Citation
From Spaniard to Creole : the archaeology of Hispanic American cultural formation at Puerto Real, Haiti

Material Information

Title:
From Spaniard to Creole : the archaeology of Hispanic American cultural formation at Puerto Real, Haiti
Creator:
Ewen, Charles Robin
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xii, 259 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Archaeology ( jstor )
Cattle ( jstor )
Decorative ceramics ( jstor )
Excavations ( jstor )
Fauna ( jstor )
Hispanics ( jstor )
Jars ( jstor )
Majolica ( jstor )
Stratigraphy ( jstor )
Tableware ( jstor )
Acculturation -- Haiti ( lcsh )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D
Antiquities -- Puerto Real (Haiti) ( lcsh )
Civilization -- Spanish influences -- Puerto Real (Haiti) ( lcsh )
Colonial influence -- Haiti ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF
City of St. Augustine ( local )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1987.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-248).
Additional Physical Form:
Also available online.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Charles Robin Ewen.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
16881809 ( OCLC )
0030367685 ( ALEPH )

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text














FROM SPANIARD TO CREOLE:
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HISPANIC AMERICAN CULTURAL FORMATION
AT PUERTO REAL, HAITI












By

CHARLES ROBIN EWEN















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1987
















































Copyright 1987

by

Charles Robin Ewen
















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The initial work at Puerto Real was facilitated by

the Institute de Sauvegarde du Patrimoine National

(ISPAN) under the direction of M. Albert Mangones.

Later the Institute National Haitien de la Culture et

des Artes (INAHCA) assumed the role of primary sponsor

and Dr. Max Paul of the Bureau d'Ethnologie aided our

efforts. Funding for the project was provided by the

Organization of American States, represented in Haiti

by M. Ragnar Arnessen and by a grant from the National

Endowment for the Humanities (RO-20935-85) awarded to

the University of Florida Center for Early Contact

Period Studies with Dr. Kathleen Deagan as Principal

Investigator.

While at the University of Florida, support also

came from various sources. A University of Florida,

Division of Sponsored Research Graduate School

fellowship was followed by a teaching assistantship

with the Department of Anthropology. The final

preparation of this work was supported by the College

of Liberal Arts and Sciences and the Institute for

Early Contact Period Studies. Interspersed throughout,

the Florida State Museum was always there with

facilities and part-time employment when needed.

iii










Faunal analysis and production of this work were

completed with the help of a Charles H. Fairbanks

Award.

A great deal is owed to various faculty members

for their guidance on this project. First and foremost

is the committee chair, Dr. Kathleen Deagan. She has

formalized an otherwise too casual graduate student

while at the same time restraining his "uppity"

tendencies. The other members of the committee; Dr.

Jerald Milanich, Dr. Elizabeth Wing, Dr. Lyle

McAlister, and Dr. Michael Gannon were all there when

needed. Dr. Gannon deserves special mention for being

there when the candidate's funds ran out at the bar of

the Hotel Oloffson in Port-au-Prince. Dr. David Geggus

couldn't be there at the end but did help get me

started off on the right foot.

Although the actual writing was a solitary task

performed in a remote office on campus, the recovery

and analysis of the data involved a multitude of people

to which I am must grateful. In the field, assistance

at the site was most ably given by Greg Smith and Patti

Peacher. Greg also kept me sane both in the field and

during the preparation of this dissertation. In the

field lab, Tim Deagan and Jim Cusick somehow kept up

with a daily torrent of artifacts. Maurice Williams

shared his experiences and knowledge of the site. I am

especially grateful to Dr. William Hodges of the

iv









Hopital le Bon Samaritan for discovering the site and

forcing me to justify my interpretations. The bulk of

the fieldwork was done by local Haitian villagers.

These men formed the best field crew I have ever had

the priveledge to work with. They were extremely

patient with my Creole, always in good humor, and true

artists with a trowel. This same gratitude is extended

to the Haitian students who came up from Port-au-Prince

to work with us.

Back in the United States Greg Smith, Bonnie

McEwan, and John Marron aided with the analysis. John

is to be commended for completing the odious task of

coding and entering the data. Let it be noted that

this was not a thankless task. The excellent artifact

photographs were taken by James Quine and served to

accentuate my own shortcomings in field photography.

The faunal analysis was performed under the direction

of Dr. Elizabeth Wing in the Florida State Museum

Zooarchaeology Laboratory by Karen Walker, Susan

DeFrance, and Karla Bosworth to whom I am extremely

grateful, having been involved with that exacting task

in a previous project. I am also very grateful to Ray

Willis, Rochelle Marrinan, Jennifer Hamilton, Bonnie

McEwan, Gary Shapiro, and Alicia Kemper whose work

preceded mine and from which I benefitted.

The final round of applause goes to those who more

casually, though no less importantly, contributed to

v









the completion of this task. Charles Poe, Richard

Vernon, Lee Nabergall, and Rich and Barbara Johnson

helped me recover from a car accident in Tallahassee,

enabling me to continue my studies. Jeff Brautigam

tolerated my near takeover of our office and listened

politely to the rough drafts. My good friend, Russ

Skowronek, commiserated with me and spurred my progress

in a spirit of friendly competition. My family has

stood by me throughout my education always chiding me

to work harder though never questioning my choice of

subjects. Finally, Kathy Gladden provided an

atmosphere of order and support without which the whole

process would have been no fun. And if archaeology is

not fun then why do it?




























vi










TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................. . i

LIST OF TABLES ................................... ix

LIST OF FIGURES................................... x

ABSTRACT........................................... xii

CHAPTERS

I INTRODUCTION................................ .

II FROM SEVILLE TO PUERTO REAL AND POINTS
IN BETWEEN.................................. 10

Spain .......................... ........... 11
The West Indies............................ 28
Puerto Real.............. .. .. .............. 41

III PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK AT PUERTO REAL 51

IV THEORETICAL ORIENTATION.................... 64

V STRATEGY AND TACTICS AT PUERTO REAL........ 84

VI EXCAVATED DATA .............................. 96

Locus 19 Proveniences........................ 96
Group 1 Majolicas............................ 115
Group 2 Utilitarian Wares............... 124
Group 3 European Tablewares.............. 129
Group 20 Hispanic Tablewares............. 135
Group 4 Colono and Aboriginal Wares...... 137
Group 5 Kitchen Artifacts................ 141
Group 6 Strucutural Hardware............. 145
Group 7 Weaponry and Armor............... 146
Group 8 Clothing and Sewing Items......... 146
Group 9 Personal Items ................... 151
Group 10 Activity Related Items........... 164
Group 13 Furniture Hardware.............. 167
Group 14 Tools................... ........ 172
Group 15 Toys and Games .................. 173
Group 16 Harness and Tack ................ 173
Group 18 Miscellaneous Substances........ 174
Faunal Assemblage.......................... 194



vii










VII RESULTS OF ANALYSES ........................ 206

Test 1 .................................... 206
Test 2 ...... .............................. 208
Test 3........... ......................... 213
Test 4.................................... 216
Test 5 ..................................... 222

VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .................... 227

Summary.......................................... 227
Conclusions................................. 230
Suggestions for Future Research............ 232

BIBLIOGRAPHY.............................. ....... 235

APPENDICES

1 PUERTO REAL ANALYSIS SHEET................. 249

2 CATEGORIES ON THE CODING SHEETS ............ 250

3 PROVENIENCE GUIDE.......................... 252

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH............................... 259

































viii











LIST OF TABLES


TABLE PAGE

6-1 ARTIFACT CATEGORIES .................... 109

6-2 MAJOLICAS .............................. 175

6-3 UTILITARIAN CERAMICS ................... 177

6-4 EUROPEAN TABLEWARES ..................... 178

6-5 HISPANIC TABLEWARES......... ............. 179

6-6 COLONO AND ABORIGINAL CERAMICS ............ 180

6-7 KITCHEN ARTIFACTS ...... .... ............ 181

6-8 STRUCTURAL HARDWARE......... ... ...... 183

6-9 WEAPONRY AND ARMOR...................... 184

6-10 CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS .............. 185

6-11 PERSONAL ITEMS ......................... 187

6-12 ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS ................. 189

6-13 FURNITURE HARDWARE .................... 190

6-14 TOOLS ...... ............................ 191

6-15 TOYS AND GAMES........................... 192

6-16 HARNESS AND TACK ....................... 193

6-17 SPECIES PRESENT ......................... 195

6-18 MAMMALIAN FAUNA........ ................ 200

6-19 AVIAN FAUNA............................. 201

6-20 REPTILIAN FAUNA ........................ 201

6-21 FISH.......................................... 202

6-22 INVERTEBRATE FAUNA...................... 204

7-1 BIOMASS: PUERTO REAL VS. EN BAS SALINE 221

7-2 EARLY VS. LATE CONTEXTS AT PUERTO REAL 224

7-3 BIOMASS COMPARISONS AT PUERTO REAL..... 226

ix











LIST OF FIGURES


FIGURE PAGE

2-1 THE COAT OF ARMS OF PUERTO REAL......... 43

2-2 ROUTES OF THE TREASURE FLEETS ........... 46

5-1 MASONRY LOCI AT PUERTO REAL............. 86

5-2 LOCATION OF LOCUS 19................... .87

6-1 PRINCIPAL EXCAVATIONS--LOCUS 19.......... 97

6-2 THE MIDDEN AT LOCUS 19................. 100

6-3 THE WALL FOUNDATION AT LOCUS 19........ 103

6-4 FEATURE 6--THE BRICK PAVEMENT .......... 105

6-5 FEATURE 8--A BRICK DRAIN............... 107

6-6 MAJOLICA.................................. 114

6-7 VESSEL FORMS.......................... 116

6-8 OWNER'S MARKS ON CERAMICS .............. 119

6-9 OLIVE JAR NECKS ........................ 127

6-10 COLOGNE STONEWARE .................... 131

6-11 MING PORCELAIN ......................... 134

6-12 CHRISTOPHE PLAIN......................... 139

6-13 GLASS ARTIFACTS ......................... 143

6-14 BONE ARTIFACTS ........................... 148

6-15 BUCKLES ................................ 150

6-16 STRAIGHT PINS AND AGLETS ............... 153

6-17 4 MARAVEDI COINS ....... ................ 155

6-18 UNICORN PENDANT....................... 158

6-19 BEAD TYPES FROM LOCUS 19................ 160

6-20 DECORATIVE CLASPS AND HARDWARE......... 163

x










6-21 CANDLE SNUFFER .. ..................... 166

6-22 JEW'S HARP ................... ......... 169

6-23 BRASS STARS ............................ 171






















































xi
















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate
School of the University of Florida in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy


FROM SPANIARD TO CREOLE:
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HISPANIC AMERICAN CULTURAL FORMATION
AT PUERTO REAL, HAITI

By

Charles Robin Ewen

May 1987

Chair: Kathleen Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology

The adaptive measures used by some of the earliest

European colonists are archaeologically investigated at

Puerto Real, Haiti (1504-1578). Based on the results

of excavations at both Puerto Real and St. Augustine,

Florida, it is believed that the processes of

incorporation of New World and African cultural

elements into Spanish colonial culture began almost

immediately and lie at the roots of contemporary Latin

American culture. It is specifically hypothesized that

the Spaniards practiced conservatism in those socially

visible areas associated with male activities coupled

with the incorporation of native traits in the less

visible, female dominated areas. Archaeologically

testable implications of this hypothesis are offered,

tested, and tend to support this hypothesis.
xii

















CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION


Puerto Real, founded in 1503 just over a decade

after Columbus's initial voyage of discovery, was one

of the earliest Spanish colonial settlements in the New

World. The site provides an important opportunity for

archaeological research into initial Spanish colonial

adaptations to the New World and their role in the

development of an Hispanic-American colonial tradition.

Here, it is possible to identify specific ways in which

sixteenth century Iberian colonists adapted to New

World social, economic, and environmental conditions.

Through the combination and exchange of Old World and

New World cultural and physical elements, the colonists

developed a unique adaptive tradition that

characterized the pioneer Spanish settlements and

represented the earliest expression of Hispanic-

American culture.

The approacn to the study of culture contact and

acculturation taken here is somewhat unusual in that it

emphasizes the effects of the New World people and

environment on the European colonists. Traditional

studies of acculturation have dealt predominantly with


1









2


the impact of the colonial power on the indigenous

peoples (Foster 1960:7). Researchers should not forget

that this was not a one-way transfer of traits (i.e.

colonists to indigenous peoples), but rather an unequal

exchange. The Spaniards, while not suffering the

enormous cultural transformations thrust upon the

Indians, did experience social modifications. It is

these modifications that this study will seek to

elucidate.

This particular study of culture contact and

change must of necessity be confined to Spanish

colonial activity in the New World. It is expected

that by examining Iberian adaptive responses in various

New World settings (i.e. Puerto Real, Haiti and St.

Augustine, Florida) it will be possible to arrive at

some generalizations concerning Spanish colonization

strategies and how they are reflected in the

archaeological record. It is important to build solid

midrange theory if archaeologists are ever to attempt

to formulate general laws governing human behavior.

With the approach of the Columbian quincentenary

in 1992, scholarly as well as popular attention is

being drawn to Spain's activities in the western

hemisphere. Several historical, anthropological, and

archaeological works (cf. Deagan 1983, Floyd 1973,









3


Foster 1960, Gongora 1975, Sauer 1966) deal

specifically with Spanish colonial adaptations.

Of these, Foster's and Deagan's work have most directly

influenced the author.

Foster (1960:7-12) provides the working

theoretical model for this study with his idea of a

"culture of conquest." Here he acknowledges that, in

contact situations, the major changes are to be found

in the culture of the recipient group. However, the

donor group or "conquest culture" also changes its

character to some degree. Foster (1960: 233) states

that the basic colonial cultures took shape relatively

rapidly. As they became more successful in satisfying

the basic needs of the colonists, they become more

static or "crystallized" to use Foster's term. Once

crystallized, the culture became more resistant to

change from the mother country. It is predicted that

this situation will be manifest at Puerto Real.

The most extensive archaeological study of Spanish

colonial adaptation to the New World to date has been

conducted in St. Augustine, Florida. The best summary

of this work is Deagan's (1983) Spanish St. Augustine

The Archaeology of a Colonial Creole Community. In it

she formulates a cultural pattern for the residents of

this colonial outpost. On the basis of archaeological

evidence accumulated over the last decade, Deagan









4


(1983:271) suggests that the processes involved in the

formation of the Hispanic-American tradition in St.

Augustine were common to much of the Spanish New World.

Conservatism in those socially visible areas associated

with male activities was coupled with Spanish-Indian

acculturation in the less visible, female dominated

areas. She goes on to suggest that this pattern of

behavior should be expected in any situation where a

predominantly male group imposes itself on a group with

a normal sex distribution. It is this hypothesis,

specifically, that will be tested with the data from

Puerto Real. An ancillary purpose of this study will

be to gain a better appreciation of the past lifeways

of the vecinos. How did they live? What did they eat?

What did they own? These are all questions that

archaeology can help answer.

The material recovered from the 1984-85

excavations represents only part of the Puerto Real

database which will be used to test the St. Augustine

pattern. Puerto Real appears to have been a grid

pattern town with over fifty masonry structures

(designated as loci #1-57) situated around a central

plaza. The most recent work was conducted at a

structure in the northern part of the town, designated

Locus 19. Excavations in the plaza area of Puerto Real

were carried out in 1979 and 1980, locating two large









5


stone buildings and a cemetery (Willis 1981, Marrinan

1982). Test excavations were performed in 1981 at

areas where previous testing had indicated that there

was a range of variability in the status of the

inhabitants. These included an area believed to have

been a beef and hide processing area (Reitz 1982) and a

domestic occupation site believed to represent a

wealthy Spanish household (McEwan 1983). The latter

area is of particular interest for comparative purposes

with Locus 19.

Testing the hypothesis requires a series of test

implications, that is; "what would we expect to find if

the hypothesis is correct?" In archaeology the

material assemblage is a limiting factor. It forces

the investigator to rephrase the question to "what

would we expect to find preserved if the hypothesis is

true?" Because the evidence is often fragmentary and

incomplete, the archaeologist must extract all possible

information from the archaeological record. This means

examining every aspect of the data recovered. Without

going into the specifics of the test implications for

the hypothesis (this will be done in Chapter 4) it is

possible to elucidate various aspects of the

archaeological record and point out their value to the

interpretation of the site.









6


Artifacts are the building blocks of induction for

the archaeologist. At Puerto Real the artifact

assemblage has been divided into twenty functionally

specific categories for comparative purposes (Table 1).

These categories will be further discussed Chapter VI

along with the artifacts in. Ceramics are a key

category, since previously they have provided both a

chronological framework and indications of the owners'

statuses. Similarly non-ceramic artifacts such as

glass, tools, weaponry, etc., can be used to suggest

their owner's relative status, occupations and ethnic

affiliations. In addition certain artifacts (i.e. food

preparation items, types of tablewares) give clues as

to the type diet enjoyed by the site's occupants.

However, there are also other ways of obtaining this

particular information.

The faunal assemblage can allow the researcher to

make a very good assessment of the meat portion of the

Spanish colonist's diet. Of particular interest is the

proportion of the diet that is made up of indigenous

species (fish, turtles, fowl) as opposed to introduced

domesticated species (swine, cattle, chickens). Is

differential use of various species a sign of status

differences, preferences based on ethnicity or a

combination of both? Another question that can be

addressed using the faunal assemblage is the effect the









7


New World environment had on the introduced domestic

species. Historical records indicate that the cattle

thrived in an environment of extensive, ungrazed

pastures, few parasites, and no natural predators

(besides humans). The effects of this bovine utopia

should show up in the faunal assemblage as skeletal

evidence denoting larger and healthier individuals.

Another aspect of Spanish colonial adaptation

falls into the realm of architecture and urban design.

Were the houses Spanish or aboriginal in design? What

materials were used to build the structures and what

factors influenced their selection? The grid pattern

was the hallmark of Spanish colonial town planning, Dut

had not been officially decreed until 1573 (Crouch et

al. 1982:xviii). The excavation of Puerto Real

provides an opportunity to see if this decree was

implemented to correct haphazard town planning or

whether it was merely a formalization of a de facto

urban design.

Using the data collected to date it should be

possible to formulate a tentative "Puerto Real pattern"

of Spanish colonial adaptation. The presence of early

period (pre-1550) and late period (post-1550)

occupation loci at the site facilitates diachronic

analysis of the material to detect the

"crystallization" processes in the pattern. Having









8


delineated a pattern of adaptation at Puerto Real, this

pattern can then be compared to the one derived from

data obtained from St. Augustine. The comparison of

these two patterns will make it possible to detect the

effects that different economic and environmental

factors have on colonial culture formation.

The next chapter describes the historical,

economic, and environmental milieu in which these

adaptational processes took place. Chapter III covers

the previous archaeological work done at Puerto Real.

The ensuing chapters build on each other, in a

logical progression, to the final resolution of the

Spanish colonial adaptive pattern. Chapter IV is the

formal presentation of the hypothesis and delineation

of the test implications. From there the dissertation

moves from the ideal to the real. Chapter V describes

the field methodology and strategy used at Locus 19,

while Chapter VI is a description of the data recovered

(e.g. ceramic types, fauna, etc.). The faunal material

is quantified in terms of MNI and biomass and species

distribution. Chapter VII manipulates the raw data

presented in Chapter VI. The data are applied to the

to the test implications, artifact distributions are

examined, the material assemblage from the late period

is compared to the early period of the site, and the

entire assemblage is compared with St. Augustine.









9


Finally, in Chapter VIII, the analyses are summarized

and conclusions are presented. The chapter concludes

with an assessment of the material assemblage, a

tentative proposal for a colonial pattern, and

suggestions for further research.
















CHAPTER II
FROM SEVILLE TO PUERTO REAL, AND POINTS IN BETWEEN


The documentary record for the colonization of the

Caribbean in general during the 16th century is, on the

whole, fairly extensive. Unfortunately this does not

apply to Puerto Real in particular. Puerto Real was an

economic backwater almost from the beginning and has

not merited a great deal of historical research. Many

of the pertinent documents that have been discovered

were located by Dr. Eugene Lyon in the Archivo General

de las Indias in Seville, Spain (Lyon 1981).

Recounting the events that took place at Puerto

Real will tell the reader what happened at the site but

not why these events took place. To understand the

history of Puerto Real, why it was founded, why it was

neglected by the crown, and then forcibly evacuated

less than a century later, it is necessary to look

beyond the city limits. That is, to put events in

their proper perspective it is essential to know what

was happening throughout the Hispanic world during the

16th century. This chapter will begin with a brief

history of Spain, emphasizing the economic imperatives

of the


10









11


crown and daily life of the citizens in the 16th

century, and progressively narrow its scope to the

Caribbean, Hispaniola, ending with the town of Puerto

Real.

Spain

On the eve of Columbus's departure for the New

World, Spain had completed the final stage of its

reconquest of the Iberian peninsula, victory over the

kingdom of Granada. To some historians, the imperial

designs of Spain in America were merely a logical

extention of the Reconquista which had begun back in

A.D. 718 near the caves of Covadonga in the Cantabrian

mountains of northwest Spain (McAlister 1984:3). This

Reconquista was not a well-organized conscious, crusade

to oust the Moors, but rather a centuries long series

of gains and losses by small Christian kingdoms

fighting against each other as well as against the

Moslem occupants of Spain. Thus, Spain was not and

would not be a unified nation until well into the 16th

century.

The first steps toward integration were taken, in

1469, when Isabella of Castile married Ferdinand, heir

to the crown of Aragon. Though neither monarch ever

tried to officially join the two kingdoms into a single

administrative unit, their joint reign informally

achieved this end. An important factor in the creation









12


of a national, unified spirit was the royal effort to

cleanse Spain of its perceived ethnic and religious

impurities. In the wake of the fall of Granada in 1492

all Jews residing in Spain were ordered to convert to

Catholicism or leave the country. A decade later, the

Moors still residing in the peninsula had to make the

same decision. Conversion, though, did not guarantee

acceptance into society. Conversos, as the new

Christians were called, were discriminated against at

every turn. The establishment of the Spanish

Inquisition attempted to abolish all social deviation

by enforcing a policy of religious intolerance and

limpieza de sangre [purity of blood]. That instability

still existed can be seen in the turmoil for succession

after Isabella's death in 1504. After much difficulty

and intrigue, Ferdinand was able to rule both Castile

and Aragon until his grandson, Charles (the son of

Joanna the Mad and Phillip of Austria) came of age.

Charles I of Spain was Spanish neither by birth

nor inclination. His formative years were spent in

Burgundy in the south of France. In 1517, when he

arrived in Spain to claim his inheritance, he was

young, inexperienced, unaccustomed to the ways of

Spain, and spoke no Spanish (Lynch 1984:38). Charles

was already the king of the Low Countries (Luxembourg,

Brabant, Flanders, Holland, Zeeland, Hainault, and









13


Artois), when, upon the death of his grandfather,

Maximillian, in 1519, he inherited the Habsburg's

estates of Austria, Tyrol, and parts of southern

Germany. His last inheritance allowed him to assume

the title of Emperor Charles V.

The Holy Roman Empire, as the realms of Charles V

were called, was extensive and included Spain, the Low

Countries, Germany, Austria, parts of Italy and

outposts in North Africa. Charles was an ambitious

monarch and had dreams of uniting all of Europe under

his reign. This had unfortunate consequences not only

for Spain but for its colonies in the New World as

well. First, because his domains were so vast, Charles

had little time to devote exclusively to Spain. He

spent only 16 years of his 40-year reign actually

residing in Spain (Elliot 1963:154). Secondly, the

size of his empire and ambitions dictated that Charles

would be almost constantly at war, sometimes on as many

as three different fronts. These wars were costly and

drained Spain's resources to the point of bankruptcy

(this did, in fact, happen three times during his son's

reign). Spain's fledgling New World colonies were

seemingly viewed as little more than a source of wealth

to be spent on European wars.

The government and development of the New World

colonies were low on the emperor's list of priorities









14


and so their administration was turned over to one of

his counselors, Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, then

archdeacon of Seville. The commercial aspects of the

colonies were handled by the Casa de Contratacion, but

Fonseca remained in overall command until his death in

1524. The Council of the Indies was then created to

administrate the colonies (Elliot 1963:165).

Meanwhile, Charles had to cope with an attempted

civil war in Castile when the comuneros [middle

classes] revolted in 1520. This revolution was

ostensibly to protect the old way of life in Castile.

Most Spaniards, especially Castilians, saw Charles as

a Burgundian interloper who shipped wealth out of their

country and replaced it with foreign ministers. The

revolt, however, was disorganized and lacked the

support of the powerful nobility, who were more afraid

of the comuneros than a foreign monarch. The defeat of

the comuneros in 1521 secured the Habsburg dynasty in

Spain (Elliot 1963:149).

When Phillip II, son of Charles V, inherited the

empire in 1556, he also inherited a war with the Pope

and France. The following year he was forced by the

Spanish state bankruptcy of 1557 to make peace and

abandon the imperial policy of Charles V (Lynch

1984:179). In contrast with the warrior-king Charles

V, Phillip II, the supreme bureaucrat, spent his reign







15


ruling from Spain. This change "fittingly symbolized

the transformation of the Spanish empire as it passed

out of the age of the conquistador into the age of the

civil servant" (Elliot 1963:160). It was from Spain

that Phillip directed the ill-fated attempts to hold

together the empire and crush the rising forces of

protestantism.

This is not to say that Phillip II's tenure as

king of Spain was a disaster. On the contrary, Lynch

(1984:184) refers to him as "the hardest working

monarch in history." Phillip II reorganized the

government to more efficiently rule the empire.

However, widespread corruption and Phillip's insistance

to personally authorize virtually every official

decision prevented this system from operating as

smoothly as it could have. Nevertheless, it was an

improvement. Militarily and diplomatically there were

some notable achievements. The Moriscos (Christianized

Moors residing in Spain) were quickly put down after an

attempted revolt in 1568. At Lepanto, in 1571, the

Ottoman Empire was beaten at sea and the Mediterranean

was made more secure. Finally, in a series of shrewd

maneuvers Phillip was able to gain the crown of

Portugal and thus, in 1580, united the entire Iberian

peninsula under one ruler.









16


Unfortunately, Phillip II's personal integrity was

not sufficient to make Spain an economic or military

success. The defeat of the invincible Armada (1588)

and loss of the Netherlands tarnished Spain's military

image. The disastrous military campaigns and dismal

domestic industrial picture resulted in three

bankruptcies during Phillip's reign (1557, 1575, 1596).

Broken both physically and spiritually, Phillip II

died in 1598. His son, Phillip III inherited a nation

needing a capable ruler to pull it out of its decline.

Phillip III did not possess his father's drive or

acumen. Spain would never regain its dominant position

in world affairs.

Spain never dominated the western world in

commerce as she had dominated it militarily and

politically. Most Spaniards regarded commerce as they

did manual labor, a degrading activity to be avoided if

possible (Pike 1972). This ethos explains, in part,

why Spain did not develop into an industrial power.

Spain's economy, never very strong, changed throughout

the 16th century. The following discussion will be

primarily concerned with Castile's role in the Spanish

economy since this bears most directly on New World

affairs.

The roots of 16th century Spain's economy are to

be found in the wool trade. By 1300, with the









17


introduction of a superior breed of Merino sheep,

Castile became the leading wool producer in the

international market. The Mesta (stockmen's guild) was

formed in 1273 by Alfonso X. Though it later became a

powerful political entity, the chief duty of the Mesta

was to organize and maintain the caiadas (sheep trails)

that ran between the summer pastures and winter

pastures (Vicens Vives 1969:253). The Crown's pastoral

bias worked to the detriment of Spain's agricultural

efforts, but the tax base represented by the Mesta was

too tempting to resist.

Wool was the principal but not the only export of

Spain. Iron was mined and forged in the north while

cloth was made from Castilian wool in the central

region. Between 1492-1560, Spain was exporting

quicksilver, wine, cloth, and luxury items (Vicens

Vives 1969:326). The quicksilver (used in the

amalgamation of silver ore), wine, and cloth were bound

primarily for the American colonies. Spain exported

raw materials and metals relying on imports for most of

its manufactured goods, its own industry being very

limited in scope. Hence, as is exemplified by Seville,

Spanish industry was geared more towards quality

production of luxury goods, not production of

utilitarian goods (Pike 1972:131). This would have a









18


significant effect on the mercantilistic relationship

with her colonies.

The impact of the New World on the Spanish economy

was considerable. The colonies represented wealth in a

number of different forms. First, as a source of

precious metals they were unsurpassed. European mining

virtually ceased, being unable to compete in either

cost or quantity with New World silver and, to a lesser

extent, gold. An unfortunate repercussion of this huge

influx of wealth was a staggering inflation rate known

as the "price revolution" in Spain (Vicens Vives

1969:379). The colonies supplied a number of other

items besides bullion. Hides from the Indies revived

the leather working industry in Spain which had been

initiated by the Moors. Ornamental leather goods,

jackets, and the famous gloves of Ocana and Ciudad Real

were made from West Indian hides and sold throughout

Europe (Lynch 1984:125). Other imports included

cochineal, indigo, dyewoods, sugar, pearls, and plants

such as Cassia fistula (used as a purgative). Many of

the West Indian imports paused only briefly in Seville

before becoming part of Spain's export trade.

The preceding statements concerning the thriving

wool trade and glut of precious metals and tropical

products beg the following question, "Why was Spain

perpetually on the verge of bankruptcy?" The answer is









19


simply that Spain's expenses outstripped her income.

The next question, then, is "Where did the money go?"

Much of the wealth was used to supply Spain with

goods and services not produced domestically. Spain's

pro-Mesta policies meant that it was constantly

importing food to supplement its meager agricultural

production. Also, as previously mentioned, the

industrial capabilities were not much better than the

agricultural base, forcing Spain to rely on other

nations' industries for finished products. Even in its

trade with the Americas, Spain lost potential revenue

to foreigners. Vicens Vives (1967:98) states that

Genoese bankers monopolized the profits from
the exploitation of American mines; Genoese
outfitters controlled the provisioning of the
fleets. Meanwhile, Italian, Flemish, and
French merchants seized control of the
colonial trade by means of the fairs at
Medina del Campo and the embarkations from
Seville and Cadiz.

The trade deficit and foreign domination of trade

robbed Spain of much of her potential wealth but it was

not the primary drain on the economy.

Most of Spain's revenue went either to the pursuit

of imperial conquests or defense from foreign and

internal enemies. Since the Reconquista, Spain had

been almost continuously at war with at least one

adversary, frequently with multiple foes. Charles V

initiated many of these costly wars. Elliott









20


(1963:191) describes the longterm effects of this

monarch's aggressive policies on the treasury:

Charles's appeals to the generosity of his
subjects and his constant recourse to loans
from bankers managed to stave off disaster,
but the price paid was a renunciation of any
attempt to organize Imperial finances on a
rational basis and to plan a coherent
economic program for the various territories
of the Empire.

The situation did not improve under the reign of

Phillip II; if anything it worsened.

Along with costly foreign campaigns came a

concomitant rise in the costs of defensive measures

that had to be taken against Spain's growing list of

adversaries. In Europe this meant that a standing army

had to be continuously maintained. As the 16th century

progressed, Spain came to have another realm to

protect, the Caribbean.

Little royal funding went to the exploration and

settlement of the New World. These activities were

done primarily at the personal expense of the

conquistadors in return for shares of the colonial

revenue. Thus, initially the Crown realized a large

return on a very small investment. Lynch (1984:155)

neatly summarizes the significance of this income

stating,

Trade between Spain and the Indies in the
16th and first half of the 17th century, both
in value and the volume of goods carried, was
the biggest trans-oceanic trade in the world.









21


It became the most important single item in
Spain's economy.

However, as American silver began to pour into Spain,

other nations started to take an interest in the source

of this treasure, forcing Spain to protect its resource

base.

The depredations of first French and later English

and Dutch interlopers in the Caribbean obliged Spain to

take costly and only partially successful defensive

measures. These measures included the implementation

of a convoy system to protect the treasure fleets and

the construction of harbor defenses at key ports in the

Caribbean (e.g. Santo Domingo, Cartegena, and Havana).

The convoy system functioned well, in that it generally

protected the fleets from attack. The consequences of

the convoy system on Caribbean demographics will be

discussed later. The harbor defenses were less

successful, each of the main ports being sacked at

least once in their history. Successful or not, these

defences were expensive and required regular upkeep as

well as sufficient manpower to maintain any sort of

effectiveness at all.

The preceding paragraphs have outlined the history

and motivations of the Spanish elite, but what of the

rest of the society? Who were the people that settled









22


the New World and how did they behave before they got

there?

Spain, despite the efforts of the Crown and the

Inquisition, was a heterogeneous society throughout the

16th century. Castilians, Basques, Catalans, et al.,

all had distinctive cultural traits which make most

generalizations invalid. Since the province of

Andalucia, and most especially the city of Seville,

contributed the most to the early colonization effort

(Boyd-Bowman 1976), this region will serve as the basis

for the description of Spanish life in the 16th

century. Much of the basic information for this

section is derived from Pike's (1972) work

Aristocrats and Traders: Sevillian Society in the 16th

Century.

Sevillian society was polarized into elites and

commoners. Very little existed in the way of a true

middle class. The Sevillian elite was composed of six

subcategories: nobles, clergy, lawyers, medical

practitioners, notaries, and merchants. Of these, the

professionals occupied the most fluctuating and

insecure status in the elitist social hierarchy. The

clergy's status was secure but had a ceiling above

which, in theory, they could not aspire. The

individuals who had the potential to win and lose the

most wealth were the merchants.









23


Many, if not most, of the merchants were of

converso origin. Under the doctrine of limpieza de

sangre in effect at the time, all conversos were

discriminated against economically and were excluded

from public and clerical office (Elliot 1963:218).

Naturally many conversos tried to avoid this

distinction by commissioning elaborately forged family

geneologies and purchasing titles to nobility.

The nobility, on the other hand, by virtue of

their pure lineage, had assured social status but were

often impoverished. They solved their financial

difficulties by either going into business for

themselves or marrying into one of the wealthy merchant

(i.e. converso) families. This symbiotic relationship

benefitted the nobles by enriching their coffers and

the merchants by legitimizing their status. So common

were these unions, claims Pike (1972:213), that

by the middle of the 16th century, the
majority of the Sevillian nobility consisted
of recently enobled families of mixed social
and racial origins whose commercial
orientation and activities reflected their
mercantile background.

On the next social level the working classes struggled

with much less success to better their social position.

The working classes, which included artisans and

unskilled laborers, were generally looked down upon

because they performed what was considered manual









24


labor. Conversos dominated the upper level crafts

(e.g. pharmacists, silversmiths, clothing makers).

These craftsmen were organized by the government into

tightly regulated guilds of which there were about 60.

The creation of these guilds had the effect of stifling

free enterprise while forming an easily taxable entity

for the crown (Defourneaux 1979:93-4). Outside the

guilds were the unskilled laborers who were only

slightly higher in status than the unassimilated

classes.

At the bottom of the hierarchical ladder were the

unassimilated classes (Moriscos, slaves, and the

underworld). The free Moriscos (Moors who had

converted to Christianity) usually earned their living

as stevedores, bearers, and occasional farm laborers.

The majority of the Moriscos were only nominally

Christians, retaining their traditional dress and

customs. These differences prevented the Moriscos from

becoming fully integrated into Sevillian society.

Blacks, on the other hand, adopted Catholicism and

Spanish ways and so fared better in Sevillian society.

The underworld held a unique place in the society

of Seville. Known as picaros, these thieves and rogues

had informal unions of their own. They were attracted

to Seville by the riches of the Indies trade

(Defourneaux 1979:88). It is tempting to speculate









25


that not a few of these picaros found their way to the

source of the New World treasure by signing on ships

bound in that direction.

Judging by the number of different classes of

people and the disparity in wealth, any attempt to

describe the range of housing, dress, and food habits

would seem to be beyond the scope of this work. Yet,

there are some broad generalizations that can be made

in regard to these issues.

Spain in the 16th century had become a powerful

world force not only economically and militarily, but

in fashion as well. According to Braudel (1985:320),

the European upper classes adopted an austere costume

inspired by Phillip II's Spain. The male ensemble

consisted of dark material fashioned into close fitting

doublets, padded hose, short capes, and high collars

edged with a small ruff. This began to change in the

17th century as the French penchant for brighter colors

became more popular. Even then, official decorum

insisted on the traditional dark Spanish outfit being

worn at court. Peasants, on the other hand, do not

appear to have been slaves to fashion. Their rough

shirts and hose changed little through time.

The eating habits of the Spaniards were, not

surprisingly, tied directly to level of affluence,

varying from the multi-course fetes of the nobility to









26


the meatless gruels of the abject poor. Yet, despite

the differences in content, the main meal for both the

affluent and the poor was taken at noon, with no hot

food being served in the evening (Defourneaux

1979:152).

Prior to 1550, meat of all kinds was abundant

throughout Europe. This relative abundance of meat was

due to the catastrophic human population losses of the

plagues of previous centuries (Braudel 1984:190-194).

As populations recovered, meat became a less regular

part of the peasant diet. Defourneaux (1979:103)

characterized the poor peasant's stable diet as

consisting of rye bread, cheese, onions, and in

Andalusia--olives. Milk and butter were scarce. Meat,

when available, was served up in empanadillas, small

turnovers filled with an unspecified type of meat. For

the upper classes meat occupied an essential place in

the diet. It was commonly prepared in the form of stew

or marinated in spices (e.g. pimento, garlic, or

saffron). Esteemed dishes included olla podrida (meat

stew) and blancmange (chicken in cream sauce), as well

as roast of lamb and beef (Defourneaux 1979:152). Fish

was an important feature in the Catholic diet with its

many meatless days. Many freshwater as well as marine

species were caught and shipped, on muleback,

throughout Spain. Despite









27


smoking, drying and salting the catch, spoilage was a

common problem (Braudel 1985:219). Cumbaa (1975:45)

points out that the difference between the food of the

peasant and the well-to-do was mainly one of degree.

That is, the peasant usually ate a vegetable laden stew

(puchero) while the elite dined on the heartier, spice

laden olla podrida. All classes were partial to

chocolate which became widely available after the

discovery of the Americas.

Housing, like food habits, also differed more in

degree than in kind. The exterior of nearly all houses

were plain; any decorative attention was on the

interior. In Andalusia, where Arab influence

persisted, the upper class house was built of brick or

stone around a central patio. The houses of the

peasants were simpler, being built of mud and often

consisting of only a single room. Furniture was sparse

in 16th century Spain, even among the upper classes

giving the house interiors what must have been by

today's standards a generally stark appearance The

wealthy filled space with a few costly items of

furniture and many carpets and tapestries. In a

country with little in the way of wood this is not

unusual. The peasant home as described by Defourneaux

(1979:103) was even simpler.









28


The furniture comprised a roughly made table
and some wooden benches. The beds often
consisted only of a simple plank or one
simply slept on the floor. In a corner of
the main room was the hearth, where
occasionally a brushwood fire was lit--nearly
everywhere wood was rare and expensive.

The hearth refers to a brazier which was the

principal source of warmth in all Spanish homes. In

them wood, charcoal and even olive pits were burned

(Defourneaux 1979:149). Along with oil lamps and

candles, they also provided some light In 16th

century Spain, windows were not covered with glass,

they were shuttered and some had coverings of paper or

oiled, thin parchment. Floors were of bare earth, tile

and/or covered with mats or oriental carpets, depending

on the wealth of the inhabitants.

The preceding historical, ethnographic portrait of

Spain was drawn as a backdrop for an examination of

colonial life in the Caribbean. Only by knowing the

history and habits of the colonizing peoples can their

responses to what was encountered be properly

understood.

The West Indies

The historic period in the Caribbean began with

the arrival of Christopher Columbus. The intent of

Columbus's first voyage was the discovery of a western

route to the spice islands of the East Indies. In this

he failed completely, although he stubbornly refused to









29


admit his error for the rest of his life (Morison

1942:385).

The exact route of Columbus's first voyage is a

matter of much speculation and heated debate. The

traditional site of the first landfall has been

Watling's Island, renamed San Salvador to commemorate

the event (Morison 1942:222-36). However, a recent

investigation that used computers to take into account

the effects of ocean currents and winds, proposes

Samana Cay as the most likely candidate (Judge and

Stanfield 1986). Other candidates for the landing site

have been put forth, but it is sufficient here simply

to know that he proceeded through the Bahamas to Cuba

(which he mistook for mainland China) and turned east

and traveled along the north coast of Hispaniola.

It was along the north coast of Haiti that an

event took place that pertains directly to the current

research. On Christmas Eve, 1492, the Santa Maria ran

aground on a barrier reef just east of the present city

of Cap Haitien. The crew was able to reach shore

safely, but the ship was a total loss. After

negotiations with the native cacique Guacanagari,

Columbus decided to leave 39 men to found a small

settlement while he went back to Spain. The settlement

was named La Navidad in honor of the season. According

to Morison (1942:306),









30


Navidad fort was built largely of Santa
Maria's planks, timbers and fastenings, and
provided with a "great cellar" for storage of
wine, biscuit, and other stores salvaged from
the flagship. Seeds for sowing crops and a
supply of trading truck to barter for gold
were also left.

Columbus returned a year later to find the settlement

burned and all the settlers dead or missing. The

reasons for the massacre are believed to be the

Spaniards greed and mistreatment of the local

inhabitants.

Ongoing research by the University of Florida

(Deagan 1986) has located what appears to be the

village of Guacanagari within which the site of La

Navidad was located. This site, if it is indeed the

location of La Navidad, is within 1.5 Km of the site of

Puerto Real. Whether the fact that the Spanish

returned to the same area 10 years later is a

coincidence or a deliberate act will have to await the

discovery of more documentation before it can be

answered.

Columbus's first voyage set in motion forces that

affected and continue to affect the world to this day.

This interaction of the New World with the Old has been

labeled "The Columbian Exchange." Alfred Crosby, who

coined the term in a book of the same name (1972:219),

renders a harsh verdict concerning the consequences of

this exchange:









31


The Columbian exchange has included Man, and
he has changed the Old and New Worlds
sometimes inadvertently, sometimes
intentionally, often brutally. It is
possible that he and the plants and animals
he brings with him have caused the extinction
of more species of life forms in the last
four hundred years than the usual processes
of evolution might kill off in a million. .
We, all of the life on this planet, are the
less for Columbus, and the impoverishment
will increase.

Columbus made three other voyages to the

Caribbean. The 1493 voyage was specifically to settle

the island of Hispaniola, and was successful after a

fashion. The third and fourth voyages, in 1498 and

1502 respectively, were exploratory ventures aimed at

finding the riches of what he thought was Asia. If

Columbus was adept at exploration he was equally inept

at the administration of what he had discovered. This

task would be left to the more capable and ruthless

Spaniards who were to follow. Relating some of their

activities illustrates the historical setting in which

Puerto Real developed.

Even while Columbus conducted his third and fourth

reconnaisance efforts, other Spaniards were making

their own voyages of discovery in the Caribbean.

According to Sauer (1969:108), at least four voyages

were licensed to take place in 1499, those of Alonzo de

Hojeda, Peralonso Nifo, Vicente Yanez Pinzon, and Diego

de Lepe. It was Peralonso Niio who discovered the









32


pearl coast of Venezuela that Columbus just missed on

his third voyage. After the break in the Columbian

monopoly, the entire Caribbean was explored and its

major islands and mainland settled. Tierra Firme (or

the Spanish Main) as the southern mainland portion of

the Caribbean was called, was an early site of

intensive exploitation, but not much settlement.

Early colonization efforts focused on the

Caribbean islands. In 1508 Sebastian de Ocampo

circumnavigated Cuba proving it to be an island. Three

years later Diego Velazquez, then Lieutenant-Governor

of Hispaniola, undertook the task of settling the

island. The following year, in 1512, Ponce de Leon

savagely subdued Puerto Rico and used it as a base for

his ill-fated exploration of Florida. During this

period of early exploration, Hispaniola served as a

jumping off point. As the emphasis of colonization

shifted to the west, Cuba became the base for the

conquistadors. As early as 1519, Hispaniola had

already begun to assume a lesser role in the affairs of

the Caribbean.

The Caribbean, at the time of earliest Spanish

involvement, was wholly subservient to Spain. The

keyword that describes the relationship between Spain

and the New World is exploitation. According to










33


McAlister (1984:81) the Crown and its subjects had

similar but conflicting interests.

The Crown wished to convert and patronize the
indigenous population, establish exclusive
sovereignty in its American possessions and,
at the same time gain a profit from the
enterprise. Conquerers and settlers wanted
to exploit the natives, acquire senorios, and
become wealthy.

The result was that the Indies were developed only to

the point of being profitable to the investor.

Most sought after were the precious metals,

particularly gold. Columbus was one of the first to

voice its importance, "Gold is the most precious of all

commodities . and he who possesses it has all he

needs in the world, as also the means of rescuing souls

from purgatory, and restoring them to the enjoyment of

paradise" (quoted in McAlister 1984:80-1). However,

gold from the islands was never very substantial and

was quickly superceded by the major deposits in the

mainland. This prompted a gold rush to the mainland.

For the second time (the decline of the native

population being the first) the islands were

depopulated; the Caribbean economy reorganized around

less profitable commodities.

The remaining Spaniards on the islands turned to

agriculture and animal husbandry as a means of making a

living. Crops such as manioc were grown on large

estates. The cassava bread made from manioc flour was









34


used as a shipstore, as a staple food for native and

African laborers, and to supply early exploratory

expeditions. Other subsistance crops such as maize,

tropical fruits, yams, beans and squash were also

raised (Parry and Sherlock 1971:15).

Some plants were grown strictly for profit. Of

these cash crops, sugar occupied the primary position

of importance. Sugar cane had been among the plants

brought by Columbus on his second voyage (Sauer

1966:209), but was not developed commercially for

another 20 years. Once started, though, production

spread rapidly so that by 1523 there were 24 mills, or

ingenios, in operation on Hispaniola (Parry and

Sherlock 1971:17). Sugar never became the major export

in the Spanish West Indies that it would later become

for the French and British colonies. The difficulty in

obtaining sufficient numbers of slaves and the

inability to compete with gold and silver for the

limited cargo space on the fleets curtailed production.

If sugar was the most profitable agricultural

product, it was not the only one being exported to

Spain. The islands produced some cotton and Sauer

(1966:208) mentions the possible existance of an early

cotton gin. Cassia fistula, a tree whose bark is

similar to cinnamon, was promoted but never became very

important as an export. Other plants were cultivated









35


for their medicinal, spice, and dye qualities and

formed a small part of the Atlantic trade. Tobacco,

native to the West Indies, was grown by small planters

and its cultivation and exportation was not significant

until the last quarter of the 16th century (Parry and

Sherlock 1971:15). More in line with the temperment of

the Spanish colonists was the development of a

livestock industry.

As mentioned previously, the economy of Spain was

basically a pastoral one. When transferred to the New

World, cattle supplanted sheep as the most numerous

Iberian domestic animal. Cattle proliferation was so

phenomenal that within decades after their

introduction, the hunting of wild cattle became a

full-time profession.

The settlers derived many products from their

extensive herds, leather being the most important. As

early as 1512, hides were being exported to Spain and

production continued to increase throughout the century

(Macleod 1984:361). Beef was smoked and jerked for

shipment and, unlike his European contemporaries, no

colonist ever wanted for meat. Another by-product of

the island cattle industry was beef tallow. Both

edible and inedible tallow were produced. The former

was derived from crushed and boiled bones and trimmed

fats, the latter from cartilage and sinews. Inedible









36


tallow was the basic ingredient in the manufacture of

soap and candles (Reitz 1986:325). As sugar and gold

production declined, hides became the economic mainstay

of the islands and figured prominently in the later

illegal trade.

How was the settlement of Hispaniola accomplished

so quickly? When the Spanish came to the New World

they did not find an unpopulated, fertile land waiting

to be developed by industrious Europeans, but a land

already fully populated. And when Europeans did start

to modify and exploit their discoveries, they did very

little of the actual physical modification themselves.

This was left to the native inhabitants of the

so-called virgin lands. The native inhabitants had

already been in the New World of the Caribbean

centuries before Spain was a nation.

The prehistory of the Circum-Caribbean region is

an area of dynamic research. Ideas concerning the

population's size, origin, movement, and

characteristics continue to change with each new

addition to the archaeological database. The generally

held hypothesis has been that the islands were

originally inhabited by a primitive, preceramic people

of uncertain origin, sometimes referred to

(erroneously) as the Ciboney. These peoples were

displaced and/or absorbed by the Arawaks who migrated









37


northward from the north coast of South America,

probably from eastern Venezuela (Sauer 1969:5). The

peaceful and friendly Arawak, in turn, were being

overrun by the war-like and cannibalistic Carib, who

had made it as far up the island chain as Puerto Rico

when Columbus arrived (Parry and Sherlock 1971:3).

Different authors vary on the details, but most

historians would agree that this scenario generally

fits the meager evidence.

One of the former proponents of this scheme,

Irving Rouse, has recently taken a different stance on

the peopling of the Caribbean. Now, instead of

successive waves of invading cultures, Rouse (1986:153)

claims "that linguistic and archaeological research .

. indicate that the Island Carib and Taino (Arawak)

Indians developed in situ as the result of a single

population movement from South America around the time

of Christ." He further proposes (1986:155) that the

point of entry into the Caribbean was not eastern

Venezuela, but more likely the Guianas.

As the Tainos entered the West Indies, they
headed for the major streams, settled along
their banks some distance from their mouths,
and exploited the resources in the
surrounding forests, paying relatively little
attention to seafood. The only places in
South America where they could have acquired
these preferences are in the Orinoco Valley
and on the Guiana coastal plain.









38


This revised hypothesis, as Rouse himself points out,

needs further testing before acceptance.

However these people came to be there, the

aboriginal's general social organization and

infrastructural base is fairly well understood. Helms

(1984:37) groups the Circum-Caribbean area into two

major spheres of political interaction: the Spanish

Main (N. Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, and N.

Venezuela) and the Greater Antilles (Hispaniola, Puerto

Rico, Jamaica, and Cuba), with the less developed

people of the Lesser Antilles, N.E. Venezuela and

Guiana linking them. The denser populations were

organized into ranked societies with commoners and

elites being the major social division. Many of the

societies had attained chiefdom status by the time of

Columbus's arrival. On Hispaniola this was certainly

the case.

Andres Morales and Peter Martyr, early 16th

century geographers, divided Hispaniola into five

provinces based on native territorial boundaries (Sauer

1969). Other historians (cf. Casas) used other schemes

to subdivide the island. In any case, the native way

of life was the same. Swidden agriculture provided the

villages with most of their food. Plants such as

manioc, maize, and yams were grown in cleared plots.

Protein was consumed primarily in the form of marine









39


species, terrestrial animals were generally small and

scattered.

The Spanish were at first welcomed by the natives

of Hispaniola. Columbus (in Sauer 1969:32) wrote that

he had developed a

great friendship with the King of the Land
[Guacanagari] who took pride in calling me
brother and considered me to be such: and
even though they should change their mind,
neither he nor his people know what arms are
. and are the most timorous people of the
world. So that the men left there (La
Navidad) are sufficient to destroy all that
country, without danger to their persons if
they know how to rule.

Columbus was exaggerating somewhat in his letter as the

fate of the Spaniards at La Navidad was to show. The

short-lived first settlement of Columbus warned the

natives that the incoming Spaniards were not there

simply to trade peacefully. This knowledge,

unfortunately, did not allow them to alter the fate

that was in store for them.

On his second voyage, Columbus founded a

settlement only slightly more successful than his

first. Ill-conceived in terms of harborage and

resources, Isabela survived only as long as there was

no better place. With the establishment of Santo

Domingo on the south coast by Bartholomew Columbus in

1496, Isabella was all but abandoned (Morison

1942:430). The Indians were subjugated and forced to









40


pay an onerous tribute to the Spanish conquistadors.

This tribute was in the form of gold wherever possible;

otherwise it was paid in spices, cotton or food (Sauer

1966:90).

The tribute the Indians provided was not their

most valuable contribution to the Spaniards. Labor was

what was needed and was soon forcibly acquired through

the agencies of encomienda and repartimiento. These

two systems, although they achieved the same ends, were

subtly different (McAlister 1985:personal

communication). A repartimiento was a division of

spoils. Columbus did this with the natives of

Hispaniola. There were no restrictions imposed on the

recipient of the repartimiento and this practice was

never officially condoned. Its existance was tolerated

partly because of the dire need for labor and partly,

perhaps, because of the ambiguous humanity of the

Indians in the eyes of the Spaniards. An encomienda,

on the other hand was to put a populated place into the

charge of someone. The commander, or encomendero, had

the right to extract taxes or labor. Labor was not to

be forced, but rather "induced" from the Indians. The

encomendero had the added obligation of Christianizing

and civilizing his charges. In actual practice,

however, these obligations were rarely fulfilled

(Lockhart 1969:411-429).









41


The effects of these systems of labor had

catastrophic effects on the Indians. The immediate

areas of Spanish conquest suffered a precipitous drop

in native population. This decimation of the

aboriginal inhabitants can be partly explained by the

ruthless extremes of the Spaniards during the

"pacification" of the island. Other declines were the

result of overwork, abuse, and suicide induced by the

conditions of encomienda. The primary agent for the

elimination of Hispaniola's natives can be attributed

to European-introduced diseases. So great was the

population decline that slaving expeditions were sent

to neighboring islands to supplement the work force on

Hispaniola (Sauer 1966:159).

The complete subjugation of Hispaniola occurred

during the governorship of Nicolas de Ovando (1502-

1509). With brutal efficiency, Spanish administrative

sway was extended throughout the entire island. The

system of encomienda was formalized during his tenure.

Another accomplishment of Ovando was the founding of 15

towns on the island (Sauer 1966:151). This act served

a two-fold purpose; it satisfied the royal instruction

to establish proper new settlements on the island, and

it also ensured complete subjugation of the natives.

Puerto Real was one of these new communities.









42


Puerto Real

Much of the basic information for this section is

taken from Eugene Lyon's (1981) documentary research in

the Archivo General de las Indias, in Seville, Spain.

Around 1504 Rodrigo de Mexia, a lieutenant of Governor

Ovando, led a group of settlers to the north coast of

Hispaniola with the purpose of founding a new city. The

location chosen for this northern settlement,

Christened Puerto Real because of its excellent harbor

was very close to the old site of La Navidad. This

time, instead of being massacred by the native

inhabitants, the Spanish were successful in bending

them to their will.

Puerto Real was originally envisioned as a mining

colony. The Spanish lust for gold prompted a brief

flurry of mining activity in the mountainous hinterland

of Puerto Real (Sauer 1966:154). Unfortunately for the

settlers no gold was found and existing copper deposits

proved disappointing. The area around Puerto Real did,

however, serve as a source of labor for the more

productive mining districts.

The settlement's early years were its best years.

In the first decade of the 16th century, Puerto Real

was a thriving community of about 100 households

(Haring 1947:207n). In 1508 the Crown granted Puerto

Real its own coat of arms consisting of a golden ship








43












































Figure 2-1 The Coat of Arms of Puerto Real









44


sailing a wavy sea on a field of blue (Figure 2-1).

This emblem recalled the arrival of Christopher

Columbus in the same area in 1492 (Hodges 1980:3). It

was about this time that the town experienced its boom

period.

The decline in native population coupled with the

rise in demand for labor prompted slaving raids on

other nearby islands. In the north the Bahamas were

completely depopulated of their Lucayan inhabitants.

Puerto Plata and Puerto Real were the ports servicing

these slaving operations (Sauer 1966:159). A total of

40,000 Indians were unloaded at these two ports (Hodges

1980:3). As these imported Indians also succumbed to

disease and the harsh conditions, African slaves were

brought in. The end of the Lucayan trade (ca. 1514)

signaled the beginning of a general decline in the

towns of the north coast (Lyon 1981).

Spaniards formed only a comparatively small part

of the population. The repartimiento of 1514

illustrates the imbalance of the population at Puerto

Real. There were only 20 vecinos (in this case

probably meaning registered citizens). Of these, three

had Castilian wives and two had native wives. Also

mentioned are 18 other residents who held Indians. The

status of these other residents is uncertain. Of the

839 Indians listed, 540 were Indios de Servicio, which









45


were the original encomienda Indians of the island.

The other Indians were classified as naborias or

life-long serfs. These Indians were not even

technically free and may have been the imported

Lucayans.

The continuing decline of the north prompted the

abandonment of the neighboring town of Llares de

Guahaba, whose citizens moved to Puerto Real. The fall

of the north corresponded with the situation on the

island as a whole and can be traced to the Spanish

preoccupation with silver and gold.

After the initial gold frenzy on the island had

died down, Hispaniola became a base for further

exploration. When the real mineral wealth of the New

World was discovered on the mainland, the population

drain began in earnest (Andrews 1978:54). The mainland

gold rush did more than just draw off manpower; it

diverted shipping away from the less profitable island

ports (see Figure 2-2).

The convoy system of shipping, first implemented

in 1542, was designed to insure that the precious

metals from Mexico and Peru arrived safely in Spain.

All ships were required to sail in convoy and visit

only the ports on the convoy's route. One need only

glance at the routes of the treasure fleets (Figure

2-2) to see that Puerto Real is located well away from
































S Puerto Real

Fire 2-2 Routes of Treasure Fleets




















Figure 2-2 Routes of Treasure Fleets









47


the Carrera de las Indias. Denied access to regular

shipping, Puerto Real and the other neglected island

ports turned to the rescate (illegal trade) for goods.

Meanwhile on land Puerto Real had to contend with

other problems. A smallpox epidemic swept the island

in 1518-19 nearly wiping out the Arawak population

(Lyon 1981). Puerto Real came to depend more upon

imported African labor. So great was the demand for

labor that by 1520 African slaves had become the

dominant element in the work force (Andrews

1978:11-12). The Indians do make a later appearance in

the history of Puerto Real. In 1519 there was a revolt

of the natives under chief Tamayo around the environs

of Puerto Real. They later joined with the general

revolt led by the cacique Enrique. As late as 1532,

hostilities persisted when a vecino, his wife, two

children and 14 of his Indian slaves were killed.

Peace was finally achieved the following year. In this

same year 60 colonists arrived in Santo Domingo to

repopulate Puerto Real and Monte Christi, located to

the east.

By this time the economy of Puerto Real and the

islands in general were based upon the hide trade.

Leather was much in demand in Europe and the Indies

possessed an abundance of cattle. The mercantile

policies of Spain decreed all colonial commerce should









48


be conducted exclusively with the mother country.

Unfortunately, bulky hides could not compete with

silver and gold for the limited cargo space of the

fleets.

Such was the paradox that confronted the citizens

of Puerto Real. They could obey the law and do without

even the barest necessities, or they could trade with

smugglers and enjoy European goods unavailable to them

by other means. Another consideration was the trading

practices of the smugglers who were not above

transacting business at gunpoint. Often the choice

would be trade with the corsairs or risk having the

town sacked and burned by them. In 1566 the French

corsair Jean Bontemps was able to enter Monte Christi,

Puerto Real and La Yaguana. He seized 12 vessels and

burned Puerto Real (Andrews 1978:96). It is a small

wonder that most of the hides produced at Puerto Real

found their way into the illegal trade system.

The chief perpetrators of the rescate changed

throughout the 16th century. According to Lyon (1981)

prior to the mid-16th century most of the foreign

interlopers were Portuguese who dealt mainly in slaves.

French, interlopers present as early as 1535, were

heavily involved in smuggling after 1548. John

Hawkins, the renowned corsair, and other Englishmen

were operating in the islands after 1560. The Dutch









49


did not become important in the rescate until the end

of the century, but it is their presence which

eventually forced the abandonment of the western half

of Hispaniola (Andrews 1978:174).

Meanwhile Puerto Real was suffering from both

natural and economic disasters. In 1562 an earthquake

rocked the north coast of Hispaniola. This was

followed by the 1566 incident with the French corsairs.

In that same year, Spain ordered a cessation of

registry of ships at Puerto Real due to its smuggling

activities. Puerto Real sued and had its registry

temporarily restored, but this only delayed the

inevitable.

Ironically, it was not the loss of revenue that

worried the Spanish Crown. The economic importance of

the hide trade was negligable. Andrews (1978:195)

claims that, "hides were the virtual offal of the

Indies, left for Lutherans and mulattoes to haggle over

by Spaniards occupied with transactions of a higher

order--in sugar, dyes and precious metals." Rather,

the main concern of the Crown was the presence of these

foreign interlopers, not in the hides they diverted

from Spain.

In the ports of northern and western Hispaniola

practically the whole population was involved in

smuggling (Andrews 1978:208). Spain could not stop the









50


smuggling (her own Crown-appointed town officials were

heavily involved themselves!); neither could she supply

these outpost settlements with adequate shipping. In

1578, the settlement of Bayaha was established midway

Puerto Real and Monte Christi and populated with the

citizens of the two towns. An armed force was required

to coerce the resettlement. It was thought it would be

easier to stop the smuggling at a single point than all

along the coast. However, this was not the case.

Smuggling continued with the collusion of the town

officials. Spain's ultimate response was the

depopulation of the western third of the island in

1605. This ended the Spanish chapter of Puerto Real

and began the French chapter of what was to become

Haiti.
















CHAPTER III
PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK AT PUERTO REAL

The site of Puerto Real was discovered in 1974 by

Dr. William Hodges. A medical missionary in Haiti for

over twenty-five years, Hodges was and is still, an

avid archaeologist and historian, whose interests are

well known to the villagers around Cape Haitian. Many

of the local farmers would bring him old "treasures"

they had found while hoeing their gardens. Hodges, who

had been actively looking for the site of La Navidad,

received an important clue when farmers from the nearby

village of Limonade showed him some 16th century

artifacts they had found. Of particular interest was a

worn copper coin. The coin was identified as a 4

maravedi piece, common in the Greater Antilles during

the 16th century. This led Hodges to conclude that

there was a Spanish settlement in the area, one that

was later than La Navidad established by Columbus in

1492 (Hodges 1980:3).

An examination of the area where the artifacts

were found confirmed Hodge's suspicions that this was

not the site of La Navidad. Far more artifacts





51









52


littered the surface than could be accounted for by a

small settlement that had lasted for less than a year.

In addition to the surface collected artifacts, several

low mounds were found. Excavation of one of these

mounds yielded three stone gargoyles and a large

quantity of building rubble. One of these gargoyles

has the head of an elephant and the body of a sheep or

some other hooved animal. Clearly, a substantial

settlement had existed in the area. The artifacts

indicated that it had a 16th-century Spanish

provenience. Based on his knowledge of the history of

the area, Hodges correctly concluded that the artifacts

must be from the 16th century Spanish settlement of

Puerto Real. His discovery opened an important chapter

in New World Spanish colonial archaeology.

Realizing the potential significance of the site,

Dr. Hodges and M. Albert Mangones (representing the

Haitian government) contacted Dr. Charles Fairbanks at

the University of Florida in Gainesville. Fairbanks, a

Distinguished Service Professor in Anthropology and

internationally known expert on Spanish colonial

archaeology, also recognized the importance of the

discovery and worked with Hodges and Mangones to put

together an archaeological project to conduct fieldwork

in Haiti. He was successful in his efforts and in 1979









53


Fairbanks sent one of his graduate students, Raymond

Willis, to lead a crew into the field.

The problem orientation of all the archaeological

research done at Puerto Real is to better understand

how the 16th century Spaniards adapted to the New

World. This type of long-distance colonizing effort

had very little precedent for the Spanish. What form

would Spain's effort take? Adopt New World modes of

living? Transplant the Iberian way of life in toto?

Synthesize an eclectic mixture of both? Answering

these questions has guided all previous research at

Puerto Real, including the current research.

The primary goal of the 1979 season, led by

Willis, was to positively identify the site. It was

decided that the best way to do this within the limits

of time and money was to concentrate on the supposed

center of the site, specifically the large rubble pile

where the gargoyle was found. Before actual excavation

began the area was cleared of the thorny brush growing

there and a contour map was made. A preliminary

walkover survey of the area was conducted to delineate

the site boundaries, and a permanent concrete benchmark

that would serve as a reference point for all

subsequent excavation grids was emplaced. A contour

map was prepared and revealed that there were actually

two mounds: a rectangular-shaped one running roughly









54


north-south and a square-shaped rise near the northwest

corner of the rectangular mound.

Willis (1984:57) initiated an excavation to

discover the nature of the rectangular mound. He

decided to bisect the mound with a north-south trench

and cross it with two east-west trenches. Ray Willis

and Paul Hodges (Dr. William Hodges's son) supervised

twenty Haitian workers who excavated thirty-nine 2 x 2

m units. These excavations revealed the remains of

what had been a three room masonry building.

Most of the stone foundation was missing, having

been robbed by later peoples for use in their own

structures. The trenches that they had dug to mine the

stone were clearly apparent as dark stains in the buff

colored clay. A large amount of broken brick and roof

tile littered both the interior and exterior of the

structure. Along with the building rubble, Willis

recovered a substantial amount of 16th century Spanish

majolica, glass, coins, iron artifacts, and faunal

material.

The delineation of such a large structure (27 x

7 m) and the recovery of so many unequivocally datable

16th century artifacts confirmed that the site was

Puerto Real. There is no other settlement of any size

recorded for that time period in the area. A cursory

walkover survey of the surrounding area indicated that









55


the site measured nearly 500 x 500 m. Most

importantly, except for the robbing of construction

material, the site seemed little disturbed by any

post-abandonment activity. Today, Haitians living on

the site practice hoe agriculture and only disturb the

upper 15 cm of the soil. The success of the first

season's excavations encouraged the participants to

return to the site the following summer.

The second season (1980) saw the formal entrance

of the University of Florida into the project. This

allowed a larger scale archaeological effort. Ray

Willis returned with three other graduate student

archaeologists (Jennifer Hamilton, Rochelle Marrinan

and Gary Shapiro) from the University of Florida. The

crew of Haitian villagers hired as field hands doubled

from twenty to forty.

The 1980 field season focused on the complete

excavation of Building A, as the structure discovered

the previous year had been named. Results were

encouraging (Willis 1984:59).

Willis interpreted this building as the central

cathedral or possibly some other public structure

situated on the town plaza (Willis 1984:128). Another

structure located under the square-shaped mound next to

Building A was designated Building B. The town

cemetery was discovered a few meters west of this









56


structure. In the process of putting in a fencepost

one of the Haitian workers unearthed a human cranium.

A 2 x 3 m test excavation, directed by Dr. William

Hodges uncovered the remains of three individuals

(Willis 1984:65).

A rich and varied array of artifacts was recovered

from the 1980 excavations (Willis 1984:156). A wide

variety of Spanish majolica as well as the more common

utilitarian wares, such as olive jar or green bacin,

were found scattered around the exterior of Building A.

Some of the most spectacular artifacts came from the

test pits used to determine the placement of the

trenches. Two of these reconnaisance soundings yielded

nearly intact Spanish rapier swords and in another, a

reconstructable pitcher made of honey-colored melado

ware (Willis 1984:262-3). Other non-ceramic items

collected from the general excavation units included

locks, keys, hawkbells, buckles, horse tack, scissors,

an ornate book clasp, Venetian glass, and over 150

coins. All the coins were the 4 maravedi pieces

described earlier, a coin of small worth even in

colonial times, which may account for their ubiquitous

presence at the site. Perhaps, like modern pennies,

the 16th century Spaniards did not consider them worth

bending over to pick up when dropped.









57


While Willis was working on Building A, the other

team members pursued ancillary projects. The

topographic mapping project, under the supervision of

Jennifer Hamilton, was expanded to cover the rest of

the central area. She also delineated the site

boundaries by laying in a series of linear test-pit

transects across the site (Hamilton 1982). Hamilton's

findings indicated that the town occupied an area

measuring 450 m north-south by 400 m east-west.

Test excavation was not the only means used to

sample the site. Gary Shapiro conducted a resistivity

survey of the area around Building A during the 1980

season. Using this technique, Shapiro was able to

produce resistivity contour maps which allowed accurate

prediction of the location of subsurface features (e.g.

building foundations, see Shapiro 1984). According to

Shapiro

The most important advantage gained by the
use of the technique is the ability to save
precious excavation time by the prediction of
subsurface feature locations, and the ability
to generate testable hypotheses concerning
site plan. (p. 109)

The resistivity maps also allowed Willis to project the

dimensions of the buildings he only partially

excavated.

In addition to the survey and excavation, a faunal

collection of contemporary Haitian vertebrates was









58


prepared. Rochelle Marrinan supervised this project in

an effort to supplement the comparative collections at

the Florida State Museum (Willis 1984:67). Most of the

specimens collected were marine species of fish, but

some terrestrial species were also taken. These

specimens were later used to help identify the faunal

material recovered from Puerto Real.

Although much was accomplished during the 1980

field season it became apparent that the surface had

literally and figuratively only been scratched. The

University of Florida, Organization of American States

(OAS) and the Haitian government all reaffirmed their

commitment to the Puerto Real project and to continued

investigations.

