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Compound words in Brazilian Portuguese

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Compound words in Brazilian Portuguese
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Almeida, Marta
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English
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viii, 164 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Adjectives ( jstor )
Derivational morphology ( jstor )
Grammatical gender ( jstor )
Head ( jstor )
Linguistic morphology ( jstor )
Linguistics ( jstor )
Nouns ( jstor )
Syntactics ( jstor )
Verbs ( jstor )
Words ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- Linguistics -- UF ( lcsh )
Linguistics thesis, Ph.D ( lcsh )
Portuguese language -- Brazil ( lcsh )
Portuguese language -- Compound words ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1999.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 156-163).
Additional Physical Form:
Also available online.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Marta Reis Almeida.

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COMPOUND WORDS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE












By

MARTA REIS ALMEIDA














A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1999











L
178 9!1
1'47













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I often think of my dissertation as a learning tool. The feedback that I have

received from my committee, the research I conducted, and the contacts with professors I established here and in Brazil were priceless accomplishments that opened up new opportunities and broadened my horizons. I see each chapter of this investigation as the base for future research. I can hardly wait to start it. Needless to say, I did not do this alone.

Six years have passed since my son Thomas Almeida and I left Rio de Janeiro,

Brazil. During most of these six years we were both students at the University of Florida, sharing our fears, difficulties, accomplishments, and success. Many aspects of our academic lives were similar and yet, apart, since a considerable age gap separates us. Our roles as parent and child were long ago defined by our age difference, respect and other moral attributes, but that did not stop me from learning from my son an incredible array of information, ranging from the use of computer programs to the latest CD hits. I was truly blessed to have such a young master. He was zealous and considerate. He contributed to my change to the person I am today--more capable intellectually and a better professional. To him, I dedicate this dissertation.

Thomas and I were lucky to have our home away from home in Elizabeth and Terry's. The path of our lives had crossed in the past many times in Brazil and in the States. I have always admired and respected my friend Dr. Elizabeth Lowe McCoy for








her joy of life, freedom of spirit and enterprise. Our friendship strengthened during these years and we saw our children and Terry's grow fond of one another. To Elizabeth and Terry, for their emotional and stimulating intellectual support, I also dedicate this dissertation.

Being in a department with people with knowledge on many languages was not always an easy task. I was fortunate to have Dr. Gary Miller as my supervisor. His expertise in different languages such as Latin, Greek and their syntax makes him a unique scholar that I look up to. Years from now, though, I am convinced that it is the person and not the scholar that I will cherish in my memory. Dr. Miller's belief in the potential of his students and his commitment to develop such potential goes beyond his duties as a professor. Anyone who works under his leadership certainly feels the same way. I extend my gratitude to the other members of my committee, Dr. Wehmeyer, Dr. Ginway, Dr. Yai, and Dr. Pharies.

When I first started my investigation on compounds I had the valuable input of a co-worker, Deyse Dutra, who was also in the Linguistics Department. Together, we presented a paper on compounds in the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese. The tables and data on Appositionals and Dvandvas and most of the discussions on endocentric and exocentric compounds were based on our first findings.

Last but not least, I would like to thank Dr. Casagrande for his precious support since I first arrived. It was both a pleasure and a learning experience to work at the English Language Institute. Not only at the ELI but also as the former head of Linguistics he guided me through the pitfalls of my master's and Ph.D. courses. Many times I went to him for advice and counseling. And he was always there.


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

p4ge
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ........................................................... ii

A B ST R A C T ......... ................................................................. vii

CHAPTERS

1. INTRODUCTION ......................................................... I
1. 1 Compounds and Noun Phrases ..................................... 5
1.2 Criteria to Identify Compounds .................................... 6
1.3 Conceptual Semantics and Compounds ........................... 9
1.4 Heads in Compounds ................................................ 11
1.4.1 Syntactic H ead .................................................. 11
1.4.2 Semantic Head .................................................. 12
1.5 Compounds under DP ............................................... 15
1.6 C onclusion ............................................................ 16

2. HEADS IN COMPOUNDS ............................................. 17
2.1 Criteria for Identifying Compounds in English ................... 18
2.2 Sem antic H ead ............................................ ........... 20
2.3 Identifying the Syntactic Head ........... ............ ............. 21
2.4 Head in Hybrid Compounds ......................................... 23
2.5 Syntactic Representation ............................................. 24
2.6 Data Classification ............... 25
2.6.1 Productivity .............. ....................................... 26
2.6.2 C ategories ....................................................... 26

