROCLIVITY AND ACCEPTANCE OF RAPE-SUPPORTIVE
ATTITUDES AMONG MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS:
A SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACH
BY
JULIE M. ABRAMS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1992
UNIVERSITY GF FLORIDA LIBRARIES


86
involved in the study were (1) type of presentation
(information only vs. information plus modeling and positive
verbal reinforcement vs. two videotapes unrelated to rape
and interpersonal violence) and (2) gender of presenter.
The dependent variables were (1) acceptance of rape myths
(as measured by the RMAS), (2) acceptance of interpersonal
violence (as measured by the AIV scale), and (3) self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction
(as measured by the LF items).
A model of the experimental design including the
distribution of subjects across groups is as follows:
Intervention I
Condition A
(male presenter)
Group 1
(n = 35)
Condition B
(female presenter)
Group 2
(n = 31)
Intervention II
Condition A
(male presenter)
Group 3
(n = 29)
Condition B
(female presenter)
Group 4
(n = 33)
Intervention Control
Condition A
(male presenter)
Group 5
(n = 30)
Condition B
(female presenter)
Group 6
(n = 31)
Each of the six
groups was comprised
[ of 4 subgroups ranging
in size from 3 to 14 subjects.
A summary of the assessment battery administration
schedule is as follows:
Prescreening Demographic Form SES
Pretest
RMAS
AIV
LF
M-C (20)


114
The possibility that subjects may have selected
socially desirable responses after having correctly guessed
the purpose of the study was only minimally supported by the
results from this study, thus a need to please the
experimenter (a socially desirable response) was not
considered to be a major factor in the overall change in
RMAS scores over time. The finding that social desirability
does not seem to be highly associated with responses on the
dependent measures suggests that subjects were fairly honest
in their answers to the survey items. This result suggests
that subjects' responses could be considered as fairly
accurate reflections of their true beliefs and behavioral
inclinations.
The association between gender of presenter and
subjects' perceived similarity to the presenter supports the
social learning theory assumption that persons tend to
perceive themselves to be more similar to a model of the
same gender than to a model of the opposite gender. This
finding lends validity to the inclusion of gender of
presenter as an independent variable in the present
experimental design. The finding also supports the
inclusion of the independent variable, perceived similarity
to the presenter, in further research that investigates the
effects of interventions on rape proclivity and acceptance
of rape-supportive attitudes.


This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the Department of Psychology in the College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the reguirements for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1992
Dean, Graduate School


54
limited by biological and structural factors (e.g., physical
strength and genetic factors that influence speed of
learning) (Bandura, 1973). The effects of biology, however,
are relatively less among humans than among other animals
primarily because of our cognitive capacities. For example,
stimulation of the hypothalamus (a part of the brain that
helps mediate aggression) is controlled by the central
processing of environmental stimuli. How we perceive an
event determines whether or not activity in the hypothalamus
occurs. Humans also have the capacity to design and build
weapons of aggression which further decreases our dependence
on biological structure (Bandura, 1979).
Instigators of aggression
According to Bandura, there are two basic types of
instigators of aggressive behavior: those that are
biologically based and those that are cognitively based.
Biologically based motivators include tissue defects and
pain felt as a result of aversive experience. Cognitively
based motivators include mental representations of future
conseguences and self-generated inducements affected by
personal goal-setting and individual performance standards
(Bandura, 1979). Cognitively based motivators are
considered to account for more aggression than biologically
based motivators.
One type of biologically based instigator of aggression
is aversive experience. This includes pain, deprivation,


92
interaction on RMAS scores. The interaction between
presenter and semester suggests that the data were affected
by the semester during which the data were collected, thus
semester remained in the model for further data analysis.
Univariate tests for within subjects effects showed a
significant overall time effect for RMAS scores, F(2, 322) =
20.71, p < .0001, but no significant differences in scores
over time due to presenter by semester interaction. Thus,
changes in RMAS scores over time did not affect the nature
of the presenter by semester interaction. These results
suggest that changes in RMAS responses across time were due
to factors not tested in the present model.
Results from the repeated measures ancova with
acceptance of interpersonal violence (AIV) as the dependent
variable revealed no significant differences between groups.
There was no overall effect for presenter, intervention
type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction on the AIV
scores.
Similarly, results from the repeated measures ancova
with likelihood of using verbal coercion (LF1) as the
dependent variable also revealed no significant differences
between groups. There was no overall effect for presenter,
intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction
on this LF item.
In addition, results from the repeated measures ancova
with likelihood of using physical force (LF2) as the


60
}
colleagues (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1961) noted that children
who observed an adult model aggressive behavior towards an
Bobo doll and who were then intentionally frustrated by an
experimenter, were more likely to behave aggressively than
were similarly frustrated children who did not observe an
adult behave aggressively. Moreover, those children who
watched an aggressive adult often imitated the very same
actions and words used by the adult. Bandura's experiments
support the hypothesis that the observation of aggressive
behavior not only lowers inhibitions, but also teaches
specific strategies for behaving aggressively (Bandura et
al., 1961).
Interestingly, male subjects who were exposed to a
nonaggressive male model in this experiment exhibited
significantly less physical and verbal aggression than did
males who were not exposed to any model (control group
males). Furthermore, subjects who watched a nonaggressive
model engaged in significantly more nonaggressive play with
dolls than did subjects who either observed an aggressive
model or did not observe any model at all (Bandura et al.,
1961). One clear implication of these results for
interventions aimed at reducing male violence and aggression
is to provide nonaggressive or nonviolent male models for
potentially aggressive males.
Bandura et al. (1961) also noted sex differences in the
learning of aggressive behavior. They found that an


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
EFFECTS OF A DATE RAPE INTERVENTION ON
RAPE PROCLIVITY AND ACCEPTANCE OF RAPE-SUPPORTIVE
ATTITUDES AMONG MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS:
A SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACH
By
Julie M. Abrams
May 1992
Chairperson: Carolyn M. Tucker
Major Department: Psychology
The effects of four workshop/presentation
interventions on male college students' acceptance of date
rape myths, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction
were investigated. Specifically, the study was designed to
test the effects of social learning theory-based
interventions on rape-supportive attitudes.
Using a 2 X 3 repeated measures factorial design, 189
male college students were exposed to Intervention I
(information about rape myths, rape trauma syndrome, and
strategies for reducing the likelihood of rape);
Intervention II (information in Intervention I, videotaped
modeling of assertive interpersonal dating behaviors, and
positive reinforcement of anti-rape behaviors and statements
vii


63
pornography. Recent studies of the reinforcing properties
of all-male groups on male aggression against women lend
further support to a social learning analysis of sexual
violence. Below is a discussion of this research.
Effects of Modeling
There is increasing evidence to suggest that sexual
violence against women is symbolically modeled through
violent pornography. Malamuth, Donnerstein, and colleagues
have conducted a series of studies which, taken together,
support the conclusion that exposure to violent pornography
promotes greater acceptance of sexual violence toward women
and is associated with increased aggression toward women in
natural and laboratory settings.
In a study comparing the effects of exposure to
aggressive-erotic, erotic, and neutral films on aggressive
behavior in a laboratory setting, Donnerstein (1980) found
that the men who watched an aggressive-erotic film (rape
film) later displayed the most intense aggression, but only
towards female confederates. Apparently, the aggressive-
erotic film not only modeled aggressive behavior, but
provided information about the gender of "appropriate"
victims as well. No differences in aggression levels were
obtained between nonangered subjects who watched the erotic
and neutral films. These findings are consistent with those
of the President's Commission on Obscenity and Pornography


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Rape is the most common yet most underreported violent
crime in the United States, according to estimates presented
by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI, 1981). It is
estimated that one rape occurs approximately every six
minutes (FBI, 1986) and that for every rape that is
reported, there are ten that remain unreported (Russell,
1984). It is further estimated that one in three women will
be raped during her lifetime (FBI, 1986) and in the majority
of these cases, the victim will know her assailant (Koss,
1985) .
Most unreported rapes are committed by acquaintances
(Koss, 1985) and many of these occur on dates (Rapaport &
Burkhart, 1984). In one study, 27.5% of college women
surveyed reported having experienced acts that met legal
definitions of rape or attempted rape (Koss, Gidycz, &
Wisniewski, 1987). In another study, 15% of college men
sampled admitted to having forced a date to have sexual
intercourse (Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984). About 35% of
college males admit to at least some possibility of raping a
woman in the future if they could be assured anonymity
(Malamuth, 1981).
1


APPENDIX H
DEBRIEFING FORM
Thank you for your participation in this experiment.
Your responses to the questionnaires will be kept
confidential through the use of your self-generated code
number. Furthermore, your answers will be kept in a locked
file drawer to which only the Principal Investigator and two
research assistants will have access.
The purpose of this study was to compare the effects of
four different workshop/presentations on male college
students' dating and interpersonal relationship attitudes.
More specifically, the study was designed to assess the
effects of the workshops on male college students' (a)
acceptance of beliefs about date rape, (b) acceptance of
interpersonal violence, and (c) self-reported likelihood of
engaging in coercive behavior in a dating situation. The
study was designed to test the application of social
learning theory to the prevention of date rape.
You attended one of six types of workshop/
presentations involved in the study. Two of the workshops
involved a presentation of information on date rape. Two
other workshops included the same information presented in
the first two workshops plus a videotaped dating scenario.
137


93
dependent variable revealed no significant differences
between groups. There was no overall effect for presenter,
intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction
for this LF item. The results of the four repeated measures
ancovas, thus, failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.
In order to assess the validity of the RMAS and AIV
scale with the present sample, Pearson correlation
coefficients between RMAS items and between AIV scale items
at baseline were computed. Interitem correlations for the
RMAS were rather low (with most scores falling between .21,
2 < .05, and .36, p < .0001) indicating rather low internal
consistency and guestionable construct validity for the RMAS
with the present sample of university male students. No
observable clusters of items were noted, except for
responses to the last five items which assessed credibility
of victims' allegations. Responses to the last five items
assessing credibility of rape allegations made by an "Indian
woman," a "neighborhood woman," a "young boy," a "black
woman," and a "white woman" were more highly
intercorrelated, with correlation coefficients ranging from
.41, p < .0001, to .89, e < .0001.
Pearson correlation coefficients between AIV scale
items at baseline were moderate with significant
correlations ranging from .32 (e < .0001) to .52 (E <
.0001). AIV scale items 2, 3, and 5 (items pertaining to
sexual aggression) were all significantly correlated with


100
Table 4-4
Frequency and Percentage of "Yes11 Responses to Sexual
Experiences Survey Items (N = 186)
Item
n
%
Norm %
1
Forced sex play via verbal
arguments and pressure
26
13.98
19
2
Forced sex play via position
of authority
0
0.00
1
3
Forced sex play via threat
of physical force
1
0.54
2
4
Attempted rape via threat or
use of physical force
0
0.00
2
5
Attempted rape via
administering drugs or alcohol
9
4.84
5
6
Coerced sexual intercourse
via verbal arguments and
pressure
21
11.29
10
7
Coerced sexual intercourse
via position of authority
0
0.00
1
8
Rape via administering drugs
or alcohol
7
3.76
4
9
Rape via threat or use of
physical force
0
0.00
1
10
Forced sex acts via threat
or use of physical force
0
0.00
1
Note
!. Norm percentages are from "The
Scope
of Rape:
Incidence and Prevalence of Sexual Aggression and
Victimization in a National Sample of Higher Education
Students" by M.P. Koss, C.A. Gidycz, and N. Wisniewski,
1987, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 55, p.
167. Copyright 1987 by the American Psychological
Association. Reprinted by permission.


83
(women) and "Know your rights" (women). The information in
Interventions I and II was presented in a manner that
allowed subjects the opportunity to make comments or ask
questions throughout the presentation.
The videotape shown during Intervention II included a
male and a female modeling assertive interpersonal behavior
in a dating situation. The modelled behavior included an
honest expression of feelings regarding a potential sexual
interaction with the date, assertive limit-setting, and a
show of respect for each other's feelings and desires.
Examples of the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement
for this behavior were statements such as, "In this video,
the male seemed very relaxed, confident, honest, and
respecting" and "You know, what I really like about this way
of doing it is that it relieves the male of the
responsibility of guessing what his date really wants."
The Intervention Control group with the male presenter/
facilitator was shown two half-hour videotaped presentations
by a male on topics unrelated to date rape and interpersonal
violence. Similarly, the Intervention Control group with
the female presenter/facilitator was shown two half-hour
videotaped presentations by a female also on topics
unrelated to the dependent measures.
Control group subjects were invited to attend a date
rape workshop/presentation conducted by the principal
investigator after the study was completed. Participation


120
could provide an additional means for modeling cooperation,
respect, and mutual sharing of power and authority. Also
worthy of further research are the effects of (a) rape
prevention information presented to incoming college
freshmen, (b) an elective college-level course on sexual
violence, and (c) continuing efforts to change the
environment which supports rape, including punishment for
those who are sexually violent and exploitive.
Further research is needed to explore the effects of
the interaction between perceived similarity to the
presenter and gender of presenter on rape-supportive
beliefs. Such research may have implications for choice of
presenters/instructors for future workshop/presentations
and/or undergraduate courses on sexual violence.
Conclusion
In summary, this research represents a first in testing
the adequacy of social learning theory as a framework for
developing rape prevention programs. Results raise
questions about the validity of using the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale with a college male population. Given the
questionable validity of the measures used, an adequate test
of the social learning theory-based interventions did not
occur. Future research on interventions to reduce rape-
supportive beliefs and rape proclivity is needed that uses


56
In addition to modeling cues and aversive experience,
aggression can be influenced by instruction. Because people
learn to obey orders (through rewarding compliance and
punishing disobedience) aggression on command is possible.
In fact, some of the most horrific acts in human history
occurred due to obedience to authority. Obedient aggression
declines when the harmful conseguences of aggression become
more salient and personalized (Bandura, 1979).
A less common antecedent cue for aggression is
delusional thought. Examples of delusional types of
instigators include divine inner voices, paranoid beliefs,
and grandiose convictions about one's heroic duty to
eliminate evil (Bandura, 1973, 1979). These types of
instigators occur much less frequently than modeled cues and
are basically limited to persons with psychotic thinking.
Finally, aggressive behavior can be motivated by self-
generated inducements influenced by personal goals and
performance standards. The anticipation of self-rewards
based on successful goal attainment can serve as a pull for
aggression (if aggressive behavior is considered an
acceptable means of accomplishing one's goals). Likewise,
self-praise may be an effective inducement if aggressive
behavior is a valued part of one's role or identity.
Regulators of aggression
Bandura identifies three types of behavioral
consequences that serve to regulate behavior: external


EFFECTS OF A DATE RAPE INTERVENTION ON
RAPE PROCLIVITY AND ACCEPTANCE OF RAPE-SUPPORTIVE
ATTITUDES AMONG MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS:
A SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACH
BY
JULIE M. ABRAMS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1992
UNIVERSITY GF FLORIDA LIBRARIES

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Carolyn M.
Tucker, Dr. Phyllis Meek, Dr. Greg Neimeyer, Dr. Barbara
Probert, and Dr. Robert Ziller, for their scholarly advice
and guidance. Special thanks are extended to Dr. Tucker
who, as chairperson, mentor, colleague, and friend, has been
an admired and respected role model and a source of
inspiration and support. Without her scholarly abilities
and dedication, this dissertation would not have been
possible.
Acknowledgments are due to several professionals and
students at the University of Florida (UF) and elsewhere.
Russ Sabella is immensely appreciated for conducting several
of the workshops in the study, thus making data collection
possible. Dr. John Dixon is gratefully acknowledged for his
statistical consultation.
Dr. Andrea Parrot and Ms. Janet Salmons-Rue of Cornell
University are respectfully acknowledged for their
permission to use materials associated with their campus
rape prevention program, "Stop Date Rape," as models for
developing portions of the workshop interventions. Bill
Abrams is warmly appreciated for his time and talent in the
videotape production of "Date Rape Prevention: A
ii

Demonstration," which was used in some of the workshop
presentations. Peggy Moore and Tom Britt are thanked for
their performances in this videotape.
The University of Florida's Sexual Assault Recovery
Service is acknowledged for sharing materials on date rape
prevention. Marc Spector and Kristin Smith are thanked for
their assistance during the planning phases of the project.
I wish to extend special thanks to all of my family and
friends whose patience, support, and encouragement made this
dissertation possible. My mother and father, Patricia and
Robert Abrams, are thanked for their years of encouragement,
guidance, hard work, and sacrifice to create the
opportunities for me to learn. Warm thanks are also
extended to all of my friends, whose support and friendship
have given me the inspiration, confidence, and balance
necessary to complete this endeavor.
iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES vi
ABSTRACT vii
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION 1
Limitations of Previous Research 3
Rationale for the Study 4
Research Questions 6
2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE 8
Rape 8
Definition of Rape 8
Incidence and Prevalence of Rape 11
Consequences of Rape 19
Rape Myths 25
Sex-Role Socialization and Cultural Norms
Regarding Violence 30
Rape Prevention Research and Practice 34
Social Learning Theory and Human Aggression ... 48
Principles of Social Learning Theory 49
Social Learning Theory and Aggression
Research 59
Social Learning Theory and Rape 62
Effects of Modeling 63
Effects of Reinforcement 66
Implications for Date Rape Prevention
Programming 68
3 METHOD 71
Subjects 71
Instruments 72
Procedure 78
Research Design 85
Hypotheses 87
iv

4 RESULTS 89
Preliminary Analyses 89
Tests of the Hypotheses 90
Post Hoc Analyses 104
5 DISCUSSION 109
Summary of Results 109
Interpretation of the Results 112
Limitations of the Study 117
Suggestions for Further Research 118
Conclusion 120
APPENDICES
A DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM 122
B SEXUAL EXPERIENCES SURVEY 124
C RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE SCALE 12 6
D ACCEPTANCE OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE SCALE .... 129
E MARLOWE-CROWNE SOCIAL DESIRABILITY SCALE (20) . 130
F INFORMATION TEST 13 2
G INFORMED CONSENT FORM 134
H DEBRIEFING FORM 137
REFERENCES 139
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 148
v

LIST OF TABLES
Table
4-1
4-2
4-3
4-4
4-5
Item Means for the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale
at Baseline, Immediate Posttest, and Delayed
Posttest
Item Means for the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale at Baseline, Immediate
Posttest, and Delayed Posttest
Pearson Correlation Coefficients Among the
Dependent Measures at Baseline
Frequency and Percentage of "Yes" Responses to
Sexual Experiences Survey Items (N = 186) .
Pearson Correlation Coefficients Between
Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale
(20) Scores and the Dependent Measures . .
page
95
97
99
100
102
vi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
EFFECTS OF A DATE RAPE INTERVENTION ON
RAPE PROCLIVITY AND ACCEPTANCE OF RAPE-SUPPORTIVE
ATTITUDES AMONG MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS:
A SOCIAL LEARNING APPROACH
By
Julie M. Abrams
May 1992
Chairperson: Carolyn M. Tucker
Major Department: Psychology
The effects of four workshop/presentation
interventions on male college students' acceptance of date
rape myths, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction
were investigated. Specifically, the study was designed to
test the effects of social learning theory-based
interventions on rape-supportive attitudes.
Using a 2 X 3 repeated measures factorial design, 189
male college students were exposed to Intervention I
(information about rape myths, rape trauma syndrome, and
strategies for reducing the likelihood of rape);
Intervention II (information in Intervention I, videotaped
modeling of assertive interpersonal dating behaviors, and
positive reinforcement of anti-rape behaviors and statements
vii

made in the videotape and by subjects); or a Control
Condition (two videotapes that were unrelated to rape).
Half of the subjects in each of the three conditions were
exposed to a male presenter; half were exposed to a female
presenter.
Results revealed less disparity in rape myth acceptance
scores between the two presenter conditions during the
second semester of data collection than during the first
semester. No such differences were obtained with regard to
acceptance of violence or likelihood of using physical force
or verbal coercion. In addition, there were no overall
effects for intervention type, presenter, semester, or any
other 2- or 3-way interaction for any of the dependent
variables tested.
A moderate correlation was found between the dependent
measures. Interitem correlations for the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale were low to moderate, suggesting that these
measures have low internal consistency and questionable
construct validity for the sample tested.
Further research is needed on methods of rape attitude
assessment with college populations. Descriptive data on
the present sample of college males indicate a continuing
need for research to assess and reduce rape proclivity and
rape-supportive attitudes.
viii

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Rape is the most common yet most underreported violent
crime in the United States, according to estimates presented
by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI, 1981). It is
estimated that one rape occurs approximately every six
minutes (FBI, 1986) and that for every rape that is
reported, there are ten that remain unreported (Russell,
1984). It is further estimated that one in three women will
be raped during her lifetime (FBI, 1986) and in the majority
of these cases, the victim will know her assailant (Koss,
1985) .
Most unreported rapes are committed by acquaintances
(Koss, 1985) and many of these occur on dates (Rapaport &
Burkhart, 1984). In one study, 27.5% of college women
surveyed reported having experienced acts that met legal
definitions of rape or attempted rape (Koss, Gidycz, &
Wisniewski, 1987). In another study, 15% of college men
sampled admitted to having forced a date to have sexual
intercourse (Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984). About 35% of
college males admit to at least some possibility of raping a
woman in the future if they could be assured anonymity
(Malamuth, 1981).
1

2
University students are a high risk group for rape
because they are similar in age to the majority of rape
victims and offenders. Most rape victims are in their late
teens or early twenties and almost half of all alleged
rapists who are arrested are under age 25 (FBI, 1986).
This, coupled with an increase in autonomy, availability of
alcohol and drugs, and vulnerability due to uncertain
surroundings and peer pressure, increases the likelihood of
date/acquaintance rape on college campuses and makes this
issue a serious concern nationwide.
Rape has a tremendous impact on victims and significant
others. Victims often endure severe emotional,
psychological, and physical trauma that can last over a
period of months, years, and even a lifetime. Such effects
have been referred to as rape trauma syndrome (Burgess &
Holmstrum, 1974) and encompass changes in one's sense of
self, relationships with others (including sexual
relationships), and physical functioning. Family, friends,
and significant others are often affected by rape as well.
Many may feel shocked, angry, guilty, helpless, and
frustrated (Orzek, 1983). Some may question the integrity
of the victims, blaming them for their predicament or
doubting their honesty. Fueled by a host of culturally
entrenched stereotyped, prejudicial, and false beliefs about
rape, many significant others become victims themselves. It
I

3
is estimated that over half of all intimate partnerships
dissolve after a rape has occurred (Crenshaw, 1978).
Many cultural myths about rape, rape victims, and
rapists exist in support of rape. Feminist theory contends
that these myths are reflective of the patriarchal,
competitive, sex-role stereotyped society in which we live
(Brownmiller, 1975; Herman, 1984). Such myths serve to
create an unsafe environment for the rape victim (Burt,
1980) and relieve the offender of responsibility for the
crime.
Limitations of Previous Research
In recent years, the literature on rape has
proliferated and has addressed such topics as incidence
rates (Koss et al., 1987; Russell, 1982), attitudinal
correlates (Burt, 1980; Feild, 1978; Rapaport & Burkhart,
1984), counseling/recovery issues (Burgess & Holmstrum,
1974; Halpern, Hicks, & Crenshaw, 1978; Katz, 1984), and
prevention efforts (Borden, Karr, & Caldwell-Colbert, 1988;
Parrot, 1985). The literature regarding prevention efforts,
however, has been primarily descriptive in nature (Roark,
1987; Sandberg, Jackson, & Petretic-Jackson, 1987) and has
mainly focused on strategies women can employ to reduce the
likelihood of rape (Gray, Lesser, Quinn, & Bounds, 1990;
Kidder, Boell, & Moyer, 1983; Krulewitz & Kahn, 1983;
Krulewitz & Nash, 1979; Levine-MacCombie & Koss, 1986).

There has been relatively little research that has
empirically investigated the effectiveness of date rape
prevention activities, particularly efforts focusing on
males (e.g., Lee, 1987). In addition, many of the studies
that have been conducted have methodological limitations
such as the use of informal evaluations to measure outcomes
(Pace & Zaugra, 1988) and the omission of a treatment
control group (Gilbert, Heesacker, & Gannon, 1991). Only
one study was found which used a theoretical framework to
guide the rape intervention research (Gilbert et al., 1991).
Rationale for the Study
The current research was proposed for three reasons:
(1) to investigate empirically the effectiveness of a date
rape intervention, (2) to perform this investigation within
the framework of a social psychological theory of human
aggression, and (3) to target the prevention effort to males
(because males represent the majority of rape offenders).
The study was designed to extend beyond the use of informal
evaluations to document the success of the intervention/
presentations. It proposed to assess the effects of a date
rape intervention using existing measures that have been
found to be valid and reliable.
Because rape is an act of violence and power, and not
an act of lust (Brownmiller, 1975), it is helpful to
consider the various social psychological theories of human

5
aggression in understanding the problem of rape. A review
of the social psychological literature on human aggression
reveals that the theoretical model that has received the
most consistent empirical support to date is social learning
theory as proposed by Albert Bandura (Bandura, 1973, 1977).
Briefly, social learning theory postulates that
aggression is primarily learned first by observing others
behaving aggressively and second by witnessing the
consequences of such aggression. Aggressive behavior may
also be shaped and maintained through positive reinforcement
from external or internal sources. Theoretically, people
can act to increase or decrease their aggressive behavior by
changing the environmental conditions that may induce
aggression, altering cognitions which support aggression,
and providing positive or negative reinforcement for such
behavior (Bandura, 1973, 1977).
While several theorists and researchers have used
social learning theory principles to guide their thinking
and research regarding the causes and correlates of rape
(Boeringer, Shehan, & Akers, 1991; Donnerstein, 1980;
Malamuth & Check, 1981), no empirical research was found
that overtly applied social learning theory to the
understanding of the rape prevention. The purpose of the
proposed research, therefore, was to use social learning
theory to investigate the effectiveness of two date rape
prevention interventions (each conducted under two different

6
conditions) in reducing male college students' (a) self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction,
(b) acceptance of date rape myths, and (c) acceptance of
interpersonal violence.
Research Questions
My guestions for research were:
(1) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that include
information on rape myths, rape trauma, and strategies
for reducing the likelihood of rape effective in
reducing male college students' acceptance of rape
myths, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual
interaction?
(2) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that include
the modeling and reinforcement of assertive
interpersonal behavior in addition to information on
rape myths, rape trauma, and strategies for reducing
the likelihood of rape more effective in reducing male
students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance of
interpersonal violence, and self-reported likelihood of
using force in a sexual interaction than are workshop/
presentations that do not include such modeling and
reinforcement?
(3) Are rape prevention workshop/presentations that are
conducted by a male more effective in reducing male

7
college students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance
of interpersonal violence, and self-reported likelihood
of using force in a sexual interaction than the same
workshop/presentations conducted by a female?

CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Rape
An overview of the problem of rape in the United States
is presented in this review. The magnitude and extent of
rape, the consequences of rape, cultural norms and values
that exist in support of rape, and current rape prevention
strategies will be discussed. A social psychological
analysis of sexual assault will be given in terms of Albert
Bandura's social learning theory. Specific attention will
be paid to the effects of modeling, reinforcement, and
implications for date rape prevention outreach.
Definition of Rape
The definition of rape varies greatly by jurisdiction.
The Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Program of the Federal Bureau
of Investigation (FBI) defines rape as "carnal knowledge of
a female forcibly and against her consent" (FBI, 1986).
This definition, thus, limits rape to assaults against
females that involve the penetration of the vagina by a
penis. Its requirement of force excludes some instances of
child sexual abuse. The FBI's Uniform Crime Report Program
provides widely cited national statistics regarding the
8

9
incidence and prevalence of rape. However, its rather
narrow definition of rape may contribute to the
underestimation of the magnitude and extent of the problem.
In reporting crime to the FBI, some state law enforcement
officers believe that the UCR definition forces them to
underreport incidences of rape (Martin, DiNitto, Norton, &
Maxwell, 1984).
In contrast to the FBI, several states have more
encompassing definitions of rape. Florida, for example, is
recognized as having one of the most "comprehensive" or
advanced sexual assault statutes in the country. According
to the Florida statutes, sexual battery is defined as "oral,
anal or vaginal penetration by union with a sexual organ of
another or the anal or vaginal penetration by another by any
other object" (Florida Statutes, 1983). These state
statutes, thus, include not only vaginal penetration by a
penis, but nonconsensual sodomy (anal intercourse), fellatio
(oral intercourse on a male), cunnilingus (oral intercourse
on a female), and penetration by fingers, hands, or foreign
objects (Martin et al., 1984). They include instances of
unwanted sexual contact in which there is no show of force,
assaults against males, and instances of statutory rape. On
the following pages, attempts will be made to clarify what
definition of rape is used in the referenced research.
In defining rape, it is important to note that rape is
an act of power and violence; it is not an act of passion or

10
lust (Brownmiller, 1975). Viewing rape as a sexual act in
which the victim really wants to be dominated and
overpowered contributes to the myth that victims ask to be
raped. Similarly, it alleviates assailants of the
responsibility for any wrongdoing and contributes to the
belief that women (the victims, in most cases) are
masochistic persons. Unfortunately, such beliefs also
support the continued usage of such oxymorons as "rape
fantasy."
Much of the early research on rape assumed a
typological approach to the conceptualization of rape. That
is, a person was seen as either a rapist or a nonrapist, a
victim or a nonvictim. Evidence now exists to support a
dimensional view of rape. A dimensional view of rape still
regards rape as an extreme behavior, but places rape on a
continuum with normal male behavior (Koss & Oros, 1982).
The continuum of sexually aggressive behavior is considered
to include verbal coercion, threat of force, and actual use
of physical force to obtain sexual intercourse. These
behaviors, however, are not seen as a series of escalating
events where one behavior necessarily leads to another (Koss
& Gidycz, 1985).
Different terms have been coined to refer to specific
types of rape. Acguaintance rape refers to rape that occurs
between persons who know one another. Date rape is a form
of acguaintance rape in which the assailant and the victim

11
have an agreement for a social engagement. Gang rape refers
to rape committed by two or more persons (C.P. Walsh,
personal communication, October 12, 1990). This review will
first address the general issue of rape, but will focus
specific attention on the problem of date and acquaintance
rape on college campuses. Because women do indeed represent
virtually all of reported rape victims (Law Enforcement
Assistance Administration [LEAA], 1975), this manuscript
will focus on male offenders and female victims of sexual
violence.
Incidence and Prevalence of Rape
Rape is the most frequent yet underreported violent
crime in the United States (FBI, 1981) According to the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, 87,340 rapes occurred in
1985 with one rape occurring approximately every 6 minutes
(FBI, 1986). While these figures may seem shocking, they
are considered to be underestimates of the full scope of
rape for two reasons: (1) they include only those crimes
that fit the FBI's narrow definition of rape, and (2) they
are based only on those rapes that are reported to the
police (Koss et al., 1987). It is thought that for every
rape that is reported, 3-10 rapes are committed but are
unreported (LEAA, 1975; Russell, 1984). Estimates of the
actual frequency of rape are made more difficult by the fact
that only a small proportion of reported rapes actually

12
result in convictions (Koss et al., 1987; Martin et al.,
1984) .
One of the main sources of crime estimates including
rape is the Bureau of Justice's National Crime Survey (NCS).
Although frequently cited, the NCS has been criticized on
conceptual and methodological grounds. For example, some of
the NCS questions are considered to be vague and require the
respondent to infer what is being asked. The survey assumes
that victims of sexual assault use the term "rape" to
conceptualize their experiences. In addition, because
questions about rape are embedded in a list of questions
about violent crime in general, respondents who are rape
victims but who do not consider themselves to be victims of
crime, may be less likely to give accurate accounts of their
experiences. The survey is also criticized in that it
assumes a typological view of sexual aggression and
victimization and thus ignores the finer gradations of
sexual assault (Koss et al., 1987).
Russell (1982) investigated the prevalence and
incidence of rape and attempted rape and found that of a
sample of 930 adult women, 24% described experiences that
met the criteria for rape. Only 9.5% of these women
reported the crime to the police. In another study, about
15% of a sample of college men admitted to having sexual
intercourse against their date's consent and only 39% denied

13
any coercive sexual involvement whatsoever (Rapaport &
Burkhart, 1984).
Similar results were obtained by Miller and Marshall
(1987) in a study of 795 undergraduate and graduate
students. These researchers found that 27% of the women
sampled reported psychologically or physically forced sexual
intercourse. Interestingly, only 3% conceptualized the
experience as "rape." Additionally, 15% of the men sampled
indicated that they had coerced a woman into sex, but only
1% defined this experience as "rape." These findings
suggest that large numbers of "hidden" victims and offenders
abound.
Koss and colleagues (Koss et al., 1987) conducted the
most encompassing research study to date on the incidence
and prevalence of rape. Sampling 6,159 students from 32
institutions of higher learning and using an instrument
designed to reflect a dimensional view of rape, these
researchers asked subjects to indicate their experience with
various levels of sexual victimization or aggression. They
found that 53.7% of the women sampled revealed some form of
sexual victimization and 25.1% of the men reported some
involvement with sexual aggression. The most serious form
of sexual victimization experienced by the women was rape
for 15.4%, attempted rape for 12.1%, and sexual coercion for
11.9%. The most serious level of sexual aggression reported
by the men was rape for 4.4%, attempted rape for 3.3%, and

14
sexual coercion for 7.2%. The institutions at which females
reported the highest rape rates were major universities
(17%) and private colleges (14%). The region in which the
highest proportion of males admitted rape was the Southeast
(6%) .
Prevalence rates for sexual victimization and
aggression were also found to differ by ethnic group. Rape
was reported by 16% of White women, 10% of Black women, 12%
of Hispanic women, 7% of Asian women, and 40% of Native
American women. Among men, rape was reported by 4% of
Whites, 10% of Blacks, 7% of Hispanics, 2% of Asians, and 0%
of Native Americans (Koss et al., 1987).
Based on this national sample, incidence rates for rape
and attempted rape, i.e., the number of women per thousand
who experienced rape, were calculated to be 83 per 1,000
women for a six-month period (using state definitions of
rape) or 38 per 1,000 women (using the FBI's narrower
definitions of rape and attempted rape). Perpetration rates
for rape and attempted rape were calculated to be 34 per
1,000 men for a six-month period (using state statutes) or 9
per 1,000 men (using the FBI's definition) (Koss et al.,
1987). It is pointed out that the victimization rate using
the FBI's definition of rape is 10-15 times greater than
statistics reported by the National Crime Survey and that
the rape perpetration rate using the FBI's definition is 2-3
times greater than corresponding NCS figures. These data

15
provide some evidence to suggest that the NCS fails to
assess the full scope of rape.
The discrepancy between victimization and perpetration
rates is likely to be due, at least in part, to the fact
that some of the incidents reported by the women undoubtedly
occurred before college by males other than those surveyed.
It was suggested, however, that some of the men surveyed may
not have accurately perceived the degree of force or
coercion involved in their interactions and may have
misinterpreted a woman's nonconsent (Koss et al., 1987). If
this is so, increased attention to communication and
perceptions may be important during rape education programs.
Consistent with the findings of other researchers
(e.g., Miller & Marshall, 1987), results obtained by Koss et
al. (1987) indicate that few rapes are acknowledged by the
victim (27%). Even fewer rapes are ever reported to the
police (5%) or prompt the victim to seek victim assistance
services (5%). Many rapes are never revealed to anyone at
all (42%). Because much of the existing research on rape is
based on samples of women who are self-acknowledged rape
victims (recruited through paper ads, police reports, court
records, emergency rooms or counseling services), "hidden
victims" (those who don't acknowledge, report, or reveal
their rapes) are often omitted from study. It is
recommended that those "hidden" victims be included in
future research (Koss et al., 1987); a similar case may be

16
made for hidden offenders, i.e., those who may not recognize
their aggression and those who are not reported, tried, and
convicted.
An examination of the data on the incidence and
prevalence of rape in Florida is sobering. In 1982, Florida
had the third highest rape index in the nation (with 53.6
rapes per 100,000 persons), second only to Alaska and
Nevada. Among Florida's counties, Alachua had the seventh
highest rape index (with 64.65 rapes per 100,000 persons)
(Martin et al., 1984). Alarming as these statistics may be,
they are not necessarily negative indicators for Florida.
The high crime indices may indeed be reflective of Florida's
increasing and transient population and concomitant social
problems. However, they may also be due, in part, to the
existence of rape victim support services, which may foster
higher reporting rates.
A 10-month study of the problem of rape in Florida
involving personal interviews with over 200 people from rape
crisis centers, law enforcement agencies, hospitals, mental
health agencies, citizen action groups, and the state
attorney's office, yielded a profile of rape in Florida
similar to that of the nation. Most rapes were found to
occur among acquaintances and between persons of the same
race. The vast majority of victims were female (93-95%) and
white (about 64%) and almost all offenders were male (Martin
et al., 1984). Further, the vast majority of reported rapes

17
are assaults committed by one offender, although there were
occasional reports of gang rape (Martin et al., 1984).
Although the rape assessment conducted in Florida
looked at rape among the general population, the majority of
rape research, including many of the national incidence and
prevalence studies, targets college students as subjects.
Rape research on college students is important for several
reasons. First, college students are particularly at risk
for rape because of their age. The most common age for rape
victims is between 16 and 19. The second highest rate
occurs among persons between the ages of 20 and 24 (Bureau
of Justice Statistics, 1984). Additionally, almost half of
all alleged rapists who are arrested are under age 25 (FBI,
1986).
Second, college students of traditional age are
especially vulnerable to victimization in general.
Typically, these students are in an unfamiliar setting, for
the first time without old support systems and parental
supervision. Their identities are generally not yet
established, their sexuality may not yet be fully explored,
and they may have illusions of invincibility. Their cohorts
may be experimenting with new freedoms and exertirig^pSer
pressure to conform to the group (Roark, 1987) .
Third, the environment in which college students live
may also contribute to increased risk of rape. One aspect
of the university environment that is often associated with

18
increased risk of date/acquaintance rape is the widespread
use of alcohol among college students. Research shows that
about 50% of women who are victims of rape and about 65% of
their assailants were drinking before the rape occurred
(Johnson, Gibson, & Linden, 1978). Alcohol use can impair
judgment and decrease assertiveness. Its purposeful use to
increase a potential victim's vulnerability is illegal under
certain circumstances in Florida. Under Florida law, it is
illegal to have sexual intercourse with a person who,
without their consent or prior knowledge, has been given
intoxicants which mentally or physically incapacitate them,
thus disabling them from giving consent. It is also illegal
to have sexual intercourse with a person who is physically
helpless, i.e., unconscious, asleep, or for any other reason
unable to communicate unwillingness to the act (Florida
Statutes, 1983).
Another aspect of university life which is said to play
a role in some rapes is the existence of closely knit, all
male groups such as fraternities. Fraternities, in general,
have been characterized as having a narrow, stereotypic idea
of masculinity and heterosexuality, an emphasis on group
loyalty, competition, and supremacy, and an acceptance of
the use of alcohol as a means to gain sexual access (Martin
& Hummer, 1989). Indeed, one study showed that a
disproportionate number of alleged campus rape offenders
were members of fraternities (O'Shaughnessey & Palmer,

19
1990). In addition, the majority of reported gang rapes on
campus are said to involve fraternity members (Roark, 1987).
Fraternity members are also reported to be more likely than
"independents" to use verbal coercion, drugs, and alcohol in
order to obtain sexual intercourse (Boeringer, Shehan, &
Akers, 1991).
Some evidence exists to support the idea that men and
women enter college with different ideas regarding sexual
relationships. Giarrusso, Johnson, Goodchilds, and Zellman
(1979) found that of a sample of 432 teenagers between the
ages of 14 and 18, 76% of the boys and 56% of the girls said
there were certain circumstances under which it was
acceptable for a male to use force to obtain sexual
intercourse. Such circumstances included when a girl gets a
boy sexually aroused, and when a girl says she plans to have
sex with a boy and then changes her mind. In a similar
study of 272 female and 268 male college students,
Muehlenhard (1988) found that both men and women believed
that date rape was more "justified" when the woman initiated
the date, when they went to the man's apartment and when the
man paid the expenses. The degree of justification was
greater for men compared to women under these conditions.
Consequences of Rape
Rape has far-reaching consequences for the victim,
significant others, and society. It often has severe

20
emotional, social, cognitive, and behavioral effects that
may last for years and even a lifetime. Below is an
overview of the literature on the impact of rape, including
some discussion of the effects of rape on significant others
and society at large.
Rape trauma syndrome, as identified by Burgess and
Holmstrum (1974), has been the cornerstone of our current
understanding of the impact of rape on victims and
survivors. This syndrome has two basic stages: 1) an
immediate or acute phase, involving a disruption of life
style and 2) a long-term phase involving a reorganization of
the self and a resolution of personal feelings about the
rape. Recovery from the physical and emotional trauma of
rape is thought to proceed through these stages.
The acute phase may last for a few days or a few weeks.
During this crisis stage, the rape victim commonly
experiences a wide range of emotions, including shock,
disbelief, fear, anxiety, tension, hurt, alienation,
powerlessness, defenselessness, distrust, depression,
vulnerability, guilt, shame, embarrassment, confusion,
anger, and loss of control (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974;
Doweiko, 1981; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983; Guest, 1977).
Some rape victims are visibly expressive of their feelings;
others appear calm and controlled. Mood swings are common.
Physical reactions during the acute phase are typical.
Some rape victims report feeling a general bodily soreness.

21
Others report having physical symptoms that are specific to
the parts of the body that were violated. These may be
expressed as an irritation of the mouth and throat, vaginal
discharges and/or itching, a burning sensation upon
urination, and rectal pain or bleeding. Many rape victims
experience disrupted sleep patterns (insomnia, night terror)
and disrupted eating patterns (abdominal pain, loss of
appetite, nausea) (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Grossman &
Sutherland, 1983).
The long-term phase may last for months or even years.
During this stage, rape victims deal with the impact the
rape has had on their lives. Many make changes in their
style of living. Some move, change or get an unlisted phone
number, visit relatives, or remain home much of the time.
Often victims have difficulty concentrating and report
having nightmares. In their dreams, they may either feel
like victims of violence or they may feel like victimizing
others. They also have to deal with any phobias they may
have developed as a result of the rape. These phobias may
include a fear of sex, crowds, being alone, or being near
those who have similar characteristics as the assailant
(Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983).
Physical symptoms during the long-term reorganization
period may include chronic gynecologic problems, changes in
the menstrual cycle, gastrointestinal problems, and
conversion reactions. Emotionally, rape survivors may

22
experience continued sleeplessness, loss of appetite,
anxiety, depression, mood swings, lowered self-esteem,
difficulty trusting men, fear of sex, and reluctance to
engage in sexual relations (Rosenburg, 1986).
In addition to the two-phase model offered by Burgess
and Holmstrum (1974), other theorists have postulated a
triphasic response to rape (Doweiko, 1981; Katz, 1984).
Doweiko (1981) states that a middle phase exists between the
initial crisis and subsequent resolution phases which he
terms "outward adjustment." This phase is characterized by
denial, suppression, and rationalization and may last for
several weeks or months until the victim acknowledges and
accepts the rape and begins to work toward resolution. Katz
(1984) describes the middle phase as part of the post-crisis
adjustment. During this phase before long-term
reorganization, the rape victim may continue to experience
many emotional and physical symptoms, including feeling
disoriented and out of control and having nightmares.
Recovery from rape has also been conceptualized in
terms of the many losses associated with sexual assault:
loss of self-identity, security, friendships, status within
the community, sexual identification (Whiston, 1981), self-
respect, power, control, and possibly virginity, as well as
a threat of loss of life (Freiberg & Bridwell, 1976).
According to this loss model, survivors of rape may
experience many feelings commonly associated with the grief

23
process, including denial, depression, and anger (Freiberg &
Bridwell, 1976). Feelings of loss associated with
independence, privacy, and self-esteem may be aggravated
when others make decisions for the victim following a rape.
The degree of emotional trauma experienced as a result
of rape may vary according to the nature of the crime. It
is argued that rape by an acquaintance, friend, or relative
is much more psychologically harmful than rape committed by
a stranger (Koss, Leonard, Beezley, & Oros, 1985). The
violation of trust in nonstranger rape cases makes the
process of maintaining current relationships and risking new
attachments and emotional intimacy much more difficult for
the survivor of nonstranger rape. Because victims of
nonstranger rape, compared to victims of stranger rape, are
less likely to report the crime committed against them
(Russell, 1984), they are more likely to endure their
suffering alone.
The impact of rape extends beyond the victim to include
family members, friends, and significant others. It is
common for loved ones to express (1) feelings of guilt,
self-blame, and a desire to overprotect, (2) feelings of
frustration, anger, and revenge, and (3) a tendency to blame
the victim for his or her predicament (viewing rape as a
sexual, rather than a violent act) (Orzek, 1983; Rodkin,
Hunt, & Cowan, 1982). Friends and loved ones may be in
crisis, may feel victimized, and may feel confused and

24
misguided by false information (myths) regarding rape
(Egidio & Robertson, 1981; Rodkin et al., 1982).
Couples are particularly at risk following a sexual
assault. Statistics show that 50-80% of raped females lose
their boyfriends or husbands within one year of the assault
(Halpern et al., 1978). Partners may have questions
regarding sexually transmitted diseases, pregnancy, and
sexual desirability. Sexual behavior may be misinterpreted
due to the different emotional stages experienced by each
partner following a rape. For example, the sexual assault
survivor may avoid sexual contact, which may, in turn, cause
the partner to feel unwanted. The partner, on the other
hand, may try to force sexual contact, which may result in
the victim feeling used and/or robbed of personal autonomy
(Orzek, 1983; Rodkin et al., 1982). Couples counseling or
sex therapy may be indicated for couples with continued
relationship difficulties following a sexual assault
(Halpern et al., 1978).
The impact of rape is visible in the demand for victim
assistance services. From counseling, law enforcement,
medical assistance, and legal affairs, rape survivors are
often in need of information, services, support, and
advocacy. They often need information regarding medical
procedures (including the physical exam and protection
against pregnancy and infection), the legal system
(including whether or not to prosecute), the impact of the

25
assault on significant others, and options for psychological
counseling (Courtois, 1979; Doweiko, 1981; Guest, 1977).
Each of these services are provided at some cost to the
public at large.
In addition to straining legal, counseling, and medical
services, rape may also present a cost to employers in terms
of poor concentration, decreased work performance, and days
absent from work. On university campuses, sexual violence
may be evidenced by a loss of concentration, impaired
academic performance, and lowered self-esteem.
Rape Mvths
Rape is a crime supported by many cultural myths.
Because these myths exist, many victims are reluctant to
file police reports and to seek professional counseling.
Rape myths create an unsafe environment for rape victims.
They often place the blame for rape on victims and relieve
assailants of responsibility for any wrongdoing.
One of the existing myths is that rape is primarily a
sexual act caused by sexual frustration or maladjustment.
Research has failed to demonstrate support for this
contention. There is, however, substantial evidence to
support the view that rape is an act of sexual aggression
(Briere & Malamuth, 1983; Burt, 1980; Malamuth, 1981). In
one study, a number of sexuality variables failed to predict
self-reported likelihood of raping or using force in a

26
sexual interaction. However, a variety of rape-supportive
beliefs (such as blaming the victim and viewing sexual
violence as arousing to women) did significantly predict
likelihood of sexual aggression (Briere & Malamuth, 1983).
In another study, men who reported a higher likelihood of
raping displayed more aggressive behavior towards women in a
laboratory setting (Malamuth, 1981).
It is a myth that most rapes are committed
spontaneously in a deserted area by a stranger. The fact is
that many rapes take place in the victim's home and most are
committed by a relative or acquaintance (Parrot, 1985).
Most rapists appear to be average American men and, while
many are married and young, rapists can be of any age, race,
or class. Rapists, thus, are generally not deranged, sex-
starved persons. Rather, they are more accurately
characterized by an acceptance of misogynous attitudes,
rape-supportive beliefs, and the use of aggression in a
sexual context. In addition, they are likely to demonstrate
low levels of responsibility and social conscience (Rapaport
& Burkhart, 1984).
In addition to the above misconceptions about rape, it
is also untrue that rape occurs only to certain types of
people. The fact is that rape victims include individuals
of any age, race, class, religion, occupation, education, or
physical characteristic (Grossman & Sutherland, 1983). Rape
victims are usually female, but can also be male (Burgess &

27
Holmstrum, 1974). The majority of rapes involves persons of
the same ethnic background (Davis, 1981; Friedman, 1979;
Grossman & Sutherland, 1983; Martin et al., 1984). The
belief that most rapes are committed by black men against
white women is untrue and is thought to be associated with
the maintainance of white male property rights and the
control of people of color (Friedman, 1979).
Finally, it is a myth that it is not really possible to
rape a nonconsenting adult. It is false that any healthy,
fully functioning woman can resist a rapist if she really
wants to. Fear of death or physical injury often causes
victims to say and do things against their will. Often
victims will exhibit little resistance just in order to
survive (Grossman & Sutherland, 1983). Because rape myths
have been internalized by men (Beneke, 1982), women (Katz,
1984), laypeople and professionals (Burt, 1980), it is
imperative that educational efforts aimed at increasing
awareness continue to be made in order to avoid further
perpetuation of this crime.
In studies investigating sex differences in beliefs
about rape, males are consistently more likely than females
to accept rape myths (Ashton, 1982; Barnett & Feild, 1977;
Feild, 1978; Sandberg et al., 1987), less likely to have
knowledge about rape trauma, less likely to perceive the
rape experience as aversive for the victim (Hamilton & Yee,
1990), and more likely to believe that rape will not occur

28
if the victim fights back (Krulewitz, 1981). Men, compared
to women, have also been found to hold less favorable
attitudes toward women (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973).
The degree of rape myth acceptance has also been found
to vary among rape crisis counselors, citizens, police
officers, and convicted rapists (Feild, 1978). Results of a
survey of 1,448 subjects revealed that (1) counselors
endorsed the fewest number of rape-supportive beliefs and
(2) citizens and police officers were more similar to
rapists than to counselors on attitudes toward rape.
Results of this study suggest that educational efforts may
be necessary in order to increase awareness among persons
who may have contact with rape victims, but who may not have
accurate information for dealing effectively with these
individuals.
Fischer (1986) investigated the predictive value of
five variables (attitudes towards women, sexual knowledge,
sexual experience, tolerance of socially unapproved sexual
behavior, and religiosity) on acceptance of forcible date
rape. Results suggested that higher acceptance of forcible
date rape is related to relatively more traditional
attitudes about women and greater sexual self
permissiveness. Also, persons who were more accepting of
forcible date rape were less sure that the interaction
really was rape, had slightly less accurate knowledge about
sexuality, and, although most did indeed blame the male

29
rapist, were more likely to blame society or the situation.
Overall sexual experience (i.e., number of partners,
frequency of masturbation, positions attempted, oral sex,
etc.) and religiosity (defined in terms of a biblical basis
for morality and frequency of church attendance) were not
found to be significant predictor variables.
In a study investigating predictors of rape myth
acceptance, Burt (1980) found that the higher one's sex role
stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of
interpersonal violence, the higher was one's acceptance of
rape myths. Variables that were found to be significant
predictors of rape myth acceptance included age and
education, with younger and better educated persons
revealing less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence
attitudes. Variables that were not found to significantly
predict rape myth acceptance included self-esteem, personal
experience of attempted or actual rape, knowledge of a rape
victim, and conservative sexual attitudes.
Burt's (1980) findings support the notion that rape
myth acceptance is widespread and strongly connected to a
host of other beliefs about men, women, and relationships.
As mentioned previously, attitudes about rape have also been
associated with self-reported likelihood of raping (Briere &
Malamuth, 1983). Expressed likelihood of raping, in turn,
has been related to aggression towards women in a laboratory
setting (Malamuth, 1981).