Another large crew conducted field studies during

the 1981 season. This time, however, instead of

concentrating on one central excavation, several

smaller projects were initiated. Rochelle Marrinan

directed work at Building B (Marrinan 1982), while

Bonnie McEwan (another University of Florida graduate

student) and Jennifer Hamilton excavated outlying areas

that the previous year's testing and resistivity survey

had indicated might be residential structures (Hamilton

1982, McEwan 1983). The results of this season's

efforts were productive and, in some cases, enigmatic.









59


Building B proved to be a thick-walled 8 x 10 m

structure whose function could not be positively

ascertained. Willis (1984:145) speculates that it was

an auxillary to Building A, probably a tower of some

sort. Other possibilities include a blockhouse, secure

warehouse, or some other public building (Marrinan

1982:54-57). It is not thought to be a residence for

several reasons: its massive architecture, its location

on the plaza, and the paucity of domestic artifacts

recovered from the site. The other two areas excavated

did appear to have been habitations, or at least have

residential components associated with them.

Loci 33 and 35 (how these loci came to be

designated will be discussed later) excavated under the

supervision of Bonnie McEwan, appeared to be the

location of a high status residence (McEwan 1983:103).

This conclusion is based on the amounts and types of

high quality majolicas, Venetian glass and faunal

remains recovered. In this case the domestic refuse

rather than the structure was the most telling clue as

to site function. Very little of the actual structure

was excavated. The area excavated appears to be the

backyard fenceline against which trash had been

regularly deposited (McEwan 1983:103).

The most intriguing finds came from the third area

excavated during the 1981 field season. Artifacts that









60


Hamilton recovered from Locus 39 seemed, by reference

to documented patterns of status variability in St.

Augustine (Deagan 1983), to indicate a low status

household. That is, many of the ceramics were crude

locally produced wares with the expensive glassware and

decorative artifacts largely missing from the artifact

assemblage. However, the amount and nature of the

animal bone refuse recovered seemed out of place for a

domestic context, and it is possible that the site

could have been the locus of commercial activities

related to cattle.

Elizabeth Reitz, zooarchaeologist now at the

University of Georgia, performed the faunal analysis

for this area (Reitz 1986). She determined that over

70% of the animal bone recovered was the remains of

butchered cattle that had not fully matured. She also

noted that the cattle, even though immature, were very

large. In fact, the size range overlapped that of

aurochs, an extinct bovid believed to be the forerunner

of domestic cattle. Reitz attributed this to the fact

that when cattle were introduced into the area by the

colonists they found no native ruminants which could

have been vectors for disease or competitors for food;

there also were no predators, except humans.

Consequently the cattle attained large size.









61


It is known from the documents that Puerto Real

was a major hide-producing center (cf. Sauer 1966, Lyon

1981, Hoffman 1980). Reitz (1986:327) proposed, from

the amount and type of bone elements recovered, that

this area of the site was where refuse from skinning

and meat preservation was used to make tallow and other

cattle industry by-products. The combination of

household artifacts and faunal remains indicated that

this area may have been used for both residential and

commercial use. Reitz also noted that this

slaughter/processing area was downwind from most of the

town!

The following year (1982) marked a change in

supervision of the Puerto Real project. Dr. Kathleen

Deagan, former student of Fairbanks and now chairperson

of the Anthropology department at the Florida State

Museum, assumed direction of the project. Her first

decision was to suspend any further excavation pending

the completion of the reconnaisance testing and contour

mapping program begun in 1980.

A total of 1,475 .25 x .25 m, test pits was

excavated at 10 m intervals across the site during the

1982 season. The contents of these test pits were

analyzed and the raw data entered into the mainframe

computer at the University of Florida. Maurice

Williams, Florida State Museum archaeologist and









62


project supervisor, was able to graphically depict

horizontal distributions of various types of artifacts

using the SYMAP package (a graphic/analytic program)

(Williams 1986). This was an important achievement for

several reasons. First, it more clearly delineated the

town limits than had previous attempts. Secondly, by

plotting distributions of masonry debris, Williams was

able to define 57 discrete concentrations thought to

represent structures within the town's boundaries. By

plotting distributions of high and low status artifacts

and artifacts that could be precisely dated, it was

further possible to get an idea of economically

distinct sections of the town along with demographic

shifts through time. These data were invaluable to all

subsequent work done at the site and will be elaborated

in Chapter V.

In 1984 another project was sponsored by the

Florida State Museum in cooperation with the

Organization of American States, the government of

Haiti, and the Institute for Early Contact Period

Studies at the University of Florida. Specifically,

this work was being aimed at studying adaptation thru

time at Puerto Real. To do this it was necessary to

examine a residence occupied during the early years of

the town and compare it with an economically similar









63


residence occupied during the latter part of Puerto

Real's existence.

Fortunately the 1984 project was in an ideal

position to accomplish this comparative task.

Excavations at Loci 33 and 35 in 1981 had provided the

necessary data from an early period (pre-1550), high

status occupation. The results of the survey in 1982

made it possible to locate a late (post-1550) high

status occupation. The field season in 1984 was spent

locating this structure and the 1985 season was spent

excavating it. Details of the excavation strategy and

tactics of data recovery at Locus 19 are discussed in

Chapter V. Chapter IV focuses on the theoretical

orientation for these investigative strategies.
















CHAPTER IV
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

The emphasis placed upon much research on early

Spanish colonialism has been understanding how the

colonists adapted themselves and their society to the

social and environmental conditions encountered in the

New World. Recent historical synthetic works (e.g.

Bethell 1984, Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, McAlister

1984) demonstrate that historians have long addressed

this topic. However, historical archaeologists have

only just begun to look at Spanish colonialism.

This raises the question, if historians have long

been addressing this topic why should archaeologists

bother? What can the archaeologist hope to add that a

legion of historians have not already discovered? The

fact that many historians have studied Spanish

colonialism partially answers the question. Paradigms

within a discipline are constantly changing and a new

perspective brings fresh insight to an old subject.

The entrance of historical archaeology into Spanish

colonial studies brings yet another approach, an

anthropologically oriented one, to bear on this topic.





64









65


Archaeology does more than merely offer a new

interdisciplinary perspective, which alone would have

justified the effort. By examining the material record

the archaeologist can examine cultural processes,

verify, supplement, or refute the historical record,

and generally gain insight into the everyday lives of

past peoples. For Puerto Real this is particularly

true.

Few documents pertaining to Puerto Real have been

discovered or may ever be discovered. Archaeological

data can supplement the scant historic record in such

areas as foodways, material possessions, architecture,

and urban planning. Documents tell us that smuggling

was so rampant that the vecinos of Puerto Real were

relocated. How is this illicit behavior manifest in

the archaeological record, the record of the everyday

lives of the people of Puerto Real?

Archaeology is also instrumental in the study of

historically disenfranchised groups (e.g. slaves).

Descriptions of the everyday life of the Indians and/or

slaves are missing from the documents at Puerto Real,

and indeed, colonial records in general. A good

example of the contributions of archaeology in this

regard is the work of Charles Fairbanks (1984) at

Kingsley plantation which illuminated aspects of slave

society not present in the documentary record.









66


Historical archaeology is not a handmaiden to

history. It is an equal partner, using different and

additional data to answer questions concerning past

human behavior. The problem of culture contact and

adaptation have become central to Spanish colonial

archaeology. It is also the central theme of the

current research.

Spanish efforts to colonize previously unknown

territory had very little precedent in the 16th

century. True, the Canary Islands had been discovered

and settled in the 15th century and did provide some

lessons for the Spaniards. But the distances involved

in a trans-Atlantic effort made the colonization

process, by its very remoteness, an essentially new

experience.

Having decided to settle Hispaniola, the Spanish

had three basic options in regards to settlement

strategy. The first option would be total retention of

their Castilian lifestyle, rejecting any New World

inspired changes. At the other extreme, the colonists

could elect to abandon their "civilized" ways and "go

native." That is, adopt the cultural behavior of the

indigenous peoples in toto. The third, and based on

previous research in St. Augustine, most likely

alternative, would be a compromise solution. This

would involve retaining some traits of the original









67


society while incorporating new traits of the

non-Hispanic societies and modifying other traits in

response to the new circumstances. The result would be

a hybrid society, distinct from its predecessors. If

this is the case, the question then becomes one of

distinguishing which old traits were retained and which

new traits were adopted, and why?

The anthropological term used for the changes that

come about as a result of culture contact is

acculturation. But what is meant exactly by

acculturation? Acculturation, like the term culture

itself, is a loosely defined and often abused

anthropological concept. Some anthropologists have

seen it as a one way process.

Acculturation occurs when a society undergoes
drastic culture change under the influence of
a more dominant culture and society with
which it has come into contact. (Hoebel 1972)

Originally the term was employed to refer to changes

in the culture patterns of either or both groups

(Redfield, Linton and Herskovits 1936). But this

second definition is so broad as to have little

utility.

Edward Spicer (1961:529) uses acculturation in the

general sense.

The augmentation, replacement, or combination
in a variety of ways of the elements of a
given cultural system with the elements of
another.









68



He does, however, go on to define four general types of

acculturation: incorporation, assimilation, fusion, and

compartmentalization. Spicer (1961:529-536) defines

each as follows:

1) incorporation--the transfer of elements from one

cultural system and their integration into another

system in such a way that they conform to the

meaningful and functional relations within the latter

without disrupting the fundamental system.

2) assimilation--acceptance and replacement of cultural

behaviors in terms of the dominant society's cultural

system.

3) fusion--whatever the specific form of combination,

the principles which guide it are are neither wholly

from one or the other of the two systems in contact.

4) compartmentalization--a keeping separate within a

realm of elements and patterns taken over from the

dominant culture.

It is important to note that Spicer (1961:539)

sees all forms of acculturation as being preceded by a

process of adaptive integration, where nothing

important is replaced. That is, an initial acceptance

of some novelties (mostly material culture), on a trial

basis, which eventually give way to the processes

described above. This will have to be taken into

account when interpreting the data recovered from









69


Puerto Real. The problem is distinguishing transitory

acquisition from incorporation. This can be done by

utilizing a diachronic approach, comparing early to

late period proveniences.

The cultural exchanges that come about as the

result of a contact situation are rarely perfectly

reciprocal. Foster (1960:7) insists that the idea of

dominance should be included in the operational

definition. It is this concept of dominance that is

integral to Foster's model of the "conquest culture."

In this scenario of culture contact one society acts

primarily as the donor and the other, as the recipient.

The "conquest culture" is a model which represents

the totality of donor influences brought to bear on a

recipient society. Foster (1960:10-12) states that

this is artificial in that what the recipient culture

is exposed to represents only a selection from the

totality of the donor's culture. The formation of this

"conquest culture" is characterized by a stripping down

process in which elements of the dominant culture are

modified or eliminated. Thus, using Foster's model,

the culture of the Spanish colonists was modified

before they landed in the New World.

What were the influences that went into the

formation of the colonial "conquest culture"? Foster

(1960:12) describes two types of selective processes









70


that go into the formation of a "conquest culture."

The first of these are formal processes. These are

cognizant, intentional changes where the government,

church, or some other authoritative body directs the

introduction of selected attributes. An example of

this would be the imposition of the grid town plan on

the colonists by the Spanish crown. The other type of

selective process are informal and include the personal

habits of the emigrants themselves, such as their food

preferences, personal beliefs, and attitudes.

Another source of influence upon the "conquest

culture" is that of the "conquered culture." Although

the major changes are found in the culture of the

recipient group, Foster (1960:7) acknowledges that in

contact situations the donor group changes to some

degree. More emphatically, he (p.2) states that,

"during the American conquest, Spanish ways were

profoundly modified by the existing cultures." The

result of these changes (formal, informal, and

acquired) has been described as the Spanish colonial

pattern. The Spanish colonial pattern, as used in this

study, is that suggested through archaeological

investigations in St. Augustine.

Early work in St. Augustine was essentially

descriptive in nature and dealt with large monuments

[e.g. the Castillo de San Marcos (Harrington, Manucy,









71


and Griffin 1955)]. In the 1950s serious attention was

being directed toward sites of the colonial inhabitants

of the Spanish community. Later, following trends

already manifest in the new archaeology, Charles

Fairbanks initiated problem oriented "backyard

archaeology," which focused on the everday life of the

average Spanish colonist (Fairbanks 1975). From the

early 1970s onward, the guiding research orientation

was the understanding of the processes related to the

formation and development of the Hispanic-American

cultural tradition in Florida. This, as Deagan

details,

encompassed a number of more specific
anthropological issues, such as the role of
acculturation in these processes, the extent
and nature of Spanish-Indian syncretism, the
crystallization of a Spanish-American criollo
tradition, and the understanding of the
nature of social variability within it.
(1983:53)

Deagan's own work initially focused on the

cultural consequences of intermarriage between Spanish

males and Indian females (Deagan 1974). The processes

of Indian- Spanish miscegenation, called mestizaje,

were examined at the 18th century de la Cruz site

(SA-16-23) in St. Augustine, Florida. Specifically,

the excavation at the de la Cruz site
attempted to establish material correlates
for the processes of mestizaje and
acculturation represented at the site.
(1974:147)









72


Applying the acculturation models of Spicer (1961,

1962) and Foster (1960) to historical and

archaeological data gathered in St. Augustine, Deagan

confirmed the hypothesis that

acculturation in 18th century St. Augustine
was effected largely by Indian women in
Spanish or mestizo household units, within a
predominantly male-oriented (military)
cultural milieu. (1974:140)

As is so common in any scientific endeavor, the process

of testing one hypothesis generated new hypotheses.

Based on the data recovered from the de la Cruz

household, Deagan (1974:150-152) proposed several

hypotheses to be tested as new data became available.

The first stated that the initial stages of mestizaje

would have a preponderance of native elements in those

areas of culture associated with female activities, but

that these native elements would be quickly replaced by

criollo or European elements as the mestizos became

established in the New World society. Secondly, it was

hypothesized that the influences on the mestizo

households were derived from the New World criollo

culture rather than that of peninsular Spain. Another

hypothesis was that the low status of the mestizo

household is reflected by its segregation into the

marginal areas of the town. Finally, Deagan proposed

that the diet of the mestizo would show a greater use

of local resources than would European households.









73


Unfortunately, at the time of this investigation

(1974), there was very little in the way of comparative

data available. Excavation of ordinary households in

St. Augustine was just beginning. However, the avenues

of inquiry opened in Deagan's dissertation would be

addressed by future research.

The St. Augustine pattern delineated by Deagan

(1983) is a direct outgrowth of her dissertation

research (1974). She suggests that early Hispanic

colonial adaptive efforts were characterized by the

incorporation of locally available elements into the

colonist's low visibility subsistence and technological

activities, while at the same time maintaining Spanish

affiliation in such socially-visible activities and

elements as clothing, tableware, ornamentation, and

religious paraphenalia. This dichotomous pattern was

continued and refined through time, eventually

crystallizing into a distinctive Hispanic-American

colonial tradition. These patterns were independently

linked through documentary analysis to social variation

and affiliation in the community.

Based on archaeological evidence accumulated over

a decade of fieldwork, Deagan (1983:270) suggests that

the processes involved in the formation of the

Hispanic-American tradition in St. Augustine were

common to much of the Spanish New World. Conservatism









74


in those socially visible areas associated with male

activities was coupled with Spanish-Indian

acculturation in the less visible, female dominated

areas. She goes on to hypothesize that this pattern of

behavior should be expected in any situation where a

predominantly male group imposes itself on a group with

a normal sex distribution.

Puerto Real is an ideal site to test this

hypothesis. It was certainly a situation where a

predominantly male group (the Spaniards) imposed itself

on a group with a normal sex distribution (the Tainos).

The differences in geographic location, relative

prosperity, and settlement type (exploitation vs.

military garrison) between Puerto Real and St.

Augustine eliminate these as biasing factors and helps

to support the contention that this hypothesis

represents a truly pan-Hispanic colonial pattern rather

than a Spanish, mainland, garrison pattern.

Certain archaeologically testable implications

follow from the hypothesized Spanish colonial pattern.

Before these test implications are delineated it is

appropriate here to discuss the problems of

interpreting past lifeways from the archaeological

assemblage. Unlike cultural anthropology, much of

which interprets from observed behavior, archaeology

must work with preserved behavior. If doing cultural









75


anthropology is analogous to working a jigsaw puzzle

without the benefit of the picture on the box, then

archaeology includes the extra handicap of missing many

of the pieces. Nevertheless, many aspects of human

behavior are reflected, in some way, in the

archaeological assemblage.

Determining how specified properties of past

cultural systems can be accurately identified and

measured is the domain of middle range research

(Binford 1981:25). Without going into too much detail,

this type of research simply involves the determination

of how various types of human behavior are represented

in the archaeological record. This is what the test

implications attempt to do in relation to the patterns

of human behavior outlined in the hypothesis. These

tests simply state, "if the hypothesis is true this is

what we should expect to find." Should the tests

support the hypothesis this does not exclude the

possibility that other interpretations exist for the

data. However, it does allow us to continue to use the

hypothesis to guide future research. With this in mind

test implications relevant to the hypothesis can be

presented.

1) Food preparation activities, as represented in

the archaeological assemblage, should show a

significant admixture of European and locally









76


manufactured wares. This is as opposed to a total

retention of European utilitarian wares. Supply lines

between Puerto Real and Spain were tenuous at best.

This situation forced the colonists to seek other means

of satisfying the need for cooking and storage

containers. Using the pottery of the local inhabitants

would have provided an inexpensive answer. Also, the

intermarriage of Spanish men with local women offered

an avenue for the introduction of these wares since

women were most involved with food preparation

activities. Non-European utilitarian ceramics, used

for cooking and storage of food, as well as manioc

griddles and other local elements not typical of the

Iberian kitchen assemblage, should demonstrate this

dependence.

In the initial stage of colonization, it is

expected that the locally available Taino Indian wares

will have been used by the earliest settlers to

supplement their utilitarian wares. It is furthermore

expected that the nature of the locally manufactured

items will have shifted from Indian to African-

influenced types through time As discussed in

Chapter 2, the Indians of the encomienda assigned to

Puerto Real declined rapidly as the result of disease

and overwork. They were replaced by imported African

slaves who, by 1520, had become the dominant element in









77


the workforce. The archaeological record should

reflect this shift in ethnic composition by a change in

the nature of the utilitarian ceramics as the African

potters replaced the Indian potters.

2) Status related artifacts should be almost

exclusively European in trade or manufacture. Spanish

colonial status was linked to the closeness of

association with peninsular Spain (cf. McAlister 1963,

Morner 1967, 1983). It is expected that the attempts

by New World settlers to maintain an Iberian lifestyle

(with its accompanying prestige), will be reflected in

the use of articles from the Spanish empire in

socially-visible areas of daily life.

Socially-visible activities are reflected in many

aspects of the material assemblage. A Spaniard's table

would be highly visible to neighbors and guests.

Following the hypothesis we would expect the tablewares

to be composed primarily of majolica, rather than

locally made wares. The higher status colonist might

include such scarce items as porcelain and glassware.

Similarly clothing and ornamentation would be

Iberian in style, if not manufacture. Most clothing

items leave no trace in the archaeological record.

However, such Spanish clothing accessories as aglets,

buckles, and buttons would survive and serve as

evidence for the retention of Spanish costume since









78


local clothing (such as existed) did not utilize these

items. Ornaments, such as jewelry, would be expected

to show a preference for European styling (i.e.

clothing adornments, pendants, rings, etc.) although

the material from which they were manufactured might

have originated in the New World. This is as opposed

to the adoption of native design elements and ornaments

encountered by the early colonists.

A final category of material culture that would

indicate non-acculturation in the socially visible

sphere of activities is that of religious articles.

These are expected to remain Hispanic (Catholic) in

symbolism and include such items as crucifixes, rosary

beads, and religious medallions. An adoption of native

religious articles and/or motifs (e.g. zemis) would

perhaps be an indication of an ideological shift and

prompt a reassessment of the hypothesis.

3) Structures at Puerto Real should employ local

materials in their construction; however, the

architectural style of the buildings and physical

layout of the town should be Hispanic in nature.

Specifically this would involve rectangular single

family houses with fenced or walled yards (Manucy 1978)

laid out in a grid pattern around a central plaza. The

Taino houses and towns were very different. The

average Taino house or bohio was circular and housed









79


several families (Rouse 1948:525). It was made of

cane, plastered with mud, and surmountedby a straw roof

(Oviedo 1959:39). The towns varied in size from one to

1,000 such houses, irregularly arranged and having one

or more ball courts (Rouse 1948:524).

This implication follows from the hypothesized

Spanish affiliation in visible areas of colonial

culture, and also from the explicit norms and

guidelines for spatial patterns established in 16th

century Spain to guide New World town planning (Crouch

et al. 1983). Although these ordinances were not

established until the latter half of the 16th century,

the principles behind them were in effect from the time

of conquest in 1492 (Foster 1960:49). It is

interesting to note that this was a new idea being

tested by Spain as a "directed change." Towns already

established in Spain were not uniformly laid out

(Foster 1960:16). The limited amount of excavation

conducted at Puerto Real does not allow for a detailed

description of structure type and town layout.

However, enough was uncovered to satisfy the test

implication.

4) The diet of the colonist should show a mixture

of the Iberian barnyard complex of peninsular Spain

and mixed hunting-farming strategies of the indigenous

peoples. This pattern of foodways identified in St.









80


Augustine (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983) was a modification of

the traditional foodways in response to a new

environment. According to Reitz and Cumbaa

(1983:155-156) if the Iberian complex was transferred

intact then the New World faunal assemblage would

consist primarily of sheep, cattle, and hogs, in that

order. The diet would also have included domestic

fowl, fish but few wild mammals. To hypothesize that

this complex would have survived, intact, is

unrealistic since it is documented that sheep do not

prosper on the islands. Also since meals were, in many

cases, prepared by native wives or servants, we would

expect the incorporation of local wild species into the

Spanish colonial diet. Reitz and Scarry (1986:99) on

the basis of further research in St. Augustine have

refined the hypothesized colonial subsistance strategy

to seven key responses to the New World environment,

1) they abandoned traditional resources
unsuited to the new environment; 2) they
adopted a new constellation of domestic plant
resources; 3) they incorporated aboriginal
patterns of wild fauna exploitation; 4) they
retained Old World cultigens, primarily
fruits, which could be grown locally; 5) they
husbanded those Old World domestic animals
which could survive with limited attention in
the local conditions; 6) they added a few
exotic New World cultigens to the locally
grown plants; 7) they relied to a limited
extent on imported foodstuffs.

Unfortunately, it will be impossible to comment on some

aspects of the colonial diet since ethnobotanical









81


analysis was not done. However, a good faunal sample

from Locus 19 and other locii at Puerto Real has been

completed allowing comments on the carniverous side of

the colonial diet to be made. Additionally, there is

good faunal data from the nearby Taino site at En Bas

Saline which can be used for comparative purposes.

5) The material and faunal assemblage will reflect

a crystallization of the proposed Hispanic-American

colonial pattern through time. It is expected that as

the colonists became more specifically adapted to the

New World physical and social environment, their

methods of coping became standardized. This patterned

behavior should be reflected in the archaeological

assemblage in such areas as foodways, architecture, and

status artifacts. Variations among households from

this predicted pattern should become less evident in

later periods.

A key issue here is the duration of occupation at

Puerto Real, which amounted to approximately 75 years.

Is this long enough to detect a crystallization of the

Spanish colonial pattern? It is possible to clearly

distinguish between late and early occupation at Puerto

Real?

In the latter case the answer is yes. As will be

discussed in Chapter 6, it was possible, using

stratigraphy and artifact terminus post quems to









82


distinguish the early period (pre-1550) from the late

period (post-1550) occupation. The date 1550 was

chosen as the dividing point because it was roughly

midway through the occupation of the town and because

several types of ceramics are known to have been

unavailable before this date and can be used as

temporal markers.

The question of when crystallization occurred is

impossible to pinpoint. Culture change is a dynamic

process and any divisions imposed are artificial. This

does not invalidate the study of culture

crystallization as a process. Some crystallization

would be expected after five years. Deagan (1983)

described the Spanish colonial pattern using data from

the 18th century, 200 years after settlement. It will

be interesting to note what changes there are in the

material assemblage after only a relatively short

period of time.

These test implications provided the framework

that guided the recovery and interpretation of the data

from Puerto Real, and provide a means of assessing the

utility of the working hypothesis. What is being

specifically asked of the data is, "how do we

characterize the changes that happened to the Iberian

culture of the colonists?" Binford's definition of

archaeology is,










83


a discipline that searches for an
understanding of the past through the use of
objects and other organizations of matter
believed to have been parts of past
situations. (1981:22)

The task, then, at Puerto Real is to identify patterns

in the material culture that reflect the changes that

the Spaniards underwent en route to becoming creoles.
















CHAPTER V
STRATEGY AND TACTICS AT PUERTO REAL


The purpose of the 1984-1985 fieldwork at Puerto

Real was to identify patterns in the material culture

that reflect the creolization of the colonists'

culture. This was done by testing implications arising

from the hypothesized pattern of Spanish colonial

adaptation (see Chapter 1) identified in St. Augustine,

Florida by Deagan (1983). Archaeological testing of

this hypothesis required the extensive excavation of a

Spanish colonial habitation outside of St. Augustine.

The site of Puerto Real fulfilled the requirements of

the proposed test.

The project was conducted over two, ten-week

periods during the summers of 1984 and 1985.

Excavations were conducted by the author, a field

assistant, a field laboratory supervisor, and a crew of

between twelve and fifteen Haitians. Based on the 1982

survey of the site, a suitable area was selected and

excavated. A brief recapitulation of the 1982 survey

will illustrate its pivotal role in selecting the locus

of excavation.




84







85


The 1982 field season complemented previous work

at Puerto Real by establishing the town boundaries and

completing a program of systematic sub-surface sampling

and topographic mapping over the entire site (Williams

1983). Material recovered from the tests was

quantified and the data entered into the mainframe

computer at the University of Florida. Using the SYMAP

graphics program, several maps were prepared which

portrayed the subsurface distribution of various types

of artifacts throughout the site. By mapping the

distribution of masonry debris, it was possible to

discern the locations of masonry structures.

Fifty-seven structural areas were defined and could be

categorized according to the abundance and diversity of

Spanish and non-Spanish artifacts associated with them

(Fig. 5-1). These groups are believed to represent

different social and economic components of the

community and are interpreted by reference to the

documentarily verified archaeological patterns of

Spanish St. Augustine (Deagan 1983).

Using the computer generated maps, a suitable area

was selected for excavation. Of the fifty-seven

possible structural areas defined by Williams (1986),

Locus 19 (Fig. 5-2) seemed the most likely to provide

the information sought. The abundance of masonry

debris indicated the presence of a structure and the








86













S::. . ....:::::::::::: ::::::::; :.... ::..-. '. : ..... :,.. ... ..... .* ....... :


S.......::... ............. .. ...




... ..... :...... .. .. ..... ...... . : . . ..:: :: :
....................






.:: ; :' .... . . .. ..... .. .... ... . ..... ...


.. . . . .. ., ;.. ... . . . . .

. .. .......'. t.t. :: .:
.. ... ....... ..
....... ... . .;
........ ............. .
...... ..... .







......i ::::. :. :' ',:



:::... .:::::::. .... . ::::-.
......... ,. i. . ....... _____._


....... ..... .............. ... ....... ..









.. . .... ::::::::::::::::::::::::iiiiii~ii ::: ,, ,:::::: ::::::::::j .......... ..:. ......
........I...~..~.~.... o.~.. ...........~....... -I~iiiI.I~l~f~l~lII1II. ::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::l::::: ..... .... ................ ... .......



Figure 5-1 Masoray Loci at. Puerto ai. (Wilj.].iari 1986 reprtntec
with permiussion)







87











1 1 1 I i


-. . . . . . . . .



,, ' :.==' .' ... . . . . .. . . . . . . . .- L b a . . .



S . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . I . . : :. :. . A







:...... ............ ., .........
*GA R C N E . . . . . . . .. .. . .











S. . . . . . . . . . . . .
W N W N - ,. .. .

S. . . . .




S. . .
E MAREAm





^ . . .








**'-_;a- . . . . . . . . ------ . . PUEBTO REA.. HA)TI
. . . . . . . .E .

. . .... . . .
SUGAR CANE










--- CACTUS FNCE
0 ao 50 M




Figure 5-2 Location of Locus 19 (Williams 1986, reprinted mith
pennrmission)









88


volume and type of ceramics in this locus suggested a

high status occupation dating to the second half of the

16th century. This would permit diachronic comparisons

with Loci 33 & 35, an early 16th century, high status

household, while controlling for economic status.

In addition to the SYMAP map, reference was made

to the contour map prepared by previous crews. The

areas outlined by the SYMAP were a good guide but still

were only able to localize the structural areas to

within half an acre. The contour maps permitted a

better on-site orientation for the excavator as well as

delineating suspicious, yet subtle topographic

features.

The grid system employed at Locus 19 was merely an

extension of the grid established by Willis (1983:50)

who describes it as

modeled after the Universal Transverse
Mercator Grid System used on all geodetic
survey maps. It involves the use of
coordinates given in meters north and east of
an arbitrarily defined point to the south and
west of the outermost projected limits of the
site. The archaeological grid was angled 30
east of magnetic north to coincide as closely
as possible to the alignment of the Spanish
grid-town plan as suggested from the contour
map of Puerto Real.

Willis had also placed concrete markers at 80 m

intervals on the grid. Although some of these markers




Full Text
52
littered the surface than could be accounted for by a
small settlement that had lasted for less than a year.
In addition to the surface collected artifacts, several
low mounds were found. Excavation of one of these
mounds yielded three stone gargoyles and a large
quantity of building rubble. One of these gargoyles
has the head of an elephant and the body of a sheep or
some other hooved animal. Clearly, a substantial
settlement had existed in the area. The artifacts
indicated that it had a 16th-century Spanish
provenience. Based on his knowledge of the history of
the area, Hodges correctly concluded that the artifacts
must be from the 16th century Spanish settlement of
Puerto Real. His discovery opened an important chapter
in New World Spanish colonial archaeology.
Realizing the potential significance of the site,
Dr. Hodges and M. Albert Mangones (representing the
Haitian government) contacted Dr. Charles Fairbanks at
the University of Florida in Gainesville. Fairbanks, a
Distinguished Service Professor in Anthropology and
internationally known expert on Spanish colonial
archaeology, also recognized the importance of the
discovery and worked with Hodges and Mangones to put
together an archaeological project to conduct fieldwork
in Haiti. He was successful in his efforts and in 1979


164
Other Personal Objects. Two keys and a
a pocket type of knife were discovered near t
structure at Locus 19. Also included in this
were fragments of lead seals. These probably
seals on bales of goods rather than any indiv
personal seal. It is unfortunate that any st
marks on these seals had been obscured prior
recovery.
blade from
he
category
represent
idual
amps or
to
Group 10 Activity Related Items
This became, essentially, a catch-all category in
this study that accounted for items inappropriate to
other categories. As the title suggests those items
are associated with various activities. A selection of
the identifiable items will be discussed below.
Candle Holder. Made of a copper alloy, this
simple item consisted of a double-disk base stabilizing
the tube holding a candle. Other examples of this are
located in the Hodge's collection, Limbe, Haiti and
recovered from La Vega Vieja in the Dominican Republic
(Deagan 1987: Personal Communication).
Candle Snuffer. Two of these unusual artifacts
were found at Locus 19 (Figure 6-21). They resemble
scissors with small perpendicular plates resting on the
blades themselves. In this way the candle is
extinguished and it's wick trimmed at the same time.


214
surfaces. He suggests that this was a lot shipment
mark indicating that the brick was made in Spain for
shipment to the Indies. Chemical or compositional
analysis would have to be performed to determine
positively the place of origin of the bricks and barrel
tile.
The fact that stone and masonry building materials
were found argues against an aboriginal architectural
style. As discussed in Chapter 4, the Taino bohio
employed cane, mud, and straw in its construction. The
layout of the structure (see Figure 6-18) also is not
in keeping with the circular floorplan typical of the
indigenous structures. The wall foundation probably
represents the facade of a residential structure with
an attached walled courtyard or the back wall of an
enclosed courtyard both of which are representative of
Spanish architecture (Manucy 1978).
The structure, itself, may haveutilized the
western portion of the wall. Three pieces of evidence
lead to this conclusion. The drains are located at
this end and would have serviced the house, emptying to
the north. The brick-paved area is on the interior
(southern) side of the western section of the wall. It
may have served as flooring for part of the structure
(Eberlein 1925:v). The midden was located just north
of the western portion of the wall. The association


182
TABLE 6-7 continued
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Griddle
#
2
29
31
o,
o
.87
2.80
2.44
Handle
#
2
0
2
%
.87
0
.16
Knife
#
1
5
6
%
.43
.48
.47
Mano
#
0
2
2
%
0
.19
.16
Metate
#
0
1
1
%
0
.10
.08
Total
232
1029
1261


135
porcelain at Locus 19; 45 fragments. Since Puerto Real
was abandoned a scant five years after the commencement
of the Manila Galleon trade, it seems far more likely
that Portuguese smugglers were responsible for the
relatively large quantity of porcelain scattered across
Locus 19.
Non-Hispanic Tin Enameled Wares. Very little of
these wares have been recovered at Puerto Real and
these are small sherds. In England and the Netherlands
tin-enameled ceramics are known as delft. Similarly,
tin-emameled ceramics produced in France are known as
faience. Their identification at Puerto Real is
difficult in that all comparative specimens dated to
the 16th Century or later. There are no contemporary
French or English sites in the New World to compare
with Puerto Real. Also, the fragments of these
supposed non-Hispanic tin-enameled wares were very
fragmentary and lacked any design elements. For these
reasons the identification of Delft and/or Faience at
Puerto Real is tentative.
Group 20 Hispanic Tablewares (non-majolica)
This group includes those tablewares produced in
Spain or her colonies that are not majolicas.
Feldspar-Inlaid Redware. First described by
Charles Fairbanks (1966), this type is a typical thin
redware decorated with white feldspar chips. This ware


77
the workforce. The archaeological record should
reflect this shift in ethnic composition by a change in
the nature of the utilitarian ceramics as the African
potters replaced the Indian potters.
2) Status related artifacts should be almost
exclusively European in trade or manufacture. Spanish
colonial status was linked to the closeness of
association with peninsular Spain (cf. McAlister 1963,
Morner 1967, 1983). It is expected that the attempts
by New World settlers to maintain an Iberian lifestyle
(with its accompanying prestige), will be reflected in
the use of articles from the Spanish empire in
socially-visible areas of daily life.
Socially-visible activities are reflected in many
aspects of the material assemblage. A Spaniard's table
would be highly visible to neighbors and guests.
Following the hypothesis we would expect the tablewares
to be composed primarily of majolica, rather than
locally made wares. The higher status colonist might
include such scarce items as porcelain and glassware.
Similarly clothing and ornamentation would be
Iberian in style, if not manufacture. Most clothing
items leave no trace in the archaeological record.
However, such Spanish clothing accessories as aglets,
buckles, and buttons would survive and serve as
evidence for the retention of Spanish costume since


BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aga-Oglu, Kamer
1955 Late Ming and Early Ch'ing Porcelain Fragments
from Archaeological Sites in Florida. Florida
Anthropoloqist 8:90-110.
Andrews, Kenneth
1978 The Spanish Caribbean Trade and Plunder,
1530-1630. Yale University Press, New Haven.
Arnold, J. Barto and Robert Weddle
1978 The Nautical Archaeology of Padre Island.
Academic Press, New York.
Barber, Edwin Atlee
1917 Spanish Glass: In the Collection of the
Hispanic Society of America. G.P. Putnam's Sons,
New York.
Barth, Frederick
1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Little, Brown &
Company, Boston.
Bethell, Leslie (editor)
1984 The Cambridge History of Latin America.
2 vols. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Binford, Lewis R.
1972 An Archaeological Perspective. Seminar
Press, New York.
1981 Bones: Ancient Men and Modern Myths.
Academic Press, New York.
Boone, James
1984 Majolica Escudillas of the 15th and 16th
Centuries: A typological analysis of 55 examples
from Qsar Es-Seghir. Historical Archaeology
18:76-86.
236


143


Figure 6-2 The midden at Locus 19


119


134


53
Fairbanks sent one of his graduate students, Raymond
Willis, to lead a crew into the field.
The problem orientation of all the archaeological
research done at Puerto Real is to better understand
how the 16th century Spaniards adapted to the New
World. This type of long-distance colonizing effort
had very little precedent for the Spanish. What form
would Spain's effort take? Adopt New World modes of
living? Transplant the Iberian way of life in toto?
Synthesize an eclectic mixture of both? Answering
these questions has guided all previous research at
Puerto Real, including the current research.
The primary goal of the 1979 season, led by
Willis, was to positively identify the site. It was
decided that the best way to do this within the limits
of time and money was to concentrate on the supposed
center of the site, specifically the large rubble pile
where the gargoyle was found. Before actual excavation
began the area was cleared of the thorny brush growing
there and a contour map was made. A preliminary
walkover survey of the area was conducted to delineate
the site boundaries, and a permanent concrete benchmark
that would serve as a reference point for all
subsequent excavation grids was emplaced. A contour
map was prepared and revealed that there were actually
two mounds: a rectangular-shaped one running roughly


72
Applying the acculturation models of Spicer (1961,
1962) and Foster (1960) to historical and
archaeological data gathered in St. Augustine, Deagan
confirmed the hypothesis that
acculturation in 18th century St. Augustine
was effected largely by Indian women in
Spanish or mestizo household units, within a
predominantly male-oriented (military)
cultural milieu. (1974:140)
As is so common in any scientific endeavor, the process
of testing one hypothesis generated new hypotheses.
Based on the data recovered from the de la Cruz
household, Deagan (1974:150-152) proposed several
hypotheses to be tested as new data became available.
The first stated that the initial stages of mestizaje
would have a preponderance of native elements in those
areas of culture associated with female activities, but
that these native elements would be quickly replaced by
criollo or European elements as the mestizos became
established in the New World society. Secondly, it was
hypothesized that the influences on the mestizo
households were derived from the New World criollo
culture rather than that of peninsular Spain. Another
hypothesis was that the low status of the mestizo
household is reflected by its segregation into the
marginal areas of the town. Finally, Deagan proposed
that the diet of the mestizo would show a greater use
of local resources than would European households.


Ill
assemblage will be discussed later in this chapter. The
general quantification scheme applied to the entire
material assemblage is disc
The material from each
and recorded on a separate
All quantifiable data (i.e.
were entered onto the front
sketches and comments were
The analysis sheets contain
each provenience and serve
practical to enter onto the
The large array of dat
calculations and summaries
facilitate the manipulation
database the IBM mainframe
of Florida was used. This
data be reorganized and ent
line of data entered contai
descriptive and locational
of the information recorded
included as Appendix 2.
The artifacts recovere
qualitatively and quantitat
to group number. An except
ussed below.
provenience was analyzed
analysis sheet (Appendix 1).
type, weight, frequency)
of the sheet while artifact
recorded on the reverse.
all the information from
to record detail not
computer.
a made even the simplest
a time consuming task. To
s of this cumbersome
computer at the University
decision required that the
ered in coded form. Each
ned quantitative,
information. A description
on the code sheet has been
d will be described both
ively sequentially according
ion will be made in the case
of Group 20, Hispanic tablewares (non-majolica) in
order to keep the ceramics together as a group. A


222
The patterns of faunal exploitation appear very
different between the two cultures. Clearly the major
factor here is the introduction and success of domestic
animals at the site. At St. Augustine this was also
apparent, however wild terrestrial animals formed a
relatively more important part of the high status
individual's diet (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). This
difference from Puerto Real makes sense when one
realizes the chief wild animal available in St.
Augustine was white-tailed deer as opposed to the spiny
rat or hutia of Hispaniola. McEwan (1983:98) concludes
that
the difference in subsistence adaptation
recognized archaeologically among Spanish New
World colonies is thought to reflect the
environmental parameters and the diverse
composition and motives of the Spaniards in
the respective settlements.
On the basis of the Puerto Real faunal data it is
concluded that the environmental parameters for wild
species availability and success of Old World
domesticates is the most important factor in
determining the diet of the colonists.
Test 5
The artifact and faunal assemblage will reflect a
crystallization of the proposed Hispanic-American
colonial pattern through time. It was stated in
Chapter 4 that this should be apparent in all of the


3
Foster 1960, Gongora 1975, Sauer 1966) deal
specifically with Spanish colonial adaptations.
Of these, Foster's and Deagan's work have most directly
influenced the author.
Foster (1960:7-12) provides the working
theoretical model for this study with his idea of a
"culture of conquest." Here he acknowledges that, in
contact situations, the major changes are to be found
in the culture of the recipient group. However, the
donor group or "conquest culture" also changes its
character to some degree. Foster (1960: 233) states
that the basic colonial cultures took shape relatively
rapidly. As they became more successful in satisfying
the basic needs of the colonists, they become more
static or "crystallized" to use Foster's term. Once
crystallized, the culture became more resistant to
change from the mother country. It is predicted that
this situation will be manifest at Puerto Real.
The most extensive archaeological study of Spanish
colonial adaptation to the New World to date has been
conducted in St. Augustine, Florida. The best summary
of this work is Deagan's (1983) Spanish St. Augustine
The Archaeology of a Colonial Creole Community. In it
she formulates a cultural pattern for the residents of
this colonial outpost. On the basis of archaeological
evidence accumulated over the last decade, Deagan


229
they had made. Their master, judging by the abundance
of coins and leather-working tools, may have been a
merchant dealing in hides and slaves. The porcelain in
his household suggests that at least some of his
business was done with the Portuguese corsairs that
frequented the harbor.
The interpretation of the layout and function of
Locus 19 serves as a backdrop to the true goal of the
project; identifying patterns in the material culture
that reflect the changes that the Spaniards underwent
on their way to becoming creoles. In St. Augustine
Deagan determined that male oriented, socio-technic
artifacts were Hispanic in nature while female
oriented, technomic artifacts showed evidence of
acculturation with the non-Hispanic population. This
study was concerned with how Spaniards, in general,
changed as a result of their colonial experiences. The
accomplishment of this goal involved testing the
applicability of the patterning of the material culture
at one Spanish colonial site to a different Spanish
colonial site in order to determine pan-Hispanic
regularities in the archaeological record.
Conclusions based on the results of the analyses
tend to support the hypothesized pattern of Spanish
colonial adaptation. Ceramics associated with low
social visibility food preparation and storage


198
The minimum numbers of individuals for each
species was calculated on the basis of the most
numerous unique element of the species from a
particular provenience. Such factors as age and size
of the specimen were also taken into account. The
biomass was determined using an allometric scaling
technique based on skeletal mass. Underlying this
technique is the premise that by using a straight line
regression formula (Reitz 1974) skeletal weight can be
correlated with body weight. The formula is:
Log Y = B (Log X) + Log A
Where: Y = Body weight in KG
X = Skeletal weight in KG
A = Y Intercept
B = Slope
The class values for Log A and B have been determined
for each taxa by researchers at the Florida State
Museum. To simplify matters further Stephen Hale and
Irvy Quitmeyer of the Florida State Museum have written
a program for the Apple II series personal computer
that performs the necessary calculations.
Invertebrates are not yet included in those
calculations.
The results of the biomass calculations are of
interest. The five most important animals, in terms of
biomass, at the site in descending order of importance
were:


193
TABLE 6-16 HARNESS AND TACK
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Buckle
#
1
8
9
%
8.33
42.11
29.03
Horse hardware
#
3
2
5
g.
'o
25.00
10.53
16.13
Horse shoe
#
1
0
1
%
8.33
0
3.20
Ring
#
7
9
16
%
58.33
47.37
51.61
Total
12
19
31


197
The Cricetids, however, are an interesting
anomoly. One specimen has been positively identified
as Neofiber alieni (round-tailed muskrat), which is
native to south Florida and has not been previously
reported from Hispaniola (Charles Woods: personal
communication). Its presence in an early context at
Puerto Real could be explained by intra-Caribbean trade
patterns. It was during the first half of the 16th
century that the Bahamas were being depopulated by
slave raids (Sauer 1966:159). It seems likely, by its
very proximity, that the southern coast of Florida was
also a target of these slavers. Perhaps the muskrat
was taken (possibly for its pelt) during such a raid
and transported to Puerto Real, which was one of the
main ports servicing the slave trade. Whatever its
route, the presence of this muskrat at Puerto Real
demonstrates early contact between Hispaniola and
Florida.
In this chapter only the basic quantifications of
the faunal data are presented. This refers to primary
quantification data: species present, number of bone
fragments, weight of bone fragments; and secondary
quantification data: minimum numbers of individuals
(MNI) and biomass estimations. They are also divided
like the artifact assemblage, into early vs. late
proveniences.


86
Figure 5-1 Masonry Loci at Puerto Real
(Williams 1986/ reprinted
with permission)


114


24
labor. Conversos dominated the upper level crafts
(e.g. pharmacists, silversmiths, clothing makers).
These craftsmen were organized by the government into
tightly regulated guilds of which there were about 60.
The creation of these guilds had the effect of stifling
free enterprise while forming an easily taxable entity
for the crown (Defourneaux 1979:93-4). Outside the
guilds were the unskilled laborers who were only
slightly higher in status than the unassimilated
classes.
At the bottom of the hierarchical ladder were the
unassimilated classes (Moriscos, slaves, and the
underworld). The free Moriscos (Moors who had
converted to Christianity) usually earned their living
as stevedores, bearers, and occasional farm laborers.
The majority of the Moriscos were only nominally
Christians, retaining their traditional dress and
customs. These differences prevented the Moriscos from
becoming fully integrated into Sevillian society.
Blacks, on the other hand, adopted Catholicism and
Spanish ways and so fared better in Sevillian society.
The underworld held a unique place in the society
of Seville. Known as picaros, these thieves and rogues
had informal unions of their own. They were attracted
to Seville by the riches of the Indies trade
(Defourneaux 1979:88). It is tempting to speculate


220
aboriginal site at En Bas Saline. How did the Spanish
colonial diet differ from that of the native
inhabitants? The faunal assemblage at En Bas Saline
could be divided into pre and post contact time
periods. Over 60 different species were identified at
En Bas Saline as opposed to 46 at Puerto Real. An even
stronger contrast is seen when comparing the different
faunal categories by biomass totals (Table 7-1). Fish,
even given the same collection biases, is the most
important category in the pre-contact faunal assemblage
at En Bas Saline (the post-contact assemblage will not
be discussed here as the question of Spanish impact on
the native society is beyond the scope of this work).
Next in abundance were mammals, but these were small
rodents rather than the large domesticates of the
Europeans. Reptiles make up 9% of the aboriginal
fauna, but unlike the Europeans who focused almost
exclusively on pond turtles, the natives at En Bas
Saline also exploited sea turtles, iguanas, and snakes.
A flightless rail, recently extinct, was the only bird
species identified in the assemblage. Finally, like
the Spaniards at Puerto Real, the Indians used a wide
variety of invertebrate species. Because the biomass
estimates for invertebrates were not comparable with
those used for the vertebrates, their importance in the
aboriginal diet can not be assessed at this time.


44
sailing a wavy sea on a field of blue (Figure 2-1),
This emblem recalled the arrival of Christopher
Columbus in the same area in 1492 (Hodges 1980:3), It
was about this time that the town experienced its boom
period.
The decline in native population coupled with the
rise in demand for labor prompted slaving raids on
other nearby islands. In the north the Bahamas were
completely depopulated of their Lucayan inhabitants.
Puerto Plata and Puerto Real were the ports servicing
these slaving operations (Sauer 1966:159). A total of
40,000 Indians were unloaded at these two ports (Hodges
1980:3). As these imported Indians also succumbed to
disease and the harsh conditions, African slaves were
brought in. The end of the Lucayan trade (ca. 1514)
signaled the beginning of a general decline in the
towns of the north coast (Lyon 1981).
Spaniards formed only a comparatively small part
of the population. The repartimiento of 1514
illustrates the imbalance of the population at Puerto
Real. There were only 20 vecinos (in this case
probably meaning registered citizens). Of these, three
had Castilian wives and two had native wives. Also
mentioned are 18 other residents who held Indians. The
status of these other residents is uncertain. Of the
839 Indians listed, 540 were Indios de Servicio, which


136
is common at Locus 19 consisting of over 250 sherds.
An interesting variant of this type is a feldspar
decorated type with a micaceous paste. Another variant
is a feldspar-tempered ware of unknown form or
function. Deagan (1987) suggests, "that in the
circum-Caribbean area Feldspar-Inlaid Redware dates
from before 1550 until the end of the 16th century (ca.
1530-1600)." Vessel forms included small bowls.
Orange Micaceous Ware. This type accounts for 49
percent of the Group 20 assemblage (806 sherds). It
has an orange paste with flecks of mica in the temper.
Vessel forms are reported as generally small, in taza,
pocilio, and plato forms (Deagan 1987).
This is also the case at Locus 19.
Melado. This type has been called honey-colored
/Seville ware (Willis 1984) and honey-colored ware
(Goggin 1968, McEwan 1983). Deagan (1987) describes it
as having a cream to terra cotta-colored paste covered
with a honey colored opaque lead glaze. It is distinct
from other similarly colored wares by its opacity and
fine paste. Vessel forms at Locus 19 are generally
platos and escudillas. Goggin (1968:227) places the
chronological range of this ceramic of between 1493 and
1550.


80
Augustine (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983) was a modification of
the traditional foodways in response to a new
environment. According to Reitz and Cumbaa
(1983:155-156) if the Iberian complex was transferred
intact then the New World faunal assemblage would
consist primarily of sheep, cattle, and hogs, in that
order. The diet would also have included domestic
fowl, fish but few wild mammals. To hypothesize that
this complex would have survived, intact, is
unrealistic since it is documented that sheep do not
prosper on the islands. Also since meals were, in many
cases, prepared by native wives or servants, we would
expect the incorporation of local wild species into the
Spanish colonial diet. Reitz and Scarry (1986:99) on
the basis of further research in St. Augustine have
refined the hypothesized colonial subsistance strategy
to seven key responses to the New World environment,
1) they abandoned traditional resources
unsuited to the new environment; 2) they
adopted a new constellation of domestic plant
resources; 3) they incorporated aboriginal
patterns of wild fauna exploitation; 4) they
retained Old World cultigens, primarily
fruits, which could be grown locally; 5) they
husbanded those Old World domestic animals
which could survive with limited attention in
the local conditions; 6) they added a few
exotic New World cultigens to the locally
grown plants; 7) they relied to a limited
extent on imported foodstuffs.
Unfortunately, it will be impossible to comment on some
aspects of the colonial diet since ethnobotanical


151
Clothing Items. Like many of today's fashions,
the clothing of the 16th century consisted mainly of
cloth and other materials that do not preserve well in
the archaeological record. What do survive are the
metallic artifacts that are functional or decorative
accessories to clothing. Most prevalent at Locus 19
were aglets (copper alloy lacing tips). One of these
aglets was made of silver (Figure 6-16). Less common
fasteners were small shank buttons (made of pewter or
silver) and hook and eye fasteners. A variety of brass
and iron buckle types were also found (Figure 6-15).
Group 9 Personal Items
Artifacts included in this category are those
that, in a systemic context, are usually associated
with an individual. That is, items that persons would
carry with themselves on a regular basis, or that
others would identify with that particular person.
Coins. These were by far the most numerous
arifact in this group at Locus 19 and, indeed,
ubiquitous throughout the site of Puerto Real. Two
denominations of coins were found, 2 maravedi and 4
maravedi pieces (Figure 6-17). These are of the
so-called "Santo Domingo type". According to Nesmith,
"they had been authorized for the island by Ferdinand
on December 20, 1505, and again by Johanna on May 10,


1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
109
TABLE 6-1 ARTIFACT CATEGORIES
ARTIFACTS
MAJOLICA
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN CERAMICS
NON-MAJOLICA EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
COLONO AND ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
KITCHEN ARTIFACTS
STRUCTURAL HARDWARE
WEAPONRY AND ARMOR
CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS
PERSONAL ITEMS AND JEWELRY
ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS
UNIDENTIFIED METAL OBJECTS
MASONRY CONSTRUCTION ITEMS
FURNITURE HARDWARE
TOOLS
TOYS AND GAMES
HARNESS AND TACK
RELIGIOUS ITEMS
MISCELLANEOUS SUBSTANCES
UNAFFILIATED ARTIFACTS
HISPANIC TABLEWARES


CHAPTER VI
EXCAVATED DATA
This chapter will consist of a presentation of
what was found at Locus 19. These data will be
presented with a minimum of interpretation so as not to
bias future researchers who wish to use this chapter
for reference purposes. The author's interpretations,
as applied to the research questions, will be given in
the following chapter.
Locus 19 Proveniences
S tratigraphy
As discussed briefly in the previous chapter, very
little soil differentiation was apparent at Locus 19.
The uppermost level was a disturbed humic layer of a
dark brown friable loam approximately 2-4 cm in depth.
This is, no doubt, the result of hoe horticulture as
practiced by the local villagers. The next level was
the artifact bearing zone. This consisted of a meduim
grey/brown hard packed clay/loam varying between 15 cm
and 40 cm in depth. Occassionally another level could
be determined beneath the second level. It was
difficult to distinguish from the above layer, having
only a slightly lighter color and much fewer artifacts
96


11
crown and daily life of the citizens in the
century, and progressively narrow its scope
Caribbean, Hispaniola, ending with the town
Real.
16 th
to the
of Puerto
S pain
On the eve of Columbus's departure for the New
World, Spain had completed the final stage of its
reconquest of the Iberian peninsula, victory over the
kingdom of Granada. To some historians, the imperial
designs of Spain in America were merely a logical
extention of the Reconquista which had begun back in
A.D. 718 near the caves of Covadonga in the Cantabrian
mountains of northwest Spain (McAlister 1984:3). This
Reconquista was not a well-organized conscious, crusade
to oust the Moors, but rather a centuries long series
of gains and losses by small Christian kingdoms
fighting against each other as well as against the
Moslem occupants of Spain. Thus, Spain was not and
would not be a unified nation until well into the 16th
century.
The first steps toward integration were taken, in
1469, when Isabella of Castile married Ferdinand, heir
to the crown of Aragon. Though neither monarch ever
tried to officially join the two kingdoms into a single
administrative unit, their joint reign informally
achieved this end. An important factor in the creation


179
TABLE 6-5 HISPANIC TABLEWARES (non-majolica)
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Feldspar Inlaid
#
9
253
262
%
6.72
16.67
15.86
Melado
#
125
459
584
o.
o
93.28
30.24
35.35
Orange Micaceous
#
0
806
806
%
0
53.09
48.79
Total
134
1518
1652


79
several families (Rouse 1948:525). It was made of
cane, plastered with mud, and surmountedby a straw roof
(Oviedo 1959:39). The towns varied in size from one to
1,000 such houses, irregularly arranged and having one
or more ball courts (Rouse 1948:524).
This implication follows from the hypothesized
Spanish affiliation in visible areas of colonial
culture, and also from the explicit norms and
guidelines for spatial patterns established in 16th
century Spain to guide New World town planning (Crouch
et al. 1983 ). Although these ordinances were not
established until the latter half of the 16th century,
the principles behind them were in effect from the time
of conquest in 1492 (Foster 1960:49). It is
interesting to note that this was a new idea being
tested by Spain as a "directed change." Towns already
established in Spain were not uniformly laid out
(Foster 1960:16). The limited amount of excavation
conducted at Puerto Real does not allow for a detailed
description of structure type and town layout.
However, enough was uncovered to satisfy the test
implication.
4) The diet of the colonist should show a mixture
of the Iberian barnyard complex of peninsular Spain
and mixed hunting-farming strategies of the indigenous
peoples. This pattern of foodways identified in St.


172
Included in this category are two decorative
escutcheons (see Figure 6-20) and a drawer-pull.
Interesting artifacts which may belong in this category
are the flat, brass, perforated, star-shaped objects
(Figure 6-23). These have been variously interpreted
as spur rowels or clothing ornaments and saddle
ornaments (Radisch 1986). Radisch also suggests
furniture decoration as a possibility. This seems to be
more than just a possibility. The single hole in the
center is suggestive of fastening by a single nail.
Also comparisons with known furniture hardware
(Eberlein 1925:131-136) show striking similarities.
The paucity of artifacts in this category can be
explained by the Spanish tendency toward little
furniture use. What little furniture there was tended
to be highly decorated (Eberlein 1925:viiij.
Group 14 Tools
Several different types of wood working tools were
found at Locus 19. Three chisels were present as well
as a wedge and a fragment of a file. Iron punches and
awls, identical to modern forms, were possibly used for
leather working at the site. An iron plumbob was
recovered at Locus 19 from an Early Period context.
One is tempted to speculate that it may have been used
to assist in the layout and construction of the Late
Period structure at the site. In any case, it is solid




146
described as a "simple interlocking U-Hinge mechanism
used on chests, windows, or doors."
Group 7 Weaponry and Armor
Armor. Two types of personal body armor have been
tentatively identified at Locus 19. Three pieces of
plate armor were found. This type of armor was formed
by overlapping iron plates attached to an underlying
garment (Ffoulkes 1967:49). Five interlocking small
iron rings may denote the presence of chain mail.
However, the remains were so fragmentary that positive
identification was not possible.
Weapons and Ammunition. There were very few
artifacts in this category. Three small musket balls
(varying between 1.2 1.7 cm in diameter) and one
piece of lead shot were recovered. A possible iron
spear point was identified. This latter artifact
appears to have been reworked to form a pointed blade
by hammering out the blade of a tanged file or rasp.
Group 8 Clothing and Sewing Items
Sewing Items. Many metal artifacts associated
with sewing were recovered at Locus 19. The most
numerous were brass straight pins (see Figure 6-16).
Other items include the remains of two pair of
scissors, three thimbles, and a carved bone lace bobbin
(Figure 6-14).


Figure 6-12 Christophe Plain


43
Figure 2-1
The Coat of Arms of Puerto Real


70
that go into the formation of a "conquest culture."
The first of these are formal processes. These are
cognizant, intentional changes where the government,
church, or some other authoritative body directs the
introduction of selected attributes. An example of
this would be the imposition of the grid town plan on
the colonists by the Spanish crown. The other type of
selective process are informal and include the personal
habits of the emigrants themselves, such as their food
preferences, personal beliefs, and attitudes.
Another source of influence upon the "conquest
culture" is that of the "conquered culture." Although
the major changes are found in the culture of the
recipient group, Foster (1960:7) acknowledges that in
contact situations the donor group changes to some
degree. More emphatically, he (p.2) states that,
"during the American conquest, Spanish ways were
profoundly modified by the existing cultures." The
result of these changes (formal, informal, and
acquired) has been described as the Spanish colonial
pattern. The Spanish colonial pattern, as used in this
study, is that suggested through archaeological
investigations in St. Augustine.
Early work in St. Augustine was essentially
descriptive in nature and dealt with large monuments
[e.g. the Castillo de San Marcos (Harrington, Manucy,


18
significant effect on the mercantilistic relationship
with her colonies.
The impact of the New World on the Spanish economy
was considerable. The colonies represented wealth in a
number of different forms. First, as a source of
precious metals they were unsurpassed. European mining
virtually ceased, being unable to compete in either
cost or quantity with New World silver and, to a lesser
extent, gold. An unfortunate repercussion of this huge
influx of wealth was a staggering inflation rate known
as the "price revolution" in Spain (Vicens Vives
1969:379). The colonies supplied a number of other
items besides bullion. Hides from the Indies revived
the leather working industry in Spain which had been
initiated by the Moors. Ornamental leather goods,
jackets, and the famous gloves of Ocaa and Ciudad Real
were made from West Indian hides and sold throughout
Europe (Lynch 1984:125). Other imports included
cochineal, indigo, dyewoods, sugar, pearls, and plants
such as Cassia fistula (used as a purgative). Many of
the West Indian imports paused only briefly in Seville
before becoming part of Spain's export trade.
The preceding statements concerning the thriving
wool trade and glut of precious metals and tropical
products beg the following question, "Why was Spain
perpetually on the verge of bankruptcy?"
The answer is


161
Book Hardware. Records hint that there may have
been books present at Puerto Real. Lyon (1981) notes:
One of the more intriguing items is that in
the lawsuit depositions, when the pilot Juan
Rabero, a citizen of Puerto Real, says that
he knows of the antiquity of the city because
he has read it many times in the Crnica...
this was probably the work of Oviedo y
Valdes, Historia General Y Natural de las
Indias, and indicates that there were some
literate people, and doubtless books, in the
town.
Excavations at Locus 19 confirm this supposition with
the recovery of what appear to be several ornate brass
and enamel book clasps (Figure 6-20). It is possible
that the large clasps may have served some other
purpose as they appear larger than those usually found
on books of the period (cf. Penney 1967). Willis
(1984:187-192) also found these items at Building A.
Bells Called "hawk bells," these large (4 cm in
diameter), copper alloy, two-piece, spherical bells
were a popular item in the early Indian trade. Willis
(1984:Figure 59a) also suggests that they were used as
horse ornaments.
Pipes Three kaolin pipestems were recovered from
late proveniences at Locus 19 and may represent a later
disturbance by the French since the Spanish are known
to have not used kaolin pipes extensively until the
18th century (Deagan 1983:246).


26
the meatless gruels of the abject poor. Yet, despite
the differences in content, the main meal for both the
affluent and the poor was taken at noon, with no hot
food being served in the evening (Defourneaux
1979 : 152).
Prior to 1550, meat of all kinds was abundant
throughout Europe. This relative abundance of meat was
due to the catastrophic human population losses of the
plagues of previous centuries (Braudel 1984:190-194).
As populations recovered, meat became a less regular
part of the peasant diet. Defourneaux (1979:103)
characterized the poor peasant's stable diet as
consisting of rye bread, cheese, onions, and in
Andalusia--olives. Milk and butter were scarce. Meat,
when available, was served up in empanadillas, small
turnovers filled with an unspecified type of meat. For
the upper classes meat occupied an essential place in
the diet. It was commonly prepared in the form of stew
or marinated in spices (e.g. pimento, garlic, or
saffron). Esteemed dishes included olla podrida (meat
stew) and blancmange (chicken in cream sauce), as well
as roast of lamb and beef (Defourneaux 1979:152). Fish
was an important feature in the Catholic diet with its
many meatless days. Many freshwater as well as marine
species were caught and shipped, on muleback,
throughout Spain. Despite


Figure 6-6 Majolica
Columbia Plain escudillas (left FS# 3342, center FS# 3182) Yayal (right FS# 3168)


Figure 6-22 Jew's harps
Left to right FS# 3339, 3222


Faunal analysis and production of this work were
completed with the help of a Charles H. Fairbanks
Award.
A great deal is owed to various faculty members
for their guidance on this project. First and foremost
is the committee chair, Dr. Kathleen Deagan. She has
formalized an otherwise too casual graduate student
while at the same time restraining his "uppity"
tendencies. The other members of the committee; Dr.
Jerald Milanich, Dr. Elizabeth Wing, Dr. Lyle
McAlister, and Dr. Michael Gannon were all there when
needed. Dr. Gannon deserves special mention for being
there when the candidate's funds ran out at the bar of
the Hotel Oloffson in Port-au-Prince. Dr. David Geggus
couldn't be there at the end but did help get me
started off on the right foot.
Although the actual writing was a solitary task
performed in a remote office on campus, the recovery
and analysis of the data involved a multitude of people
to which I am must grateful. In the field, assistance
at the site was most ably given by Greg Smith and Patti
Peacher Greg also kept me sane both in the field and
during the preparation of this dissertation. In the
field lab, Tim Deagan and Jim Cusick somehow kept up
with a daily torrent of artifacts. Maurice Williams
shared his experiences and knowledge of the site. I am
especially grateful to Dr. William Hodges of the
xv


42
Puerto Real
Much of the basic information for this section is
taken from Eugene Lyon's (1981) documentary research in
the Archivo General de las Indias, in Seville, Spain.
Around 1504 Rodrigo de Mexia, a lieutenant of Governor
Ovando, led a group of settlers to the north coast of
Hispaniola with the purpose of founding a new city. The
location chosen for this northern settlement,
Christened Puerto Real because of its excellent harbor
was very close to the old site of La Navidad. This
time, instead of being massacred by the native
inhabitants, the Spanish were successful in bending
them to their will.
Puerto Real was originally envisioned as a mining
colony. The Spanish lust for gold prompted a brief
flurry of mining activity in the mountainous hinterland
of Puerto Real (Sauer 1966:154). Unfortunately for the
settlers no gold was found and existing copper deposits
proved disappointing. The area around Puerto Real did,
however, serve as a source of labor for the more
productive mining districts.
The settlement's early years were its best years.
In the first decade of the 16th century, Puerto Real
was a thriving community of about 100 households
(Haring 1947:207n). In 1508 the Crown granted Puerto
Real its own coat of arms consisting of a golden ship


244
McAlister, Lyle
1963 Social Structure and Social Change in New Spain
Hispanic American Historical Review 43:349-370.
19B4 Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-
1700 University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis.
McEwan, Bonnie
1983 Spanish Colonial Adaptation on Hispaniola:
The Archaeology of Area 35 Puerto Real, Haiti.
Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
Morison, Samuel E.
1942 Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of
Christopher Columbus. Little, Brown, Boston.
1974 The European Discovery of America: The
Southern Voyages, AD. 1492-1616. Oxford
University Press, Oxford.
Morner, Magnus
1967 Race Mixture in the History of Latin America.
Little, Brown, Boston.
1983 Economic Factors and Stratification in Colonial
Spanish America with Special Regard to Elites.
Hispanic American Historical Review 63:335-369.
Muller, Priscilla E.
1972 Jewels in Spain 1500-1800. The Hispanic
Society of America, New York.
Nesmith, Robert
1955 The Coinage of the First Mint of the Americas
at Mexico City 1536-1572. Numismatic Notes and
Monographs No. 31. The American Numismatic Society,
New York.
Noel-Hume, Ivor
1970 A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America.
Alfred A. Knopf, New York.
Olsen, Stanley J.
1964 Mammal remains from Archaeological Sites.
Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology, Vol. 56, No. 1. Cambridge.


78
local clothing (such as existed) did not utilize these
items. Ornaments, such as jewelry, would be expected
to show a preference for European styling (i.e.
clothing adornments, pendants, rings, etc.) although
the material from which they were manufactured might
have originated in the New World. This is as opposed
to the adoption of native design elements and ornaments
encountered by the early colonists.
A final category of material culture that would
indicate non-acculturation in the socially visible
sphere of activities is that of religious articles.
These are expected to remain Hispanic (Catholic) in
symbolism and include such items as crucifixes, rosary
beads, and religious medallions. An adoption of native
religious articles and/or motifs (e.g. zemis) would
perhaps be an indication of an ideological shift and
prompt a reassessment of the hypothesis.
3) Structures at Puerto Real should employ local
materials in their construction; however, the
architectural style of the buildings and physical
layout of the town should be Hispanic in nature.
Specifically this would involve rectangular single
family houses with fenced or walled yards (Manucy 1978)
laid out in a grid pattern around a central plaza. The
Taino houses and towns were very different. The
average Taino house or bohio was circular and housed


204
TABLE 6-22
INVERTEBRATE
FAUNA
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WEIGHT(g)
MNI
Anomalocardia brasiliana
E
76
40.5
29
L
-
-
-
Arcidae
E
1
1.5
-
L
-
-
-
Balanus sp.
E
1
.18
1
L
-
-
-
3ivalvia
E
195
53.37
-
L
5
1.0
-
Brachidontes exustus
E
1
.3
1
L
-
-
-
Brachyura
E
12
1.95
2
L
9
6.9
1
Cardisoma sp.
E
4
6.1
1
L
4
4.3
2
Chama sp.
E
1
2.1
1
L
-
-
-
Chione cancellata
E
9
14.1
3
L
-
-
-
Cittarium pica
E
1
158.2
1
L
-
-
-
Codakia costata
E
6
3.2
1
L
-
-
-
Codakia orbicularis
E
13
9.6
2
L
-
-
-
Crassostrea virqinica
E
145
231
12
L
-
-
-
Crustacea
E
9
.7
-
L
3
.9
-


201
TABLE 6-19 AVIAN FAUNA
TAXA
PERIOD
Anatidae
#
W'GT (g )
MNI
BIOMASS
E
1
.7
1
.01
L
Gallus gallus
E
54
75.45
8
1.04
L
Galliformes
37
26.10
8
.40
E
-
-
-
-
L
Aves
4
3.05

.06
E
90
26.9
-
.41
L
TAXA
PERIOD
62 17.5
TABLE 6-20 REPTILIAN FAUNA
.28
Chelonidae
#
WGT(g)
MNI
BIOMASS
E
-
-
-
-
L
Pseudemys sp.
2
00

00
1
.14
E
876
1642.9
21
4.51
L
Testudines
1315
1879.7
18
4.94
E
1202
569.5
-
2.22
L
2278
1193.9
-
3.64


CHAPTER IV
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
The emphasis placed upon much research on early
Spanish colonialism has been understanding how the
colonists adapted themselves and their society to the
social and environmental conditions encountered in the
New World. Recent historical synthetic works (e.g.
Bethell 1984, Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, McAlister
1984) demonstrate that historians have long addressed
this topic. However, historical archaeologists have
only just begun to look at Spanish colonialism.
This raises the question, if historians have long
been addressing this topic why should archaeologists
bother? What can the archaeologist hope to add that a
legion of historians have not already discovered? The
fact that many historians have studied Spanish
colonialism partially answers the question. Paradigms
within a discipline are constantly changing and a new
perspective brings fresh insight to an old subject.
The entrance of historical archaeology into Spanish
colonial studies brings yet another approach, an
anthropologically oriented one, to bear on this topic.
64


68
He does, however, go on to define four general types of
acculturation: incorporation, assimilation, fusion, and
compartmentalization. Spicer (1961:529-536) defines
each as follows:
1) incorporation--the transfer of elements from one
cultural system and their integration into another
system in such a way that they conform to the
meaningful and functional relations within the latter
without disrupting the fundamental system.
2) assimilationacceptance and replacement of cultural
behaviors in terms of the dominant society's cultural
system.
3) fusionwhatever the specific form of combination,
the principles which guide it are are neither wholly
from one or the other of the two systems in contact.
4) compartmentalizationa keeping separate within a
realm of elements and patterns taken over from the
dominant culture.
It is important to note that Spicer (1961:539)
sees all forms of acculturation as being preceded by a
process of adaptive integration, where nothing
important is replaced. That is, an initial acceptance
of some novelties (mostly material culture), on a trial
basis, which eventually give way to the processes
described above. This will have to be taken into
account when interpreting the data recovered from


101
facet of this feature was the presence of several whole
turtle carapaces in and around the deposit. Based on
the chronological and physical position of the feature,
it appears that trash disposal for Locus 19 initiated
with Feature 1 and eventually overflowed to form the
general midden.
Feature 3
This feature was located in 880N/817.5E,
880N/819E, and 878N/819E. It was defined from the
concentration of artifacts. They are packed in a dark
grey/brown loamy matrix. The depth of the feature
varied considerably from unit to unit but averaged
about 25 cm. A concentration of burned faunal material
was noticed in 880N/817.5, but it did not seem to be a
true hearth, rather a dump for some burned material.
It appears that this feature represents the
northeastern extent of the midden.
Feature 5
The foundation wall which initiates at the base of
level 2 (20 cm) consisted of a linear arrangement of
large, paired rocks with smaller stones resting on top.
The line extended 32 m in an E-W orientation. Few
artifacts were found among the rocks. However, many
bricks were scattered along its length (Figure 6-3).