3. DIACHRONIC DATA ................................................... 28
3.1 M illor's Poem .......................................................... 30
3. 1.1 Lexicali.st View ................................................ 30
3.1.2 Syntactic Framework .......................................... 32
3.2 Historical Portuguese ................................................. 3 3
3.2.1 Opaque Compounds ........................................... 34
3.2.2 Innovation in Romance ........................... 34
3.3 Old Portuguese Compounds ......................................... 36
3.4 T he Lexicon ............................................................ 38
3.4.1 Parasynthetic Derivation ..................................... 39
3.4.2 C lipping ......................................................... 4 1
1.4.3 Back Formation ................................................ 42
.).4.4 Evaluative Affixes ............................................. 43
3.5 C onclusion ............. .............................................. 44


iv









4. DERIVATION ......................... ...... 45
4.1 Human Cloning Gender and Grammatical Gender............ 45
4.2 The Suffix -ada ........................................... 47
4.2.1 Deverbals............................................. 47
4.2.2 Denominals ....... .................................. 48
4.3 Etymology.................................................. 52
4.4 Feminine Gender ..................................... 53
4.5 Conclusion ...............................................54

5. THE ROLE OF PHONOLOGY, MORPHOLOGY AND
SYNTAX IN COMPOUNDS FORMED BY
REDUPLICATION ...........5
5.1 Phonological Changes...................................... 55
5.2 Reduplication as Word Formation .......................... 55
5.2.1 Syntactic Representation ............................. 57
5.2.2 Semantic Interface ................................. 58
5.2.3 Hypocoristics and Compounds........................ 58
5.2.3.1 Reduplication Template ...................... 58
5.2.3.2 Clipping .... .............................. 59
5.3 Conclusion ....... ......................................... 60

6. ENDOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS ............................... 61
6.1 Head in Endocentric........... ..................... 62
6. 1.1 Feature Percolation.................................... 63
6.2 Lexico-syntactic Categories................................. 64
6.2.1 N-iN .................................................. 64
6.2. 1. 1 Appositional.................................. 65
6.2.1.2 N+N (subordinate relationship) ................ 67
6.2.2 P+N ................................................ 68
6.2.3 Prefix-iN ............................................ 69
6.2.4 N+P-'N............................................... 71
6.2.5 N+Adj .........I~.................................173
6.2.6 Adj+N................................................ 73
6.2.7 NP+V-'N ........ ................................ 75
6.3 Dvandvas ..................................... ......... 76
6.4 Conclusion ...............................................78

7. RIGHT-HEADED COMPOUNDS ............................. 79
7.1 Latin and Greek Roots...................................... 80
7.2 Derivation.................................................. 80
7.3 Noun and Affix Syntactic Representation.................... 82
7.4 Borrowing from English.................................... 83
7.5 Forming New Compounds .................. .......... 83
7.6 Conclusion .......... ....................................... 84




V








8. EXOCENTRIC COM POUNDS............... 85
8.1 Head in Exocentric........................................... 86
8.2 Exocentric Compounds in Romance.......................... 87
8.3 Interpreting Exocentric...................................... 88
8.4 Lexico-syntactic Categories................................. 90
8.4 1 N+N ................. ..I......................... 91
8.4.2 N+PN .............................................. 92
8.4.3 NAdj ................................................92
8.4.4 Numeral+N ........................................... 93
8.4.5PN ............................... ................. 93
8.4.6 Adj+N ............................................... 93
8.4.7 Phrasal Compounds ................................... 95
8.5 Coctnclusion ...............................................96

9. BODY PART COMPOUNDS .................................. 97
9.1 Introduction................................................. 97
9.2 Polysemy ................................................... 98
9.3 Lexico-Syntactic Categories ................................100
9.3.1 N+P+N................................................ 100
9.3.2 NAdj ................................................ 101
9.4 Headship ................................................... 103
9.5 Semantic Component ....................................... 104
9.6 Syntactic Representation.................................... 105
9.7 Cognitive Semantics ........................................ 106
9.7.1 Background...................................... ... 107
9.7.2 Metaphor and Metonymy.............................. 109
9.7.3 Compounds and Cognitive Semantics.................. 110
9.7.4 Model for Interpretation.............................. 112
9.7.4.1 Cabe~a Analysis.............................. 113
9.7.4.2 P Analysis................................... 117
9.7.5 Conclusion ........................................... 119

10. SYNTHETIC COMPOUNDS.................................. 121
10. 1 First Sister Principle ...................................... 122
10.2 Case Assignment.........................................123
10. 3Theta Role ................................................ 118
10.4 Atom Condition.......................................... 125
10.5 Semantic Meaning ....................................... 127
10.6 Conclusion ..................................... ..........128

11. CONCLUSION................................................ 129

APPENDIX ................................. ..................135

REFERENCES ................................................... 156

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...................................... 164


Vi












Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

COMPOUND WORDS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE By

Marta Reis Almeida

May, 1999


Chairman: Dr. Gary Miller
Department: Linguistics

This study presents compounds as a unified phenomenon accounting for the

following facts: (i) the output of compound formation in Portuguese is always a noun or an adjective; (ii) compounds and Determiner Phrases (DPs) always have the same syntactic order; (iii) compounds and DPs will always have a head; and (iv) compound formation is sensitive to syntactic operations; (v) according to the head parameter for Romance languages, complements will be on the right side of the head. The compound head inherits by percolation the features of category, person, gender and number, and case. The head of the compound is the constituent that characterizes the compound and the bearer of the inflectional marks, the morphosyntactic locus. The head is checked in the DP. Compounds with a semantic head are termed endocentric and those without a visible head are exocentric.