30
Burt (1980) suggests that rape prevention efforts
should include education about sex-role stereotypes and
promote the idea that sex is a mutual engagement that is
freely chosen by its participants. Additionally, she
recommends that rape prevention efforts challenge the
societal values which tolerate and reinforce violence in our
culture. These urgings are based on the finding that
acceptance of interpersonal violence was the strongest
predictor of rape myth acceptance among all the variables
tested (explaining 27.9% of the variance in rape myth
acceptance).
Sex-Role Socialization and Cultural Norms Regarding Violence
Feminist theory views rape as a logical extension of a
patriarchal, competitive, sex-role stereotyped society
(Burt, 1980). According to feminist theory, it is the
culture in which we live that plays the primary role in
establishing and maintaining rape by reinforcing pro-rape
attitudes and behaviors (Brownmiller, 1975; Groth, 1979;
Herman, 1984) Prevention efforts developed from this
perspective focus on raising consciousness about prescribed
gender roles that dictate male dominance over women and
define the male identity in terms of the traditional "macho"
ego.
In our society, male and female development generally
takes place along fairly rigidly defined, sex-stereotypic

31
lines. Male development emphasizes the processes of
separation and individuation, whereas female development
emphasizes the processes of attachment and connectedness.
Male identity is formed through roles, position, and
individual achievement, whereas female identity is gained
through the development of relationships and cooperative
achievements. The cognitive styles of males and females
generally differ, with males encouraged to develop basically
rational cognitive styles and females encouraged to develop
basically intuitive cognitive styles (Gilligan, 1982;
Lerner, 1988).
The traditional male role, thus, is characterized by
reason and intellect, an instrumental or task orientation,
success gained through individual achievement and dominance
over others, and demonstrations of strength and
invulnerability. The traditional female role, in contrast,
is characterized by emotional expression, a people-
orientation, recognition gained through association with
others, relationships based on nurturance, helpfulness, and
agreeableness, and demonstrations of deference and self-
effacement (Bloom, Coburn, & Pearlman, 1975).
Regarding sexual attitudes and behavior, men and women
are socialized along very different lines. Men are taught
to view sex as a performance in which an erection,
intercourse, and orgasm are essential for success. Men are
socialized to assume responsibility for initiating sexual

32
contact and to believe that a man should always be ready for
and desiring of sex. Other lessons on male sexuality
include the myths that all physical contact must lead to
sex, that men shouldn't express certain feelings, that sex
equals intercourse (Zilbergeld, 1978), and that a dating man
can expect a sexual return on his financial and social
investment (Sandberg et al., 1987).
Women, on the other hand, are taught that it is not
feminine to show an interest in or initiate sex (Heiman &
LoPiccolo, 1988) that it is best to defer to men in
relationships, that it is not proper to hurt another's
feelings, and that men will protect them from harm (Griffin,
1979; Lerner, 1988). These roles and attitudes, while
complementary, support a male-dominated societal structure
and create a game-like atmosphere in which sexual coercion,
and possibly rape, are likely to occur.
Whereas much has been written about the limits placed
on the traditional female role, it is only relatively
recently that the restrictions placed on the traditional
male role have been considered (O'Neil, 1981; Shiffman,
1987). The traditional male role is characterized by
restricted emotional expression (allowing for expressions of
anger and aggression, but not vulnerability), an emphasis on
control, power, and competition (resulting in a need to
dominate and succeed over others), homophobic attitudes
(fearing intimacy with other men), restricted sexual and

33
affectionate behavior (behavior characterized by performance
expectations and dominance), an obsession with achievement
and success, and health care problems (resulting from a
failure to attend to physical and emotional signs of
distress) (O'Neil, 1981). Gender roles that limit men from
developing themselves to their full human capacity result in
attempts at proving masculinity through competition, sexual
conquest, and rejection of men who display nontraditional
male behavior. Role stress may also be manifested by
alcohol and drug abuse, avoidance of intimacy, and an
overinvolvement in work or studies.
Congruent with the notions of competition, hierarchical
relationships, and an appreciation for dominance is a
cultural acceptance of violence and aggression. Aggression
is regarded as a satisfactory method for obtaining goals in
our society, a message made clear to us through our history,
our media, our advertising (Sheffield, 1984) and
occasionally, our laws (Roark, 1987). We learn to make
cowboys, cops, and military men our heros; we learn to
glorify aggression and war (Kokopeli & Lakey, 1983).
Violence is often tolerated, especially against groups who
are unlike those in power. It is often tolerated within
relationships. Traditionally, the closer the relationship,
the more acceptable the violence (Roark, 1987).
In national surveys on the use of violence as a social-
control measure (e.g., spankings, capital punishment, and

34
military action), males were found to be more supportive of
using force or violence as a way to achieve compliance than
were females (Smith, 1984). Other research shows that males
also admit to more hostility and aggression, particularly if
the aggressive behavior is physical (e.g., electric shocks)
as opposed to psychological (e.g., insults) and when the
behavior causes the other person to feel anxious, guilty, or
unsafe (Eagly & Steffen, 1986). In real-world situations,
men are arrested for violent crimes eight times more often
than women (FBI, 1985). In college dating situations, men,
compared to women, are twice as likely to engage in severe,
expressive violence and are four and a half times more
likely to assault their partners with lethal weapons
(Makepeace, 1983).
Rape Prevention Research and Practice
Approaches to the prevention of rape take a variety of
forms. Some are remedial; some are proactive. Some focus
on the potential victim; some target potential offenders.
Some are directed towards administrative and program
changes. All strategies are considered to be important in a
multifaceted approach to preventing sexual assault. In this
section, an overview of the current theory and practice
regarding sexual assault prevention will be provided,
focusing on outreach efforts aimed at decreasing date and

35
acquaintance rape. Research on the effects of rape
prevention strategies will also be presented.
Prevention of campus violence, including rape, can
occur on three levels: (1) tertiary prevention (direct
services to victims in the aftermath of violence), (2)
secondary prevention (policy and procedural development and
local research on the nature and extent of the problem), and
(3) primary prevention (actions aimed at preventing further
instances of violence from happening by addressing causes
and by changing attitudes and behaviors that support
violence) (Roark, 1987).
Primary prevention efforts include changes made to the
physical environment (e.g., increased lighting, provision of
nighttime escorts, accessible phones, and trimming of
shrubbery near buildings), skill-building workshops (on
assertiveness, self-defense, alcohol awareness,
communication skills, conflict-resolution, and sexual
decision-making), and programs that address topics such as
sex-role socialization, sexuality and violence, and personal
power. Because the vast majority of rapes occur among
acquaintances or on dates,' efforts aimed at altering the
physical environment may achieve only limited success in
combatting sexual assault. It is argued that educational
efforts and programs designed to increase awareness
regarding sex-role socialization and sexual assualt may be
most effective in preventing date and acquaintance rape.

36
Many traditional rape prevention strategies focus
solely on the potential victim and what women can do to
avoid rape. Such strategies include assertiveness and self-
defense training (Kidder, Boell, & Moyer, 1983; Parrot,
1985; Sandberg et al., 1987), and efforts to increase a
woman's sense of empowerment, knowledge of personal rights,
and comfortability in discussing sexual topics (Parrot,
1985).
There has been a great deal of research investigating
rape victim response, assault outcome, and causal
attributions about rape. These studies generally reflect
beliefs that women can prevent rape by altering their
behavior. In one study, subjects assigned greater
responsibility to the victim and less responsibility to the
rapist for completed rape than attempted rape.
Interestingly, men attributed less fault and more
intelligence, while women attributed more fault and less
intelligence to rape victims who resisted rape more
forcefully. Subjects also were more sure that a rape had
occurred when the victim showed more resistance (Krulewitz &
Nash, 1979).
In a later study, Krulewitz and Kahn (1983) found that,
in general, subjects rated strategies which placed the locus
of responsibility for change on women as more effective than
strategies which placed the responsibility on men and
society. Approaches that conformed to sex-role stereotypes

37
(women avoiding rape with passive behavior and men and
society attempting to stop rape by behaving aggressively
towards the rapist) were perceived as more effective than
strategies that transcended sex-role stereotypes.
Feminists, however, differed from nonfeminists in that they
viewed nonstereotypic strategies and strategies that placed
the locus of responsibility on men and society as more
desirable. One acknowledged limitation of these studies is
that no empirical evidence of the actual effectiveness of
rape reduction strategies was provided.
In a study that compared the response strategies of
rape victims and rape avoiders to determine whether or not
there were any differences in emotional, cognitive, or
behavioral responses between groups (Levine-MacCombie &
Koss, 1986), results revealed that, compared to rape
victims, avoiders were more likely to have run away and
screamed, less likely to have quarrelled with the assailant,
and more likely to have viewed the assault as less violent.
No differences were found in the use of physical resistance
among groups to avoid rape. One limitation of this study is
that there is no way of knowing whether or not the completed
rapes were more serious or threatening than the avoided
rapes. Avoiders' perceptions of the rape attempts as being
less violent may be accurate reflections of reality.
Only one study was found which explored the effects of
an acquaintance rape prevention program designed for women

38
(Gray et al., 1990). This study investigated the effects of
a personalized rape prevention program on women's self-
reported likelihood of high-risk dating behavior and
perceptions of vulnerability to acguaintance rape. Results
showed that personalized programs, achieved through the use
of local data and examples, resulted in perceptions of
increased vulnerability and intentions to reduce risk-taking
behavior. The authors suggest that prevention programs
targeted towards women use local data and examples in
addition to providing generic information about rape and
effective avoidance strategies.
The above research focuses on "prevention" strategies
aimed at women. Although the objective of these efforts is
admirable, i.e., the reduction of the likelihood of rape,
they are, unfortunately, limited in that they do not address
the central problem of rape. "Prevention" strategies that
focus on changing women's behavior do not prevent rape. At
best, they may help to avoid it, or reduce its likelihood of
occurring. Furthermore, such efforts say nothing of the
male offender's responsibility for rape; they do nothing to
challenge the notion that "boys will be boys."
Recognizing that rape is a societal problem rather than
a concern of women only, several programs have been designed
to include both male and female participants. Objectives of
these programs include increasing male and female students'

39
awareness of each other's feelings and perceptions and
encouraging more open communication between the sexes.
The typical date rape awareness workshop involves a
presentation of information including legal terms,
definitions, incidence rates, common myths, rape prevention
strategies, and available counseling resources (Borden et
al., 1988; Buhrke & Lustgraaf, 1988; Pace & Zaugra, 1988).
Workshops may also include information on the effects of
rape, videotaped portrayals of typical date rape scenarios
or interviews with rape survivors, small group discussions,
and anonymous surveys of participant knowledge and
experience. Unique strategies such as "fishbowl exercises"
are also occasionally used (Pace & Zaugra, 1988). Many of
these programs are developed with the idea that peer
educators can be trained to facilitate the workshops (Buhrke
& Lustgraaf, 1988; Pace & Zaugra, 1988; C.P. Walsh, personal
communication, January 28, 1991).
There is a great deal of discussion and investigation
of the relative importance of various program topics and
relative effectiveness of program formats. Some researchers
recommend that educational efforts include information
regarding rape myths, incidence rates, and the effect of
sex-role socialization on dating practices (Sandberg et al.,
1987). Others support education regarding sexual
functioning and the effects of alcohol and drug use on
sexual interactions (Miller & Marshall, 1987) Many support

40
communication skills training for males and females
(especially around sexuality) (including assertiveness and
accepting no for an answer) (Miller & Marshall, 1987;
Sandberg et al., 1987).
Hamilton and Yee (1990) investigated the relationship
between knowledge about the after-effects of sexual assault,
beliefs about the aversiveness of rape, attitudes toward
rape, and self-reported likelihood of raping among a sample
of 276 undergraduate students. Results indicated that, for
both males and females, greater knowledge about the social,
psychological, and behavioral effects of rape was
significantly correlated with perceptions of rape as more
aversive, fewer rape-supportive attitudes, and, for men,
less self-reported likelihood of committing rape. Their
findings suggest that educational intervention programs that
inform participants of the negative consequences of rape may
help to reduce the incidence of sexual assault, particularly
those assaults that are motivated by the goal of attaining
sexual access (instrumental aggression), as opposed to those
that are motivated by anger or the desire to harm the victim
(hostile aggression) (Hamilton & Yee, 1990).
One study was found that was designed to compare the
effects of two different strategies designed to increase
male and female college students' knowledge about date and
acquaintance rape (Nelson and Torgler, 1990). This
experiment compared a 30-minute videotape entitled, "Someone

41
You Know: Acquaintance Rape," and a brochure on the same
topic. No other prevention strategy was included in either
intervention group, for example, a workshop presentation or
discussion. A control group was included which received a
brochure on career planning.
Results of the experiment revealed that attitudes
towards date rape changed significantly for all three groups
from pretest to posttest and that posttest attitude scores
did not differ between groups. Possible explanations for
these results include (1) that the pretest measure itself
sensitized participants to the topic of acquaintance rape,
and (2) that subjects may have chosen socially desirable
responses after having correctly guessed the nature of the
study. It is suggested that further research assess the
effects of combined prevention strategies (Nelson & Torgler,
1990). It also seems sensible to measure the degree of
social desirability responding in order to test the veracity
of the second possible explanation of the results.
An investigation of the effects of a didactic
presentation on empathy and attitudes toward rape also
failed to produce significant results (Borden et al., 1988).
The authors suggested that future research assess the impact
of more dynamic, interactive formats which may include
roleplays, videotapes, or live actors. They also
recommended the comparison of different workshop formats to

42
assist in the development of successful rape prevention
programming.
Although many rape education/prevention efforts are
targeted towards women and mixed audiences of men and women,
few published reports were found that described programs
aimed explicitly towards men. Some have argued a need for
this type of intervention because (1) males are, in almost
all cases, the ones who rape, and (2) men may be more
willing to discuss certain issues in an all-male group (Lee,
1987) .
Three reports were found which described rape education
interventions targeted specifically towards males (Johnson,
1978/1979; Lee, 1987; Gilbert et al., 1991). The purposes
of these educational efforts were to increase men's
awareness about rape, change rape-supportive attitudes,
and/or increase men's empathic understanding of rape
victims.
The first of these interventions was a relatively early
study investigating the effects of four rape education
videotapes on fraternity members' attitudes toward rape and
women (Johnson, 1978/1979). Johnson presented four
successive films on rape education or drug education, using
a pretest, posttest, and delayed posttest design. Johnson
was interested in assessing the effects of the videotapes,
sex-role identity, and Machiavellianism on male attitudes.
Results of the experiment indicated that men who viewed the

43
rape videotapes became more liberal (profeminist,
egalitarian) in attitudes toward rape, but not towards
women. Neither sex-role identity nor Machiavellianism was
found to have a significant main effect on change scores for
attitudes toward women and rape.
Johnson discusses her results in terms of the
inconsistency-based motivational approach to cognitive
dissonance theory, an approach that recently has been
challenged on conceptual grounds (Scher & Cooper, 1989).
The study is limited in that three of the four rape
videotapes that were shown focused only on what women can do
to avoid rape; the fourth was designed to demonstrate an
effective police interview with a rape victim. None of the
videotapes addressed the effect of sex-role socialization on
males and females. The intervention, thus, may have been
inadvertently reinforcing some of the rape-supportive
beliefs that it was designed to change.
A more recent account of a rape awareness program
targeting males was described by Lee (1987). Lee's 2-hour
experiential program involved a 20-minute didactic
presentation on rape myths and facts, a male's reading of a
detailed account of being raped, a guided imagery exercise
of a date rape situation, and discussion following each of
these three parts. Lee included ideas about what men can do
to help prevent rape, including discouraging friends from
telling jokes about violence toward women, volunteering for

44
a night excort service, crossing the street when passing a
woman walking alone at night, and getting involved in
community education regarding rape prevention. Results from
very preliminary research suggested that the workshop was
effective in changing subjects' attitudes toward rape in the
desired direction. These results are limited, however, in
that they were based on a sample of only 24 students and the
study did not include a control group.
Furthering the research on rape prevention programming
for men, Gilbert et al. (1991) designed a study to assess
the effectiveness of a psychoeducational intervention in
changing the rape-supportive attitudes of male college
students. In building upon the research initiated by Lee
(1987), Gilbert and colleagues used a slightly larger sample
of male undergraduates (n = 61), included a control group,
and provided a theoretical framework for their research
(Petty and Cacioppo's (1986) elaboration likelihood model
(ELM) of attitude change). Results showed significantly
more attitude change among males who received the
intervention than among males who did not receive any
intervention at all. The authors conclude that the
elaboration likelihood model of attitude change is a useful
framework for developing rape education interventions and
understanding attitudinal change processes regarding rape.
While this research is recognized as a significant
first step in applying social psychological theory to rape

45
prevention research, the study is limited in that it did not
include a treatment control group, i.e., a group that
received a psychoeducational intervention that was not based
on the principles of ELM. The inclusion of such a group
would have allowed the researchers to assess whether a
presentation based on the principles of the ELM was
significantly more effective in changing attitudes than a
presentation not based on the ELM.
One other limitation of this study is the sole focus on
attitude change as opposed to behavior change. No data were
reported on the effects of the intervention on behavior or
behavioral intent. The researchers apparently collected
data on behavioral intent (self-reported likelihood of
raping and using force in a sexual interaction), but chose
not to discuss the data as they did not relate to the stated
hypotheses. What is needed is a theory that encompasses
behavioral change to guide future research on the effects of
date rape education programs.
No research was found which compared the effectiveness
of male and female presenters of rape education workshops.
Lee (1987) used only male presenters with the assumption
that participants would be more open to discussion.
However, no data were provided to support this assumption.
A male and a female team was used by Gilbert et al. (1991)
to present their sexual assault educational workshop. No
rationale or data were supplied to support this approach.

46
Research is currently being conducted, however, to compare
the effectiveness of male-male and male-female teams in
programs targeted solely to males (Lee, 1987).
There seems to be some general concensus that increased
attention needs to be placed on targeting males for rape
education and prevention programming. In a research study
investigating male sex-role orientation, beliefs about rape,
and self-reported likelihood of acquaintance and stranger
raping, Quackenbush (1989) found that (1) males, in general,
viewed stranger rape as more deleterious than acquaintance
rape and (2) males who more closely adhered to traditional
masculine roles tend to hold more rape-supportive beliefs
than do androgynous males. Implications of these findings
for rape prevention include (1) increasing males' awareness
of the negative consequences of date/acquaintance rape and
(2) increasing male's awareness of and access to feelings,
desires, and needs that traditionally have been viewed as
appropriate only for females.
In their needs assessment study of services of rape
victims in Florida, Martin and colleagues (1984) call for
prevention efforts targeted towards potential rape
offenders. Such efforts should include adult males or
respected male authority figures to reinforce anti-rape
messages (especially if the main presenter is female) and
education about the consequences of rape. Other recommended
activities include panel discussions, public service

47
announcements, and mass public forums. The use of mass
media to inform the public about the facts of rape has
received support elsewhere (Youn, 1987).
Among the ten major findings of the needs assessment
study was the fact that little attention was placed on rape
prevention in Florida. It was noted that much of the
current focus in existing prevention efforts was on rape
avoidance, rather than on the conditions which foster rape.
Efforts that focus solely on potential victims were
criticized on the grounds that they reinforce the myth that
victims are responsible for the crime committed against them
(Martin et al., 1984).
The researchers noted that rape victim-blaming is
pervasive in Florida, not only among laypeople but among
many service providers as well. Their recommendations
include not only increased education/prevention efforts, but
further research on rape prevention, with particular focus
on assessing the differential success of strategies and
materials aimed at specific target groups, including
potential offenders as well as victims (Martin et al.,
1984) .
The systematic evaluation of rape education workshops
is lacking in the literature. Some authors offer a
description of their program as a model for others to
emulate (Buhrke & Lustgraaf, 1988) while others may also
provide a summary of feedback obtained informally from

48
workshop participants (Pace & Zaugra, 1988) Few studies
have attempted to assess empirically the effectiveness of
workshops in changing rape-supportive attitudes, increasing
empathy towards rape victims, and altering interpersonal
behavior.
Social Learning Theory and Human Aggression
Although the majority of rape research has been guided
by feminist philosophy, few studies on rape have employed
social psychological theory to provide direction for the
research. There is a great need for a social psychological
model of sexual aggression (Malamuth, 1988). Such a model
should encompass the general component of aggression,
factors specific to violence towards women, and factors that
promote aggression towards those regarded as "inferior" or
"weak" (Malamuth, 1988).
A review of the literature reveals that the social
psychological theory of human aggression that has received
the most abundant and most consistent empirical support to
date is social learning theory as proposed by Albert Bandura
(Myers, 1987) Briefly, social learning theory postulates
that aggression is primarily learned by observing others
behaving aggressively and witnessing the reinforcement of
such behavior. Aggressive behavior is also shaped and
maintained by positive reinforcement from external and
internal sources (Bandura, 1973, 1977). A more detailed

49
account of the principles of social learning theory is
outlined below.
Principles of Social Learning Theory
Human aggression is a complex phenomenon originating
from a multitude of sources and serving a number of
purposes. It can be personally initiated or collectively
sanctioned (Bandura, 1979). It is usually defined as
"behavior that results in personal injury and physical
destruction" (Bandura, 1979, p. 198), although not all acts
that result in injury or damage are perceived as aggressive.
To label an act as aggressive depends on perceptions of
injurious intent and attributions of responsibility
(Bandura, 1973, 1979). The greater the attribution of
personal responsibility and perception of injurious intent,
the more likely an act will be seen as aggressive (Bandura,
1973). Causal attribution and judgments about harmful
intent vary depending on the sex, race, age, attractiveness,
and status of the harmdoer. In general, the harmful
behavior of highly regarded persons is seen as less
intentional and prompted by external circumstances, whereas
the harmful acts of disfavored persons are often seen as
more intentional and internally motivated (Bandura, 1979).
Origins of aggression
Social learning theory emphasizes two mechanisms for
acquiring aggressive behavior: observational learning and

50
reinforced performance (Bandura, 1973, 1979). The principle
mechanism of learning aggression is through observation,
i.e., watching others model aggressive behavior and then
witnessing the consequences of their acts (Bandura, 1973,
1979). Observational learning occurs much faster than
reinforced performance alone. This process of learning is
particularly important in the acquisition of aggressive
behavior because a large amount of aggressive behavior
requires intricate and complex skills (e.g., sparring with
opponents and military combat) and mistakes can be fatal.
Bandura (1973, 1979) outlines four interrelated
subprocesses that comprise observational learning. The
first subprocess is attentional and involves sensing,
perceiving, and exploring the environment. The second
subprocess serves a memory function and involves the
formation of symbolic representations of sensed experiences.
It is the process of coding and storing information. The
third subprocess is the motor reproduction of the stored
memory, or the integration of the observed acts with actual
response repertoires. The fourth and final subprocess of
observational learning serves a regulatory function.
Essentially, this is the process of deciding whether or not
the learned behavior is performed by analyzing the costs and
benefits of the enactment. Each of these subprocesses
operate in the learning of specific and general behavioral
skills (Bandura, 1979).

51
Bandura (1973, 1979) contends that aggression is
learned by observing models that exist in everyday society
and outlines three sources of these models: (1) one's
family, (2) one's subculture, and (3) the mass media.
Parents are often potent models of behavior for children.
Children whose parents use physical aggression as a means of
gaining compliance tend to use similar strategies in their
interactions with others (Bandura & Walters, 1959). Parents
who abuse their children are often survivors of child abuse
themselves (Silver, Dublin, & Lourie, 1969).
The subculture in which one lives or with which one has
repeated contact can also be a source of aggressive models.
Violent gangs and certain all-male enclaves are examples of
such subgroups. Subcultures that value traditional male
roles and the "macho" image teach younger generations that
aggressive behavior is acceptable, functional, and
rewarding.
A third source of aggressive models is the mass media.
Television, for example, has been shown to be an excellent
vehicle for the symbolic modeling of aggression. Research
has shown that children and teens who watch televised
violence are more interpersonally aggressive in everyday
life (Bandura, 1973). Television is also thought to be a
vehicle for teaching criminals new skills, a way for them to
perfect their crimes (Aronson, 1988; Bandura, 1979).
Research on the effects of television reveals that

52
television can also influence the amount of positive social
behavior exhibited. Prosocial programming has been shown to
increase cooperation and sharing and to decrease aggression
among children (Leiffer, Gordon, & Graves, 1974).
In addition to teaching aggressive styles of behavior,
television can also disinhibit persons from behaving
aggressively. This occurs when television watchers witness
few negative consequences for modeled aggression. For
example, when heros are portrayed as winning a great deal
and losing little by killing, robbing, and taking revenge,
observers learn that violence is not only acceptable, but
preferred as a way of achieving goals and solving conflict
(Bandura, 1973, 1979).
Television influences aggressive behavior by
desensitizing and habituating persons to violence. Research
shows that heavy viewers of television respond with less
emotion to violence (Bandura, 1979) and decreased emotional
responsiveness can occur after watching just one violent
program (Thomas, Horton, Lippincott, & Drabman, 1977). In
addition to decreased emotionality, those who watch
television a great deal are less likely to intervene when
observing human conflict and aggression (Bandura, 1979).
Television also affects our sense of reality. Heavy
watchers, compared to light viewers, are less trusting of
others and perceive a greater likelihood of personal
victimization. Heavy viewers are more apt think that

53
societal violence is more common than not. Apparently, this
difference is not affected by sex, age, educational level,
or amount of newspaper reading (Bandura, 1979).
Exposure to modeled aggression influences attitudes and
values as well as behavior. It is suggested that modeled
aggression influences attitudes towards groups that differ
in occupation, race, and other demographic variables.
Attitude formation is thought to occur through modeled
associations, i.e., by making evaluations of others based on
observations of their behavior (Bandura, 1973).
Although modeling can account for the majority of
learning of complex human behavior including aggression,
behavior is also learned, or shaped, by direct reinforcement
(Bandura, 1973, 1977, 1979). In humans, the process of
reinforcement is considered primarily to be an informative
and motivational operation, rather than a mechanistic one.
It is basically a cognitive process of learning response
consequences; it allows one to make judgments about the
future likelihood of behavioral reinforcement. Bandura
(1973, 1977, 1979) suggests that reinforcement and modeling
operate together in daily life. Behavior may be learned
first through observation and then later refined through
reinforcement.
Observational learning and reinforced performance
account for most aggressive behavior in humans. The amount
and type of aggression exhibited, however, is somewhat

54
limited by biological and structural factors (e.g., physical
strength and genetic factors that influence speed of
learning) (Bandura, 1973). The effects of biology, however,
are relatively less among humans than among other animals
primarily because of our cognitive capacities. For example,
stimulation of the hypothalamus (a part of the brain that
helps mediate aggression) is controlled by the central
processing of environmental stimuli. How we perceive an
event determines whether or not activity in the hypothalamus
occurs. Humans also have the capacity to design and build
weapons of aggression which further decreases our dependence
on biological structure (Bandura, 1979).
Instigators of aggression
According to Bandura, there are two basic types of
instigators of aggressive behavior: those that are
biologically based and those that are cognitively based.
Biologically based motivators include tissue defects and
pain felt as a result of aversive experience. Cognitively
based motivators include mental representations of future
conseguences and self-generated inducements affected by
personal goal-setting and individual performance standards
(Bandura, 1979). Cognitively based motivators are
considered to account for more aggression than biologically
based motivators.
One type of biologically based instigator of aggression
is aversive experience. This includes pain, deprivation,

55
delay or reduction of rewards, personal insults, failures,
and obstructions. Aversive experiences can lead to
emotional arousal that, together with the pull of
anticipated consequences, can facilitate any number of
responses including aggression, dependency, achievement,
withdrawal, problem-solving, and drug use. The type of
behavioral response chosen depends on how the source of
arousal is evaluated, what responses one has learned, and
the effectiveness of the response. Aggression is more
likely if the instigating event is regarded as intentionally
injurious and if the individual believes that he or she can
do the behavior and that the behavior will lead to the
desired consequence (self-efficacy) (Bandura, 1979).
The most common source of cognitively based instigators
of aggression are the actions of others. Modeled behavior
instigates aggression (1) by informing observers about what
behavior leads to desired consequences (directing), (2) by
showing observers what behaviors result in a lack of social
censorship (disinhibiting), (3) by generating emotional
arousal, and (4) by directing observer's attention to
particular instruments used in aggressive acts (stimulus
enhancing) (Bandura, 1973, 1979). The effect of modeling
influences is greater when observers are angered and when
the modeled aggression is socially justified and rewarded
(Bandura, 1979).