14
and so their administration was turned over to one of
his counselors, Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, then
archdeacon of Seville. The commercial aspects of the
colonies were handled by the Casa de Contratacin, but
Fonseca remained in overall command until his death in
1524. The Council of the Indies was then created to
administrate the colonies (Elliot 1963:165).
Meanwhile, Charles had to cope with an attempted
civil war in Castile when the comuneros [middle
classes] revolted in 1520. This revolution was
ostensibly to protect the old way of life in Castile.
Most Spaniards, especially Castilians, saw Charles as
a Burgundian interloper who shipped wealth out of their
country and replaced it with foreign ministers. The
revolt, however, was disorganized and lacked the
support of the powerful nobility, who were more afraid
of the comuneros than a foreign monarch. The defeat of
the comuneros in 1521 secured the Habsburg dynasty in
Spain (Elliot 1963:149).
When Phillip II, son of Charles V, inherited the
empire in 1556, he also inherited a war with the Pope
and France. The following year he was forced by the
Spanish state bankruptcy of 1557 to make peace and
abandon the imperial policy of Charles V (Lynch
1984:179). In contrast with the warrior-king Charles
V, Phillip II, the supreme bureaucrat, spent his reign


Hopital le Bon Samaritan for discovering the site and
forcing me to justify my interpretations. The bulk of
the fieldwork was done by local Haitian villagers.
These men formed the best field crew I have ever had
the priveledge to work with. They were extremely
patient with my Creole, always in good humor, and true
artists with a trowel. This same gratitude is extended
to the Haitian students who came up from Port-au-Prince
to work with us.
Back in the United States Greg Smith, Bonnie
McEwan, and John Marrn aided with the analysis. John
is to be commended for completing the odious task of
coding and entering the data. Let it be noted that
this was not a thankless task. The excellent artifact
photographs were taken by James Quine and served to
accentuate my own shortcomings in field photography.
The faunal analysis was performed under the direction
of Dr. Elizabeth Wing in the Florida State Museum
Zooarchaeology Laboratory by Karen Walker, Susan
DeFrance, and Karla Bosworth to whom I am extremely
grateful, having been involved with that exacting task
in a previous project. I am also very grateful to Ray
Willis, Rochelle Marrinan, Jennifer Hamilton, Bonnie
McEwan, Gary Shapiro, and Alicia Kemper whose work
preceded mine and from which I benefitted.
The final round of applause goes to those who more
casually, though no less importantly, contributed to
v


22
the New World and how did they behave before they got
there ?
Spain, despite the efforts of the Crown and the
Inquisition, was a heterogeneous society throughout the
16th century. Castilians, Basques, Catalans, et al.,
all had distinctive cultural traits which make most
generalizations invalid. Since the province of
Andalucia, and most especially the city of Seville,
contributed the most to the early colonization effort
(Boyd-Bowman 1976), this region will serve as the basis
for the description of Spanish life in the 16th
century. Much of the basic information for this
section is derived from Pike's (1972) work
Aristocrats and Traders: Sevillian Society in the 16th
Century.
Sevillian society was polarized into elites and
commoners. Very little existed in the way of a true
middle class. The Sevillian elite was composed of six
subcategories: nobles, clergy, lawyers, medical
practitioners, notaries, and merchants. Of these, the
professionals occupied the most fluctuating and
insecure status in the elitist social hierarchy. The
clergy's status was secure but had a ceiling above
which, in theory, they could not aspire. The
individuals who had the potential to win and lose the
most wealth were the merchants.




Copyright 1987
by
Charles Robin Ewen


203
TABLE 6-21 continued
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WGT(g)
MNI
BIOMASS(kg)
Sciaenidae
E
1
.1
.007
L
-
-
-
-
Serranidae
E
2
3.5
.08
L
3
.46
-
.02
Sparidae
E
1
.8

.02
L

-
-

Osteichthyes
E
178
42.0
.61
L
161
53.4
-
.74


58
prepared. Rochelle Marrinan supervised this project in
an effort to supplement the comparative collections at
the Florida State Museum (Willis 1984:67). Most of the
specimens collected were marine species of fish, but
some terrestrial species were also taken. These
specimens were later used to help identify the faunal
material recovered from Puerto Real.
Although much was accomplished during the 1980
field season it became apparent that the surface had
literally and figuratively only been scratched. The
University of Florida, Organization of American States
(OAS) and the Haitian government all reaffirmed their
commitment to the Puerto Real project and to continued
investigations.
Another large crew conducted field studies during
the 1981 season. This time, however, instead of
concentrating on one central excavation, several
smaller projects were initiated. Rochelle Marrinan
directed work at Building B (Marrinan 1982), while
Bonnie McEwan (another University of Florida graduate
student) and Jennifer Hamilton excavated outlying areas
that the previous year's testing and resistivity survey
had indicated might be residential structures (Hamilton
1982, McEwan 1983). The results of this season's
efforts were productive and, in some cases, enigmatic.


Figure 6-4 Feature 6; The brick pavanent


217
domestic animal industry utilizing those species suited
to the new environment.
When the Spaniards arrived in the Caribbean there
were virtually no large mammals on Hispaniola (Parry
and Sherlock 1971:2). The colonists did, however,
bring a number of domesticated animals with them.
These included cattle, swine, sheep, horses, dogs, and
cats (Oviedo 1959:11). Many of the introduced animals
did quite well in their new environment. So well, in
fact, that Oviedo (1959:11) claimed that many had run
wild, especially cattle, swine, cats, and dogs.
The reason many imported mammals did so well on
Hispaniola is that they encountered virtually no
competition, since there were no native ruminants. The
native fauna was primarily avian or aquatic rather than
terrestrial. The terrestrial that did exist was
restricted to rodents, turtles, and other reptiles.
The overall pattern of the faunal assemblage
recovered from Locus 19 is similar to that recovered
from Loci 33/35 (Area 35) by McEwan (1983). This is not
surprising since this area is also believed to be a
high status residence within the city.
The fauna from Loci 33/35 was overwhelmingly
mammal. In terms of biomass, cattle was the most
prevalent taxa in this category with swine a close
second. Pond turtles (Pseudemys sp.) were a




54
north-south and a square-shaped rise near the northwest
corner of the rectangular mound.
Willis (1984:57) initiated an excavation to
discover the nature of the rectangular mound. He
decided to bisect the mound with a north-south trench
and cross it with two east-west trenches. Ray Willis
and Paul Hodges (Dr. William Hodges's son) supervised
twenty Haitian workers who excavated thirty-nine 2x2
m units. These excavations revealed the remains of
what had been a three room masonry building.
Most of the stone foundation was missing, having
been robbed by later peoples for use in their own
structures. The trenches that they had dug to mine the
stone were clearly apparent as dark stains in the buff
colored clay. A large amount of broken brick and roof
tile littered both the interior and exterior of the
structure. Along with the building rubble, Willis
recovered a substantial amount of 16th century Spanish
majolica, glass, coins, iron artifacts, and faunal
material.
The delineation of such a large structure (27 x
7 m) and the recovery of so many unequivocally datable
16th century artifacts confirmed that the site was
Puerto Real. There is no other settlement of any size
recorded for that time period in the area. A cursory
walkover survey of the surrounding area indicated that


230
activities do show a significant admixture of European
and locally manufactured ceramics. Tablewares,
ornamentation, clothing items and other highly visible
status items were almost exclusively European in
origin. The structure, as far as can be determined,
was built in accordance with Spanish architectural
traditions and new ideas concerning urban planning.
The alternative would have been an incorporation of
non-Hispanic traits into the socio-technic as well as
the technomic sphere of artifacts, but this did not
occur. This pattern appears to have changed little
through time.
The material patterning at Puerto Real closely
resembles that of St. Augustine in terms of the ceramic
assemblage categories. Specific items in the other
categories reflect the different activities of the
site's inhabitants. A significant general difference
from St. Augustine can be seen in the faunal pattern.
As discussed in the previous chapter, this' is probably
due to the differing environmental constraints placed
upon the preferred Iberian foodways. The colonial diet
was clearly different than aboriginal subsistance
practices. The primary variable in the differences
between the diets of the Indians, the Spanish colonists
at St. Augustine, and the Spanish colonists at Puerto
Real appears to have been the success of the introduced


27
smoking, drying and salting the catch, spoilage was a
common problem (Braudel 1985:219). Cumbaa (1975:45)
points out that the difference between the food of the
peasant and the well-to-do was mainly one of degree.
That is, the peasant usually ate a vegetable laden stew
(puchero) while the elite dined on the heartier, spice
laden olla podrida. All classes were partial to
chocolate which became widely available after the
discovery of the Americas.
Housing, like food habits, also differed more in
degree than in kind. The exterior of nearly all houses
were plain; any decorative attention was on the
interior. In Andalusia, where .Arab influence
persisted, the upper class house was built of brick or
stone around a central patio. The houses of the
peasants were simpler, being built of mud and often
consisting of only a single room. Furniture was sparse
in 16th century Spain, even among the upper classes
giving the house interiors what must have been by
today's standards a generally stark appearance The
wealthy filled space with a few costly items of
furniture and many carpets and tapestries. In a
country with little in the way of wood this is not
unusual. The peasant home as described by Defourneaux
(1979:103) was even simpler.


245
1968 Fish, Amphibian, and Reptile Remains from
Archaeological Sites. Papers of the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 56, No.2.
Cambridge.
1971 Zooarchaeology; Animal Bones in Archaeology
and their Interpretation. Addison-Wesley Modular
Publications. Module 2, Reading, Mass.
Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernandez de
1959 Natural History of the West Indies,
Reprinted. University of North Carolina Press,
Chapel Hill. Translated and edited by Sterling A.
Stoudemire. Originally published 1527.
Parry, John
1963 The Age of Reconnaisance: Discovery and
Settlement 1450 to 1650. Mentor Books, New York.
1978 The Spanish Theory of Empire in the 16th
century. Originally published 1940. Mentor Books,
New York.
Parry, John and Phillip Sherlock
1971 A Short History of the West Indies. 3rd ed.
St. Martin's Press, New York.
Penney, Clara L.
1967 An Album of Selected Bookbindings. The
Hispanic Society of America, New York.
Pike, Ruth
1972 Aristocrats and Traders; Sevillian Society in
the 16th century. Cornell University Press,
Ithaca.
Radisch, William H.
1986 Classification and Interpretation of Stars from
Santa Elena: Some Problems and Potential Solutions.
Ms. in possession of author.
Redfield, Robert, Melville Herskovits, and Ralph Linton
1936 Memorandum on the Study of Acculturation.
American Anthropologist 38:149-152.
Reitz, Elizabeth J.
1979 Spanish an British Subsistence Strategies at
St. Augustine, Florida and Frederica, Georgia.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.


41
The effects of these systems of labor had
catastrophic effects on the Indians. The immediate
areas of Spanish conquest suffered a precipitous drop
in native population. This decimation of the
aboriginal inhabitants can be partly explained by the
ruthless extremes of the Spaniards during the
"pacification" of the island. Other declines were the
result of overwork, abuse, and suicide induced by the
conditions of encomienda. The primary agent for the
elimination of Hispaniola's natives can be attributed
to European-introduced diseases. So great was the
population decline that slaving expeditions were sent
to neighboring islands to supplement the work force on
Hispaniola (Sauer 1966:159).
The complete subjugation of Hispaniola occurred
during the governorship of Nicolas de Ovando (1502-
1509). With brutal efficiency, Spanish administrative
sway was extended throughout the entire island. The
system of encomienda was formalized during his tenure.
Another accomplishment of Ovando was the founding of 15
towns on the island (Sauer 1966:151). This act served
a two-fold purpose; it satisfied the royal instruction
to establish proper new settlements on the island, and
it also ensured complete subjugation of the natives.
Puerto Real was one of these new communities.


niPNHMR
: !¥#! i£'1'''|''i'4 I"111"1 "t 15 1'"'''i6 #"'! i<8
" 4 h o 3 O Obverse
Reverse


20
(1963:191) describes the longterm effects of this
monarch's aggressive policies on the treasury:
Charles's appeals to the generosity of his
subjects and his constant recourse to loans
from bankers managed to stave off disaster,
but the price paid was a renunciation of any
attempt to organize Imperial finances on a
rational basis and to plan a coherent
economic program for the various territories
of the Empire.
The situation did not improve under the reign of
Phillip II; if anything it worsened.
Along with costly foreign campaigns came a
concomitant rise in the costs of defensive measures
that had to be taken against Spain's growing list of
adversaries. In Europe this meant that a standing army
had to be continuously maintained. As the 16th century
progressed, Spain came to have another realm to
protect, the Caribbean.
Little royal funding went to the exploration and
settlement of the New World. These activities were
done primarily at the personal expense of the
conquistadors in return for shares of the colonial
revenue. Thus, initially the Crown realized a large
return on a very small investment. Lynch (1984:155)
neatly summarizes the significance of this income
stating ,
Trade between Spain and the Indies in the
16th and first half of the 17th century, both
in value and the volume of goods carried, was
the biggest trans-oceanic trade in the world.


4
(1983:271) suggests that the processes involved in the
formation of the Hispanic-American tradition in St.
Augustine were common to much of the Spanish New World.
Conservatism in those socially visible areas associated
with male activities was coupled with Spanish-Indian
acculturation in the less visible, female dominated
areas. She goes on to suggest that this pattern of
behavior should be expected in any situation where a
predominantly male group imposes itself on a group with
a normal sex distribution. It is this hypothesis,
specifically, that will be tested with the data from
Puerto Real. An ancillary purpose of this study will
be to gain a better appreciation of the past lifeways
of the vecinos. How did they live? What did they eat?
What did they own? These are all questions that
archaeology can help answer.
The material recovered from the 1984-85
excavations represents only part of the Puerto Real
database which will be used to test the St. Augustine
pattern. Puerto Real appears to have been a grid
pattern town with over fifty masonry structures
(designated as loci #1-57) situated around a central
plaza. The most recent work was conducted at a
structure in the northern part of the town, designated
Locus 19. Excavations in the plaza area of Puerto Real
were carried out in 1979 and 1980, locating two large


202
TABLE 6-21 FISH
TAXA
PERIOD
Albula vulpes
#
WGT(g )
MNI
BIOMASS(kg)
E




L
Carangidae
1
.5
1
.02
E
2
1.5
-
.05
L
Caranx hippos
E
7
12.0
1
.35
L
Centropomidae
E
-
-
-
-
L
Centropomus sp.
1
.5

.02
E
24
10.1
6
.19
L
Centropomus undecimalis
6
3.26
1
.08
E




L
Gerreidae
4
2.5
3
.06
E
-
-
-
-
T
Xj
Gobiomorus dormitor
1
.23
1
.009
E
25
8.7
8
.17
L
Haemulon sp.
8
3.2
2
.08
E
1
.3
1
.01
L
Lutjanus sp.
'
E
2
2.6
2
.06
L
Megalops atlanticus
6
1.38
1
.04
E
1
1.1
1
.03
L
Muqil sp.
10
2.6
1
.06
E
11
4.1
5
.09
L
Mycteroperca sp.
5
2.29
3
.05
E




L
Pomacanthidae
1
.23
1
.009
E
-
-
-
-
L
1
.2
-
.009


69
Puerto Real. The problem is distinguishing transitory
acquisition from incorporation. This can be done by
utilizing a diachronic approach, comparing early to
late period proveniences.
The cultural exchanges that come about as the
result of a contact situation are rarely perfectly
reciprocal. Foster (1960:7) insists that the idea of
dominance should be included in the operational
definition. It is this concept of dominance that is
integral to Foster's model of the "conquest culture."
In this scenario of culture contact one society acts
primarily as the donor and the other, as the recipient.
The "conquest culture" is a model which represents
the totality of donor influences brought to bear on a
recipient society. Foster (1960:10-12) states that
this is artificial in that what the recipient culture
is exposed to represents only a selection from the
totality of the donor's culture. The formation of this
"conquest culture" is characterized by a stripping down .
process in which elements of the dominant culture are
modified or eliminated. Thus, using Foster's model,
the culture of the Spanish colonists was modified
before they landed in the New World.
What were the influences that went into the
formation of the colonial "conquest culture"? Foster
(1960:12) describes two types of selective processes


Figure 6-5 Feature 8; A brick drain


TET


207
significant overall admixture of the two types of
wares. Furthermore this ratio held through time. In
the Early Period 64% of the utilitarian ceramics were
locally made. This agreed closely with the 62% of the
same ware category in the Late Period.
A close study of the Group 4 (colono and
aboriginal) ceramics indicates that there is a shift in
the nature of the locally manufactured ceramics through
time. The recognized Indian ceramic traditions,
Meillac and Carrier are never very common at Locus 19,
accounting for less than 1% of the Group 4 assemblage.
Easily the most numerous type is Unidentified Plain
pottery which comprises 51% of the Early Period
assemblage and 50% of the Late Period assemblage.
Christophe Plain is the next most numerous accounting
for 37% and 40% of the Early and Late Period Group 4
assemblages respectively.
Smith (1986) found the same sort of distribution
in his analysis of three loci at Puerto Real. He
interpreted this as a replacement of aboriginal wares
through time with African-made ceramics. The shifts in
ceramic types mirror the demographic changes occurring
in the labor force at Puerto Real. As the Indian
population declined it was replaced by imported African
slaves. Smith, claims that the distribution of Group 4
ceramics,


47
the Carrera de las Indias. Denied access to regular
shipping, Puerto Real and the other neglected island
ports turned to the rescate (illegal trade) for goods.
Meanwhile on land Puerto Real had to contend with
other problems. A smallpox epidemic swept the island
in 1518-19 nearly wiping out the Arawak population
(Lyon 1981). Puerto Real came to depend more upon
imported African labor. So great was the demand for
labor that by 1520 African slaves had become the
dominant element in the work force (Andrews
1978:11-12). The Indians do make a later appearance in
the history of Puerto Real. In 1519 there was a revolt
of the natives under chief Tamayo around the environs
of Puerto Real. They later joined with the general
revolt led by the cacique Enrique. As late as 1532,
hostilities persisted when a vecino, his wife, two
children and 14 of his Indian slaves were killed.
Peace was finally achieved the following year. In this
same year 60 colonists arrived in Santo Domingo to
repopulate Puerto Real and Monte Christ!, located to
the east.
By this time the economy of Puerto Real and the
islands in general were based upon the hide trade.
Leather was much in demand in Europe and the Indies
possessed an abundance of cattle. The mercantile
policies of Spain decreed all colonial commerce should


241
Hamilton, Jennifer
1982 Project Puerto Real A Study of Early Urban
Design on Hispaniola 1979-1981 Transect Topo
graphic Survey 1982. Ms. on file, Florida State
Museum, Gainesville, Florida.
Hamilton, Jennifer and William Hodges
1982 Bayaha: A preliminary report. Ms. on file
Musee de Guahaba, Limbe, Haiti.
Haring, C.H.
1947 The Spanish Empire in America.
Harcourt, Brace, and Jovanovich, New York.
Harrington, J.C., Albert Manucy, and John Griffin
1955 Archaeological Excavations in the Courtyard of
the Castillo de San Marcos, St. Augustine, Florida.
Florida Historical Quarterly 34 (2 ): 152-156 .
Helms, Mary W.
1984 The Indians of the Caribbean and Circum-
Caribbean at the End of the 15th century. In
The Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 1,
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 37-57. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Hempel, Carl G.
1965 Aspects of Scientific Explanation.
Free Press, New York.
Hodges, William
1979 How We Found Puerto Real. Ms. on file, Musee
de Guahaba, Limbe, Haiti.
1980 Puerto Real Sources. Ms. on file, Musee de
Guahaba, Limbe, Haiti.
Hoebel, E. Adamson
1972 Anthropology; The Study of Man. McGraw-Hill,
New York.
Hoffman, Paul E.
1980 The Spanish Crown and the Defense of the
Indies. Louisianna State University Press,
Baton Rouge.
Judge, Joseph, and James L. Stanfield
1986 The Islands of Landfall. National Geographic
170(5):566-571.


Figure 6-23 Brass stars
Left to right FS# 3327, 3297, 3354, 3354, 3334


LIST OF TABLES
TABLE PAGE
6-1 ARTIFACT CATEGORIES 1U9
6-2 MAJOLICAS 17 5
6-3 UTILITARIAN CERAMICS 177
6-4 EUROPEAN TABLEWARES 178
6-5 HISPANIC TABLEWARES 17y
6-6 COLONO AND ABORIGINAL CERAMICS 180
6-7 KITCHEN ARTIFACTS 181
6-8 STRUCTURAL HARDWARE 18 3
6-9 WEAPONRY AND ARMOR 184
6-10 CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS 185
6-11 PERSONAL ITEMS 187
6-12 ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS 189
6-13 FURNITURE HARDWARE 190
6-14 TOOLS 191
6-15 TOYS AND GAMES 192
6-16 HARNESS AND TACK 193
6-17 SPECIES PRESENT 195
6-18 MAMMALIAN FAUNA 200
6-19 AVIAN FAUNA 201
6-20 REPTILIAN FAUNA 201
6-21 FISH 202
6-22 INVERTEBRATE FAUNA 20 4
7-1 BIOMASS: PUERTO REAL VS. EN BAS SALINE 221
7-2 EARLY VS. LATE CONTEXTS AT PUERTO REAL 224
7-3 BIOMASS COMPARISONS AT PUERTO REAL 226
ix


Figure 6-16 Straight pins and aglets
A--brass tacks
Bbrass chain links
C--brass sheet fragment
D--silver aglet
Ebrass straight pins
F--brass aglets


FS#
3260
3261
3262
3263
3264
3265
3266
3267
3268
3269
3270
3271
3272
3273
3274
3275
3276
3277
3278
3279
3280
3281
3282
3283
3284
3285
3286
3287
3288
3289
3290
3291
3292
3293
3294
3295
3296
3297
3298
3299
3300
3301
3302
3303
3304
3305
3306
3307
3308
256
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
Tr. F
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/82 .5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/822E
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
87 2N/820.5E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
873N/819.5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/819,5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/822E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/819,5E
L. 2
L
disturbed
872N/822E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/826E
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
872N/824E
L. 1
L
Sevilla B/B
872N/824E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/826E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
87 2N/828E
L. 1
L +
pipestem
872N/830E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/828E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
872N/830E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
872N/830E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
872N/828E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
872N/818E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/820E
L. 1
L
Porcelain
872N/818E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
87N/820E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/818E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/820E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/818E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/820E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/820E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/832E
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
876N/820E
L. 2
L
Sevilla B/B
872N/832E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/832E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
Area 1
L
S tratigraphy
874N/832E
Area 2
L
S tratigraphy
876N/832E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/832E
L. 4
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/832E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
Area 3
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/826E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
876N/832E
L. 3
L
Ligurian B/B
868N/826E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/834E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
868N/826E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
868N/826E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/834E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
866N/826E
L. 1
L
Porcelain


Y''?.


81
analysis was not done. However, a good faunal sample
from Locus 19 and other locii at Puerto Real has been
completed allowing comments on the carniverous side of
the colonial diet to be made. Additionally, there is
good faunal data from the nearby Taino site at En Bas
Saline which can be used for comparative purposes.
5) The material and faunal assemblage will reflect
a crystallization of the proposed Hispanic-American
colonial pattern through time. It is expected that as
the colonists became more specifically adapted to the
New World physical and social environment, their
methods of coping became standardized. This patterned
behavior should be reflected in the archaeological
assemblage in such areas as foodways, architecture, and
status artifacts. Variations among households from
this predicted pattern should become less evident in
later periods.
A key issue here is the duration of occupation at
Puerto Real, which amounted to approximately 75 years.
Is this long enough to detect a crystallization of the
Spanish colonial pattern? It is possible to clearly
distinguish between late and early occupation at Puerto
Real ?
In the latter case the answer is yes. As will be
discussed in Chapter 6, it was possible, using
stratigraphy and artifact terminus post querns to


210
would expect to find tablewares composed primarily of
majolicas or other Hispanic wares. This is, indeed,
exactly the case. There are no locally-made ceramics
in tableware forms (e.g. platos, escudillas, tazas).
Such copy wares have been found in Spanish colonial
contexts such as San Luis (Richard Vernon: Personal
communication). Additionally, many high status marker
artifacts were recovered. Expensive articles from
Spain's imperial trade network, such as Italian
latticino glass, and Cologne stoneware are not uncommon
at Locus 19. These items were found in much smaller
quantities at other locations in Puerto Real
strengthening the presumption of the high status
affiliation of Locus 19.
There is also evidence that a Spanish woman was
resident at Locus 19. The presence of the beads,
unicorn pendant, and a jet ring all suggest the
existance of a feminine inhabitant. The additional
evidence of lace tatting as an activity at the site
(the lace bobbin described in Chapter 6) suggests that
this woman was Hispanic rather than native. Although
no list of women was found during the literature search
(Lyon 1981) some Spanish women were certainly present
at Puerto Real. The repartimiento of 1914 does indicate
that of the 20 vecinos at Puerto Real, three had
Castilian wives (Sauer 1966:199). Emigration of women


28
The furniture comprised a roughly made table
and some wooden benches. The beds often
consisted only of a simple plank or one
simply slept on the floor. In a corner of
the main room was the hearth, where
occasionally a brushwood fire was lit--nearly
everywhere wood was rare and expensive.
The hearth refers to a brazier which was the
principal source of warmth in all Spanish homes. In
them wood, charcoal and even olive pits were burned
(Defourneaux 1979:149). Along with oil lamps and
candles, they also provided some light In 16th
century Spain, windows were not covered with glass,
they were shuttered and some had coverings of paper or
oiled, thin parchment. Floors were of bare earth, tile
and/or covered with mats or oriental carpets, depending
on the wealth of the inhabitants.
The preceding historical, ethnographic portrait of
Spain was drawn as a backdrop for an examination of
colonial life in the Caribbean. Only by knowing the
history and habits of the colonizing peoples can their
responses to what was encountered be properly
understood.
The West Indies
The historic period in the Caribbean began with
the arrival of Christopher Columbus. The intent of
Columbus's first voyage was the discovery of a western
route to the spice islands of the East Indies. In this
he failed completely, although he stubbornly refused to


17
introduction of a superior breed of Merino sheep,
Castile became the leading wool producer in the
international market. The Mesta (stockmen's guild) was
formed in 1273 by Alfonso X. Though it later became a
powerful political entity, the chief duty of the Mesta
was to organize and maintain the caadas (sheep trails)
that ran between the summer pastures and winter
pastures (Vicens Vives 1969:253). The Crown's pastoral
bias worked to the detriment of Spain's agricultural
efforts, but the tax base represented by the Mesta was
too tempting to resist.
Wool was the principal but not the only export of
Spain. Iron was mined and forged in the north while
cloth was made from Castilian wool in the central
region. Between 1492-1560, Spain was exporting
quicksilver, wine, cloth, and luxury items (Vicens
Vives 1969:326). The quicksilver (used in the
amalgamation of silver ore), wine, and cloth were bound
primarily for the American colonies. Spain exported
raw materials and metals relying on imports for most of
its manufactured goods, its own industry being very
limited in scope. Hence, as is exemplified by Seville,
Spanish industry was geared more towards quality
production of luxury goods, not production of
utilitarian goods (Pike 1972:131). This would have a


71
and Griffin 19 5 5 ) J In the 1950s serious attention was
being directed toward sites of the colonial inhabitants
of the Spanish community. Later, following trends
already manifest in the new archaeology, Charles
Fairbanks initiated problem oriented "backyard
archaeology," which focused on the everday life of the
average Spanish colonist (Fairbanks 1975). From the
early 1970s onward, the guiding research orientation
was the understanding of the processes related to the
formation and development of the Hispanic-American
cultural tradition in Florida. This, as Deagan
details,
encompassed a number of more specific
anthropological issues, such as the role of
acculturation in these processes, the extent
and nature of Spanish-Indian syncretism, the
crystallization of a Spanish-American criollo
tradition, and the understanding of the
nature of social variability within it.
(1983:53)
Deagan's own work initially focused on the
cultural consequences of intermarriage between Spanish
males and Indian females (Deagan 1974). The processes
of Indian- Spanish miscegenation, called mestizaje,
were examined at the 18th century de la Cruz site
(SA-16-23) in St. Augustine, Florida. Specifically,
the excavation at the de la Cruz site
attempted to establish material correlates
for the processes of mestizaje and
acculturation represented at the site.
(1974 : 147 )


208
offers strong support for the replacement of
Indian tradition ceramics through time, a
replacement which was primarily accomplished
through African ceramic manufacture. The
cultural and temporal affiliation of
Unidentified Plain pottery is not clearly
apparent. Results seem to suggest that,
while a response to the ceramic needs of the
entire Puerto Real community, Unidentified
Plain pottery may be the product of both
Indian and African manufacture during the
period of population upheaval. (1986:101)
Given the ceramic evidence, the first test implication
supports the hypothesis.
Test 2
Status related artifacts should be almost
exclusively European in trade or manufacture. It is
expected that the attempts by New World settlers to
maintain an Iberian lifestyle, will be reflected in the
use of articles from the Spanish empire in socially-
visible areas of daily life. Socially-visible is the
key term here, being that non visible artifacts (e.g.
cookware) could hardly be expected to reflect the
owner's status to others.
S tatus
, as it
is
used in this work
, re
fers to
the
individuals
access
to
scarce resources
that
were
desirable,
but not
eas
ily obtainable.
The
higher
the
person's status, the greater the access to these
desired, socially-visible products. The determination
of status in Spain was not entirely economic,
hereditary factors (1impieza de sangre) were also


195
TABLE 6-17 SPECIES PRESENT
Scientific name
MAMMALS
Cricetidae
Canis familiaris
Felis domesticus
Sus scrota
Bos taurus
Neofiber alleni
Caprinae
BIRDS
Anatidae
Gallus gallus
REPTILES
Testudines
Pseudemys sp.
Chelonidae
FISH
Osteichthyes
Megalops atlanticus
Elops saurus
Albula vulpes
Centropomus undecimalis
Epinephelus sp.
Mycteroperca sp.
Caranx hippos
Lutjanus sp.
Gerreidae
Haemulon sp.
Sparidae
Sciaenidae
Pomacathidae
Mugil sp.
Gobiomorus dormitor
Common name
rodent
dog
cat
pig
cow
round-tail muskrat
goat/sheep
swans, geese ducks
chicken
turtles
pond turtle
sea turtle
bony fishes
tarpon
ladyfish
bonefish
snook
grouper
grouper
Crevalle jack
snapper
mojarras
grunts
porgies
drums
angelfishes
mullet
bigmouth sleeper


Figure 6-9 Olive jar necks (middle style in upper center, FS# 3312)
Other FS# (left to right3138,3122, 3343)


13
Artois), when, upon the death of his grandfather,
Maximillian, in 1519, he inherited the Habsburg1s
estates of Austria, Tyrol, and parts of southern
Germany. His last inheritance allowed him to assume
the title of Emperor Charles V.
The Holy Roman Empire, as the realms of Charles V
were called, was extensive and included Spain, the Low
Countries, Germany, Austria, parts of Italy and
outposts in North Africa. Charles was an ambitious
monarch and had dreams of uniting all of Europe under
his reign. This had unfortunate consequences not only
for Spain but for its colonies in the New World as
well. First, because his domains were so vast, Charles
had little time to devote exclusively to Spain. He
spent only 16 years of his 40-year reign actually
residing in Spain (Elliot 1963:154). Secondly, the
size of his empire and ambitions dictated that Charles
would be almost constantly at war, sometimes on as many
as three different fronts. These wars were costly and
drained Spain's resources to the point of bankruptcy
(this did, in fact, happen three times during his son's
reign). Spain's fledgling New World colonies were
seemingly viewed as little more than a source of wealth
to be spent on European wars.
The government and development of the New World
colonies were low on the emperor's list of priorities


242
Keen, Benjamin
1969 The Black Legend Revisited: Assumptions and
Realities. Hispanic American Historical Review
49:703-719.
Knight, Franklin W.
1978 Patterns Of Colonial Society & Culture: Latin
America and the Caribbean 1492-1804. Charleston.
Lang J.
1975 Conquest and Commerce: Spain and England in
the Americas. Academic Press, New York.
Lavrin, Asuncion
1984 Women in Spanish American Colonial Society. In
The Cambridge History Of Latin America, vol. 2,
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 322-355 Cambridge
Univesity Press, Cambridge.
Lister, Florence, and Robert Lister
1974 Maiolica in Colonial Spanish America.
Historical Archaeology 8:17-52.
1976a A Descriptive Dictionary for 500 Years of
Spanish Tradition Ceramics, 13th through 15th
Centuries. Society for Historical Archaeology
Special Publication 1.
1976b Italian Presence in Tin Glazed Ceramics of
Spanish America. Historical Archaeology 10:28-41.
1978 The First Mexican Maiolicas: Imported and
Locally Produced. Historical Archaeology 12:1-24.
1982 Sixteenth Century Maiolica Pottery in the
Valley of Mexico. Anthropological Papers of the
University of Arizona No. 3. University of Arizona
Press, Tuscon.
1984 The Potter's Quarter of Colonial Puebla,
Mexico. Historical Archaeology 18(1):87-102.
Lockhart, James
1969 Encomienda and Hacienda: The Evolution of the
Great Estate in the Spanish Indies. Hispanic
American Historical Review 49:411-429.


FS#
3074
3075
3076
3077
3078
3079
3080
3081
3082
3083
3084
3085
3086
3087
3088
3089
3090
3091
3092
3093
3094
3095
3096
3097
3098
3099
3100
3101
3102
3103
3104
3105
3106
3107
3108
3109
3110
3111
3112
APPENDIX 3
PROVENIENCE GUIDE
EXCAV. UNIT
920.5N/722.5E
920.5N/722.5E
920.5N/722.5E
917N/723.5E
917N/723.5£
917N/723.5E
917N/723,5E
909.5N/726.5E
913N/725E
909.5N/726.5E
913N/725E
922.5N/819E
926N/817.5E
933.5N/814E
929.5N/815.5E
87 ON/810E
870N/810E
87N/810E
874N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
874N/810E
878N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
874N/810E
87 4N/810E
882N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
L. 1
L
Porcelain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Area
1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
L. 1
E
Melado
L. 1
E
L. 1
E
Area
1
L
Melado
Area
2
L
S tratigraphy
Area
3
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Area
4
E
Melado
Area
5
E
Melado
Area
6
E
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
Area
7
E
S tratigraphy
Posthole
2
E
Columbia Plain
Posthole
3
E
Columbia Plain
Posthole
4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
Postmold
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold
2
E
S tratigraphy
Area
8
E
Columbia Plain
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
252


APPENDIX 2
CATEGORIES ON THE CODING SHEETS
1) Site Distinguishes specific field season;
2) FS# Field specimen or sample number;
3) Unit# -Each excavation unit was numbered
sequentially;
4) North coordinate Distance north from the SW corner
of the excavation unit to the grid reference point;
5) East Coordinate Distance east from the SW corner
of the excavation unit to the grid reference point;
6) Provenience Refers to specific level, area or
feature in the excavation unit;
7) TPQ Terminus Post Quern, date after which the
provenience was deposited;
8) Item Artifact type in coded form (see Appendix 2);
9) Frequency Number of the artifact type in the
provenience;
10) Weight Weight (in grams) of the artifact type in
the provenience. This category was primarily applied
to fauna and masonry items;
11) Group Functionally specific category
corresponding to the artifact type (see Table A) ;
250


93
the trowel due to previous experience on the other
projects. To minimize the dessicating effects of the
sun, shades were constructed. They consisted of a
wooden frame covered by a nylon parachute (purchased
cheaply as surplus property) of a size just large
enough to cover an individual unit. These sun shades
were lightweight, portable, and functioned well for the
season. Uncompleted units were covered with plastic
sheeting when not being excavated.
Excavations in 1984 yielded over 29,000 artifacts
and 335 kg of faunal material from an extensive midden
deposit. The artifacts, that will be described in more
detail in Chapter 6, included a wide array of 16th
century Spanish material highlighted by some unique and
interesting items. A small gilded unicorn pendant was
recovered along with forty-six copper maravedis and an
abundance of ornate Venetian "latticino" glass. A
couple of intricately worked brass and enamel book
clasps were also found. Frustratingly, although a
phenomenal amount of 16th century refuse had been
unearthed, the house associated with the midden eluded
detection for most of the field season.
Finally, five test trenches were excavated in an
effort to locate the structure. As is so often the
case in archaeology, the structure was discovered
during the last week of the 1984 field season, under a


25
that not a few of these picaros found their way to the
source of the New World treasure by signing on ships
bound in that direction.
Judging by the number of different classes of
people and the disparity in wealth, any attempt to
describe the range of housing, dress, and food habits
would seem to be beyond the scope of this work. Yet,
there are some broad generalizations that can be made
in regard to these issues.
Spain in the 16th century had become a powerful
world force not only economically and militarily, but
in fashion as well. According to Braudel (1985:320),
the European upper classes adopted an austere costume
inspired by Phillip II's Spain. The male ensemble
consisted of dark material fashioned into close fitting
doublets, padded hose, short capes, and high collars
edged with a small ruff. This began to change in the
17th century as the French penchant for brighter colors
became more popular. Even then, official decorum
insisted on the traditional dark Spanish outfit being
worn at court. Peasants, on the other hand, do not
appear to have been slaves to fashion. Their rough
shirts and hose changed little through time.
The eating habits of the Spaniards were, not
surprisingly, tied directly to level of affluence,
varying from the multi-course fetes of the nobility to


Figure 6-20 Decorative clasps and hardware
Aenameled clasp, FS# 3127
Bbrass clasp, FS# 3165
Cbrass clasp, FS# 3123
Dbrass and iron buckle, FS# 3108
Ebrass furniture escutcheon, FS# 3132
Fenameled clasp, FS# 3157


247
Smith, Greg C.
1986 Non-European Pottery at the Sixteenth Century
Spanish Site of Puerto Real, Haiti. Unpubished
Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Smith, Hale G.
1962 El Morro. Notes in Anthropology Vol. 6.
Florida State University, Tallahassee.
South, Stanley
1977 Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology.
Academic Press, New York.
Spicer, Edward H. (editor)
1961 Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change
University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Stahl, P.W.
1982 On Small Mammal Remains in Archaeological
Context. American Antiquity 47:267-270.
Stein, Stanley and Barbara Stein
1970 The Colonial Heritage of Latin America.
Oxford University Press, New York.
Steward, Julian
1943 Acculturation Studies in Latin America: Some
Needs and Problems. American Anthropologist 45:
198-204.
Todorov, Tzvetan
1984 The Conquest of America. Translated by
Richard Howard. Harper Colophon Books, New York.
Verlinden, Charles
1953 Italian Influence in Iberian Colonization.
Hispanic American Historical Review 33:199-211.
Vicens Vives, Jaime
1967 Approaches to the History of Spain.
University of California Press, Berkeley.
1969 An Economic History of Spain. Princeton.
University Press, Princeton.
Williams, Maurice
1986 Sub-surface Patterning at Puerto Real: A
Sixteenth century Spanish Town on Haiti's North
coast. Journal of Field Archaeology 13:283-296.


45
were the original encomienda Indians of the island.
The other Indians were classified as naborias or
life-long serfs. These Indians were not even
technically free and may have been the imported
Lucayans.
The continuing decline of the north prompted the
abandonment of the neighboring town of Llares de
Guahaba, whose citizens moved to Puerto Real. The fall
of the north corresponded with the situation on the
island as a whole and can be traced to the Spanish
preoccupation with silver and gold.
After the initial gold frenzy on the island had
died down, Hispaniola became a base for further
exploration. When the real mineral wealth of the New
World was discovered on the mainland, the population
drain began in earnest (Andrews 1978:54). The mainland
gold rush did more than just draw off manpower; it
diverted shipping away from the less profitable island
ports (see Figure 2-2).
The convoy system of shipping, first implemented
in 1542, was designed to insure that the precious
metals from Mexico and Peru arrived safely in Spain.
All ships were required to sail in convoy and visit
only the ports on the convoy's route. One need only
glance at the routes of the treasure fleets (Figure
2-2) to see that Puerto Real is located well away from


62
project supervisor, was able to graphically depict
horizontal distributions of various types of artifacts
using the SYMAP package (a graphic/analytic program)
(Williams 1986). This was an important achievement for
several reasons. First, it more clearly delineated the
town limits than had previous attempts. Secondly, by
plotting distributions of masonry debris, Williams was
able to define 57 discrete concentrations thought to
represent structures within the town's boundaries. By
plotting distributions of high and low status artifacts
and artifacts that could be precisely dated, it was
further possible to get an idea of economically
distinct sections of the town along with demographic
shifts through time. These data were invaluable to all
subsequent work done at the site and will be elaborated
in Chapter V.
In 1984 another project was sponsored by the
Florida State Museum in cooperation with the
Organization of American States, the government of
Haiti, and the Institute for Early Contact Period
Studies at the University of Florida. Specifically,
this work was being aimed at studying adaptation thru
time at Puerto Real. To do this it was necessary to
examine a residence occupied during the early years of
the town and compare it with an economically similar




87
Figure 5-2 Location of Locus 19 (Williams 1986, reprinted with
permission)


180
TABLE 6-6 COLONO AND ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
UID Decorated
#
19
89
108
%
.48
.53
.51
UID Plain
#
1811
8648
10459
%
51.33
49.74
50.00
Carrier
#
3
10
13
%
.09
.06
.06
Christophe Plain
#
1319
6897
8216
9-
0
37.39
39.65
39.27
Me iliac
#
46
99
145
%
1.30
.57
.69
Meillac-1ike
#
9
6
15
%
.26
.03
.07
Red Slipped
#
319
1638
1957
%
9.04
9.42
9.36
Total
3526
17387
20913


163


200
TABLE 6-18 MAMMALIAN FAUNA
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WGT(g)
MNI
BIOMASS(kg)
Arteriodactyla
Early
Late
51
390.3
-
5.65
Bos taurus
E
165
9902.65
13
103.79
L
106
2730.3
7
32.55
Canis familiaris
E
L
6
2.6
1

o
Caprinae
E
9
10.4
1
.22
L
3
8.15
2
.17
Cricetidae
E
2
1

o
1
.003
L
-
-
-
-
Felis sp.
E
1
0.9
1
.02
L
2
0.9
1
.02
UID Mammal, large
E
1735
6038.9
_
66.51
L
2445
9430.6
-
99.33
UID Mammal, medium
E
1
0.5
_
.01
L
15
8.0
-
.17
UID Mammal
E
2420
1200.2
15.54
L
9214
4233.15
-
48.31
Sus scrofa
E
307
2717.6
18
32.42
L
346
2075.6
9
25.43


183
TABLE 6-8 STRUCTURAL HARDWARE
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY LATE TOTAL
Bolt
#
1
1
2
%
.45
.09
.15
Door lock
#
0
2
2
%
0
.18
.15
Hinge
#
0
3
3
%
0
.27
.23
Nail, wrought
#
199
1008
1204
%
90.05
92.31
91.70
Spike, wrought
#
19
56
75
o,
o
8.60
5.13
5.71
S tapie
#
0
1
1
%
0
.09
.07
Tack, wrought
#
2
18
20
%
.90
1.65
1.52
Washer
#
0
3
3
%
0
.27
.23
Total
221
1092
1313


74
in those socially visible areas associated with male
activities was coupled with Spanish-Indian
acculturation in the less visible, female dominated
areas. She goes on to hypothesize that this pattern of
behavior should be expected in any situation where a
predominantly male group imposes itself on a group with
a normal sex distribution.
Puerto Real is an ideal site to test this
hypothesis. It was certainly a situation where a
predominantly male group (the Spaniards) imposed itself
on a group with a normal sex distribution (the Tainos).
The differences in geographic location, relative
prosperity, and settlement type (exploitation vs.
military garrison) between Puerto Real and St.
Augustine eliminate these as biasing factors and helps
to support the contention that this hypothesis
represents a truly pan-Hispanic colonial pattern rather
than a Spanish, mainland, garrison pattern.
Certain archaeologically testable implications
follow from the hypothesized Spanish colonial pattern.
Before these test implications are delineated it is
appropriate here to discuss the problems of
interpreting past lifeways from the archaeological
assemblage. Unlike cultural anthropology, much of
which interprets from observed behavior, archaeology
must work with preserved behavior. If doing cultural


124
Puerto Real Green and Green. This majolica
warrants a new type designation. It is a thick-bodied,
has a pinkish paste with a dark green tin glazed
exterior and a lighter olive green lead glazed
interior. Vessel forms appear to be large bowls.
Group 2 Utilitarian Wares
This group of ceramics includes those types that,
as the category title implies, are primarily functional
rather than decorative. Utilitarian group ceramics
serve as storage vessels and are used in food
preparation activities.
El Morro. First defined Hale Smith (1962:68-69),
this type was redefined by Deagan (1976) but the term
seems to be used only by Florida-trained researchers,
others referring to it as lead-glazed coarse
earthenware. This thin lead glazed coarse earthenware
is distinctive in its poorly smoothed, granular surface
(Deagan 1987). The glaze was often incompletely
applied and "varies in color from a pale yellow-orange
to a dark brown or olive green" (Willis 1976: 128).
The limited use of the term for this ceramic makes the
assignment of the chronological range difficult
although reports of the type span three centuries from
the 16th to the 18th century (Deagan 1987). Forms
recovered from Puerto Real include platos and small
bowls.


137
Group 4 Colono and Aboriginal Ceramics
Descriptions of the ceramics in this category are
taken from Smith (1986:49-55). Smith's thesis
represents the definitive work on non-European coarse
earthenwares at Locus 19.
Me i1lac This is an aboriginal form characterized
by fine-grained temper, relatively thin walls (3-7 mm),
and a polished gray or red surface. Designs, when
present, include incised cross-hatching and oblique
parallel lines; vessel forms are usually round bowls or
boat-shaped bowls.
Carrier. This is another aboriginal type
generally thought to postdate Meillac although the
Puerto Real research suggests some degree of both
prehistoric and historic overlap between the two types.
Carrier has coarser temper, thicker walls (7-9 mm), and
a more highly polished grayish-brown surface. Incised
designs are commonly curved and often end with circular
punctuations. Adornos (Bat-shaped forms are common)
are often applied to the shoulders of the bowl or jar
forms.
Christophe Plain. These simple bowl-shaped
ceramics were previously referred to as colono ware
(Willis 1984), because they resembled neither Meillac
or Carrier ceramics (Figure 6-12). Willis (1984:169)
used the term, Colono ware, to


216
Building A (Willis 1984:50-57). The fenceline
delineated in the 1981 field season (McEwan 1983) and
the wall foundation uncovered during the 1984-85 field
season were both perfectly aligned with this grid.
Classic grid pattern towns are built around a
central plaza upon which face important buildings, such
as the church, and which often served as a market
place. Willis's (1984) excavations in the center of
the site uncovered a structure which he identified as a
church as well as an adjacent market area. Building B,
excavated by Marrinan (1982) and also located at the
center of the site appears to be another large public
building. The masonry concentrations delineated by
Williams (1986) form a fairly regular pattern around
the central area of the site (see Figure 5-1). Thus it
appears that, at least at Puerto Real, the grid town
plan needed no royal edict to enforce its use.
Test 4
The diet of the colonist should show a mixture of
the Iberian barnyard complex of peninsular Spain and
mixed hunting-fishing strategies of the indigenous
peoples. Specifically this would entail: the
abandonment of traditional resources unsuited to the
new environment; the incorporation of aboriginal
patterns of wild faunal exploitation; development of a


238
Council, R. Bruce
1975 Archaeology at the Convento de San Francisco.
Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Crosby, Alfred W.
1972 The Columbian Exchange: Biological and
Cultural Conseguences of 1492. Greenwood,
Westport, Conn.
Crouch, Dora, D. Garr, and A. Mundigo
1982 Spanish City Planning in North America.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press,
Cambridge.
Cumbaa, Steven
1975 Patterns of Resource Use and.Cross-cultural
Dietary Change in the Spanish Colonial Period.
Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, Gainesville. University
Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
Deagan, Kathleen A.
1973 Mestizaje in colonial St. Augustine.
Ethnohistory 20:55-65.
1974 Sex, Status and Role in the Mestizaje of
Spanish Colonial Florida. Ph. D. dissertation,
Department of Anthropology, University of Florida,
Gainesville. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
1976 Archaeology at the National Greek Orthodox
Shrine, St. Augustine, Florida. University of
Florida Presses, Gainesville.
1978 The Material Assemblage of 16th Century Spanish
Florida. Historical Archaeology 12:25-50.
1981 Spanish Colonial Archaeology in the Southeast
and the Caribbean. Ms on file, Florida State
Museum, Gainesville.
1983 Spanish St. Augustine: The Archaeology of a
Colonial Creole Community. Academic Press,
New York .
1986 Initial Encounters: Arawak Responses to
European Contact at En Bas Saline, Haiti. Paper
presented at the 1st Annual San Salvador Conference
San Salvador, Bahamas.


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Puerto Real, founded in 1503 just over a decade
after Columbus's initial voyage of discovery, was one
of the earliest Spanish colonial settlements in the New
World. The site provides an important opportunity for
archaeological research into initial Spanish colonial
adaptations to the New World and their role in the
development of an Hispanic-American colonial tradition.
Here, it is possible to identify specific ways in which
sixteenth century Iberian colonists adapted to New
World social, economic, and environmental conditions.
Through the combination and exchange of Old World and
New World cultural and physical elements, the colonists
developed a unique adaptive tradition that
characterized the pioneer Spanish settlements and
represented the earliest expression of Hispanic-
American culture.
The approach to the study of culture contact and
acculturation taken here is somewhat unusual in that it
emphasizes the effects of the New World people and
environment on the European colonists. Traditional
studies of acculturation have dealt predominantly with
1


187
TABLE 6-11 PERSONAL ITEMS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
Bead,
#
cane
EARLY
1
LATE
9
TOTAL
10
o.
"6
4.55
5.33
5.18
Bead,
#
carnelian
0
1
1
%
0
.59
.52
Bead,
#
ceramic
0
2
2
%
0
1.18
1.04
Bead,
#
chevron
1
7
8
%
4.55
4.14
4.15
Bead,
#
crumb
0
1
1
%
0
.59
.52
Bead,
#
shell
0
1
1
a
*o
0
.59
.52
Bead,
*
stone
0
1
1
%
0
.59
.52
Bead,
#
wire-wound
1
11
12
%
4.55
5.92
5.70
Hawkbell
#
0
3
3
%
0
1.78
1.55
Book
#
hardware
3
2
5
%
13.64
1.18
2.59
Coin
#
15
120
135
%
68.18
71.01
69.95


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Charles R. Ewen was born in Mansfield, Ohio, on
November 27, 1956. He moved extensively around the
midwestern and southern U.S. while growing up but was
able to stay in Illinois long enough to attend
Naperville Central High School immediately after which
he moved again. After acclimating to Minneapolis, he
received a B.A. in anthropology from the University of
Minnesota. A seasonally more sensible move took him to
Florida where he earned an M.A. in anthropology at the
Florida State University in 1983.
Charles chose to finish his student years at the
University of Florida in Gainesville. He received his
doctorate in the spring of 1987 allowing him to pursue
the only career he had ever considered.
259


211
to the New World was not uncommon but tended to focus
on established large towns. Prior to the discovery of
New Spain, Santo Domingo was the chief destination of
Spanish women, after discovery and settlement Peru and
Mexico were the favored destinations (Boyd-Bowman
1976:596-599). Since a Spanish woman at a colonial
outpost town such as Puerto Real would have been
comparatively rare, her presence at Locus 19 would be
expected at a high status household capable of
supporting such a personage. It also seems likely
given reproductive potentials that there would have
been children at the site. The toy "whizzer" recovered
from the site may have belonged to the resident's
child.
In the area of clothing there is, as expected,
strong retention of European styles. Over 160 aglets
(lacing tips) were found as well as a variety of
buckles and buttons of various composition. The native
style of dress was to, "go naked as they were born,
except that over their privates they wear a loincloth,
of linen or some other kind of cloth" (Oviedo 1959:13).
The clothing accessories mentioned above would not have
been necessary had the colonists adopted the Indian's
fashions. It may seem obvious that the Spanish
colonists would not have "gone native" as far as
clothing was concerned. However, the existance of this


116
Bacin
Tinaja
Plato
Jarro
Pocilio Escudilla
Figure 6-7 Vessel Forms


88
volume and type of ceramics in this locus suggested a
high status occupation dating to the second half of the
16th century. This would permit diachronic comparisons
with Loci 33 & 35, an early 16th century, high status
household, while controlling for economic status.
In addition to the SYMAP map, reference was made
to the contour map prepared by previous crews. The
areas outlined by the SYMAP were a good guide but still
were only able to localize the structural areas to
within half aa acre. The contour maps permitted a
better on-site orientation for the excavator as well as
delineating suspicious, yet subtle topographic
features.
The grid system employed at Locus 19 was merely an
extension of the grid established by Willis (1983:50)
who describes it as
modeled after the Universal Transverse
Mercator Grid System used on all geodetic
survey maps. It involves the use of
coordinates given in meters north and east of
an arbitrarily defined point to the south and
west of the outermost projected limits of the
site. The archaeological grid was angled 30
east of magnetic north to coincide as closely
as possible to the alignment of the Spanish
grid-town plan as suggested from the contour
map of Puerto Real.
Willis had also placed concrete markers at 80 m
intervals on the grid. Although some of these markers


239
1987 Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida
and the Caribbean 1500-1800. Vol. 1 Ceramics,
Glassware, and Beads. Ms. in possession of author.
Defourneaux, Marcelin
1979 Daily Life in Spain in the Golden Age.
Stanford University Press, Stanford, California.
Eberlein, Harold D.
1925 Spanish Interiors, Furniture, and Detail.
Architectural Book Publishing Company, New York.
Elliott, John
1963 Imperial Spain, 1479-1716. Edward Arnold Ltd.,
London.
1984 The Spanish Conquest and Settlement of America.
In The Cambridge History of Latin America,
vol. 1, edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 149-206 .
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Ewen, Charles R.
1985 Cassava and its Role in the Diet of the West
Indies. Paper Presented at the annual meeting of
the Florida Academy of Sciences.
Fairbanks, Charles
1962 A Colono-Indian ware Milk Pitcher. Florida
Anthropoloqist 15:103-106.
1966 A Feldspar-Inlaid Ceramic Type from Spanish
Colonial Sites. American Antiquity 31:430-431.
1973 The Cultural Significance of Spanish Ceramics.
In Ceramics in America, edited by Ian Quimby,
pp. 141-174. The University of Virginia Press,
Charlotte.
1975 Backyard Archaeology as a Research Strategy.
The Conference on Historic Sites Archaeology
Papers 11:133-139.
1984 The Plantation Archaeology of the Southeastern
Coast. Historical Archaeology 18(1):1-14.
Fairbanks, Charles, Rochelle Marrinan, Gary Shapiro,
Bonnie MacEwan and Alicia Kemper
1981 Collected Papers from the Puerto Real Project,
1981 Season. Ms. on file, Florida State Museum,
Gainesville.


CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
S ummary
Excavations at Locus 19 have shown it to be a high
status residence occupied primarily during the latter
half of the 16th century. These conclusions are based
on the amount and type of refuse associated with the
structure and the relatively high proportion of
Hispanic to aboriginal ceramics. There is evidence of
an early 16th century occupation at the site though its
exact nature could not be determined. The late period
structure was located 100 m north of the town plaza and
is interpreted as a residence with an attached walled
courtyard.
Living in this large residence was a relatively
wealthy Spaniard, his Spanish wife, and, based on
reproductive potential, probably at least one child.
The interior of their home and possessions reflected
the high status of the family. Their table was set
with fine majolicas and Italian glassware. Their
clothing followed the fashions prevalent in Spain. In
another area of the house, slaves, probably African,
prepared the food they had collected in cooking vessels
228


215
between a house and an area of refuse is explained by
the documentary record. A 16th century ordinance for
the city of Madrid forbade the disposal of "water,
refuse, or other things" from windows and balconies.
These were to be disposed of through the front door at
prescribed times to avoid hitting passersby
(Defourneaux 1966:63). Such an ordinance may not have
been specifically in effect at Puerto Real, but the
behavioral pattern may have followed from Spain. The
alternative is that the foundation was the base of the
back wall of an enclosed courtyard. The midden
represents trash disposal behind this back wall.
Unfortunately much of the area south of the wall had
been disturbed by the construction of a large drainage
canal by French planters thus obscuring any interior
details of the strucure.
The excavations at Puerto Real have provided an
opportunity to determine whether the official town plan
decreed in the latter half of the 16th century was
implemented to correct haphazard town planning or
whether it was merely a formalization of an urban
design already in effect.
The archaeological excavation grid established by
Willis, upon which all subsequent work has followed,
was initially set in at an angle 30 degrees east of
magnetic north so as to coincide with the alignment of


FS#
3162
3163
3164
3165
3166
3167
3168
3169
3170
3171
3172
3173
3174
3175
3176
3177
3178
3179
3180
3181
3182
3183
3184
3185
3186
3187
3188
3189
3190
3191
3192
3193
3194
3195
3196
3197
3198
3199
3200
3201
3202
3203
3204
3205
3206
3207
3208
3209
3210
254
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
880N/819E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
88 ON/819E
Fea .
3
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
880N/819E
Area
1
L
Porcelain
876N/814.5E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
880N/819E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/814.5E
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
878N/819E
Fea 3
L. 1
L
Cologne SW
880N/817.5E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/814.5E
Area
3
L
S tratigraphy
880N/817.5E
Ext.
Area 1
L
S tratigraphy
880N/817.5E
Area
2
E
S tratigraphy
87 6N/814.5E
Area
2
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
880N/817.5E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814.5E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
88N/817.5E
Fea .
3
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814.5E
Area
2
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
880N/817 5E
Fea
3
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814,5E
Fea.
1
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
878N/819E
Postmold 1
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814,5E
Lev.
5
S 1/2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814.5E
Fea .
1
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814,5E
Fea.
1
L. 3
E
S tratigraphy
8 7 6N/814.5E
Lev .
5
E
Columbia Plain
878N/819E
Fea.
3
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
878N/819E
Fea .
3
L. 3
E
Stratigraphy
878N/819E
Area
2
E
S tratigraphy
876N/831E
L. 1
L
Porcelain
876N/834E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/831E
L. 2
L
Cologne SW
876N/831E
Area
2
L
S tratigraphy
876N/831E
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
876N/831E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
876N/834E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
888N/819E
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
888N/822E
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
888N/819E
Area
1
E
Olive Jar
888N/819E
L. 2
E
Melado
886N/82 5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
878N/852E
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
886N/820.5E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
878N/852E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/861.5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/837E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/861.5E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/861.5E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/837E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/837E
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
877.5N/817.5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
877.5N/817.5E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain


09T


144
polychrome (see Table 6-7 for counts and percentages).
The polychrome pieces are an aesthetically pleasing
swirl of red and blue. The glassware was often molded
into different decorative shapes, some had small glass
appliques. Some of the clear glass had been etched but
the fragments were too small to discern the nature of
the design. Barber (1917:5) claims that etched glass
was of Italian art or influence. The most decorative
of the glassware is, undoubtedly, the delicate Italian
latticinio glass (Barber 1917:6). Two varieties are
present at Locus 19: Clear with opaque, white ribbon
stripes, and navy blue with white ribbon stripes
(Figure 6-13).
Knives. Two general types of iron knives were
recovered from Locus 19: a sharp carving knife with a
riveted bone or wood handle, and a one-piece blunt end
table knife.
Non-Hispanic Items. Three unusual items in this
group's assemblage are a stone metate fragment and two
manos. These items were most likely used for the
processing of maize into flour. The natives of
Hispaniola primarily boiled their corn so would not
have used manos or metates for this purpose. The
presence of these artifacts suggests a local trade with
the mainland. Wheat did not grow well on the islands
and cassava was used to feed the slaves and as a ship's


I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy.
it
(a
I
cr* g
/ Ch/ai
Dr. Kathleen A. Deagan
Professor of Anthropology
<£-\
r
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertatJa31T\for the-,degree of/^octor
of Philosophy.
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy.
Vapl\v- ^ ll3|Vvp
Dr. ElLZabeth Wing
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy.
/
Dr. Michael V. Gannon
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy. r,
4- lU.f.
DrVLyle N. McAlister
Distinguished Service
Professor of History


CHAPTER II
FROM SEVILLE TO PUERTO REAL, AND POINTS IN BETWEEN
The documentary record for the colonization of the
Caribbean in general during the 16th century is, on the
whole, fairly extensive. Unfortunately this does not
apply to Puerto Real in particular. Puerto Real was an
economic backwater almost from the beginning and has
not merited a great deal of historical research. Many
of the pertinent documents that have been discovered
were located by Dr. Eugene Lyon in the Archivo General
de las Indias in Seville, Spain (Lyon 1981).
Recounting the events that took place at Puerto
Real will tell the reader what happened at the site but
not why these events took place. To understand the
history of Puerto Real, why it was founded, why it was
neglected by the crown, and then forcibly evacuated
less than a century later, it is necessary to look
beyond the city limits. That is, to put events in
their proper perspective it is essential to know what
was happening throughout the Hispanic world during the
16th century. This chapter will begin with a brief
history of Spain, emphasizing the economic imperatives
of the
10


65
Archaeology does more than merely offer a new
interdisciplinary perspective, which alone would have
justified the effort. By examining the material record
the archaeologist can examine cultural processes,
verify, supplement, or refute the historical record,
and generally gain insight into the everyday lives of
past peoples. For Puerto Real this is particularly
true .
Few documents pertaining to Puerto Real have been
discovered or may ever be discovered. Archaeological
data can supplement the scant historic record in such
areas as foodways, material possessions, architecture,
and urban planning. Documents tell us that smuggling
was so rampant that the vecinos of Puerto Real were
relocated. How is this illicit behavior manifest in
the archaeological record, the record of the everyday
lives of the people of Puerto Real?
Archaeology is also instrumental in the study of
historically disenfranchised groups (e.g. slaves).
Descriptions of the everyday life of the Indians and/or
slaves are missing from the documents at Puerto Real,
and indeed, colonial records in general. A good
example of the contributions of archaeology in this
regard is the work of Charles Fairbanks (1984) at
Kingsley plantation which illuminated aspects of slave
society not present in the documentary record.


56
structure. In the process of putting in a fencepost
one of the Haitian workers unearthed a human cranium.
A 2 x 3 m test excavation, directed by Dr. William
Hodges uncovered the remains of three individuals
(Willis 1984 : 65 ) .
A rich and varied array of artifacts was recovered
from the 1980 excavations (Willis 1984:156). A wide
variety of Spanish majolica as well as the more common
utilitarian wares, such as olive jar or green bacin,
were found scattered around the exterior of Building A.
Some of the most spectacular artifacts came from the
test pits used to determine the placement of the
trenches. Two of these reconnaisance soundings yielded
nearly intact Spanish rapier swords and in another, a
reconstructable pitcher made of honey-colored melado
ware (Willis 1984:262-3). Other non-ceramic items
collected from the general excavation units included
locks, keys, hawkbells, buckles, horse tack, scissors,
an ornate book clasp, Venetian glass, and over 150
coins. All the coins were the 4 maravedi pieces
described earlier, a coin of small worth even in
colonial times, which may account for their ubiquitous
presence at the site. Perhaps, like modern pennies,
the 16th century Spaniards did not consider them worth
bending over to pick up when dropped.


50
smuggling (her own Crown-appointed town officials were
heavily involved themselves!); neither could she supply
these outpost settlements with adequate shipping. In
1578, the settlement of Bayaha was established midway
Puerto Real and Monte Christi and populated with the
citizens of the two towns. An armed force was required
to coerce the resettlement. It was thought it would be
easier to stop the smuggling at a single point than all
along the coast. However, this was not the case.
Smuggling continued with the collusion of the town
officials. Spain's ultimate response was the
depopulation of the western third of the island in
1605. This ended the Spanish chapter of Puerto Real
and began the French chapter of what was to become
Haiti.


173
iron, egg-shaped with a flattened base and a knob on
top to which a line could be attached. It is six cm in
length.
Group 15 Toys and Gaines
This is a difficult category in that many
manifestations of this category are not recognized as
such in the archaeological record. Several "gaming
disks" are reported from Locus 19. These disks are
fashioned from various types of ceramics (Olive Jar,
Columbia Plain, Christophe Plain) and were presumably
used in some type of game, although James (1985)
suggests their use as stoppers for olive jars. The
whizzer, or Whirligig, is a ceramic disk with two holes
in the middle. It is operated by running a loop of
string through the holes, twisting the string then
pulling it tight causing the disk to spin. Noel-Hume
(1976: 321) states that, "the majority were made from
uninformative bits of scrap metal...copper coins or
datable fragments of filed pottery."
Group 16 Harness and Tack
Undoubtedly many pieces that served as horse tack
are not listed in this category simply because they
have not been recognized as such. A horseshoe fragment
recovered from the midden outside the structure is
unmistakably in this category. Less certain are
several iron rings and rods similar to what Willis


199
Early period: 1) Cattle; 2) Large Mammal, 3) Swine,
4) UID Mammal, 5) Pond Turtle.
Late period: 1) Large Mammal, 2) Mammal, 3) Cattle,
4) Swine, 5) Pond Turtle.
It is interesting to compare this to the minimum number
of individuals. Since this is used only on
identifiable species some change is to be expected,
however there is quite a difference in the order of
animals in both periods. Invertebrates were excluded
since they were not included in the biomass
comparisons.
Early period: 1) Pond Turtle, 2) Swine, 3) Cattle, 4)
Chicken, 5) Bigmouth sleeper (fish).
Late period: 1) Pond Turtle, 2) Swine, 3) Chicken,
4) Cattle, 5) Mullet.
The following tables quantify the faunal data
described above.


95
by relocating and reestablishing the 1984 grid system.
The plastic and backfill were removed and the units
recleaned. The complete excavation of the foundation
was the primary object of the 1985 season. Excavation
units were put in to follow the wall to the corners.
The wall extended for a distance of over 20 meters and
had two brick drains set in the western section. The
length of the wall surprised everyone including the
Haitian workers who claimed that it "extended all the
way to Santo Domingo." A cross trench, 22 m in length,
was placed midway along the foundation in an effort to
locate the opposite wall of the structure. The wall
was not found using this technique.
At the end of the 1985 season a total of forty-six
2 x 2 m units had been excavated. These excavations
yielded 20,367 artifacts and approximately 146 kg of
faunal material. Over 500 kg of brick and stone rubble
had been weighed and discarded at the lab. Fewer
artifacts and fauna were recovered during the 1985
project due to location of the excavation units. The
1985 project concentrated on the structure itself and
not its midden as had the previous season.
A more detailed description of the artifacts
together with the associated architectural features are
presented in the next chapter.


TABLE 6-2 MAJOLICAS
ARTIFACTS PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Bisque
#
39
221
260
Q.
O
2.79
2.86
2.85
Caparra Blue
#
8
7
15
%
.57
.09
.16
Columbia Plain
#
1183
6490
7673
%
84.50
84.09
84.15
Columbia Plain Green
#
33
153
186
%
2.36
1.98
2.04
Cuenca Tile
#
1
0
1
%
.07
0
.01
Isabella Polychrome
#
1
11
12
%
.07
.14
.13
La Vega Blue on White
#
0
3
3
%
0
.04
.03
Ligurian Blue on Blue
#
0
11
11
%
0
.14
.12
Lusterware
If
0
1
1
%
0
.01
.01
Montelupo Polychrome
#
0
9
9
Q.
"O
0
.12
.10
Puerto Real Green and Green
#
4
20
24


123
type which has a Columbia Plain-like paste, enamel, and
surface finish. Its simple design elements consist of
blue bands in concentric circles on the interior of the
vessel. A crude central medallion design is sometimes
also included (Deagan 1987). The plato form was most
common at Locus 19 although some escudilla fragments
were noted.
White Majolica. This category consists mainly of
small fragments of majolica. It was difficult to
assign them to any plain majolica type (e.g. Sevilla
White, Faenza White) since the possibility exists that
the small specimen was simply a plain fragment from a
blue on white or polychrome vessel.
UID Majolica. Next to Columbia Plain, this was
the most numerous category accounting for five percent
of all majolicas. This category includes blue on
white, blue on blue, and polychrome majolicas that
could not be identified at the present time.
Santa Elena Green and White. Common at Locus 19,
this type has been identified at the site of Santa
Elena in South Carolina and appears to date to the
second half of the 16th century. It is described as a
"highbread majolica with a green lead-glazed
exterior and a white tin glazed interior" (Skowronek
1987:8). Lesser forms at Locus 19 seem to be large
bowls.


FS#
3309
3310
3311
3312
3313
3314
3315
3316
3317
3318
3319
3320
3321
3322
3323
3324
3325
3326
3327
3328
3329
3330
3331
3332
3333
3334
3335
3336
3337
3338
3339
3340
3341
3342
3343
3344
3345
3346
3347
3348
3349
3350
3351
3352
3353
3354
3355
3356
3357
257
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV
872N/834E
L. 3
866N/826E
L. 2
864N/826E
L. 1
862N/826E
L. 1
862N/826E
L. 2
864N/826E
L. 2
862N/826E
L. 3
860N/826E
L. 1
86 ON/82 6E
L. 2
872N/820E
L. 3
87 6N/826E
L. 1
878N/826E
L. 1
876N/826E
L. 2
878N/826E
L. 2
872N/818E
L. 3
880N/826E
L. 1
874N/826E
L. 1
874N/826E
L. 2
874N/818E
L. 3
880N/826E
L. 2
874N/826E
L. 3
870N/826E
L. 1
880N/826E
L. 3
874N/820E
L. 3
870N/826E
L. 2
872N/816E
L. 1
874N/816E
L. 1
870N/826E
L. 3
872N/816E
L. 2
876N/818E
L. 1
874N/816E
L. 2
876N/818E
L. 2
872N/816E
L. 3
874N/816E
L. 3
876N/818E
L. 3
872N/814E
L. 1
876N/818E
L. 4
876N/817E
L. 1
874N/814E
L. 1
876N/817E
L. 2
872N/814E
L. 2
876N/817E
L. 3
87 6N/817E
L. 4
874N/812E
L. 1
874N/814E
L. 2
872N/814E
L. 3
874N/814E
Area
874N/812E
L. 2
874N/814E
L. 3
PERIOD CHRONO. MARKER
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Porcelain
L Stratigraphy
L Orange Micaceous
L Porcelain
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Cologne SW
L Ligurian B/B
L Porcelain
L Cologne SW
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Ligurian B/B
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Feldspar-inlaid
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Porcelain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
E Melado
L Orange Micaceous
L Cologne SW
E Columbia Plain
L Porcelain
E Columbia Plain
E Columbia Plain
L Cologne SW
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Stratigraphy
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain


189
TABLE 6-12
ARTIFACTS
Candle holder
#
%
Chain
#
a
*8
Crucible
#
%
Fish hook
#
o,
"o
Grater
#
%
Hook
#
Q.
'O
Hoop
#
%
Jew's harp
#
o.
'o
Snuffer
#
%
Total
ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS
PERIOD
EARLY LATE
0 1
0 2.13
0 5
0 10.64
1 1
4.76 2.13
0 6
0 12.77
9 6
42.86 12.77
3 11
14.29 23.40
3 0
14.29 0
5 15
23.81 31.91
0 2
0 4.26
16 32
TOTAL
1
1.47
5
7.35
2
2.94
6
8.82
15
22.06
14
20.59
3
4.41
20
29.41
2
2.94
48


85
The 1982 field season complemented previous work
at Puerto Real by establishing the town boundaries and
completing a program of systematic sub-surface sampling
and topographic mapping over the entire site (Williams
1983). Material recovered from the tests was
quantified and the data entered into the mainframe
computer at the University of Florida. Using the S YMAP
graphics program, several maps were prepared which
portrayed the subsurface distribution of various types
of artifacts throughout the site. By mapping the
distribution of masonry debris, it was possible to
discern the locations of masonry structures.
Fifty-seven structural areas were defined and could be
categorized according to the abundance and diversity of
Spanish and non-Spanish artifacts associated with them
(Fig. 5-1). These groups are believed to represent
different social and economic components of the
community and are interpreted by reference to the
documentarily verified archaeological patterns of
Spanish St. Augustine (Deagan 1983).
Using the computer generated maps, a suitable area
was selected for excavation. Of the fifty-seven
possible structural areas defined by Williams (1986),
Locus 19 (Fig. 5-2) seemed the most likely to provide
the information sought. The abundance of masonry
debris indicated the presence of a structure and the


67
society while incorporating new traits of the
non-Hispanic societies and modifying other traits in
response to the new circumstances. The result would be
a hybrid society, distinct from its predecessors. If
this is the case, the question then becomes one of
distinguishing which old traits were retained and which
new traits were adopted, and why?
The anthropological term used for the changes that
come about as a result of culture contact is
acculturation. But what is meant exactly by
acculturation? Acculturation, like the term culture
itself, is a loosely defined and often abused
anthropological concept. Some anthropologists have
seen it as a one way process.
Acculturation occurs when a society undergoes
drastic culture change under the influence of
a more dominant culture and society with
which it has come into contact. (Hoebel 1972)
Originally the term was employed to refer to changes
in the culture patterns of either or both groups
(Redfield, Linton and Herskovits 1936). But this
second definition is so broad as to have little
utility.
Edward Spicer (1961:529) uses acculturation in the
general sense.
The augmentation, replacement, or combination
in a variety of ways of the elements of a
given cultural system with the elements of
another.


121
identification is uncertain. Goggin (1968:130-1)
defines it as crude, simple floral motifs executed in
blue on a Columbia plain base. Mostly found in plato
form. Deagan points out that the type fragments are
small and may actually be from Yayal blue on white
vessels having central designs (1987).
Ligurian Blue on Blue. A minor type at Locus 19,
Ligurian Blue on Blue was originally called
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue by Goggin (1968:135).
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue was later divided into Ligurian
Blue on Blue and Sevilla Blue on Blue. The former is,
"a thin, delicate, blue ground ware carrying fine
darker blue patterns, occasionally brightened by a
patch of yellow or a bit of white" (Lister and Lister
1984: 72). This type is solidly dated to the second
half of the 16th century (Deagan 1987). The specimens
recovered at Locus 19 were small fragments of plato and
small bowl or cup forms.
Montelupo Polychrome. This was represented at
Locus 19 by the most common of its three varieties.
It, "has a light cream-colored pasts and thick, rather
heavy vessel bodies... exhibits a design of
geometric bands in orange, yellow, blue, and
black-outlines yellow" (Deagan 1987). Though not
numerous, Montelupo polychrome is not uncommon at


90
definite human activity, were numbered on a site wide
basis, regardless of unit location. Each provenience
was assigned a unique Field Specimen (FS) number on a
consecutive basis as well.
All excavated soil was passed through 1/4"
hardware cloth attached to a rigid frame. It was not
possible to water screen due to the extreme scarcity of
water at the site. Water for use in the lab and on the
site had to be hauled by bucket from a well several
8
hundred yards away. However, the Haitian workers were
exceptionally perceptive and often found the tiniest
artifacts (e.g. straight pins, seed beads) in situ.
The workers at the screen were equally adept at
spotting small artifacts. In addition soil samples
were taken of all discrete areas and features. Flora,
fauna, artifacts, and soil samples were bagged
separately. The bagged material, after initial field
processing, were analyzed at the laboratories of the
Florida State Museum in Gainesville. The soil samples
were fine screened to recover small artifacts and
animal remains.
A field lab was set up on the site for preliminary
processing of all recovered material before shipment to
the United States. All excavated material was sent to
the lab where it was rough sorted into four main
categories: 1) artifacts, 2) fauna, 3) brick, 4) stone.


7
New World environment had on the introduced domestic
species. Historical records indicate that the cattle
thrived in an environment of extensive, ungrazed
pastures, few parasites, and no natural predators
(besides humans). The effects of this bovine utopia
should show up in the faunal assemblage as skeletal
evidence denoting larger and healthier individuals.
Another aspect of Spanish colonial adaptation
falls into the realm of architecture and urban design.
Were the houses Spanish or aboriginal in design? What
materials were used to build the structures and what
factors influenced their selection? The grid pattern
was the hallmark of Spanish colonial town planning, out
had not been officially decreed until 1573 (Crouch et
al. 1982:xviii). The excavation of Puerto Real
provides an opportunity to see if this decree was
implemented to correct haphazard town planning or
whether it was merely a formalization of a de facto
urban design.
Using the data collected to date it should be
possible to formulate a tentative "Puerto Real pattern"
of Spanish colonial adaptation. The presence of early
period (pre-1550) and late period (post-1550)
occupation loci at the site facilitates diachronic
analysis of the material to detect the
"crystallization" processes in the pattern. Having


94
large pile of backdirt. The excavation strategy
immediately changed in response to the discovery. All
work on the exploratory trenches ceased and the efforts
of the entire crew were brought to bear on exposing as
much of the foundation as possible in the time
remaining. Heroic efforts on the part of the crew
exposed eight meters of the wall, but no corner was
found .
The foundation consisted of a paired row of large
rocks with smaller stones resting on top. On the final
day of field work, plastic sheeting was placed over the
in situ foundation stones and the site was backfilled.
The location of the foundation was carefully noted and
corner stakes to the units pounded flush with the
ground to aid in locating the area in the following
year
The 1985 field season picked up where the previous
season left off, with some exceptions. Assisting in
the field was Patty Peacher and supervising the lab was
James Cusick, both new graduate students at the
University of Florida. The Haitian crew, which had
performed admirably in the field the previous season,
was rehired virtually intact.
A new transit station was established at Locus 19
and the grid reestablished. The first task then was to
locate the previous years excavations, which was done




34
used as a shipstore, as a staple food for native and
African laborers, and to supply early exploratory
expeditions. Other subsistance crops such as maize,
tropical fruits, yams, beans and squash were also
raised (Parry and Sherlock 1971:15).
Some plants were grown strictly for profit. Of
these cash crops, sugar occupied the primary position
of importance. Sugar cane had been among the plants
brought by Columbus on his second voyage (Sauer
1966:209), but was not developed commercially for
another 20 years. Once started, though, production
spread rapidly so that by 1523 there were 24 mills, or
ingenios, in operation on Hispaniola (Parry and
Sherlock 1971:17). Sugar never became the major export
in the Spanish West Indies that it would later become
for the French and British colonies. The difficulty in
obtaining sufficient numbers of slaves and the
inability to compete with gold and silver for the
limited cargo space on the fleets curtailed production.
If sugar was the most profitable agricultural
product, it was not the only one being exported to
Spain. The islands produced some cotton and Sauer
(1966:208) mentions the possible existance of an early
cotton gin. Cassia fistula, a tree whose bark is
similar to cinnamon, was promoted but never became very
important as an export. Other plants were cultivated


FS#
3211
3212
3213
3214
3215
3216
3217
3218
3219
322
3221
3222
3223
3224
3225
3226
3227
3228
3229
3230
3231
3232
3233
3234
3235
3236
3237
3238
3239
3240
3241
3242
3243
3244
3245
3246
3247
3248
3249
3250
3251
3252
3253
3254
3255
3256
3257
3258
3259
EXCAV. UNIT
876N/837E
877.5N/817.5E
877.5N/817.5E
Tr. A S ec. 1
877.5N/820.5E
876N/814.5-816E
Tr. A Sec. 2
877.5N/820.5E
877.5N/820.5E
Tr. A Sec. 3
877.5N/820.5E
876N/837E
Tr. A Sec. 4
Tr. A S ec. 3
Tr. B S ec. 1
Tr. B Sec. 2
Tr. B Sec. 3
Tr. C Sec. 1
Tr. C S ec. 2
Tr. C Sec. 1
Tr. C Sec. 2
Tr. C Sec. 2
Tr. C Sec. 1
Tr. C Sec. 1
876N/831E
Tr. D Sec. 1
Tr. D Sec. 1
876N/834E
876N/834E
Tr. D Sec. 3
Tr. D Sec. 3
Tr. D Sec. 2
873N/826.5E
Tr. D Sec. 3
873N/826.5E
873N/828E
873N/825E
873N/825E
873N/828E
Tr. D Sec. 1
Tr. C S ec. 1
873N/823.5E
873.5N/828E
873N/820.5E
87 3N/829.5E
873N/822E
876N/834E
Tr. F
Tr. E Sec. 1
255
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
Postmold 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
N. Profile
L
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Cologne SVJ
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 4
Profile
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
Area 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Olive Jar
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
Feature 4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 1 & 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1 & 2
L
Orange Micaceous


Figure 6-17 4 maraved coins


240
Ferguson, Leland
1978 Looking for the "Afro" in Colono-Indian
Pottery. The Conference on Historic Sites
Archaeology Papers 12:68-86.
Ffoulkes, Charles
1967 The Armourer and his Craft: From the Xlth
to the XVIth century. Benjamin Blom, New York.
Floyd, Troy
1973 The Columbus Dynasty in the Caribbean
1492-1526, University of New Mexico Press,
Albequerque.
Foster, George
1960 Culture and Conquest. Quadrangle Books,
Chicago,
Gibson, Charles
1966 Spain in America. Harper & Row, New York.
Gilbert, B. Miles
1980 Mammalian Osteology. B. Miles Gilbert,
Laramie.
Gilbert, B. Miles, L.D. Martin and H. Savage
1981 Avian Osteology. B. Miles Gilbert, Laramie.
Goggin, John
1960 The Spanish Olive Jar: An Introductory Study.
Yale University Publications in Anthropology,
No. 62. Yale University Press, New Haven.
1968 Spanish Majolica in the New World. Yale
University Publications in Anthropology No. 72.
Yale University Press, New Haven.
Gongora, Mario
1975 Studies in the Colonial History of Spanish
America. Translated by Richard Southern.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Grayson, D.K.
1984 Quantitative Zooarchaeoloqy: Topics in the
Analysis of Archaeological Faunas. Academic
Press, New York.
Grigson, Caroline
1976 A Blueprint for Animal Bone Reports in
Archaeology. Paper presented to the International
Council for Archaeozoology.


232
specifically food preparation technologies. The
conclusion gained through archaeological research
confirms the Hispanic American cultural pattern
suggested by Deagan (1974) for St. Augustine.
Specifically it is a synthesis of male Spanish traits
and female non-Hispanic traits. That the Spanish
traits appear most visible is a reflection of social
conditions during the 16th century.
Why are these conclusions important? In any
discipline that claims to use the scientific method
there are two major concerns: generating hypotheses,
and testing them. This research dealt with the latter
concern, hypothesis testing. The hypothesis, generated
by Deagan (1983:271) posits that processes of
adaptation experienced by the Spanish colonists at St.
Augustine were common to much of the Spanish New World.
A reasonable hypothesis, but lacking validation.
Hempel (1965:6) states that
what determines the soundness of a hypothesis
is not the way it is arrived at . but the
way it stands up when tested, i.e., when
confronted with relevant observational data.
Binford (1972:90) follows this line of reasoning
arguing that
the generation of inferences regarding the
past should not be the end-product of the
archaeologist's work ... once a proposition
has been advanced no matter by what means
it was reached the next task is to deduce a
series of testable hypotheses which, if


141
Unidentified Plain Pottery. Plain group 4
ceramics that did not fit in the above classifications
were put into this category. The rational behind this
category was to "avoid the error of assuming that all
'non-traditional1 Meillac and Carrier sherds were
Christophe Plain" (Smith 1986:55).
Unidentified Decorated Ware. A relatively
uncommon type, these ceramics possess design elements
distinct from Meillac or Carrier types.
Group 5 Kitchen Artifacts
As the title suggests, items in this group are
associated with food handling, preparation, or
consumption activities. This includes all glass except
window glass and those types of glass associated with
personal possessions (i.e. perfume bottles and watch
crystals). All tablewares except ceramics, which are
grouped separately, are in this category.
Glass. Glass of all types was very common at
Locus 19 totalling well over 1000 fragments. A variety
of vessel forms is represented, most of which are
generally small and delicate bottles, decanters (three
glass stoppers were recovered) and vials although
stemmed goblets are present. Although most of the
glass recovered was clear, a variety of colors were
found as well, these include: aqua, blue, several
shades of green, purple, opaque red, yellow, and


225
4,574 pieces of majolica in the Late Period assemblage.
However, in relation to the total number of artifacts
in the respective assemblages, majolica made up 18.15%
of the Early Period assemblage and 19.12% of the Late
Period assemblage, a proportional difference of less
than 1%. This similarity can be noted in virtually
every artifact category.
Some shifts in particular artifact types can be
noted but this has to do with replacement of styles and
fashion within functional categories. That is, within
a functional category (e.g. majolica) certain types of
majolica might decline in popularity through time and
be replaced by new majolica types. This does not
affect the category's ranking in respect to the
other categories. The value of this waxing and waning
of types through time for the archaeologist is as a
chronological tool. The primary dating tool of the
historical archaeologist is the terminus post quern of
various "marker" ceramic types. This tool, together
with stratigraphic positioning was used to
differentiate the Early from the Late Period at Locus
19 .
The consistency in faunal patterning is even more
apparent. Table 7-3 depicts an almost unchanged faunal
assemblage through time at Locus 19. The faunal
assemblage from Loci 33/35 could not be put in either a


110
assemblage associated with Puerto Real shows little
evidence of disturbance.
During the 1984-85 field season over 49,000
artifacts were recovered. The material assemblage was
organized into functionally specific groups for
analytic and comparative purposes. These categories
were first proposed by South (1977:92) and have been
modified for work on Spanish colonial sites (Table
6-1). The purpose of these groups is to provide a
meaningful organization of the artifact assemblage in
terms of human behavior as well as a basis for inter
and intrasite comparison. Particular attention has
been given to the ceramic assemblage, because it has
been demonstrated at St. Augustine to provide a
chronological framework for assessing change, as well
as an index for measuring status differences within the
community (Deagan 1983: 231-262).
The faunal assemblage was as extensive as the
artifact assemblage. The sheer bulk of the fauna (over
480 kg), made a complete faunal analysis impractical
given the time and financial constraints of the
project. A representative sample was selected which
included all the fauna from the major features as well
as some from the zone deposition. The particular
quantification techniques applied to the faunal


2
the impact of the colonial power on the indigenous
peoples (Foster 1960:7). Researchers should not forget
that this was not a one-way transfer of traits (i.e.
colonists to indigenous peoples), but rather an unequal
exchange. The Spaniards, while not suffering the
enormous cultural transformations thrust upon the
Indians, did experience social modifications. It is
these modifications that this study will seek to
elucidate.
This particular study of culture contact and
change must of necessity be confined to Spanish
colonial activity in the New World. It is expected
that by examining Iberian adaptive responses in various
New World settings (i.e. Puerto Real, Haiti and St.
Augustine, Florida) it will be possible to arrive at
some generalizations concerning Spanish colonization
strategies and how they are reflected in the
archaeological record. It is important to build solid
midrange theory if archaeologists are ever to attempt
to formulate general laws governing human behavior.
With the approach of the Columbian quincentenary
in 1992, scholarly as well as popular attention is
being drawn to Spain's activities in the western
hemisphere. Several historical, anthropological, and
archaeological works (cf. Deagan 1983, Floyd 1973,


122
Puerto Real having been found on the surface (Hodges
Collection) and at Building A (Willis 1984:158). This
type dates to the first half of the 16th century
(Lister and Lister 1984: 72).
Sevilla Blue on Blue. Formerly included in the
category Ichtucknee Blue on Blue, this type is a
Sevillian form inspired by the Italianate Ligurian Blue
on Blue. It is characterized by broad heavy-stroked
patterns of dark blue on a lighter blue background.
Poorly represented at Locus 19, it has a TPQ of 1550
(Deagan 19 87 ) .
Sevilla Blue on White. A recently defined type
(Lister and Lister 1982:60), this majolica is
represented by only a single dubious sherd at Puerto
Real. It is characterized by a clear cobalt-blue
design on Sevilla White vessels and the chronological
range is from about 1530 to 1650 (Deagan 1987).
Santo Domingo Blue on White. This is a decorated
type of common grade Morisco Ware. Common throughout
the 16th century the blue design motifs are described
as "A hodgepodge of broad sweeping lines, dashes,
random dots, squiggles, and lobed and wavy lines"
(Lister and Lister 1982:57). The forms excavated at
Puerto Real were platos and escudillas.
Yayal Blue on White. Fairly common at Locus 19,
this type is represented by 70 sherds. It is another


184
TABLE 6-9
ARTIFACT
Lead shot
#
%
Brigandine plate
#
%
Chain mail
#
Musket ball
#
%
Spear
#
%
Total
WEAPONRY AND ARMOR
PERIOD
EARLY LATE
0 1
0 9.09
0 3
0 27.27
0 5
0 45.45
1 2
50.00 18.18
1 0
50.00 0
2 11
TOTAL
1
7.69
3
23.08
5
38.46
3
23.08
1
7.69
13


145
store, but was not well-liked by the colonists (Ewen
1985). Corn was an acceptable substitute and available
from the mainland. The presence of 31 fragments of
ceramic cassava griddle, discussed by Smith (1986:55),
suggests that cassava was being consumed by someone at
Locus 19.
Group 6 Structural Hardware
This category consists of artifacts associated
with standing structures. Window glass belongs in this
group as opposed to Group 5 Kitchen items. Note that
brass tacks, associated primarily with furniture, are
included with Group 13 Furniture Hardware.
Spikes, Nails, and Tacks. These artifacts are
wrought iron and distinguished on the basis of length.
A spike is defined here as being 8 cm or more in
length, a tack is less than 2 cm in length. The fact
that the overwhelming number of these artifacts were
found in Late Period proveniences (see Table 6-8) lends
further credence to the idea of the strucure dating to
this time period.
Door Hardware. These items consisted of hinges
and locks. Both locks were of iron and in a poor state
of preservation. One specimen did preserve its
outside, boxlike, form. The hinges were of two types:
staple and strap. The staple hinges were called
cotter-key hinges by Willis (1984:181), which he


Figure 6-18 Unicom pendant
FS# 3148, 2 cm in length


140
designate its supposed hybrid property, the
result of European contact with aboriginal
populations. ... In addition to this
Colono-Indian hybrid, several authors, most
notably Leland Ferguson (1980:14-28), have
suggested the possibility of a second hybrid
type resulting from the European-African
slave contact situation.
Smith defines this new type as, "Measuring up to 19 mm
in thickness, with a paste characterized by abundant
quartzite inclusions of up to 1 cm in diameter, the
function of these bowls appears to have been that of a
cooking pot, since a large percentage of the sherds are
sooted" (1986:54).
Red Slipped. Smith (1986) distinguishes between
two types of red slipped pottery at Puerto Real. One
type of red slipped is extremely rare while the other
is far more numerous and increases in popularity
through time. The cultural affiliation of the first
type is definitely aboriginal while the affiliation of
the second type is uncertain, though Smith suspects it
is European. He describes this type as "thin walled
(3-6 mm) and well-smoothed, with a very fine-grained
texture. Vessels appear in small jar and/or bottle
forms and show no signs of having been made on a wheel"
(Smith 1986:55). More formal analysis (e.g.
compositional) is necessary to determine where these
wares originated. Of the red-slipped pottery listed in
Table 6-6 the vast majority are of the second type.


150


218
surprisingly large contributor to the colonists diet
ranking just below swine. Their contribution appeared
to increase through time. The combined avian and fish
remains totalled less than 1% of the overall faunal
assemblage (McEwan 1983:82-90).
Mammals also dominated the assemblage at Locus 19
accounting for 96% of the total biomass (see Table
7-3). Here again, cattle were most prevalent, followed
by swine. Pond turtles were the third most important
identifiable species, but accounted for only 4% of the
total biomass as opposed to 7% at Loci 33/35. Even so,
one must concur with McEwan (1983:91) that pond turtles
are the major dietary adaptation of the Spanish
colonists. However, they are not the only native
species being used.
The colonists at Puerto Real consumed a wide
variety of fish and shellfish. Fish in the assemblage
included tarpon, bonefish, mullet, jack, and snappers
among others. All of these species inhabit shallow
coastal waters or a brackish esturine environment.
Artifacts (e.g. net weights and fish hooks) indicate
that both nets and hooks were used to procure them.
It is difficult to determine who was doing the
fishing. It would seem unlikely that a high status
Spaniard would stoop to the manual labor of food
gathering. There is the possible exception of an


48
be conducted exclusively with the mother country.
Unfortunately, bulky hides could not compete with
silver and gold for the limited cargo space of the
fleets.
Such was the paradox that confronted the citizens
of Puerto Real. They could obey the law and do without
even the barest necessities, or they could trade with
smugglers and enjoy European goods unavailable to them
by other means. Another consideration was the trading
practices of the smugglers who were not above
transacting business at gunpoint. Often the choice
would be trade with the corsairs or risk having the
town sacked and burned by them. In 1566 the French
corsair Jean Bontemps was able to enter Monte Christi,
Puerto Real and La Yaguana. He seized 12 vessels and
burned Puerto Real (Andrews 1978:96). It is a small
wonder that most of the hides produced at Puerto Real
found their way into the illegal trade system.
The chief perpetrators of the rescate changed
throughout the 16th century. According to Lyon (1981)
prior to the mid-16th century most of the foreign
interlopers were Portuguese who dealt mainly in slaves.
French, interlopers present as early as 1535, were
heavily involved in smuggling after 1548. John
Hawkins, the renowned corsair, and other Englishmen
were operating in the islands after 1560. The Dutch


FS#
3113
3114
3115
3116
3117
3118
3119
312
3121
3122
3123
3124
3125
3126
3127
3128
3129
3130
3131
3132
3133
3134
3135
3136
3137
3138
3139
3140
3141
3142
3143
3144
3145
3146
3147
3148
3149
3150
3151
3152
3153
3154
3155
3156
3157
3158
3159
3160
3161
EXCAV. UNIT
882N/810E
882N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
882N/810E
876N/81E
886N/810E
886N/810E
876N/810E
876N/810E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/81E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/810E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/816E
876N/816E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/816E
876N/819E
876N/816E
876N/819E
876N/816E
8 7 6N/816E
87 6 N/816E
876N/819E
876N/819E
876N/816E
876N/816E
876N/816E
876N/822E
880N/817.5E
880N/817.5E
88N/817.5E
876N/822E
88 N/817.5E
878N/819E
876N/825E
878N/819E
876N/825E
876N/814.5E
878N/819E
876N/814,5E
880N/819E
253
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
Posthole 1
E
S tratigraphy
Posthole 2
E
S tratigraphy
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Porcelain
Bone
cone .
E
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
S tratigraphy
Fea.
1 L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
Fea.
1 L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold 4
E
S tratigraphy
Fea .
1 L. 3
E
S tratigraphy
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
Fea .
2 L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
Postmold 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
L
Porcelain
L. 2
L
Porcelain
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
Postmold 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 5
E
Columbia Plain
Area
2
E
Columbia Plain
Area
4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Porcelain
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous


19
simply that Spain's expenses outstripped her income.
The next question, then, is "Where did the money go?"
Much of the wealth was used to supply Spain with
goods and services not produced domestically. Spain's
pro-Mesta policies meant that it was constantly
importing food to supplement its meager agricultural
production. Also, as previously mentioned, the
industrial capabilities were not much better than the
agricultural base, forcing Spain to rely on other
nations' industries for finished products. Even in its
trade with the Americas, Spain lost potential revenue
to foreigners. Vicens Vives (1967:98) states that
Genoese bankers monopolized the profits from
the exploitation of American mines; Genoese
outfitters controlled the provisioning of the
fleets. Meanwhile, Italian, Flemish, and
French merchants seized control of the
colonial trade by means of the fairs at
Medina del Campo and the embarkations from
Seville and Cadiz.
The trade deficit and foreign domination of trade
robbed Spain of much of her potential wealth but it was
not the primary drain on the economy.
Most of Spain's revenue went either to the pursuit
of imperial conquests or defense from foreign and
internal enemies. Since the Reconquista, Spain had
been almost continuously at war with at least one
adversary, frequently with multiple foes. Charles V
initiated many of these costly wars. Elliott


112
table denoting the distribution of the types of
artifacts within each group will appear at the end of
the artifact section of this chapter.
After analysis of their artifacts the proveniences
were assigned to either the early or late period of
occupation. The period proveniences were distinguished
by stratigraphic position and the presence of such
ceramics as Orange micaceous ware, Ming porcelain and
Cologne stoneware all of which are characterized by
previous research as having a terminus post quern of
1550. Proveniences in the earlier time periods were
distinguished both stratigraphically and by the absence
of any late ceramic time markers. The data recovered
from the excavations revealed that levels 1 and 2 were
relatively undisturbed by post 16th century activity
and could be dated to the late period of occupation of
the town. Level 3 was a transitional strata between
the early and late periods, and level 4 appeared to
date to the pre-1550 occupation of Puerto Real.
Each artifact will be described according to its
composition, decoration, form, and chronological
placement (if known). Non-class ified types will be
carefully described and illustrated whenever possible.
The primary references used for identifying the
ceramics were: the comparative collection of the


178
TABLE 6-4 EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
ARTIFACT
PERIOD
Cologne Stoneware
#
Delft
#
Faience
#
%
Lead-glazed Coarse Earthenware
#
%
Ming porcelain
#
UID Tin-enameled ware
#
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
1
24
25
2.78
14.72
12.56
1
4
5
2.78
2.45
2.51
7
27
34
19.44
16.56
17.09
2
26
28
5.56
15.95
14.07
0
45
45
0
27.61
22.61
25
37
62
69.44
22.70
31.15
36
163
199
Total


15
ruling from Spain. This change "fittingly symbolized
the transformation of the Spanish empire as it passed
out of the age of the conquistador into the age of the
civil servant" (Elliot 1963:160). It was from Spain
that Phillip directed the ill-fated attempts to hold
together the empire and crush the rising forces of
protestantism.
This is not to say that Phillip II's tenure as
king of Spain was a disaster. On the contrary, Lynch
(1984:184) refers to him as "the hardest working
monarch in history." Phillip II reorganized the
government to more efficiently rule the empire.
However, widespread corruption and Phillip's insistance
to personally authorize virtually every official
decision prevented this system from operating as
smoothly as it could have. Nevertheless, it was an
improvement. Militarily and diplomatically there were
some notable achievements. The Moriscos (Christianized
Moors residing in Spain) were quickly put down after an
attempted revolt in 1568. At Lepanto, in 1571, the
Ottoman Empire was beaten at sea and the Mediterranean
was made more secure. Finally, in a series of shrewd
maneuvers Phillip was able to gain the crown of
Portugal and thus, in 1580, united the entire Iberian
peninsula under one ruler.


16
Unfortunately, Phillip II's personal integrity was
not sufficient to make Spain an economic or military
success. The defeat of the invincible Armada (1588)
and loss of the Netherlands tarnished Spain's military
image. The disastrous military campaigns and dismal
domestic industrial picture resulted in three
bankruptcies during Phillip's reign (1557, 1575, 1596).
Broken both physically and spiritually, Phillip II
died in 1598. His son, Phillip III inherited a nation
needing a capable ruler to pull it out of its decline.
Phillip III did not possess his father's drive or
acumen. Spain would never regain its dominant position
in world affairs.
Spain never dominated the western world in
commerce as she had dominated it militarily and
politically. Most Spaniards regarded commerce as they
did manual labor, a degrading activity to be avoided if
possible (Pike 1972). This ethos explains, in part,
why Spain did not develop into an industrial power.
Spain's economy, never very strong, changed throughout
the 16th century. The following discussion will be
primarily concerned with Castile's role in the Spanish
economy since this bears most directly on New World
affairs .
The roots of 16th century Spain's economy are to
be found in the wool trade. By 1300, with the


219
occasional sport fishing venture. The alternative is
that slaves were responsible for supplying the
household with its fish (as well as other foodstuffs,
no doubt). This implies that Spanish fishing
technologies were adopted.
Fish may have actually contributed more to the
diet than is apparent from the faunal sample. Recovery
methods employed 1/4 inch mesh to screen the excavated
soil; screen of this size mesh has been shown to be
likely to miss many of the small and fragile fish bones
(Casteel 1972). However, flotation of soil samples did
not significantly increase the sample.
Another factor arguing for greater fish
consumption than is represented in the faunal sample,
is Catholicism. The Catholic calendar called for 166
meatless days including Lent (Braudel 1985:214). Given
the documentary evidence, artifactual evidence and
recovery bias it seems possible that fish occupied a
more important place in the diet than the faunal record
indicates, but how much more can not be determined at
this time. Turtles, being aquatic, may also have been
considered non-meat by the Spaniards. Thus their
presence in the faunal assemblage may be connected to
the Catholic calendar.
Perhaps even more interesting than the intrasite
comparison is an intersite comparison with the nearby


Figure 6-10 Cologne stoneware, FS# 3401




Figure 6-19 Bead types from Locus 19
A--red, crumb bead, FS# 3305
B-
-beige,
clay,
FS#
3305
c-
-orange,
glass
, FS
#
3138
D-
-orange,
carne
1 ian
r
FS#
3154
E-
-orange,
glass
, FS
#
3165
F-
-blue, 4
white
str
ipes,
glass,
FS
#
3165
G-
-blue, 4
white
str
ipes,
glass,
FS
#
3302
H-
-blue, 4
white
str
ipes,
glass,
FS
#
3340
I--clear, glass, FS# 3293
Jblue/black, 4 white stripes, FS# 3175
Kbone, FS# 3377
L--white and green, stone, FS# 3334
M-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3385
N-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3292
0-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3323
P-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3328
Q-
-blue/black,
4 whil
;e stripes, FS #
3152
R-
-blue/black,
4 wh i1
:e stripes, FS#
3299
S -
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3108
T-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3403
u-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3098
V-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3369
w-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core ,
glass,
FS#
3370


82
distinguish the early period (pre-1550) from the late
period (post-1550) occupation. The date 1550 was
chosen as the dividing point because it was roughly
midway through the occupation of the town and because
several types of ceramics are known to have been
unavailable before this date and can be used as
temporal markers.
The question of when crystallization occurred is
impossible to pinpoint. Culture change is a dynamic
process and any divisions imposed are artificial. This
does not invalidate the study of culture
crystallization as a process. Some crystallization
would be expected after five years. Deagan (1983)
described the Spanish colonial pattern using data from
the 18th century, 200 years after settlement. It will
be interesting to note what changes there are in the
material assemblage after only a relatively short
period of time.
These test implications provided the framework
that guided the recovery and interpretation of the data
from Puerto Real, and provide a means of assessing the
utility of the working hypothesis. What is being
specifically asked of the data is, "how do we
characterize the changes that happened to the Iberian
culture of the colonists?" Binford's definition of
archaeology is,


185
TABLE 6-10 CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Aglet
#
38
125
163
%
32.76
42.09
39.47
Lace bobbin
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Buckle
#
1
9
10
%
kO
00

3.03
2.42
Button, brass
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Button, pewter
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Button, silver
#
0
3
3
%
0
1.01
.73
Clasp
#
1
0
1
%
.86
0
.24
Fastener
#
0
2
2
o,
o
0
.67
.48
Hook & eye
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Straight pin, brass
#
75
148
223
%
64.66
49.83
54.00




Figure 6-13 Glass artifacts
A--goblet stem fragment, green, FS# 3113
Blooped applique, clear, FS# 3290
C--handle fragment, clear, FS# 3108
Dgoblet stem fragment, clear, white stripes, FS# 3189
E--goblet base, clear, white stripes, FS# 3126
F--gilt-edged applique, heavuly patinated, FS# 3299
Gbase fragment, red and blue mottled, FS# 3226
Hvial base(?), clear, white stripes, FS# 3132
I--rose-shaped applique, clear, white stripes, FS# 3289
J--handle fragment, red, FS# 3341


CHAPTER VII
RESULTS OF ANALYSES
An interpretation of the raw data presented in the
preceeding chapter follows in terms of the test
implications proposed in Chapter 4. A summary of the
results of the tests and suggested avenues for future
research follow in the final chapter.
Test 1
Food preparation activities, as represented in the
archaeological assemblage should show a significant
admixture of European and locally manufactured wares.
In the initial stage of colonization it is expected
that the locally available Taino Indian wares will have
been used by the earliest settlers. It is furthermore
expected that the nature of the locally manufactured
items will have shifted from Indian to African
influenced types through time.
An examination of the data reveals that 62% of the
utilitarian wares (both Early and Late Periods
combined) were of local origin with the remaining 38%
being composed of Olive Jar, Green Bacin and other
Hispanic wares. Clearly this demonstrates a
206


6
Artifacts are the building blocks of induction for
the archaeologist. At Puerto Real the artifact
assemblage has been divided into twenty functionally
specific categories for comparative purposes (Table 1).
These categories will be further discussed Chapter VI
along with the artifacts in. Ceramics are a key
category, since previously they have provided both a
chronological framework and indications of the owners'
statuses. Similarly non-ceramic artifacts such as
glass, tools, weaponry, etc., can be used to suggest
their owner's relative status, occupations and ethnic
affiliations. In addition certain artifacts (i.e. food
preparation items, types of tablewares) give clues as
to the type diet enjoyed by the site's occupants.
However, there are also other ways of obtaining this
particular information.
The faunal assemblage can allow the researcher to
make a very good assessment of the meat portion of the
Spanish colonist's diet. Of particular interest is the
proportion of the diet that is made up of indigenous
species (fish, turtles, fowl) as opposed to introduced
domesticated species (swine, cattle, chickens). Is
differential use of various species a sign of status
differences, preferences based on ethnicity or a
combination of both? Another question that can be
addressed using the faunal assemblage is the effect the


40
pay an onerous tribute to the Spanish conquistadors.
This tribute was in the form of gold wherever possible;
otherwise it was paid in spices, cotton or food (Sauer
1966 : 90 ) .
The tribute the Indians provided was not their
most valuable contribution to the Spaniards. Labor was
what was needed and was soon forcibly acquired through
the agencies of encomienda and repartimiento. These
two systems, although they achieved the same ends, were
subtly different (McAlister 1985¡personal
communication). A repartimiento was a division of
spoils. Columbus did this with the natives of
Hispaniola. There were no restrictions imposed on the
recipient of the repartimiento and this practice was
never officially condoned. Its existance was tolerated
partly because of the dire need for labor and partly,
perhaps, because of the ambiguous humanity of the
Indians in the eyes of the Spaniards. An encomienda,
on the other hand was to put a populated place into the
charge of someone. The commander, or encomendero, had
the right to extract taxes or labor. Labor was not to
be forced, but rather "induced" from the Indians. The
encomendero had the added obligation of Christianizing
and civilizing his charges. In actual practice,
however, these obligations were rarely fulfilled
(Lockhart 1969:411-429).


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate
School of the University of Florida in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
FROM SPANIARD TO CREOLE:
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HISPANIC AMERICAN CULTURAL FORMATION
AT PUERTO REAL, HAITI
By
Charles Robin Ewen
May 1987
Chair: Kathleen Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology
The adaptive measures used by some of the earliest
European colonists are archaeologically investigated at
Puerto Real, Haiti (1504-1578). Based on the results
of excavations at both Puerto Real and St. Augustine,
Florida, it is believed that the processes of
incorporation of New World and African cultural
elements into Spanish colonial culture began almost
immediately and lie at the roots of contemporary Latin
American culture. It is specifically hypothesized that
the Spaniards practiced conservatism in those socially
visible areas associated with male activities coupled
with the incorporation of native traits in the less
visible, female dominated areas. Archaeologically
testable implications of this hypothesis are offered,
tested, and tend to support this hypothesis.
Xll


38
This revised hypothesis, as Rouse himself points out,
needs further testing before acceptance.
However these people came to be there, the
aboriginal's general social organization and
infrastructural base is fairly well understood. Helms
( 1984 : 37 ) groups the Circurrt-Caribbean area into two
major spheres of political interaction: the Spanish
Main (N. Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, and N.
Venezuela) and the Greater Antilles (Hispaniola, Puerto
Rico, Jamaica, and Cuba), with the less developed
people of the Lesser Antilles, N.E. Venezuela and
Guiana linking them. The denser populations were
organized into ranked societies with commoners and
elites being the major social division. Many of the
societies had attained chiefdom status by the time of
Columbus's arrival. On Hispaniola this was certainly
the case.
Andres Morales and Peter Martyr, early 16th
century geographers, divided Hispaniola into five
provinces based on native territorial boundaries (Sauer
1969). Other historians (cf. Casas) used other schemes
to subdivide the island. In any case, the native way
of life was the same. Swidden agriculture provided the
villages with most of their food. Plants such as
manioc, maize, and yams were grown in cleared plots.
Protein was consumed primarily in the form of marine


73
Unfortunately, at the time of this investigation
(1974), there was very little in the way of comparative
data available. Excavation of ordinary households in
St. Augustine was just beginning. However, the avenues
of inquiry opened in Deagan's dissertation would be
addressed by future research.
The St. Augustine pattern delineated by Deagan
(1983) is a direct outgrowth of her dissertation
research (1974). She suggests that early Hispanic
colonial adaptive efforts were characterized by the
incorporation of locally available elements into the
colonist's low visibility subsistence and technological
activities, while at the same time maintaining Spanish
affiliation in such socially-visible activities and
elements as clothing, tableware, ornamentation, and
religious paraphenalia. This dichotomous pattern was
continued and refined through time, eventually
crystallizing into a distinctive Hispanic-American
colonial tradition. These patterns were independently
linked through documentary analysis to social variation
and affiliation in the community.
Based on archaeological evidence accumulated over
a decade of fieldwork, Deagan (1983:270) suggests that
the processes involved in the formation of the
Hispanic-American tradition in St. Augustine were
common to much of the Spanish New World. Conservatism


33
McAlister (1984:81) the Crown and its subjects had
similar but conflicting interests.
The Crown wished to convert and patronize the
indigenous population, establish exclusive
sovereignty in its American possessions and,
at the same time gain a profit from the
enterprise. Conquerers and settlers wanted
to exploit the natives, acquire senorios, and
become wealthy.
The result was that the Indies were developed only to
the point of being profitable to the investor.
Most sought after were the precious metals,
particularly gold. Columbus was one of the first to
voice its importance, "Gold is the most precious of all
commodities . and he who possesses it has all he
needs in the world, as also the means of rescuing souls
from purgatory, and restoring them to the enjoyment of
paradise" (quoted in McAlister 1984:80-1). However,
gold from the islands was never very substantial and
was quickly superceded by the major deposits in the
mainland. This prompted a gold rush to the mainland.
For the second time (the decline of the native
population being the first) the islands were
depopulated; the Caribbean economy reorganized around
less profitable commodities.
The remaining Spaniards on the islands turned to
agriculture and animal husbandry as a means of making a
living. Crops such as manioc were grown on large
estates. The cassava bread made from manioc flour was


Figure 6-14 bone artifacts
rightlace bobbin, FS# 3291
top left--carved bone, FS# 3334
bottom leftcarved bone, FS# 3125


CHAPTER V
STRATEGY AND TACTICS AT PUERTO REAL
The purpose of the 1984-1985 fieldwork at Puerto
Real was to identify patterns in the material culture
that reflect the creolization of the colonists'
culture. This was done by testing implications arising
from the hypothesized pattern of Spanish colonial
adaptation (see Chapter 1) identified in St. Augustine,
Florida by Deagan (1983). Archaeological testing of
this hypothesis required the extensive excavation of a
Spanish colonial habitation outside of St. Augustine.
The site of Puerto Real fulfilled the requirements of
the proposed test.
The project was conducted over two, ten-week
periods during the summers of 1984 and 1985.
Excavations were conducted by the author, a field
assistant, a field laboratory supervisor, and a crew of
between twelve and fifteen Haitians. Based on the 1982
survey of the site, a suitable area was selected and
excavated. A brief recapitulation of the 1982 survey
will illustrate its pivotal role in selecting the locus
of excavation.
84


VII RESULTS Of ANALYSES 206
Test 1 20 6
Test 2 20 8
Test 3 213
Test 4 216
Test 5 22 2
VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 227
Summary 22 7
Conclusions 230
Suggestions for Future Research 232
BIBLIOGRAPHY 23 5
APPENDICES
1 PUERTO REAL ANALYSIS SHEET 249
2 CATEGORIES ON THE CODING SHEETS 250
3 PROVENIENCE GUIDE 252
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 259
Vlll


231
domesticates. The primary difference from Peninsular
Spain was the relative abundance of meat, specifically
beef and pork.
Conclusions
What can be concluded from the research at Puerto
Real? Puerto Real was one of first European
settlements in the part of the world that has come to
be known as Latin America. Foster (1960:2) states
that, "Hispanic America can be thought of as an
enormous culture area, modern in origin, distinct from
British America and from all other world areas." Even
early Latin America was recognised as socially if not
culturally distinct from Spain. Offspring of the
colonists, born in the New World, were called creoles
and treated differently from those born in peninsular
Spain (cf. Horner 1967, McAlister 1963).
This early Hispanic American culture was an
unequal amalgam of Spanish and Native American cultural
traits. Research at Puerto Real allows the delineation
of those areas that were primarily Spanish and those
that received non-Hispanic influences. It appears that
outwardly the cultural pattern was composed primarily
of Hispanic traits (e.g. dress, architecture, interior
furnishings). Non-Hispanic traits, at least as seen in
the material assemblage, are found in areas
traditionally associated with women's activities,


FROM SPANIARD TO CREOLE:
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HISPANIC AMERICAN CULTURAL FORMATION
AT PUERTO REAL, HAITI
CHARLES ROBIN EWEN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1987


166


166
6-21
6-22
6-23
CANDLE SNUFFER
JEW'S HARP 169
BRASS STARS L71
xi


APPENDIX 1
PUERTO REAL ANALYSIS SHEET
SITE
FS
ANALYST
UNIT
DATE
LEVEL
FAUNA
g
SHELL
g
SOIL
1) MAJOLICA:
FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
9)
PERSONAL
2) UTILITARIAN:
FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
10)
ACTIVITIES
11 )
UID METAL
3) EUROTABLE: FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
12 )
MASONRY
13)
FURNITURE
4) ABORIGINAL:
FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
14)
TOOLS
5) KITCHEN
15)
TOYS
16)
HHARDWARE
6) ARCHITECTURE
17)
RELIGIOUS
18)
MISC
7) WEAPONRY
19 )
UNAFFIL
8) CLOTHING
20 )
TABLEWARES
249


LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE
2-1 THE COAT OF ARMS OF PUERTO REAL 4 3
2-2 ROUTES OF THE TREASURE FLEETS. 46
5-1 MASONRY LOCI AT PUERTO REAL 86
5-2 LOCATION OF LOCUS 19 87
6-1 PRINCIPAL EXCAVATIONSLOCUS 19 97
6-2 THE MIDDEN AT LOCUS 19 1
6-3 THE WALL FOUNDATION AT LOCUS 19 103
6-4 FEATURE 6THE BRICK PAVEMENT 10 5
6-5 FEATURE 8A BRICK DRAIN 107
6-6 MAJOLICA 114
6-7 VES SEL FORMS 116
6-8 OWNER'S MARKS ON CERAMICS 119
6-9 OLIVE JAR NECKS 127
6-1U COLOGNE STONEWARE 131
6-11 MING PORCELAIN 134
6-12 CHRIS TOPHE PLAIN 139
6-13 GLASS ARTIFACTS 143
6-14 BONE ARTIFACTS... 148
6-15 BUCKLES 150
6-16 STRAIGHT PINS AND AGLETS 153
6-17 4 MARAVEDI COINS 155
6-18 UNICORN PENDANT 158
6-19 BEAD TYPES FROM LOCUS 19 160
6-20 DECORATIVE CLASPS AND HARDWARE 163
x


39
species, terrestrial animals were generally small and
scattered.
The Spanish were at first welcomed by the natives
of Hispaniola. Columbus (in Sauer 1969:32) wrote that
he had developed a
great friendship with the King of the Land
[Guacanagari] who took pride in calling me
brother and considered me to be such: and
even though they should change their mind,
neither he nor his people know what arms are
. . and are the most timorous people of the
world. So that the men left there (La
Navidad) are sufficient to destroy all that
country, without danger to their persons if
they know how to rule.
Columbus was exaggerating somewhat in his letter as the
fate of the Spaniards at La Navidad was to show. The
short-lived first settlement of Columbus warned the
natives that the incoming Spaniards were not there
simply to trade peacefully. This knowledge,
unfortunately, did not allow them to alter the fate
that was in store for them.
On his second voyage, Columbus founded a
settlement only slightly more successful than his
first. Ill-conceived in terms of harborage and
resources, Isabela survived only as long as there was
no better place. With the establishment of Santo
Domingo on the south coast by Bartholomew Columbus in
1496, Isabella was all but abandoned (Morison
1942:430). The Indians were subjugated and forced to


59
Building B proved to be a thick-walled 8 x 10 m
structure whose function could not be positively
ascertained. Willis (1984:145) speculates that it was
an auxiliary to Building A, probably a tower of some
sort. Other possibilities include a blockhouse, secure
warehouse, or some other public building (Marrinan
1982:54-57). It is not thought to be a residence for
several reasons: its massive architecture, its location
on the plaza, and the paucity of domestic artifacts
recovered from the site. The other two areas excavated
did appear to have been habitations, or at least have
residential components associated with them.
Loci 33 and 35 (how these loci came to be
designated will be discussed later) excavated under the
supervision of Bonnie McEwan, appeared to be the
location of a high status residence (McEwan 1983:103).
This conclusion is based on the amounts and types of
high quality majolicas, Venetian glass and faunal
remains recovered. In this case the domestic refuse
rather than the structure was the most telling clue as
to site function. Very little of the actual structure
was excavated. The area excavated appears to be the
backyard fenceline against which trash had been
regularly deposited (McEwan 1983:103).
The most intriguing finds came from the third area
excavated during the 1981 field season. Artifacts that


9
Finally, in Chapter VIII, the analyses are summarized
and conclusions are presented. The chapter concludes
with an assessment of the material assemblage, a
tentative proposal for a colonial pattern, and
suggestions for further research.


36
tallow was the basic ingredient in the manufacture of
soap and candles (Reitz 1986:325). As sugar and gold
production declined, hides became the economic mainstay
of the islands and figured prominently in the later
illegal trade.
How was the settlement of Hispaniola accomplished
so quickly? When the Spanish came to the New World
they did not find an unpopulated, fertile land waiting
to be developed by industrious Europeans, but a land
already fully populated. And when Europeans did start
to modify and exploit their discoveries, they did very
little of the actual physical modification themselves.
This was left to the native inhabitants of the
so-called virgin lands. The native inhabitants had
already been in the New World of the Caribbean
centuries before Spain was a nation.
The prehistory of the Circum-Caribbean region is
an area of dynamic research. Ideas concerning the
population's size, origin, movement, and
characteristics continue to change with each new
addition to the archaeological database. The generally
held hypothesis has been that the islands were
originally inhabited by a primitive, preceramic people
of uncertain origin, sometimes referred to
(erroneously) as the Ciboney. These peoples were
displaced and/or absorbed by the Arawaks who migrated


32
pearl coast of Venezuela that Columbus just missed on
his third voyage. After the break in the Columbian
monopoly, the entire Caribbean was explored and its
major islands and mainland settled. Tierra Firme (or
the Spanish Main) as the southern mainland portion of
the Caribbean was called, was an early site of
intensive exploitation, but not much settlement.
Early colonization efforts focused on the
Caribbean islands. In 1508 Sebastian de Ocampo
circumnavigated Cuba proving it to be an island. Three
years later Diego Velazquez, then Lieutenant-Governor
of Hispaniola, undertook the task of settling the
island. The following year, in 1512, Ponce de Leon
savagely subdued Puerto Rico and used it as a base for
his ill-fated exploration of Florida. During this
period of early exploration, Hispaniola served as a
jumping off point. As the emphasis of colonization
shifted to the west, Cuba became the base for the
conquistadors. As early as 1519, Hispaniola had
already begun to assume a lesser role in the affairs of
the Caribbean.
The Caribbean, at the time of earliest Spanish
involvement, was wholly subservient to Spain. The
keyword that describes the relationship between Spain
and the New World is exploitation. According to


177
TABLE 6-3 UTILITARIAN CERAMICS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
El Morro
#
1
2
3
%
.05
.02
.03
Green Bacin
#
62
284
346
%
3.16
2.61
2.70
Lead-glazed Coarse Earthenware
#
221
990
1211
%
11.26
9.11
9.44
Olive Jar
*
733
5583
6316
%
37.34
51.36
49.22
Olive Jar, glazed
#
392
1484
1876
%
19.97
13.65
14.61
Redware
#
51
269
320
Q.
*6
2.60
2.40
2.50
Spanish Storage Jar
#
24
3
27
%
1.22
.03
.21
Spanish Storage Jar, glazed
#
1
22
23
%
.05
.20
.18
UID Coarse Earthenware
#
478
2233
2711
%
24.35
20.54
21.12
Total
1963
10870
12833


224
TABLE 7-2 EARLY vs. LATE
CATEGORY
MAJOLICA
HISPANIC TABLEWARES
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARES
EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
COLONO AND ABORIGINAL Vi ARES
KITCHEN ARTIFACTS
STRUCTURAL HARDWARE
WEAPONRY AND ARMOR
CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS
PERSONAL ITEMS AND JEWELRY
ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS
FURNITURE HARDWARE
TOOLS
TOYS AND GAMES
HARNESS AND TACK
CONTEXTS AT PUERTO REAL
EARLY LATE
#
1400
7682
%
18.15
19.12
#
139
1513
%
1.80
3.75
#
1963
10870
%
25.45
26.93
#
36
163
%
.47
.40
#
3526
17387
%
45.72
43.07
#
232
1037
%
3.01
2.57
#
226
1107
%
2.93
2.74
#
8
15
%
.10
.04
#
116
297
%
1.50
.74
#
24
169
Q.
o
.31
.42
#
24
38
%
.31
.09
#
1
9
%
.03
.02
#
2
18
%
.03
.04
*
2
9
%
.03
.02
#
12
19
%
.16
.05


115
Florida State Museum, Deagan (1987), Goggin (1968), and
Lister and Lister (1982).
Group 1 Majolica
Bisque. Though specimens of Bizcocho, a thin,
unglazed, non-utilitarian ware, have been found at
Puerto Real (Hodges Collection, Limbe, Haiti), ceramics
in this category primarily refer to majolica fragments
that have lost their glaze. It is for this reason that
they were included in this category. Most specimens
were extremely small.
Caparra Blue. Named for the site of Caparra,
Puerto Rico, Caparra Blue is a distinctive two tone
majolica. The exterior is a solid dark blue enamal
with the interior being white or off-white. Some of
the specimens from Puerto Real have a slight greenish
cast to the interior white enamel. Deagan suggests
that these may have been produced at Panama Vieja in
the late 16th century (1987). This type is known only
in the albarelo or drug jar form and dates to the 16th
century (Goggin 1968: 134-135).
Columbia Plain. This type was easily the most
numerous majolica type at Puerto Real. It accounts for
over 80 percent of all the majolicas recovered from the
site. This was also the most variable types in the
assemblage. The glaze ranged from a thick glossy
opaque white to a thin, matte, pinkish off-white. The


This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the Department of Anthropology in the College of
Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School
and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1987
Dean, Graduate School


31
The Columbian exchange has included Man, and
he has changed the Old and New Worlds
sometimes inadvertently, sometimes
intentionally, often brutally. It is
possible that he and the plants and animals
he brings with him have caused the extinction
of more species of life forms in the last
four hundred years than the usual processes
of evolution might kill off in a million. .
. We, all of the life on this planet, are the
less for Columbus, and the impoverishment
will increase.
Columbus made three other voyages to the
Caribbean. The 1493 voyage was specifically to settle
the island of Hispaniola, and was successful after a
fashion. The third and fourth voyages, in 1498 and
1502 respectively, were exploratory ventures aimed at
finding the riches of what he thought was Asia. If
Columbus was adept at exploration he was equally inept
at the administration of what he had discovered. This
task would be left to the more capable and ruthless
Spaniards who were to follow. Relating some of their
activities illustrates the historical setting in which
Puerto Real developed.
Even while Columbus conducted his third and fourth
reconnaisance efforts, other Spaniards were making
their own voyages of discovery in the Caribbean.
According to Sauer (1969:108), at least four voyages
were licensed to take place in 1499, those of Alonzo de
Hojeda, Peralonso Nio, Vicente Yaez Pinzn, and Diego
de Lepe. It was Peralonso Nio who discovered the


153


30
Navidad fort was built largely of Santa
Maria's planks, timbers and fastenings, and
provided with a "great cellar" for storage of
wine, biscuit, and other stores salvaged from
the flagship. Seeds for sowing crops and a
supply of trading truck to barter for gold
were also left.
Columbus returned a year later to find the settlement
burned and all the settlers dead or missing. The
reasons for the massacre are believed to be the
Spaniards greed and mistreatment of the local
inhabitants.
Ongoing research by the University of Florida
(Deagan 1986) has located what appears to be the
village of Guacanagari within which the site of La
Navidad was located. This site, if it is indeed the
location of La Navidad, is within 1.5 km of the site of
Puerto Real. Whether the fact that the Spanish
returned to the same area 10 years later is a
coincidence or a deliberate act will have to await the
discovery of more documentation before it can be
answered.
Columbus's first voyage set in motion forces that
affected and continue to affect the world to this day.
This interaction of the New World with the Old has been
labeled "The Columbian Exchange." Alfred Crosby, who
coined the term in a book of the same name (1972:219),
renders a harsh verdict concerning the consequences of
this exchange:


158


Figure 6-3 The wall foundation at Locus 19


209
involved. A workable definition of the Spanish
hierarchical system would be the estate system of
social stratification which is,
a hierarchic society the strata of which are
rigidly separated by law and customs and
often characterized by different hereditary
relationship to land (as owners, tenants, or
serfs). Though social status is generally
hereditary, vertical social mobility is not
altogether excluded. . Under the estate
system, the individual's status or prestige
was of paramount importance notwithstanding
the permanence of economic differences.
(Morner 1967:7-8)
As mentioned previously in Chapter 2, there came to be
a close correspondance between wealthy, converso
merchants and prestigious, Old Christian hidalgos.
Through carefully arranged marriages, the converso
families were able to legitimize their status, while
the hidalgos achieved the financial status befitting
their station. So, although economic and social status
were not exactly equated in 16th century Spain, there
was a close enough correspondence to warrant the use of
hard to obtain, socially items in the archaeological
record to identify persons of high status. In the
colonies, one's relative status was closely related
with how well one could maintain the Spanish lifestyle.
There are a number of socially-visible areas where
according to the hypothesis, we would expect to find
Hispanic artifacts. The table of the Spanish colonist
would be one such place. Following the hypothesis we


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
LIST OF TABLES ix
LIST OF FIGURES X
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTERS
IINTRODUCTION i
IIFROM SEVILLE TO PUERTO REAL AND POINTS
IN BETWEEN 10
Spa in 11
The West Indies 28
Puerto Real 41
III PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK AT PUERTO REAL 51
IV THEORETICAL ORIENTATION 6 4
V STRATEGY AND TACTICS AT PUERTO REAL 84
VI EXCAVATED DATA 9 6
Locus 19 Proveniences 96
Group 1 Majolicas 115
Group 2 Utilitarian Wares 124
Group 3 European Tablewares 129
Group 20 Hispanic Tablewares 135
Group 4 Colono and Aboriginal Wares 137
Group 5 Kitchen Artifacts 141
Group 6 Strucutural Hardware 145
Group 7 Weaponry and Armor 146
Group 8 Clothing and Sewing Items 146
Group 9 Personal Items 151
Group 10 Activity Related Items 164
Group 13 Furniture Hardware 167
Group 14 Tools 172
Group 15 Toys and Games 173
Group 16 Harness and Tack 173
Group 18 Miscellaneous Substances 174
Faunal Assemblage 194
Vll


176
TABLE 6-2 continued
ARTIFACTS PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Santa Elena Green and
#
White
9
36
45
a
o
Sevilla Blue on Blue
.64
.47
.49
#
0
3
3
o,
"o
0
.04
.03
Sevilla Blue on White
#
0
1
1
%
0
.01
.01
Santo Domingo Blue on
#
White
1
15
16
Q.
"5
.07
.19
.17
Yayal Blue on White
#
4
66
70
%
.29
.86
.77
White Majolica
#
42
295
337
%
3.00
3.82
3.70
Polychrome Majolica
#
17
102
119
%
1.21
1.32
1.31
UID Blue on White
#
58
274
332
%
4.14
3.55
3.64
Total
1400
7718
9118


188
TABLE 6-11 continued
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY LATE
Ring, jet
# 1 0
% 4.55 0
Key
# 0 2
% 0 1.18
Knife, pocket
# 0 1
% 0.59
Pendant
# 0 1
% 0.59
Pipestem, kaolin
# 0 3
% 0 1.79
Seal
# 0 4
% 0 2.37
Total 22 168
TOTAL
1
.52
2
1.04
1
.52
1
.52
3
1.57
4
2.07
191


61
It is known from the documents that Puerto Real
was a major hide-producing center (cf. Sauer 1966, Lyon
1981, Hoffman 1980). Reitz (1986:327) proposed, from
the amount and type of bone elements recovered, that
this area of the site was where refuse from skinning
and meat preservation was used to make tallow and other
cattle industry by-products. The combination of
household artifacts and faunal remains indicated that
this area may have been used for both residential and
commercial use. Reitz also noted that this
slaughter/processing area was downwind from most of the
town!
The following year (1982) marked a change in
supervision of the Puerto Real project. Dr. Kathleen
Deagan, former student of Fairbanks and now chairperson
of the Anthropology department at the Florida State
Museum, assumed direction of the project. Her first
decision was to suspend any further excavation pending
the completion of the reconnaisance testing and contour
mapping program begun in 1980.
A total of 1,475 .25 x .25 m, test pits was
excavated at 10 m intervals across the site during the
1982 season. The contents of these test pits were
analyzed and the raw data entered into the mainframe
computer at the University of Florida. Maurice
Williams, Florida State Museum archaeologist and


57
While Willis was working on Building A, the other
team members pursued ancillary projects. The
topographic mapping project, under the supervision of
Jennifer Hamilton, was expanded to cover the rest of
the central area. She also delineated the site
boundaries by laying in a series of linear test-pit
transects across the site (Hamilton 1982). Hamilton's
findings indicated that the town occupied an area
measuring 450 m north-south by 400 m east-west.
Test excavation was not the only means used to
sample the site. Gary Shapiro conducted a resistivity
survey of the area around Building A during the 1980
season. Using this technique, Shapiro was able to
produce resistivity contour maps which allowed accurate
prediction of the location of subsurface features (e.g.
building foundations, see Shapiro 1984). According to
S hapiro
The most important advantage gained by the
use of the technique is the ability to save
precious excavation time by the prediction of
subsurface feature locations, and the ability
to generate testable hypotheses concerning
site plan. (p. 109)
The resistivity maps also allowed Willis to project the
dimensions of the buildings he only partially
excavated .
In addition to the survey and excavation, a faunal
collection of contemporary Haitian vertebrates
was


66
Historical archaeology is not a handmaiden to
history. It is an equal partner, using different and
additional data to answer questions concerning past
human behavior. The problem of culture contact and
adaptation have become central to Spanish colonial
archaeology. It is also the central theme of the
current research.
Spanish efforts to colonize previously unknown
territory had very little precedent in the 16th
century. True, the Canary Islands had been discovered
and settled in the 15th century and did provide some
lessons for the Spaniards. But the distances involved
in a trans-Atlantic effort made the colonization
process, by its very remoteness, an essentially new
experience.
Having decided to settle Hispaniola, the Spanish
had three basic options in regards to settlement
strategy. The first option would be total retention of
their Castilian lifestyle, rejecting any New World
inspired changes. At the other extreme, the colonists
could elect to abandon their "civilized" ways and "go
native." That is, adopt the cultural behavior of the
indigenous peoples jni toto. The third, and based on
previous research in St. Augustine, most likely
alternative, would be a compromise solution. This
would involve retaining some traits of the original


248
Willis, Raymond
1976 The Archaeology of 16th Century Nueva Cadiz.
Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
1981 Current Research at Puerto Real. Society for
Historical Archaeology Newsletter 14(2):5.
1984 Empire and Architecture at 16th century Puerto
Real, Hispaniola: An Archaeological Perspective.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
University Microfilms, Ann Arbor
Wing, Elizabeth and Antoinette Brown
1979 Paleonutrition: Method and Theory in
Prehistoric Foodways. Academic Press, New York.
Woods, Charles A.
1980 Collecting Fossil Mammals in the Greater
Antilles: An Immense Journey. The Plaster Jacket.
Florida State Museum, Gainesville.
Wright, Irene
1939 Rescates: With Special Reference to Cuba 1599-
1610. The Hispanic American Historical Review
19:56-72.
Zendegui, Guillermo
1977 City Planning in the Spanish Colonies.
Americas, Special Supplement.
Ziegler, Alan
1973 Inference from Prehistoric Faunal Remains.
Addison-Wesley Module in Anthropology No. 43.


37
northward from the north coast of South America,
probably from eastern Venezuela (Sauer 1969:5). The
peaceful and friendly Arawak, in turn, were being
overrun by the war-like and cannibalistic Carib, who
had made it as far up the island chain as Puerto Rico
when Columbus arrived (Parry and Sherlock 1971:3).
Different authors vary on the details, but most
historians would agree that this scenario generally
fits the meager evidence.
One of the former proponents of this scheme,
Irving Rouse, has recently taken a different stance on
the peopling of the Caribbean. Now, instead of
successive waves of invading cultures, Rouse (1986:153)
claims "that linguistic and archaeological research .
. indicate that the Island Carib and Taino (Arawak)
Indians developed in situ as the result of a single
population movement from South America around the time
of Christ." He further proposes (1986:155) that the
point of entry into the Caribbean was not eastern
Venezuela, but more likely the Guianas.
As the Tainos entered the West Indies, they
headed for the major streams, settled along
their banks some distance from their mouths,
and exploited the resources in the
surrounding forests, paying relatively little
attention to seafood. The only places in
South America where they could have acquired
these preferences are in the Orinoco Valley
and on the Guiana coastal plain.


117
paste was uniformly chalky in consistency but varied in
color from terra cotta to cream. Several vessel forms
were noted. Most numerous among these were escudillas
and simple platos (see Figure 6-6). However, such
forms as pichis, j arros, and porringers were also
found (Figure 6-7). Several pieces had been identified
as a variant known as Columbia Plain Gunmetal described
as having a "darkened, rather than white ground
[that] .. .varies from a dense irridescent black to a
light specked grey"(Lister and Lister 1982:48).
Recent research has shown that this is probably due to
post deposition discoloration (Deagan 1987). Another
variant found at Puerto Real that is, in fact, real is
Columbia Plain Green. This variant makes up two
percent of the majolica assemblage and is simply a
Columbia Plain Vessel that has been partially covered
with a clear green glaze. This is an early variant
dating to the first half of the 16th century (Goggin
1968:118). An interesting phenomenon noticed on
several of the Columbia Plain specimens was the
presence of marks that had been scratched through the
glaze of the finished vessel (Figure 6-8). Goggin
(1986:119) noticed this on sherds from the Convento de
San Francisco at Santo Domingo and attributed them to
property marks put on by the owners rather than the
makers.