56
In addition to modeling cues and aversive experience,
aggression can be influenced by instruction. Because people
learn to obey orders (through rewarding compliance and
punishing disobedience) aggression on command is possible.
In fact, some of the most horrific acts in human history
occurred due to obedience to authority. Obedient aggression
declines when the harmful conseguences of aggression become
more salient and personalized (Bandura, 1979).
A less common antecedent cue for aggression is
delusional thought. Examples of delusional types of
instigators include divine inner voices, paranoid beliefs,
and grandiose convictions about one's heroic duty to
eliminate evil (Bandura, 1973, 1979). These types of
instigators occur much less frequently than modeled cues and
are basically limited to persons with psychotic thinking.
Finally, aggressive behavior can be motivated by self-
generated inducements influenced by personal goals and
performance standards. The anticipation of self-rewards
based on successful goal attainment can serve as a pull for
aggression (if aggressive behavior is considered an
acceptable means of accomplishing one's goals). Likewise,
self-praise may be an effective inducement if aggressive
behavior is a valued part of one's role or identity.
Regulators of aggression
Bandura identifies three types of behavioral
consequences that serve to regulate behavior: external

57
consequences, observed consequences, and self-produced
consequences (Bandura, 1973, 1977, 1979). One can, thus,
experience, witness, and create consequences. Behavioral
consequences may be positive or punishing. They may also be
relatively concrete or abstract. Following is a discussion
of the various maintaining mechanisms, or regulators, of
aggression.
External consequences of aggression include positive
reinforcement and punishment. Positive reinforcement may
include tangible rewards (money, food, and drink), social
and status rewards (approval, promotions, awards),
reductions of aversive treatment (relief from misery), and
expressions of pain among victims. Punishment can originate
from one's social environment or from within (i.e., self-
condemnation) Both positive reinforcement and punishment
influence aggression by creating expectations of similar
outcomes on future occasions. Aggression is more likely
when the expected benefits are great and the anticipated
punishments are few (Bandura, 1973, 1979).
Like external consequences, observed consequences of
aggression also may be positive or negative. The difference
here, of course, is that learning occurs vicariously rather
than through direct experience. As with external regulators
of aggression, observed reinforcement operates primarily
through its informative function. The likelihood of
aggression is increased when one witnesses the reinforcement

58
of aggression and is decreased when one witnesses the
punishment of aggression (as long as the punishment occurs
infrequently). The frequent use of punishment may
inadvertently promote aggressive behavior by modeling
punitive methods of control (Bandura, 1973, 1979).
The third type of regulator of aggressive behavior is
self-produced reinforcement. Self-generated reinforcement
results from a cognitive process of judging one's own
behavior against referential standards. The first stage of
this process is self-observation. Particular aspects of
one's own behavior that may be considered are quality,
quantity, rate, originality, deviancy, and ethicalness. The
second stage involves making a judgment about one's own
behavior. This occurs by comparing one's own behavior to
personal standards, the standards of others, or the behavior
of others; making a value judgment of the behavior (i.e.,
positive or negative); and making an attribution of the
performance (i.e., internal or external locus of control).
The final stage is making a self-response. This may include
positive or negative self-evaluations, rewarding or
punishing tangible consequences, or choosing no response at
all (Bandura, 1979) .
It is theorized that aggressive acts may occur through
a process of disengagement of internal control (Bandura,
1973, 1979). There are several ways in which this may
happen. The aggressive behavior may be morally justified,

59
contrasted with more horrible acts, or disguised by the use
of euphemistic language. Responsibility may be displaced
onto others or diffused among a crowd. The impact of the
aggressive act may be minimized, ignored, or distorted.
And, finally, internal control may be disengaged by
dehumanizing or blaming the victim. It is suggested that
humanizing or personalizing victims may be an effective
strategy in counteracting aggression (Bandura, 1979).
Psychological functioning is characterized by a
continuous reciprocal interaction between cognitive,
behavioral, and environmental determinants. All three
aspects are considered interdependent and mutually
influential. People, thus, have the capacity to play active
roles in affecting their environment, their own behavior,
and the behavior of others. Social learning theory
considers behavior change to be possible, and compared to
more traditional theories of aggression, social learning
theory is relatively optimistic about the chance of
decreasing aggression in our society.
Social Learning Theory and Aggression Research
There is substantial empirical evidence to support a
social learning model of human aggression. The earliest
experiments were conducted by Bandura in a series of "Bobo"
doll studies that were designed to investigate the impact of
modeled aggression on children's behavior. Bandura and

60
}
colleagues (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1961) noted that children
who observed an adult model aggressive behavior towards an
Bobo doll and who were then intentionally frustrated by an
experimenter, were more likely to behave aggressively than
were similarly frustrated children who did not observe an
adult behave aggressively. Moreover, those children who
watched an aggressive adult often imitated the very same
actions and words used by the adult. Bandura's experiments
support the hypothesis that the observation of aggressive
behavior not only lowers inhibitions, but also teaches
specific strategies for behaving aggressively (Bandura et
al., 1961).
Interestingly, male subjects who were exposed to a
nonaggressive male model in this experiment exhibited
significantly less physical and verbal aggression than did
males who were not exposed to any model (control group
males). Furthermore, subjects who watched a nonaggressive
model engaged in significantly more nonaggressive play with
dolls than did subjects who either observed an aggressive
model or did not observe any model at all (Bandura et al.,
1961). One clear implication of these results for
interventions aimed at reducing male violence and aggression
is to provide nonaggressive or nonviolent male models for
potentially aggressive males.
Bandura et al. (1961) also noted sex differences in the
learning of aggressive behavior. They found that an

61
aggressive male model was more effective in influencing male
and female subjects than an aggressive female model. They
suggested that this was due to the fact that aggressive
behavior is more "masculine-typed." They suggested further
that, for behavior that is less clearly sex-linked, the
greatest amount of imitation occurs by observing a same-sex
model. Following this line of reasoning, one might suppose
that for behavior that is more traditionally "feminine-
typed" (e.g., relationship-building skills) the greatest
amount of learning may occur by observing a female model.
Such a hypothesis for male learners of relationship skills,
however, contradicts the notion that learning is greatest
when observers perceive themselves to be similar to the
model.
The effects of watching violence are not limited to
aggressive behavior exhibited towards "Bobo" dolls. They
extend to interpersonal aggression as well. In one study,
children were shown a violent episode of "The Untouchables"
(a "cops-and-robbers" show), and then were allowed to play
with a group of other children (Liebert & Baron, 1972).
Results showed that compared to a control group who watched
an action-oriented sporting event, those children who
watched the violent television program displayed far more
aggression towards the other children.
In another study, juvenile delinquent males in
detention centers were shown either violent or nonviolent

62
movies. Those boys who watched the violent films displayed
significantly more physical and verbal aggression towards
others than did the boys who watched the nonviolent films
(Parke, Berkowitz, Leyens, West, & Sebastian, 1977). These
results support the conclusion that viewing filmed or
televised violence can lead to increased displays of
aggression.
Research shows that observation of aggressive models
not only increases aggression, but it also provides cues as
to the characteristics of potential victims of future
violence. In an investigation of the effects of highly
publicized prizefights, Phillips (1983) found that in the
days following the prizefights, there was a significant
increase in the number of homocides. The race of the losers
of these prizefights was related to the race of the victims
of subsequent murders. When white boxers lost the matches,
there was an increase in the number of white men murdered,
but not in the number of black men killed. When black
boxers lost the fights, there was an increase in the number
of black men murdered, but not in the number of white men
slain.
Social Learning Theory and Rape
There is a growing body of research to support a social
learning model of sexual assault. Much of this support
comes from investigations of the modeling effects of violent

63
pornography. Recent studies of the reinforcing properties
of all-male groups on male aggression against women lend
further support to a social learning analysis of sexual
violence. Below is a discussion of this research.
Effects of Modeling
There is increasing evidence to suggest that sexual
violence against women is symbolically modeled through
violent pornography. Malamuth, Donnerstein, and colleagues
have conducted a series of studies which, taken together,
support the conclusion that exposure to violent pornography
promotes greater acceptance of sexual violence toward women
and is associated with increased aggression toward women in
natural and laboratory settings.
In a study comparing the effects of exposure to
aggressive-erotic, erotic, and neutral films on aggressive
behavior in a laboratory setting, Donnerstein (1980) found
that the men who watched an aggressive-erotic film (rape
film) later displayed the most intense aggression, but only
towards female confederates. Apparently, the aggressive-
erotic film not only modeled aggressive behavior, but
provided information about the gender of "appropriate"
victims as well. No differences in aggression levels were
obtained between nonangered subjects who watched the erotic
and neutral films. These findings are consistent with those
of the President's Commission on Obscenity and Pornography

64
(1970) which concluded that exposure to sexually explicit
material (in and of itself) does not contribute to
antisocial behavior.
In a field experiment, the effects of exposure to
violent-sexual films that portray sexual aggression as
having positive conseguences were investigated (Malamuth &
Check, 1981). Male and female college students were
randomly assigned to watch either violent-sexual or control
films shown as part of the regular campus film program. One
week later, subjects were surveyed regarding their attitudes
about rape, violence, and sexual relations. Findings showed
that males who watched the sexually violent films were more
accepting of interpersonal violence towards women and more
accepting of certain rape myths. Women had tendencies in
the opposite direction. These results provide some evidence
to support the contention that the observation of modeled
aggression can influence attitudes in a real-world setting.
Further support for the influence of symbolic modeling
on attitudes was provided by the results of an investigation
of the effects of aggressive pornography on men's beliefs
about rape (Malamuth & Check, 1985). During this
experiment, subjects first listened to one of eight
audiotaped passages and then listened to another passage
depicting either rape or mutually consenting sex.
Afterwards, subjects' perceptions of the second passage and
their attitudes about rape were assessed. Results provided

65
support for the hypothesis that media depictions can
influence men's beliefs in rape myths. Men with relatively
higher inclinations to aggress against women were
particularly likely to be affected by media depictions of
rape myths.
Demare and Briere (1988) examined the relationship
between pornography use, attitudes, and self-reported
likelihood of raping and using sexual force among male
undergraduate students. Results showed that use of sexually
violent pornography (as measured by self-report) and
acceptance of interpersonal violence against women were both
associated with self-reported likelihood of engaging in
sexual aggression against women. Although the correlational
nature of the study precludes any conclusions regarding
causal antecedents of sexual aggression, the findings do
point out a relationship between observed sexual violence
and inclinations toward future sexual aggression.
In addition to the media as a source for the modeling
of sexual violence, peers can also serve as models of sexual
aggression. It is suggested that inclusive male groups such
as fraternities may provide a context for modeling and
reinforcing rape-supportive behavior (Boeringer, Shehan, &
Akers, 1991). Because fraternity members, compared to
nonmembers, are more likely to have friends who engage in
verbal coercion and who use drugs or alcohol to gain sexual
access, it is likely that fraternity members have more

66
opportunities to observe such behaviors modeled and
reinforced.
One's parents or caretakers can also be a source of
modeled sexual aggression. In a study investigating the
relationship between child sexual abuse and sexual coercion
experienced as a young adult, researchers found a
significant relationship between histories of child sexual
abuse and reported acts of sexual coercion in college. No
relationship was found between histories of child sexual
abuse and reported sexual victimization at college (Miller &
Marshall, 1987) .
Effects of Reinforcement
One potential source of reinforcement for sexually
aggressive behavior is one's peer group. Such reinforcement
can take a variety of forms. Positive consequences for
sexual aggression may include social approval, affirmation
of one's masculinity and manhood, and increased social
status. Negative consequences for refusing to engage in
sexual aggression may include ostracization, rejection, and
ridicule.
Evidence to suggest that the social learning principles
of differential association and differential reinforcement
do indeed play significant roles in the development and
maintenance of sexually aggressive behavior among college
males was provided by Boeringer and colleagues in a study

67
conducted at the University of Florida (Boeringer, Shehan, &
Akers, 1991). These researchers designed a study to assess
the impact of fraternity membership in the adoption of
sexually aggressive behavior. They compared fraternity
members' and nonmembers' perceptions of their friends' use
of alcohol to gain sexual access, anticipated social
approval for sexually aggressive behavior, self-reported
pornography use, and acceptance of rape myths. Results
showed that fraternity members, compared to nonmembers,
anticipated a greater likelihood of positive reinforcement
for sexual promiscuity and sexual aggression and less
likelihood of disapproval for the use of drugs or alcohol to
obtain sex.
Boeringer and researchers (1991) demonstrated that when
the social learning variables (i.e., differential
association, differential reinforcement, modeling, and
beliefs about sexual aggression) were statistically
controlled, the effect of fraternity membership on self-
reported likelihood of using force or committing rape was
nonsignificant. Similarly, when controlling for the social
learning variables, the effect of fraternity membership on
the use of alcohol and drugs, verbal coercion, and physical
force in gaining sexual access was nonsignificant. The
researchers conclude that social learning is the process
through which fraternity members come to engage in sexual
coercion and aggression.

68
Implications for Date Rape Prevention Programming
Results from research supporting the application of
social learning theory to the understanding of sexual
coercion and aggression in males has several implications
for date rape prevention programming. In this discussion
the focus will be on date rape interventions for male
college students.
One important implication of social learning theory for
rape prevention efforts is the provision of appropriate
models for target audiences. Because observational learning
is important in the learning of complex behavior patterns,
and because responsible, mature, and appropriate
interpersonal behavior requires complex behavioral skills,
target audiences must have the opportunity to observe models
demonstrate these behaviors. It may also be useful to have
models demonstrate alternative coping skills and strategies
for dealing with anger. Theoretically, the most successful
models will be peers. Regardless of who the model is, it is
imperative that the observed behavior be positively
reinforced.
Following the demonstration of the new behaviors,
observers (males) should have the opportunity to practice
the newly learned skills. Such practice efforts need to be
appropriately reinforced so that the learned behavior can be
perfected. As part of this learning process, males must be
educated regarding what constitutes sexual aggression

69
(including verbal coercion, the use of alcohol as a
"weapon," and the use of physical force). In this way, they
will learn to discriminate better between behaviors that are
acceptable and unacceptable. Boeringer et al. (1991)
suggest that the differential reinforcement of anti-rape
attitudes and behaviors may be effective in reducing rape-
supportive behavior.
Negative consequences for rape and other forms of
sexual aggression need to be made more salient. It is
important that persons observe that rape will not be
tolerated. The consistent and firm use of punishment for
sexual aggression may help change referential standards held
by potential assailants, and perhaps eventually, alter
internal self-standards of behavior.
Attention must be paid to the existing social
environment in which students reside. Faculty advisors and
leaders of fraternities and other all-male groups are
strongly encouraged to become aware of and modify any
existing aspects of the social environment that may
positively reinforce sexual aggression (Boeringer et al.,
1991). To encourage change in the social environment, it is
recommended that sanctions be levied against organizations
(including fraternities) that provide social support for
individual members who engage in sexually aggressive
behavior (Boeringer et al., 1991). Punishment for violence
supporting organizations may help shape the social context

70
in which individual members' behavior is learned and
maintained. Positive reinforcement for organizations that
have clear and effective anti-rape policies may also be
effective.
Strategies aimed at blocking the process of
disengagement from internal control may also be useful
tactics in preventing rape. Such methods include
personalizing and humanizing the rape victim (perhaps by
educating males on rape trauma syndrome), increasing
awareness regarding the effects of alcohol on dating
behavior (to reduce the likelihood of diffusing
responsibility), increasing awareness regarding rape
language (to decrease the use of euphamisms that conceal the
reality of rape), and increasing awareness about rape (to
decrease victim-blaming).
In summary, social learning theory provides a
reasonable model for understanding the development and
prevention of sexually aggressive behavior. Bandura's model
for understanding the origins, instigating factors, and
regulatory mechanisms of human aggression give us a
framework for understanding how sexual aggression is
developed and maintained. It also provides ideas as to how
such behavior may be prevented. It is now up to research to
test empirically the adeguacy of social learning theory as a
framework for understanding rape and rape prevention
approaches.

CHAPTER 3
METHOD
Subjects
Subjects were 189 male undergraduate students enrolled
in introductory psychology classes at the University of
Florida. The sample consisted of Caucasians (n = 148,
79.6%), Hispanic Americans (n = 15, 8.1%), African Americans
(n = 7, 3.8%), International students (n = 5, 2.7%), and
Native Americans (n = 3, 1.6%). A small number (n = 8,
4.3%) did not report their ethnicity. Almost half of the
sample were freshmen (n = 88, 47.6%), while smaller numbers
were sophomores (n = 50, 27.0%), juniors (n = 28, 15.1%),
and seniors (n = 19, 10.3%). The average age for subjects
was 19.2 years (S.D. = 1.67); ages ranged from 17 to 27.
Fraternity membership was reported by 40 (21.5%)
subjects and previous attendance at a workshop on
date/acquaintance rape was reported by 34 (18.3%) subjects.
A substantial number (n = 72, 38.9%) indicated that they
knew a rape survivor. For those that knew a survivor, the
survivor was said to be an acquaintance (n = 45, 58.4%), a
classmate (n = 25, 32.9%), a date (n = 24, 31.6%), or a
family member (n = 6, 7.8%).
71

72
The vast majority of subjects reported no previous
sexual activity (including fondling, kissing, petting, and
intercourse) that was performed or attempted without a
woman's consent (n = 143, 77.7%). A full 22.3% (n = 41),
however, reported having engaged in or attempted some sexual
activity against a woman's will. More specifically, of
these males, 27 (14.5%) indicated that they had engaged in
sex play (fondling, kissing, and/or petting) with a woman by
coercion or threat of physical force; 21 (11.3%) reported
having engaged in sexual intercourse with a woman by verbal
pressure or position of authority; 9 (4.8%) stated that they
had engaged in activities that met the definition of
attempted rape; and 7 (3.8%) acknowledged having engaged in
behaviors that met the criterion for rape. Because some
subjects had engaged in more than one type of sexually
coercive behavior, the total percent above exceeds 100%.
Instruments
A Demographic Information Form (Appendix A) was used to
collect demographic data on the research subjects. This
form consisted of items regarding subject age, race,
academic class level, fraternity membership, personal
knowledge of rape survivors, and previous attendance at a
date/acguaintance rape workshop.
The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) (Koss & Gidycz,
1985; Koss & Oros, 1982) was used in the sample selection
l

73
procedure to ensure that intervention groups were matched on
previous experience with sexually coercive behavior
(Appendix B). The Sexual Experiences Survey is a 10-item
instrument designed to assess varying degrees of sexual
aggression and victimization. It was developed to aid in
the identification of "hidden" rape victims and undetected
offenders and to support a dimensional, as opposed to a
typological, view of sexual aggression (Koss & Oros, 1982).
Each of the ten items on the SES are to be answered
either "yes" or "no." Respondents are then classified
according to the most severe type of sexual aggression
reported. "Sexual contact" is the label given to those
whose response is "yes" to items 1, 2, or 3, but not to any
higher numbered items. "Sexual coercion" is the category
for those who answer "yes" to items 6 or 7, but not to any
higher numbered items. "Attempted rape" is the group label
for those giving "yes" responses to items 4 or 5, but to no
higher item. And finally, "rape" is the classification for
those saying "yes" to items 8, 9, or 10.
Internal consistency for the SES was found to be .89
for males and test-retest reliability with a one-week
interval was found to be .93 (Koss & Gidycz, 1985). Initial
investigation of the validity of the SES revealed a Pearson
correlation between a male's self-report on the SES and
responses given in the presence of a male psychologist/
interviewer of .61 (Koss & Gidycz, 1985). More recently, a

74
93% agreement was found between male subjects' responses on
the SES completed in private and responses given in the
presence of a male interviewer. These subjects rated their
honesty at 95% and explained that the reason for a lack of
full honesty was due to time pressure to complete the
questionnaire (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987).
The Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) (Burt, 1980) is a
19-item measure designed to assess adherence to rape-
supportive beliefs (i.e., false, prejudicial, and
stereotyped beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists)
(Appendix C). Items on the RMAS are to be answered on 5- or
7-point Likert scales ranging from "strongly agree" to
"strongly disagree," "almost all" to "almost none," and
"always" to "never." Responses are converted (to correct
for item direction) and summed to create an index from 19
(low rape myth acceptance) to 117 (high rape myth
acceptance). Mean scores for a sample of 598 adults, aged
18 and over, was 49.4 with a standard deviation of 11.9.
Cronbach's alpha with this sample was calculated to be .875
(Burt, 1980).
In a previous study, validity testing of the RMAS
yielded predicted results. That is, scores on the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale were found to be significantly and
positively correlated with scores on a dogmatism scale (r =
.51, p < .05), and significantly and negatively correlated
with scores on a scale measuring trustworthiness (r = -.46,

75
g < .05) (Ashton, 1982). To some extent, acceptance of rape
myths is associated with a closed-minded inability to
evaluate information critically and objectively, and a
tendency to view others with suspicion and, perhaps, as
dishonest (as many rape victims are perceived).
The Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV)
(Burt, 1980) is a 6-item measure that was developed to
assess one's belief that force and coercion are legitimate
ways to gain compliance, particularly in intimate, sexual
relationships (Appendix D). Responses to this scale are
made on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from "strongly agree"
to "strongly disagree". Responses are converted and summed
to create an index from 6 (low acceptance of interpersonal
violence) to 42 (high acceptance of interpersonal violence).
Mean scores for a sample of 598 adults was 18.2 with a
standard deviation of 5.9. With this sample, Cronbach's
alpha was found to be .586 (Burt, 1980).
Two items were administered to assess subjects' self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction.
These items were adaptations from items used in previous
research to investigate self-reported likelihood of using
force (LF) (Briere & Malamuth, 1983). The items were
prefaced with the following question: "If you could be
assured that no one would know and that you could in no way
be punished for engaging in the following behaviors, how
likely is it that you would do them?" The items of interest

76
were: (1) "pressuring a woman with continual verbal
arguments to obtain sexual intercourse," and (2) "using some
degree of physical force (i.e., twisting a woman's arm,
holding her down, etc.) to obtain sexual intercourse."
These items were chosen to distinguish between instances of
sexual assault achieved by way of verbal coercion and
instances of sexual assault gained by way of physical force.
Each of the two items was to be rated on a 5-point Likert
scale ranging from 1 = "not at all likely" and 5 = "very
likely."
Test-retest reliability for the likelihood of force
item (LF) developed by Malamuth was found to be .74. Tests
of construct validity yielded significant relationships
between the LF item and behavioral measures of previous
sexual aggression (.34) and future intent (.60) (Malamuth,
1989) .
The Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale, short-
form (M-C [20]) (Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972), is a 20-item
measure designed to assess the need for positive self
presentation via culturally acceptable and approved
behaviors that are unlikely to occur (Appendix E). Based on
the original 33-item instrument (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960),
the 20-item scale was developed in order to find a measure
that was more practical for research, yet still valid and
reliable. Kuder-Richardson formula 20 (K-R 20) reliability
coefficients for the short version closely approximated

77
those for the original 33-item inventory, and were .78 and
.83 respectively for university males. Correlations between
the 20-item scale and the original scale were all in the
.90's (Fraboni & Cooper, 1989; Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972)
suggesting adequate construct validity for the shorter
scale.
A 10-item information test (Appendix F) was used after
each presentation intervention to ensure that subjects
attended to and understood the material that was presented.
The test was an assessment of subjects' knowledge regarding
date/acquaintance rape. All questions were designed to be
answerable upon attentive listening to the presentation.
Each correctly answered item was given a score of "1", thus
yielding a possible score range from 0 (no correct answers)
to 10 (all correct answers).
Following each presentation intervention, a 1-item
question was also administered to assess subjects' perceived
similarity to the presenter. Responses to the item, "How
similar do you perceive yourself to be to the main presenter
of this workshop?" were made on a 5-point Likert scale
ranging from 1 = "not at all similar" to 5 = "very similar."
This item served as a validity check for the male (more
similar presenter) vs. female (less similar presenter)
manipulation.