89
had been dislodged by local farmers who had tethered
their cattle to them, enough remained in place so that
the grid could be reestablished.
A transit station was set up to ensure vertical
control of the units. The excavation units themselves
measured 1.5 x 2. m and were excavated in arbitrary
levels of 10 cm. The original intention had been to
excavate by natural levels as had been done on previous
projects (McEwan 1983, Willis 1984). However, very
little soil differentiation was apparent at Locus 19.
Natural stratigraphy consisted of a thin humus layer
overlying a homogenous clay/loam which, itself,
surmounted a sterile clay subsoil. The extreme arid
conditions which rapidly dried out the soil despite the
use of garden sprayers and sun shades, did not make the
job of distinguishing natural levels any easier. By
excavating in 10 cm increments it was possible to
differentiate between early and late occupations of the
locus on the basis of datable artifacts. Each unit was
mapped after every completed level.
The cataloguing system established during the 1979
field season was continued on all subsequent University
of Florida projects. All archaeological proveniences
except features (i.e. zones, areas, post molds, etc.)
were numbered consecutively within each excavation
unit. Features, discrete deposit attributable to


234
Locus 39 seems to partially fill this expectation but
it has been interpreted as a cattle butchering area
rather than strictly as a residence (Reitz 1985) which
makes its comparability questionable. In any case,
several more loci, of both high and low status should
be excavated to compensate for idiosyncrasies peculiar
to individual loci.
Another study, beyond the scope of the present
work, that can and should be performed is a comparison
between Puerto Real and the Taino site at En Bas
Saline. The present work examines the relatively minor
impact of the native culture upon the Spanish
colonists. A complementary study would be an
assessment of the far greater impact of the Spanish
upon the native population. Historically it is known
that the Indians had all but disappeared within the
first two decades following Spanish contact. At Puerto
Real the native decline is reflected through a shift in
ceramic style and technology at the site. En Bas
Saline should show evidence of disruption in every
artifact category during this final catastrophic
period.
Puerto Real has many years of fruitful research
left in it, but it is not alone. Bayaha, the town to
which the inhabitants of Puerto Real were forcibly
relocated has been discovered (Hamilton and Hodges


223
above test implications when viewed through time.
Specifically, variations among households from this
predicted pattern should become less evident in later
periods. In light of the limited time of occupation,
this could present a problem.
A major handicap is the division of occupation
into only two periods. Do changes between the early
and late periods reflect a final, crystallized adaptive
pattern or is this only a stage in an ongoing process
of adaptation. That is, does the Late Period represent
a plateau in a graph of culture change or is it only a
point along a linear regression? Fortunately, the
pattern is such at Puerto Real that the question of
adaptive shift through time is quickly answered.
At Puerto Real the matter of adaptive response is
resolved early in the occupation. The Spanish
colonists quickly adopted the "Spanish colonial
pattern" tested in this work and retained it. This is
demonstrable in both the artifact and faunal
assemblages. As can be seen from Table 7-2, there is a
difference in the total quantity of artifacts through
time but little difference through time in the
proportional distribution of artifacts within specific
functional and typological categories. For example,
there were only 1,40 fragments of majolica in the
Early Period artifact assemblage as opposed to


21
It became the most important single item in
Spain's economy.
However, as American silver began to pour into Spain,
other nations started to take an interest in the source
of this treasure, forcing Spain to protect its resource
base.
The depredations of first French and later English
and Dutch interlopers in the Caribbean obliged Spain to
take costly and only partially successful defensive
measures. These measures included the implementation
of a convoy system to protect the treasure fleets and
the construction of harbor defenses at key ports in the
Caribbean (e.g. Santo Domingo, Cartegena, and Havana).
The convoy system functioned well, in that it generally
protected the fleets from attack. The consequences of
the convoy system on Caribbean demographics will be
discussed later. The harbor defenses were less
successful, each of the main ports being sacked at
least once in their history. Successful or not, these
defences were expensive and required regular upkeep as
well as sufficient manpower to maintain any sort of
effectiveness at all.
The preceding paragraphs have outlined the history
and motivations of the Spanish elite, but what of the
rest of the society? Who were the people that settled


233
verified against independent empirical data,
would tend to verify the proposition.
In a nutshell, this study tested the pan-Hispanicity of
the colonial pattern developed at St. Augustine.
Identification of a pan-Hispanic response to
colonialism is a step towards the development of a
general pattern of colonial adaptation.
To reiterate, the hypothesis was supported by the
evidence recovered at Puerto Real. The pattern does
seem to have applicability beyond St. Augustine. This
does not exclude the possibility that other
explanations exist for the data, but it does allow us
to continue to use the hypothesis to guide future
research. Truth is, after all, only the best current
hypothesis. With this in mind, new hypotheses can be
generated to test on new data awaiting excavation at
Puerto Real.
Suggestions for Future Research
The research potential of Puerto Real has only
begun to be realized. Of the 57 masonry loci defined by
Williams (1986), only four have been investigated. To
further test the Spanish colonial pattern a low status
household needs to be excavated. Would a low status
household show a higher proportion of locally-made
ceramics, being less able to obtain Spanish goods?
This was the case in St. Augustine (Deagan 1983:240).


76
manufactured wares. This is as opposed to a total
retention of European utilitarian wares. Supply lines
between Puerto Real and Spain were tenuous at best.
This situation forced the colonists to seek other means
of satisfying the need for cooking and storage
containers. Using the pottery of the local inhabitants
would have provided an inexpensive answer. Also, the
intermarriage of Spanish men with local women offered
an avenue for the introduction of these wares since
women were most involved with food preparation
activities. Non-European utilitarian ceramics, used
for cooking and storage of food, as well as manioc
griddles and other local elements not typical of the
Iberian kitchen assemblage, should demonstrate this
dependence .
In the initial stage of colonization, it is
expected that the locally available Taino Indian wares
will have been used by the earliest settlers to
supplement their utilitarian wares. It is furthermore
expected that the nature of the locally manufactured
items will have shifted from Indian to African-
influenced types through time As discussed in
Chapter 2, the Indians of the encomienda assigned to
Puerto Real declined rapidly as the result of disease
and overwork. They were replaced by imported African
slaves who, by 1520, had become the dominant element in


Figure 6-11 Ming porcelain
AFS# 312
BFS# 3340
CFS# 3119
D FS# 3120
E FS# 3366
FFS# 3367
GFS# 3120


181
TABLE 6-7 KITCHEN ARTIFACTS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY LATE TOTAL
Decanter top
#
0
3
3
%
0
.29
.24
Glass,
#
aqua
3
19
22
%
1.30
1.83
1.74
Glass,
#
blue
4
26
30
%
1.73
2.51
2.37
Glass,
#
clear
129
439
568
%
55.41
42.04
44.48
Glass,
#
green
50
184
234
%
21.65
17.74
18.45
Glass,
#
latticinio
38
316
354
%
16.45
30.47
27.92
Glass,
*
polychrome
1
1
2
%
.43
.10
.16
Glass,
#
purple
1
0
1
%
.43
0
.08
Glass,
#
red
0
1
1
%
0
.10
.08
Glass,
#
UID
1
5
6
%
.43
.48
.47
Glass,
#
yellow
0
1
1
%
0
.10
.08


8
delineated a pattern of adaptation at Puerto Real, this
pattern can then be compared to the one derived from
data obtained from St. Augustine. The comparison of
these two patterns will make it possible to detect the
effects that different economic and environmental
factors have on colonial culture formation.
The next chapter describes the historical,
economic, and environmental milieu in which these
adaptational processes took place. Chapter III covers
the previous archaeological work done at Puerto Real.
The ensuing chapters build on each other, in a
logical progression, to the final resolution of the
Spanish colonial adaptive pattern. Chapter IV is the
formal presentation of the hypothesis and delineation
of the test implications. From there the dissertation
moves from the ideal to the real. Chapter V describes
the field methodology and strategy used at Locus 19,
while Chapter VI is a description of the data recovered
(e.g. ceramic types, fauna, etc.). The faunal material
is quantified in terms of MNI and biomass and species
distribution. Chapter VII manipulates the raw data
presented in Chapter VI. The data are applied to the
to the test implications, artifact distributions are
examined, the material assemblage from the late period
is compared to the early period of the site, and the
entire assemblage is compared with St. Augustine.


23
Many, if not most, of the merchants were of
converso origin. Under the doctrine of limpieza de
sangre in effect at the time, all conversos were
discriminated against economically and were excluded
from public and clerical office (Elliot 1963:218).
Naturally many conversos tried to avoid this
distinction by commissioning elaborately forged family
geneologies and purchasing titles to nobility.
The nobility, on the other hand, by virtue of
their pure lineage, had assured social status but were
often impoverished. They solved their financial
difficulties by either going into business for
themselves or marrying into one of the wealthy merchant
(i.e. converso) families. This symbiotic relationship
benefitted the nobles by enriching their coffers and
the merchants by legitimizing their status. So common
were these unions, claims Pike (1972:213), that
by the middle of the 16th century, the
majority of the Sevillian nobility consisted
of recently enobled families of mixed social
and racial origins whose commercial
orientation and activities reflected their
mercantile background.
On the next social level the working classes struggled
with much less success to better their social position.
The working classes, which included artisans and
unskilled laborers, were generally looked down upon
because they performed what was considered manual


83
a discipline that searches for an
understanding of the past through the use of
objects and other organizations of matter
believed to have been parts of past
situations. (1981:22)
The task, then, at Puerto Real is to identify patterns
in the material culture that reflect the changes that
the Spaniards underwent eri route to becoming creoles.


12
of a national, unified spirit was the royal effort to
cleanse Spain of its perceived ethnic and religious
impurities. In the wake of the fall of Granada in 1492
all Jews residing in Spain were ordered to convert to
Catholicism or leave the country. A decade later, the
Moors still residing in the peninsula had to make the
same decision. Conversion, though, did not guarantee
acceptance into society. Conversos, as the new
Christians were called, were discriminated against at
every turn. The establishment of the Spanish
Inquisition attempted to abolish all social deviation
by enforcing a policy of religious intolerance and
limpieza de sangre [purity of blood]. That instability
still existed can be seen in the turmoil for succession
after Isabella's death in 1504. After much difficulty
and intrigue, Ferdinand was able to rule both Castile
and Aragon until his grandson, Charles (the son of
Joanna the Mad and Phillip of Austria) came of age.
Charles I of Spain was Spanish neither by birth
nor inclination. His formative years were spent in
Burgundy in the south of France. In 1517, when he
arrived in Spain to claim his inheritance, he was
young, inexperienced, unaccustomed to the ways of
Spain, and spoke no Spanish (Lynch 1984:38). Charles
was already the king of the Low Countries (Luxembourg,
Brabant, Flanders, Holland, Zeeland, Hainault, and


98
and fauna. This overlay a yellowish clay that was
devoid of artifacts and was considered to be sterile
subsoil.
Midden
Several of the more interesting proveniences will
now be discussed. Reference should be made to the site
map (Figure 6-1) for all the following provenience
descriptions. A dense concentration of artifacts
(Figure 6-2) measuring 12 m E-W by 6 m N-S occupied the
NW quarter of the excavated area. The matrix was a
dark brown loam and varied between 10 to 30 cm in
depth. A majority of the artifacts and most of the
faunal material recovered at Locus 19 come from this
deposit. The majority of the midden dated to the late
period and overlay Feature 1.
Feature 1
This feature was located in three units 876N/813E,
876N/814.5E, and 876N/816E. Only the south half of
Feature 1 was excavated. Its plan view shape was
probably circular. Excavation revealed that it was a
relatively shallow (25 cm depth) basin with sloping
sides. It contained a loose dark brown loamy soil with
many artifacts and much faunal material. Only the top
layer of Feature 1 dated to the late period. The
feature was located almost in the center of the general
midden deposit and was covered by it. An interesting


237
Borah, Woodrow
1984 Trends in Recent Studies of Colonial Latin
American Cities. Hispanic American Historical
Review 64(3 ):535-554 .
Bourne, Edward
1904 Spain in America. Benjamin Keene, New York.
Bowser, Frederick
1984 Africans in Spanish American Colonial Society.
In The Cambridge History of Latin America,
vol. 2, edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 357-379.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Boyd-Bowman, Peter
1976 Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the Indies
until 1600. Hispanic American Historical Review
56 : 580-604 .
Braudel, Fernand
1967 Capitalism and Material Life 1400-1800.
Harper Colophon Books, New York.
1985 The Structures of Everyday Life, vol. 1.
Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-l8th Century.
Harper & Row, New York.
Brown, Vera L.
1928 Contraband Trade as a Factor in the Decline of
Spain's Empire in America. Hispanic American
Historical Review 8:178-189
Casteel, Richard W.
1972 Some Biases in the Recovery of Archaeological
Faunal Remains. Proceedings of the Prehistoric
Society 36:382-88.
1976 Fish Remains in Archaeology and Paleo-
environmental Studies. Academic Press, New York.
Chaplin, R.E.
1971 The Study of Animal Bones from Archaeological
Sites. Seminar Press, New York.
Chaunu, Huguette and Pierre Chaunu
1959 Seville et l'Atlantigue (1504-1560).
Librairie Armand Colin, Paris.


125
Green Bacin/Green Lebrillo. This type includes a
variety of large utilitarian forms of which the Bacin
and Lebrillo are most common. It has paste close to
majolica in texture, is covered with a heavy clear dark
green matte glaze, and seems confined to the 16th
century in the Caribbean (Goggin 1968:226; Deagan
1987). It is fairly common at Puerto Real and is
represented at Locus 19 by over 300 sherds including
several large basin rims.
Olive Jar. The most numerous of utilitarian
ceramics at Locus 19, over 8,000 sherds of olive jar
were recovered, accounting for 63 percent of this
category. The majority of the sherds recovered have
been classified as early style. This style was defined
by Goggin (1960:8-11) as having a distinctively shaped
globular body, a raised, everted mouth and attached
handles. The exterior surface was often covered by a
white slip and the interior often glazed in some shade
of green. Goggin dates this style from 1493 to
approximately 1575. The olive jar rims from Locus 19
are characteristically early style (Figure 6-9)
although two middle style necks were recovered from
late period proveniences. Skowronek (1987:12-13)
indicates that the "middle style" olive jar may have
been appearing as early as the mid-16th century. The
discovery of these middle style sherds is important


251
12) Composition Optional descriptive category for
indicating what the artifact was made of;
13) Color Optional descriptive category for denoting
color of the object;
14) Form Optional descriptive category for indicating
the shape of the object;
15) Modifier Optional descriptive category for
indicating any unusual quality of the artifact (i.e.
glazing, gilding, sooting).
The parameters governing data entry limited the length
of each entry to 80 columns. To accomodate all the
data in the limited space available a coding system was
devised. Those codes significantly shorten the length
of the artifact types and modifiers.


186
TABLE 6-10 continued
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Straight pin, iron
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Scissors
#
1
1
2
%
.86
.34
.48
Thimble
#
0
3
3
%
0
1.01
.73
Total
116
296
412


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The initial work at Puerto Real was facilitated by
the Institute de Sauvegarde du Patrimoine National
(ISPAN) under the direction of M. AlDert Mangones.
Later the Institute National Haitien de la Culture et
des Artes (INAHCA) assumed the role of primary sponsor
and Dr. Max Paul of the Bureau d'Ethnologie aided our
efforts. Funding for the project was provided by the
Organization of American States, represented in Haiti
by M. Ragnar Arnessen and by a grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities (RO-20935-85) awarded to
the University of Florida Center for Early Contact
Period Studies with Dr. Kathleen Deagan as Principal
Investigator.
While at the University of Florida, support also
came from various sources. A University of Florida,
Division of Sponsored Research Graduate School
fellowship was followed by a teaching assistantship
with the Department of Anthropology. The final
preparation of this work was supported by the College
of Liberal Arts and Sciences and the Institute for
Early Contact Period Studies. Interspersed throughout,
the Florida State Museum was always there with
facilities and part-time employment when needed.
iii


108
Feature 6
This feature is defined by a roughly rectangular
concentration of small rocks and brick bats. Located
between 812E and 817E, it is one layer deep and appears
to form a part of some sort of pavement. It was
impossible to tell the true extent of the original
feature. The surface was uneven but this may be the
result of the 1562 earthquake (Figure 6-4).
Features 7 and 8
Both of these features appear to be brick drains
set into the western half of the stone wall foundation
(Feature 5). The features are composed of two stacks
of brick 3 tiers (Feature 7) and 4 tiers (Feature 8)
over a brick paving. Some dressed stones are included
in these features and traces of mortar were found
throughout. Both drains empty to the north. Feature 8
appears to be the more intact of the two (Figure 6-5).
Puerto Real is an extremely rich site. In the
century following its abandonment, French planters
robbed the buildings of most of their brick and stone
but not, apparently, of their refuse. With the above
ground portion of the town removed, the site was
quickly forgotten. Subsequent inhabitants did little
disturbance to the site. The local Haitian villagers
practice only hoe horticulture. Thus the material


129
both surfaces and through the core of the sherds."
Forms recovered at Puerto Real varied from thick large
bowls to thin, delicate, small j arros, pichis, and
bowls. Several of the sherds were incised with wavy
lines, which Deagan (1987) reports as being found on
16th century specimens. It is difficult, at this time,
to determine a time range or place of origin since the
New World potters were turning out redwares by the late
16th century (Deagan 1987) with production continuing
through the 18th century.
Unidentified Coarse Earthenwares. A great many
sherds (30 percent) could not be identified any further
than this general heading. Ceramics in this category
have a soft, low fired paste exhibiting high porosity
(Deagan 1987). Specimens were sometimes lead-glazed
with honey, brown, green and red being the usual colors
of the glaze. Vessel forms tended to overlap the
tablewares category including platos and small bowls as
well as large utilitarian vessels.
Group 3 European Tablewares
This category of ceramics consists of tablewares
of a non-hispanic origin. Poorly represented, the
entire category consists of only slightly over 200
sherds or less than one percent of the total ceramic
assemblage. Considering that Puerto Real was disbanded
because of its traffic with non-Hispanic smugglers one


226
TABLE 7-3 BIOMASS COMPARISONS AT PUERTO REAL
TAXA
L. 19 EARLY
L. 19 LATE
L. 33/35
wgt (kg)
%
wgt
%
wgt
0,
o
MAMMAL
218.513
96
211 693
95
310.658
92
AVIAN
1.46
<1
.74
<1
.475
<1
REPTILE
6.73
3
8.72
4
24 .895
7
FISH
1.667
<1
1.197
<1
1.085
<1


Figure 6-8 Owner's marks on ceramics
AFS# 3281
B FS# 3165
CFS# 3159
DFS# 3395
EFS# 3310
FFS# 3343, Isabela polychrome fragment
GFS# 3292




the completion of this task. Charles Poe, Richard
Vernon, Lee Nabergali, and Rich and Barbara Joh
helped me recover from a car accident in Tallah
enabling me to continue my studies. Jeff Braut
tolerated my near takeover of our office and li
politely to the rough drafts. My good friend,
Skowronek, commiserated with .me and spurred my
in a spirit of friendly competition. My family
stood by me throughout my education always chid
to work harder though never questioning my choi
subjects. Finally, Kathy Gladden provided an
atmosph
ere of
order and
support
without
which t
process
would
have been
no fun.
And if
archaeo
not fun
then
why do it?
nson
assee,
igam
stened
Russ
progress
has
ing me
ce of
he whole
logy is
vi


Figure 6-21 Candle snuffer
FS# 3165, 13 cm in length


CHAPTER III
PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK AT PUERTO REAL
The site of Puerto Real was discovered in 1974 by
Dr. William Hodges. A medical missionary in Haiti for
over twenty-five years, Hodges was and is still, an
avid archaeologist and historian, whose interests are
well known to the villagers around Cape Haitian. Many
of the local farmers would bring him old "treasures"
they had found while hoeing their gardens. Hodges, who
had been actively looking for the site of La Navidad,
received an important clue when farmers from the nearby
village of Limonade showed him some 16th century
artifacts they had found. Of particular interest was a
worn copper coin. The coin was identified as a 4
maravedi piece, common in the Greater Antilles during
the 16th century. This led Hodges to conclude that
there was a Spanish settlement in the area, one that
was later than La Navidad established by Columbus in
1492 (Hodges 1980:3).
An examination of the area where the artifacts
were found confirmed Hodge's suspicions that this was
not the site of La Navidad. Far more artifacts
51


29
admit his error for the rest of his life (Morison
1942 : 385 ) .
The exact route of Columbus's first voyage is a
matter of much speculation and heated debate. The
traditional site of the first landfall has been
Watling's Island, renamed San Salvador to commemorate
the event (Morison 1942:222-36). However, a recent
investigation that used computers to take into account
the effects of ocean currents and winds, proposes
Samana Cay as the most likely candidate (Judge and
Stanfield 1986). Other candidates for the landing site
have been put forth, but it is sufficient here simply
to know that he proceeded through the Bahamas to Cuba
(which he mistook for mainland China) and turned east
and traveled along the north coast of Hispaniola.
It was along the north coast of Haiti that an
event took place that pertains directly to the current
research. On Christmas Eve, 1492, the Santa Maria ran
aground on a barrier reef just east of the present city
of Cap Haitien. The crew was able to reach shore
safely, but the ship was a total loss. After
negotiations with the native cacique Guacanagari,
Columbus decided to leave 39 men to found a small
settlement while he went back to Spain. The settlement
was named La Navidad in honor of the season. According
to Morison (1942:306),


194
Faunal Assemblage
A relatively wide variety of species are
represented at Locus 19. These are listed by class in
Table 6-17. The fauna are quantified in taxonomic
order (Tables 6-18 through 6-22), but for interpretive
purposes they can be divided into two groups; native
and introduced species. These categories correspond
to, with a couple of exceptions, wild vs. domestic
species. The introduced species include: dogs, cats,
swine, cattle, sheep/goats, and chickens. The turtles,
fish, and shellfish are all native species. It should
be noted that all the large and medium mammal bone
probably represent introduced species since no mammals
of that size were native to Hispaniola. Large mammal
probably corresponds with cattle but without positive
identification, zooarchaeological procedures require
that such specimens be placed in this category. The
specimens of family Anatidae (swans, geese, and ducks)
are of uncertain affiliation. In these cases the
species in question could have been introduced ducks or
simply migratory waterfowl.


167
Both the snuffers and the candleholder were found in
Late Period proveniences.
Fishing Items. These artifacts consisted of six
iron fish-hooks of varying sizes (between 2 and 3 cm).
The discovery of these hooks indicate that the
Spaniards were using lines to take fish as well as nets
suggested by Willis (1984:193).
Jew's Harps/Guimbardes. These artifacts are
typically iron, 4-5 cm in length, and U-shaped with a
constricted opening. There is a small metal stub in
the center of the basal curve, presumably where the
resonating middle piece was attached (Figure 6-22).
They closely resemble the Jew's harps described by
Crane (1972:20) .
The form of the instruments is in no way
different from that of the modern ones; the
Jew's harp may be the only instrument
manufactured in Europe today in a form that
has been unchanged for two-thousand years. .
. The early instruments are generally
small, commonly about 5.0 x 2.5 cm or a
little less in maximum dimensions. . The
tongues, always of steel, have normally
disintigrated, except for traces of rust at
the point where they joined the frame.
Group 13 Furniture Hardware
A small category in numbers and types of
artifacts, it is composed primarily of brass tacks at
Puerto Real (Figure 6-16). These would have served
both a useful and decorative function when used to
attach upholstery to furniture (cf. Eberlein 1925).


35
for their medicinal, spice, and dye qualities and
formed a small part of the Atlantic trade. Tobacco,
native to the West Indies, was grown by small planters
and its cultivation and exportation was not significant
until the last quarter of the 16th century (Parry and
Sherlock 1971:15). More in line with the temperment of
the Spanish colonists was the development of a
livestock industry.
As mentioned previously, the economy of Spain was
basically a pastoral one. When transferred to the New
World, cattle supplanted sheep as the most numerous
Iberian domestic animal. Cattle proliferation was so
phenomenal that within decades after their
introduction, the hunting of wild cattle became a
full-time profession.
The settlers derived many products from their
extensive herds, leather being the most important. As
early as 1512, hides were being exported to Spain and
production continued to increase throughout the century
(Macleod 1984:361). Beef was smoked and jerked for
shipment and, unlike his European contemporaries, no
colonist ever wanted for meat. Another by-product of
the island cattle industry was beef tallow. Both
edible and inedible tallow were produced. The former
was derived from crushed and boiled bones and trimmed
fats, the latter from cartilage and sinews. Inedible


246
1982 Analysis of Vertebrate Fauna from Area 19,
Puerto Real, Haiti. Project report on file,
Florida State Museum, Gainesville.
1986 Vertebrate Fauna from Locus 39, Puerto Real,
Haiti. Journal of Field Archaeology 13:317-328.
Reitz, Elizabeth J., and Dan Cordier
1983 Use of Allometry in Zooarchaeological Analysis.
In Animals And Archaeology: Shell Middens, Fishes,
and Birds, edited by J. Clatton-Brock and C.
Grigson, pp. 237-52. BAR International Series 183,
London.
Reitz, Elizabeth J., and Stephen L. Cumbaa
1983 Diet and Foodways of Eighteenth-Century Spanish
St. Augustine. In Spanish St. Augustine: The
Archaeology of a Colonial Creole Community,
edited by Kathleen Deagan, pp.151-186. Academic
Press, Mew York.
Rouse, Irving
1986 Migrations in Prehistory. Yale University
Press, New Haven.
Sauer, Carl 0.
1966 The Early Spanish Main. University of
California Press, Berkeley.
Schiffer, Michael B.
1972 Archaeological Context and Systemic Context.
American Antiquity 37:156-165.
Shapiro, Gary
1984 A Soil Resistivity Survey of 16th-Century
Puerto Real, Haiti. Journal of Field Archeology
11:101-109.
Simpson, Lesley B.
1966 The Encomienda in New Spain. University
of California Press, Berkeley.
Skowronek, Russell
1987 Ceramics and Commerce: The 1554 Flota
Revisited. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of
the Society of Historical Archaeology, Savannah.


190
TABLE 6-13
ARTIFACT
Tack, brass
#
%
Escutcheon
#
Q.
Furniture hardware
#
Total
FURNITURE HARDWARE
PERIOD
EARLY LATE
0 12
0 70.59
0 2
0 11.76
4 3
100.00 17.64
4 17
TOTAL
12
57.14
2
9.52
7
33.33
21


5
stone buildings and a cemetery (Willis 1981, Marrinan
1982). Test excavations were performed in 1981 at
areas where previous testing had indicated that there
was a range of variability in the status of the
inhabitants. These included an area believed to have
been a beef and hide processing area (Reitz 1982) and a
domestic occupation site believed to represent a
wealthy Spanish household (McEwan 1983). The latter
area is of particular interest for comparative purposes
with Locus 19.
Testing the hypothesis requires a series of test
implications, that is; "what would we expect to find if
the hypothesis is correct?" In archaeology the
material assemblage is a limiting factor. It forces
the investigator to rephrase the question to "what
would we expect to find preserved if the hypothesis is
true?" Because the evidence is often fragmentary and
incomplete, the archaeologist must extract all possible
information from the archaeological record. This means
examining every aspect of the data recovered. Without
going into the specifics of the test implications for
the hypothesis (this will be done in Chapter 4) it is
possible to elucidate various aspects of the
archaeological record and point out their value to the
interpretation of the site.


75
anthropology is analogous to working a jigsaw puzzle
without the benefit of the picture on the box, then
archaeology includes the extra handicap of missing many
of the pieces. Nevertheless, many aspects of human
behavior are reflected, in some way, in the
archaeological assemblage.
Determining how specified properties of past
cultural systems can be accurately identified and
measured is the domain of middle range research
(Binford 1981:25). Without going into too much detail,
this type of research simply involves the determination
of how various types of human behavior are represented
in the archaeological record. This is what the test
implications attempt to do in relation to the patterns
of human behavior outlined in the hypothesis. These
tests simply state, "if the hypothesis is true this is
what we should expect to find." Should the tests
support the hypothesis this does not exclude the
possibility that other interpretations exist for the
data. However, it does allow us to continue to use the
hypothesis to guide future research. With this in mind
test implications relevant to the hypothesis can be
presented.
1) Food preparation activities, as represented in
the archaeological assemblage, should show a
significant admixture of European and locally


6 3
residence occupied during the latter part of Puerto
Real's existence.
Fortunately the iy84 project was in an ideal
position to accomplish this comparative task.
Excavations at Loci 33 and 35 in 1981 had provided the
necessary data from an early period (pre-1550), high
status occupation. The results of the survey in 1982
made it possible to locate a late (post-1550) high
status occupation. The field season in 1984 was spent
locating this structure and the 1985 season was spent
excavating it. Details of the excavation strategy and
tactics of data recovery at Locus 19 are discussed in
Chapter V. Chapter IV focuses on the theoretical
orientation for these investigative strategies.


213
Locus 19. Since books were something of a rarity in
the 16th century as well as the ability to read them
(Braudel 1985:40), this might be another indication of
a high-status household.
Test 3
Structures at Puerto Real should employ local
materials in their construction; however, the
architectural style of the buildings and physical
layout of the town should be Hispanic in nature. This
implication follows from the hypothesized Spanish
affiliations in highly visible areas of colonial
culture, and also from mandated urban planning designs
from the Crown (Zendegui 1977).
Although the site had been extensively robbed of
its building materials by post 16th century occupants
and archaeological excavation has been far less
extensive, enough data were collected to satisfy the
tests of the third implication. The building materials
appear to have been obtained locally. The stone
appears to come from the mountains just inland from the
site as outcrops of this rock are visible in that area
today. Given the limited cargo space aboard the
infrequent vessels calling at Puerto Real, it would
seem logical that the masonry might have also been
obtained locally. However, Willis (1984:84) recovered
a brick with a script pattern etched on one of its


174
(1984: Figure 55) referred to horse tackle. Many
small rectangular brass buckles were found. They
measure 1.2 by 3.1 cm with one of the long sides
decorated with a spiral twist. They are thought to have
been associated with the harness trappings, but no
documentation has been found to this effect.
Group 18 Miscellaneous Substance
Most of the artifacts in this category are raw
materials and will not be discussed in depth with three
exceptions. Several amethyst crystals were found in
archaelogical contexts at Locus 19. Their function to
the inhabitants, if any, is not known, though they were
valued as gems in Europe (Muller 1972). A coprolite
from a small animal, possibly a dog, was recovered.
The exact species of the animal responsible for this
ecofact awaits further investigation from a competent
scatologist. Finally a small cake of blue powdery
substance resembling indigo dye was found in the midden
deposits. This, too, awaits the investigation of a
competent specialist.


91
The artifacts and faunal material were washed and air
dried on racks made especially for that purpose. The
brick and stone was weighed and discarded. This was
done because weight was all that was necessary to
determine density and distribution of building rubble.
Also the cost of transporting several tons of rubble to
the U.S. was prohibitive. However, any brick that
retained any two of three measureable dimensions
(height, width, and length) was saved. The same is
true of any piece of masonry that was at all unusual
(e.g. maker's mark, glazing, etc.). After the
artifacts were washed and dried, they were sorted
according to composition (e.g. ceramic, glass, iron)
rebagged and carefully packed into labeled cardboard
cartons for shipment. Records were kept in the lab
cataloging the number of bags and their contents. This
acted as a useful double check to the field specimen
catalog maintained at the site.
All artifacts were shipped to the Florida State
Museum where they underwent additional analysis. Upon
the completion of the analyses, the artifacts will
eventually be returned to Haiti for permanent curation.
Fieldwork in 1984 was particularly challenging in
that the author had never been to Haiti before, let
alone visited the site. Assisting in the field was
fellow graduate student, Greg Smith. Tim Deagan,


221
TABLE 7-1
BIOMASS:
PUERTO REAL VS .
EN
BAS SALINE
TAXA
PR EARLY
PR LATE
EBS
wg t(kg )
%
wg t
%
wg t %
MAMMAL
218.5
96
211.7
95
2.06 20
AVIAN
1.5
1>
.7
1>
.29 3
REPTILE
6.7
3
CO
-J
4
.92 9
FISH
1.7
1>
1.2
1>
00
kO
r-


92
recent graduate of Florida State University and brother
of the principal investigator, was in charge of setting
up and running the field laboratory. The buildings, a
storage shed and lab shed, built in 1979 during
Willis's project, were found to be in good general
repair.
Shortly after our arrival at the site, local
villagers and farmers, who had worked for past
projects, arrived inquiring about work with the current
project. Thirteen men were hired and the crew was put
to work immediately clearing the area to be excavated.
The area selected for excavation was not currently
under cultivation but was covered by tall grass and low
thorny trees known as baya honda trees. Several days
were required to clear the area using machetes.
It was decided to place the initial excavations,
on a low rise of ground, in the middle of the masonry
concentration as depicted on the SYMAP Excavation
confirmed the prediction that Locus 19 was primarily a
high status late period occupation. A total of
twenty-five 1.5 x 2.0 m excavation units were excavated
to sterile subsoil in 10 cm levels. All digging was
done by trowel. This tool proved most suitable for the
recovery of small fragile artifacts and was most
efficient for removal of the hard, baked clay/loam
soil. The Haitians were also very adept at the use of


243
1984 Social Organization and Social Change in
Colonial in Colonial Spanish America. In The
Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 2,
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 265-319 Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Lockhart, James, and Stuart Schwartz
1983 Early Latin America: A History of Colonial
Spanish America and Brazil. Cambridge.
Long, George Ashley
1967 Archaeological Investigations at Panama Vieja.
Unpublished Master's Thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
Lynch, John
1984 Spain under the Hapsburgs, vol. 1, 2nd ed.
New York University Press, New York.
Lyon, Eugene
1981 Research on a Spanish Town on the North Coast
of Hispaniola. Ms on file, Florida State Museum,
Gainesville, Florida.
Macleod, Murdo J.
1984 Spain and America: The Atlantic Trade 1492-1972
In The Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 2
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 341-388. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Manucy Albert
1978 The Houses of St. Augustine. The
St. Augustine Historical Society, St. Augustine.
Mariejol, Jean
1961 The Spain of Ferdinand and Isabella.
Harper and Row, New Brunswick.
Marrinan, Rochelle
1982 Test Excavations at Building B (Area 2) Puerto
Real, Haiti. Project report on file, Florida State
Museum, Gainesville.
1986 Acculturation in the Mission Setting: Spanish
Florida, 1565-1704. Paper presented at the 43rd
Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological
Conference, Nashville.


192
TABLE 6-15 TOYS AND GAMES
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Gaming disk
#
1
8
9
%
50.00
50.00
81.82
Marble
#
0
1
1
Q.
O
0
11.11
9.09
Whizzer
#
1
0
1
%
50.00
0
9.09
Total
2
9
11


FS#
3358
3359
3360
3361
3362
3363
3364
3365
3366
3367
3368
3369
3370
3372
3373
3374
3375
3376
3377
3378
3379
3380
3381
3382
3383
3384
3385
3386
3387
3388
3389
3392
3393
3394
3395
3396
3397
3398
3399
3400
3401
3402
3403
3404
3405
3406
3407
3408
258
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
872N/814E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
874N/812E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
874N/814E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
872N/812E
L. 1
L
Feldspar-inlaid
870N/814E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/816E
L. 4
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/814E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/812E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/818E
L. 4
L
Porcelain
870N/812E
L. 1
L
Porcelain
872N/812E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/81E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
NE
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
870N/812E
NE
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
870N/816E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
870N/814E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
872N/810E
Wl/2
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/816E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/808E
Nl/2
L. 1
L
Porcelain
870N/816E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/816E
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
870N/820E
L. 3
E
Caparra Blue
872N/808E
Nl/2
L. 2
L
Cologne SW
87 0N/81 2-
314E
Fea. 6 L.
1 L
Orange Micaceous
870N/818E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
870N/816E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
870N/816E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
872N/806E
Nl/2
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/814E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
870N/818E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/86E
S1/2
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
870N/818E
L. 3
E
Caparra Blue
872N/806E
Nl/2
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
872N/806E
S 1/2
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/804E
Nl/2
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
874N/808E
S 1/2
L. 1 & 2
L
Feldspar-inlaid
872N/804E
Nl/2
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
874N/808E
S 1/2
L. 3
L
Cologne SW
872N/82E
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
872N/800E
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
874N/88E
S 1/2
L. 4
L
Feldspar-inlaid
872N/814E
Nl/2
L. 5 +
E
Columbia Plain
872N/814E
S 1/2
L. 5 +
E
Columbia Plain
872N/796E
872N/794E
Nl/2
L. 1 & 2
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain


227
late or an early category, and should be considered
simply as being from the 16th century (McEwan
1983:147). It also conforms closely to the faunal
pattern delineated at Locus 19. Again, this suggests a
continuity through time rather than a slowly
crystallizing adaptive shift.


60
Hamilton recovered from Locus 39 seemed, by reference
to documented patterns of status variability in St.
Augustine (Deagan 1983), to indicate a low status
household. That is, many of the ceramics were crude
locally produced wares with the expensive glassware and
decorative artifacts largely missing from the artifact
assemblage. However, the amount and nature of the
animal bone refuse recovered seemed out of place for a
domestic context, and it is possible that the site
could have been the locus of commercial activities
related to cattle.
Elizabeth Reitz, zooarchaeologist now at the
University of Georgia, performed the faunal analysis
for this area (Reitz 1986). She determined that over
^ .
70% of the animal bone recovered was the remains of
butchered cattle that had not fully matured. She also
noted that the cattle, even though immature, were very
large. In fact, the size range overlapped that of
aurochs, an extinct bovid believed to be the forerunner
of domestic cattle. Reitz attributed this to the fact
that when cattle were introduced into the area by the
colonists they found no native ruminants which could
have been vectors for disease or competitors for food;
there also were no predators, except humans.
Consequently the cattle attained large size.


196
TABLE 6-17
Scientific name
INVERTEBRATES
Decapoda
Brachyura
Cardisoma sp.
Cittarium pica
Nertina virgnea
S trombus gigas
Arcidae
Brachidontes exustus
Mytilopsis cf. leucopheta
Isognomon atlatus
Crassostrea virginica
Codakia costata
Codakia orbicularis
Lucine pectinata
Chama sp.
Tellina fausta
Donax denticulata
Anomalocardia denticulata
Chione cancellata
Continued
Common name
crab
true crab
land crab
W. I. top-shell
virgin nerite
queen conch
ark
scorched mussel
false mussel
flat tree oyster
eastern oyster
costate lucine
tiger lucine
thick lucina
jewel box
faust tellin
donax
W.I. pointed
cross-barred
venus
venus


120
Cuenca Tile. Only one fragment of Cuenca tile was
recovered from Locus 19 although over a dozen were
found at Building A (Willis 1984:213). All of the
tiles corresponded to Goggin's type B. This type
features floral motifs deeply stamped onto the surface
and colored with blue, green, honey-colored brown, and
manganese. This type dates to the 16th century (Goggin
1968: 145-6).
Lusterware Also known as Reflejo Metlico, this
interesting type is represented by a single sherd at
Locus 19, and is rare in New World contexts in general.
It is characterized by a design of a reflective,
irridescent luster of copper-gold on an off-white base
(Deagan 1987:38).
Isabela Polychrome. A dozen pieces of Isabela
Polychrome were recovered from Locus 19. All were
plato forms, including one large rim fragment. This
type has a Columbia-Plain type paste and a dull blue
and manganese purple design on an off-white enamel
surface. Designs are concentric lines of blue
surrounding a band of purple or stylized alafias
(Goggin 1968:126-7). The time range of this type
appears to be the first 3/4 of the 16th century (Deagan
1987 ) .
La Vega Blue on White. This is a very poorly
known type. Only three sherds were recovered and their


191
ARTIFACT
Awl
#
o
'O
Chisel
#
File
#
%
Plumb bob
#
a
Punch
#
%
UID, tool
#
%
Wedge
#
%
Total
TABLE 6-14 TOOLS
PERIODS
EARLY LATE
0 9
0 50.00
0 3
0 16.67
0 1
0 5.56
1 0
50.00 0
1 2
50.00 11.11
0 2
0 11.11
0 1
0 5.56
2 18
TOTAL
9
45.00
3
15.00
1
5.00
1
5.00
3
15.00
2
10.00
1
5.00
20


49
did not become important in the rescate until the end
of the century, but it is their presence which
eventually forced the abandonment of the western half
of Hispaniola (Andrews 1978:174).
Meanwhile Puerto Real was suffering from both
natural and economic disasters. In 1562 an earthquake
rocked the north coast of Hispaniola. This was
followed by the 1566 incident with the French corsairs.
In that same year, Spain ordered a cessation of
registry of ships at Puerto Real due to its smuggling
activities. Puerto Real sued and had its registry
temporarily restored, but this only delayed the
inevitable.
Ironically, it was not the loss of revenue that
worried the Spanish Crown. The economic importance of
the hide trade was negligable. Andrews (1978:195)
claims that, "hides were the virtual offal of the
Indies, left for Lutherans and mulattoes to haggle over
by Spaniards occupied with transactions of a higher
order--in sugar, dyes and precious metals." Rather,
the main concern of the Crown was the presence of these
foreign interlopers, not in the hides they diverted
from Spain.
In the ports of northern and western Hispaniola
practically the whole population was involved in
smuggling (Andrews 1978:208). Spain could not stop the


128
since it represents solid evidence that this type was
appearing before its commonly supposed terminus post
quem.
Glazed olive jar accounts for 23 percent of all
olive jars at Locus 19. The color of this lead glaze
was usually green or brownish-yellow. An interesting
deviation from the usual glaze colors was the presence
of twelve red-glazed olive jar fragments. This
appeared to be the result of a clear lead glaze applied
over a red slip, as some unglazed red slipped olive jar
fragments were also recovered. All but one of these
sherds were found in late period proveniences.
Spanish Storage Jar. This type of ceramic is
defined by vessel form rather than by characteristics
of paste or surface treatment. It has an olive
jar-type paste and has been identified in jarro and
bacin forms (Deagan 1987). At Locus 19 this type is,
no doubt, underrepresented since only flat bottomed
basal sherds could be confidently placed in this type.
Like olive jar, Spanish storage jar also often had an
interior green glaze.
Redware. A difficult ware to categorize, this
type is found at Locus 19 in both utilitarian and
special function tableware forms. Deagan (1987)
defines it as being "characterized by an orange or
brick-red earthenware paste... uniform color on


212
array of fasteners gives positive material verification
to the implicit assumptions that have been based on
documentary records. It also reenforces the
interpretation of the occupant's status. The clothing
of the lower classes was extremely simple (Braudel
1985:316) having a minimum of metal accessories. Also
found at Locus 19 was a silver aglet further
strengthening this arguement.
Little jewelry, apart from beads, or religious
paraphenalia has been recovered at Puerto Real. Rather
than an indication of low status or religious
indifference, this probably reflects the manner in
which such objects enter the archaeological record.
Small, valuable items such as these usually are
deposited as the result of loss rather than discard
(Schiffer 1972). Very little of the interior of the
structure was actually excavated, where such losses
would be most likely to occur, or at least be
recovered. The value of these items would also
mitigate against the loss of a great many of these
items in that greater care would be taken of such
possessions. Beads were a popular trade item. Perhaps
their presence outside the structure can be accounted
for by the traffic in that area of the non-Hispanic
inhabitants. The excavation of several pieces of book
hardware suggest the presence of literate people at


55
the site measured nearly 500 x 500 m. Most
importantly, except for the robbing of construction
material, the site seemed little disturbed by any
post-abandonment activity. Today, Haitians living on
the site practice hoe agriculture and only disturb the
upper 15 cm of the soil. The success of the first
season's excavations encouraged the participants to
return to the site the following summer.
The second season (1980) saw the formal entrance
of the University of Florida into the project. This
allowed a larger scale archaeological effort. Ray
Willis returned with three other graduate student
archaeologists (Jennifer Hamilton, Rochelle Marrinan
and Gary Shapiro) from the University of Florida. The
crew of Haitian villagers hired as field hands doubled
from twenty to forty.
The 1980 field season focused on the complete
excavation of Building A, as the structure discovered
the previous year had been named. Results were
encouraging (Willis 1984:59).
Willis interpreted this building as the central
cathedral or possibly some other public structure
situated on the town plaza (Willis 1984:128). Another
structure located under the square-shaped mound next to
Building A was designated Building B. The town
cemetery was discovered a few meters west of this


FROM SPANIARD TO CREOLE:
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HISPANIC AMERICAN CULTURAL FORMATION
AT PUERTO REAL, HAITI
CHARLES ROBIN EWEN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1987

Copyright 1987
by
Charles Robin Ewen

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The initial work at Puerto Real was facilitated by
the Institute de Sauvegarde du Patrimoine National
(ISPAN) under the direction of M. AlDert Mangones.
Later the Institute National Haitien de la Culture et
des Artes (INAHCA) assumed the role of primary sponsor
and Dr. Max Paul of the Bureau d'Ethnologie aided our
efforts. Funding for the project was provided by the
Organization of American States, represented in Haiti
by M. Ragnar Arnessen and by a grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities (RO-20935-85) awarded to
the University of Florida Center for Early Contact
Period Studies with Dr. Kathleen Deagan as Principal
Investigator.
While at the University of Florida, support also
came from various sources. A University of Florida,
Division of Sponsored Research Graduate School
fellowship was followed by a teaching assistantship
with the Department of Anthropology. The final
preparation of this work was supported by the College
of Liberal Arts and Sciences and the Institute for
Early Contact Period Studies. Interspersed throughout,
the Florida State Museum was always there with
facilities and part-time employment when needed.
iii

Faunal analysis and production of this work were
completed with the help of a Charles H. Fairbanks
Award.
A great deal is owed to various faculty members
for their guidance on this project. First and foremost
is the committee chair, Dr. Kathleen Deagan. She has
formalized an otherwise too casual graduate student
while at the same time restraining his "uppity"
tendencies. The other members of the committee; Dr.
Jerald Milanich, Dr. Elizabeth Wing, Dr. Lyle
McAlister, and Dr. Michael Gannon were all there when
needed. Dr. Gannon deserves special mention for being
there when the candidate's funds ran out at the bar of
the Hotel Oloffson in Port-au-Prince. Dr. David Geggus
couldn't be there at the end but did help get me
started off on the right foot.
Although the actual writing was a solitary task
performed in a remote office on campus, the recovery
and analysis of the data involved a multitude of people
to which I am must grateful. In the field, assistance
at the site was most ably given by Greg Smith and Patti
Peacher Greg also kept me sane both in the field and
during the preparation of this dissertation. In the
field lab, Tim Deagan and Jim Cusick somehow kept up
with a daily torrent of artifacts. Maurice Williams
shared his experiences and knowledge of the site. I am
especially grateful to Dr. William Hodges of the
xv

Hopital le Bon Samaritan for discovering the site and
forcing me to justify my interpretations. The bulk of
the fieldwork was done by local Haitian villagers.
These men formed the best field crew I have ever had
the priveledge to work with. They were extremely
patient with my Creole, always in good humor, and true
artists with a trowel. This same gratitude is extended
to the Haitian students who came up from Port-au-Prince
to work with us.
Back in the United States Greg Smith, Bonnie
McEwan, and John Marrn aided with the analysis. John
is to be commended for completing the odious task of
coding and entering the data. Let it be noted that
this was not a thankless task. The excellent artifact
photographs were taken by James Quine and served to
accentuate my own shortcomings in field photography.
The faunal analysis was performed under the direction
of Dr. Elizabeth Wing in the Florida State Museum
Zooarchaeology Laboratory by Karen Walker, Susan
DeFrance, and Karla Bosworth to whom I am extremely
grateful, having been involved with that exacting task
in a previous project. I am also very grateful to Ray
Willis, Rochelle Marrinan, Jennifer Hamilton, Bonnie
McEwan, Gary Shapiro, and Alicia Kemper whose work
preceded mine and from which I benefitted.
The final round of applause goes to those who more
casually, though no less importantly, contributed to
v

the completion of this task. Charles Poe, Richard
Vernon, Lee Nabergali, and Rich and Barbara Joh
helped me recover from a car accident in Tallah
enabling me to continue my studies. Jeff Braut
tolerated my near takeover of our office and li
politely to the rough drafts. My good friend,
Skowronek, commiserated with .me and spurred my
in a spirit of friendly competition. My family
stood by me throughout my education always chid
to work harder though never questioning my choi
subjects. Finally, Kathy Gladden provided an
atmosph
ere of
order and
support
without
which t
process
would
have been
no fun.
And if
archaeo
not fun
then
why do it?
nson
assee,
igam
stened
Russ
progress
has
ing me
ce of
he whole
logy is
vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
LIST OF TABLES ix
LIST OF FIGURES X
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTERS
IINTRODUCTION i
IIFROM SEVILLE TO PUERTO REAL AND POINTS
IN BETWEEN 10
Spa in 11
The West Indies 28
Puerto Real 41
III PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK AT PUERTO REAL 51
IV THEORETICAL ORIENTATION 6 4
V STRATEGY AND TACTICS AT PUERTO REAL 84
VI EXCAVATED DATA 9 6
Locus 19 Proveniences 96
Group 1 Majolicas 115
Group 2 Utilitarian Wares 124
Group 3 European Tablewares 129
Group 20 Hispanic Tablewares 135
Group 4 Colono and Aboriginal Wares 137
Group 5 Kitchen Artifacts 141
Group 6 Strucutural Hardware 145
Group 7 Weaponry and Armor 146
Group 8 Clothing and Sewing Items 146
Group 9 Personal Items 151
Group 10 Activity Related Items 164
Group 13 Furniture Hardware 167
Group 14 Tools 172
Group 15 Toys and Games 173
Group 16 Harness and Tack 173
Group 18 Miscellaneous Substances 174
Faunal Assemblage 194
Vll

VII RESULTS Of ANALYSES 206
Test 1 20 6
Test 2 20 8
Test 3 213
Test 4 216
Test 5 22 2
VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 227
Summary 22 7
Conclusions 230
Suggestions for Future Research 232
BIBLIOGRAPHY 23 5
APPENDICES
1 PUERTO REAL ANALYSIS SHEET 249
2 CATEGORIES ON THE CODING SHEETS 250
3 PROVENIENCE GUIDE 252
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 259
Vlll

LIST OF TABLES
TABLE PAGE
6-1 ARTIFACT CATEGORIES 1U9
6-2 MAJOLICAS 17 5
6-3 UTILITARIAN CERAMICS 177
6-4 EUROPEAN TABLEWARES 178
6-5 HISPANIC TABLEWARES 17y
6-6 COLONO AND ABORIGINAL CERAMICS 180
6-7 KITCHEN ARTIFACTS 181
6-8 STRUCTURAL HARDWARE 18 3
6-9 WEAPONRY AND ARMOR 184
6-10 CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS 185
6-11 PERSONAL ITEMS 187
6-12 ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS 189
6-13 FURNITURE HARDWARE 190
6-14 TOOLS 191
6-15 TOYS AND GAMES 192
6-16 HARNESS AND TACK 193
6-17 SPECIES PRESENT 195
6-18 MAMMALIAN FAUNA 200
6-19 AVIAN FAUNA 201
6-20 REPTILIAN FAUNA 201
6-21 FISH 202
6-22 INVERTEBRATE FAUNA 20 4
7-1 BIOMASS: PUERTO REAL VS. EN BAS SALINE 221
7-2 EARLY VS. LATE CONTEXTS AT PUERTO REAL 224
7-3 BIOMASS COMPARISONS AT PUERTO REAL 226
ix

LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE
2-1 THE COAT OF ARMS OF PUERTO REAL 4 3
2-2 ROUTES OF THE TREASURE FLEETS. 46
5-1 MASONRY LOCI AT PUERTO REAL 86
5-2 LOCATION OF LOCUS 19 87
6-1 PRINCIPAL EXCAVATIONSLOCUS 19 97
6-2 THE MIDDEN AT LOCUS 19 1
6-3 THE WALL FOUNDATION AT LOCUS 19 103
6-4 FEATURE 6THE BRICK PAVEMENT 10 5
6-5 FEATURE 8A BRICK DRAIN 107
6-6 MAJOLICA 114
6-7 VES SEL FORMS 116
6-8 OWNER'S MARKS ON CERAMICS 119
6-9 OLIVE JAR NECKS 127
6-1U COLOGNE STONEWARE 131
6-11 MING PORCELAIN 134
6-12 CHRIS TOPHE PLAIN 139
6-13 GLASS ARTIFACTS 143
6-14 BONE ARTIFACTS... 148
6-15 BUCKLES 150
6-16 STRAIGHT PINS AND AGLETS 153
6-17 4 MARAVEDI COINS 155
6-18 UNICORN PENDANT 158
6-19 BEAD TYPES FROM LOCUS 19 160
6-20 DECORATIVE CLASPS AND HARDWARE 163
x

166
6-21
6-22
6-23
CANDLE SNUFFER
JEW'S HARP 169
BRASS STARS L71
xi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate
School of the University of Florida in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
FROM SPANIARD TO CREOLE:
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF HISPANIC AMERICAN CULTURAL FORMATION
AT PUERTO REAL, HAITI
By
Charles Robin Ewen
May 1987
Chair: Kathleen Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology
The adaptive measures used by some of the earliest
European colonists are archaeologically investigated at
Puerto Real, Haiti (1504-1578). Based on the results
of excavations at both Puerto Real and St. Augustine,
Florida, it is believed that the processes of
incorporation of New World and African cultural
elements into Spanish colonial culture began almost
immediately and lie at the roots of contemporary Latin
American culture. It is specifically hypothesized that
the Spaniards practiced conservatism in those socially
visible areas associated with male activities coupled
with the incorporation of native traits in the less
visible, female dominated areas. Archaeologically
testable implications of this hypothesis are offered,
tested, and tend to support this hypothesis.
Xll

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Puerto Real, founded in 1503 just over a decade
after Columbus's initial voyage of discovery, was one
of the earliest Spanish colonial settlements in the New
World. The site provides an important opportunity for
archaeological research into initial Spanish colonial
adaptations to the New World and their role in the
development of an Hispanic-American colonial tradition.
Here, it is possible to identify specific ways in which
sixteenth century Iberian colonists adapted to New
World social, economic, and environmental conditions.
Through the combination and exchange of Old World and
New World cultural and physical elements, the colonists
developed a unique adaptive tradition that
characterized the pioneer Spanish settlements and
represented the earliest expression of Hispanic-
American culture.
The approach to the study of culture contact and
acculturation taken here is somewhat unusual in that it
emphasizes the effects of the New World people and
environment on the European colonists. Traditional
studies of acculturation have dealt predominantly with
1

2
the impact of the colonial power on the indigenous
peoples (Foster 1960:7). Researchers should not forget
that this was not a one-way transfer of traits (i.e.
colonists to indigenous peoples), but rather an unequal
exchange. The Spaniards, while not suffering the
enormous cultural transformations thrust upon the
Indians, did experience social modifications. It is
these modifications that this study will seek to
elucidate.
This particular study of culture contact and
change must of necessity be confined to Spanish
colonial activity in the New World. It is expected
that by examining Iberian adaptive responses in various
New World settings (i.e. Puerto Real, Haiti and St.
Augustine, Florida) it will be possible to arrive at
some generalizations concerning Spanish colonization
strategies and how they are reflected in the
archaeological record. It is important to build solid
midrange theory if archaeologists are ever to attempt
to formulate general laws governing human behavior.
With the approach of the Columbian quincentenary
in 1992, scholarly as well as popular attention is
being drawn to Spain's activities in the western
hemisphere. Several historical, anthropological, and
archaeological works (cf. Deagan 1983, Floyd 1973,

3
Foster 1960, Gongora 1975, Sauer 1966) deal
specifically with Spanish colonial adaptations.
Of these, Foster's and Deagan's work have most directly
influenced the author.
Foster (1960:7-12) provides the working
theoretical model for this study with his idea of a
"culture of conquest." Here he acknowledges that, in
contact situations, the major changes are to be found
in the culture of the recipient group. However, the
donor group or "conquest culture" also changes its
character to some degree. Foster (1960: 233) states
that the basic colonial cultures took shape relatively
rapidly. As they became more successful in satisfying
the basic needs of the colonists, they become more
static or "crystallized" to use Foster's term. Once
crystallized, the culture became more resistant to
change from the mother country. It is predicted that
this situation will be manifest at Puerto Real.
The most extensive archaeological study of Spanish
colonial adaptation to the New World to date has been
conducted in St. Augustine, Florida. The best summary
of this work is Deagan's (1983) Spanish St. Augustine
The Archaeology of a Colonial Creole Community. In it
she formulates a cultural pattern for the residents of
this colonial outpost. On the basis of archaeological
evidence accumulated over the last decade, Deagan

4
(1983:271) suggests that the processes involved in the
formation of the Hispanic-American tradition in St.
Augustine were common to much of the Spanish New World.
Conservatism in those socially visible areas associated
with male activities was coupled with Spanish-Indian
acculturation in the less visible, female dominated
areas. She goes on to suggest that this pattern of
behavior should be expected in any situation where a
predominantly male group imposes itself on a group with
a normal sex distribution. It is this hypothesis,
specifically, that will be tested with the data from
Puerto Real. An ancillary purpose of this study will
be to gain a better appreciation of the past lifeways
of the vecinos. How did they live? What did they eat?
What did they own? These are all questions that
archaeology can help answer.
The material recovered from the 1984-85
excavations represents only part of the Puerto Real
database which will be used to test the St. Augustine
pattern. Puerto Real appears to have been a grid
pattern town with over fifty masonry structures
(designated as loci #1-57) situated around a central
plaza. The most recent work was conducted at a
structure in the northern part of the town, designated
Locus 19. Excavations in the plaza area of Puerto Real
were carried out in 1979 and 1980, locating two large

5
stone buildings and a cemetery (Willis 1981, Marrinan
1982). Test excavations were performed in 1981 at
areas where previous testing had indicated that there
was a range of variability in the status of the
inhabitants. These included an area believed to have
been a beef and hide processing area (Reitz 1982) and a
domestic occupation site believed to represent a
wealthy Spanish household (McEwan 1983). The latter
area is of particular interest for comparative purposes
with Locus 19.
Testing the hypothesis requires a series of test
implications, that is; "what would we expect to find if
the hypothesis is correct?" In archaeology the
material assemblage is a limiting factor. It forces
the investigator to rephrase the question to "what
would we expect to find preserved if the hypothesis is
true?" Because the evidence is often fragmentary and
incomplete, the archaeologist must extract all possible
information from the archaeological record. This means
examining every aspect of the data recovered. Without
going into the specifics of the test implications for
the hypothesis (this will be done in Chapter 4) it is
possible to elucidate various aspects of the
archaeological record and point out their value to the
interpretation of the site.

6
Artifacts are the building blocks of induction for
the archaeologist. At Puerto Real the artifact
assemblage has been divided into twenty functionally
specific categories for comparative purposes (Table 1).
These categories will be further discussed Chapter VI
along with the artifacts in. Ceramics are a key
category, since previously they have provided both a
chronological framework and indications of the owners'
statuses. Similarly non-ceramic artifacts such as
glass, tools, weaponry, etc., can be used to suggest
their owner's relative status, occupations and ethnic
affiliations. In addition certain artifacts (i.e. food
preparation items, types of tablewares) give clues as
to the type diet enjoyed by the site's occupants.
However, there are also other ways of obtaining this
particular information.
The faunal assemblage can allow the researcher to
make a very good assessment of the meat portion of the
Spanish colonist's diet. Of particular interest is the
proportion of the diet that is made up of indigenous
species (fish, turtles, fowl) as opposed to introduced
domesticated species (swine, cattle, chickens). Is
differential use of various species a sign of status
differences, preferences based on ethnicity or a
combination of both? Another question that can be
addressed using the faunal assemblage is the effect the

7
New World environment had on the introduced domestic
species. Historical records indicate that the cattle
thrived in an environment of extensive, ungrazed
pastures, few parasites, and no natural predators
(besides humans). The effects of this bovine utopia
should show up in the faunal assemblage as skeletal
evidence denoting larger and healthier individuals.
Another aspect of Spanish colonial adaptation
falls into the realm of architecture and urban design.
Were the houses Spanish or aboriginal in design? What
materials were used to build the structures and what
factors influenced their selection? The grid pattern
was the hallmark of Spanish colonial town planning, out
had not been officially decreed until 1573 (Crouch et
al. 1982:xviii). The excavation of Puerto Real
provides an opportunity to see if this decree was
implemented to correct haphazard town planning or
whether it was merely a formalization of a de facto
urban design.
Using the data collected to date it should be
possible to formulate a tentative "Puerto Real pattern"
of Spanish colonial adaptation. The presence of early
period (pre-1550) and late period (post-1550)
occupation loci at the site facilitates diachronic
analysis of the material to detect the
"crystallization" processes in the pattern. Having

8
delineated a pattern of adaptation at Puerto Real, this
pattern can then be compared to the one derived from
data obtained from St. Augustine. The comparison of
these two patterns will make it possible to detect the
effects that different economic and environmental
factors have on colonial culture formation.
The next chapter describes the historical,
economic, and environmental milieu in which these
adaptational processes took place. Chapter III covers
the previous archaeological work done at Puerto Real.
The ensuing chapters build on each other, in a
logical progression, to the final resolution of the
Spanish colonial adaptive pattern. Chapter IV is the
formal presentation of the hypothesis and delineation
of the test implications. From there the dissertation
moves from the ideal to the real. Chapter V describes
the field methodology and strategy used at Locus 19,
while Chapter VI is a description of the data recovered
(e.g. ceramic types, fauna, etc.). The faunal material
is quantified in terms of MNI and biomass and species
distribution. Chapter VII manipulates the raw data
presented in Chapter VI. The data are applied to the
to the test implications, artifact distributions are
examined, the material assemblage from the late period
is compared to the early period of the site, and the
entire assemblage is compared with St. Augustine.

9
Finally, in Chapter VIII, the analyses are summarized
and conclusions are presented. The chapter concludes
with an assessment of the material assemblage, a
tentative proposal for a colonial pattern, and
suggestions for further research.

CHAPTER II
FROM SEVILLE TO PUERTO REAL, AND POINTS IN BETWEEN
The documentary record for the colonization of the
Caribbean in general during the 16th century is, on the
whole, fairly extensive. Unfortunately this does not
apply to Puerto Real in particular. Puerto Real was an
economic backwater almost from the beginning and has
not merited a great deal of historical research. Many
of the pertinent documents that have been discovered
were located by Dr. Eugene Lyon in the Archivo General
de las Indias in Seville, Spain (Lyon 1981).
Recounting the events that took place at Puerto
Real will tell the reader what happened at the site but
not why these events took place. To understand the
history of Puerto Real, why it was founded, why it was
neglected by the crown, and then forcibly evacuated
less than a century later, it is necessary to look
beyond the city limits. That is, to put events in
their proper perspective it is essential to know what
was happening throughout the Hispanic world during the
16th century. This chapter will begin with a brief
history of Spain, emphasizing the economic imperatives
of the
10

11
crown and daily life of the citizens in the
century, and progressively narrow its scope
Caribbean, Hispaniola, ending with the town
Real.
16 th
to the
of Puerto
S pain
On the eve of Columbus's departure for the New
World, Spain had completed the final stage of its
reconquest of the Iberian peninsula, victory over the
kingdom of Granada. To some historians, the imperial
designs of Spain in America were merely a logical
extention of the Reconquista which had begun back in
A.D. 718 near the caves of Covadonga in the Cantabrian
mountains of northwest Spain (McAlister 1984:3). This
Reconquista was not a well-organized conscious, crusade
to oust the Moors, but rather a centuries long series
of gains and losses by small Christian kingdoms
fighting against each other as well as against the
Moslem occupants of Spain. Thus, Spain was not and
would not be a unified nation until well into the 16th
century.
The first steps toward integration were taken, in
1469, when Isabella of Castile married Ferdinand, heir
to the crown of Aragon. Though neither monarch ever
tried to officially join the two kingdoms into a single
administrative unit, their joint reign informally
achieved this end. An important factor in the creation

12
of a national, unified spirit was the royal effort to
cleanse Spain of its perceived ethnic and religious
impurities. In the wake of the fall of Granada in 1492
all Jews residing in Spain were ordered to convert to
Catholicism or leave the country. A decade later, the
Moors still residing in the peninsula had to make the
same decision. Conversion, though, did not guarantee
acceptance into society. Conversos, as the new
Christians were called, were discriminated against at
every turn. The establishment of the Spanish
Inquisition attempted to abolish all social deviation
by enforcing a policy of religious intolerance and
limpieza de sangre [purity of blood]. That instability
still existed can be seen in the turmoil for succession
after Isabella's death in 1504. After much difficulty
and intrigue, Ferdinand was able to rule both Castile
and Aragon until his grandson, Charles (the son of
Joanna the Mad and Phillip of Austria) came of age.
Charles I of Spain was Spanish neither by birth
nor inclination. His formative years were spent in
Burgundy in the south of France. In 1517, when he
arrived in Spain to claim his inheritance, he was
young, inexperienced, unaccustomed to the ways of
Spain, and spoke no Spanish (Lynch 1984:38). Charles
was already the king of the Low Countries (Luxembourg,
Brabant, Flanders, Holland, Zeeland, Hainault, and

13
Artois), when, upon the death of his grandfather,
Maximillian, in 1519, he inherited the Habsburg1s
estates of Austria, Tyrol, and parts of southern
Germany. His last inheritance allowed him to assume
the title of Emperor Charles V.
The Holy Roman Empire, as the realms of Charles V
were called, was extensive and included Spain, the Low
Countries, Germany, Austria, parts of Italy and
outposts in North Africa. Charles was an ambitious
monarch and had dreams of uniting all of Europe under
his reign. This had unfortunate consequences not only
for Spain but for its colonies in the New World as
well. First, because his domains were so vast, Charles
had little time to devote exclusively to Spain. He
spent only 16 years of his 40-year reign actually
residing in Spain (Elliot 1963:154). Secondly, the
size of his empire and ambitions dictated that Charles
would be almost constantly at war, sometimes on as many
as three different fronts. These wars were costly and
drained Spain's resources to the point of bankruptcy
(this did, in fact, happen three times during his son's
reign). Spain's fledgling New World colonies were
seemingly viewed as little more than a source of wealth
to be spent on European wars.
The government and development of the New World
colonies were low on the emperor's list of priorities

14
and so their administration was turned over to one of
his counselors, Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, then
archdeacon of Seville. The commercial aspects of the
colonies were handled by the Casa de Contratacin, but
Fonseca remained in overall command until his death in
1524. The Council of the Indies was then created to
administrate the colonies (Elliot 1963:165).
Meanwhile, Charles had to cope with an attempted
civil war in Castile when the comuneros [middle
classes] revolted in 1520. This revolution was
ostensibly to protect the old way of life in Castile.
Most Spaniards, especially Castilians, saw Charles as
a Burgundian interloper who shipped wealth out of their
country and replaced it with foreign ministers. The
revolt, however, was disorganized and lacked the
support of the powerful nobility, who were more afraid
of the comuneros than a foreign monarch. The defeat of
the comuneros in 1521 secured the Habsburg dynasty in
Spain (Elliot 1963:149).
When Phillip II, son of Charles V, inherited the
empire in 1556, he also inherited a war with the Pope
and France. The following year he was forced by the
Spanish state bankruptcy of 1557 to make peace and
abandon the imperial policy of Charles V (Lynch
1984:179). In contrast with the warrior-king Charles
V, Phillip II, the supreme bureaucrat, spent his reign

15
ruling from Spain. This change "fittingly symbolized
the transformation of the Spanish empire as it passed
out of the age of the conquistador into the age of the
civil servant" (Elliot 1963:160). It was from Spain
that Phillip directed the ill-fated attempts to hold
together the empire and crush the rising forces of
protestantism.
This is not to say that Phillip II's tenure as
king of Spain was a disaster. On the contrary, Lynch
(1984:184) refers to him as "the hardest working
monarch in history." Phillip II reorganized the
government to more efficiently rule the empire.
However, widespread corruption and Phillip's insistance
to personally authorize virtually every official
decision prevented this system from operating as
smoothly as it could have. Nevertheless, it was an
improvement. Militarily and diplomatically there were
some notable achievements. The Moriscos (Christianized
Moors residing in Spain) were quickly put down after an
attempted revolt in 1568. At Lepanto, in 1571, the
Ottoman Empire was beaten at sea and the Mediterranean
was made more secure. Finally, in a series of shrewd
maneuvers Phillip was able to gain the crown of
Portugal and thus, in 1580, united the entire Iberian
peninsula under one ruler.

16
Unfortunately, Phillip II's personal integrity was
not sufficient to make Spain an economic or military
success. The defeat of the invincible Armada (1588)
and loss of the Netherlands tarnished Spain's military
image. The disastrous military campaigns and dismal
domestic industrial picture resulted in three
bankruptcies during Phillip's reign (1557, 1575, 1596).
Broken both physically and spiritually, Phillip II
died in 1598. His son, Phillip III inherited a nation
needing a capable ruler to pull it out of its decline.
Phillip III did not possess his father's drive or
acumen. Spain would never regain its dominant position
in world affairs.
Spain never dominated the western world in
commerce as she had dominated it militarily and
politically. Most Spaniards regarded commerce as they
did manual labor, a degrading activity to be avoided if
possible (Pike 1972). This ethos explains, in part,
why Spain did not develop into an industrial power.
Spain's economy, never very strong, changed throughout
the 16th century. The following discussion will be
primarily concerned with Castile's role in the Spanish
economy since this bears most directly on New World
affairs .
The roots of 16th century Spain's economy are to
be found in the wool trade. By 1300, with the

17
introduction of a superior breed of Merino sheep,
Castile became the leading wool producer in the
international market. The Mesta (stockmen's guild) was
formed in 1273 by Alfonso X. Though it later became a
powerful political entity, the chief duty of the Mesta
was to organize and maintain the caadas (sheep trails)
that ran between the summer pastures and winter
pastures (Vicens Vives 1969:253). The Crown's pastoral
bias worked to the detriment of Spain's agricultural
efforts, but the tax base represented by the Mesta was
too tempting to resist.
Wool was the principal but not the only export of
Spain. Iron was mined and forged in the north while
cloth was made from Castilian wool in the central
region. Between 1492-1560, Spain was exporting
quicksilver, wine, cloth, and luxury items (Vicens
Vives 1969:326). The quicksilver (used in the
amalgamation of silver ore), wine, and cloth were bound
primarily for the American colonies. Spain exported
raw materials and metals relying on imports for most of
its manufactured goods, its own industry being very
limited in scope. Hence, as is exemplified by Seville,
Spanish industry was geared more towards quality
production of luxury goods, not production of
utilitarian goods (Pike 1972:131). This would have a

18
significant effect on the mercantilistic relationship
with her colonies.
The impact of the New World on the Spanish economy
was considerable. The colonies represented wealth in a
number of different forms. First, as a source of
precious metals they were unsurpassed. European mining
virtually ceased, being unable to compete in either
cost or quantity with New World silver and, to a lesser
extent, gold. An unfortunate repercussion of this huge
influx of wealth was a staggering inflation rate known
as the "price revolution" in Spain (Vicens Vives
1969:379). The colonies supplied a number of other
items besides bullion. Hides from the Indies revived
the leather working industry in Spain which had been
initiated by the Moors. Ornamental leather goods,
jackets, and the famous gloves of Ocaa and Ciudad Real
were made from West Indian hides and sold throughout
Europe (Lynch 1984:125). Other imports included
cochineal, indigo, dyewoods, sugar, pearls, and plants
such as Cassia fistula (used as a purgative). Many of
the West Indian imports paused only briefly in Seville
before becoming part of Spain's export trade.
The preceding statements concerning the thriving
wool trade and glut of precious metals and tropical
products beg the following question, "Why was Spain
perpetually on the verge of bankruptcy?"
The answer is

19
simply that Spain's expenses outstripped her income.
The next question, then, is "Where did the money go?"
Much of the wealth was used to supply Spain with
goods and services not produced domestically. Spain's
pro-Mesta policies meant that it was constantly
importing food to supplement its meager agricultural
production. Also, as previously mentioned, the
industrial capabilities were not much better than the
agricultural base, forcing Spain to rely on other
nations' industries for finished products. Even in its
trade with the Americas, Spain lost potential revenue
to foreigners. Vicens Vives (1967:98) states that
Genoese bankers monopolized the profits from
the exploitation of American mines; Genoese
outfitters controlled the provisioning of the
fleets. Meanwhile, Italian, Flemish, and
French merchants seized control of the
colonial trade by means of the fairs at
Medina del Campo and the embarkations from
Seville and Cadiz.
The trade deficit and foreign domination of trade
robbed Spain of much of her potential wealth but it was
not the primary drain on the economy.
Most of Spain's revenue went either to the pursuit
of imperial conquests or defense from foreign and
internal enemies. Since the Reconquista, Spain had
been almost continuously at war with at least one
adversary, frequently with multiple foes. Charles V
initiated many of these costly wars. Elliott

20
(1963:191) describes the longterm effects of this
monarch's aggressive policies on the treasury:
Charles's appeals to the generosity of his
subjects and his constant recourse to loans
from bankers managed to stave off disaster,
but the price paid was a renunciation of any
attempt to organize Imperial finances on a
rational basis and to plan a coherent
economic program for the various territories
of the Empire.
The situation did not improve under the reign of
Phillip II; if anything it worsened.
Along with costly foreign campaigns came a
concomitant rise in the costs of defensive measures
that had to be taken against Spain's growing list of
adversaries. In Europe this meant that a standing army
had to be continuously maintained. As the 16th century
progressed, Spain came to have another realm to
protect, the Caribbean.
Little royal funding went to the exploration and
settlement of the New World. These activities were
done primarily at the personal expense of the
conquistadors in return for shares of the colonial
revenue. Thus, initially the Crown realized a large
return on a very small investment. Lynch (1984:155)
neatly summarizes the significance of this income
stating ,
Trade between Spain and the Indies in the
16th and first half of the 17th century, both
in value and the volume of goods carried, was
the biggest trans-oceanic trade in the world.

21
It became the most important single item in
Spain's economy.
However, as American silver began to pour into Spain,
other nations started to take an interest in the source
of this treasure, forcing Spain to protect its resource
base.
The depredations of first French and later English
and Dutch interlopers in the Caribbean obliged Spain to
take costly and only partially successful defensive
measures. These measures included the implementation
of a convoy system to protect the treasure fleets and
the construction of harbor defenses at key ports in the
Caribbean (e.g. Santo Domingo, Cartegena, and Havana).
The convoy system functioned well, in that it generally
protected the fleets from attack. The consequences of
the convoy system on Caribbean demographics will be
discussed later. The harbor defenses were less
successful, each of the main ports being sacked at
least once in their history. Successful or not, these
defences were expensive and required regular upkeep as
well as sufficient manpower to maintain any sort of
effectiveness at all.
The preceding paragraphs have outlined the history
and motivations of the Spanish elite, but what of the
rest of the society? Who were the people that settled

22
the New World and how did they behave before they got
there ?
Spain, despite the efforts of the Crown and the
Inquisition, was a heterogeneous society throughout the
16th century. Castilians, Basques, Catalans, et al.,
all had distinctive cultural traits which make most
generalizations invalid. Since the province of
Andalucia, and most especially the city of Seville,
contributed the most to the early colonization effort
(Boyd-Bowman 1976), this region will serve as the basis
for the description of Spanish life in the 16th
century. Much of the basic information for this
section is derived from Pike's (1972) work
Aristocrats and Traders: Sevillian Society in the 16th
Century.
Sevillian society was polarized into elites and
commoners. Very little existed in the way of a true
middle class. The Sevillian elite was composed of six
subcategories: nobles, clergy, lawyers, medical
practitioners, notaries, and merchants. Of these, the
professionals occupied the most fluctuating and
insecure status in the elitist social hierarchy. The
clergy's status was secure but had a ceiling above
which, in theory, they could not aspire. The
individuals who had the potential to win and lose the
most wealth were the merchants.

23
Many, if not most, of the merchants were of
converso origin. Under the doctrine of limpieza de
sangre in effect at the time, all conversos were
discriminated against economically and were excluded
from public and clerical office (Elliot 1963:218).
Naturally many conversos tried to avoid this
distinction by commissioning elaborately forged family
geneologies and purchasing titles to nobility.
The nobility, on the other hand, by virtue of
their pure lineage, had assured social status but were
often impoverished. They solved their financial
difficulties by either going into business for
themselves or marrying into one of the wealthy merchant
(i.e. converso) families. This symbiotic relationship
benefitted the nobles by enriching their coffers and
the merchants by legitimizing their status. So common
were these unions, claims Pike (1972:213), that
by the middle of the 16th century, the
majority of the Sevillian nobility consisted
of recently enobled families of mixed social
and racial origins whose commercial
orientation and activities reflected their
mercantile background.
On the next social level the working classes struggled
with much less success to better their social position.
The working classes, which included artisans and
unskilled laborers, were generally looked down upon
because they performed what was considered manual

24
labor. Conversos dominated the upper level crafts
(e.g. pharmacists, silversmiths, clothing makers).
These craftsmen were organized by the government into
tightly regulated guilds of which there were about 60.
The creation of these guilds had the effect of stifling
free enterprise while forming an easily taxable entity
for the crown (Defourneaux 1979:93-4). Outside the
guilds were the unskilled laborers who were only
slightly higher in status than the unassimilated
classes.
At the bottom of the hierarchical ladder were the
unassimilated classes (Moriscos, slaves, and the
underworld). The free Moriscos (Moors who had
converted to Christianity) usually earned their living
as stevedores, bearers, and occasional farm laborers.
The majority of the Moriscos were only nominally
Christians, retaining their traditional dress and
customs. These differences prevented the Moriscos from
becoming fully integrated into Sevillian society.
Blacks, on the other hand, adopted Catholicism and
Spanish ways and so fared better in Sevillian society.
The underworld held a unique place in the society
of Seville. Known as picaros, these thieves and rogues
had informal unions of their own. They were attracted
to Seville by the riches of the Indies trade
(Defourneaux 1979:88). It is tempting to speculate

25
that not a few of these picaros found their way to the
source of the New World treasure by signing on ships
bound in that direction.
Judging by the number of different classes of
people and the disparity in wealth, any attempt to
describe the range of housing, dress, and food habits
would seem to be beyond the scope of this work. Yet,
there are some broad generalizations that can be made
in regard to these issues.
Spain in the 16th century had become a powerful
world force not only economically and militarily, but
in fashion as well. According to Braudel (1985:320),
the European upper classes adopted an austere costume
inspired by Phillip II's Spain. The male ensemble
consisted of dark material fashioned into close fitting
doublets, padded hose, short capes, and high collars
edged with a small ruff. This began to change in the
17th century as the French penchant for brighter colors
became more popular. Even then, official decorum
insisted on the traditional dark Spanish outfit being
worn at court. Peasants, on the other hand, do not
appear to have been slaves to fashion. Their rough
shirts and hose changed little through time.
The eating habits of the Spaniards were, not
surprisingly, tied directly to level of affluence,
varying from the multi-course fetes of the nobility to

26
the meatless gruels of the abject poor. Yet, despite
the differences in content, the main meal for both the
affluent and the poor was taken at noon, with no hot
food being served in the evening (Defourneaux
1979 : 152).
Prior to 1550, meat of all kinds was abundant
throughout Europe. This relative abundance of meat was
due to the catastrophic human population losses of the
plagues of previous centuries (Braudel 1984:190-194).
As populations recovered, meat became a less regular
part of the peasant diet. Defourneaux (1979:103)
characterized the poor peasant's stable diet as
consisting of rye bread, cheese, onions, and in
Andalusia--olives. Milk and butter were scarce. Meat,
when available, was served up in empanadillas, small
turnovers filled with an unspecified type of meat. For
the upper classes meat occupied an essential place in
the diet. It was commonly prepared in the form of stew
or marinated in spices (e.g. pimento, garlic, or
saffron). Esteemed dishes included olla podrida (meat
stew) and blancmange (chicken in cream sauce), as well
as roast of lamb and beef (Defourneaux 1979:152). Fish
was an important feature in the Catholic diet with its
many meatless days. Many freshwater as well as marine
species were caught and shipped, on muleback,
throughout Spain. Despite

27
smoking, drying and salting the catch, spoilage was a
common problem (Braudel 1985:219). Cumbaa (1975:45)
points out that the difference between the food of the
peasant and the well-to-do was mainly one of degree.
That is, the peasant usually ate a vegetable laden stew
(puchero) while the elite dined on the heartier, spice
laden olla podrida. All classes were partial to
chocolate which became widely available after the
discovery of the Americas.
Housing, like food habits, also differed more in
degree than in kind. The exterior of nearly all houses
were plain; any decorative attention was on the
interior. In Andalusia, where .Arab influence
persisted, the upper class house was built of brick or
stone around a central patio. The houses of the
peasants were simpler, being built of mud and often
consisting of only a single room. Furniture was sparse
in 16th century Spain, even among the upper classes
giving the house interiors what must have been by
today's standards a generally stark appearance The
wealthy filled space with a few costly items of
furniture and many carpets and tapestries. In a
country with little in the way of wood this is not
unusual. The peasant home as described by Defourneaux
(1979:103) was even simpler.

28
The furniture comprised a roughly made table
and some wooden benches. The beds often
consisted only of a simple plank or one
simply slept on the floor. In a corner of
the main room was the hearth, where
occasionally a brushwood fire was lit--nearly
everywhere wood was rare and expensive.
The hearth refers to a brazier which was the
principal source of warmth in all Spanish homes. In
them wood, charcoal and even olive pits were burned
(Defourneaux 1979:149). Along with oil lamps and
candles, they also provided some light In 16th
century Spain, windows were not covered with glass,
they were shuttered and some had coverings of paper or
oiled, thin parchment. Floors were of bare earth, tile
and/or covered with mats or oriental carpets, depending
on the wealth of the inhabitants.
The preceding historical, ethnographic portrait of
Spain was drawn as a backdrop for an examination of
colonial life in the Caribbean. Only by knowing the
history and habits of the colonizing peoples can their
responses to what was encountered be properly
understood.
The West Indies
The historic period in the Caribbean began with
the arrival of Christopher Columbus. The intent of
Columbus's first voyage was the discovery of a western
route to the spice islands of the East Indies. In this
he failed completely, although he stubbornly refused to

29
admit his error for the rest of his life (Morison
1942 : 385 ) .
The exact route of Columbus's first voyage is a
matter of much speculation and heated debate. The
traditional site of the first landfall has been
Watling's Island, renamed San Salvador to commemorate
the event (Morison 1942:222-36). However, a recent
investigation that used computers to take into account
the effects of ocean currents and winds, proposes
Samana Cay as the most likely candidate (Judge and
Stanfield 1986). Other candidates for the landing site
have been put forth, but it is sufficient here simply
to know that he proceeded through the Bahamas to Cuba
(which he mistook for mainland China) and turned east
and traveled along the north coast of Hispaniola.
It was along the north coast of Haiti that an
event took place that pertains directly to the current
research. On Christmas Eve, 1492, the Santa Maria ran
aground on a barrier reef just east of the present city
of Cap Haitien. The crew was able to reach shore
safely, but the ship was a total loss. After
negotiations with the native cacique Guacanagari,
Columbus decided to leave 39 men to found a small
settlement while he went back to Spain. The settlement
was named La Navidad in honor of the season. According
to Morison (1942:306),

30
Navidad fort was built largely of Santa
Maria's planks, timbers and fastenings, and
provided with a "great cellar" for storage of
wine, biscuit, and other stores salvaged from
the flagship. Seeds for sowing crops and a
supply of trading truck to barter for gold
were also left.
Columbus returned a year later to find the settlement
burned and all the settlers dead or missing. The
reasons for the massacre are believed to be the
Spaniards greed and mistreatment of the local
inhabitants.
Ongoing research by the University of Florida
(Deagan 1986) has located what appears to be the
village of Guacanagari within which the site of La
Navidad was located. This site, if it is indeed the
location of La Navidad, is within 1.5 km of the site of
Puerto Real. Whether the fact that the Spanish
returned to the same area 10 years later is a
coincidence or a deliberate act will have to await the
discovery of more documentation before it can be
answered.
Columbus's first voyage set in motion forces that
affected and continue to affect the world to this day.
This interaction of the New World with the Old has been
labeled "The Columbian Exchange." Alfred Crosby, who
coined the term in a book of the same name (1972:219),
renders a harsh verdict concerning the consequences of
this exchange:

31
The Columbian exchange has included Man, and
he has changed the Old and New Worlds
sometimes inadvertently, sometimes
intentionally, often brutally. It is
possible that he and the plants and animals
he brings with him have caused the extinction
of more species of life forms in the last
four hundred years than the usual processes
of evolution might kill off in a million. .
. We, all of the life on this planet, are the
less for Columbus, and the impoverishment
will increase.
Columbus made three other voyages to the
Caribbean. The 1493 voyage was specifically to settle
the island of Hispaniola, and was successful after a
fashion. The third and fourth voyages, in 1498 and
1502 respectively, were exploratory ventures aimed at
finding the riches of what he thought was Asia. If
Columbus was adept at exploration he was equally inept
at the administration of what he had discovered. This
task would be left to the more capable and ruthless
Spaniards who were to follow. Relating some of their
activities illustrates the historical setting in which
Puerto Real developed.
Even while Columbus conducted his third and fourth
reconnaisance efforts, other Spaniards were making
their own voyages of discovery in the Caribbean.
According to Sauer (1969:108), at least four voyages
were licensed to take place in 1499, those of Alonzo de
Hojeda, Peralonso Nio, Vicente Yaez Pinzn, and Diego
de Lepe. It was Peralonso Nio who discovered the

32
pearl coast of Venezuela that Columbus just missed on
his third voyage. After the break in the Columbian
monopoly, the entire Caribbean was explored and its
major islands and mainland settled. Tierra Firme (or
the Spanish Main) as the southern mainland portion of
the Caribbean was called, was an early site of
intensive exploitation, but not much settlement.
Early colonization efforts focused on the
Caribbean islands. In 1508 Sebastian de Ocampo
circumnavigated Cuba proving it to be an island. Three
years later Diego Velazquez, then Lieutenant-Governor
of Hispaniola, undertook the task of settling the
island. The following year, in 1512, Ponce de Leon
savagely subdued Puerto Rico and used it as a base for
his ill-fated exploration of Florida. During this
period of early exploration, Hispaniola served as a
jumping off point. As the emphasis of colonization
shifted to the west, Cuba became the base for the
conquistadors. As early as 1519, Hispaniola had
already begun to assume a lesser role in the affairs of
the Caribbean.
The Caribbean, at the time of earliest Spanish
involvement, was wholly subservient to Spain. The
keyword that describes the relationship between Spain
and the New World is exploitation. According to

33
McAlister (1984:81) the Crown and its subjects had
similar but conflicting interests.
The Crown wished to convert and patronize the
indigenous population, establish exclusive
sovereignty in its American possessions and,
at the same time gain a profit from the
enterprise. Conquerers and settlers wanted
to exploit the natives, acquire senorios, and
become wealthy.
The result was that the Indies were developed only to
the point of being profitable to the investor.
Most sought after were the precious metals,
particularly gold. Columbus was one of the first to
voice its importance, "Gold is the most precious of all
commodities . and he who possesses it has all he
needs in the world, as also the means of rescuing souls
from purgatory, and restoring them to the enjoyment of
paradise" (quoted in McAlister 1984:80-1). However,
gold from the islands was never very substantial and
was quickly superceded by the major deposits in the
mainland. This prompted a gold rush to the mainland.
For the second time (the decline of the native
population being the first) the islands were
depopulated; the Caribbean economy reorganized around
less profitable commodities.
The remaining Spaniards on the islands turned to
agriculture and animal husbandry as a means of making a
living. Crops such as manioc were grown on large
estates. The cassava bread made from manioc flour was

34
used as a shipstore, as a staple food for native and
African laborers, and to supply early exploratory
expeditions. Other subsistance crops such as maize,
tropical fruits, yams, beans and squash were also
raised (Parry and Sherlock 1971:15).
Some plants were grown strictly for profit. Of
these cash crops, sugar occupied the primary position
of importance. Sugar cane had been among the plants
brought by Columbus on his second voyage (Sauer
1966:209), but was not developed commercially for
another 20 years. Once started, though, production
spread rapidly so that by 1523 there were 24 mills, or
ingenios, in operation on Hispaniola (Parry and
Sherlock 1971:17). Sugar never became the major export
in the Spanish West Indies that it would later become
for the French and British colonies. The difficulty in
obtaining sufficient numbers of slaves and the
inability to compete with gold and silver for the
limited cargo space on the fleets curtailed production.
If sugar was the most profitable agricultural
product, it was not the only one being exported to
Spain. The islands produced some cotton and Sauer
(1966:208) mentions the possible existance of an early
cotton gin. Cassia fistula, a tree whose bark is
similar to cinnamon, was promoted but never became very
important as an export. Other plants were cultivated

35
for their medicinal, spice, and dye qualities and
formed a small part of the Atlantic trade. Tobacco,
native to the West Indies, was grown by small planters
and its cultivation and exportation was not significant
until the last quarter of the 16th century (Parry and
Sherlock 1971:15). More in line with the temperment of
the Spanish colonists was the development of a
livestock industry.
As mentioned previously, the economy of Spain was
basically a pastoral one. When transferred to the New
World, cattle supplanted sheep as the most numerous
Iberian domestic animal. Cattle proliferation was so
phenomenal that within decades after their
introduction, the hunting of wild cattle became a
full-time profession.
The settlers derived many products from their
extensive herds, leather being the most important. As
early as 1512, hides were being exported to Spain and
production continued to increase throughout the century
(Macleod 1984:361). Beef was smoked and jerked for
shipment and, unlike his European contemporaries, no
colonist ever wanted for meat. Another by-product of
the island cattle industry was beef tallow. Both
edible and inedible tallow were produced. The former
was derived from crushed and boiled bones and trimmed
fats, the latter from cartilage and sinews. Inedible

36
tallow was the basic ingredient in the manufacture of
soap and candles (Reitz 1986:325). As sugar and gold
production declined, hides became the economic mainstay
of the islands and figured prominently in the later
illegal trade.
How was the settlement of Hispaniola accomplished
so quickly? When the Spanish came to the New World
they did not find an unpopulated, fertile land waiting
to be developed by industrious Europeans, but a land
already fully populated. And when Europeans did start
to modify and exploit their discoveries, they did very
little of the actual physical modification themselves.
This was left to the native inhabitants of the
so-called virgin lands. The native inhabitants had
already been in the New World of the Caribbean
centuries before Spain was a nation.
The prehistory of the Circum-Caribbean region is
an area of dynamic research. Ideas concerning the
population's size, origin, movement, and
characteristics continue to change with each new
addition to the archaeological database. The generally
held hypothesis has been that the islands were
originally inhabited by a primitive, preceramic people
of uncertain origin, sometimes referred to
(erroneously) as the Ciboney. These peoples were
displaced and/or absorbed by the Arawaks who migrated

37
northward from the north coast of South America,
probably from eastern Venezuela (Sauer 1969:5). The
peaceful and friendly Arawak, in turn, were being
overrun by the war-like and cannibalistic Carib, who
had made it as far up the island chain as Puerto Rico
when Columbus arrived (Parry and Sherlock 1971:3).
Different authors vary on the details, but most
historians would agree that this scenario generally
fits the meager evidence.
One of the former proponents of this scheme,
Irving Rouse, has recently taken a different stance on
the peopling of the Caribbean. Now, instead of
successive waves of invading cultures, Rouse (1986:153)
claims "that linguistic and archaeological research .
. indicate that the Island Carib and Taino (Arawak)
Indians developed in situ as the result of a single
population movement from South America around the time
of Christ." He further proposes (1986:155) that the
point of entry into the Caribbean was not eastern
Venezuela, but more likely the Guianas.
As the Tainos entered the West Indies, they
headed for the major streams, settled along
their banks some distance from their mouths,
and exploited the resources in the
surrounding forests, paying relatively little
attention to seafood. The only places in
South America where they could have acquired
these preferences are in the Orinoco Valley
and on the Guiana coastal plain.

38
This revised hypothesis, as Rouse himself points out,
needs further testing before acceptance.
However these people came to be there, the
aboriginal's general social organization and
infrastructural base is fairly well understood. Helms
( 1984 : 37 ) groups the Circurrt-Caribbean area into two
major spheres of political interaction: the Spanish
Main (N. Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, and N.
Venezuela) and the Greater Antilles (Hispaniola, Puerto
Rico, Jamaica, and Cuba), with the less developed
people of the Lesser Antilles, N.E. Venezuela and
Guiana linking them. The denser populations were
organized into ranked societies with commoners and
elites being the major social division. Many of the
societies had attained chiefdom status by the time of
Columbus's arrival. On Hispaniola this was certainly
the case.
Andres Morales and Peter Martyr, early 16th
century geographers, divided Hispaniola into five
provinces based on native territorial boundaries (Sauer
1969). Other historians (cf. Casas) used other schemes
to subdivide the island. In any case, the native way
of life was the same. Swidden agriculture provided the
villages with most of their food. Plants such as
manioc, maize, and yams were grown in cleared plots.
Protein was consumed primarily in the form of marine

39
species, terrestrial animals were generally small and
scattered.
The Spanish were at first welcomed by the natives
of Hispaniola. Columbus (in Sauer 1969:32) wrote that
he had developed a
great friendship with the King of the Land
[Guacanagari] who took pride in calling me
brother and considered me to be such: and
even though they should change their mind,
neither he nor his people know what arms are
. . and are the most timorous people of the
world. So that the men left there (La
Navidad) are sufficient to destroy all that
country, without danger to their persons if
they know how to rule.
Columbus was exaggerating somewhat in his letter as the
fate of the Spaniards at La Navidad was to show. The
short-lived first settlement of Columbus warned the
natives that the incoming Spaniards were not there
simply to trade peacefully. This knowledge,
unfortunately, did not allow them to alter the fate
that was in store for them.
On his second voyage, Columbus founded a
settlement only slightly more successful than his
first. Ill-conceived in terms of harborage and
resources, Isabela survived only as long as there was
no better place. With the establishment of Santo
Domingo on the south coast by Bartholomew Columbus in
1496, Isabella was all but abandoned (Morison
1942:430). The Indians were subjugated and forced to

40
pay an onerous tribute to the Spanish conquistadors.
This tribute was in the form of gold wherever possible;
otherwise it was paid in spices, cotton or food (Sauer
1966 : 90 ) .
The tribute the Indians provided was not their
most valuable contribution to the Spaniards. Labor was
what was needed and was soon forcibly acquired through
the agencies of encomienda and repartimiento. These
two systems, although they achieved the same ends, were
subtly different (McAlister 1985¡personal
communication). A repartimiento was a division of
spoils. Columbus did this with the natives of
Hispaniola. There were no restrictions imposed on the
recipient of the repartimiento and this practice was
never officially condoned. Its existance was tolerated
partly because of the dire need for labor and partly,
perhaps, because of the ambiguous humanity of the
Indians in the eyes of the Spaniards. An encomienda,
on the other hand was to put a populated place into the
charge of someone. The commander, or encomendero, had
the right to extract taxes or labor. Labor was not to
be forced, but rather "induced" from the Indians. The
encomendero had the added obligation of Christianizing
and civilizing his charges. In actual practice,
however, these obligations were rarely fulfilled
(Lockhart 1969:411-429).

41
The effects of these systems of labor had
catastrophic effects on the Indians. The immediate
areas of Spanish conquest suffered a precipitous drop
in native population. This decimation of the
aboriginal inhabitants can be partly explained by the
ruthless extremes of the Spaniards during the
"pacification" of the island. Other declines were the
result of overwork, abuse, and suicide induced by the
conditions of encomienda. The primary agent for the
elimination of Hispaniola's natives can be attributed
to European-introduced diseases. So great was the
population decline that slaving expeditions were sent
to neighboring islands to supplement the work force on
Hispaniola (Sauer 1966:159).
The complete subjugation of Hispaniola occurred
during the governorship of Nicolas de Ovando (1502-
1509). With brutal efficiency, Spanish administrative
sway was extended throughout the entire island. The
system of encomienda was formalized during his tenure.
Another accomplishment of Ovando was the founding of 15
towns on the island (Sauer 1966:151). This act served
a two-fold purpose; it satisfied the royal instruction
to establish proper new settlements on the island, and
it also ensured complete subjugation of the natives.
Puerto Real was one of these new communities.

42
Puerto Real
Much of the basic information for this section is
taken from Eugene Lyon's (1981) documentary research in
the Archivo General de las Indias, in Seville, Spain.
Around 1504 Rodrigo de Mexia, a lieutenant of Governor
Ovando, led a group of settlers to the north coast of
Hispaniola with the purpose of founding a new city. The
location chosen for this northern settlement,
Christened Puerto Real because of its excellent harbor
was very close to the old site of La Navidad. This
time, instead of being massacred by the native
inhabitants, the Spanish were successful in bending
them to their will.
Puerto Real was originally envisioned as a mining
colony. The Spanish lust for gold prompted a brief
flurry of mining activity in the mountainous hinterland
of Puerto Real (Sauer 1966:154). Unfortunately for the
settlers no gold was found and existing copper deposits
proved disappointing. The area around Puerto Real did,
however, serve as a source of labor for the more
productive mining districts.
The settlement's early years were its best years.
In the first decade of the 16th century, Puerto Real
was a thriving community of about 100 households
(Haring 1947:207n). In 1508 the Crown granted Puerto
Real its own coat of arms consisting of a golden ship

43
Figure 2-1
The Coat of Arms of Puerto Real

44
sailing a wavy sea on a field of blue (Figure 2-1),
This emblem recalled the arrival of Christopher
Columbus in the same area in 1492 (Hodges 1980:3), It
was about this time that the town experienced its boom
period.
The decline in native population coupled with the
rise in demand for labor prompted slaving raids on
other nearby islands. In the north the Bahamas were
completely depopulated of their Lucayan inhabitants.
Puerto Plata and Puerto Real were the ports servicing
these slaving operations (Sauer 1966:159). A total of
40,000 Indians were unloaded at these two ports (Hodges
1980:3). As these imported Indians also succumbed to
disease and the harsh conditions, African slaves were
brought in. The end of the Lucayan trade (ca. 1514)
signaled the beginning of a general decline in the
towns of the north coast (Lyon 1981).
Spaniards formed only a comparatively small part
of the population. The repartimiento of 1514
illustrates the imbalance of the population at Puerto
Real. There were only 20 vecinos (in this case
probably meaning registered citizens). Of these, three
had Castilian wives and two had native wives. Also
mentioned are 18 other residents who held Indians. The
status of these other residents is uncertain. Of the
839 Indians listed, 540 were Indios de Servicio, which

45
were the original encomienda Indians of the island.
The other Indians were classified as naborias or
life-long serfs. These Indians were not even
technically free and may have been the imported
Lucayans.
The continuing decline of the north prompted the
abandonment of the neighboring town of Llares de
Guahaba, whose citizens moved to Puerto Real. The fall
of the north corresponded with the situation on the
island as a whole and can be traced to the Spanish
preoccupation with silver and gold.
After the initial gold frenzy on the island had
died down, Hispaniola became a base for further
exploration. When the real mineral wealth of the New
World was discovered on the mainland, the population
drain began in earnest (Andrews 1978:54). The mainland
gold rush did more than just draw off manpower; it
diverted shipping away from the less profitable island
ports (see Figure 2-2).
The convoy system of shipping, first implemented
in 1542, was designed to insure that the precious
metals from Mexico and Peru arrived safely in Spain.
All ships were required to sail in convoy and visit
only the ports on the convoy's route. One need only
glance at the routes of the treasure fleets (Figure
2-2) to see that Puerto Real is located well away from


47
the Carrera de las Indias. Denied access to regular
shipping, Puerto Real and the other neglected island
ports turned to the rescate (illegal trade) for goods.
Meanwhile on land Puerto Real had to contend with
other problems. A smallpox epidemic swept the island
in 1518-19 nearly wiping out the Arawak population
(Lyon 1981). Puerto Real came to depend more upon
imported African labor. So great was the demand for
labor that by 1520 African slaves had become the
dominant element in the work force (Andrews
1978:11-12). The Indians do make a later appearance in
the history of Puerto Real. In 1519 there was a revolt
of the natives under chief Tamayo around the environs
of Puerto Real. They later joined with the general
revolt led by the cacique Enrique. As late as 1532,
hostilities persisted when a vecino, his wife, two
children and 14 of his Indian slaves were killed.
Peace was finally achieved the following year. In this
same year 60 colonists arrived in Santo Domingo to
repopulate Puerto Real and Monte Christ!, located to
the east.
By this time the economy of Puerto Real and the
islands in general were based upon the hide trade.
Leather was much in demand in Europe and the Indies
possessed an abundance of cattle. The mercantile
policies of Spain decreed all colonial commerce should

48
be conducted exclusively with the mother country.
Unfortunately, bulky hides could not compete with
silver and gold for the limited cargo space of the
fleets.
Such was the paradox that confronted the citizens
of Puerto Real. They could obey the law and do without
even the barest necessities, or they could trade with
smugglers and enjoy European goods unavailable to them
by other means. Another consideration was the trading
practices of the smugglers who were not above
transacting business at gunpoint. Often the choice
would be trade with the corsairs or risk having the
town sacked and burned by them. In 1566 the French
corsair Jean Bontemps was able to enter Monte Christi,
Puerto Real and La Yaguana. He seized 12 vessels and
burned Puerto Real (Andrews 1978:96). It is a small
wonder that most of the hides produced at Puerto Real
found their way into the illegal trade system.
The chief perpetrators of the rescate changed
throughout the 16th century. According to Lyon (1981)
prior to the mid-16th century most of the foreign
interlopers were Portuguese who dealt mainly in slaves.
French, interlopers present as early as 1535, were
heavily involved in smuggling after 1548. John
Hawkins, the renowned corsair, and other Englishmen
were operating in the islands after 1560. The Dutch

49
did not become important in the rescate until the end
of the century, but it is their presence which
eventually forced the abandonment of the western half
of Hispaniola (Andrews 1978:174).
Meanwhile Puerto Real was suffering from both
natural and economic disasters. In 1562 an earthquake
rocked the north coast of Hispaniola. This was
followed by the 1566 incident with the French corsairs.
In that same year, Spain ordered a cessation of
registry of ships at Puerto Real due to its smuggling
activities. Puerto Real sued and had its registry
temporarily restored, but this only delayed the
inevitable.
Ironically, it was not the loss of revenue that
worried the Spanish Crown. The economic importance of
the hide trade was negligable. Andrews (1978:195)
claims that, "hides were the virtual offal of the
Indies, left for Lutherans and mulattoes to haggle over
by Spaniards occupied with transactions of a higher
order--in sugar, dyes and precious metals." Rather,
the main concern of the Crown was the presence of these
foreign interlopers, not in the hides they diverted
from Spain.
In the ports of northern and western Hispaniola
practically the whole population was involved in
smuggling (Andrews 1978:208). Spain could not stop the

50
smuggling (her own Crown-appointed town officials were
heavily involved themselves!); neither could she supply
these outpost settlements with adequate shipping. In
1578, the settlement of Bayaha was established midway
Puerto Real and Monte Christi and populated with the
citizens of the two towns. An armed force was required
to coerce the resettlement. It was thought it would be
easier to stop the smuggling at a single point than all
along the coast. However, this was not the case.
Smuggling continued with the collusion of the town
officials. Spain's ultimate response was the
depopulation of the western third of the island in
1605. This ended the Spanish chapter of Puerto Real
and began the French chapter of what was to become
Haiti.

CHAPTER III
PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK AT PUERTO REAL
The site of Puerto Real was discovered in 1974 by
Dr. William Hodges. A medical missionary in Haiti for
over twenty-five years, Hodges was and is still, an
avid archaeologist and historian, whose interests are
well known to the villagers around Cape Haitian. Many
of the local farmers would bring him old "treasures"
they had found while hoeing their gardens. Hodges, who
had been actively looking for the site of La Navidad,
received an important clue when farmers from the nearby
village of Limonade showed him some 16th century
artifacts they had found. Of particular interest was a
worn copper coin. The coin was identified as a 4
maravedi piece, common in the Greater Antilles during
the 16th century. This led Hodges to conclude that
there was a Spanish settlement in the area, one that
was later than La Navidad established by Columbus in
1492 (Hodges 1980:3).
An examination of the area where the artifacts
were found confirmed Hodge's suspicions that this was
not the site of La Navidad. Far more artifacts
51

52
littered the surface than could be accounted for by a
small settlement that had lasted for less than a year.
In addition to the surface collected artifacts, several
low mounds were found. Excavation of one of these
mounds yielded three stone gargoyles and a large
quantity of building rubble. One of these gargoyles
has the head of an elephant and the body of a sheep or
some other hooved animal. Clearly, a substantial
settlement had existed in the area. The artifacts
indicated that it had a 16th-century Spanish
provenience. Based on his knowledge of the history of
the area, Hodges correctly concluded that the artifacts
must be from the 16th century Spanish settlement of
Puerto Real. His discovery opened an important chapter
in New World Spanish colonial archaeology.
Realizing the potential significance of the site,
Dr. Hodges and M. Albert Mangones (representing the
Haitian government) contacted Dr. Charles Fairbanks at
the University of Florida in Gainesville. Fairbanks, a
Distinguished Service Professor in Anthropology and
internationally known expert on Spanish colonial
archaeology, also recognized the importance of the
discovery and worked with Hodges and Mangones to put
together an archaeological project to conduct fieldwork
in Haiti. He was successful in his efforts and in 1979

53
Fairbanks sent one of his graduate students, Raymond
Willis, to lead a crew into the field.
The problem orientation of all the archaeological
research done at Puerto Real is to better understand
how the 16th century Spaniards adapted to the New
World. This type of long-distance colonizing effort
had very little precedent for the Spanish. What form
would Spain's effort take? Adopt New World modes of
living? Transplant the Iberian way of life in toto?
Synthesize an eclectic mixture of both? Answering
these questions has guided all previous research at
Puerto Real, including the current research.
The primary goal of the 1979 season, led by
Willis, was to positively identify the site. It was
decided that the best way to do this within the limits
of time and money was to concentrate on the supposed
center of the site, specifically the large rubble pile
where the gargoyle was found. Before actual excavation
began the area was cleared of the thorny brush growing
there and a contour map was made. A preliminary
walkover survey of the area was conducted to delineate
the site boundaries, and a permanent concrete benchmark
that would serve as a reference point for all
subsequent excavation grids was emplaced. A contour
map was prepared and revealed that there were actually
two mounds: a rectangular-shaped one running roughly

54
north-south and a square-shaped rise near the northwest
corner of the rectangular mound.
Willis (1984:57) initiated an excavation to
discover the nature of the rectangular mound. He
decided to bisect the mound with a north-south trench
and cross it with two east-west trenches. Ray Willis
and Paul Hodges (Dr. William Hodges's son) supervised
twenty Haitian workers who excavated thirty-nine 2x2
m units. These excavations revealed the remains of
what had been a three room masonry building.
Most of the stone foundation was missing, having
been robbed by later peoples for use in their own
structures. The trenches that they had dug to mine the
stone were clearly apparent as dark stains in the buff
colored clay. A large amount of broken brick and roof
tile littered both the interior and exterior of the
structure. Along with the building rubble, Willis
recovered a substantial amount of 16th century Spanish
majolica, glass, coins, iron artifacts, and faunal
material.
The delineation of such a large structure (27 x
7 m) and the recovery of so many unequivocally datable
16th century artifacts confirmed that the site was
Puerto Real. There is no other settlement of any size
recorded for that time period in the area. A cursory
walkover survey of the surrounding area indicated that

55
the site measured nearly 500 x 500 m. Most
importantly, except for the robbing of construction
material, the site seemed little disturbed by any
post-abandonment activity. Today, Haitians living on
the site practice hoe agriculture and only disturb the
upper 15 cm of the soil. The success of the first
season's excavations encouraged the participants to
return to the site the following summer.
The second season (1980) saw the formal entrance
of the University of Florida into the project. This
allowed a larger scale archaeological effort. Ray
Willis returned with three other graduate student
archaeologists (Jennifer Hamilton, Rochelle Marrinan
and Gary Shapiro) from the University of Florida. The
crew of Haitian villagers hired as field hands doubled
from twenty to forty.
The 1980 field season focused on the complete
excavation of Building A, as the structure discovered
the previous year had been named. Results were
encouraging (Willis 1984:59).
Willis interpreted this building as the central
cathedral or possibly some other public structure
situated on the town plaza (Willis 1984:128). Another
structure located under the square-shaped mound next to
Building A was designated Building B. The town
cemetery was discovered a few meters west of this

56
structure. In the process of putting in a fencepost
one of the Haitian workers unearthed a human cranium.
A 2 x 3 m test excavation, directed by Dr. William
Hodges uncovered the remains of three individuals
(Willis 1984 : 65 ) .
A rich and varied array of artifacts was recovered
from the 1980 excavations (Willis 1984:156). A wide
variety of Spanish majolica as well as the more common
utilitarian wares, such as olive jar or green bacin,
were found scattered around the exterior of Building A.
Some of the most spectacular artifacts came from the
test pits used to determine the placement of the
trenches. Two of these reconnaisance soundings yielded
nearly intact Spanish rapier swords and in another, a
reconstructable pitcher made of honey-colored melado
ware (Willis 1984:262-3). Other non-ceramic items
collected from the general excavation units included
locks, keys, hawkbells, buckles, horse tack, scissors,
an ornate book clasp, Venetian glass, and over 150
coins. All the coins were the 4 maravedi pieces
described earlier, a coin of small worth even in
colonial times, which may account for their ubiquitous
presence at the site. Perhaps, like modern pennies,
the 16th century Spaniards did not consider them worth
bending over to pick up when dropped.

57
While Willis was working on Building A, the other
team members pursued ancillary projects. The
topographic mapping project, under the supervision of
Jennifer Hamilton, was expanded to cover the rest of
the central area. She also delineated the site
boundaries by laying in a series of linear test-pit
transects across the site (Hamilton 1982). Hamilton's
findings indicated that the town occupied an area
measuring 450 m north-south by 400 m east-west.
Test excavation was not the only means used to
sample the site. Gary Shapiro conducted a resistivity
survey of the area around Building A during the 1980
season. Using this technique, Shapiro was able to
produce resistivity contour maps which allowed accurate
prediction of the location of subsurface features (e.g.
building foundations, see Shapiro 1984). According to
S hapiro
The most important advantage gained by the
use of the technique is the ability to save
precious excavation time by the prediction of
subsurface feature locations, and the ability
to generate testable hypotheses concerning
site plan. (p. 109)
The resistivity maps also allowed Willis to project the
dimensions of the buildings he only partially
excavated .
In addition to the survey and excavation, a faunal
collection of contemporary Haitian vertebrates
was

58
prepared. Rochelle Marrinan supervised this project in
an effort to supplement the comparative collections at
the Florida State Museum (Willis 1984:67). Most of the
specimens collected were marine species of fish, but
some terrestrial species were also taken. These
specimens were later used to help identify the faunal
material recovered from Puerto Real.
Although much was accomplished during the 1980
field season it became apparent that the surface had
literally and figuratively only been scratched. The
University of Florida, Organization of American States
(OAS) and the Haitian government all reaffirmed their
commitment to the Puerto Real project and to continued
investigations.
Another large crew conducted field studies during
the 1981 season. This time, however, instead of
concentrating on one central excavation, several
smaller projects were initiated. Rochelle Marrinan
directed work at Building B (Marrinan 1982), while
Bonnie McEwan (another University of Florida graduate
student) and Jennifer Hamilton excavated outlying areas
that the previous year's testing and resistivity survey
had indicated might be residential structures (Hamilton
1982, McEwan 1983). The results of this season's
efforts were productive and, in some cases, enigmatic.

59
Building B proved to be a thick-walled 8 x 10 m
structure whose function could not be positively
ascertained. Willis (1984:145) speculates that it was
an auxiliary to Building A, probably a tower of some
sort. Other possibilities include a blockhouse, secure
warehouse, or some other public building (Marrinan
1982:54-57). It is not thought to be a residence for
several reasons: its massive architecture, its location
on the plaza, and the paucity of domestic artifacts
recovered from the site. The other two areas excavated
did appear to have been habitations, or at least have
residential components associated with them.
Loci 33 and 35 (how these loci came to be
designated will be discussed later) excavated under the
supervision of Bonnie McEwan, appeared to be the
location of a high status residence (McEwan 1983:103).
This conclusion is based on the amounts and types of
high quality majolicas, Venetian glass and faunal
remains recovered. In this case the domestic refuse
rather than the structure was the most telling clue as
to site function. Very little of the actual structure
was excavated. The area excavated appears to be the
backyard fenceline against which trash had been
regularly deposited (McEwan 1983:103).
The most intriguing finds came from the third area
excavated during the 1981 field season. Artifacts that

60
Hamilton recovered from Locus 39 seemed, by reference
to documented patterns of status variability in St.
Augustine (Deagan 1983), to indicate a low status
household. That is, many of the ceramics were crude
locally produced wares with the expensive glassware and
decorative artifacts largely missing from the artifact
assemblage. However, the amount and nature of the
animal bone refuse recovered seemed out of place for a
domestic context, and it is possible that the site
could have been the locus of commercial activities
related to cattle.
Elizabeth Reitz, zooarchaeologist now at the
University of Georgia, performed the faunal analysis
for this area (Reitz 1986). She determined that over
^ .
70% of the animal bone recovered was the remains of
butchered cattle that had not fully matured. She also
noted that the cattle, even though immature, were very
large. In fact, the size range overlapped that of
aurochs, an extinct bovid believed to be the forerunner
of domestic cattle. Reitz attributed this to the fact
that when cattle were introduced into the area by the
colonists they found no native ruminants which could
have been vectors for disease or competitors for food;
there also were no predators, except humans.
Consequently the cattle attained large size.

61
It is known from the documents that Puerto Real
was a major hide-producing center (cf. Sauer 1966, Lyon
1981, Hoffman 1980). Reitz (1986:327) proposed, from
the amount and type of bone elements recovered, that
this area of the site was where refuse from skinning
and meat preservation was used to make tallow and other
cattle industry by-products. The combination of
household artifacts and faunal remains indicated that
this area may have been used for both residential and
commercial use. Reitz also noted that this
slaughter/processing area was downwind from most of the
town!
The following year (1982) marked a change in
supervision of the Puerto Real project. Dr. Kathleen
Deagan, former student of Fairbanks and now chairperson
of the Anthropology department at the Florida State
Museum, assumed direction of the project. Her first
decision was to suspend any further excavation pending
the completion of the reconnaisance testing and contour
mapping program begun in 1980.
A total of 1,475 .25 x .25 m, test pits was
excavated at 10 m intervals across the site during the
1982 season. The contents of these test pits were
analyzed and the raw data entered into the mainframe
computer at the University of Florida. Maurice
Williams, Florida State Museum archaeologist and

62
project supervisor, was able to graphically depict
horizontal distributions of various types of artifacts
using the SYMAP package (a graphic/analytic program)
(Williams 1986). This was an important achievement for
several reasons. First, it more clearly delineated the
town limits than had previous attempts. Secondly, by
plotting distributions of masonry debris, Williams was
able to define 57 discrete concentrations thought to
represent structures within the town's boundaries. By
plotting distributions of high and low status artifacts
and artifacts that could be precisely dated, it was
further possible to get an idea of economically
distinct sections of the town along with demographic
shifts through time. These data were invaluable to all
subsequent work done at the site and will be elaborated
in Chapter V.
In 1984 another project was sponsored by the
Florida State Museum in cooperation with the
Organization of American States, the government of
Haiti, and the Institute for Early Contact Period
Studies at the University of Florida. Specifically,
this work was being aimed at studying adaptation thru
time at Puerto Real. To do this it was necessary to
examine a residence occupied during the early years of
the town and compare it with an economically similar

6 3
residence occupied during the latter part of Puerto
Real's existence.
Fortunately the iy84 project was in an ideal
position to accomplish this comparative task.
Excavations at Loci 33 and 35 in 1981 had provided the
necessary data from an early period (pre-1550), high
status occupation. The results of the survey in 1982
made it possible to locate a late (post-1550) high
status occupation. The field season in 1984 was spent
locating this structure and the 1985 season was spent
excavating it. Details of the excavation strategy and
tactics of data recovery at Locus 19 are discussed in
Chapter V. Chapter IV focuses on the theoretical
orientation for these investigative strategies.

CHAPTER IV
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
The emphasis placed upon much research on early
Spanish colonialism has been understanding how the
colonists adapted themselves and their society to the
social and environmental conditions encountered in the
New World. Recent historical synthetic works (e.g.
Bethell 1984, Lockhart and Schwartz 1983, McAlister
1984) demonstrate that historians have long addressed
this topic. However, historical archaeologists have
only just begun to look at Spanish colonialism.
This raises the question, if historians have long
been addressing this topic why should archaeologists
bother? What can the archaeologist hope to add that a
legion of historians have not already discovered? The
fact that many historians have studied Spanish
colonialism partially answers the question. Paradigms
within a discipline are constantly changing and a new
perspective brings fresh insight to an old subject.
The entrance of historical archaeology into Spanish
colonial studies brings yet another approach, an
anthropologically oriented one, to bear on this topic.
64

65
Archaeology does more than merely offer a new
interdisciplinary perspective, which alone would have
justified the effort. By examining the material record
the archaeologist can examine cultural processes,
verify, supplement, or refute the historical record,
and generally gain insight into the everyday lives of
past peoples. For Puerto Real this is particularly
true .
Few documents pertaining to Puerto Real have been
discovered or may ever be discovered. Archaeological
data can supplement the scant historic record in such
areas as foodways, material possessions, architecture,
and urban planning. Documents tell us that smuggling
was so rampant that the vecinos of Puerto Real were
relocated. How is this illicit behavior manifest in
the archaeological record, the record of the everyday
lives of the people of Puerto Real?
Archaeology is also instrumental in the study of
historically disenfranchised groups (e.g. slaves).
Descriptions of the everyday life of the Indians and/or
slaves are missing from the documents at Puerto Real,
and indeed, colonial records in general. A good
example of the contributions of archaeology in this
regard is the work of Charles Fairbanks (1984) at
Kingsley plantation which illuminated aspects of slave
society not present in the documentary record.

66
Historical archaeology is not a handmaiden to
history. It is an equal partner, using different and
additional data to answer questions concerning past
human behavior. The problem of culture contact and
adaptation have become central to Spanish colonial
archaeology. It is also the central theme of the
current research.
Spanish efforts to colonize previously unknown
territory had very little precedent in the 16th
century. True, the Canary Islands had been discovered
and settled in the 15th century and did provide some
lessons for the Spaniards. But the distances involved
in a trans-Atlantic effort made the colonization
process, by its very remoteness, an essentially new
experience.
Having decided to settle Hispaniola, the Spanish
had three basic options in regards to settlement
strategy. The first option would be total retention of
their Castilian lifestyle, rejecting any New World
inspired changes. At the other extreme, the colonists
could elect to abandon their "civilized" ways and "go
native." That is, adopt the cultural behavior of the
indigenous peoples jni toto. The third, and based on
previous research in St. Augustine, most likely
alternative, would be a compromise solution. This
would involve retaining some traits of the original

67
society while incorporating new traits of the
non-Hispanic societies and modifying other traits in
response to the new circumstances. The result would be
a hybrid society, distinct from its predecessors. If
this is the case, the question then becomes one of
distinguishing which old traits were retained and which
new traits were adopted, and why?
The anthropological term used for the changes that
come about as a result of culture contact is
acculturation. But what is meant exactly by
acculturation? Acculturation, like the term culture
itself, is a loosely defined and often abused
anthropological concept. Some anthropologists have
seen it as a one way process.
Acculturation occurs when a society undergoes
drastic culture change under the influence of
a more dominant culture and society with
which it has come into contact. (Hoebel 1972)
Originally the term was employed to refer to changes
in the culture patterns of either or both groups
(Redfield, Linton and Herskovits 1936). But this
second definition is so broad as to have little
utility.
Edward Spicer (1961:529) uses acculturation in the
general sense.
The augmentation, replacement, or combination
in a variety of ways of the elements of a
given cultural system with the elements of
another.

68
He does, however, go on to define four general types of
acculturation: incorporation, assimilation, fusion, and
compartmentalization. Spicer (1961:529-536) defines
each as follows:
1) incorporation--the transfer of elements from one
cultural system and their integration into another
system in such a way that they conform to the
meaningful and functional relations within the latter
without disrupting the fundamental system.
2) assimilationacceptance and replacement of cultural
behaviors in terms of the dominant society's cultural
system.
3) fusionwhatever the specific form of combination,
the principles which guide it are are neither wholly
from one or the other of the two systems in contact.
4) compartmentalizationa keeping separate within a
realm of elements and patterns taken over from the
dominant culture.
It is important to note that Spicer (1961:539)
sees all forms of acculturation as being preceded by a
process of adaptive integration, where nothing
important is replaced. That is, an initial acceptance
of some novelties (mostly material culture), on a trial
basis, which eventually give way to the processes
described above. This will have to be taken into
account when interpreting the data recovered from

69
Puerto Real. The problem is distinguishing transitory
acquisition from incorporation. This can be done by
utilizing a diachronic approach, comparing early to
late period proveniences.
The cultural exchanges that come about as the
result of a contact situation are rarely perfectly
reciprocal. Foster (1960:7) insists that the idea of
dominance should be included in the operational
definition. It is this concept of dominance that is
integral to Foster's model of the "conquest culture."
In this scenario of culture contact one society acts
primarily as the donor and the other, as the recipient.
The "conquest culture" is a model which represents
the totality of donor influences brought to bear on a
recipient society. Foster (1960:10-12) states that
this is artificial in that what the recipient culture
is exposed to represents only a selection from the
totality of the donor's culture. The formation of this
"conquest culture" is characterized by a stripping down .
process in which elements of the dominant culture are
modified or eliminated. Thus, using Foster's model,
the culture of the Spanish colonists was modified
before they landed in the New World.
What were the influences that went into the
formation of the colonial "conquest culture"? Foster
(1960:12) describes two types of selective processes

70
that go into the formation of a "conquest culture."
The first of these are formal processes. These are
cognizant, intentional changes where the government,
church, or some other authoritative body directs the
introduction of selected attributes. An example of
this would be the imposition of the grid town plan on
the colonists by the Spanish crown. The other type of
selective process are informal and include the personal
habits of the emigrants themselves, such as their food
preferences, personal beliefs, and attitudes.
Another source of influence upon the "conquest
culture" is that of the "conquered culture." Although
the major changes are found in the culture of the
recipient group, Foster (1960:7) acknowledges that in
contact situations the donor group changes to some
degree. More emphatically, he (p.2) states that,
"during the American conquest, Spanish ways were
profoundly modified by the existing cultures." The
result of these changes (formal, informal, and
acquired) has been described as the Spanish colonial
pattern. The Spanish colonial pattern, as used in this
study, is that suggested through archaeological
investigations in St. Augustine.
Early work in St. Augustine was essentially
descriptive in nature and dealt with large monuments
[e.g. the Castillo de San Marcos (Harrington, Manucy,

71
and Griffin 19 5 5 ) J In the 1950s serious attention was
being directed toward sites of the colonial inhabitants
of the Spanish community. Later, following trends
already manifest in the new archaeology, Charles
Fairbanks initiated problem oriented "backyard
archaeology," which focused on the everday life of the
average Spanish colonist (Fairbanks 1975). From the
early 1970s onward, the guiding research orientation
was the understanding of the processes related to the
formation and development of the Hispanic-American
cultural tradition in Florida. This, as Deagan
details,
encompassed a number of more specific
anthropological issues, such as the role of
acculturation in these processes, the extent
and nature of Spanish-Indian syncretism, the
crystallization of a Spanish-American criollo
tradition, and the understanding of the
nature of social variability within it.
(1983:53)
Deagan's own work initially focused on the
cultural consequences of intermarriage between Spanish
males and Indian females (Deagan 1974). The processes
of Indian- Spanish miscegenation, called mestizaje,
were examined at the 18th century de la Cruz site
(SA-16-23) in St. Augustine, Florida. Specifically,
the excavation at the de la Cruz site
attempted to establish material correlates
for the processes of mestizaje and
acculturation represented at the site.
(1974 : 147 )

72
Applying the acculturation models of Spicer (1961,
1962) and Foster (1960) to historical and
archaeological data gathered in St. Augustine, Deagan
confirmed the hypothesis that
acculturation in 18th century St. Augustine
was effected largely by Indian women in
Spanish or mestizo household units, within a
predominantly male-oriented (military)
cultural milieu. (1974:140)
As is so common in any scientific endeavor, the process
of testing one hypothesis generated new hypotheses.
Based on the data recovered from the de la Cruz
household, Deagan (1974:150-152) proposed several
hypotheses to be tested as new data became available.
The first stated that the initial stages of mestizaje
would have a preponderance of native elements in those
areas of culture associated with female activities, but
that these native elements would be quickly replaced by
criollo or European elements as the mestizos became
established in the New World society. Secondly, it was
hypothesized that the influences on the mestizo
households were derived from the New World criollo
culture rather than that of peninsular Spain. Another
hypothesis was that the low status of the mestizo
household is reflected by its segregation into the
marginal areas of the town. Finally, Deagan proposed
that the diet of the mestizo would show a greater use
of local resources than would European households.

73
Unfortunately, at the time of this investigation
(1974), there was very little in the way of comparative
data available. Excavation of ordinary households in
St. Augustine was just beginning. However, the avenues
of inquiry opened in Deagan's dissertation would be
addressed by future research.
The St. Augustine pattern delineated by Deagan
(1983) is a direct outgrowth of her dissertation
research (1974). She suggests that early Hispanic
colonial adaptive efforts were characterized by the
incorporation of locally available elements into the
colonist's low visibility subsistence and technological
activities, while at the same time maintaining Spanish
affiliation in such socially-visible activities and
elements as clothing, tableware, ornamentation, and
religious paraphenalia. This dichotomous pattern was
continued and refined through time, eventually
crystallizing into a distinctive Hispanic-American
colonial tradition. These patterns were independently
linked through documentary analysis to social variation
and affiliation in the community.
Based on archaeological evidence accumulated over
a decade of fieldwork, Deagan (1983:270) suggests that
the processes involved in the formation of the
Hispanic-American tradition in St. Augustine were
common to much of the Spanish New World. Conservatism

74
in those socially visible areas associated with male
activities was coupled with Spanish-Indian
acculturation in the less visible, female dominated
areas. She goes on to hypothesize that this pattern of
behavior should be expected in any situation where a
predominantly male group imposes itself on a group with
a normal sex distribution.
Puerto Real is an ideal site to test this
hypothesis. It was certainly a situation where a
predominantly male group (the Spaniards) imposed itself
on a group with a normal sex distribution (the Tainos).
The differences in geographic location, relative
prosperity, and settlement type (exploitation vs.
military garrison) between Puerto Real and St.
Augustine eliminate these as biasing factors and helps
to support the contention that this hypothesis
represents a truly pan-Hispanic colonial pattern rather
than a Spanish, mainland, garrison pattern.
Certain archaeologically testable implications
follow from the hypothesized Spanish colonial pattern.
Before these test implications are delineated it is
appropriate here to discuss the problems of
interpreting past lifeways from the archaeological
assemblage. Unlike cultural anthropology, much of
which interprets from observed behavior, archaeology
must work with preserved behavior. If doing cultural

75
anthropology is analogous to working a jigsaw puzzle
without the benefit of the picture on the box, then
archaeology includes the extra handicap of missing many
of the pieces. Nevertheless, many aspects of human
behavior are reflected, in some way, in the
archaeological assemblage.
Determining how specified properties of past
cultural systems can be accurately identified and
measured is the domain of middle range research
(Binford 1981:25). Without going into too much detail,
this type of research simply involves the determination
of how various types of human behavior are represented
in the archaeological record. This is what the test
implications attempt to do in relation to the patterns
of human behavior outlined in the hypothesis. These
tests simply state, "if the hypothesis is true this is
what we should expect to find." Should the tests
support the hypothesis this does not exclude the
possibility that other interpretations exist for the
data. However, it does allow us to continue to use the
hypothesis to guide future research. With this in mind
test implications relevant to the hypothesis can be
presented.
1) Food preparation activities, as represented in
the archaeological assemblage, should show a
significant admixture of European and locally

76
manufactured wares. This is as opposed to a total
retention of European utilitarian wares. Supply lines
between Puerto Real and Spain were tenuous at best.
This situation forced the colonists to seek other means
of satisfying the need for cooking and storage
containers. Using the pottery of the local inhabitants
would have provided an inexpensive answer. Also, the
intermarriage of Spanish men with local women offered
an avenue for the introduction of these wares since
women were most involved with food preparation
activities. Non-European utilitarian ceramics, used
for cooking and storage of food, as well as manioc
griddles and other local elements not typical of the
Iberian kitchen assemblage, should demonstrate this
dependence .
In the initial stage of colonization, it is
expected that the locally available Taino Indian wares
will have been used by the earliest settlers to
supplement their utilitarian wares. It is furthermore
expected that the nature of the locally manufactured
items will have shifted from Indian to African-
influenced types through time As discussed in
Chapter 2, the Indians of the encomienda assigned to
Puerto Real declined rapidly as the result of disease
and overwork. They were replaced by imported African
slaves who, by 1520, had become the dominant element in

77
the workforce. The archaeological record should
reflect this shift in ethnic composition by a change in
the nature of the utilitarian ceramics as the African
potters replaced the Indian potters.
2) Status related artifacts should be almost
exclusively European in trade or manufacture. Spanish
colonial status was linked to the closeness of
association with peninsular Spain (cf. McAlister 1963,
Morner 1967, 1983). It is expected that the attempts
by New World settlers to maintain an Iberian lifestyle
(with its accompanying prestige), will be reflected in
the use of articles from the Spanish empire in
socially-visible areas of daily life.
Socially-visible activities are reflected in many
aspects of the material assemblage. A Spaniard's table
would be highly visible to neighbors and guests.
Following the hypothesis we would expect the tablewares
to be composed primarily of majolica, rather than
locally made wares. The higher status colonist might
include such scarce items as porcelain and glassware.
Similarly clothing and ornamentation would be
Iberian in style, if not manufacture. Most clothing
items leave no trace in the archaeological record.
However, such Spanish clothing accessories as aglets,
buckles, and buttons would survive and serve as
evidence for the retention of Spanish costume since

78
local clothing (such as existed) did not utilize these
items. Ornaments, such as jewelry, would be expected
to show a preference for European styling (i.e.
clothing adornments, pendants, rings, etc.) although
the material from which they were manufactured might
have originated in the New World. This is as opposed
to the adoption of native design elements and ornaments
encountered by the early colonists.
A final category of material culture that would
indicate non-acculturation in the socially visible
sphere of activities is that of religious articles.
These are expected to remain Hispanic (Catholic) in
symbolism and include such items as crucifixes, rosary
beads, and religious medallions. An adoption of native
religious articles and/or motifs (e.g. zemis) would
perhaps be an indication of an ideological shift and
prompt a reassessment of the hypothesis.
3) Structures at Puerto Real should employ local
materials in their construction; however, the
architectural style of the buildings and physical
layout of the town should be Hispanic in nature.
Specifically this would involve rectangular single
family houses with fenced or walled yards (Manucy 1978)
laid out in a grid pattern around a central plaza. The
Taino houses and towns were very different. The
average Taino house or bohio was circular and housed

79
several families (Rouse 1948:525). It was made of
cane, plastered with mud, and surmountedby a straw roof
(Oviedo 1959:39). The towns varied in size from one to
1,000 such houses, irregularly arranged and having one
or more ball courts (Rouse 1948:524).
This implication follows from the hypothesized
Spanish affiliation in visible areas of colonial
culture, and also from the explicit norms and
guidelines for spatial patterns established in 16th
century Spain to guide New World town planning (Crouch
et al. 1983 ). Although these ordinances were not
established until the latter half of the 16th century,
the principles behind them were in effect from the time
of conquest in 1492 (Foster 1960:49). It is
interesting to note that this was a new idea being
tested by Spain as a "directed change." Towns already
established in Spain were not uniformly laid out
(Foster 1960:16). The limited amount of excavation
conducted at Puerto Real does not allow for a detailed
description of structure type and town layout.
However, enough was uncovered to satisfy the test
implication.
4) The diet of the colonist should show a mixture
of the Iberian barnyard complex of peninsular Spain
and mixed hunting-farming strategies of the indigenous
peoples. This pattern of foodways identified in St.

80
Augustine (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983) was a modification of
the traditional foodways in response to a new
environment. According to Reitz and Cumbaa
(1983:155-156) if the Iberian complex was transferred
intact then the New World faunal assemblage would
consist primarily of sheep, cattle, and hogs, in that
order. The diet would also have included domestic
fowl, fish but few wild mammals. To hypothesize that
this complex would have survived, intact, is
unrealistic since it is documented that sheep do not
prosper on the islands. Also since meals were, in many
cases, prepared by native wives or servants, we would
expect the incorporation of local wild species into the
Spanish colonial diet. Reitz and Scarry (1986:99) on
the basis of further research in St. Augustine have
refined the hypothesized colonial subsistance strategy
to seven key responses to the New World environment,
1) they abandoned traditional resources
unsuited to the new environment; 2) they
adopted a new constellation of domestic plant
resources; 3) they incorporated aboriginal
patterns of wild fauna exploitation; 4) they
retained Old World cultigens, primarily
fruits, which could be grown locally; 5) they
husbanded those Old World domestic animals
which could survive with limited attention in
the local conditions; 6) they added a few
exotic New World cultigens to the locally
grown plants; 7) they relied to a limited
extent on imported foodstuffs.
Unfortunately, it will be impossible to comment on some
aspects of the colonial diet since ethnobotanical

81
analysis was not done. However, a good faunal sample
from Locus 19 and other locii at Puerto Real has been
completed allowing comments on the carniverous side of
the colonial diet to be made. Additionally, there is
good faunal data from the nearby Taino site at En Bas
Saline which can be used for comparative purposes.
5) The material and faunal assemblage will reflect
a crystallization of the proposed Hispanic-American
colonial pattern through time. It is expected that as
the colonists became more specifically adapted to the
New World physical and social environment, their
methods of coping became standardized. This patterned
behavior should be reflected in the archaeological
assemblage in such areas as foodways, architecture, and
status artifacts. Variations among households from
this predicted pattern should become less evident in
later periods.
A key issue here is the duration of occupation at
Puerto Real, which amounted to approximately 75 years.
Is this long enough to detect a crystallization of the
Spanish colonial pattern? It is possible to clearly
distinguish between late and early occupation at Puerto
Real ?
In the latter case the answer is yes. As will be
discussed in Chapter 6, it was possible, using
stratigraphy and artifact terminus post querns to

82
distinguish the early period (pre-1550) from the late
period (post-1550) occupation. The date 1550 was
chosen as the dividing point because it was roughly
midway through the occupation of the town and because
several types of ceramics are known to have been
unavailable before this date and can be used as
temporal markers.
The question of when crystallization occurred is
impossible to pinpoint. Culture change is a dynamic
process and any divisions imposed are artificial. This
does not invalidate the study of culture
crystallization as a process. Some crystallization
would be expected after five years. Deagan (1983)
described the Spanish colonial pattern using data from
the 18th century, 200 years after settlement. It will
be interesting to note what changes there are in the
material assemblage after only a relatively short
period of time.
These test implications provided the framework
that guided the recovery and interpretation of the data
from Puerto Real, and provide a means of assessing the
utility of the working hypothesis. What is being
specifically asked of the data is, "how do we
characterize the changes that happened to the Iberian
culture of the colonists?" Binford's definition of
archaeology is,

83
a discipline that searches for an
understanding of the past through the use of
objects and other organizations of matter
believed to have been parts of past
situations. (1981:22)
The task, then, at Puerto Real is to identify patterns
in the material culture that reflect the changes that
the Spaniards underwent eri route to becoming creoles.