1
A preliminary screening measure that included
demographic items and a measure of previous experience with
sexual coercion (The Sexual Experiences Survey (SES), Koss &
Oros, 1982; Koss & Gidycz, 1985) was administered to 453
male college students enrolled in introductory psychology
classes. Test administration was conducted by the
experimenter at the beginning of two different semesters
during which these classes were offered and was conducted
during the class hour designated as pretesting time for
psychology experiments using this pool of potential
subjects.
In order to protect students' anonymity, all response
forms were coded with subject-generated 6-digit code
numbers. These code numbers were used in subsequent phases
of the study for those students who opted to participate
further in the study. These code numbers were the only
means by which subject data could be tracked across data
collection points.
Using a block randomization sampling procedure, all 453
male college students who completed the preliminary
screening measure were assigned to one of six groups such
that groups were matched on race and previous use of sexual
coercion. Scores on the preliminary screening measure were
used to match the groups.

79
Of the six different groups involved in the study, four
were intervention groups and two were control groups. The
four intervention groups involved only two different types
of interventions, but each type was implemented separately
by a male and a female, thus resulting in four groups. Each
of the two intervention control groups was also run
separately by a male and a female. Because of logistical
considerations (e.g., having a workshop size that allowed
interaction between and reinforcement of participants), each
of the six groups was subdivided into four subgroups with an
average size of about eight subjects. The four subgroups
within a group received the same intervention.
The resulting twenty-four subgroups (four subgroups for
each of the six larger groups) were randomly distributed
across time in such a manner as to ensure that (1) an equal
number of subgroups representing each larger group occurred
during any one semester of data collection and that (2) when
more than six subgroups occurred in a semester (i.e., when
18 subgroups occurred during the fall semester), then
subgroups representing each of the larger groups occurred
with equal frequency at the beginning, middle, and end of
that semester. Different numbers of subgroups (i.e., 6 vs.
18) occurred across semesters due to subject availability.
Of the 453 students who completed the preliminary
screening measure, those who were interested in
participating further were asked to "sign up" using a

80
department-assigned 4-digit code number that allowed them to
receive course credit for their participation. Everyone who
completed the preliminary screening measure was eligible to
continue in the study.
Subjects who indicated an interest in participating
further in the study were asked to meet (by subgroup) in a
conference room located in the Psychology Department. After
a brief overview of the study given by the experimenter, all
subjects who agreed to participate further in the study were
asked to sign an Informed Consent Form (Appendix G). This
form and all other assessment instruments used in the study
were administered by the experimenter in the same conference
room for every group involved in the experiment.
Subjects were then given the following assessment
battery: the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS), the
Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV), and the
Likelihood of Force items (LF). This assessment battery
constituted the baseline dependent measures. At the same
time, a 20-item short version of the Marlowe-Crowne Social
Desirability Scale was administered to measure the extent to
which subjects were responding in a socially favorable
manner.
In order to control for a possible order effect to the
dependent measures, the RMAS, AIV scale, and the LF items
were administered in one of three different sequences to
each subject. The three different sequences were: (1) RMAS,

81
AIV scale, and LF items, (2) AIV scale, LF items, and RMAS,
and (3) LF items, RMAS and AIV scale. This procedure was
performed at each of the three different testing intervals
(described below).
The independent variables involved in the study were
(1) workshop/presentation type and (2) gender of presenter.
(There were three workshop/presentation types; each was
implemented separately by a male and a female presenter,
thus resulting in six groups/conditions.) The three levels
of the first independent variable (workshop/presentation
type) were the following:
(1) Information only. This intervention was a 1 hour and
15 minute presentation of information regarding date
rape myths, rape trauma syndrome, and strategies for
reducing the likelihood of date rape and aggressive
interpersonal behavior (Intervention I). The
information was presented in verbal and written form.
(2) Information plus modeling and reinforcement of rape
preventive behaviors and attitudes. This
intervention involved Intervention I plus (a) the
videotaped modeling of assertive (nonaggressive)
interpersonal dating behaviors by a male and female,
(b) the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement of
nonaggressive, anti-rape behaviors (including verbal
statements) modelled by the videotaped persons, and
(c) the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement of

82
subjects' comments conveying anti-rape behaviors and
attitudes (Intervention II). The subjects comprised
the audience. This intervention was also about 1
hour and 15 minutes long.
(3) Videotapes unrelated to rape or interpersonal
violence (Intervention Control). This group did not
receive a workshop/presentation on date rape during
the data collection period. Instead, subjects in
this group watched two half-hour videotaped
presentations on topics unrelated to date rape and
interpersonal violence. Between 5 and 10 minutes
were reserved for comments and discussion about the
videotapes.
The information presented during Interventions I and II
included rape myths and facts, the effects of rape on
victims, and rape prevention strategies for men and women.
Two examples of the rape myths discussed were, "Rape happens
only rarely" and "Rapists are motivated by a need for sexual
release." Rape trauma syndrome was presented as a stage
model that outlined the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral
impact of rape on victims. The effects of rape on family,
friends, and partners of victims was also acknowledged.
Strategies for reducing the likelihood of sexual aggression
included: "Know your sexual desires and limits" (men and
women), "Assume that 'no' means 'no,' not maybe" (men),
"When in doubt, ask" (men), "Say 'no' if you mean 'no'

83
(women) and "Know your rights" (women). The information in
Interventions I and II was presented in a manner that
allowed subjects the opportunity to make comments or ask
questions throughout the presentation.
The videotape shown during Intervention II included a
male and a female modeling assertive interpersonal behavior
in a dating situation. The modelled behavior included an
honest expression of feelings regarding a potential sexual
interaction with the date, assertive limit-setting, and a
show of respect for each other's feelings and desires.
Examples of the presenter's positive verbal reinforcement
for this behavior were statements such as, "In this video,
the male seemed very relaxed, confident, honest, and
respecting" and "You know, what I really like about this way
of doing it is that it relieves the male of the
responsibility of guessing what his date really wants."
The Intervention Control group with the male presenter/
facilitator was shown two half-hour videotaped presentations
by a male on topics unrelated to date rape and interpersonal
violence. Similarly, the Intervention Control group with
the female presenter/facilitator was shown two half-hour
videotaped presentations by a female also on topics
unrelated to the dependent measures.
Control group subjects were invited to attend a date
rape workshop/presentation conducted by the principal
investigator after the study was completed. Participation

84
in this "extra" workshop was voluntary. No data were to be
collected during this presentation. Only one subject (1.6%)
from the control groups expressed interest in attending such
a workshop and was met with individually to share
information presented in Intervention I and to address
specific questions and concerns raised.
The second independent variable in this study was
gender of presenter. As stated earlier, each of the three
workshop/presentation types was conducted separately with a
male presenter and a female presenter; therefore, the total
number of groups was six (four intervention groups and two
intervention control groups). The male and female
presenters were matched on age, race, and level of expertise
(e.g., similar educational backgrounds and experience).
Immediately following the interventions (excluding the
volunteer workshop for Intervention Control subjects at the
end of the study), subjects were asked to complete the same
assessment battery administered at baseline (the RMAS, AIV
scale, and LF items), thus providing immediate posttest
data. In addition, subjects were asked to report their
perceived similarity to the presenter on a one-item Likert
type question. Subjects in Interventions I and II were
tested on their acquisition of workshop information to
ensure that the intervention was effectively implemented
(i.e., that the subjects attended and learned most of the
information that was common to Interventions I and II).

85
Subjects in the Intervention Control group were not required
to complete the information test. The duration of each
intervention and control group experimental session plus
baseline and immediate posttest assessments was
approximately 1 hour and 45 minutes.
One week after immediate posttest data collection, all
subjects were asked to attend a follow-up meeting (1) to
complete anonymously the same assessment battery
administered at baseline and at immediate posttesting (RMAS,
AIV scale, and LF items) and (2) to be debriefed. This
delayed posttest (i.e., the third administration of the
assessment battery) was designed to assess any change
maintained over time and to control for the demand effect of
immediate evaluation of the workshop. Subjects who may have
had personal concerns as a result of participating in the
study were invited to discuss these concerns with the
principal investigator individually. Subjects would have
been referred to the Counseling Center if the principal
investigator deemed this to be necessary; no subjects were
viewed as requiring this referral. All subjects received
course credit for their participation after completion of
the study.
Research Pesian
The design for the experiment was a 2 X 3 repeated
measures factorial design. The independent variables

86
involved in the study were (1) type of presentation
(information only vs. information plus modeling and positive
verbal reinforcement vs. two videotapes unrelated to rape
and interpersonal violence) and (2) gender of presenter.
The dependent variables were (1) acceptance of rape myths
(as measured by the RMAS), (2) acceptance of interpersonal
violence (as measured by the AIV scale), and (3) self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction
(as measured by the LF items).
A model of the experimental design including the
distribution of subjects across groups is as follows:
Intervention I
Condition A
(male presenter)
Group 1
(n = 35)
Condition B
(female presenter)
Group 2
(n = 31)
Intervention II
Condition A
(male presenter)
Group 3
(n = 29)
Condition B
(female presenter)
Group 4
(n = 33)
Intervention Control
Condition A
(male presenter)
Group 5
(n = 30)
Condition B
(female presenter)
Group 6
(n = 31)
Each of the six
groups was comprised
[ of 4 subgroups ranging
in size from 3 to 14 subjects.
A summary of the assessment battery administration
schedule is as follows:
Prescreening Demographic Form SES
Pretest
RMAS
AIV
LF
M-C (20)

87
Intervention
Immediate Posttest
RMAS
AIV
LF
IT
PSP
Delaved Posttest
RMAS
AIV
LF
In the above summary, IT = Information Test and PSP =
Perceived Similarity to Presenter item. The Information
Test was not given to the Intervention Control groups.
Hypotheses
Specific hypotheses tested were:
(1) Subjects who are exposed to Intervention II will have
lower scores on all dependent measures (i.e., accept
fewer rape myths, be less accepting of interpersonal
violence, and report less likelihood of using force in a
sexual interaction) at immediate and delayed posttest
assessments than subjects exposed to either Intervention
I or to the Control Intervention only.
(2) Subjects who are exposed to Intervention I will have
lower scores on all dependent measures at immediate and
delayed posttest assessments than subjects exposed to
the Control Intervention only.
(3) Subjects receiving Interventions I or II from a male
presenter will have lower scores on all dependent
measures at immediate and delayed posttest assessments
than subjects receiving the same intervention from a
female presenter.

(4) Baseline measures of self-reported likelihood of using
force, acceptance of rape myths, and acceptance of
interpersonal violence will all be significantly
correlated.

CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
Preliminary Analyses
Of the 453 students who completed the Demographic
Information Form and the Sexual Experiences Survey as part
of the sample selection procedure, 189 (41.7%) chose to
participate in the experiment. No significant differences
were found between those who completed the experiment and
those who did not on any of the following preliminary test
measures: age, race, academic class level, fraternity
membership, personal knowledge of a rape survivor, previous
attendance at a date/acquaintance rape workshop, and
previous experience with sexual coercion. Among students
who knew a rape survivor, those who participated in the
experiment were less likely to describe the survivor as an
acquaintance (58.4%) than were persons who did not
participate in the experiment (74.0%), X2 (1, N = 173) =
4.66, p < .03.
Of the 189 subjects who participated in the experiment,
only 15 failed to return for the follow-up (1-week delayed
posttest assessment), yielding a completion rate of 92.1%.
One additional subject did not finish the entire RMAS (at
89

90
baseline) and thus, was omitted from analyses involving this
variable. The overall usable data ratio, therefore, was
.915.
Subjects were fairly evenly distributed across
intervention groups with 66 (34.9%) receiving Intervention
I, 62 (32.8%) receiving Intervention II, and 61 (32.3%)
receiving the Intervention Control condition. Approximately
half of the sample was exposed to a male presenter (n = 94,
49.7%) and half was exposed to a female presenter (n = 95,
50.3%). (Cell sizes for each of the six groups are listed
in the Research Design section of Chapter 3.) Fifty-two
(27.5%) subjects participated during the summer semester and
137 (72.5%) subjects participated in the fall.
The three different test sequences for the RMAS, AIV
scale, and LF items were evenly distributed across the six
intervention groups at pretest, posttest, and delayed
posttest assessments. A manova used to test the hypothesis
of no overall order effect revealed no significant
differences between groups, indicating that test sequence
did not account for a significant amount of variance in
scores on the dependent measures.
Tests of the Hypotheses
Four repeated measures ancovas were computed in order
to test hypotheses 1, 2, and 3. As stated previously,
hypothesis 1 was that subjects receiving Intervention II

91
would have lower scores on the dependent measures at both
posttest assessments than would subjects exposed to
Intervention I or to the Control Condition; hypothesis 2 was
that subjects receiving Intervention I would have lower
scores on the dependent measures at both posttest
assessments than would subjects in the Control Conditions;
and hypothesis 3 was that subjects in the male presenter
condition would have lower scores on the dependent measures
at both posttest assessments than would subjects in the
female presenter condition. The covariates for these
analyses were baseline scores on the RMAS, AIV scale, and LF
items. The independent variables were intervention type,
gender of presenter, and semester. The semester variable
was included to assess potential score differences between
students enrolled in psychology classes during different
semesters. The semester variable was to be discarded if
preliminary analyses indicated no overall effect for
semester and no interaction between semester and any other
independent variable.
Results from the repeated measures ancova with rape
myth acceptance (RMA) as the dependent variable showed a
significant presenter by semester interaction effect, F(l,
161) =4.04, p < .05, with less disparity in RMAS scores
between the two presenter conditions during the fall
semester than during the summer term. There was no overall
effect for intervention type or any other 2- or 3-way

92
interaction on RMAS scores. The interaction between
presenter and semester suggests that the data were affected
by the semester during which the data were collected, thus
semester remained in the model for further data analysis.
Univariate tests for within subjects effects showed a
significant overall time effect for RMAS scores, F(2, 322) =
20.71, p < .0001, but no significant differences in scores
over time due to presenter by semester interaction. Thus,
changes in RMAS scores over time did not affect the nature
of the presenter by semester interaction. These results
suggest that changes in RMAS responses across time were due
to factors not tested in the present model.
Results from the repeated measures ancova with
acceptance of interpersonal violence (AIV) as the dependent
variable revealed no significant differences between groups.
There was no overall effect for presenter, intervention
type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction on the AIV
scores.
Similarly, results from the repeated measures ancova
with likelihood of using verbal coercion (LF1) as the
dependent variable also revealed no significant differences
between groups. There was no overall effect for presenter,
intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction
on this LF item.
In addition, results from the repeated measures ancova
with likelihood of using physical force (LF2) as the

93
dependent variable revealed no significant differences
between groups. There was no overall effect for presenter,
intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction
for this LF item. The results of the four repeated measures
ancovas, thus, failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.
In order to assess the validity of the RMAS and AIV
scale with the present sample, Pearson correlation
coefficients between RMAS items and between AIV scale items
at baseline were computed. Interitem correlations for the
RMAS were rather low (with most scores falling between .21,
2 < .05, and .36, p < .0001) indicating rather low internal
consistency and guestionable construct validity for the RMAS
with the present sample of university male students. No
observable clusters of items were noted, except for
responses to the last five items which assessed credibility
of victims' allegations. Responses to the last five items
assessing credibility of rape allegations made by an "Indian
woman," a "neighborhood woman," a "young boy," a "black
woman," and a "white woman" were more highly
intercorrelated, with correlation coefficients ranging from
.41, p < .0001, to .89, e < .0001.
Pearson correlation coefficients between AIV scale
items at baseline were moderate with significant
correlations ranging from .32 (e < .0001) to .52 (E <
.0001). AIV scale items 2, 3, and 5 (items pertaining to
sexual aggression) were all significantly correlated with

94
correlation coefficients ranging from .41, p < .0001, to
.52, g < .0001). Items 4 and 6 (items focusing on physical
aggression) were also significantly correlated (r = .32, p <
.0001). Item 1 (addressing the acceptability of revenge)
was not significantly correlated with any of the other AIV
scale items for the present sample.
The mean total score for the RMAS at baseline was 39.66
(SD = 11.50) for the present sample. This figure is
slightly lower than the mean score for the normative sample
of 598 adults (M = 49.4, SD = 11.9) (Burt, 1980), suggesting
less rape myth acceptance among the present sample of
college males compared to the normative sample of adults.
Item means for the RMAS at baseline, immediate
posttest, and delayed posttest are listed in Table 4-1. On
average, subjects tended to disagree with rape-supportive
beliefs. The greatest variance in scores and the highest
item means at baseline (higher means indicate more rape myth
acceptance) occurred for items 5 and 3 which assess victim-
blaming attitudes and perceptions of women as rather
histrionic. The item with the next greatest variance and
mean baseline score was one that addressed the meaning of a
woman's nonverbal dating behavior. Pearson correlation
coefficients between total RMAS scores at baseline (m =
39.66, SD = 11.50), immediate posttest (m = 35.82, SD =
11.28), and delayed posttest (m = 36.60, SD = 12.16) suggest
moderately high consistency in scores over time, with

95
Table 4-1
Item Means for the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale at Baseline.
Immediate Posttest, and Delayed Posttest
Baseline Posttest 1 Posttest 2
Item
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
1
189
2.52
1.60
189
2.08
1.42
174
2.22
1.51
2
189
1.61
1.33
189
1.56
1.36
174
1.60
1.41
3
189
3.57
1.75
189
2.80
1.64
174
2.62
1.46
4
189
2.24
1.60
189
2.34
1.79
174
2.45
1.78
5
189
3.61
1.75
189
2.76
1.74
174
3.10
1.73
6
189
2.33
1.28
189
2.19
1.30
174
2.19
1.38
7
189
2.33
1.51
189
1.97
1.29
174
2.04
1.31
8
188
1.99
1.57
189
1.77
1.45
174
1.93
1.49
9
189
1.57
1.19
189
1.42
0.89
174
1.51
1.06
10
189
2.02
1.49
189
1.74
1.14
174
1.76
1.07
11
189
1.49
1.20
189
1.36
0.95
174
1.38
1.03
12
189
1.61
0.65
189
1.44
0.60
174
1.49
0.62
13
189
1.60
0.67
189
1.46
0.60
174
1.48
0.60
14
188
1.20
0.61
189
1.19
0.61
174
1.15
0.56
15
188
2.05
0.93
189
1.98
0.90
174
1.96
0.85
16
188
1.87
0.79
189
1.86
0.84
174
1.83
0.77
17
188
2.13
1.11
189
2.03
1.05
174
2.02
1.01
18
188
1.98
0.86
189
1.96
0.88
174
1.95
0.85
19
188
1.91
0.79
189
1.92
0.86
174
1.90
0.80
Note. Posttest 1 = Immediate Posttest. Posttest 2 = Delayed
Posttest.

96
coefficients ranging from .79 (p c .0001) to .84 (p <
.0001) .
The mean total score for the AIV scale at baseline was
15.05 (SD = 5.32) for the sample tested. This figure is
slightly less than the mean score for the normative sample
of 598 adults (M = 18.2, SD = 5.9) tested by Burt (1980),
suggesting slightly less acceptance of values legitimizing
aggression among the present sample of male university
students. Item means for the AIV scale are listed in Table
4-2. On the whole, subjects tended to disagree with
statements condoning interpersonal violence. They were
relatively more accepting of "an eye for an eye and a tooth
for a tooth" general philosophy (item 1) than more specific
uses of physical aggression (e.g., items 4 and 6) or sexual
aggression (e.g., items 3 and 5). The most disagreement
among subjects was on whether or not a wife should move out
of the house if her husband hits her (item 4), followed
closely by the "eye for an eye" philosophy (item 1) and
whether or not a husband is justified in hitting his wife
(item 6). Pearson correlation coefficents between total
scores on the AIV scale at baseline (m = 15.05, SD = 5.32),
immediate posttest (m = 14.09, SD = 5.00), and delayed
posttest (m = 14.41, SD = 4.81) suggest moderate consistency
over time, with coefficients ranging from .57 (p < .0001) to
.61 (p < .0001).

97
Table 4-2
Item Means for the Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence
Scale at Baseline. Immediate Posttest, and Delayed Posttest
^ wj ^ ^ W W W W W ¡ ^ ^ -Mr
Item
Baseline
Posttest
1
Posttest
2
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
N
Mean
SD
1
188
3.32
1.85
189
3.22
1.96
174
3.44
1.92
2
188
2.51
1.50
189
2.12
1.33
174
2.28
1.40
3
188
2.54
1.43
189
2.26
1.38
174
2.28
1.34
4
188
2.84
1.89
189
2.69
1.85
174
2.66
1.73
5
188
1.64
1.10
189
1.56
0.96
174
1.72
1.26
6
188
2.18
1.85
189
2.25
1.92
174
2.02
1.62
Note. Posttest 1 = Immediate Posttest. Posttest 2 = Delayed
Posttest.
The mean score for the LF item assessing intent to use
verbal coercion was 2.05 (SD = 1.22) indicating that,
overall, subjects saw themselves as minimally likely to
pressure a woman verbally in order to obtain sexual
intercourse. (The scale for the LF items was 1 = "not at
all likely" to 5 = "very likely.") The mean score for the
LF item assessing intent to use physical force was 1.19 (SD
= 0.55) indicating that among most subjects there was almost
no likelihood at all of using physical force to obtain
sexual intercourse. It is interesting to note, however,

98
that at baseline, a full 53.8% (n = 101) of the sample
acknowledged at least some likelihood of using verbal
coercion (a score of 2 or above) to obtain sexual
intercourse and 12.8% (n = 24) reported at least some
likelihood of using physical force to achieve the same end.
Pearson correlation coefficients were computed to test
hypothesis 4 which stated that the baseline measures of rape
myth acceptance, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and
likelihood of force would be significantly correlated.
Results revealed moderate correlations between the dependent
measures (see Table 4-3), thus providing only marginal
support for hypothesis 4. These results are not surprising
given that the internal consistencies of the RMAS and the
AIV scale were low to moderate for the sample tested.
Table 4-4 lists the number and percentages of subjects
responding "yes" to each of the ten items on the Sexual
Experiences Survey (SES). The numbers show that almost 14%
of subjects acknowledged that they had engaged in fondling,
kissing, or petting with a woman when she did not want to by
overwhelming her with continual arguments and pressure (item
1). Over 11% said they had engaged in sexual intercourse
with a woman when she did not want to by the same means
(item 6). Almost 5% of subjects admitted to having
attempted sexual intercourse with an unwilling woman by
giving her alcohol or drugs (item 5), and almost the same
percentage of subjects indicated that they succeeded in

99
Table 4-3
Pearson
Correlation
Coefficients
Amona the Dependent
Measures
at Baseline
RMAS
AIV
LF1
LF2
RMAS
1.00
0.50*
0.47*
0.31*
AIV
0.50*
1.00
0.34*
0.30*
LF1
0.47*
0.34*
1.00
0.56*
LF2
0.31*
0.30*
0.56*
1.00
*p < .0001.
having sexual intercourse with an unwilling woman by these
same means (item 8). Less than 1% of subjects admitted to
having engaged in sex play (not including intercourse) with
an unwilling woman by threat of physical force (item 3). No
subjects said that they had attempted or engaged in
nonconsensual sexual intercourse by threat or use of
physical force (items 4 and 9). Not surprisingly given this
rather young sample, no subjects reported having used their
position of authority to coerce a woman into sex play or
sexual intercourse (items 2 and 7). Percentages of "yes
responses to each of the 10 items on the Sexual Experiences
Survey are similar between the present sample and the
normative sample (Koss et al., 1987), providing further

100
Table 4-4
Frequency and Percentage of "Yes11 Responses to Sexual
Experiences Survey Items (N = 186)
Item
n
%
Norm %
1
Forced sex play via verbal
arguments and pressure
26
13.98
19
2
Forced sex play via position
of authority
0
0.00
1
3
Forced sex play via threat
of physical force
1
0.54
2
4
Attempted rape via threat or
use of physical force
0
0.00
2
5
Attempted rape via
administering drugs or alcohol
9
4.84
5
6
Coerced sexual intercourse
via verbal arguments and
pressure
21
11.29
10
7
Coerced sexual intercourse
via position of authority
0
0.00
1
8
Rape via administering drugs
or alcohol
7
3.76
4
9
Rape via threat or use of
physical force
0
0.00
1
10
Forced sex acts via threat
or use of physical force
0
0.00
1
Note
!. Norm percentages are from "The
Scope
of Rape:
Incidence and Prevalence of Sexual Aggression and
Victimization in a National Sample of Higher Education
Students" by M.P. Koss, C.A. Gidycz, and N. Wisniewski,
1987, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 55, p.
167. Copyright 1987 by the American Psychological
Association. Reprinted by permission.

101
support for the suggestion that high rates of sexual
aggression occur among "normal male populations.
As mentioned earlier (Chapter 3), there were four
categories of sexual aggression or coercion measured by the
SES. These categories were rape, attempted rape, sexual
coercion, and sexual contact. Each subject was classified
under the most severe form of sexual aggression that he
reported. The number and percentage of subjects who were
classified under each of the four categories are as follows:
sexual contact (coerced sexual contact, not including
intercourse) (n = 10, 5.4%), sexual coercion (coerced sexual
intercourse) (n = 20, 10.9%), attempted rape (n = 4, 2.2%),
and rape (n = 7, 3.8%). Approximately three-fourths of
subjects (n = 143, 77.7%) did not report having engaged in
any form of sexual aggression whatsoever.
In order to assess the association between response
scores on the dependent measures with social desirability,
Pearson product moment correlations between scores on the
Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (20) and scores on
the dependent measures at pretest, immediate posttest, and
delayed posttest were computed. Correlation coefficients
for these associations are listed in Table 4-5. The
resulting significant, but low correlations suggest that
subjects' need to present themselves in a socially favorable
manner was not highly associated with responses on the RMAS,
AIV scale, or likelihood of using verbal coercion item.