CHAPTER V
STRATEGY AND TACTICS AT PUERTO REAL
The purpose of the 1984-1985 fieldwork at Puerto
Real was to identify patterns in the material culture
that reflect the creolization of the colonists'
culture. This was done by testing implications arising
from the hypothesized pattern of Spanish colonial
adaptation (see Chapter 1) identified in St. Augustine,
Florida by Deagan (1983). Archaeological testing of
this hypothesis required the extensive excavation of a
Spanish colonial habitation outside of St. Augustine.
The site of Puerto Real fulfilled the requirements of
the proposed test.
The project was conducted over two, ten-week
periods during the summers of 1984 and 1985.
Excavations were conducted by the author, a field
assistant, a field laboratory supervisor, and a crew of
between twelve and fifteen Haitians. Based on the 1982
survey of the site, a suitable area was selected and
excavated. A brief recapitulation of the 1982 survey
will illustrate its pivotal role in selecting the locus
of excavation.
84

85
The 1982 field season complemented previous work
at Puerto Real by establishing the town boundaries and
completing a program of systematic sub-surface sampling
and topographic mapping over the entire site (Williams
1983). Material recovered from the tests was
quantified and the data entered into the mainframe
computer at the University of Florida. Using the S YMAP
graphics program, several maps were prepared which
portrayed the subsurface distribution of various types
of artifacts throughout the site. By mapping the
distribution of masonry debris, it was possible to
discern the locations of masonry structures.
Fifty-seven structural areas were defined and could be
categorized according to the abundance and diversity of
Spanish and non-Spanish artifacts associated with them
(Fig. 5-1). These groups are believed to represent
different social and economic components of the
community and are interpreted by reference to the
documentarily verified archaeological patterns of
Spanish St. Augustine (Deagan 1983).
Using the computer generated maps, a suitable area
was selected for excavation. Of the fifty-seven
possible structural areas defined by Williams (1986),
Locus 19 (Fig. 5-2) seemed the most likely to provide
the information sought. The abundance of masonry
debris indicated the presence of a structure and the

86
Figure 5-1 Masonry Loci at Puerto Real
(Williams 1986/ reprinted
with permission)

87
Figure 5-2 Location of Locus 19 (Williams 1986, reprinted with
permission)

88
volume and type of ceramics in this locus suggested a
high status occupation dating to the second half of the
16th century. This would permit diachronic comparisons
with Loci 33 & 35, an early 16th century, high status
household, while controlling for economic status.
In addition to the SYMAP map, reference was made
to the contour map prepared by previous crews. The
areas outlined by the SYMAP were a good guide but still
were only able to localize the structural areas to
within half aa acre. The contour maps permitted a
better on-site orientation for the excavator as well as
delineating suspicious, yet subtle topographic
features.
The grid system employed at Locus 19 was merely an
extension of the grid established by Willis (1983:50)
who describes it as
modeled after the Universal Transverse
Mercator Grid System used on all geodetic
survey maps. It involves the use of
coordinates given in meters north and east of
an arbitrarily defined point to the south and
west of the outermost projected limits of the
site. The archaeological grid was angled 30
east of magnetic north to coincide as closely
as possible to the alignment of the Spanish
grid-town plan as suggested from the contour
map of Puerto Real.
Willis had also placed concrete markers at 80 m
intervals on the grid. Although some of these markers

89
had been dislodged by local farmers who had tethered
their cattle to them, enough remained in place so that
the grid could be reestablished.
A transit station was set up to ensure vertical
control of the units. The excavation units themselves
measured 1.5 x 2. m and were excavated in arbitrary
levels of 10 cm. The original intention had been to
excavate by natural levels as had been done on previous
projects (McEwan 1983, Willis 1984). However, very
little soil differentiation was apparent at Locus 19.
Natural stratigraphy consisted of a thin humus layer
overlying a homogenous clay/loam which, itself,
surmounted a sterile clay subsoil. The extreme arid
conditions which rapidly dried out the soil despite the
use of garden sprayers and sun shades, did not make the
job of distinguishing natural levels any easier. By
excavating in 10 cm increments it was possible to
differentiate between early and late occupations of the
locus on the basis of datable artifacts. Each unit was
mapped after every completed level.
The cataloguing system established during the 1979
field season was continued on all subsequent University
of Florida projects. All archaeological proveniences
except features (i.e. zones, areas, post molds, etc.)
were numbered consecutively within each excavation
unit. Features, discrete deposit attributable to

90
definite human activity, were numbered on a site wide
basis, regardless of unit location. Each provenience
was assigned a unique Field Specimen (FS) number on a
consecutive basis as well.
All excavated soil was passed through 1/4"
hardware cloth attached to a rigid frame. It was not
possible to water screen due to the extreme scarcity of
water at the site. Water for use in the lab and on the
site had to be hauled by bucket from a well several
8
hundred yards away. However, the Haitian workers were
exceptionally perceptive and often found the tiniest
artifacts (e.g. straight pins, seed beads) in situ.
The workers at the screen were equally adept at
spotting small artifacts. In addition soil samples
were taken of all discrete areas and features. Flora,
fauna, artifacts, and soil samples were bagged
separately. The bagged material, after initial field
processing, were analyzed at the laboratories of the
Florida State Museum in Gainesville. The soil samples
were fine screened to recover small artifacts and
animal remains.
A field lab was set up on the site for preliminary
processing of all recovered material before shipment to
the United States. All excavated material was sent to
the lab where it was rough sorted into four main
categories: 1) artifacts, 2) fauna, 3) brick, 4) stone.

91
The artifacts and faunal material were washed and air
dried on racks made especially for that purpose. The
brick and stone was weighed and discarded. This was
done because weight was all that was necessary to
determine density and distribution of building rubble.
Also the cost of transporting several tons of rubble to
the U.S. was prohibitive. However, any brick that
retained any two of three measureable dimensions
(height, width, and length) was saved. The same is
true of any piece of masonry that was at all unusual
(e.g. maker's mark, glazing, etc.). After the
artifacts were washed and dried, they were sorted
according to composition (e.g. ceramic, glass, iron)
rebagged and carefully packed into labeled cardboard
cartons for shipment. Records were kept in the lab
cataloging the number of bags and their contents. This
acted as a useful double check to the field specimen
catalog maintained at the site.
All artifacts were shipped to the Florida State
Museum where they underwent additional analysis. Upon
the completion of the analyses, the artifacts will
eventually be returned to Haiti for permanent curation.
Fieldwork in 1984 was particularly challenging in
that the author had never been to Haiti before, let
alone visited the site. Assisting in the field was
fellow graduate student, Greg Smith. Tim Deagan,

92
recent graduate of Florida State University and brother
of the principal investigator, was in charge of setting
up and running the field laboratory. The buildings, a
storage shed and lab shed, built in 1979 during
Willis's project, were found to be in good general
repair.
Shortly after our arrival at the site, local
villagers and farmers, who had worked for past
projects, arrived inquiring about work with the current
project. Thirteen men were hired and the crew was put
to work immediately clearing the area to be excavated.
The area selected for excavation was not currently
under cultivation but was covered by tall grass and low
thorny trees known as baya honda trees. Several days
were required to clear the area using machetes.
It was decided to place the initial excavations,
on a low rise of ground, in the middle of the masonry
concentration as depicted on the SYMAP Excavation
confirmed the prediction that Locus 19 was primarily a
high status late period occupation. A total of
twenty-five 1.5 x 2.0 m excavation units were excavated
to sterile subsoil in 10 cm levels. All digging was
done by trowel. This tool proved most suitable for the
recovery of small fragile artifacts and was most
efficient for removal of the hard, baked clay/loam
soil. The Haitians were also very adept at the use of

93
the trowel due to previous experience on the other
projects. To minimize the dessicating effects of the
sun, shades were constructed. They consisted of a
wooden frame covered by a nylon parachute (purchased
cheaply as surplus property) of a size just large
enough to cover an individual unit. These sun shades
were lightweight, portable, and functioned well for the
season. Uncompleted units were covered with plastic
sheeting when not being excavated.
Excavations in 1984 yielded over 29,000 artifacts
and 335 kg of faunal material from an extensive midden
deposit. The artifacts, that will be described in more
detail in Chapter 6, included a wide array of 16th
century Spanish material highlighted by some unique and
interesting items. A small gilded unicorn pendant was
recovered along with forty-six copper maravedis and an
abundance of ornate Venetian "latticino" glass. A
couple of intricately worked brass and enamel book
clasps were also found. Frustratingly, although a
phenomenal amount of 16th century refuse had been
unearthed, the house associated with the midden eluded
detection for most of the field season.
Finally, five test trenches were excavated in an
effort to locate the structure. As is so often the
case in archaeology, the structure was discovered
during the last week of the 1984 field season, under a

94
large pile of backdirt. The excavation strategy
immediately changed in response to the discovery. All
work on the exploratory trenches ceased and the efforts
of the entire crew were brought to bear on exposing as
much of the foundation as possible in the time
remaining. Heroic efforts on the part of the crew
exposed eight meters of the wall, but no corner was
found .
The foundation consisted of a paired row of large
rocks with smaller stones resting on top. On the final
day of field work, plastic sheeting was placed over the
in situ foundation stones and the site was backfilled.
The location of the foundation was carefully noted and
corner stakes to the units pounded flush with the
ground to aid in locating the area in the following
year
The 1985 field season picked up where the previous
season left off, with some exceptions. Assisting in
the field was Patty Peacher and supervising the lab was
James Cusick, both new graduate students at the
University of Florida. The Haitian crew, which had
performed admirably in the field the previous season,
was rehired virtually intact.
A new transit station was established at Locus 19
and the grid reestablished. The first task then was to
locate the previous years excavations, which was done

95
by relocating and reestablishing the 1984 grid system.
The plastic and backfill were removed and the units
recleaned. The complete excavation of the foundation
was the primary object of the 1985 season. Excavation
units were put in to follow the wall to the corners.
The wall extended for a distance of over 20 meters and
had two brick drains set in the western section. The
length of the wall surprised everyone including the
Haitian workers who claimed that it "extended all the
way to Santo Domingo." A cross trench, 22 m in length,
was placed midway along the foundation in an effort to
locate the opposite wall of the structure. The wall
was not found using this technique.
At the end of the 1985 season a total of forty-six
2 x 2 m units had been excavated. These excavations
yielded 20,367 artifacts and approximately 146 kg of
faunal material. Over 500 kg of brick and stone rubble
had been weighed and discarded at the lab. Fewer
artifacts and fauna were recovered during the 1985
project due to location of the excavation units. The
1985 project concentrated on the structure itself and
not its midden as had the previous season.
A more detailed description of the artifacts
together with the associated architectural features are
presented in the next chapter.

CHAPTER VI
EXCAVATED DATA
This chapter will consist of a presentation of
what was found at Locus 19. These data will be
presented with a minimum of interpretation so as not to
bias future researchers who wish to use this chapter
for reference purposes. The author's interpretations,
as applied to the research questions, will be given in
the following chapter.
Locus 19 Proveniences
S tratigraphy
As discussed briefly in the previous chapter, very
little soil differentiation was apparent at Locus 19.
The uppermost level was a disturbed humic layer of a
dark brown friable loam approximately 2-4 cm in depth.
This is, no doubt, the result of hoe horticulture as
practiced by the local villagers. The next level was
the artifact bearing zone. This consisted of a meduim
grey/brown hard packed clay/loam varying between 15 cm
and 40 cm in depth. Occassionally another level could
be determined beneath the second level. It was
difficult to distinguish from the above layer, having
only a slightly lighter color and much fewer artifacts
96

Y''?.

98
and fauna. This overlay a yellowish clay that was
devoid of artifacts and was considered to be sterile
subsoil.
Midden
Several of the more interesting proveniences will
now be discussed. Reference should be made to the site
map (Figure 6-1) for all the following provenience
descriptions. A dense concentration of artifacts
(Figure 6-2) measuring 12 m E-W by 6 m N-S occupied the
NW quarter of the excavated area. The matrix was a
dark brown loam and varied between 10 to 30 cm in
depth. A majority of the artifacts and most of the
faunal material recovered at Locus 19 come from this
deposit. The majority of the midden dated to the late
period and overlay Feature 1.
Feature 1
This feature was located in three units 876N/813E,
876N/814.5E, and 876N/816E. Only the south half of
Feature 1 was excavated. Its plan view shape was
probably circular. Excavation revealed that it was a
relatively shallow (25 cm depth) basin with sloping
sides. It contained a loose dark brown loamy soil with
many artifacts and much faunal material. Only the top
layer of Feature 1 dated to the late period. The
feature was located almost in the center of the general
midden deposit and was covered by it. An interesting

Figure 6-2 The midden at Locus 19


101
facet of this feature was the presence of several whole
turtle carapaces in and around the deposit. Based on
the chronological and physical position of the feature,
it appears that trash disposal for Locus 19 initiated
with Feature 1 and eventually overflowed to form the
general midden.
Feature 3
This feature was located in 880N/817.5E,
880N/819E, and 878N/819E. It was defined from the
concentration of artifacts. They are packed in a dark
grey/brown loamy matrix. The depth of the feature
varied considerably from unit to unit but averaged
about 25 cm. A concentration of burned faunal material
was noticed in 880N/817.5, but it did not seem to be a
true hearth, rather a dump for some burned material.
It appears that this feature represents the
northeastern extent of the midden.
Feature 5
The foundation wall which initiates at the base of
level 2 (20 cm) consisted of a linear arrangement of
large, paired rocks with smaller stones resting on top.
The line extended 32 m in an E-W orientation. Few
artifacts were found among the rocks. However, many
bricks were scattered along its length (Figure 6-3).

Figure 6-3 The wall foundation at Locus 19

h gg
{ -
Kps
;* $Mk
.V
WifM

Figure 6-4 Feature 6; The brick pavanent


Figure 6-5 Feature 8; A brick drain


108
Feature 6
This feature is defined by a roughly rectangular
concentration of small rocks and brick bats. Located
between 812E and 817E, it is one layer deep and appears
to form a part of some sort of pavement. It was
impossible to tell the true extent of the original
feature. The surface was uneven but this may be the
result of the 1562 earthquake (Figure 6-4).
Features 7 and 8
Both of these features appear to be brick drains
set into the western half of the stone wall foundation
(Feature 5). The features are composed of two stacks
of brick 3 tiers (Feature 7) and 4 tiers (Feature 8)
over a brick paving. Some dressed stones are included
in these features and traces of mortar were found
throughout. Both drains empty to the north. Feature 8
appears to be the more intact of the two (Figure 6-5).
Puerto Real is an extremely rich site. In the
century following its abandonment, French planters
robbed the buildings of most of their brick and stone
but not, apparently, of their refuse. With the above
ground portion of the town removed, the site was
quickly forgotten. Subsequent inhabitants did little
disturbance to the site. The local Haitian villagers
practice only hoe horticulture. Thus the material

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
109
TABLE 6-1 ARTIFACT CATEGORIES
ARTIFACTS
MAJOLICA
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN CERAMICS
NON-MAJOLICA EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
COLONO AND ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
KITCHEN ARTIFACTS
STRUCTURAL HARDWARE
WEAPONRY AND ARMOR
CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS
PERSONAL ITEMS AND JEWELRY
ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS
UNIDENTIFIED METAL OBJECTS
MASONRY CONSTRUCTION ITEMS
FURNITURE HARDWARE
TOOLS
TOYS AND GAMES
HARNESS AND TACK
RELIGIOUS ITEMS
MISCELLANEOUS SUBSTANCES
UNAFFILIATED ARTIFACTS
HISPANIC TABLEWARES

110
assemblage associated with Puerto Real shows little
evidence of disturbance.
During the 1984-85 field season over 49,000
artifacts were recovered. The material assemblage was
organized into functionally specific groups for
analytic and comparative purposes. These categories
were first proposed by South (1977:92) and have been
modified for work on Spanish colonial sites (Table
6-1). The purpose of these groups is to provide a
meaningful organization of the artifact assemblage in
terms of human behavior as well as a basis for inter
and intrasite comparison. Particular attention has
been given to the ceramic assemblage, because it has
been demonstrated at St. Augustine to provide a
chronological framework for assessing change, as well
as an index for measuring status differences within the
community (Deagan 1983: 231-262).
The faunal assemblage was as extensive as the
artifact assemblage. The sheer bulk of the fauna (over
480 kg), made a complete faunal analysis impractical
given the time and financial constraints of the
project. A representative sample was selected which
included all the fauna from the major features as well
as some from the zone deposition. The particular
quantification techniques applied to the faunal

Ill
assemblage will be discussed later in this chapter. The
general quantification scheme applied to the entire
material assemblage is disc
The material from each
and recorded on a separate
All quantifiable data (i.e.
were entered onto the front
sketches and comments were
The analysis sheets contain
each provenience and serve
practical to enter onto the
The large array of dat
calculations and summaries
facilitate the manipulation
database the IBM mainframe
of Florida was used. This
data be reorganized and ent
line of data entered contai
descriptive and locational
of the information recorded
included as Appendix 2.
The artifacts recovere
qualitatively and quantitat
to group number. An except
ussed below.
provenience was analyzed
analysis sheet (Appendix 1).
type, weight, frequency)
of the sheet while artifact
recorded on the reverse.
all the information from
to record detail not
computer.
a made even the simplest
a time consuming task. To
s of this cumbersome
computer at the University
decision required that the
ered in coded form. Each
ned quantitative,
information. A description
on the code sheet has been
d will be described both
ively sequentially according
ion will be made in the case
of Group 20, Hispanic tablewares (non-majolica) in
order to keep the ceramics together as a group. A

112
table denoting the distribution of the types of
artifacts within each group will appear at the end of
the artifact section of this chapter.
After analysis of their artifacts the proveniences
were assigned to either the early or late period of
occupation. The period proveniences were distinguished
by stratigraphic position and the presence of such
ceramics as Orange micaceous ware, Ming porcelain and
Cologne stoneware all of which are characterized by
previous research as having a terminus post quern of
1550. Proveniences in the earlier time periods were
distinguished both stratigraphically and by the absence
of any late ceramic time markers. The data recovered
from the excavations revealed that levels 1 and 2 were
relatively undisturbed by post 16th century activity
and could be dated to the late period of occupation of
the town. Level 3 was a transitional strata between
the early and late periods, and level 4 appeared to
date to the pre-1550 occupation of Puerto Real.
Each artifact will be described according to its
composition, decoration, form, and chronological
placement (if known). Non-class ified types will be
carefully described and illustrated whenever possible.
The primary references used for identifying the
ceramics were: the comparative collection of the

Figure 6-6 Majolica
Columbia Plain escudillas (left FS# 3342, center FS# 3182) Yayal (right FS# 3168)

114

115
Florida State Museum, Deagan (1987), Goggin (1968), and
Lister and Lister (1982).
Group 1 Majolica
Bisque. Though specimens of Bizcocho, a thin,
unglazed, non-utilitarian ware, have been found at
Puerto Real (Hodges Collection, Limbe, Haiti), ceramics
in this category primarily refer to majolica fragments
that have lost their glaze. It is for this reason that
they were included in this category. Most specimens
were extremely small.
Caparra Blue. Named for the site of Caparra,
Puerto Rico, Caparra Blue is a distinctive two tone
majolica. The exterior is a solid dark blue enamal
with the interior being white or off-white. Some of
the specimens from Puerto Real have a slight greenish
cast to the interior white enamel. Deagan suggests
that these may have been produced at Panama Vieja in
the late 16th century (1987). This type is known only
in the albarelo or drug jar form and dates to the 16th
century (Goggin 1968: 134-135).
Columbia Plain. This type was easily the most
numerous majolica type at Puerto Real. It accounts for
over 80 percent of all the majolicas recovered from the
site. This was also the most variable types in the
assemblage. The glaze ranged from a thick glossy
opaque white to a thin, matte, pinkish off-white. The

116
Bacin
Tinaja
Plato
Jarro
Pocilio Escudilla
Figure 6-7 Vessel Forms

117
paste was uniformly chalky in consistency but varied in
color from terra cotta to cream. Several vessel forms
were noted. Most numerous among these were escudillas
and simple platos (see Figure 6-6). However, such
forms as pichis, j arros, and porringers were also
found (Figure 6-7). Several pieces had been identified
as a variant known as Columbia Plain Gunmetal described
as having a "darkened, rather than white ground
[that] .. .varies from a dense irridescent black to a
light specked grey"(Lister and Lister 1982:48).
Recent research has shown that this is probably due to
post deposition discoloration (Deagan 1987). Another
variant found at Puerto Real that is, in fact, real is
Columbia Plain Green. This variant makes up two
percent of the majolica assemblage and is simply a
Columbia Plain Vessel that has been partially covered
with a clear green glaze. This is an early variant
dating to the first half of the 16th century (Goggin
1968:118). An interesting phenomenon noticed on
several of the Columbia Plain specimens was the
presence of marks that had been scratched through the
glaze of the finished vessel (Figure 6-8). Goggin
(1986:119) noticed this on sherds from the Convento de
San Francisco at Santo Domingo and attributed them to
property marks put on by the owners rather than the
makers.

Figure 6-8 Owner's marks on ceramics
AFS# 3281
B FS# 3165
CFS# 3159
DFS# 3395
EFS# 3310
FFS# 3343, Isabela polychrome fragment
GFS# 3292

119

120
Cuenca Tile. Only one fragment of Cuenca tile was
recovered from Locus 19 although over a dozen were
found at Building A (Willis 1984:213). All of the
tiles corresponded to Goggin's type B. This type
features floral motifs deeply stamped onto the surface
and colored with blue, green, honey-colored brown, and
manganese. This type dates to the 16th century (Goggin
1968: 145-6).
Lusterware Also known as Reflejo Metlico, this
interesting type is represented by a single sherd at
Locus 19, and is rare in New World contexts in general.
It is characterized by a design of a reflective,
irridescent luster of copper-gold on an off-white base
(Deagan 1987:38).
Isabela Polychrome. A dozen pieces of Isabela
Polychrome were recovered from Locus 19. All were
plato forms, including one large rim fragment. This
type has a Columbia-Plain type paste and a dull blue
and manganese purple design on an off-white enamel
surface. Designs are concentric lines of blue
surrounding a band of purple or stylized alafias
(Goggin 1968:126-7). The time range of this type
appears to be the first 3/4 of the 16th century (Deagan
1987 ) .
La Vega Blue on White. This is a very poorly
known type. Only three sherds were recovered and their

121
identification is uncertain. Goggin (1968:130-1)
defines it as crude, simple floral motifs executed in
blue on a Columbia plain base. Mostly found in plato
form. Deagan points out that the type fragments are
small and may actually be from Yayal blue on white
vessels having central designs (1987).
Ligurian Blue on Blue. A minor type at Locus 19,
Ligurian Blue on Blue was originally called
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue by Goggin (1968:135).
Ichtucknee Blue on Blue was later divided into Ligurian
Blue on Blue and Sevilla Blue on Blue. The former is,
"a thin, delicate, blue ground ware carrying fine
darker blue patterns, occasionally brightened by a
patch of yellow or a bit of white" (Lister and Lister
1984: 72). This type is solidly dated to the second
half of the 16th century (Deagan 1987). The specimens
recovered at Locus 19 were small fragments of plato and
small bowl or cup forms.
Montelupo Polychrome. This was represented at
Locus 19 by the most common of its three varieties.
It, "has a light cream-colored pasts and thick, rather
heavy vessel bodies... exhibits a design of
geometric bands in orange, yellow, blue, and
black-outlines yellow" (Deagan 1987). Though not
numerous, Montelupo polychrome is not uncommon at

122
Puerto Real having been found on the surface (Hodges
Collection) and at Building A (Willis 1984:158). This
type dates to the first half of the 16th century
(Lister and Lister 1984: 72).
Sevilla Blue on Blue. Formerly included in the
category Ichtucknee Blue on Blue, this type is a
Sevillian form inspired by the Italianate Ligurian Blue
on Blue. It is characterized by broad heavy-stroked
patterns of dark blue on a lighter blue background.
Poorly represented at Locus 19, it has a TPQ of 1550
(Deagan 19 87 ) .
Sevilla Blue on White. A recently defined type
(Lister and Lister 1982:60), this majolica is
represented by only a single dubious sherd at Puerto
Real. It is characterized by a clear cobalt-blue
design on Sevilla White vessels and the chronological
range is from about 1530 to 1650 (Deagan 1987).
Santo Domingo Blue on White. This is a decorated
type of common grade Morisco Ware. Common throughout
the 16th century the blue design motifs are described
as "A hodgepodge of broad sweeping lines, dashes,
random dots, squiggles, and lobed and wavy lines"
(Lister and Lister 1982:57). The forms excavated at
Puerto Real were platos and escudillas.
Yayal Blue on White. Fairly common at Locus 19,
this type is represented by 70 sherds. It is another

123
type which has a Columbia Plain-like paste, enamel, and
surface finish. Its simple design elements consist of
blue bands in concentric circles on the interior of the
vessel. A crude central medallion design is sometimes
also included (Deagan 1987). The plato form was most
common at Locus 19 although some escudilla fragments
were noted.
White Majolica. This category consists mainly of
small fragments of majolica. It was difficult to
assign them to any plain majolica type (e.g. Sevilla
White, Faenza White) since the possibility exists that
the small specimen was simply a plain fragment from a
blue on white or polychrome vessel.
UID Majolica. Next to Columbia Plain, this was
the most numerous category accounting for five percent
of all majolicas. This category includes blue on
white, blue on blue, and polychrome majolicas that
could not be identified at the present time.
Santa Elena Green and White. Common at Locus 19,
this type has been identified at the site of Santa
Elena in South Carolina and appears to date to the
second half of the 16th century. It is described as a
"highbread majolica with a green lead-glazed
exterior and a white tin glazed interior" (Skowronek
1987:8). Lesser forms at Locus 19 seem to be large
bowls.

124
Puerto Real Green and Green. This majolica
warrants a new type designation. It is a thick-bodied,
has a pinkish paste with a dark green tin glazed
exterior and a lighter olive green lead glazed
interior. Vessel forms appear to be large bowls.
Group 2 Utilitarian Wares
This group of ceramics includes those types that,
as the category title implies, are primarily functional
rather than decorative. Utilitarian group ceramics
serve as storage vessels and are used in food
preparation activities.
El Morro. First defined Hale Smith (1962:68-69),
this type was redefined by Deagan (1976) but the term
seems to be used only by Florida-trained researchers,
others referring to it as lead-glazed coarse
earthenware. This thin lead glazed coarse earthenware
is distinctive in its poorly smoothed, granular surface
(Deagan 1987). The glaze was often incompletely
applied and "varies in color from a pale yellow-orange
to a dark brown or olive green" (Willis 1976: 128).
The limited use of the term for this ceramic makes the
assignment of the chronological range difficult
although reports of the type span three centuries from
the 16th to the 18th century (Deagan 1987). Forms
recovered from Puerto Real include platos and small
bowls.

125
Green Bacin/Green Lebrillo. This type includes a
variety of large utilitarian forms of which the Bacin
and Lebrillo are most common. It has paste close to
majolica in texture, is covered with a heavy clear dark
green matte glaze, and seems confined to the 16th
century in the Caribbean (Goggin 1968:226; Deagan
1987). It is fairly common at Puerto Real and is
represented at Locus 19 by over 300 sherds including
several large basin rims.
Olive Jar. The most numerous of utilitarian
ceramics at Locus 19, over 8,000 sherds of olive jar
were recovered, accounting for 63 percent of this
category. The majority of the sherds recovered have
been classified as early style. This style was defined
by Goggin (1960:8-11) as having a distinctively shaped
globular body, a raised, everted mouth and attached
handles. The exterior surface was often covered by a
white slip and the interior often glazed in some shade
of green. Goggin dates this style from 1493 to
approximately 1575. The olive jar rims from Locus 19
are characteristically early style (Figure 6-9)
although two middle style necks were recovered from
late period proveniences. Skowronek (1987:12-13)
indicates that the "middle style" olive jar may have
been appearing as early as the mid-16th century. The
discovery of these middle style sherds is important

Figure 6-9 Olive jar necks (middle style in upper center, FS# 3312)
Other FS# (left to right3138,3122, 3343)

12/

128
since it represents solid evidence that this type was
appearing before its commonly supposed terminus post
quem.
Glazed olive jar accounts for 23 percent of all
olive jars at Locus 19. The color of this lead glaze
was usually green or brownish-yellow. An interesting
deviation from the usual glaze colors was the presence
of twelve red-glazed olive jar fragments. This
appeared to be the result of a clear lead glaze applied
over a red slip, as some unglazed red slipped olive jar
fragments were also recovered. All but one of these
sherds were found in late period proveniences.
Spanish Storage Jar. This type of ceramic is
defined by vessel form rather than by characteristics
of paste or surface treatment. It has an olive
jar-type paste and has been identified in jarro and
bacin forms (Deagan 1987). At Locus 19 this type is,
no doubt, underrepresented since only flat bottomed
basal sherds could be confidently placed in this type.
Like olive jar, Spanish storage jar also often had an
interior green glaze.
Redware. A difficult ware to categorize, this
type is found at Locus 19 in both utilitarian and
special function tableware forms. Deagan (1987)
defines it as being "characterized by an orange or
brick-red earthenware paste... uniform color on

129
both surfaces and through the core of the sherds."
Forms recovered at Puerto Real varied from thick large
bowls to thin, delicate, small j arros, pichis, and
bowls. Several of the sherds were incised with wavy
lines, which Deagan (1987) reports as being found on
16th century specimens. It is difficult, at this time,
to determine a time range or place of origin since the
New World potters were turning out redwares by the late
16th century (Deagan 1987) with production continuing
through the 18th century.
Unidentified Coarse Earthenwares. A great many
sherds (30 percent) could not be identified any further
than this general heading. Ceramics in this category
have a soft, low fired paste exhibiting high porosity
(Deagan 1987). Specimens were sometimes lead-glazed
with honey, brown, green and red being the usual colors
of the glaze. Vessel forms tended to overlap the
tablewares category including platos and small bowls as
well as large utilitarian vessels.
Group 3 European Tablewares
This category of ceramics consists of tablewares
of a non-hispanic origin. Poorly represented, the
entire category consists of only slightly over 200
sherds or less than one percent of the total ceramic
assemblage. Considering that Puerto Real was disbanded
because of its traffic with non-Hispanic smugglers one

Figure 6-10 Cologne stoneware, FS# 3401

TET

132
might have expected that many of the smuggled goods to
have been ceramics. This may not have been the case,
Andrews (1978:182) states that textiles were the chief
trade item of the French smugglers. Perhaps the other
smugglers dealt primarily in perishables as well.
Cologne Stoneware. This ware was named for the
city in which these wares were produced. This European
ceramic is described as a "grey-bodied stoneware coated
with an iron oxide slip that broke into a brown mottle
when fired in a salt glaze kiln" (Noel-Hume 1970:55).
According to Noel-Hume, the earliest examples date to
1550 making it a good temporal marker at Locus 19.
Porcelain. Oriental porcelain was not available
in the Caribbean until at least 1550 and then only
through Portuguese corsairs. It was not until the
Manila Galleon trade in 1573 that Spain began supplying
her colonies with Chinese porcelain (Deagan 1987). All
16th century porcelains in the New World were produced
during the Ming Dynasty (1522-1643) in China.
Characteristic of this ware is, "A rather unctuous
glaze of a distinct bluish green tinge. It's
decoration is...of a deep warm blue of violet tone"
(Aga-Oglu 1956:92). Most of the sherds recovered at
Puerto Real are from small bowls or cups (Figure 6-11).
Considering the difficulties one must have had in
obtaining the pieces there, is a surprising amount of

Figure 6-11 Ming porcelain
AFS# 312
BFS# 3340
CFS# 3119
D FS# 3120
E FS# 3366
FFS# 3367
GFS# 3120

134

135
porcelain at Locus 19; 45 fragments. Since Puerto Real
was abandoned a scant five years after the commencement
of the Manila Galleon trade, it seems far more likely
that Portuguese smugglers were responsible for the
relatively large quantity of porcelain scattered across
Locus 19.
Non-Hispanic Tin Enameled Wares. Very little of
these wares have been recovered at Puerto Real and
these are small sherds. In England and the Netherlands
tin-enameled ceramics are known as delft. Similarly,
tin-emameled ceramics produced in France are known as
faience. Their identification at Puerto Real is
difficult in that all comparative specimens dated to
the 16th Century or later. There are no contemporary
French or English sites in the New World to compare
with Puerto Real. Also, the fragments of these
supposed non-Hispanic tin-enameled wares were very
fragmentary and lacked any design elements. For these
reasons the identification of Delft and/or Faience at
Puerto Real is tentative.
Group 20 Hispanic Tablewares (non-majolica)
This group includes those tablewares produced in
Spain or her colonies that are not majolicas.
Feldspar-Inlaid Redware. First described by
Charles Fairbanks (1966), this type is a typical thin
redware decorated with white feldspar chips. This ware

136
is common at Locus 19 consisting of over 250 sherds.
An interesting variant of this type is a feldspar
decorated type with a micaceous paste. Another variant
is a feldspar-tempered ware of unknown form or
function. Deagan (1987) suggests, "that in the
circum-Caribbean area Feldspar-Inlaid Redware dates
from before 1550 until the end of the 16th century (ca.
1530-1600)." Vessel forms included small bowls.
Orange Micaceous Ware. This type accounts for 49
percent of the Group 20 assemblage (806 sherds). It
has an orange paste with flecks of mica in the temper.
Vessel forms are reported as generally small, in taza,
pocilio, and plato forms (Deagan 1987).
This is also the case at Locus 19.
Melado. This type has been called honey-colored
/Seville ware (Willis 1984) and honey-colored ware
(Goggin 1968, McEwan 1983). Deagan (1987) describes it
as having a cream to terra cotta-colored paste covered
with a honey colored opaque lead glaze. It is distinct
from other similarly colored wares by its opacity and
fine paste. Vessel forms at Locus 19 are generally
platos and escudillas. Goggin (1968:227) places the
chronological range of this ceramic of between 1493 and
1550.

137
Group 4 Colono and Aboriginal Ceramics
Descriptions of the ceramics in this category are
taken from Smith (1986:49-55). Smith's thesis
represents the definitive work on non-European coarse
earthenwares at Locus 19.
Me i1lac This is an aboriginal form characterized
by fine-grained temper, relatively thin walls (3-7 mm),
and a polished gray or red surface. Designs, when
present, include incised cross-hatching and oblique
parallel lines; vessel forms are usually round bowls or
boat-shaped bowls.
Carrier. This is another aboriginal type
generally thought to postdate Meillac although the
Puerto Real research suggests some degree of both
prehistoric and historic overlap between the two types.
Carrier has coarser temper, thicker walls (7-9 mm), and
a more highly polished grayish-brown surface. Incised
designs are commonly curved and often end with circular
punctuations. Adornos (Bat-shaped forms are common)
are often applied to the shoulders of the bowl or jar
forms.
Christophe Plain. These simple bowl-shaped
ceramics were previously referred to as colono ware
(Willis 1984), because they resembled neither Meillac
or Carrier ceramics (Figure 6-12). Willis (1984:169)
used the term, Colono ware, to

Figure 6-12 Christophe Plain

139

140
designate its supposed hybrid property, the
result of European contact with aboriginal
populations. ... In addition to this
Colono-Indian hybrid, several authors, most
notably Leland Ferguson (1980:14-28), have
suggested the possibility of a second hybrid
type resulting from the European-African
slave contact situation.
Smith defines this new type as, "Measuring up to 19 mm
in thickness, with a paste characterized by abundant
quartzite inclusions of up to 1 cm in diameter, the
function of these bowls appears to have been that of a
cooking pot, since a large percentage of the sherds are
sooted" (1986:54).
Red Slipped. Smith (1986) distinguishes between
two types of red slipped pottery at Puerto Real. One
type of red slipped is extremely rare while the other
is far more numerous and increases in popularity
through time. The cultural affiliation of the first
type is definitely aboriginal while the affiliation of
the second type is uncertain, though Smith suspects it
is European. He describes this type as "thin walled
(3-6 mm) and well-smoothed, with a very fine-grained
texture. Vessels appear in small jar and/or bottle
forms and show no signs of having been made on a wheel"
(Smith 1986:55). More formal analysis (e.g.
compositional) is necessary to determine where these
wares originated. Of the red-slipped pottery listed in
Table 6-6 the vast majority are of the second type.

141
Unidentified Plain Pottery. Plain group 4
ceramics that did not fit in the above classifications
were put into this category. The rational behind this
category was to "avoid the error of assuming that all
'non-traditional1 Meillac and Carrier sherds were
Christophe Plain" (Smith 1986:55).
Unidentified Decorated Ware. A relatively
uncommon type, these ceramics possess design elements
distinct from Meillac or Carrier types.
Group 5 Kitchen Artifacts
As the title suggests, items in this group are
associated with food handling, preparation, or
consumption activities. This includes all glass except
window glass and those types of glass associated with
personal possessions (i.e. perfume bottles and watch
crystals). All tablewares except ceramics, which are
grouped separately, are in this category.
Glass. Glass of all types was very common at
Locus 19 totalling well over 1000 fragments. A variety
of vessel forms is represented, most of which are
generally small and delicate bottles, decanters (three
glass stoppers were recovered) and vials although
stemmed goblets are present. Although most of the
glass recovered was clear, a variety of colors were
found as well, these include: aqua, blue, several
shades of green, purple, opaque red, yellow, and

Figure 6-13 Glass artifacts
A--goblet stem fragment, green, FS# 3113
Blooped applique, clear, FS# 3290
C--handle fragment, clear, FS# 3108
Dgoblet stem fragment, clear, white stripes, FS# 3189
E--goblet base, clear, white stripes, FS# 3126
F--gilt-edged applique, heavuly patinated, FS# 3299
Gbase fragment, red and blue mottled, FS# 3226
Hvial base(?), clear, white stripes, FS# 3132
I--rose-shaped applique, clear, white stripes, FS# 3289
J--handle fragment, red, FS# 3341

143

144
polychrome (see Table 6-7 for counts and percentages).
The polychrome pieces are an aesthetically pleasing
swirl of red and blue. The glassware was often molded
into different decorative shapes, some had small glass
appliques. Some of the clear glass had been etched but
the fragments were too small to discern the nature of
the design. Barber (1917:5) claims that etched glass
was of Italian art or influence. The most decorative
of the glassware is, undoubtedly, the delicate Italian
latticinio glass (Barber 1917:6). Two varieties are
present at Locus 19: Clear with opaque, white ribbon
stripes, and navy blue with white ribbon stripes
(Figure 6-13).
Knives. Two general types of iron knives were
recovered from Locus 19: a sharp carving knife with a
riveted bone or wood handle, and a one-piece blunt end
table knife.
Non-Hispanic Items. Three unusual items in this
group's assemblage are a stone metate fragment and two
manos. These items were most likely used for the
processing of maize into flour. The natives of
Hispaniola primarily boiled their corn so would not
have used manos or metates for this purpose. The
presence of these artifacts suggests a local trade with
the mainland. Wheat did not grow well on the islands
and cassava was used to feed the slaves and as a ship's

145
store, but was not well-liked by the colonists (Ewen
1985). Corn was an acceptable substitute and available
from the mainland. The presence of 31 fragments of
ceramic cassava griddle, discussed by Smith (1986:55),
suggests that cassava was being consumed by someone at
Locus 19.
Group 6 Structural Hardware
This category consists of artifacts associated
with standing structures. Window glass belongs in this
group as opposed to Group 5 Kitchen items. Note that
brass tacks, associated primarily with furniture, are
included with Group 13 Furniture Hardware.
Spikes, Nails, and Tacks. These artifacts are
wrought iron and distinguished on the basis of length.
A spike is defined here as being 8 cm or more in
length, a tack is less than 2 cm in length. The fact
that the overwhelming number of these artifacts were
found in Late Period proveniences (see Table 6-8) lends
further credence to the idea of the strucure dating to
this time period.
Door Hardware. These items consisted of hinges
and locks. Both locks were of iron and in a poor state
of preservation. One specimen did preserve its
outside, boxlike, form. The hinges were of two types:
staple and strap. The staple hinges were called
cotter-key hinges by Willis (1984:181), which he

146
described as a "simple interlocking U-Hinge mechanism
used on chests, windows, or doors."
Group 7 Weaponry and Armor
Armor. Two types of personal body armor have been
tentatively identified at Locus 19. Three pieces of
plate armor were found. This type of armor was formed
by overlapping iron plates attached to an underlying
garment (Ffoulkes 1967:49). Five interlocking small
iron rings may denote the presence of chain mail.
However, the remains were so fragmentary that positive
identification was not possible.
Weapons and Ammunition. There were very few
artifacts in this category. Three small musket balls
(varying between 1.2 1.7 cm in diameter) and one
piece of lead shot were recovered. A possible iron
spear point was identified. This latter artifact
appears to have been reworked to form a pointed blade
by hammering out the blade of a tanged file or rasp.
Group 8 Clothing and Sewing Items
Sewing Items. Many metal artifacts associated
with sewing were recovered at Locus 19. The most
numerous were brass straight pins (see Figure 6-16).
Other items include the remains of two pair of
scissors, three thimbles, and a carved bone lace bobbin
(Figure 6-14).

Figure 6-14 bone artifacts
rightlace bobbin, FS# 3291
top left--carved bone, FS# 3334
bottom leftcarved bone, FS# 3125


Figure 6-15 Brass buckles
Left to right FS# 3132, 3339, 3333, 3356

150

151
Clothing Items. Like many of today's fashions,
the clothing of the 16th century consisted mainly of
cloth and other materials that do not preserve well in
the archaeological record. What do survive are the
metallic artifacts that are functional or decorative
accessories to clothing. Most prevalent at Locus 19
were aglets (copper alloy lacing tips). One of these
aglets was made of silver (Figure 6-16). Less common
fasteners were small shank buttons (made of pewter or
silver) and hook and eye fasteners. A variety of brass
and iron buckle types were also found (Figure 6-15).
Group 9 Personal Items
Artifacts included in this category are those
that, in a systemic context, are usually associated
with an individual. That is, items that persons would
carry with themselves on a regular basis, or that
others would identify with that particular person.
Coins. These were by far the most numerous
arifact in this group at Locus 19 and, indeed,
ubiquitous throughout the site of Puerto Real. Two
denominations of coins were found, 2 maravedi and 4
maravedi pieces (Figure 6-17). These are of the
so-called "Santo Domingo type". According to Nesmith,
"they had been authorized for the island by Ferdinand
on December 20, 1505, and again by Johanna on May 10,

Figure 6-16 Straight pins and aglets
A--brass tacks
Bbrass chain links
C--brass sheet fragment
D--silver aglet
Ebrass straight pins
F--brass aglets

153

Figure 6-17 4 maraved coins

niPNHMR
: !¥#! i£'1'''|''i'4 I"111"1 "t 15 1'"'''i6 #"'! i<8
" 4 h o 3 O Obverse
Reverse

156
1531. They were struck under contract at the mint of
Seville or of Burgos, possibly at both" (1955:40). All
identifiable coins were of this type.
Jewelry. Only small or broken fragments of
jewelry were found. A piece of a jet ring was one of
two articles of jewelry found at Locus 19. Interesting
enough, jet rings were among the articles of jewelry
owned by Charles V's mother, Joanna the Mad (Muller
1972:100). The other artifact was a very fine pendant
that may have been part of a necklace (Figure 6-18).
Crafted into the shape of a unicorn, this item was made
of brass or some other copper alloy and then covered
with a layer of gold leaf. Muller (1972:27) states
that zoomorphic forms were popular in pendants during
the 16th century.
Beads. These are included in this category rather
than in Group 8 because they are large and probably
were worn in strings around the neck rather than
attached to clothing. There are a variety of types and
colors of beads represented at Locus 19 illustrated in
Figure 6-19. Most prevalent were dark blue cane beads
with white stripes followed closely faceted chevron
beads and several different types of wire wound beads.
Unusual types included; a stone bead, a hexagonal
shaped carnelian bead, a crumb bead, and beads made
from shell and clay.

Figure 6-18 Unicom pendant
FS# 3148, 2 cm in length

158

Figure 6-19 Bead types from Locus 19
A--red, crumb bead, FS# 3305
B-
-beige,
clay,
FS#
3305
c-
-orange,
glass
, FS
#
3138
D-
-orange,
carne
1 ian
r
FS#
3154
E-
-orange,
glass
, FS
#
3165
F-
-blue, 4
white
str
ipes,
glass,
FS
#
3165
G-
-blue, 4
white
str
ipes,
glass,
FS
#
3302
H-
-blue, 4
white
str
ipes,
glass,
FS
#
3340
I--clear, glass, FS# 3293
Jblue/black, 4 white stripes, FS# 3175
Kbone, FS# 3377
L--white and green, stone, FS# 3334
M-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3385
N-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3292
0-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3323
P-
-red,
white,
blue,
faceted
chevron
, glass,
FS
#
3328
Q-
-blue/black,
4 whil
;e stripes, FS #
3152
R-
-blue/black,
4 wh i1
:e stripes, FS#
3299
S -
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3108
T-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3403
u-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3098
V-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core,
glass,
FS#
3369
w-
-blue
and
white
stripe,
red
core ,
glass,
FS#
3370

09T

161
Book Hardware. Records hint that there may have
been books present at Puerto Real. Lyon (1981) notes:
One of the more intriguing items is that in
the lawsuit depositions, when the pilot Juan
Rabero, a citizen of Puerto Real, says that
he knows of the antiquity of the city because
he has read it many times in the Crnica...
this was probably the work of Oviedo y
Valdes, Historia General Y Natural de las
Indias, and indicates that there were some
literate people, and doubtless books, in the
town.
Excavations at Locus 19 confirm this supposition with
the recovery of what appear to be several ornate brass
and enamel book clasps (Figure 6-20). It is possible
that the large clasps may have served some other
purpose as they appear larger than those usually found
on books of the period (cf. Penney 1967). Willis
(1984:187-192) also found these items at Building A.
Bells Called "hawk bells," these large (4 cm in
diameter), copper alloy, two-piece, spherical bells
were a popular item in the early Indian trade. Willis
(1984:Figure 59a) also suggests that they were used as
horse ornaments.
Pipes Three kaolin pipestems were recovered from
late proveniences at Locus 19 and may represent a later
disturbance by the French since the Spanish are known
to have not used kaolin pipes extensively until the
18th century (Deagan 1983:246).

Figure 6-20 Decorative clasps and hardware
Aenameled clasp, FS# 3127
Bbrass clasp, FS# 3165
Cbrass clasp, FS# 3123
Dbrass and iron buckle, FS# 3108
Ebrass furniture escutcheon, FS# 3132
Fenameled clasp, FS# 3157

163

164
Other Personal Objects. Two keys and a
a pocket type of knife were discovered near t
structure at Locus 19. Also included in this
were fragments of lead seals. These probably
seals on bales of goods rather than any indiv
personal seal. It is unfortunate that any st
marks on these seals had been obscured prior
recovery.
blade from
he
category
represent
idual
amps or
to
Group 10 Activity Related Items
This became, essentially, a catch-all category in
this study that accounted for items inappropriate to
other categories. As the title suggests those items
are associated with various activities. A selection of
the identifiable items will be discussed below.
Candle Holder. Made of a copper alloy, this
simple item consisted of a double-disk base stabilizing
the tube holding a candle. Other examples of this are
located in the Hodge's collection, Limbe, Haiti and
recovered from La Vega Vieja in the Dominican Republic
(Deagan 1987: Personal Communication).
Candle Snuffer. Two of these unusual artifacts
were found at Locus 19 (Figure 6-21). They resemble
scissors with small perpendicular plates resting on the
blades themselves. In this way the candle is
extinguished and it's wick trimmed at the same time.

Figure 6-21 Candle snuffer
FS# 3165, 13 cm in length

166

167
Both the snuffers and the candleholder were found in
Late Period proveniences.
Fishing Items. These artifacts consisted of six
iron fish-hooks of varying sizes (between 2 and 3 cm).
The discovery of these hooks indicate that the
Spaniards were using lines to take fish as well as nets
suggested by Willis (1984:193).
Jew's Harps/Guimbardes. These artifacts are
typically iron, 4-5 cm in length, and U-shaped with a
constricted opening. There is a small metal stub in
the center of the basal curve, presumably where the
resonating middle piece was attached (Figure 6-22).
They closely resemble the Jew's harps described by
Crane (1972:20) .
The form of the instruments is in no way
different from that of the modern ones; the
Jew's harp may be the only instrument
manufactured in Europe today in a form that
has been unchanged for two-thousand years. .
. The early instruments are generally
small, commonly about 5.0 x 2.5 cm or a
little less in maximum dimensions. . The
tongues, always of steel, have normally
disintigrated, except for traces of rust at
the point where they joined the frame.
Group 13 Furniture Hardware
A small category in numbers and types of
artifacts, it is composed primarily of brass tacks at
Puerto Real (Figure 6-16). These would have served
both a useful and decorative function when used to
attach upholstery to furniture (cf. Eberlein 1925).

Figure 6-22 Jew's harps
Left to right FS# 3339, 3222


Figure 6-23 Brass stars
Left to right FS# 3327, 3297, 3354, 3354, 3334


172
Included in this category are two decorative
escutcheons (see Figure 6-20) and a drawer-pull.
Interesting artifacts which may belong in this category
are the flat, brass, perforated, star-shaped objects
(Figure 6-23). These have been variously interpreted
as spur rowels or clothing ornaments and saddle
ornaments (Radisch 1986). Radisch also suggests
furniture decoration as a possibility. This seems to be
more than just a possibility. The single hole in the
center is suggestive of fastening by a single nail.
Also comparisons with known furniture hardware
(Eberlein 1925:131-136) show striking similarities.
The paucity of artifacts in this category can be
explained by the Spanish tendency toward little
furniture use. What little furniture there was tended
to be highly decorated (Eberlein 1925:viiij.
Group 14 Tools
Several different types of wood working tools were
found at Locus 19. Three chisels were present as well
as a wedge and a fragment of a file. Iron punches and
awls, identical to modern forms, were possibly used for
leather working at the site. An iron plumbob was
recovered at Locus 19 from an Early Period context.
One is tempted to speculate that it may have been used
to assist in the layout and construction of the Late
Period structure at the site. In any case, it is solid

173
iron, egg-shaped with a flattened base and a knob on
top to which a line could be attached. It is six cm in
length.
Group 15 Toys and Gaines
This is a difficult category in that many
manifestations of this category are not recognized as
such in the archaeological record. Several "gaming
disks" are reported from Locus 19. These disks are
fashioned from various types of ceramics (Olive Jar,
Columbia Plain, Christophe Plain) and were presumably
used in some type of game, although James (1985)
suggests their use as stoppers for olive jars. The
whizzer, or Whirligig, is a ceramic disk with two holes
in the middle. It is operated by running a loop of
string through the holes, twisting the string then
pulling it tight causing the disk to spin. Noel-Hume
(1976: 321) states that, "the majority were made from
uninformative bits of scrap metal...copper coins or
datable fragments of filed pottery."
Group 16 Harness and Tack
Undoubtedly many pieces that served as horse tack
are not listed in this category simply because they
have not been recognized as such. A horseshoe fragment
recovered from the midden outside the structure is
unmistakably in this category. Less certain are
several iron rings and rods similar to what Willis

174
(1984: Figure 55) referred to horse tackle. Many
small rectangular brass buckles were found. They
measure 1.2 by 3.1 cm with one of the long sides
decorated with a spiral twist. They are thought to have
been associated with the harness trappings, but no
documentation has been found to this effect.
Group 18 Miscellaneous Substance
Most of the artifacts in this category are raw
materials and will not be discussed in depth with three
exceptions. Several amethyst crystals were found in
archaelogical contexts at Locus 19. Their function to
the inhabitants, if any, is not known, though they were
valued as gems in Europe (Muller 1972). A coprolite
from a small animal, possibly a dog, was recovered.
The exact species of the animal responsible for this
ecofact awaits further investigation from a competent
scatologist. Finally a small cake of blue powdery
substance resembling indigo dye was found in the midden
deposits. This, too, awaits the investigation of a
competent specialist.

TABLE 6-2 MAJOLICAS
ARTIFACTS PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Bisque
#
39
221
260
Q.
O
2.79
2.86
2.85
Caparra Blue
#
8
7
15
%
.57
.09
.16
Columbia Plain
#
1183
6490
7673
%
84.50
84.09
84.15
Columbia Plain Green
#
33
153
186
%
2.36
1.98
2.04
Cuenca Tile
#
1
0
1
%
.07
0
.01
Isabella Polychrome
#
1
11
12
%
.07
.14
.13
La Vega Blue on White
#
0
3
3
%
0
.04
.03
Ligurian Blue on Blue
#
0
11
11
%
0
.14
.12
Lusterware
If
0
1
1
%
0
.01
.01
Montelupo Polychrome
#
0
9
9
Q.
"O
0
.12
.10
Puerto Real Green and Green
#
4
20
24

176
TABLE 6-2 continued
ARTIFACTS PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Santa Elena Green and
#
White
9
36
45
a
o
Sevilla Blue on Blue
.64
.47
.49
#
0
3
3
o,
"o
0
.04
.03
Sevilla Blue on White
#
0
1
1
%
0
.01
.01
Santo Domingo Blue on
#
White
1
15
16
Q.
"5
.07
.19
.17
Yayal Blue on White
#
4
66
70
%
.29
.86
.77
White Majolica
#
42
295
337
%
3.00
3.82
3.70
Polychrome Majolica
#
17
102
119
%
1.21
1.32
1.31
UID Blue on White
#
58
274
332
%
4.14
3.55
3.64
Total
1400
7718
9118

177
TABLE 6-3 UTILITARIAN CERAMICS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
El Morro
#
1
2
3
%
.05
.02
.03
Green Bacin
#
62
284
346
%
3.16
2.61
2.70
Lead-glazed Coarse Earthenware
#
221
990
1211
%
11.26
9.11
9.44
Olive Jar
*
733
5583
6316
%
37.34
51.36
49.22
Olive Jar, glazed
#
392
1484
1876
%
19.97
13.65
14.61
Redware
#
51
269
320
Q.
*6
2.60
2.40
2.50
Spanish Storage Jar
#
24
3
27
%
1.22
.03
.21
Spanish Storage Jar, glazed
#
1
22
23
%
.05
.20
.18
UID Coarse Earthenware
#
478
2233
2711
%
24.35
20.54
21.12
Total
1963
10870
12833

178
TABLE 6-4 EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
ARTIFACT
PERIOD
Cologne Stoneware
#
Delft
#
Faience
#
%
Lead-glazed Coarse Earthenware
#
%
Ming porcelain
#
UID Tin-enameled ware
#
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
1
24
25
2.78
14.72
12.56
1
4
5
2.78
2.45
2.51
7
27
34
19.44
16.56
17.09
2
26
28
5.56
15.95
14.07
0
45
45
0
27.61
22.61
25
37
62
69.44
22.70
31.15
36
163
199
Total

179
TABLE 6-5 HISPANIC TABLEWARES (non-majolica)
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Feldspar Inlaid
#
9
253
262
%
6.72
16.67
15.86
Melado
#
125
459
584
o.
o
93.28
30.24
35.35
Orange Micaceous
#
0
806
806
%
0
53.09
48.79
Total
134
1518
1652

180
TABLE 6-6 COLONO AND ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
UID Decorated
#
19
89
108
%
.48
.53
.51
UID Plain
#
1811
8648
10459
%
51.33
49.74
50.00
Carrier
#
3
10
13
%
.09
.06
.06
Christophe Plain
#
1319
6897
8216
9-
0
37.39
39.65
39.27
Me iliac
#
46
99
145
%
1.30
.57
.69
Meillac-1ike
#
9
6
15
%
.26
.03
.07
Red Slipped
#
319
1638
1957
%
9.04
9.42
9.36
Total
3526
17387
20913

181
TABLE 6-7 KITCHEN ARTIFACTS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY LATE TOTAL
Decanter top
#
0
3
3
%
0
.29
.24
Glass,
#
aqua
3
19
22
%
1.30
1.83
1.74
Glass,
#
blue
4
26
30
%
1.73
2.51
2.37
Glass,
#
clear
129
439
568
%
55.41
42.04
44.48
Glass,
#
green
50
184
234
%
21.65
17.74
18.45
Glass,
#
latticinio
38
316
354
%
16.45
30.47
27.92
Glass,
*
polychrome
1
1
2
%
.43
.10
.16
Glass,
#
purple
1
0
1
%
.43
0
.08
Glass,
#
red
0
1
1
%
0
.10
.08
Glass,
#
UID
1
5
6
%
.43
.48
.47
Glass,
#
yellow
0
1
1
%
0
.10
.08

182
TABLE 6-7 continued
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Griddle
#
2
29
31
o,
o
.87
2.80
2.44
Handle
#
2
0
2
%
.87
0
.16
Knife
#
1
5
6
%
.43
.48
.47
Mano
#
0
2
2
%
0
.19
.16
Metate
#
0
1
1
%
0
.10
.08
Total
232
1029
1261

183
TABLE 6-8 STRUCTURAL HARDWARE
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY LATE TOTAL
Bolt
#
1
1
2
%
.45
.09
.15
Door lock
#
0
2
2
%
0
.18
.15
Hinge
#
0
3
3
%
0
.27
.23
Nail, wrought
#
199
1008
1204
%
90.05
92.31
91.70
Spike, wrought
#
19
56
75
o,
o
8.60
5.13
5.71
S tapie
#
0
1
1
%
0
.09
.07
Tack, wrought
#
2
18
20
%
.90
1.65
1.52
Washer
#
0
3
3
%
0
.27
.23
Total
221
1092
1313

184
TABLE 6-9
ARTIFACT
Lead shot
#
%
Brigandine plate
#
%
Chain mail
#
Musket ball
#
%
Spear
#
%
Total
WEAPONRY AND ARMOR
PERIOD
EARLY LATE
0 1
0 9.09
0 3
0 27.27
0 5
0 45.45
1 2
50.00 18.18
1 0
50.00 0
2 11
TOTAL
1
7.69
3
23.08
5
38.46
3
23.08
1
7.69
13

185
TABLE 6-10 CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Aglet
#
38
125
163
%
32.76
42.09
39.47
Lace bobbin
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Buckle
#
1
9
10
%
kO
00

3.03
2.42
Button, brass
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Button, pewter
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Button, silver
#
0
3
3
%
0
1.01
.73
Clasp
#
1
0
1
%
.86
0
.24
Fastener
#
0
2
2
o,
o
0
.67
.48
Hook & eye
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Straight pin, brass
#
75
148
223
%
64.66
49.83
54.00

186
TABLE 6-10 continued
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Straight pin, iron
#
0
1
1
%
0
.34
.24
Scissors
#
1
1
2
%
.86
.34
.48
Thimble
#
0
3
3
%
0
1.01
.73
Total
116
296
412

187
TABLE 6-11 PERSONAL ITEMS
ARTIFACT PERIOD
Bead,
#
cane
EARLY
1
LATE
9
TOTAL
10
o.
"6
4.55
5.33
5.18
Bead,
#
carnelian
0
1
1
%
0
.59
.52
Bead,
#
ceramic
0
2
2
%
0
1.18
1.04
Bead,
#
chevron
1
7
8
%
4.55
4.14
4.15
Bead,
#
crumb
0
1
1
%
0
.59
.52
Bead,
#
shell
0
1
1
a
*o
0
.59
.52
Bead,
*
stone
0
1
1
%
0
.59
.52
Bead,
#
wire-wound
1
11
12
%
4.55
5.92
5.70
Hawkbell
#
0
3
3
%
0
1.78
1.55
Book
#
hardware
3
2
5
%
13.64
1.18
2.59
Coin
#
15
120
135
%
68.18
71.01
69.95

188
TABLE 6-11 continued
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY LATE
Ring, jet
# 1 0
% 4.55 0
Key
# 0 2
% 0 1.18
Knife, pocket
# 0 1
% 0.59
Pendant
# 0 1
% 0.59
Pipestem, kaolin
# 0 3
% 0 1.79
Seal
# 0 4
% 0 2.37
Total 22 168
TOTAL
1
.52
2
1.04
1
.52
1
.52
3
1.57
4
2.07
191

189
TABLE 6-12
ARTIFACTS
Candle holder
#
%
Chain
#
a
*8
Crucible
#
%
Fish hook
#
o,
"o
Grater
#
%
Hook
#
Q.
'O
Hoop
#
%
Jew's harp
#
o.
'o
Snuffer
#
%
Total
ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS
PERIOD
EARLY LATE
0 1
0 2.13
0 5
0 10.64
1 1
4.76 2.13
0 6
0 12.77
9 6
42.86 12.77
3 11
14.29 23.40
3 0
14.29 0
5 15
23.81 31.91
0 2
0 4.26
16 32
TOTAL
1
1.47
5
7.35
2
2.94
6
8.82
15
22.06
14
20.59
3
4.41
20
29.41
2
2.94
48

190
TABLE 6-13
ARTIFACT
Tack, brass
#
%
Escutcheon
#
Q.
Furniture hardware
#
Total
FURNITURE HARDWARE
PERIOD
EARLY LATE
0 12
0 70.59
0 2
0 11.76
4 3
100.00 17.64
4 17
TOTAL
12
57.14
2
9.52
7
33.33
21

191
ARTIFACT
Awl
#
o
'O
Chisel
#
File
#
%
Plumb bob
#
a
Punch
#
%
UID, tool
#
%
Wedge
#
%
Total
TABLE 6-14 TOOLS
PERIODS
EARLY LATE
0 9
0 50.00
0 3
0 16.67
0 1
0 5.56
1 0
50.00 0
1 2
50.00 11.11
0 2
0 11.11
0 1
0 5.56
2 18
TOTAL
9
45.00
3
15.00
1
5.00
1
5.00
3
15.00
2
10.00
1
5.00
20

192
TABLE 6-15 TOYS AND GAMES
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Gaming disk
#
1
8
9
%
50.00
50.00
81.82
Marble
#
0
1
1
Q.
O
0
11.11
9.09
Whizzer
#
1
0
1
%
50.00
0
9.09
Total
2
9
11

193
TABLE 6-16 HARNESS AND TACK
ARTIFACT PERIOD
EARLY
LATE
TOTAL
Buckle
#
1
8
9
%
8.33
42.11
29.03
Horse hardware
#
3
2
5
g.
'o
25.00
10.53
16.13
Horse shoe
#
1
0
1
%
8.33
0
3.20
Ring
#
7
9
16
%
58.33
47.37
51.61
Total
12
19
31

194
Faunal Assemblage
A relatively wide variety of species are
represented at Locus 19. These are listed by class in
Table 6-17. The fauna are quantified in taxonomic
order (Tables 6-18 through 6-22), but for interpretive
purposes they can be divided into two groups; native
and introduced species. These categories correspond
to, with a couple of exceptions, wild vs. domestic
species. The introduced species include: dogs, cats,
swine, cattle, sheep/goats, and chickens. The turtles,
fish, and shellfish are all native species. It should
be noted that all the large and medium mammal bone
probably represent introduced species since no mammals
of that size were native to Hispaniola. Large mammal
probably corresponds with cattle but without positive
identification, zooarchaeological procedures require
that such specimens be placed in this category. The
specimens of family Anatidae (swans, geese, and ducks)
are of uncertain affiliation. In these cases the
species in question could have been introduced ducks or
simply migratory waterfowl.

195
TABLE 6-17 SPECIES PRESENT
Scientific name
MAMMALS
Cricetidae
Canis familiaris
Felis domesticus
Sus scrota
Bos taurus
Neofiber alleni
Caprinae
BIRDS
Anatidae
Gallus gallus
REPTILES
Testudines
Pseudemys sp.
Chelonidae
FISH
Osteichthyes
Megalops atlanticus
Elops saurus
Albula vulpes
Centropomus undecimalis
Epinephelus sp.
Mycteroperca sp.
Caranx hippos
Lutjanus sp.
Gerreidae
Haemulon sp.
Sparidae
Sciaenidae
Pomacathidae
Mugil sp.
Gobiomorus dormitor
Common name
rodent
dog
cat
pig
cow
round-tail muskrat
goat/sheep
swans, geese ducks
chicken
turtles
pond turtle
sea turtle
bony fishes
tarpon
ladyfish
bonefish
snook
grouper
grouper
Crevalle jack
snapper
mojarras
grunts
porgies
drums
angelfishes
mullet
bigmouth sleeper

196
TABLE 6-17
Scientific name
INVERTEBRATES
Decapoda
Brachyura
Cardisoma sp.
Cittarium pica
Nertina virgnea
S trombus gigas
Arcidae
Brachidontes exustus
Mytilopsis cf. leucopheta
Isognomon atlatus
Crassostrea virginica
Codakia costata
Codakia orbicularis
Lucine pectinata
Chama sp.
Tellina fausta
Donax denticulata
Anomalocardia denticulata
Chione cancellata
Continued
Common name
crab
true crab
land crab
W. I. top-shell
virgin nerite
queen conch
ark
scorched mussel
false mussel
flat tree oyster
eastern oyster
costate lucine
tiger lucine
thick lucina
jewel box
faust tellin
donax
W.I. pointed
cross-barred
venus
venus

197
The Cricetids, however, are an interesting
anomoly. One specimen has been positively identified
as Neofiber alieni (round-tailed muskrat), which is
native to south Florida and has not been previously
reported from Hispaniola (Charles Woods: personal
communication). Its presence in an early context at
Puerto Real could be explained by intra-Caribbean trade
patterns. It was during the first half of the 16th
century that the Bahamas were being depopulated by
slave raids (Sauer 1966:159). It seems likely, by its
very proximity, that the southern coast of Florida was
also a target of these slavers. Perhaps the muskrat
was taken (possibly for its pelt) during such a raid
and transported to Puerto Real, which was one of the
main ports servicing the slave trade. Whatever its
route, the presence of this muskrat at Puerto Real
demonstrates early contact between Hispaniola and
Florida.
In this chapter only the basic quantifications of
the faunal data are presented. This refers to primary
quantification data: species present, number of bone
fragments, weight of bone fragments; and secondary
quantification data: minimum numbers of individuals
(MNI) and biomass estimations. They are also divided
like the artifact assemblage, into early vs. late
proveniences.

198
The minimum numbers of individuals for each
species was calculated on the basis of the most
numerous unique element of the species from a
particular provenience. Such factors as age and size
of the specimen were also taken into account. The
biomass was determined using an allometric scaling
technique based on skeletal mass. Underlying this
technique is the premise that by using a straight line
regression formula (Reitz 1974) skeletal weight can be
correlated with body weight. The formula is:
Log Y = B (Log X) + Log A
Where: Y = Body weight in KG
X = Skeletal weight in KG
A = Y Intercept
B = Slope
The class values for Log A and B have been determined
for each taxa by researchers at the Florida State
Museum. To simplify matters further Stephen Hale and
Irvy Quitmeyer of the Florida State Museum have written
a program for the Apple II series personal computer
that performs the necessary calculations.
Invertebrates are not yet included in those
calculations.
The results of the biomass calculations are of
interest. The five most important animals, in terms of
biomass, at the site in descending order of importance
were:

199
Early period: 1) Cattle; 2) Large Mammal, 3) Swine,
4) UID Mammal, 5) Pond Turtle.
Late period: 1) Large Mammal, 2) Mammal, 3) Cattle,
4) Swine, 5) Pond Turtle.
It is interesting to compare this to the minimum number
of individuals. Since this is used only on
identifiable species some change is to be expected,
however there is quite a difference in the order of
animals in both periods. Invertebrates were excluded
since they were not included in the biomass
comparisons.
Early period: 1) Pond Turtle, 2) Swine, 3) Cattle, 4)
Chicken, 5) Bigmouth sleeper (fish).
Late period: 1) Pond Turtle, 2) Swine, 3) Chicken,
4) Cattle, 5) Mullet.
The following tables quantify the faunal data
described above.