102
Table 4-5
Pearson Correlation Coefficients Between Marlowe-Crowne
Social Desirability Scale (20) Scores and the Dependent
Measures
M-C (20)
Baseline
RMAS
-0.12
AIV
-0.23**
LF1
-0.28***
LF2
-0.19
Posttest 1
RMAS
-0.12
AIV
-0.17*
LF1
-0.17*
LF2
-0.07
Posttest 2
RMAS
-0.17*
AIV
-0.23*
LF1
-0.18*
LF2
-0.05
Note. Posttest 1 = Immediate Posttest. Posttest 2 = Delayed
Posttest.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .0001.
Likelihood of using physical force was not found to be
significantly associated with social desirability at any of

103
the three test times. The mean score on the Marlowe-Crowne
Social Desirability Scale (20) was 8.11 for the present
sample with a standard deviation of 3.46. These figures are
comparable to those for the normative sample (M = 9.1, SD =
3.9) tested by Strahan and Gerbasi (1972).
In order to test whether or not differences in changes
in scores on the dependent measures were due to subjects'
attention to the presentation, it was first necessary to see
if the amount of change in scores over time was similar
across groups. Hence, the data were first analyzed for
homogeneity of slopes with Information Test total score as a
covariate. Results from this analysis revealed no
differences in the regression coefficients between groups
(for RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items) when controlling for
scores on the Information Test. Thus, the hypothesis of
homogeneity of slopes was not rejected.
Following this preliminary test, four repeated measures
ancovas were performed with RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items
scores as the dependent measures and Information Test score
as a covariate. Only subjects receiving Interventions I and
II were included in this analysis because only these
subjects were required to complete the Information Test as
part of the immediate posttest assessment. Results revealed
no significant overall effects for intervention type,
presenter, or semester, suggesting that subjects' attention
to the workshop, as measured by the Information Test, did

104
not account for a significant amount of the variance in
response changes across time.
The vast majority of the subjects answered almost every
item correctly on the 10-item Information Test. Each item
was answered correctly by over 92% of the subjects, except
item 2 ("research suggests that about 35% of all male
college students in the U.S. say they would commit rape if
they could be assured no one would know") (73% correctly
responded) and item 3 ("rape is motivated by a need for
sexual release") (77% correctly responded). Only one
subject answered only 6 items correctly.
A chi-sguare analysis was performed to investigate the
nature of the response distribution for subjects' perceived
similarity to the presenter across the two presenter
conditions. As expected, results revealed a significant
difference in the frequency distributions with subjects
tending to rate themselves as more similar to the male
presenter than to the female presenter, X2(4, N = 184) =
17.89, p < .001. These findings suggest that the male vs.
female presenter manipulation was valid.
Post Hoc Analyses
Because the chi sguare analysis that was performed to
investigate the relationship between presenter's gender and
subjects' perceived similarity to the presenter (PSP)
revealed a significant association between these two

105
variables, PSP was included as a covariate in two post hoc
repeated measures ancovas used to retest hypotheses 1, 2,
and 3. Similar to the initial tests of these hypotheses,
the independent variables for the analyses were intervention
type, gender of presenter, and semester. The dependent
variables were rape myth acceptance and acceptance of
interpersonal violence. The likelihood of force items were
excluded from these analyses in order to maintain
statistical power.
Preliminary tests of homogeneity of slopes for the
repeated measures model with rape myth acceptance as the
dependent variable revealed some differences between groups.
More specifically, the amount of change in rape myth
acceptance scores varied among intervention groups, F(2,
144) = 5.25, p < .01, and was subject to an intervention by
PSP interaction, F(2, 144) = 5.56, p < .01. This finding of
heterogeneity of slopes violated an assumption of the
analysis of covariance and therefore precluded further data
analysis with rape myth acceptance as the dependent
variable.
A test of homogeneity of slopes for the repeated
measures model with acceptance of interpersonal violence as
the dependent variable revealed no significant differences
between groups and thus satisfied the homogeneity of slopes
requirement for the analysis of covariance with AIV as the
dependent variable. Results from the post hoc repeated

106
measures ancova with AIV as the dependent variable and PSP
as a covariate revealed no significant differences between
groups. More specifically, there was no overall effect for
presenter, intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way
interaction on AIV score totals. Thus, the results of the
post hoc repeated measures ancova with perceived similarity
to presenter (PSP) as a covariate failed to support
hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.
Because 18.3% (n = 34) of subjects indicated that they
had attended a workshop on date/acquaintance rape
previously, the repeated measures ancovas used to test
hypotheses 1, 2, and 3 were performed again, this time
including only those subjects with no previous exposure to a
date rape presentation or workshop. Subjects who had
attended a date rape workshop prior to the study were
omitted in order to obtain a more "pure" sample to study.
The independent variables for these analyses were
intervention type, gender of presenter, and semester. The
dependent variables were rape myth acceptance and acceptance
of interpersonal violence. PSP was included as a covariate.
Likelihood of force was again omitted from these analyses in
order to maintain statistical power.
Results from preliminary tests of homogeneity of slopes
revealed differences between groups with regard to rape myth
acceptance and acceptance of interpersonal violence scores.
More specifically, the amount of change in rape myth

107
acceptance scores varied among intervention groups, F(2,
113) = 3.88, p < .05, and was subject to an intervention by
PSP interaction, F(2, 113) =4.06, p < .05. Similarly, the
amount of change in acceptance of interpersonal violence
scores varied among intervention groups, F(2, 113) = 3.43, p
< .05, and was subject to an intervention by PSP
interaction, F(2, 113) = 4.44, p < .01. These findings of
heterogeneity of slopes violated an assumption of the
analysis of covariance and therefore precluded further data
analysis.
Because interitem correlations on the RMAS and AIV
scale were low to moderate, four repeated measures ancovas
used to retest the first three hypotheses were performed,
this time using two separate item scores from both the RMAS
and AIV scale as the dependent measures. RMAS items 1
(assessing the meaning of a woman's nonverbal behavior) and
5 (measuring victim-blaming attitudes) and AIV scale items 3
(assessing rape justification beliefs) and 4 (measuring
acceptance of spouse abuse) were selected because (a) the
items were deemed salient to factors associated with an
acceptance of rape-supportive beliefs and/or interpersonal
violence and (b) responses to these items were relatively
varied. Results from preliminary tests of homogeneity of
slopes revealed violations of the assumption of homogeneity
for RMAS items 1 and 5 and AIV item 3. The amount of change
in responses to AIV item 4 was not found to vary between

108
groups with PSP as a covariate, thus meeting the criterion
of homogeneity of slopes with AIV item 4 as the dependent
variable.
A repeated measures ancova performed with AIV item 4 as
the dependent variable and PSP as a covariate revealed no
significant differences between groups. That is, there was
no overall effect for presenter, intervention type,
semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction on AIV item 4
scores. Thus, the results of this post hoc repeated
measures ancova with AIV item 4 as the dependent variable
failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.

CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION
Summary of Results
The present study was designed to investigate the
effects of social learning theory-based interventions on
rape-supportive attitudes and rape proclivity among college
male students. More specifically, the study tested the
effects of four workshop/presentations on male college
students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance of
interpersonal violence, and likelihood of using verbal
coercion and physical force in a sexual interaction. A
summary of the results is presented below.
A significant interaction was observed between
presenter and semester with regard to rape myth acceptance
scores, with less disparity in RMAS scores between the two
presenter conditions during the fall semester than during
the summer term. No significant differences in RMAS scores
were found due to intervention type or any 2- or 3-way
interaction other than the presenter by semester
interaction. An overall time effect for RMAS scores was
observed, but no significant differences in scores over time
were found due to presenter by semester interaction.
109

110
No differences between groups were observed with regard
to acceptance of interpersonal violence, likelihood of
verbal coercion, or likelihood of physical force. More
specifically, there was no overall effect for presenter,
intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction
on these dependent variables. The results, thus, failed to
support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.
A moderate correlation was obtained between the
dependent measures (rape myth acceptance, acceptance of
interpersonal violence, likelihood of verbal coercion, and
likelihood of physical force), thus providing only marginal
support for hypothesis 4. Interitem correlations on the
Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) and the Acceptance of
Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV) were low and moderate,
respectively, for the present sample. These results
indicate low internal consistency and questionable construct
validity for the inventories with this sample of male
university students.
A significant association was observed between gender
of presenter and subjects' perceived similarity to the
presenter. Subjects in the male presenter conditions tended
to rate themselves as more similar to the presenter than did
subjects in the female presenter conditions.
Social desirability was not found to be highly
associated with responses on the RMAS, AIV scale, and LF
items. In addition, subjects' attention to the presentation

Ill
was not found to be a significant factor in response changes
across time. Indeed, all subjects were deemed to have paid
adeguate attention to the presentation to which they were
exposed.
Descriptive data on the sample revealed that 22.3% of
subjects acknowledged having engaged in some form of
sexually aggressive behavior with 6% of subjects reporting
having committed rape or attempted rape. Over half (53.8%)
of the sample indicated at least some likelihood of using
verbal coercion to obtain sexual intercourse and 12.8%
reported at least some likelihood of using physical force to
achieve the same end.
The results of post hoc analyses with perceived
similarity to the presenter (PSP) as a covariate and rape
myth acceptance and acceptance of interpersonal violence as
dependent variables failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and
3. Similarly, the results of post hoc analyses with two
selected AIV scale and RMAS item scores as the dependent
variables failed to support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3. Post
hoc repeated measures ancovas using only subjects with no
previous exposure to a date rape workshop and using rape
myth acceptance and acceptance of interpersonal violence as
the dependent variables could not be performed due to a
violation of the assumption of homogeneity of slopes.

112
Interpretation of the Results
The interaction between gender of presenter and
semester with regard to rape myth acceptance scores suggests
that differences in RMAS responses between presenter
conditions varied across the two semesters of data
collection. RMAS scores for subjects in the male presenter
conditions were slightly higher in the fall compared to the
summer, whereas RMAS scores for subjects in the female
presenter conditions were slightly lower in the fall
compared to the summer. The finding that there was less
disparity in RMAS scores between presenter conditions during
the second semester of data collection (fall) than during
the first semester (summer) is, at present, unexplained and
deserves further research. The finding does suggest that
gender of presenter is a significant factor in the
acknowledgment of rape-supportive attitudes. If this is
so, then this may have implications for the planning and
development of date rape prevention programs. In any
case, further research is needed to clarify the effect of
the presenter's gender on reports of rape-supportive
beliefs.
The finding of a significant overall time effect for
RMAS scores (with scores decreasing from baseline to
immediate posttest), but no significant differences in RMAS
scores over time due to presenter by semester interaction
suggests that there may have been factors not controlled for

113
in the present study that influenced responses over time.
One possible explanation for this is that there may have
been a test effect in that mere exposure to the dependent
measures at baseline was enough to influence rape myth
response scores. All subjects, including those in the
intervention control groups, completed the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale, Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence
Scale, and Likelihood of Force items before the intervention
occurred. It is possible that subjects thought about the
items after completing the baseline assessment and, as a
result, changed their responses to show less rape myth
acceptance at immediate posttest assessment. If this is
true, then activities that encourage thinking or discussion
among male students about rape, sexual exploitation, and
aggression may influence attitudes on this topic.
It is important to note that during the data collection
phase of this study, there was significant media attention
devoted to the issues of acquaintance rape (the William
Kennedy Smith trial), sexual harassment (the U.S. Supreme
Court confirmation hearings of Judge Clarence Thomas), and
the need for campus rape prevention programs (local, state,
and national press coverage). Subjects from each
intervention or control group were likely to have been
exposed to these media stories which may have influenced
response scores over time.

114
The possibility that subjects may have selected
socially desirable responses after having correctly guessed
the purpose of the study was only minimally supported by the
results from this study, thus a need to please the
experimenter (a socially desirable response) was not
considered to be a major factor in the overall change in
RMAS scores over time. The finding that social desirability
does not seem to be highly associated with responses on the
dependent measures suggests that subjects were fairly honest
in their answers to the survey items. This result suggests
that subjects' responses could be considered as fairly
accurate reflections of their true beliefs and behavioral
inclinations.
The association between gender of presenter and
subjects' perceived similarity to the presenter supports the
social learning theory assumption that persons tend to
perceive themselves to be more similar to a model of the
same gender than to a model of the opposite gender. This
finding lends validity to the inclusion of gender of
presenter as an independent variable in the present
experimental design. The finding also supports the
inclusion of the independent variable, perceived similarity
to the presenter, in further research that investigates the
effects of interventions on rape proclivity and acceptance
of rape-supportive attitudes.

115
The lack of significant group differences with regard
to likelihood of using physical force is most likely to be
due to the fact that there was little variance in scores on
this item. Responses, at baseline, were highly skewed such
that the vast majority of subjects reported no likelihood at
all of using physical force to obtain sexual intercourse. A
less strong, but similarly skewed distribution was obtained
for likelihood of using verbal coercion. Because most
baseline scores of likelihood of verbal coercion were low (3
or less), the probability of finding significant change over
time for this variable was small.
Perhaps the most important result obtained in this
study was that the internal consistencies of the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale were low for the present sample, especially
in comparison to the normative internal consistency data.
These results suggest that the RMAS and AIV scale were not
valid for this sample of male university students. Thus,
the results of this study with regard to the effects of the
interventions are highly questionable and inconclusive. It
may be that the low internal consistencies for the RMAS and
AIV scale were due to the nature of the sample tested. The
present sample included male college students whose average
age was 19; the normative sample tested male and female
adults whose mean age was 42 (Burt, 1980).

116
The percentages of subjects reporting past experience
with various forms of sexual aggression are similar to
percentages reported in previous research on college males
(Koss et al., 1987). The findings that almost a guarter of
subjects reported having engaged in some form of sexually
aggressive behavior with 6% of subjects reporting having
committed rape or attempted rape further evidence the
magnitude of the potential for rape and existence of sexual
aggression toward women among normal male populations.
These findings provide support for the assertion that rape
occurs on a continuum of sexually aggressive behaviors (Koss
& Oros, 1982) and highlight the need for addressing this
problem, particularly on college campuses where these data
are obtained.
A comment is indicated regarding the finding that among
students who knew a rape victim, those who participated in
the experiment were less likely to describe the victim as an
acquaintance (58.4%) than were persons who did not
participate in the experiment (74.0%). This difference may
have been because persons who knew a victim who was an
acquaintance may have had more knowledge of date/
acquaintance rape issues by virtue of association, and
therefore, may not have been as interested in participating
in a study on this topic. The reason for this difference
remains uncertain, however, and worthy of further research

117
to enhance our understanding of the self-selection process
for studies on rape prevention.
Limitations of the Study
The primary limitation of this study is the
questionable validity of the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and
Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale for this sample
of male university students. The low to moderate interitem
correlations of these scales indicate low internal
consistency and questionable construct validity of these
instruments for the present sample. These findings limit
the usefulness of the repeated measures ancovas used to test
hypotheses 1, 2, and 3 and the Pearson correlations computed
to test hypothesis 4.
The research is also limited in that only one male
presenter and one female presenter were used to conduct all
of the workshop/presentations and control interventions in
the study. The significant presenter by semester
interaction effect regarding rape myth acceptance scores,
therefore, has limited generalizability. Further research
is necessary to evidence the robustness of this study's
findings of a significant interaction between gender of
presenter and subjects' perceived similarity to the
presenter. Research is also needed to further explore the
impact of the presenter's gender on male college students'
attitudes about rape and interpersonal violence across time.

118
Finally, the nature of the sample itself lessens the
likelihood of obtaining significant results. Because the
majority of subjects at baseline reported few rape-
supportive beliefs, few attitudes condoning interpersonal
violence, and little likelihood of using force in a sexual
interaction at baseline, significant differences in the
dependent variables over time may have been more difficult
to observe, expecially given the fairly small number of
subjects in each group.
Suggestions for Further Research
The low to moderate correlations among items on the
Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of
Interpersonal Violence Scale indicate a need for further
basic research on developing valid and reliable instruments
designed to measure college students' attitudes about rape
and violence. Research is needed to identify factors
associated with rape myth acceptance among male and female
college students. This research should involve
differentiation of factors such as victim-blaming attitudes,
the meaning of nonverbal communications, and general
attitudes about women. It may also include differentiation
of attitudes about date rape, stranger rape, and gang rape.
With regard to the AIV scale, it would be important to
identify more specifically those factors of interest in
assessing acceptance of interpersonal violence towards

119
women, i.e., general attitudes about revenge, acceptance of
physical violence, and acceptance of sexual violence.
Similarly, because the present sample included many
subjects who did not report an adherence to rape-supportive
beliefs, an acceptance of values legitimizing aggression, or
a high likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction,
significant attitude change may have been difficult to
observe. Future research to test interventions to modify
rape proclivity and acceptance of rape-supportive attitudes
may test only those subjects who are identified at baseline
as having rape-supportive beliefs and/or as having a
relatively high proclivity towards sexual aggression.
Further research which controls for previous date rape
workshop exposure is also suggested.
Additional research is indicated on identifying those
factors in a date/acquaintance rape workshop/presentation
that may be most effective in changing attitudes or
influencing behavior. Such research may include exploration
of the differential effects of (1) having one or more
presenters in a workshop, (2) in vivo vs. videotaped
modeling of assertive dating behaviors, or (3) a workshop
series vs. a one-time workshop/presentation intervention.
Live actors could simulate a dating scenario, demonstrating
passive, aggressive, and assertive behaviors. This kind of
presentation is currently in practice on various college
campuses. Similarly, a male and female co-presenter team

120
could provide an additional means for modeling cooperation,
respect, and mutual sharing of power and authority. Also
worthy of further research are the effects of (a) rape
prevention information presented to incoming college
freshmen, (b) an elective college-level course on sexual
violence, and (c) continuing efforts to change the
environment which supports rape, including punishment for
those who are sexually violent and exploitive.
Further research is needed to explore the effects of
the interaction between perceived similarity to the
presenter and gender of presenter on rape-supportive
beliefs. Such research may have implications for choice of
presenters/instructors for future workshop/presentations
and/or undergraduate courses on sexual violence.
Conclusion
In summary, this research represents a first in testing
the adequacy of social learning theory as a framework for
developing rape prevention programs. Results raise
questions about the validity of using the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale with a college male population. Given the
questionable validity of the measures used, an adequate test
of the social learning theory-based interventions did not
occur. Future research on interventions to reduce rape-
supportive beliefs and rape proclivity is needed that uses

121
measures appropriate for the sample tested. Until such
research is conducted, the effects of these social learning
based interventions on rape proclivity and rape-supportive
attitudes remain inconclusive. Research to retest the
interventions in this study and other interventions to
prevent rape and sexual coercion are needed given that
almost a quarter of college males in this study reported
having engaged in some form of sexually aggressive behavior.

APPENDIX A
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM
Directions: Do not write on this paper. Put all answers on
the "bubble sheet" that accompanies this questionnaire. Do
NOT put your name or social security number on the bubble
sheet.
Special Codes: In the lower left hand corner of your
"bubble sheet" is a Special Codes section. Please fill in
columns A F with six digits that only you will recognize.
This number will serve as your personal code number. Do NOT
use any number that might obviously identify you. Examples
you may opt for may be a friend's birthday or the last six
digits of a phone number of a friend who lives out-of-town.
Use any six digits that are personally meaningful and are
already in your memory. Whatever number you choose, make
sure it is one that you will remember later in the semester,
but one that is relatively obscure to ensure your own
confidentiality.
Items
1,2. Age: Fill in number 1 on the bubble sheet by blackening
the appropriate 10's digit for your age. Fill in
number 2 on the bubble sheet by blackening the
appropriate single's digit for your age.
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123
(Example: if you are 20, blacken "2" for item 1
and blacken "0" for item 2).
3. Ethnicity: (0) African American
(1) Caucasian American
(2) Hispanic American
(3) Native American
(4) International
(5) Other
4. Class: (0) Freshman
(1) Sophomore
(2) Junior
(3) Senior
(4) Graduate Student
(5) Other
5. Are you a member of a fraternity at UF? (0) Yes (1) No
6. Do you personally know anyone who is a survivor of rape?
(0) Yes (1) No (If "no", go to item 12.)
If yes, what is/was your relationship to that person?
7. family member (0) Yes (1) No
8. acquaintance (0) Yes (1) No
9. dating partner (0) Yes (1) No
10. classmate (0) Yes (1) No
11. other (0) Yes (1) No
12.Have you ever attended a workshop or presentation on
date/acquaintance rape? (0) Yes (1) No

APPENDIX B
SEXUAL EXPERIENCES SURVEY
Using the "bubble sheet" that accompanies this
questionnaire, please respond by blackening the appropriate
number:
Yes =0. No = 1.
Yes No 1. Have you engaged in sex play (fondling, kissing,
or petting, but not intercourse) with a woman
when she didn't want to by overwhelming her with
continual arguments and pressure?
Yes No 2. Have you engaged in sex play (fondling, kissing,
or petting, but not intercourse) with a woman
when she didn't want to by using your position of
authority (boss, teacher, camp counselor,
supervisor)?
Yes No 3. Have you engaged in sex play (fondling, kissing,
or petting, but not intercourse) with a woman
when she didn't want to by threatening to use
some degree of physical force (twisting her arm,
holding her down, etc.)?
Yes No 4. Have you attempted sexual intercourse (got on top
of her, attempted to insert penis) with a woman
when she didn't want to by threatening or using
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125
some degree of physical force (twisting her arm,
holding her down, etc.), but intercourse did not
occur?
Yes No 5.
Have you attempted sexual intercourse (got on top
of her, attempted to insert penis) with a woman
when she didn't want to by giving her alcohol or
drugs, but intercourse did not occur?
Yes No 6.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by overwhelming her
with continual arguments and pressure?
Yes No 7.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by using your
position of authority (boss, supervisor, camp
counselor, teacher)?
Yes No 8.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by giving her
alcohol or drugs?
Yes No 9.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by threatening or
using some degree of physical force (twisting her
arm, holding her down, etc.)?
Yes No 10.
Have you engaged in sex acts (anal or oral
intercourse or penetration by objects other than
the penis) with a woman when she didn't want to
by threatening or using some degree of physical
force (twisting her arm, holding her down, etc.)?

APPENDIX C
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE SCALE
Please rate the following statements on the 7-point scale
below with 1 =
: "strongly agree" to 7 = "strongly disagree."
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*1. A woman who goes to the home or apartment
of a man on their first date implies that
she is willing to have sex.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
2. Any female can get raped.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*3. One reason that women falsely report a
rape is that they frequently have a need
to call attention to themselves.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*4. Any healthy woman can successfully resist
a rapist if she really wants to.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*5. When women go around braless or wearing
short skirts and tight tops, they are
just asking for trouble.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*6. In the majority of rapes, the victim is
promiscuous or has a bad reputation.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
*7. If a girl engages in necking or petting
and she lets things get out of hand, it
is her own fault if her partner forces
sex on her.
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127
1234567 *8. Women who get raped while hitchhiking get
what they deserve.
1234567 *9. A woman who is stuck-up and thinks she is
too good to talk to guys on the street
deserves to be taught a lesson.
1234567 *10. Many women have an unconscious wish to be
raped, and may then unconsciously set up
a situation in which they are likely to
be attacked.
1234567*11. Ifa woman gets drunk at a party and has
intercourse with a man she's just met
there, she should be considered "fair
game" to other males at the party who
want to have sex with her, too, whether
she wants to or not.
Please rate the following statements on the 5-point scales
as indicated.
12. What percentage of women who report a rape would you
say are lying because they are angry and want to get
back at the man they accuse?
almost all about 1/2 almost none
about 3/4 about 1/4
13. What percentage of reported rapes would you guess were
merely invented by women who discovered they were
pregnant and wanted to protect their own reputation?

128
almost all about 1/2 almost none
about 3/4 about 1/4
A person comes to you and claims they were raped. How
likely would you be to believe their statement if the person
were:
14.
your best friend?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
15.
an Indian woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
16.
a neighborhood woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
17.
a young boy?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
18.
a black woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
19.
a white woman?
always frequently
sometimes
rarely
never
Note. Item scales with an asterisk (*) are reversed before
scoring.

APPENDIX D
ACCEPTANCE OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE SCALE
Please rate the following statements on the 7-point scale
below with 1 = "strongly agree" to 7 = "strongly disagree."
1234567 1. People today should not use "an eye for
an eye and a tooth for a tooth" as a rule
for living.
1234567 *2. Being roughed up is sexually stimulating
to many women.
1234567 *3. Many times a woman will pretend she
doesn't want to have intercourse because
she doesn't want to seem loose, but she's
really hoping the man will force her.
1234567 4.A wife should move out of the house if
her husband hits her.
1234567 *5. Sometimes the only way a man can get a
cold woman turned on is to use force.
6. A man is never justified in hitting his
wife.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Note. Item scales with an asterisk (*) are reversed before
scoring.
129

APPENDIX E
MARLOWE-CROWNE SOCIAL DESIRABILITY SCALE (20)
Listed below are a number of statements concerning personal
attitudes and traits. Read each item and decide whether the
statement is true or false as it pertains to you personally.
T F
1. I never hesitate to go out of my way to help
someone in trouble. (T)
T F
2. I have never intensely disliked anyone. (T)
T F
3. I sometimes feel resentful when I don't get my
way. (F)
T F
4. I like to gossip at times. (F)
T F
5. There have been times when I felt like rebelling
against people in authority even though I knew
they were right. (F)
T F
6. I can remember "playing sick" to get out of
something. (F)
T F
7. There have been occasions when I took advantage
of someone. (F)
T F
8. I'm always willing to admit it when I make a
mistake. (T)
T F
9. I always try to practice what I preach. (T)
T F
10. I sometimes try to get even rather than forgive
and forget. (F)
130

131
T F 11. When I don't know something I don't at all mind
admitting it. (T)
T F 12. I am always courteous, even to people who are
disagreeable. (T)
T F 13. At times I have really insisted on having things
my own way. (F)
T F 14. There have been occasions when I felt like
smashing things. (F)
T F 15. I would never think of letting someone else be
punished for my wrongdoings. (T)
T F 16. I never resent being asked to return a favor.
(T)
T F 17. I have never been irked when people expressed
ideas very different from my own. (T)
T F 18. There have been times when I was quite jealous
of the good fortune of others. (F)
T F 19. I am sometimes irritated by people who ask
favors of me. (F)
T F 20. I have never deliberately said something that
hurt someone's feelings. (T)
Note. A score of 1 is given for responses like those in
parentheses. A score of 0 is given otherwise.

APPENDIX F
INFORMATION TEST
Please answer the following items to the best of your
knowledge.
T F 1. About 25% of female college students report having
experienced unwanted, forced intercourse. (T)
T F 2. Research suggests that about 35% of all male
college students in the U.S. say they would commit
rape if they could be assured that no one would
know. (T)
T F 3. Rape is motivated by a need for sexual release.
(F)
T F 4. Women who say no to sex really mean yes. (F)
T F 5. Most rapes happen between persons who know one
another. (T)
6. A man on a date has the right to sexual
intercourse against the woman's consent when:
T F He has spent a lot of money on her. (F)
T F She let him do it before. (F)
7. Compared to women who have not been raped, women
who have been raped:
T F Are more likely to feel sexually adventurous.(F)
T F Are more likely to feel depressed. (T)
132

T F
Are more likely to sleep well. (F)
Note. Letters in parentheses indicate the correct response.
Correct responses are given a score of 1. A score of 0 is
given otherwise.

APPENDIX G
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
You are being asked to volunteer as a participant in a
research study. This form is designed to provide you with
information about this study and to answer any questions you
may have.
The purpose of the research is to study college
students' dating and interpersonal relationship attitudes.
The results of the study will help counselors and educators
facilitate more positive and healthy relationships among
college students. In particular, the results will help
identify concerns and questions students may have regarding
dating relationships and hopefully will begin to address
some of those concerns.
Participants in the study will be asked to complete a
short set of questionnaires three times during a 2-week
period. The questionnaires can be completed in about 15
minutes. Your name will not be written on any of the
materials collected so that your rights to confidentiality
will be protected. In addition, participants will be asked
to attend one 1-hour and 15-minute presentation. The
presentation will be offered during times when most students
are available.
134

135
Following the experiment, participants will have an
opportunity to learn more about the nature of the study and
obtain a summary of results. Any questions or concerns that
participants may have as a result of participating will be
addressed.
There are no risks or discomforts anticipated for
participants in this study. If you wish to discuss any
discomforts you may experience, you may call Ms. Julie
Abrams, Principal Investigator, at 392-9436.
You may benefit directly from participation in this
study by increasing your knowledge and awareness of your
interpersonal relationship attitudes and your interaction
styles. You may also benefit indirectly as a result of
others gaining knowledge of how to enhance their
relationships, thus creating a more positive and healthy
university environment in which to live.
I have been fully informed of the procedure for the
above-described study and understand its possible benefits
and risks. I also understand that I will receive no
compensation other than course credit for participation in
this study. Participation in all phases of the experiment
is required in order to receive full credit (i.e., five
credits); credit will be given after completion of the
study. I understand that I am free to discontinue my
participation in this study at any time. I agree to

participate in the procedure and have received a copy of
this description.
136
Signature of Participant
Signature of Principal Investigator
Julie M. Abrams, M.S.
392-9436, Box 33 Psychology
Date
Date

APPENDIX H
DEBRIEFING FORM
Thank you for your participation in this experiment.
Your responses to the questionnaires will be kept
confidential through the use of your self-generated code
number. Furthermore, your answers will be kept in a locked
file drawer to which only the Principal Investigator and two
research assistants will have access.
The purpose of this study was to compare the effects of
four different workshop/presentations on male college
students' dating and interpersonal relationship attitudes.
More specifically, the study was designed to assess the
effects of the workshops on male college students' (a)
acceptance of beliefs about date rape, (b) acceptance of
interpersonal violence, and (c) self-reported likelihood of
engaging in coercive behavior in a dating situation. The
study was designed to test the application of social
learning theory to the prevention of date rape.
You attended one of six types of workshop/
presentations involved in the study. Two of the workshops
involved a presentation of information on date rape. Two
other workshops included the same information presented in
the first two workshops plus a videotaped dating scenario.
137

138
The videotape involved the modeling of assertive
interpersonal behaviors by two persons and the presenter's
positive verbal reinforcement of these behaviors. Attempts
were also made to respond positively to audience members'
comments conveying anti-rape behaviors and attitudes. Two
other groups watched videotaped presentations on topics
unrelated to date rape and interpersonal relationships.
Each of the presentation types was conducted with a male
presenter in one condition and a female presenter in
another.
The study was designed to determine whether or not the
videotaped roleplays added significantly to the
effectiveness of the workshop and whether or not having a
male or female presenter made a difference.
If, at this time, you do not wish your responses to be
included in further data analysis, please inform the
Principal Investigator, Julie Abrams, and your responses
will be omitted from the study. It is your right to
withdraw your responses if so desired.
Thank you again for your participation in this project.
If you have any questions at all about the study, please
feel free to contact Julie Abrams at 392-9436.

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Books.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Julie M. Abrams was born on August 26, 1962, in Bryn
Mawr, Pennsylvania. After living in the northeastern United
States for several years, Ms. Abrams and her family moved to
Gainesville, Florida. Ms. Abrams attended Bushey Meads
Secondary School near London, England, in 1978-1979 and was
graduated from Gainesville High School in 1980. In 1984,
she was graduated cum laude from Davidson College, North
Carolina, receiving a bachelor's degree with honors in
psychology.
Currently, Ms. Abrams is employed as a student
counseling specialist at the University of Florida's (UF)
Sexual Assault Recovery Service while completing her
doctorate in counseling psychology. She completed her
predoctoral internship at the Counseling Center at Southern
Illinois University at Carbondale, was a research assistant
at the UF Vocational Rehabilitation Research Laboratory, and
is an associate member of the American Psychological
Association (APA).
148

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Dpptor of Ph j. ljjsophy-.
CaroJ'yn^t
Professor of Psychology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Phyllis Meek
Associate Professor of
Counselor Education
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable^ standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequat\ in scope aqd qua!rtyf as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Greg Neimeyer
Professor of Psychology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Barbara Probert
Associate Professor of
Psychology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor jof^PTiiTosoi
Professor of Psychology

This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the Department of Psychology in the College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the reguirements for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1992
Dean, Graduate School

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA



2
University students are a high risk group for rape
because they are similar in age to the majority of rape
victims and offenders. Most rape victims are in their late
teens or early twenties and almost half of all alleged
rapists who are arrested are under age 25 (FBI, 1986).
This, coupled with an increase in autonomy, availability of
alcohol and drugs, and vulnerability due to uncertain
surroundings and peer pressure, increases the likelihood of
date/acquaintance rape on college campuses and makes this
issue a serious concern nationwide.
Rape has a tremendous impact on victims and significant
others. Victims often endure severe emotional,
psychological, and physical trauma that can last over a
period of months, years, and even a lifetime. Such effects
have been referred to as rape trauma syndrome (Burgess &
Holmstrum, 1974) and encompass changes in one's sense of
self, relationships with others (including sexual
relationships), and physical functioning. Family, friends,
and significant others are often affected by rape as well.
Many may feel shocked, angry, guilty, helpless, and
frustrated (Orzek, 1983). Some may question the integrity
of the victims, blaming them for their predicament or
doubting their honesty. Fueled by a host of culturally
entrenched stereotyped, prejudicial, and false beliefs about
rape, many significant others become victims themselves. It
I


50
reinforced performance (Bandura, 1973, 1979). The principle
mechanism of learning aggression is through observation,
i.e., watching others model aggressive behavior and then
witnessing the consequences of their acts (Bandura, 1973,
1979). Observational learning occurs much faster than
reinforced performance alone. This process of learning is
particularly important in the acquisition of aggressive
behavior because a large amount of aggressive behavior
requires intricate and complex skills (e.g., sparring with
opponents and military combat) and mistakes can be fatal.
Bandura (1973, 1979) outlines four interrelated
subprocesses that comprise observational learning. The
first subprocess is attentional and involves sensing,
perceiving, and exploring the environment. The second
subprocess serves a memory function and involves the
formation of symbolic representations of sensed experiences.
It is the process of coding and storing information. The
third subprocess is the motor reproduction of the stored
memory, or the integration of the observed acts with actual
response repertoires. The fourth and final subprocess of
observational learning serves a regulatory function.
Essentially, this is the process of deciding whether or not
the learned behavior is performed by analyzing the costs and
benefits of the enactment. Each of these subprocesses
operate in the learning of specific and general behavioral
skills (Bandura, 1979).


39
awareness of each other's feelings and perceptions and
encouraging more open communication between the sexes.
The typical date rape awareness workshop involves a
presentation of information including legal terms,
definitions, incidence rates, common myths, rape prevention
strategies, and available counseling resources (Borden et
al., 1988; Buhrke & Lustgraaf, 1988; Pace & Zaugra, 1988).
Workshops may also include information on the effects of
rape, videotaped portrayals of typical date rape scenarios
or interviews with rape survivors, small group discussions,
and anonymous surveys of participant knowledge and
experience. Unique strategies such as "fishbowl exercises"
are also occasionally used (Pace & Zaugra, 1988). Many of
these programs are developed with the idea that peer
educators can be trained to facilitate the workshops (Buhrke
& Lustgraaf, 1988; Pace & Zaugra, 1988; C.P. Walsh, personal
communication, January 28, 1991).
There is a great deal of discussion and investigation
of the relative importance of various program topics and
relative effectiveness of program formats. Some researchers
recommend that educational efforts include information
regarding rape myths, incidence rates, and the effect of
sex-role socialization on dating practices (Sandberg et al.,
1987). Others support education regarding sexual
functioning and the effects of alcohol and drug use on
sexual interactions (Miller & Marshall, 1987) Many support


48
workshop participants (Pace & Zaugra, 1988) Few studies
have attempted to assess empirically the effectiveness of
workshops in changing rape-supportive attitudes, increasing
empathy towards rape victims, and altering interpersonal
behavior.
Social Learning Theory and Human Aggression
Although the majority of rape research has been guided
by feminist philosophy, few studies on rape have employed
social psychological theory to provide direction for the
research. There is a great need for a social psychological
model of sexual aggression (Malamuth, 1988). Such a model
should encompass the general component of aggression,
factors specific to violence towards women, and factors that
promote aggression towards those regarded as "inferior" or
"weak" (Malamuth, 1988).
A review of the literature reveals that the social
psychological theory of human aggression that has received
the most abundant and most consistent empirical support to
date is social learning theory as proposed by Albert Bandura
(Myers, 1987) Briefly, social learning theory postulates
that aggression is primarily learned by observing others
behaving aggressively and witnessing the reinforcement of
such behavior. Aggressive behavior is also shaped and
maintained by positive reinforcement from external and
internal sources (Bandura, 1973, 1977). A more detailed


7
college students' acceptance of rape myths, acceptance
of interpersonal violence, and self-reported likelihood
of using force in a sexual interaction than the same
workshop/presentations conducted by a female?


29
rapist, were more likely to blame society or the situation.
Overall sexual experience (i.e., number of partners,
frequency of masturbation, positions attempted, oral sex,
etc.) and religiosity (defined in terms of a biblical basis
for morality and frequency of church attendance) were not
found to be significant predictor variables.
In a study investigating predictors of rape myth
acceptance, Burt (1980) found that the higher one's sex role
stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of
interpersonal violence, the higher was one's acceptance of
rape myths. Variables that were found to be significant
predictors of rape myth acceptance included age and
education, with younger and better educated persons
revealing less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence
attitudes. Variables that were not found to significantly
predict rape myth acceptance included self-esteem, personal
experience of attempted or actual rape, knowledge of a rape
victim, and conservative sexual attitudes.
Burt's (1980) findings support the notion that rape
myth acceptance is widespread and strongly connected to a
host of other beliefs about men, women, and relationships.
As mentioned previously, attitudes about rape have also been
associated with self-reported likelihood of raping (Briere &
Malamuth, 1983). Expressed likelihood of raping, in turn,
has been related to aggression towards women in a laboratory
setting (Malamuth, 1981).


117
to enhance our understanding of the self-selection process
for studies on rape prevention.
Limitations of the Study
The primary limitation of this study is the
questionable validity of the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and
Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale for this sample
of male university students. The low to moderate interitem
correlations of these scales indicate low internal
consistency and questionable construct validity of these
instruments for the present sample. These findings limit
the usefulness of the repeated measures ancovas used to test
hypotheses 1, 2, and 3 and the Pearson correlations computed
to test hypothesis 4.
The research is also limited in that only one male
presenter and one female presenter were used to conduct all
of the workshop/presentations and control interventions in
the study. The significant presenter by semester
interaction effect regarding rape myth acceptance scores,
therefore, has limited generalizability. Further research
is necessary to evidence the robustness of this study's
findings of a significant interaction between gender of
presenter and subjects' perceived similarity to the
presenter. Research is also needed to further explore the
impact of the presenter's gender on male college students'
attitudes about rape and interpersonal violence across time.


103
the three test times. The mean score on the Marlowe-Crowne
Social Desirability Scale (20) was 8.11 for the present
sample with a standard deviation of 3.46. These figures are
comparable to those for the normative sample (M = 9.1, SD =
3.9) tested by Strahan and Gerbasi (1972).
In order to test whether or not differences in changes
in scores on the dependent measures were due to subjects'
attention to the presentation, it was first necessary to see
if the amount of change in scores over time was similar
across groups. Hence, the data were first analyzed for
homogeneity of slopes with Information Test total score as a
covariate. Results from this analysis revealed no
differences in the regression coefficients between groups
(for RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items) when controlling for
scores on the Information Test. Thus, the hypothesis of
homogeneity of slopes was not rejected.
Following this preliminary test, four repeated measures
ancovas were performed with RMAS, AIV scale, and LF items
scores as the dependent measures and Information Test score
as a covariate. Only subjects receiving Interventions I and
II were included in this analysis because only these
subjects were required to complete the Information Test as
part of the immediate posttest assessment. Results revealed
no significant overall effects for intervention type,
presenter, or semester, suggesting that subjects' attention
to the workshop, as measured by the Information Test, did


19
1990). In addition, the majority of reported gang rapes on
campus are said to involve fraternity members (Roark, 1987).
Fraternity members are also reported to be more likely than
"independents" to use verbal coercion, drugs, and alcohol in
order to obtain sexual intercourse (Boeringer, Shehan, &
Akers, 1991).
Some evidence exists to support the idea that men and
women enter college with different ideas regarding sexual
relationships. Giarrusso, Johnson, Goodchilds, and Zellman
(1979) found that of a sample of 432 teenagers between the
ages of 14 and 18, 76% of the boys and 56% of the girls said
there were certain circumstances under which it was
acceptable for a male to use force to obtain sexual
intercourse. Such circumstances included when a girl gets a
boy sexually aroused, and when a girl says she plans to have
sex with a boy and then changes her mind. In a similar
study of 272 female and 268 male college students,
Muehlenhard (1988) found that both men and women believed
that date rape was more "justified" when the woman initiated
the date, when they went to the man's apartment and when the
man paid the expenses. The degree of justification was
greater for men compared to women under these conditions.
Consequences of Rape
Rape has far-reaching consequences for the victim,
significant others, and society. It often has severe


36
Many traditional rape prevention strategies focus
solely on the potential victim and what women can do to
avoid rape. Such strategies include assertiveness and self-
defense training (Kidder, Boell, & Moyer, 1983; Parrot,
1985; Sandberg et al., 1987), and efforts to increase a
woman's sense of empowerment, knowledge of personal rights,
and comfortability in discussing sexual topics (Parrot,
1985).
There has been a great deal of research investigating
rape victim response, assault outcome, and causal
attributions about rape. These studies generally reflect
beliefs that women can prevent rape by altering their
behavior. In one study, subjects assigned greater
responsibility to the victim and less responsibility to the
rapist for completed rape than attempted rape.
Interestingly, men attributed less fault and more
intelligence, while women attributed more fault and less
intelligence to rape victims who resisted rape more
forcefully. Subjects also were more sure that a rape had
occurred when the victim showed more resistance (Krulewitz &
Nash, 1979).
In a later study, Krulewitz and Kahn (1983) found that,
in general, subjects rated strategies which placed the locus
of responsibility for change on women as more effective than
strategies which placed the responsibility on men and
society. Approaches that conformed to sex-role stereotypes


123
(Example: if you are 20, blacken "2" for item 1
and blacken "0" for item 2).
3. Ethnicity: (0) African American
(1) Caucasian American
(2) Hispanic American
(3) Native American
(4) International
(5) Other
4. Class: (0) Freshman
(1) Sophomore
(2) Junior
(3) Senior
(4) Graduate Student
(5) Other
5. Are you a member of a fraternity at UF? (0) Yes (1) No
6. Do you personally know anyone who is a survivor of rape?
(0) Yes (1) No (If "no", go to item 12.)
If yes, what is/was your relationship to that person?
7. family member (0) Yes (1) No
8. acquaintance (0) Yes (1) No
9. dating partner (0) Yes (1) No
10. classmate (0) Yes (1) No
11. other (0) Yes (1) No
12.Have you ever attended a workshop or presentation on
date/acquaintance rape? (0) Yes (1) No


17
are assaults committed by one offender, although there were
occasional reports of gang rape (Martin et al., 1984).
Although the rape assessment conducted in Florida
looked at rape among the general population, the majority of
rape research, including many of the national incidence and
prevalence studies, targets college students as subjects.
Rape research on college students is important for several
reasons. First, college students are particularly at risk
for rape because of their age. The most common age for rape
victims is between 16 and 19. The second highest rate
occurs among persons between the ages of 20 and 24 (Bureau
of Justice Statistics, 1984). Additionally, almost half of
all alleged rapists who are arrested are under age 25 (FBI,
1986).
Second, college students of traditional age are
especially vulnerable to victimization in general.
Typically, these students are in an unfamiliar setting, for
the first time without old support systems and parental
supervision. Their identities are generally not yet
established, their sexuality may not yet be fully explored,
and they may have illusions of invincibility. Their cohorts
may be experimenting with new freedoms and exertirig^pSer
pressure to conform to the group (Roark, 1987) .
Third, the environment in which college students live
may also contribute to increased risk of rape. One aspect
of the university environment that is often associated with


140
Briere, J., & Malamuth, N.M. (1983). Self-reported
likelihood of sexually aggressive behavior: Attitudinal
versus sexual explanations. Journal of Research in
Personality. 17. 315-323.
Brownmiller, S. (1975). Against our will: Men, women, and
rape. New York: Bantam Books.
Buhrke, R.A., & Lustgraaf, M. (1988). Date rape awareness
program: A model for educating and consciousness
raising. Journal of College Student Development. 29,
478-479.
Bureau of Justice Statistics. (1984). Criminal
victimization in the United States. 1982 (Publication
No. NCJ-92820). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of
Justice.
Burgess, A.W., & Holmstrum, L.L. (1974). Rape: Victims of
crisis. Bowie, MD: Robert J. Brady Company.
Burt, M.R. (1980). Cultural myths and supports for rape.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 38, 217-
230.
Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. (1970). The
report of the commission on obscenity and pornography.
New York: Bantam.
Courtois, C.A. (1979). Victims of rape and incest. The
Counseling Psychologist. 8, 38-40.
Crenshaw, T.L. (1978). Counseling the family and friends.
In S. Halpern (Ed.), Rape: Helping the victim (pp. 51-
65). Oredell, NJ: Medical Economics, Book Division.
Crowne, D.P., & Marlowe, D. (1960). A new scale of social
desirability independent of psychopathology. Journal of
Consulting Psychology. 24. 349-354.
Davis, A.Y. (1981). Women, race, and class. New York:
Random House, Inc.
Demare, D., & Briere, J. (1988). Violent pornography and
self-reported likelihood of sexual aggression. Journal
of Research in Personality. 22. 140-153.
Donnerstein, E. (1980). Aggressive erotica and violence
against women. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology. 39, 269-277.


APPENDIX F
INFORMATION TEST
Please answer the following items to the best of your
knowledge.
T F 1. About 25% of female college students report having
experienced unwanted, forced intercourse. (T)
T F 2. Research suggests that about 35% of all male
college students in the U.S. say they would commit
rape if they could be assured that no one would
know. (T)
T F 3. Rape is motivated by a need for sexual release.
(F)
T F 4. Women who say no to sex really mean yes. (F)
T F 5. Most rapes happen between persons who know one
another. (T)
6. A man on a date has the right to sexual
intercourse against the woman's consent when:
T F He has spent a lot of money on her. (F)
T F She let him do it before. (F)
7. Compared to women who have not been raped, women
who have been raped:
T F Are more likely to feel sexually adventurous.(F)
T F Are more likely to feel depressed. (T)
132


33
affectionate behavior (behavior characterized by performance
expectations and dominance), an obsession with achievement
and success, and health care problems (resulting from a
failure to attend to physical and emotional signs of
distress) (O'Neil, 1981). Gender roles that limit men from
developing themselves to their full human capacity result in
attempts at proving masculinity through competition, sexual
conquest, and rejection of men who display nontraditional
male behavior. Role stress may also be manifested by
alcohol and drug abuse, avoidance of intimacy, and an
overinvolvement in work or studies.
Congruent with the notions of competition, hierarchical
relationships, and an appreciation for dominance is a
cultural acceptance of violence and aggression. Aggression
is regarded as a satisfactory method for obtaining goals in
our society, a message made clear to us through our history,
our media, our advertising (Sheffield, 1984) and
occasionally, our laws (Roark, 1987). We learn to make
cowboys, cops, and military men our heros; we learn to
glorify aggression and war (Kokopeli & Lakey, 1983).
Violence is often tolerated, especially against groups who
are unlike those in power. It is often tolerated within
relationships. Traditionally, the closer the relationship,
the more acceptable the violence (Roark, 1987).
In national surveys on the use of violence as a social-
control measure (e.g., spankings, capital punishment, and


105
variables, PSP was included as a covariate in two post hoc
repeated measures ancovas used to retest hypotheses 1, 2,
and 3. Similar to the initial tests of these hypotheses,
the independent variables for the analyses were intervention
type, gender of presenter, and semester. The dependent
variables were rape myth acceptance and acceptance of
interpersonal violence. The likelihood of force items were
excluded from these analyses in order to maintain
statistical power.
Preliminary tests of homogeneity of slopes for the
repeated measures model with rape myth acceptance as the
dependent variable revealed some differences between groups.
More specifically, the amount of change in rape myth
acceptance scores varied among intervention groups, F(2,
144) = 5.25, p < .01, and was subject to an intervention by
PSP interaction, F(2, 144) = 5.56, p < .01. This finding of
heterogeneity of slopes violated an assumption of the
analysis of covariance and therefore precluded further data
analysis with rape myth acceptance as the dependent
variable.
A test of homogeneity of slopes for the repeated
measures model with acceptance of interpersonal violence as
the dependent variable revealed no significant differences
between groups and thus satisfied the homogeneity of slopes
requirement for the analysis of covariance with AIV as the
dependent variable. Results from the post hoc repeated


53
societal violence is more common than not. Apparently, this
difference is not affected by sex, age, educational level,
or amount of newspaper reading (Bandura, 1979).
Exposure to modeled aggression influences attitudes and
values as well as behavior. It is suggested that modeled
aggression influences attitudes towards groups that differ
in occupation, race, and other demographic variables.
Attitude formation is thought to occur through modeled
associations, i.e., by making evaluations of others based on
observations of their behavior (Bandura, 1973).
Although modeling can account for the majority of
learning of complex human behavior including aggression,
behavior is also learned, or shaped, by direct reinforcement
(Bandura, 1973, 1977, 1979). In humans, the process of
reinforcement is considered primarily to be an informative
and motivational operation, rather than a mechanistic one.
It is basically a cognitive process of learning response
consequences; it allows one to make judgments about the
future likelihood of behavioral reinforcement. Bandura
(1973, 1977, 1979) suggests that reinforcement and modeling
operate together in daily life. Behavior may be learned
first through observation and then later refined through
reinforcement.
Observational learning and reinforced performance
account for most aggressive behavior in humans. The amount
and type of aggression exhibited, however, is somewhat


18
increased risk of date/acquaintance rape is the widespread
use of alcohol among college students. Research shows that
about 50% of women who are victims of rape and about 65% of
their assailants were drinking before the rape occurred
(Johnson, Gibson, & Linden, 1978). Alcohol use can impair
judgment and decrease assertiveness. Its purposeful use to
increase a potential victim's vulnerability is illegal under
certain circumstances in Florida. Under Florida law, it is
illegal to have sexual intercourse with a person who,
without their consent or prior knowledge, has been given
intoxicants which mentally or physically incapacitate them,
thus disabling them from giving consent. It is also illegal
to have sexual intercourse with a person who is physically
helpless, i.e., unconscious, asleep, or for any other reason
unable to communicate unwillingness to the act (Florida
Statutes, 1983).
Another aspect of university life which is said to play
a role in some rapes is the existence of closely knit, all
male groups such as fraternities. Fraternities, in general,
have been characterized as having a narrow, stereotypic idea
of masculinity and heterosexuality, an emphasis on group
loyalty, competition, and supremacy, and an acceptance of
the use of alcohol as a means to gain sexual access (Martin
& Hummer, 1989). Indeed, one study showed that a
disproportionate number of alleged campus rape offenders
were members of fraternities (O'Shaughnessey & Palmer,


101
support for the suggestion that high rates of sexual
aggression occur among "normal male populations.
As mentioned earlier (Chapter 3), there were four
categories of sexual aggression or coercion measured by the
SES. These categories were rape, attempted rape, sexual
coercion, and sexual contact. Each subject was classified
under the most severe form of sexual aggression that he
reported. The number and percentage of subjects who were
classified under each of the four categories are as follows:
sexual contact (coerced sexual contact, not including
intercourse) (n = 10, 5.4%), sexual coercion (coerced sexual
intercourse) (n = 20, 10.9%), attempted rape (n = 4, 2.2%),
and rape (n = 7, 3.8%). Approximately three-fourths of
subjects (n = 143, 77.7%) did not report having engaged in
any form of sexual aggression whatsoever.
In order to assess the association between response
scores on the dependent measures with social desirability,
Pearson product moment correlations between scores on the
Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (20) and scores on
the dependent measures at pretest, immediate posttest, and
delayed posttest were computed. Correlation coefficients
for these associations are listed in Table 4-5. The
resulting significant, but low correlations suggest that
subjects' need to present themselves in a socially favorable
manner was not highly associated with responses on the RMAS,
AIV scale, or likelihood of using verbal coercion item.