200
TABLE 6-18 MAMMALIAN FAUNA
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WGT(g)
MNI
BIOMASS(kg)
Arteriodactyla
Early
Late
51
390.3
-
5.65
Bos taurus
E
165
9902.65
13
103.79
L
106
2730.3
7
32.55
Canis familiaris
E
L
6
2.6
1

o
Caprinae
E
9
10.4
1
.22
L
3
8.15
2
.17
Cricetidae
E
2
1

o
1
.003
L
-
-
-
-
Felis sp.
E
1
0.9
1
.02
L
2
0.9
1
.02
UID Mammal, large
E
1735
6038.9
_
66.51
L
2445
9430.6
-
99.33
UID Mammal, medium
E
1
0.5
_
.01
L
15
8.0
-
.17
UID Mammal
E
2420
1200.2
15.54
L
9214
4233.15
-
48.31
Sus scrofa
E
307
2717.6
18
32.42
L
346
2075.6
9
25.43

201
TABLE 6-19 AVIAN FAUNA
TAXA
PERIOD
Anatidae
#
W'GT (g )
MNI
BIOMASS
E
1
.7
1
.01
L
Gallus gallus
E
54
75.45
8
1.04
L
Galliformes
37
26.10
8
.40
E
-
-
-
-
L
Aves
4
3.05

.06
E
90
26.9
-
.41
L
TAXA
PERIOD
62 17.5
TABLE 6-20 REPTILIAN FAUNA
.28
Chelonidae
#
WGT(g)
MNI
BIOMASS
E
-
-
-
-
L
Pseudemys sp.
2
00

00
1
.14
E
876
1642.9
21
4.51
L
Testudines
1315
1879.7
18
4.94
E
1202
569.5
-
2.22
L
2278
1193.9
-
3.64

202
TABLE 6-21 FISH
TAXA
PERIOD
Albula vulpes
#
WGT(g )
MNI
BIOMASS(kg)
E




L
Carangidae
1
.5
1
.02
E
2
1.5
-
.05
L
Caranx hippos
E
7
12.0
1
.35
L
Centropomidae
E
-
-
-
-
L
Centropomus sp.
1
.5

.02
E
24
10.1
6
.19
L
Centropomus undecimalis
6
3.26
1
.08
E




L
Gerreidae
4
2.5
3
.06
E
-
-
-
-
T
Xj
Gobiomorus dormitor
1
.23
1
.009
E
25
8.7
8
.17
L
Haemulon sp.
8
3.2
2
.08
E
1
.3
1
.01
L
Lutjanus sp.
'
E
2
2.6
2
.06
L
Megalops atlanticus
6
1.38
1
.04
E
1
1.1
1
.03
L
Muqil sp.
10
2.6
1
.06
E
11
4.1
5
.09
L
Mycteroperca sp.
5
2.29
3
.05
E




L
Pomacanthidae
1
.23
1
.009
E
-
-
-
-
L
1
.2
-
.009

203
TABLE 6-21 continued
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WGT(g)
MNI
BIOMASS(kg)
Sciaenidae
E
1
.1
.007
L
-
-
-
-
Serranidae
E
2
3.5
.08
L
3
.46
-
.02
Sparidae
E
1
.8

.02
L

-
-

Osteichthyes
E
178
42.0
.61
L
161
53.4
-
.74

204
TABLE 6-22
INVERTEBRATE
FAUNA
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WEIGHT(g)
MNI
Anomalocardia brasiliana
E
76
40.5
29
L
-
-
-
Arcidae
E
1
1.5
-
L
-
-
-
Balanus sp.
E
1
.18
1
L
-
-
-
3ivalvia
E
195
53.37
-
L
5
1.0
-
Brachidontes exustus
E
1
.3
1
L
-
-
-
Brachyura
E
12
1.95
2
L
9
6.9
1
Cardisoma sp.
E
4
6.1
1
L
4
4.3
2
Chama sp.
E
1
2.1
1
L
-
-
-
Chione cancellata
E
9
14.1
3
L
-
-
-
Cittarium pica
E
1
158.2
1
L
-
-
-
Codakia costata
E
6
3.2
1
L
-
-
-
Codakia orbicularis
E
13
9.6
2
L
-
-
-
Crassostrea virqinica
E
145
231
12
L
-
-
-
Crustacea
E
9
.7
-
L
3
.9
-

205
TABLE 6-22 continued
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WEIGHT(g)
MNI
Decopoda
E
75
20.17
-
L
5
.7
-
Donax denticulata
E
1
.7
1
L
-
-
-
Gastropoda
E
5
12.4
-
L
1
.8
-
Gecarcinidae
E
8
3.1
-
L
-
-
-
Isognomon alatus
E
61
26.05
3
L
-
-
-
Lucina pectinata
E
13
23
3
L
-
-
-
Mollusca
E
79
28.1
-
L
5
9.02
-
Myti1idae
E
1
.1
-
L
-
-
-
Mytilopsis cf. leucopheta
E
1
.5
-
L
-
-
-
Neritina virginica
E
2
.7
2
L
-
-
-
Ostreidae
E
-
-
-
L
3
3.68
-
Strombus gigas
E
-
-
-
L
1
1243.2
1
Strombus sp.
E
4
114.4
1
L
-
-
-
Tellina fausta
E
1
1.4
1
L
-
-
-

CHAPTER VII
RESULTS OF ANALYSES
An interpretation of the raw data presented in the
preceeding chapter follows in terms of the test
implications proposed in Chapter 4. A summary of the
results of the tests and suggested avenues for future
research follow in the final chapter.
Test 1
Food preparation activities, as represented in the
archaeological assemblage should show a significant
admixture of European and locally manufactured wares.
In the initial stage of colonization it is expected
that the locally available Taino Indian wares will have
been used by the earliest settlers. It is furthermore
expected that the nature of the locally manufactured
items will have shifted from Indian to African
influenced types through time.
An examination of the data reveals that 62% of the
utilitarian wares (both Early and Late Periods
combined) were of local origin with the remaining 38%
being composed of Olive Jar, Green Bacin and other
Hispanic wares. Clearly this demonstrates a
206

207
significant overall admixture of the two types of
wares. Furthermore this ratio held through time. In
the Early Period 64% of the utilitarian ceramics were
locally made. This agreed closely with the 62% of the
same ware category in the Late Period.
A close study of the Group 4 (colono and
aboriginal) ceramics indicates that there is a shift in
the nature of the locally manufactured ceramics through
time. The recognized Indian ceramic traditions,
Meillac and Carrier are never very common at Locus 19,
accounting for less than 1% of the Group 4 assemblage.
Easily the most numerous type is Unidentified Plain
pottery which comprises 51% of the Early Period
assemblage and 50% of the Late Period assemblage.
Christophe Plain is the next most numerous accounting
for 37% and 40% of the Early and Late Period Group 4
assemblages respectively.
Smith (1986) found the same sort of distribution
in his analysis of three loci at Puerto Real. He
interpreted this as a replacement of aboriginal wares
through time with African-made ceramics. The shifts in
ceramic types mirror the demographic changes occurring
in the labor force at Puerto Real. As the Indian
population declined it was replaced by imported African
slaves. Smith, claims that the distribution of Group 4
ceramics,

208
offers strong support for the replacement of
Indian tradition ceramics through time, a
replacement which was primarily accomplished
through African ceramic manufacture. The
cultural and temporal affiliation of
Unidentified Plain pottery is not clearly
apparent. Results seem to suggest that,
while a response to the ceramic needs of the
entire Puerto Real community, Unidentified
Plain pottery may be the product of both
Indian and African manufacture during the
period of population upheaval. (1986:101)
Given the ceramic evidence, the first test implication
supports the hypothesis.
Test 2
Status related artifacts should be almost
exclusively European in trade or manufacture. It is
expected that the attempts by New World settlers to
maintain an Iberian lifestyle, will be reflected in the
use of articles from the Spanish empire in socially-
visible areas of daily life. Socially-visible is the
key term here, being that non visible artifacts (e.g.
cookware) could hardly be expected to reflect the
owner's status to others.
S tatus
, as it
is
used in this work
, re
fers to
the
individuals
access
to
scarce resources
that
were
desirable,
but not
eas
ily obtainable.
The
higher
the
person's status, the greater the access to these
desired, socially-visible products. The determination
of status in Spain was not entirely economic,
hereditary factors (1impieza de sangre) were also

209
involved. A workable definition of the Spanish
hierarchical system would be the estate system of
social stratification which is,
a hierarchic society the strata of which are
rigidly separated by law and customs and
often characterized by different hereditary
relationship to land (as owners, tenants, or
serfs). Though social status is generally
hereditary, vertical social mobility is not
altogether excluded. . Under the estate
system, the individual's status or prestige
was of paramount importance notwithstanding
the permanence of economic differences.
(Morner 1967:7-8)
As mentioned previously in Chapter 2, there came to be
a close correspondance between wealthy, converso
merchants and prestigious, Old Christian hidalgos.
Through carefully arranged marriages, the converso
families were able to legitimize their status, while
the hidalgos achieved the financial status befitting
their station. So, although economic and social status
were not exactly equated in 16th century Spain, there
was a close enough correspondence to warrant the use of
hard to obtain, socially items in the archaeological
record to identify persons of high status. In the
colonies, one's relative status was closely related
with how well one could maintain the Spanish lifestyle.
There are a number of socially-visible areas where
according to the hypothesis, we would expect to find
Hispanic artifacts. The table of the Spanish colonist
would be one such place. Following the hypothesis we

210
would expect to find tablewares composed primarily of
majolicas or other Hispanic wares. This is, indeed,
exactly the case. There are no locally-made ceramics
in tableware forms (e.g. platos, escudillas, tazas).
Such copy wares have been found in Spanish colonial
contexts such as San Luis (Richard Vernon: Personal
communication). Additionally, many high status marker
artifacts were recovered. Expensive articles from
Spain's imperial trade network, such as Italian
latticino glass, and Cologne stoneware are not uncommon
at Locus 19. These items were found in much smaller
quantities at other locations in Puerto Real
strengthening the presumption of the high status
affiliation of Locus 19.
There is also evidence that a Spanish woman was
resident at Locus 19. The presence of the beads,
unicorn pendant, and a jet ring all suggest the
existance of a feminine inhabitant. The additional
evidence of lace tatting as an activity at the site
(the lace bobbin described in Chapter 6) suggests that
this woman was Hispanic rather than native. Although
no list of women was found during the literature search
(Lyon 1981) some Spanish women were certainly present
at Puerto Real. The repartimiento of 1914 does indicate
that of the 20 vecinos at Puerto Real, three had
Castilian wives (Sauer 1966:199). Emigration of women

211
to the New World was not uncommon but tended to focus
on established large towns. Prior to the discovery of
New Spain, Santo Domingo was the chief destination of
Spanish women, after discovery and settlement Peru and
Mexico were the favored destinations (Boyd-Bowman
1976:596-599). Since a Spanish woman at a colonial
outpost town such as Puerto Real would have been
comparatively rare, her presence at Locus 19 would be
expected at a high status household capable of
supporting such a personage. It also seems likely
given reproductive potentials that there would have
been children at the site. The toy "whizzer" recovered
from the site may have belonged to the resident's
child.
In the area of clothing there is, as expected,
strong retention of European styles. Over 160 aglets
(lacing tips) were found as well as a variety of
buckles and buttons of various composition. The native
style of dress was to, "go naked as they were born,
except that over their privates they wear a loincloth,
of linen or some other kind of cloth" (Oviedo 1959:13).
The clothing accessories mentioned above would not have
been necessary had the colonists adopted the Indian's
fashions. It may seem obvious that the Spanish
colonists would not have "gone native" as far as
clothing was concerned. However, the existance of this

212
array of fasteners gives positive material verification
to the implicit assumptions that have been based on
documentary records. It also reenforces the
interpretation of the occupant's status. The clothing
of the lower classes was extremely simple (Braudel
1985:316) having a minimum of metal accessories. Also
found at Locus 19 was a silver aglet further
strengthening this arguement.
Little jewelry, apart from beads, or religious
paraphenalia has been recovered at Puerto Real. Rather
than an indication of low status or religious
indifference, this probably reflects the manner in
which such objects enter the archaeological record.
Small, valuable items such as these usually are
deposited as the result of loss rather than discard
(Schiffer 1972). Very little of the interior of the
structure was actually excavated, where such losses
would be most likely to occur, or at least be
recovered. The value of these items would also
mitigate against the loss of a great many of these
items in that greater care would be taken of such
possessions. Beads were a popular trade item. Perhaps
their presence outside the structure can be accounted
for by the traffic in that area of the non-Hispanic
inhabitants. The excavation of several pieces of book
hardware suggest the presence of literate people at

213
Locus 19. Since books were something of a rarity in
the 16th century as well as the ability to read them
(Braudel 1985:40), this might be another indication of
a high-status household.
Test 3
Structures at Puerto Real should employ local
materials in their construction; however, the
architectural style of the buildings and physical
layout of the town should be Hispanic in nature. This
implication follows from the hypothesized Spanish
affiliations in highly visible areas of colonial
culture, and also from mandated urban planning designs
from the Crown (Zendegui 1977).
Although the site had been extensively robbed of
its building materials by post 16th century occupants
and archaeological excavation has been far less
extensive, enough data were collected to satisfy the
tests of the third implication. The building materials
appear to have been obtained locally. The stone
appears to come from the mountains just inland from the
site as outcrops of this rock are visible in that area
today. Given the limited cargo space aboard the
infrequent vessels calling at Puerto Real, it would
seem logical that the masonry might have also been
obtained locally. However, Willis (1984:84) recovered
a brick with a script pattern etched on one of its

214
surfaces. He suggests that this was a lot shipment
mark indicating that the brick was made in Spain for
shipment to the Indies. Chemical or compositional
analysis would have to be performed to determine
positively the place of origin of the bricks and barrel
tile.
The fact that stone and masonry building materials
were found argues against an aboriginal architectural
style. As discussed in Chapter 4, the Taino bohio
employed cane, mud, and straw in its construction. The
layout of the structure (see Figure 6-18) also is not
in keeping with the circular floorplan typical of the
indigenous structures. The wall foundation probably
represents the facade of a residential structure with
an attached walled courtyard or the back wall of an
enclosed courtyard both of which are representative of
Spanish architecture (Manucy 1978).
The structure, itself, may haveutilized the
western portion of the wall. Three pieces of evidence
lead to this conclusion. The drains are located at
this end and would have serviced the house, emptying to
the north. The brick-paved area is on the interior
(southern) side of the western section of the wall. It
may have served as flooring for part of the structure
(Eberlein 1925:v). The midden was located just north
of the western portion of the wall. The association

215
between a house and an area of refuse is explained by
the documentary record. A 16th century ordinance for
the city of Madrid forbade the disposal of "water,
refuse, or other things" from windows and balconies.
These were to be disposed of through the front door at
prescribed times to avoid hitting passersby
(Defourneaux 1966:63). Such an ordinance may not have
been specifically in effect at Puerto Real, but the
behavioral pattern may have followed from Spain. The
alternative is that the foundation was the base of the
back wall of an enclosed courtyard. The midden
represents trash disposal behind this back wall.
Unfortunately much of the area south of the wall had
been disturbed by the construction of a large drainage
canal by French planters thus obscuring any interior
details of the strucure.
The excavations at Puerto Real have provided an
opportunity to determine whether the official town plan
decreed in the latter half of the 16th century was
implemented to correct haphazard town planning or
whether it was merely a formalization of an urban
design already in effect.
The archaeological excavation grid established by
Willis, upon which all subsequent work has followed,
was initially set in at an angle 30 degrees east of
magnetic north so as to coincide with the alignment of

216
Building A (Willis 1984:50-57). The fenceline
delineated in the 1981 field season (McEwan 1983) and
the wall foundation uncovered during the 1984-85 field
season were both perfectly aligned with this grid.
Classic grid pattern towns are built around a
central plaza upon which face important buildings, such
as the church, and which often served as a market
place. Willis's (1984) excavations in the center of
the site uncovered a structure which he identified as a
church as well as an adjacent market area. Building B,
excavated by Marrinan (1982) and also located at the
center of the site appears to be another large public
building. The masonry concentrations delineated by
Williams (1986) form a fairly regular pattern around
the central area of the site (see Figure 5-1). Thus it
appears that, at least at Puerto Real, the grid town
plan needed no royal edict to enforce its use.
Test 4
The diet of the colonist should show a mixture of
the Iberian barnyard complex of peninsular Spain and
mixed hunting-fishing strategies of the indigenous
peoples. Specifically this would entail: the
abandonment of traditional resources unsuited to the
new environment; the incorporation of aboriginal
patterns of wild faunal exploitation; development of a

217
domestic animal industry utilizing those species suited
to the new environment.
When the Spaniards arrived in the Caribbean there
were virtually no large mammals on Hispaniola (Parry
and Sherlock 1971:2). The colonists did, however,
bring a number of domesticated animals with them.
These included cattle, swine, sheep, horses, dogs, and
cats (Oviedo 1959:11). Many of the introduced animals
did quite well in their new environment. So well, in
fact, that Oviedo (1959:11) claimed that many had run
wild, especially cattle, swine, cats, and dogs.
The reason many imported mammals did so well on
Hispaniola is that they encountered virtually no
competition, since there were no native ruminants. The
native fauna was primarily avian or aquatic rather than
terrestrial. The terrestrial that did exist was
restricted to rodents, turtles, and other reptiles.
The overall pattern of the faunal assemblage
recovered from Locus 19 is similar to that recovered
from Loci 33/35 (Area 35) by McEwan (1983). This is not
surprising since this area is also believed to be a
high status residence within the city.
The fauna from Loci 33/35 was overwhelmingly
mammal. In terms of biomass, cattle was the most
prevalent taxa in this category with swine a close
second. Pond turtles (Pseudemys sp.) were a

218
surprisingly large contributor to the colonists diet
ranking just below swine. Their contribution appeared
to increase through time. The combined avian and fish
remains totalled less than 1% of the overall faunal
assemblage (McEwan 1983:82-90).
Mammals also dominated the assemblage at Locus 19
accounting for 96% of the total biomass (see Table
7-3). Here again, cattle were most prevalent, followed
by swine. Pond turtles were the third most important
identifiable species, but accounted for only 4% of the
total biomass as opposed to 7% at Loci 33/35. Even so,
one must concur with McEwan (1983:91) that pond turtles
are the major dietary adaptation of the Spanish
colonists. However, they are not the only native
species being used.
The colonists at Puerto Real consumed a wide
variety of fish and shellfish. Fish in the assemblage
included tarpon, bonefish, mullet, jack, and snappers
among others. All of these species inhabit shallow
coastal waters or a brackish esturine environment.
Artifacts (e.g. net weights and fish hooks) indicate
that both nets and hooks were used to procure them.
It is difficult to determine who was doing the
fishing. It would seem unlikely that a high status
Spaniard would stoop to the manual labor of food
gathering. There is the possible exception of an

219
occasional sport fishing venture. The alternative is
that slaves were responsible for supplying the
household with its fish (as well as other foodstuffs,
no doubt). This implies that Spanish fishing
technologies were adopted.
Fish may have actually contributed more to the
diet than is apparent from the faunal sample. Recovery
methods employed 1/4 inch mesh to screen the excavated
soil; screen of this size mesh has been shown to be
likely to miss many of the small and fragile fish bones
(Casteel 1972). However, flotation of soil samples did
not significantly increase the sample.
Another factor arguing for greater fish
consumption than is represented in the faunal sample,
is Catholicism. The Catholic calendar called for 166
meatless days including Lent (Braudel 1985:214). Given
the documentary evidence, artifactual evidence and
recovery bias it seems possible that fish occupied a
more important place in the diet than the faunal record
indicates, but how much more can not be determined at
this time. Turtles, being aquatic, may also have been
considered non-meat by the Spaniards. Thus their
presence in the faunal assemblage may be connected to
the Catholic calendar.
Perhaps even more interesting than the intrasite
comparison is an intersite comparison with the nearby

220
aboriginal site at En Bas Saline. How did the Spanish
colonial diet differ from that of the native
inhabitants? The faunal assemblage at En Bas Saline
could be divided into pre and post contact time
periods. Over 60 different species were identified at
En Bas Saline as opposed to 46 at Puerto Real. An even
stronger contrast is seen when comparing the different
faunal categories by biomass totals (Table 7-1). Fish,
even given the same collection biases, is the most
important category in the pre-contact faunal assemblage
at En Bas Saline (the post-contact assemblage will not
be discussed here as the question of Spanish impact on
the native society is beyond the scope of this work).
Next in abundance were mammals, but these were small
rodents rather than the large domesticates of the
Europeans. Reptiles make up 9% of the aboriginal
fauna, but unlike the Europeans who focused almost
exclusively on pond turtles, the natives at En Bas
Saline also exploited sea turtles, iguanas, and snakes.
A flightless rail, recently extinct, was the only bird
species identified in the assemblage. Finally, like
the Spaniards at Puerto Real, the Indians used a wide
variety of invertebrate species. Because the biomass
estimates for invertebrates were not comparable with
those used for the vertebrates, their importance in the
aboriginal diet can not be assessed at this time.

221
TABLE 7-1
BIOMASS:
PUERTO REAL VS .
EN
BAS SALINE
TAXA
PR EARLY
PR LATE
EBS
wg t(kg )
%
wg t
%
wg t %
MAMMAL
218.5
96
211.7
95
2.06 20
AVIAN
1.5
1>
.7
1>
.29 3
REPTILE
6.7
3
CO
-J
4
.92 9
FISH
1.7
1>
1.2
1>
00
kO
r-

222
The patterns of faunal exploitation appear very
different between the two cultures. Clearly the major
factor here is the introduction and success of domestic
animals at the site. At St. Augustine this was also
apparent, however wild terrestrial animals formed a
relatively more important part of the high status
individual's diet (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). This
difference from Puerto Real makes sense when one
realizes the chief wild animal available in St.
Augustine was white-tailed deer as opposed to the spiny
rat or hutia of Hispaniola. McEwan (1983:98) concludes
that
the difference in subsistence adaptation
recognized archaeologically among Spanish New
World colonies is thought to reflect the
environmental parameters and the diverse
composition and motives of the Spaniards in
the respective settlements.
On the basis of the Puerto Real faunal data it is
concluded that the environmental parameters for wild
species availability and success of Old World
domesticates is the most important factor in
determining the diet of the colonists.
Test 5
The artifact and faunal assemblage will reflect a
crystallization of the proposed Hispanic-American
colonial pattern through time. It was stated in
Chapter 4 that this should be apparent in all of the

223
above test implications when viewed through time.
Specifically, variations among households from this
predicted pattern should become less evident in later
periods. In light of the limited time of occupation,
this could present a problem.
A major handicap is the division of occupation
into only two periods. Do changes between the early
and late periods reflect a final, crystallized adaptive
pattern or is this only a stage in an ongoing process
of adaptation. That is, does the Late Period represent
a plateau in a graph of culture change or is it only a
point along a linear regression? Fortunately, the
pattern is such at Puerto Real that the question of
adaptive shift through time is quickly answered.
At Puerto Real the matter of adaptive response is
resolved early in the occupation. The Spanish
colonists quickly adopted the "Spanish colonial
pattern" tested in this work and retained it. This is
demonstrable in both the artifact and faunal
assemblages. As can be seen from Table 7-2, there is a
difference in the total quantity of artifacts through
time but little difference through time in the
proportional distribution of artifacts within specific
functional and typological categories. For example,
there were only 1,40 fragments of majolica in the
Early Period artifact assemblage as opposed to

224
TABLE 7-2 EARLY vs. LATE
CATEGORY
MAJOLICA
HISPANIC TABLEWARES
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARES
EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
COLONO AND ABORIGINAL Vi ARES
KITCHEN ARTIFACTS
STRUCTURAL HARDWARE
WEAPONRY AND ARMOR
CLOTHING AND SEWING ITEMS
PERSONAL ITEMS AND JEWELRY
ACTIVITY RELATED ITEMS
FURNITURE HARDWARE
TOOLS
TOYS AND GAMES
HARNESS AND TACK
CONTEXTS AT PUERTO REAL
EARLY LATE
#
1400
7682
%
18.15
19.12
#
139
1513
%
1.80
3.75
#
1963
10870
%
25.45
26.93
#
36
163
%
.47
.40
#
3526
17387
%
45.72
43.07
#
232
1037
%
3.01
2.57
#
226
1107
%
2.93
2.74
#
8
15
%
.10
.04
#
116
297
%
1.50
.74
#
24
169
Q.
o
.31
.42
#
24
38
%
.31
.09
#
1
9
%
.03
.02
#
2
18
%
.03
.04
*
2
9
%
.03
.02
#
12
19
%
.16
.05

225
4,574 pieces of majolica in the Late Period assemblage.
However, in relation to the total number of artifacts
in the respective assemblages, majolica made up 18.15%
of the Early Period assemblage and 19.12% of the Late
Period assemblage, a proportional difference of less
than 1%. This similarity can be noted in virtually
every artifact category.
Some shifts in particular artifact types can be
noted but this has to do with replacement of styles and
fashion within functional categories. That is, within
a functional category (e.g. majolica) certain types of
majolica might decline in popularity through time and
be replaced by new majolica types. This does not
affect the category's ranking in respect to the
other categories. The value of this waxing and waning
of types through time for the archaeologist is as a
chronological tool. The primary dating tool of the
historical archaeologist is the terminus post quern of
various "marker" ceramic types. This tool, together
with stratigraphic positioning was used to
differentiate the Early from the Late Period at Locus
19 .
The consistency in faunal patterning is even more
apparent. Table 7-3 depicts an almost unchanged faunal
assemblage through time at Locus 19. The faunal
assemblage from Loci 33/35 could not be put in either a

226
TABLE 7-3 BIOMASS COMPARISONS AT PUERTO REAL
TAXA
L. 19 EARLY
L. 19 LATE
L. 33/35
wgt (kg)
%
wgt
%
wgt
0,
o
MAMMAL
218.513
96
211 693
95
310.658
92
AVIAN
1.46
<1
.74
<1
.475
<1
REPTILE
6.73
3
8.72
4
24 .895
7
FISH
1.667
<1
1.197
<1
1.085
<1

227
late or an early category, and should be considered
simply as being from the 16th century (McEwan
1983:147). It also conforms closely to the faunal
pattern delineated at Locus 19. Again, this suggests a
continuity through time rather than a slowly
crystallizing adaptive shift.

CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
S ummary
Excavations at Locus 19 have shown it to be a high
status residence occupied primarily during the latter
half of the 16th century. These conclusions are based
on the amount and type of refuse associated with the
structure and the relatively high proportion of
Hispanic to aboriginal ceramics. There is evidence of
an early 16th century occupation at the site though its
exact nature could not be determined. The late period
structure was located 100 m north of the town plaza and
is interpreted as a residence with an attached walled
courtyard.
Living in this large residence was a relatively
wealthy Spaniard, his Spanish wife, and, based on
reproductive potential, probably at least one child.
The interior of their home and possessions reflected
the high status of the family. Their table was set
with fine majolicas and Italian glassware. Their
clothing followed the fashions prevalent in Spain. In
another area of the house, slaves, probably African,
prepared the food they had collected in cooking vessels
228

229
they had made. Their master, judging by the abundance
of coins and leather-working tools, may have been a
merchant dealing in hides and slaves. The porcelain in
his household suggests that at least some of his
business was done with the Portuguese corsairs that
frequented the harbor.
The interpretation of the layout and function of
Locus 19 serves as a backdrop to the true goal of the
project; identifying patterns in the material culture
that reflect the changes that the Spaniards underwent
on their way to becoming creoles. In St. Augustine
Deagan determined that male oriented, socio-technic
artifacts were Hispanic in nature while female
oriented, technomic artifacts showed evidence of
acculturation with the non-Hispanic population. This
study was concerned with how Spaniards, in general,
changed as a result of their colonial experiences. The
accomplishment of this goal involved testing the
applicability of the patterning of the material culture
at one Spanish colonial site to a different Spanish
colonial site in order to determine pan-Hispanic
regularities in the archaeological record.
Conclusions based on the results of the analyses
tend to support the hypothesized pattern of Spanish
colonial adaptation. Ceramics associated with low
social visibility food preparation and storage

230
activities do show a significant admixture of European
and locally manufactured ceramics. Tablewares,
ornamentation, clothing items and other highly visible
status items were almost exclusively European in
origin. The structure, as far as can be determined,
was built in accordance with Spanish architectural
traditions and new ideas concerning urban planning.
The alternative would have been an incorporation of
non-Hispanic traits into the socio-technic as well as
the technomic sphere of artifacts, but this did not
occur. This pattern appears to have changed little
through time.
The material patterning at Puerto Real closely
resembles that of St. Augustine in terms of the ceramic
assemblage categories. Specific items in the other
categories reflect the different activities of the
site's inhabitants. A significant general difference
from St. Augustine can be seen in the faunal pattern.
As discussed in the previous chapter, this' is probably
due to the differing environmental constraints placed
upon the preferred Iberian foodways. The colonial diet
was clearly different than aboriginal subsistance
practices. The primary variable in the differences
between the diets of the Indians, the Spanish colonists
at St. Augustine, and the Spanish colonists at Puerto
Real appears to have been the success of the introduced

231
domesticates. The primary difference from Peninsular
Spain was the relative abundance of meat, specifically
beef and pork.
Conclusions
What can be concluded from the research at Puerto
Real? Puerto Real was one of first European
settlements in the part of the world that has come to
be known as Latin America. Foster (1960:2) states
that, "Hispanic America can be thought of as an
enormous culture area, modern in origin, distinct from
British America and from all other world areas." Even
early Latin America was recognised as socially if not
culturally distinct from Spain. Offspring of the
colonists, born in the New World, were called creoles
and treated differently from those born in peninsular
Spain (cf. Horner 1967, McAlister 1963).
This early Hispanic American culture was an
unequal amalgam of Spanish and Native American cultural
traits. Research at Puerto Real allows the delineation
of those areas that were primarily Spanish and those
that received non-Hispanic influences. It appears that
outwardly the cultural pattern was composed primarily
of Hispanic traits (e.g. dress, architecture, interior
furnishings). Non-Hispanic traits, at least as seen in
the material assemblage, are found in areas
traditionally associated with women's activities,

232
specifically food preparation technologies. The
conclusion gained through archaeological research
confirms the Hispanic American cultural pattern
suggested by Deagan (1974) for St. Augustine.
Specifically it is a synthesis of male Spanish traits
and female non-Hispanic traits. That the Spanish
traits appear most visible is a reflection of social
conditions during the 16th century.
Why are these conclusions important? In any
discipline that claims to use the scientific method
there are two major concerns: generating hypotheses,
and testing them. This research dealt with the latter
concern, hypothesis testing. The hypothesis, generated
by Deagan (1983:271) posits that processes of
adaptation experienced by the Spanish colonists at St.
Augustine were common to much of the Spanish New World.
A reasonable hypothesis, but lacking validation.
Hempel (1965:6) states that
what determines the soundness of a hypothesis
is not the way it is arrived at . but the
way it stands up when tested, i.e., when
confronted with relevant observational data.
Binford (1972:90) follows this line of reasoning
arguing that
the generation of inferences regarding the
past should not be the end-product of the
archaeologist's work ... once a proposition
has been advanced no matter by what means
it was reached the next task is to deduce a
series of testable hypotheses which, if

233
verified against independent empirical data,
would tend to verify the proposition.
In a nutshell, this study tested the pan-Hispanicity of
the colonial pattern developed at St. Augustine.
Identification of a pan-Hispanic response to
colonialism is a step towards the development of a
general pattern of colonial adaptation.
To reiterate, the hypothesis was supported by the
evidence recovered at Puerto Real. The pattern does
seem to have applicability beyond St. Augustine. This
does not exclude the possibility that other
explanations exist for the data, but it does allow us
to continue to use the hypothesis to guide future
research. Truth is, after all, only the best current
hypothesis. With this in mind, new hypotheses can be
generated to test on new data awaiting excavation at
Puerto Real.
Suggestions for Future Research
The research potential of Puerto Real has only
begun to be realized. Of the 57 masonry loci defined by
Williams (1986), only four have been investigated. To
further test the Spanish colonial pattern a low status
household needs to be excavated. Would a low status
household show a higher proportion of locally-made
ceramics, being less able to obtain Spanish goods?
This was the case in St. Augustine (Deagan 1983:240).

234
Locus 39 seems to partially fill this expectation but
it has been interpreted as a cattle butchering area
rather than strictly as a residence (Reitz 1985) which
makes its comparability questionable. In any case,
several more loci, of both high and low status should
be excavated to compensate for idiosyncrasies peculiar
to individual loci.
Another study, beyond the scope of the present
work, that can and should be performed is a comparison
between Puerto Real and the Taino site at En Bas
Saline. The present work examines the relatively minor
impact of the native culture upon the Spanish
colonists. A complementary study would be an
assessment of the far greater impact of the Spanish
upon the native population. Historically it is known
that the Indians had all but disappeared within the
first two decades following Spanish contact. At Puerto
Real the native decline is reflected through a shift in
ceramic style and technology at the site. En Bas
Saline should show evidence of disruption in every
artifact category during this final catastrophic
period.
Puerto Real has many years of fruitful research
left in it, but it is not alone. Bayaha, the town to
which the inhabitants of Puerto Real were forcibly
relocated has been discovered (Hamilton and Hodges

235
1982). This site was occupied from 1578 to 1605. It
would be interesting to see what sort of community-
developed that had the benefit of 75 years of colonial
experience and virtually no native population to
contend with. The model developed in St. Augustine and
tested at Puerto Real in this study can serve to guide
this future research.
On a more general, anthropological scale, the
model of colonial adaptation developed for Hispanic
sites can be tested at non-Hispanic colonial sites in
the Americas. Did the French and British adapt to
their new surroundings in a manner similar to the
Spanish? If not, how did they differ and what factors
might account for these differences? Again, the model
tested at Puerto Real can serve as a null hypothesis
for these inquiries.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aga-Oglu, Kamer
1955 Late Ming and Early Ch'ing Porcelain Fragments
from Archaeological Sites in Florida. Florida
Anthropoloqist 8:90-110.
Andrews, Kenneth
1978 The Spanish Caribbean Trade and Plunder,
1530-1630. Yale University Press, New Haven.
Arnold, J. Barto and Robert Weddle
1978 The Nautical Archaeology of Padre Island.
Academic Press, New York.
Barber, Edwin Atlee
1917 Spanish Glass: In the Collection of the
Hispanic Society of America. G.P. Putnam's Sons,
New York.
Barth, Frederick
1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Little, Brown &
Company, Boston.
Bethell, Leslie (editor)
1984 The Cambridge History of Latin America.
2 vols. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Binford, Lewis R.
1972 An Archaeological Perspective. Seminar
Press, New York.
1981 Bones: Ancient Men and Modern Myths.
Academic Press, New York.
Boone, James
1984 Majolica Escudillas of the 15th and 16th
Centuries: A typological analysis of 55 examples
from Qsar Es-Seghir. Historical Archaeology
18:76-86.
236

237
Borah, Woodrow
1984 Trends in Recent Studies of Colonial Latin
American Cities. Hispanic American Historical
Review 64(3 ):535-554 .
Bourne, Edward
1904 Spain in America. Benjamin Keene, New York.
Bowser, Frederick
1984 Africans in Spanish American Colonial Society.
In The Cambridge History of Latin America,
vol. 2, edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 357-379.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Boyd-Bowman, Peter
1976 Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the Indies
until 1600. Hispanic American Historical Review
56 : 580-604 .
Braudel, Fernand
1967 Capitalism and Material Life 1400-1800.
Harper Colophon Books, New York.
1985 The Structures of Everyday Life, vol. 1.
Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-l8th Century.
Harper & Row, New York.
Brown, Vera L.
1928 Contraband Trade as a Factor in the Decline of
Spain's Empire in America. Hispanic American
Historical Review 8:178-189
Casteel, Richard W.
1972 Some Biases in the Recovery of Archaeological
Faunal Remains. Proceedings of the Prehistoric
Society 36:382-88.
1976 Fish Remains in Archaeology and Paleo-
environmental Studies. Academic Press, New York.
Chaplin, R.E.
1971 The Study of Animal Bones from Archaeological
Sites. Seminar Press, New York.
Chaunu, Huguette and Pierre Chaunu
1959 Seville et l'Atlantigue (1504-1560).
Librairie Armand Colin, Paris.

238
Council, R. Bruce
1975 Archaeology at the Convento de San Francisco.
Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Crosby, Alfred W.
1972 The Columbian Exchange: Biological and
Cultural Conseguences of 1492. Greenwood,
Westport, Conn.
Crouch, Dora, D. Garr, and A. Mundigo
1982 Spanish City Planning in North America.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press,
Cambridge.
Cumbaa, Steven
1975 Patterns of Resource Use and.Cross-cultural
Dietary Change in the Spanish Colonial Period.
Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, Gainesville. University
Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
Deagan, Kathleen A.
1973 Mestizaje in colonial St. Augustine.
Ethnohistory 20:55-65.
1974 Sex, Status and Role in the Mestizaje of
Spanish Colonial Florida. Ph. D. dissertation,
Department of Anthropology, University of Florida,
Gainesville. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
1976 Archaeology at the National Greek Orthodox
Shrine, St. Augustine, Florida. University of
Florida Presses, Gainesville.
1978 The Material Assemblage of 16th Century Spanish
Florida. Historical Archaeology 12:25-50.
1981 Spanish Colonial Archaeology in the Southeast
and the Caribbean. Ms on file, Florida State
Museum, Gainesville.
1983 Spanish St. Augustine: The Archaeology of a
Colonial Creole Community. Academic Press,
New York .
1986 Initial Encounters: Arawak Responses to
European Contact at En Bas Saline, Haiti. Paper
presented at the 1st Annual San Salvador Conference
San Salvador, Bahamas.

239
1987 Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida
and the Caribbean 1500-1800. Vol. 1 Ceramics,
Glassware, and Beads. Ms. in possession of author.
Defourneaux, Marcelin
1979 Daily Life in Spain in the Golden Age.
Stanford University Press, Stanford, California.
Eberlein, Harold D.
1925 Spanish Interiors, Furniture, and Detail.
Architectural Book Publishing Company, New York.
Elliott, John
1963 Imperial Spain, 1479-1716. Edward Arnold Ltd.,
London.
1984 The Spanish Conquest and Settlement of America.
In The Cambridge History of Latin America,
vol. 1, edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 149-206 .
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Ewen, Charles R.
1985 Cassava and its Role in the Diet of the West
Indies. Paper Presented at the annual meeting of
the Florida Academy of Sciences.
Fairbanks, Charles
1962 A Colono-Indian ware Milk Pitcher. Florida
Anthropoloqist 15:103-106.
1966 A Feldspar-Inlaid Ceramic Type from Spanish
Colonial Sites. American Antiquity 31:430-431.
1973 The Cultural Significance of Spanish Ceramics.
In Ceramics in America, edited by Ian Quimby,
pp. 141-174. The University of Virginia Press,
Charlotte.
1975 Backyard Archaeology as a Research Strategy.
The Conference on Historic Sites Archaeology
Papers 11:133-139.
1984 The Plantation Archaeology of the Southeastern
Coast. Historical Archaeology 18(1):1-14.
Fairbanks, Charles, Rochelle Marrinan, Gary Shapiro,
Bonnie MacEwan and Alicia Kemper
1981 Collected Papers from the Puerto Real Project,
1981 Season. Ms. on file, Florida State Museum,
Gainesville.

240
Ferguson, Leland
1978 Looking for the "Afro" in Colono-Indian
Pottery. The Conference on Historic Sites
Archaeology Papers 12:68-86.
Ffoulkes, Charles
1967 The Armourer and his Craft: From the Xlth
to the XVIth century. Benjamin Blom, New York.
Floyd, Troy
1973 The Columbus Dynasty in the Caribbean
1492-1526, University of New Mexico Press,
Albequerque.
Foster, George
1960 Culture and Conquest. Quadrangle Books,
Chicago,
Gibson, Charles
1966 Spain in America. Harper & Row, New York.
Gilbert, B. Miles
1980 Mammalian Osteology. B. Miles Gilbert,
Laramie.
Gilbert, B. Miles, L.D. Martin and H. Savage
1981 Avian Osteology. B. Miles Gilbert, Laramie.
Goggin, John
1960 The Spanish Olive Jar: An Introductory Study.
Yale University Publications in Anthropology,
No. 62. Yale University Press, New Haven.
1968 Spanish Majolica in the New World. Yale
University Publications in Anthropology No. 72.
Yale University Press, New Haven.
Gongora, Mario
1975 Studies in the Colonial History of Spanish
America. Translated by Richard Southern.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Grayson, D.K.
1984 Quantitative Zooarchaeoloqy: Topics in the
Analysis of Archaeological Faunas. Academic
Press, New York.
Grigson, Caroline
1976 A Blueprint for Animal Bone Reports in
Archaeology. Paper presented to the International
Council for Archaeozoology.

241
Hamilton, Jennifer
1982 Project Puerto Real A Study of Early Urban
Design on Hispaniola 1979-1981 Transect Topo
graphic Survey 1982. Ms. on file, Florida State
Museum, Gainesville, Florida.
Hamilton, Jennifer and William Hodges
1982 Bayaha: A preliminary report. Ms. on file
Musee de Guahaba, Limbe, Haiti.
Haring, C.H.
1947 The Spanish Empire in America.
Harcourt, Brace, and Jovanovich, New York.
Harrington, J.C., Albert Manucy, and John Griffin
1955 Archaeological Excavations in the Courtyard of
the Castillo de San Marcos, St. Augustine, Florida.
Florida Historical Quarterly 34 (2 ): 152-156 .
Helms, Mary W.
1984 The Indians of the Caribbean and Circum-
Caribbean at the End of the 15th century. In
The Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 1,
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 37-57. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Hempel, Carl G.
1965 Aspects of Scientific Explanation.
Free Press, New York.
Hodges, William
1979 How We Found Puerto Real. Ms. on file, Musee
de Guahaba, Limbe, Haiti.
1980 Puerto Real Sources. Ms. on file, Musee de
Guahaba, Limbe, Haiti.
Hoebel, E. Adamson
1972 Anthropology; The Study of Man. McGraw-Hill,
New York.
Hoffman, Paul E.
1980 The Spanish Crown and the Defense of the
Indies. Louisianna State University Press,
Baton Rouge.
Judge, Joseph, and James L. Stanfield
1986 The Islands of Landfall. National Geographic
170(5):566-571.

242
Keen, Benjamin
1969 The Black Legend Revisited: Assumptions and
Realities. Hispanic American Historical Review
49:703-719.
Knight, Franklin W.
1978 Patterns Of Colonial Society & Culture: Latin
America and the Caribbean 1492-1804. Charleston.
Lang J.
1975 Conquest and Commerce: Spain and England in
the Americas. Academic Press, New York.
Lavrin, Asuncion
1984 Women in Spanish American Colonial Society. In
The Cambridge History Of Latin America, vol. 2,
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 322-355 Cambridge
Univesity Press, Cambridge.
Lister, Florence, and Robert Lister
1974 Maiolica in Colonial Spanish America.
Historical Archaeology 8:17-52.
1976a A Descriptive Dictionary for 500 Years of
Spanish Tradition Ceramics, 13th through 15th
Centuries. Society for Historical Archaeology
Special Publication 1.
1976b Italian Presence in Tin Glazed Ceramics of
Spanish America. Historical Archaeology 10:28-41.
1978 The First Mexican Maiolicas: Imported and
Locally Produced. Historical Archaeology 12:1-24.
1982 Sixteenth Century Maiolica Pottery in the
Valley of Mexico. Anthropological Papers of the
University of Arizona No. 3. University of Arizona
Press, Tuscon.
1984 The Potter's Quarter of Colonial Puebla,
Mexico. Historical Archaeology 18(1):87-102.
Lockhart, James
1969 Encomienda and Hacienda: The Evolution of the
Great Estate in the Spanish Indies. Hispanic
American Historical Review 49:411-429.

243
1984 Social Organization and Social Change in
Colonial in Colonial Spanish America. In The
Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 2,
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 265-319 Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Lockhart, James, and Stuart Schwartz
1983 Early Latin America: A History of Colonial
Spanish America and Brazil. Cambridge.
Long, George Ashley
1967 Archaeological Investigations at Panama Vieja.
Unpublished Master's Thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
Lynch, John
1984 Spain under the Hapsburgs, vol. 1, 2nd ed.
New York University Press, New York.
Lyon, Eugene
1981 Research on a Spanish Town on the North Coast
of Hispaniola. Ms on file, Florida State Museum,
Gainesville, Florida.
Macleod, Murdo J.
1984 Spain and America: The Atlantic Trade 1492-1972
In The Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 2
edited by Leslie Bethell, pp. 341-388. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Manucy Albert
1978 The Houses of St. Augustine. The
St. Augustine Historical Society, St. Augustine.
Mariejol, Jean
1961 The Spain of Ferdinand and Isabella.
Harper and Row, New Brunswick.
Marrinan, Rochelle
1982 Test Excavations at Building B (Area 2) Puerto
Real, Haiti. Project report on file, Florida State
Museum, Gainesville.
1986 Acculturation in the Mission Setting: Spanish
Florida, 1565-1704. Paper presented at the 43rd
Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological
Conference, Nashville.

244
McAlister, Lyle
1963 Social Structure and Social Change in New Spain
Hispanic American Historical Review 43:349-370.
19B4 Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-
1700 University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis.
McEwan, Bonnie
1983 Spanish Colonial Adaptation on Hispaniola:
The Archaeology of Area 35 Puerto Real, Haiti.
Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
Morison, Samuel E.
1942 Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of
Christopher Columbus. Little, Brown, Boston.
1974 The European Discovery of America: The
Southern Voyages, AD. 1492-1616. Oxford
University Press, Oxford.
Morner, Magnus
1967 Race Mixture in the History of Latin America.
Little, Brown, Boston.
1983 Economic Factors and Stratification in Colonial
Spanish America with Special Regard to Elites.
Hispanic American Historical Review 63:335-369.
Muller, Priscilla E.
1972 Jewels in Spain 1500-1800. The Hispanic
Society of America, New York.
Nesmith, Robert
1955 The Coinage of the First Mint of the Americas
at Mexico City 1536-1572. Numismatic Notes and
Monographs No. 31. The American Numismatic Society,
New York.
Noel-Hume, Ivor
1970 A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America.
Alfred A. Knopf, New York.
Olsen, Stanley J.
1964 Mammal remains from Archaeological Sites.
Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology, Vol. 56, No. 1. Cambridge.

245
1968 Fish, Amphibian, and Reptile Remains from
Archaeological Sites. Papers of the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 56, No.2.
Cambridge.
1971 Zooarchaeology; Animal Bones in Archaeology
and their Interpretation. Addison-Wesley Modular
Publications. Module 2, Reading, Mass.
Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernandez de
1959 Natural History of the West Indies,
Reprinted. University of North Carolina Press,
Chapel Hill. Translated and edited by Sterling A.
Stoudemire. Originally published 1527.
Parry, John
1963 The Age of Reconnaisance: Discovery and
Settlement 1450 to 1650. Mentor Books, New York.
1978 The Spanish Theory of Empire in the 16th
century. Originally published 1940. Mentor Books,
New York.
Parry, John and Phillip Sherlock
1971 A Short History of the West Indies. 3rd ed.
St. Martin's Press, New York.
Penney, Clara L.
1967 An Album of Selected Bookbindings. The
Hispanic Society of America, New York.
Pike, Ruth
1972 Aristocrats and Traders; Sevillian Society in
the 16th century. Cornell University Press,
Ithaca.
Radisch, William H.
1986 Classification and Interpretation of Stars from
Santa Elena: Some Problems and Potential Solutions.
Ms. in possession of author.
Redfield, Robert, Melville Herskovits, and Ralph Linton
1936 Memorandum on the Study of Acculturation.
American Anthropologist 38:149-152.
Reitz, Elizabeth J.
1979 Spanish an British Subsistence Strategies at
St. Augustine, Florida and Frederica, Georgia.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.

246
1982 Analysis of Vertebrate Fauna from Area 19,
Puerto Real, Haiti. Project report on file,
Florida State Museum, Gainesville.
1986 Vertebrate Fauna from Locus 39, Puerto Real,
Haiti. Journal of Field Archaeology 13:317-328.
Reitz, Elizabeth J., and Dan Cordier
1983 Use of Allometry in Zooarchaeological Analysis.
In Animals And Archaeology: Shell Middens, Fishes,
and Birds, edited by J. Clatton-Brock and C.
Grigson, pp. 237-52. BAR International Series 183,
London.
Reitz, Elizabeth J., and Stephen L. Cumbaa
1983 Diet and Foodways of Eighteenth-Century Spanish
St. Augustine. In Spanish St. Augustine: The
Archaeology of a Colonial Creole Community,
edited by Kathleen Deagan, pp.151-186. Academic
Press, Mew York.
Rouse, Irving
1986 Migrations in Prehistory. Yale University
Press, New Haven.
Sauer, Carl 0.
1966 The Early Spanish Main. University of
California Press, Berkeley.
Schiffer, Michael B.
1972 Archaeological Context and Systemic Context.
American Antiquity 37:156-165.
Shapiro, Gary
1984 A Soil Resistivity Survey of 16th-Century
Puerto Real, Haiti. Journal of Field Archeology
11:101-109.
Simpson, Lesley B.
1966 The Encomienda in New Spain. University
of California Press, Berkeley.
Skowronek, Russell
1987 Ceramics and Commerce: The 1554 Flota
Revisited. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of
the Society of Historical Archaeology, Savannah.

247
Smith, Greg C.
1986 Non-European Pottery at the Sixteenth Century
Spanish Site of Puerto Real, Haiti. Unpubished
Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Smith, Hale G.
1962 El Morro. Notes in Anthropology Vol. 6.
Florida State University, Tallahassee.
South, Stanley
1977 Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology.
Academic Press, New York.
Spicer, Edward H. (editor)
1961 Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change
University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Stahl, P.W.
1982 On Small Mammal Remains in Archaeological
Context. American Antiquity 47:267-270.
Stein, Stanley and Barbara Stein
1970 The Colonial Heritage of Latin America.
Oxford University Press, New York.
Steward, Julian
1943 Acculturation Studies in Latin America: Some
Needs and Problems. American Anthropologist 45:
198-204.
Todorov, Tzvetan
1984 The Conquest of America. Translated by
Richard Howard. Harper Colophon Books, New York.
Verlinden, Charles
1953 Italian Influence in Iberian Colonization.
Hispanic American Historical Review 33:199-211.
Vicens Vives, Jaime
1967 Approaches to the History of Spain.
University of California Press, Berkeley.
1969 An Economic History of Spain. Princeton.
University Press, Princeton.
Williams, Maurice
1986 Sub-surface Patterning at Puerto Real: A
Sixteenth century Spanish Town on Haiti's North
coast. Journal of Field Archaeology 13:283-296.

248
Willis, Raymond
1976 The Archaeology of 16th Century Nueva Cadiz.
Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
1981 Current Research at Puerto Real. Society for
Historical Archaeology Newsletter 14(2):5.
1984 Empire and Architecture at 16th century Puerto
Real, Hispaniola: An Archaeological Perspective.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville.
University Microfilms, Ann Arbor
Wing, Elizabeth and Antoinette Brown
1979 Paleonutrition: Method and Theory in
Prehistoric Foodways. Academic Press, New York.
Woods, Charles A.
1980 Collecting Fossil Mammals in the Greater
Antilles: An Immense Journey. The Plaster Jacket.
Florida State Museum, Gainesville.
Wright, Irene
1939 Rescates: With Special Reference to Cuba 1599-
1610. The Hispanic American Historical Review
19:56-72.
Zendegui, Guillermo
1977 City Planning in the Spanish Colonies.
Americas, Special Supplement.
Ziegler, Alan
1973 Inference from Prehistoric Faunal Remains.
Addison-Wesley Module in Anthropology No. 43.

APPENDIX 1
PUERTO REAL ANALYSIS SHEET
SITE
FS
ANALYST
UNIT
DATE
LEVEL
FAUNA
g
SHELL
g
SOIL
1) MAJOLICA:
FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
9)
PERSONAL
2) UTILITARIAN:
FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
10)
ACTIVITIES
11 )
UID METAL
3) EUROTABLE: FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
12 )
MASONRY
13)
FURNITURE
4) ABORIGINAL:
FRAGS
RIMS
NOTES
14)
TOOLS
5) KITCHEN
15)
TOYS
16)
HHARDWARE
6) ARCHITECTURE
17)
RELIGIOUS
18)
MISC
7) WEAPONRY
19 )
UNAFFIL
8) CLOTHING
20 )
TABLEWARES
249

APPENDIX 2
CATEGORIES ON THE CODING SHEETS
1) Site Distinguishes specific field season;
2) FS# Field specimen or sample number;
3) Unit# -Each excavation unit was numbered
sequentially;
4) North coordinate Distance north from the SW corner
of the excavation unit to the grid reference point;
5) East Coordinate Distance east from the SW corner
of the excavation unit to the grid reference point;
6) Provenience Refers to specific level, area or
feature in the excavation unit;
7) TPQ Terminus Post Quern, date after which the
provenience was deposited;
8) Item Artifact type in coded form (see Appendix 2);
9) Frequency Number of the artifact type in the
provenience;
10) Weight Weight (in grams) of the artifact type in
the provenience. This category was primarily applied
to fauna and masonry items;
11) Group Functionally specific category
corresponding to the artifact type (see Table A) ;
250

251
12) Composition Optional descriptive category for
indicating what the artifact was made of;
13) Color Optional descriptive category for denoting
color of the object;
14) Form Optional descriptive category for indicating
the shape of the object;
15) Modifier Optional descriptive category for
indicating any unusual quality of the artifact (i.e.
glazing, gilding, sooting).
The parameters governing data entry limited the length
of each entry to 80 columns. To accomodate all the
data in the limited space available a coding system was
devised. Those codes significantly shorten the length
of the artifact types and modifiers.

FS#
3074
3075
3076
3077
3078
3079
3080
3081
3082
3083
3084
3085
3086
3087
3088
3089
3090
3091
3092
3093
3094
3095
3096
3097
3098
3099
3100
3101
3102
3103
3104
3105
3106
3107
3108
3109
3110
3111
3112
APPENDIX 3
PROVENIENCE GUIDE
EXCAV. UNIT
920.5N/722.5E
920.5N/722.5E
920.5N/722.5E
917N/723.5E
917N/723.5£
917N/723.5E
917N/723,5E
909.5N/726.5E
913N/725E
909.5N/726.5E
913N/725E
922.5N/819E
926N/817.5E
933.5N/814E
929.5N/815.5E
87 ON/810E
870N/810E
87N/810E
874N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
870N/810E
874N/810E
878N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
874N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
874N/810E
87 4N/810E
882N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
L. 1
L
Porcelain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Area
1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
L. 1
E
Melado
L. 1
E
L. 1
E
Area
1
L
Melado
Area
2
L
S tratigraphy
Area
3
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Area
4
E
Melado
Area
5
E
Melado
Area
6
E
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
Area
7
E
S tratigraphy
Posthole
2
E
Columbia Plain
Posthole
3
E
Columbia Plain
Posthole
4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
Postmold
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold
2
E
S tratigraphy
Area
8
E
Columbia Plain
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
252

FS#
3113
3114
3115
3116
3117
3118
3119
312
3121
3122
3123
3124
3125
3126
3127
3128
3129
3130
3131
3132
3133
3134
3135
3136
3137
3138
3139
3140
3141
3142
3143
3144
3145
3146
3147
3148
3149
3150
3151
3152
3153
3154
3155
3156
3157
3158
3159
3160
3161
EXCAV. UNIT
882N/810E
882N/810E
878N/810E
878N/810E
882N/810E
876N/81E
886N/810E
886N/810E
876N/810E
876N/810E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/81E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/810E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/816E
876N/816E
876N/813E
876N/813E
876N/816E
876N/819E
876N/816E
876N/819E
876N/816E
8 7 6N/816E
87 6 N/816E
876N/819E
876N/819E
876N/816E
876N/816E
876N/816E
876N/822E
880N/817.5E
880N/817.5E
88N/817.5E
876N/822E
88 N/817.5E
878N/819E
876N/825E
878N/819E
876N/825E
876N/814.5E
878N/819E
876N/814,5E
880N/819E
253
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
Posthole 1
E
S tratigraphy
Posthole 2
E
S tratigraphy
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Porcelain
Bone
cone .
E
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
S tratigraphy
Fea.
1 L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
Fea.
1 L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold 4
E
S tratigraphy
Fea .
1 L. 3
E
S tratigraphy
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
Fea .
2 L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
Postmold 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
L
Porcelain
L. 2
L
Porcelain
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
Postmold 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 5
E
Columbia Plain
Area
2
E
Columbia Plain
Area
4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Porcelain
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous

FS#
3162
3163
3164
3165
3166
3167
3168
3169
3170
3171
3172
3173
3174
3175
3176
3177
3178
3179
3180
3181
3182
3183
3184
3185
3186
3187
3188
3189
3190
3191
3192
3193
3194
3195
3196
3197
3198
3199
3200
3201
3202
3203
3204
3205
3206
3207
3208
3209
3210
254
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
880N/819E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
88 ON/819E
Fea .
3
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
880N/819E
Area
1
L
Porcelain
876N/814.5E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
880N/819E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/814.5E
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
878N/819E
Fea 3
L. 1
L
Cologne SW
880N/817.5E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/814.5E
Area
3
L
S tratigraphy
880N/817.5E
Ext.
Area 1
L
S tratigraphy
880N/817.5E
Area
2
E
S tratigraphy
87 6N/814.5E
Area
2
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
880N/817.5E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814.5E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
88N/817.5E
Fea .
3
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814.5E
Area
2
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
880N/817 5E
Fea
3
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814,5E
Fea.
1
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
878N/819E
Postmold 1
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814,5E
Lev.
5
S 1/2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814.5E
Fea .
1
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/814,5E
Fea.
1
L. 3
E
S tratigraphy
8 7 6N/814.5E
Lev .
5
E
Columbia Plain
878N/819E
Fea.
3
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
878N/819E
Fea .
3
L. 3
E
Stratigraphy
878N/819E
Area
2
E
S tratigraphy
876N/831E
L. 1
L
Porcelain
876N/834E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/831E
L. 2
L
Cologne SW
876N/831E
Area
2
L
S tratigraphy
876N/831E
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
876N/831E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
876N/834E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
888N/819E
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
888N/822E
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
888N/819E
Area
1
E
Olive Jar
888N/819E
L. 2
E
Melado
886N/82 5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
878N/852E
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
886N/820.5E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
878N/852E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
876N/861.5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/837E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/861.5E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/861.5E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/837E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/837E
Area
1
L
S tratigraphy
877.5N/817.5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
877.5N/817.5E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain

FS#
3211
3212
3213
3214
3215
3216
3217
3218
3219
322
3221
3222
3223
3224
3225
3226
3227
3228
3229
3230
3231
3232
3233
3234
3235
3236
3237
3238
3239
3240
3241
3242
3243
3244
3245
3246
3247
3248
3249
3250
3251
3252
3253
3254
3255
3256
3257
3258
3259
EXCAV. UNIT
876N/837E
877.5N/817.5E
877.5N/817.5E
Tr. A S ec. 1
877.5N/820.5E
876N/814.5-816E
Tr. A Sec. 2
877.5N/820.5E
877.5N/820.5E
Tr. A Sec. 3
877.5N/820.5E
876N/837E
Tr. A Sec. 4
Tr. A S ec. 3
Tr. B S ec. 1
Tr. B Sec. 2
Tr. B Sec. 3
Tr. C Sec. 1
Tr. C S ec. 2
Tr. C Sec. 1
Tr. C Sec. 2
Tr. C Sec. 2
Tr. C Sec. 1
Tr. C Sec. 1
876N/831E
Tr. D Sec. 1
Tr. D Sec. 1
876N/834E
876N/834E
Tr. D Sec. 3
Tr. D Sec. 3
Tr. D Sec. 2
873N/826.5E
Tr. D Sec. 3
873N/826.5E
873N/828E
873N/825E
873N/825E
873N/828E
Tr. D Sec. 1
Tr. C S ec. 1
873N/823.5E
873.5N/828E
873N/820.5E
87 3N/829.5E
873N/822E
876N/834E
Tr. F
Tr. E Sec. 1
255
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
Postmold 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
N. Profile
L
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
Postmold 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Cologne SVJ
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 4
Profile
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
Area 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
E
Olive Jar
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
Feature 4
E
S tratigraphy
L. 1 & 2
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
L. 1 & 2
L
Orange Micaceous

FS#
3260
3261
3262
3263
3264
3265
3266
3267
3268
3269
3270
3271
3272
3273
3274
3275
3276
3277
3278
3279
3280
3281
3282
3283
3284
3285
3286
3287
3288
3289
3290
3291
3292
3293
3294
3295
3296
3297
3298
3299
3300
3301
3302
3303
3304
3305
3306
3307
3308
256
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
Tr. F
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/82 .5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/822E
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
87 2N/820.5E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
873N/819.5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/819,5E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/822E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/819,5E
L. 2
L
disturbed
872N/822E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/826E
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
872N/824E
L. 1
L
Sevilla B/B
872N/824E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/826E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
87 2N/828E
L. 1
L +
pipestem
872N/830E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/828E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
872N/830E
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
872N/830E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
872N/828E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
872N/818E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/820E
L. 1
L
Porcelain
872N/818E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
87N/820E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/818E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/820E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/818E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/820E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/820E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/832E
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
876N/820E
L. 2
L
Sevilla B/B
872N/832E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/832E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
Area 1
L
S tratigraphy
874N/832E
Area 2
L
S tratigraphy
876N/832E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/832E
L. 4
L
Orange Micaceous
876N/832E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
874N/832E
Area 3
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/826E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
876N/832E
L. 3
L
Ligurian B/B
868N/826E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/834E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
868N/826E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
868N/826E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/834E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
866N/826E
L. 1
L
Porcelain

FS#
3309
3310
3311
3312
3313
3314
3315
3316
3317
3318
3319
3320
3321
3322
3323
3324
3325
3326
3327
3328
3329
3330
3331
3332
3333
3334
3335
3336
3337
3338
3339
3340
3341
3342
3343
3344
3345
3346
3347
3348
3349
3350
3351
3352
3353
3354
3355
3356
3357
257
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV
872N/834E
L. 3
866N/826E
L. 2
864N/826E
L. 1
862N/826E
L. 1
862N/826E
L. 2
864N/826E
L. 2
862N/826E
L. 3
860N/826E
L. 1
86 ON/82 6E
L. 2
872N/820E
L. 3
87 6N/826E
L. 1
878N/826E
L. 1
876N/826E
L. 2
878N/826E
L. 2
872N/818E
L. 3
880N/826E
L. 1
874N/826E
L. 1
874N/826E
L. 2
874N/818E
L. 3
880N/826E
L. 2
874N/826E
L. 3
870N/826E
L. 1
880N/826E
L. 3
874N/820E
L. 3
870N/826E
L. 2
872N/816E
L. 1
874N/816E
L. 1
870N/826E
L. 3
872N/816E
L. 2
876N/818E
L. 1
874N/816E
L. 2
876N/818E
L. 2
872N/816E
L. 3
874N/816E
L. 3
876N/818E
L. 3
872N/814E
L. 1
876N/818E
L. 4
876N/817E
L. 1
874N/814E
L. 1
876N/817E
L. 2
872N/814E
L. 2
876N/817E
L. 3
87 6N/817E
L. 4
874N/812E
L. 1
874N/814E
L. 2
872N/814E
L. 3
874N/814E
Area
874N/812E
L. 2
874N/814E
L. 3
PERIOD CHRONO. MARKER
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Porcelain
L Stratigraphy
L Orange Micaceous
L Porcelain
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Cologne SW
L Ligurian B/B
L Porcelain
L Cologne SW
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Ligurian B/B
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Feldspar-inlaid
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
L Porcelain
L Orange Micaceous
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Orange Micaceous
E Melado
L Orange Micaceous
L Cologne SW
E Columbia Plain
L Porcelain
E Columbia Plain
E Columbia Plain
L Cologne SW
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain
L Stratigraphy
L Orange Micaceous
E Columbia Plain

FS#
3358
3359
3360
3361
3362
3363
3364
3365
3366
3367
3368
3369
3370
3372
3373
3374
3375
3376
3377
3378
3379
3380
3381
3382
3383
3384
3385
3386
3387
3388
3389
3392
3393
3394
3395
3396
3397
3398
3399
3400
3401
3402
3403
3404
3405
3406
3407
3408
258
EXCAV. UNIT
PROV.
PERIOD
CHRONO. MARKER
872N/814E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
874N/812E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
874N/814E
L. 4
E
Columbia Plain
872N/812E
L. 1
L
Feldspar-inlaid
870N/814E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/816E
L. 4
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/814E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/812E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/818E
L. 4
L
Porcelain
870N/812E
L. 1
L
Porcelain
872N/812E
L. 3
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/81E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
NE
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
870N/812E
NE
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
870N/816E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
870N/814E
L. 3
E
Columbia Plain
872N/810E
Wl/2
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/816E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/808E
Nl/2
L. 1
L
Porcelain
870N/816E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/816E
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
870N/820E
L. 3
E
Caparra Blue
872N/808E
Nl/2
L. 2
L
Cologne SW
87 0N/81 2-
314E
Fea. 6 L.
1 L
Orange Micaceous
870N/818E
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
870N/812E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
870N/816E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
870N/816E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
872N/806E
Nl/2
L. 1
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/814E
Feature 6
L
S tratigraphy
870N/818E
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/86E
S1/2
L. 1
L
S tratigraphy
870N/818E
L. 3
E
Caparra Blue
872N/806E
Nl/2
L. 2
L
S tratigraphy
872N/806E
S 1/2
L. 2
L
Orange Micaceous
872N/804E
Nl/2
L. 1
E
Columbia Plain
874N/808E
S 1/2
L. 1 & 2
L
Feldspar-inlaid
872N/804E
Nl/2
L. 2
E
Columbia Plain
874N/808E
S 1/2
L. 3
L
Cologne SW
872N/82E
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
872N/800E
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain
874N/88E
S 1/2
L. 4
L
Feldspar-inlaid
872N/814E
Nl/2
L. 5 +
E
Columbia Plain
872N/814E
S 1/2
L. 5 +
E
Columbia Plain
872N/796E
872N/794E
Nl/2
L. 1 & 2
L. 1 & 2
E
Columbia Plain

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Charles R. Ewen was born in Mansfield, Ohio, on
November 27, 1956. He moved extensively around the
midwestern and southern U.S. while growing up but was
able to stay in Illinois long enough to attend
Naperville Central High School immediately after which
he moved again. After acclimating to Minneapolis, he
received a B.A. in anthropology from the University of
Minnesota. A seasonally more sensible move took him to
Florida where he earned an M.A. in anthropology at the
Florida State University in 1983.
Charles chose to finish his student years at the
University of Florida in Gainesville. He received his
doctorate in the spring of 1987 allowing him to pursue
the only career he had ever considered.
259

I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy.
it
(a
I
cr* g
/ Ch/ai
Dr. Kathleen A. Deagan
Professor of Anthropology
<£-\
r
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertatJa31T\for the-,degree of/^octor
of Philosophy.
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy.
Vapl\v- ^ ll3|Vvp
Dr. ElLZabeth Wing
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy.
/
Dr. Michael V. Gannon
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of
scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope
and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy. r,
4- lU.f.
DrVLyle N. McAlister
Distinguished Service
Professor of History

This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the Department of Anthropology in the College of
Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School
and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1987
Dean, Graduate School




12/


139


Figure 6-15 Brass buckles
Left to right FS# 3132, 3339, 3333, 3356


205
TABLE 6-22 continued
TAXA
PERIOD
#
WEIGHT(g)
MNI
Decopoda
E
75
20.17
-
L
5
.7
-
Donax denticulata
E
1
.7
1
L
-
-
-
Gastropoda
E
5
12.4
-
L
1
.8
-
Gecarcinidae
E
8
3.1
-
L
-
-
-
Isognomon alatus
E
61
26.05
3
L
-
-
-
Lucina pectinata
E
13
23
3
L
-
-
-
Mollusca
E
79
28.1
-
L
5
9.02
-
Myti1idae
E
1
.1
-
L
-
-
-
Mytilopsis cf. leucopheta
E
1
.5
-
L
-
-
-
Neritina virginica
E
2
.7
2
L
-
-
-
Ostreidae
E
-
-
-
L
3
3.68
-
Strombus gigas
E
-
-
-
L
1
1243.2
1
Strombus sp.
E
4
114.4
1
L
-
-
-
Tellina fausta
E
1
1.4
1
L
-
-
-


132
might have expected that many of the smuggled goods to
have been ceramics. This may not have been the case,
Andrews (1978:182) states that textiles were the chief
trade item of the French smugglers. Perhaps the other
smugglers dealt primarily in perishables as well.
Cologne Stoneware. This ware was named for the
city in which these wares were produced. This European
ceramic is described as a "grey-bodied stoneware coated
with an iron oxide slip that broke into a brown mottle
when fired in a salt glaze kiln" (Noel-Hume 1970:55).
According to Noel-Hume, the earliest examples date to
1550 making it a good temporal marker at Locus 19.
Porcelain. Oriental porcelain was not available
in the Caribbean until at least 1550 and then only
through Portuguese corsairs. It was not until the
Manila Galleon trade in 1573 that Spain began supplying
her colonies with Chinese porcelain (Deagan 1987). All
16th century porcelains in the New World were produced
during the Ming Dynasty (1522-1643) in China.
Characteristic of this ware is, "A rather unctuous
glaze of a distinct bluish green tinge. It's
decoration is...of a deep warm blue of violet tone"
(Aga-Oglu 1956:92). Most of the sherds recovered at
Puerto Real are from small bowls or cups (Figure 6-11).
Considering the difficulties one must have had in
obtaining the pieces there, is a surprising amount of


h gg
{ -
Kps
;* $Mk
.V
WifM


235
1982). This site was occupied from 1578 to 1605. It
would be interesting to see what sort of community-
developed that had the benefit of 75 years of colonial
experience and virtually no native population to
contend with. The model developed in St. Augustine and
tested at Puerto Real in this study can serve to guide
this future research.
On a more general, anthropological scale, the
model of colonial adaptation developed for Hispanic
sites can be tested at non-Hispanic colonial sites in
the Americas. Did the French and British adapt to
their new surroundings in a manner similar to the
Spanish? If not, how did they differ and what factors
might account for these differences? Again, the model
tested at Puerto Real can serve as a null hypothesis
for these inquiries.


156
1531. They were struck under contract at the mint of
Seville or of Burgos, possibly at both" (1955:40). All
identifiable coins were of this type.
Jewelry. Only small or broken fragments of
jewelry were found. A piece of a jet ring was one of
two articles of jewelry found at Locus 19. Interesting
enough, jet rings were among the articles of jewelry
owned by Charles V's mother, Joanna the Mad (Muller
1972:100). The other artifact was a very fine pendant
that may have been part of a necklace (Figure 6-18).
Crafted into the shape of a unicorn, this item was made
of brass or some other copper alloy and then covered
with a layer of gold leaf. Muller (1972:27) states
that zoomorphic forms were popular in pendants during
the 16th century.
Beads. These are included in this category rather
than in Group 8 because they are large and probably
were worn in strings around the neck rather than
attached to clothing. There are a variety of types and
colors of beads represented at Locus 19 illustrated in
Figure 6-19. Most prevalent were dark blue cane beads
with white stripes followed closely faceted chevron
beads and several different types of wire wound beads.
Unusual types included; a stone bead, a hexagonal
shaped carnelian bead, a crumb bead, and beads made
from shell and clay.


xml version 1.0 encoding UTF-8
REPORT xmlns http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitss xmlns:xsi http:www.w3.org2001XMLSchema-instance xsi:schemaLocation http:www.fcla.edudlsmddaitssdaitssReport.xsd
INGEST IEID E8P7IER3R_YSCED2 INGEST_TIME 2014-11-14T19:42:48Z PACKAGE AA00025272_00001
AGREEMENT_INFO ACCOUNT UF PROJECT UFDC
FILES