20
emotional, social, cognitive, and behavioral effects that
may last for years and even a lifetime. Below is an
overview of the literature on the impact of rape, including
some discussion of the effects of rape on significant others
and society at large.
Rape trauma syndrome, as identified by Burgess and
Holmstrum (1974), has been the cornerstone of our current
understanding of the impact of rape on victims and
survivors. This syndrome has two basic stages: 1) an
immediate or acute phase, involving a disruption of life
style and 2) a long-term phase involving a reorganization of
the self and a resolution of personal feelings about the
rape. Recovery from the physical and emotional trauma of
rape is thought to proceed through these stages.
The acute phase may last for a few days or a few weeks.
During this crisis stage, the rape victim commonly
experiences a wide range of emotions, including shock,
disbelief, fear, anxiety, tension, hurt, alienation,
powerlessness, defenselessness, distrust, depression,
vulnerability, guilt, shame, embarrassment, confusion,
anger, and loss of control (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974;
Doweiko, 1981; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983; Guest, 1977).
Some rape victims are visibly expressive of their feelings;
others appear calm and controlled. Mood swings are common.
Physical reactions during the acute phase are typical.
Some rape victims report feeling a general bodily soreness.


66
opportunities to observe such behaviors modeled and
reinforced.
One's parents or caretakers can also be a source of
modeled sexual aggression. In a study investigating the
relationship between child sexual abuse and sexual coercion
experienced as a young adult, researchers found a
significant relationship between histories of child sexual
abuse and reported acts of sexual coercion in college. No
relationship was found between histories of child sexual
abuse and reported sexual victimization at college (Miller &
Marshall, 1987) .
Effects of Reinforcement
One potential source of reinforcement for sexually
aggressive behavior is one's peer group. Such reinforcement
can take a variety of forms. Positive consequences for
sexual aggression may include social approval, affirmation
of one's masculinity and manhood, and increased social
status. Negative consequences for refusing to engage in
sexual aggression may include ostracization, rejection, and
ridicule.
Evidence to suggest that the social learning principles
of differential association and differential reinforcement
do indeed play significant roles in the development and
maintenance of sexually aggressive behavior among college
males was provided by Boeringer and colleagues in a study


52
television can also influence the amount of positive social
behavior exhibited. Prosocial programming has been shown to
increase cooperation and sharing and to decrease aggression
among children (Leiffer, Gordon, & Graves, 1974).
In addition to teaching aggressive styles of behavior,
television can also disinhibit persons from behaving
aggressively. This occurs when television watchers witness
few negative consequences for modeled aggression. For
example, when heros are portrayed as winning a great deal
and losing little by killing, robbing, and taking revenge,
observers learn that violence is not only acceptable, but
preferred as a way of achieving goals and solving conflict
(Bandura, 1973, 1979).
Television influences aggressive behavior by
desensitizing and habituating persons to violence. Research
shows that heavy viewers of television respond with less
emotion to violence (Bandura, 1979) and decreased emotional
responsiveness can occur after watching just one violent
program (Thomas, Horton, Lippincott, & Drabman, 1977). In
addition to decreased emotionality, those who watch
television a great deal are less likely to intervene when
observing human conflict and aggression (Bandura, 1979).
Television also affects our sense of reality. Heavy
watchers, compared to light viewers, are less trusting of
others and perceive a greater likelihood of personal
victimization. Heavy viewers are more apt think that


119
women, i.e., general attitudes about revenge, acceptance of
physical violence, and acceptance of sexual violence.
Similarly, because the present sample included many
subjects who did not report an adherence to rape-supportive
beliefs, an acceptance of values legitimizing aggression, or
a high likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction,
significant attitude change may have been difficult to
observe. Future research to test interventions to modify
rape proclivity and acceptance of rape-supportive attitudes
may test only those subjects who are identified at baseline
as having rape-supportive beliefs and/or as having a
relatively high proclivity towards sexual aggression.
Further research which controls for previous date rape
workshop exposure is also suggested.
Additional research is indicated on identifying those
factors in a date/acquaintance rape workshop/presentation
that may be most effective in changing attitudes or
influencing behavior. Such research may include exploration
of the differential effects of (1) having one or more
presenters in a workshop, (2) in vivo vs. videotaped
modeling of assertive dating behaviors, or (3) a workshop
series vs. a one-time workshop/presentation intervention.
Live actors could simulate a dating scenario, demonstrating
passive, aggressive, and assertive behaviors. This kind of
presentation is currently in practice on various college
campuses. Similarly, a male and female co-presenter team


82
subjects' comments conveying anti-rape behaviors and
attitudes (Intervention II). The subjects comprised
the audience. This intervention was also about 1
hour and 15 minutes long.
(3) Videotapes unrelated to rape or interpersonal
violence (Intervention Control). This group did not
receive a workshop/presentation on date rape during
the data collection period. Instead, subjects in
this group watched two half-hour videotaped
presentations on topics unrelated to date rape and
interpersonal violence. Between 5 and 10 minutes
were reserved for comments and discussion about the
videotapes.
The information presented during Interventions I and II
included rape myths and facts, the effects of rape on
victims, and rape prevention strategies for men and women.
Two examples of the rape myths discussed were, "Rape happens
only rarely" and "Rapists are motivated by a need for sexual
release." Rape trauma syndrome was presented as a stage
model that outlined the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral
impact of rape on victims. The effects of rape on family,
friends, and partners of victims was also acknowledged.
Strategies for reducing the likelihood of sexual aggression
included: "Know your sexual desires and limits" (men and
women), "Assume that 'no' means 'no,' not maybe" (men),
"When in doubt, ask" (men), "Say 'no' if you mean 'no'


110
No differences between groups were observed with regard
to acceptance of interpersonal violence, likelihood of
verbal coercion, or likelihood of physical force. More
specifically, there was no overall effect for presenter,
intervention type, semester, or any 2- or 3-way interaction
on these dependent variables. The results, thus, failed to
support hypotheses 1, 2, and 3.
A moderate correlation was obtained between the
dependent measures (rape myth acceptance, acceptance of
interpersonal violence, likelihood of verbal coercion, and
likelihood of physical force), thus providing only marginal
support for hypothesis 4. Interitem correlations on the
Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) and the Acceptance of
Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV) were low and moderate,
respectively, for the present sample. These results
indicate low internal consistency and questionable construct
validity for the inventories with this sample of male
university students.
A significant association was observed between gender
of presenter and subjects' perceived similarity to the
presenter. Subjects in the male presenter conditions tended
to rate themselves as more similar to the presenter than did
subjects in the female presenter conditions.
Social desirability was not found to be highly
associated with responses on the RMAS, AIV scale, and LF
items. In addition, subjects' attention to the presentation


31
lines. Male development emphasizes the processes of
separation and individuation, whereas female development
emphasizes the processes of attachment and connectedness.
Male identity is formed through roles, position, and
individual achievement, whereas female identity is gained
through the development of relationships and cooperative
achievements. The cognitive styles of males and females
generally differ, with males encouraged to develop basically
rational cognitive styles and females encouraged to develop
basically intuitive cognitive styles (Gilligan, 1982;
Lerner, 1988).
The traditional male role, thus, is characterized by
reason and intellect, an instrumental or task orientation,
success gained through individual achievement and dominance
over others, and demonstrations of strength and
invulnerability. The traditional female role, in contrast,
is characterized by emotional expression, a people-
orientation, recognition gained through association with
others, relationships based on nurturance, helpfulness, and
agreeableness, and demonstrations of deference and self-
effacement (Bloom, Coburn, & Pearlman, 1975).
Regarding sexual attitudes and behavior, men and women
are socialized along very different lines. Men are taught
to view sex as a performance in which an erection,
intercourse, and orgasm are essential for success. Men are
socialized to assume responsibility for initiating sexual


115
The lack of significant group differences with regard
to likelihood of using physical force is most likely to be
due to the fact that there was little variance in scores on
this item. Responses, at baseline, were highly skewed such
that the vast majority of subjects reported no likelihood at
all of using physical force to obtain sexual intercourse. A
less strong, but similarly skewed distribution was obtained
for likelihood of using verbal coercion. Because most
baseline scores of likelihood of verbal coercion were low (3
or less), the probability of finding significant change over
time for this variable was small.
Perhaps the most important result obtained in this
study was that the internal consistencies of the Rape Myth
Acceptance Scale and the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale were low for the present sample, especially
in comparison to the normative internal consistency data.
These results suggest that the RMAS and AIV scale were not
valid for this sample of male university students. Thus,
the results of this study with regard to the effects of the
interventions are highly questionable and inconclusive. It
may be that the low internal consistencies for the RMAS and
AIV scale were due to the nature of the sample tested. The
present sample included male college students whose average
age was 19; the normative sample tested male and female
adults whose mean age was 42 (Burt, 1980).


84
in this "extra" workshop was voluntary. No data were to be
collected during this presentation. Only one subject (1.6%)
from the control groups expressed interest in attending such
a workshop and was met with individually to share
information presented in Intervention I and to address
specific questions and concerns raised.
The second independent variable in this study was
gender of presenter. As stated earlier, each of the three
workshop/presentation types was conducted separately with a
male presenter and a female presenter; therefore, the total
number of groups was six (four intervention groups and two
intervention control groups). The male and female
presenters were matched on age, race, and level of expertise
(e.g., similar educational backgrounds and experience).
Immediately following the interventions (excluding the
volunteer workshop for Intervention Control subjects at the
end of the study), subjects were asked to complete the same
assessment battery administered at baseline (the RMAS, AIV
scale, and LF items), thus providing immediate posttest
data. In addition, subjects were asked to report their
perceived similarity to the presenter on a one-item Likert
type question. Subjects in Interventions I and II were
tested on their acquisition of workshop information to
ensure that the intervention was effectively implemented
(i.e., that the subjects attended and learned most of the
information that was common to Interventions I and II).


77
those for the original 33-item inventory, and were .78 and
.83 respectively for university males. Correlations between
the 20-item scale and the original scale were all in the
.90's (Fraboni & Cooper, 1989; Strahan & Gerbasi, 1972)
suggesting adequate construct validity for the shorter
scale.
A 10-item information test (Appendix F) was used after
each presentation intervention to ensure that subjects
attended to and understood the material that was presented.
The test was an assessment of subjects' knowledge regarding
date/acquaintance rape. All questions were designed to be
answerable upon attentive listening to the presentation.
Each correctly answered item was given a score of "1", thus
yielding a possible score range from 0 (no correct answers)
to 10 (all correct answers).
Following each presentation intervention, a 1-item
question was also administered to assess subjects' perceived
similarity to the presenter. Responses to the item, "How
similar do you perceive yourself to be to the main presenter
of this workshop?" were made on a 5-point Likert scale
ranging from 1 = "not at all similar" to 5 = "very similar."
This item served as a validity check for the male (more
similar presenter) vs. female (less similar presenter)
manipulation.


91
would have lower scores on the dependent measures at both
posttest assessments than would subjects exposed to
Intervention I or to the Control Condition; hypothesis 2 was
that subjects receiving Intervention I would have lower
scores on the dependent measures at both posttest
assessments than would subjects in the Control Conditions;
and hypothesis 3 was that subjects in the male presenter
condition would have lower scores on the dependent measures
at both posttest assessments than would subjects in the
female presenter condition. The covariates for these
analyses were baseline scores on the RMAS, AIV scale, and LF
items. The independent variables were intervention type,
gender of presenter, and semester. The semester variable
was included to assess potential score differences between
students enrolled in psychology classes during different
semesters. The semester variable was to be discarded if
preliminary analyses indicated no overall effect for
semester and no interaction between semester and any other
independent variable.
Results from the repeated measures ancova with rape
myth acceptance (RMA) as the dependent variable showed a
significant presenter by semester interaction effect, F(l,
161) =4.04, p < .05, with less disparity in RMAS scores
between the two presenter conditions during the fall
semester than during the summer term. There was no overall
effect for intervention type or any other 2- or 3-way


131
T F 11. When I don't know something I don't at all mind
admitting it. (T)
T F 12. I am always courteous, even to people who are
disagreeable. (T)
T F 13. At times I have really insisted on having things
my own way. (F)
T F 14. There have been occasions when I felt like
smashing things. (F)
T F 15. I would never think of letting someone else be
punished for my wrongdoings. (T)
T F 16. I never resent being asked to return a favor.
(T)
T F 17. I have never been irked when people expressed
ideas very different from my own. (T)
T F 18. There have been times when I was quite jealous
of the good fortune of others. (F)
T F 19. I am sometimes irritated by people who ask
favors of me. (F)
T F 20. I have never deliberately said something that
hurt someone's feelings. (T)
Note. A score of 1 is given for responses like those in
parentheses. A score of 0 is given otherwise.


70
in which individual members' behavior is learned and
maintained. Positive reinforcement for organizations that
have clear and effective anti-rape policies may also be
effective.
Strategies aimed at blocking the process of
disengagement from internal control may also be useful
tactics in preventing rape. Such methods include
personalizing and humanizing the rape victim (perhaps by
educating males on rape trauma syndrome), increasing
awareness regarding the effects of alcohol on dating
behavior (to reduce the likelihood of diffusing
responsibility), increasing awareness regarding rape
language (to decrease the use of euphamisms that conceal the
reality of rape), and increasing awareness about rape (to
decrease victim-blaming).
In summary, social learning theory provides a
reasonable model for understanding the development and
prevention of sexually aggressive behavior. Bandura's model
for understanding the origins, instigating factors, and
regulatory mechanisms of human aggression give us a
framework for understanding how sexual aggression is
developed and maintained. It also provides ideas as to how
such behavior may be prevented. It is now up to research to
test empirically the adeguacy of social learning theory as a
framework for understanding rape and rape prevention
approaches.


125
some degree of physical force (twisting her arm,
holding her down, etc.), but intercourse did not
occur?
Yes No 5.
Have you attempted sexual intercourse (got on top
of her, attempted to insert penis) with a woman
when she didn't want to by giving her alcohol or
drugs, but intercourse did not occur?
Yes No 6.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by overwhelming her
with continual arguments and pressure?
Yes No 7.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by using your
position of authority (boss, supervisor, camp
counselor, teacher)?
Yes No 8.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by giving her
alcohol or drugs?
Yes No 9.
Have you engaged in sexual intercourse with a
woman when she didn't want to by threatening or
using some degree of physical force (twisting her
arm, holding her down, etc.)?
Yes No 10.
Have you engaged in sex acts (anal or oral
intercourse or penetration by objects other than
the penis) with a woman when she didn't want to
by threatening or using some degree of physical
force (twisting her arm, holding her down, etc.)?


APPENDIX B
SEXUAL EXPERIENCES SURVEY
Using the "bubble sheet" that accompanies this
questionnaire, please respond by blackening the appropriate
number:
Yes =0. No = 1.
Yes No 1. Have you engaged in sex play (fondling, kissing,
or petting, but not intercourse) with a woman
when she didn't want to by overwhelming her with
continual arguments and pressure?
Yes No 2. Have you engaged in sex play (fondling, kissing,
or petting, but not intercourse) with a woman
when she didn't want to by using your position of
authority (boss, teacher, camp counselor,
supervisor)?
Yes No 3. Have you engaged in sex play (fondling, kissing,
or petting, but not intercourse) with a woman
when she didn't want to by threatening to use
some degree of physical force (twisting her arm,
holding her down, etc.)?
Yes No 4. Have you attempted sexual intercourse (got on top
of her, attempted to insert penis) with a woman
when she didn't want to by threatening or using
124


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Carolyn M.
Tucker, Dr. Phyllis Meek, Dr. Greg Neimeyer, Dr. Barbara
Probert, and Dr. Robert Ziller, for their scholarly advice
and guidance. Special thanks are extended to Dr. Tucker
who, as chairperson, mentor, colleague, and friend, has been
an admired and respected role model and a source of
inspiration and support. Without her scholarly abilities
and dedication, this dissertation would not have been
possible.
Acknowledgments are due to several professionals and
students at the University of Florida (UF) and elsewhere.
Russ Sabella is immensely appreciated for conducting several
of the workshops in the study, thus making data collection
possible. Dr. John Dixon is gratefully acknowledged for his
statistical consultation.
Dr. Andrea Parrot and Ms. Janet Salmons-Rue of Cornell
University are respectfully acknowledged for their
permission to use materials associated with their campus
rape prevention program, "Stop Date Rape," as models for
developing portions of the workshop interventions. Bill
Abrams is warmly appreciated for his time and talent in the
videotape production of "Date Rape Prevention: A
ii


45
prevention research, the study is limited in that it did not
include a treatment control group, i.e., a group that
received a psychoeducational intervention that was not based
on the principles of ELM. The inclusion of such a group
would have allowed the researchers to assess whether a
presentation based on the principles of the ELM was
significantly more effective in changing attitudes than a
presentation not based on the ELM.
One other limitation of this study is the sole focus on
attitude change as opposed to behavior change. No data were
reported on the effects of the intervention on behavior or
behavioral intent. The researchers apparently collected
data on behavioral intent (self-reported likelihood of
raping and using force in a sexual interaction), but chose
not to discuss the data as they did not relate to the stated
hypotheses. What is needed is a theory that encompasses
behavioral change to guide future research on the effects of
date rape education programs.
No research was found which compared the effectiveness
of male and female presenters of rape education workshops.
Lee (1987) used only male presenters with the assumption
that participants would be more open to discussion.
However, no data were provided to support this assumption.
A male and a female team was used by Gilbert et al. (1991)
to present their sexual assault educational workshop. No
rationale or data were supplied to support this approach.


75
g < .05) (Ashton, 1982). To some extent, acceptance of rape
myths is associated with a closed-minded inability to
evaluate information critically and objectively, and a
tendency to view others with suspicion and, perhaps, as
dishonest (as many rape victims are perceived).
The Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence Scale (AIV)
(Burt, 1980) is a 6-item measure that was developed to
assess one's belief that force and coercion are legitimate
ways to gain compliance, particularly in intimate, sexual
relationships (Appendix D). Responses to this scale are
made on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from "strongly agree"
to "strongly disagree". Responses are converted and summed
to create an index from 6 (low acceptance of interpersonal
violence) to 42 (high acceptance of interpersonal violence).
Mean scores for a sample of 598 adults was 18.2 with a
standard deviation of 5.9. With this sample, Cronbach's
alpha was found to be .586 (Burt, 1980).
Two items were administered to assess subjects' self-
reported likelihood of using force in a sexual interaction.
These items were adaptations from items used in previous
research to investigate self-reported likelihood of using
force (LF) (Briere & Malamuth, 1983). The items were
prefaced with the following question: "If you could be
assured that no one would know and that you could in no way
be punished for engaging in the following behaviors, how
likely is it that you would do them?" The items of interest


42
assist in the development of successful rape prevention
programming.
Although many rape education/prevention efforts are
targeted towards women and mixed audiences of men and women,
few published reports were found that described programs
aimed explicitly towards men. Some have argued a need for
this type of intervention because (1) males are, in almost
all cases, the ones who rape, and (2) men may be more
willing to discuss certain issues in an all-male group (Lee,
1987) .
Three reports were found which described rape education
interventions targeted specifically towards males (Johnson,
1978/1979; Lee, 1987; Gilbert et al., 1991). The purposes
of these educational efforts were to increase men's
awareness about rape, change rape-supportive attitudes,
and/or increase men's empathic understanding of rape
victims.
The first of these interventions was a relatively early
study investigating the effects of four rape education
videotapes on fraternity members' attitudes toward rape and
women (Johnson, 1978/1979). Johnson presented four
successive films on rape education or drug education, using
a pretest, posttest, and delayed posttest design. Johnson
was interested in assessing the effects of the videotapes,
sex-role identity, and Machiavellianism on male attitudes.
Results of the experiment indicated that men who viewed the


35
acquaintance rape. Research on the effects of rape
prevention strategies will also be presented.
Prevention of campus violence, including rape, can
occur on three levels: (1) tertiary prevention (direct
services to victims in the aftermath of violence), (2)
secondary prevention (policy and procedural development and
local research on the nature and extent of the problem), and
(3) primary prevention (actions aimed at preventing further
instances of violence from happening by addressing causes
and by changing attitudes and behaviors that support
violence) (Roark, 1987).
Primary prevention efforts include changes made to the
physical environment (e.g., increased lighting, provision of
nighttime escorts, accessible phones, and trimming of
shrubbery near buildings), skill-building workshops (on
assertiveness, self-defense, alcohol awareness,
communication skills, conflict-resolution, and sexual
decision-making), and programs that address topics such as
sex-role socialization, sexuality and violence, and personal
power. Because the vast majority of rapes occur among
acquaintances or on dates,' efforts aimed at altering the
physical environment may achieve only limited success in
combatting sexual assault. It is argued that educational
efforts and programs designed to increase awareness
regarding sex-role socialization and sexual assualt may be
most effective in preventing date and acquaintance rape.


21
Others report having physical symptoms that are specific to
the parts of the body that were violated. These may be
expressed as an irritation of the mouth and throat, vaginal
discharges and/or itching, a burning sensation upon
urination, and rectal pain or bleeding. Many rape victims
experience disrupted sleep patterns (insomnia, night terror)
and disrupted eating patterns (abdominal pain, loss of
appetite, nausea) (Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Grossman &
Sutherland, 1983).
The long-term phase may last for months or even years.
During this stage, rape victims deal with the impact the
rape has had on their lives. Many make changes in their
style of living. Some move, change or get an unlisted phone
number, visit relatives, or remain home much of the time.
Often victims have difficulty concentrating and report
having nightmares. In their dreams, they may either feel
like victims of violence or they may feel like victimizing
others. They also have to deal with any phobias they may
have developed as a result of the rape. These phobias may
include a fear of sex, crowds, being alone, or being near
those who have similar characteristics as the assailant
(Burgess & Holmstrum, 1974; Grossman & Sutherland, 1983).
Physical symptoms during the long-term reorganization
period may include chronic gynecologic problems, changes in
the menstrual cycle, gastrointestinal problems, and
conversion reactions. Emotionally, rape survivors may


37
(women avoiding rape with passive behavior and men and
society attempting to stop rape by behaving aggressively
towards the rapist) were perceived as more effective than
strategies that transcended sex-role stereotypes.
Feminists, however, differed from nonfeminists in that they
viewed nonstereotypic strategies and strategies that placed
the locus of responsibility on men and society as more
desirable. One acknowledged limitation of these studies is
that no empirical evidence of the actual effectiveness of
rape reduction strategies was provided.
In a study that compared the response strategies of
rape victims and rape avoiders to determine whether or not
there were any differences in emotional, cognitive, or
behavioral responses between groups (Levine-MacCombie &
Koss, 1986), results revealed that, compared to rape
victims, avoiders were more likely to have run away and
screamed, less likely to have quarrelled with the assailant,
and more likely to have viewed the assault as less violent.
No differences were found in the use of physical resistance
among groups to avoid rape. One limitation of this study is
that there is no way of knowing whether or not the completed
rapes were more serious or threatening than the avoided
rapes. Avoiders' perceptions of the rape attempts as being
less violent may be accurate reflections of reality.
Only one study was found which explored the effects of
an acquaintance rape prevention program designed for women


94
correlation coefficients ranging from .41, p < .0001, to
.52, g < .0001). Items 4 and 6 (items focusing on physical
aggression) were also significantly correlated (r = .32, p <
.0001). Item 1 (addressing the acceptability of revenge)
was not significantly correlated with any of the other AIV
scale items for the present sample.
The mean total score for the RMAS at baseline was 39.66
(SD = 11.50) for the present sample. This figure is
slightly lower than the mean score for the normative sample
of 598 adults (M = 49.4, SD = 11.9) (Burt, 1980), suggesting
less rape myth acceptance among the present sample of
college males compared to the normative sample of adults.
Item means for the RMAS at baseline, immediate
posttest, and delayed posttest are listed in Table 4-1. On
average, subjects tended to disagree with rape-supportive
beliefs. The greatest variance in scores and the highest
item means at baseline (higher means indicate more rape myth
acceptance) occurred for items 5 and 3 which assess victim-
blaming attitudes and perceptions of women as rather
histrionic. The item with the next greatest variance and
mean baseline score was one that addressed the meaning of a
woman's nonverbal dating behavior. Pearson correlation
coefficients between total RMAS scores at baseline (m =
39.66, SD = 11.50), immediate posttest (m = 35.82, SD =
11.28), and delayed posttest (m = 36.60, SD = 12.16) suggest
moderately high consistency in scores over time, with


104
not account for a significant amount of the variance in
response changes across time.
The vast majority of the subjects answered almost every
item correctly on the 10-item Information Test. Each item
was answered correctly by over 92% of the subjects, except
item 2 ("research suggests that about 35% of all male
college students in the U.S. say they would commit rape if
they could be assured no one would know") (73% correctly
responded) and item 3 ("rape is motivated by a need for
sexual release") (77% correctly responded). Only one
subject answered only 6 items correctly.
A chi-sguare analysis was performed to investigate the
nature of the response distribution for subjects' perceived
similarity to the presenter across the two presenter
conditions. As expected, results revealed a significant
difference in the frequency distributions with subjects
tending to rate themselves as more similar to the male
presenter than to the female presenter, X2(4, N = 184) =
17.89, p < .001. These findings suggest that the male vs.
female presenter manipulation was valid.
Post Hoc Analyses
Because the chi sguare analysis that was performed to
investigate the relationship between presenter's gender and
subjects' perceived similarity to the presenter (PSP)
revealed a significant association between these two


40
communication skills training for males and females
(especially around sexuality) (including assertiveness and
accepting no for an answer) (Miller & Marshall, 1987;
Sandberg et al., 1987).
Hamilton and Yee (1990) investigated the relationship
between knowledge about the after-effects of sexual assault,
beliefs about the aversiveness of rape, attitudes toward
rape, and self-reported likelihood of raping among a sample
of 276 undergraduate students. Results indicated that, for
both males and females, greater knowledge about the social,
psychological, and behavioral effects of rape was
significantly correlated with perceptions of rape as more
aversive, fewer rape-supportive attitudes, and, for men,
less self-reported likelihood of committing rape. Their
findings suggest that educational intervention programs that
inform participants of the negative consequences of rape may
help to reduce the incidence of sexual assault, particularly
those assaults that are motivated by the goal of attaining
sexual access (instrumental aggression), as opposed to those
that are motivated by anger or the desire to harm the victim
(hostile aggression) (Hamilton & Yee, 1990).
One study was found that was designed to compare the
effects of two different strategies designed to increase
male and female college students' knowledge about date and
acquaintance rape (Nelson and Torgler, 1990). This
experiment compared a 30-minute videotape entitled, "Someone