Compounds in English are defined as Lexical Phrases (LPs) without DPs. This definition does not hold for Portuguese because compound formation is sensitive to



vii








Functional Phrases (FPs), e.g., [N educado PP & distdncia] ]DP 'distance learning,' where & is the combination of preposition a + feminine article a; in [V desmancha DP prazeres]]VP 'pleasure destroyer,' prazeres is pluralized. In exocentric compounds, the null head presents human cloning gender assignment, e.g., o/a/s e sem terra 'the landless.'

The data consisting of 549 compounds, come from magazines such as Veja, which presents topics on politics and sports. Another source was Sandmann's data on compound formation in Portuguese. A brief survey of historic Portuguese data, including compounds from a sixteenth-century Portuguese source, is presented to confirm that the lexico-syntactic categories have not changed. In derivation, the different meanings of the suffix -ada, e.g.,feyoada 'a black bean dish', nadada 'a swimming event', testada 'hitting someone with the forehead, 'are discussed from a syntactic, semantic, and phonological perspective and proposed as a model.

Since compounds and DPs share the same syntactic order, I examine different semantic criteria for identifying compounds and present a cognitive semantic study of metaphor and metonymy, following Lakoff.

Previous studies in Portuguese word formation are mostly descriptive. This

investigation advances research in compounding under the framework of principles and parameters, based on and adapted from current literature in Romance languages.











Viii













CHAPTER
INTRODUCTION

Taking into account the similarities between Portuguese and other Romance languages, I propose to study compounds in Portuguese as a unified phenomenon, accounting for the following facts:

The output of compounding in Portuguese is always a noun or an adjective at X' level;
Compounds and Determiner Phrases (DPs) always have the same syntactic order; Compounds, as DPs, will always have a head, be it visible or not; Compound formation is sensitive to syntactic operations; According to the head parameter for Romance, complements will be to the right of the head,

In Portuguese, the lexical-syntactic categories (N, V, Adj, P, and Adv)

combine to form nouns. Once the nouns are compounded, affixes, both derivational and inflectional, can be applied to them. Like nouns, compounds are inserted in a Determiner Phrase (DP), where number and gender features are checked.

It is a well-known fact that there is no structural difference between phrases and compounds in Romance, that is, both have the same word order. Nfiller (1993) claims that compounds in English are Lexical Phrases (LPs) without Functional Phrases (FPs). As mentioned before, compounds are words at X' level category. Derivation, where affixes attach to roots, is another way of forming words. There are obvious similarities between these two types of word formation, in the sense that suffixes attach to nouns to form another noun or verb. This fact has led linguists such as Di Sciullo and Williams (1988) and Villalva (1992) to suggest that a theory of LP



I





2

would be able to account for both compounding and derivation, because word formation has no access to functional categories. However, recent research in Romance shows that compounds do have access to FPs. Ishikawa (1997) suggests that the structure of some synthetic compounds, such as sacacorchos in Spanish (saca rolhas in Portuguese) 'bottle opener' may be analyzed as V-DP because corchos is used as a general plural. Other examples found in my data such as um/a pj de cana 'a-masc/fem foot of cane', 'drunk' suggest that human cloning (Harris, 1991) may be assigned to the word at LF but the functional head will determine its sex only when inserted in the DP. P6r do sol, literally 'set of the sun,' 'sunset' is a DP in which the article o 'the-masc.' occupies the Spec position of PP. The same can be said about 'educaqdo a distdncia 'distance learning' where a 'the-fem.'is again in the Spec position of PP. These examples lead us to conclude that compounds are extracted from the DP and they have properties such as gender, plural, and N movement. Therefore, quoting Miller (1993:109),

The lexicon/syntax dichotomy may be too simplistic; ... the generalization involves theories of X's, LP, and FPs, all of which share some principles but
are entitled to properties of their own.

During the process of compounding it will be the head inside the compound that inherits the features of category (nominal), semantic, person, gender, number, and case by means of percolation. The head is checked in the DP in which the compound is inserted. Compounds with a semantic head are endocentric and those without a visible head are exocentric. Recent proposals to unify this theory posit that both endo-, and exocentric compounds have heads. Varela (1989) suggests a deverbal head for synthetic compounds such as toca-discos 'record player.' Cedeflo (1992)





3

also has a unifying solution for headship in Spanish N+Adj and Adj+N egocentric compounds. In chapter 8 1 will analyze how these proposals relate to Portuguese data when I address the issues related to exocentrics. At this point, what seems important is that there is an area of research that explains compounding as a unified phenomenon, where the head may not be always visible but is nonetheless present. Otherwise, compound features such as gender and number would not be checked by the functional categories in the DP.

Some of the controversial issues implied in the previous paragraphs can be summarized in the following questions: If compounds and DPs have the same syntactic order, which criteria distinguish one from the other? What are the possible syntactic operations in compounds? Can the principle of headship be generalized for all compounds? Does the language parameter for Romance function for Portuguese? How do principles of syntax, semantics, morphology, and phonology interact? How do these issues relate to actual data?"

The purpose of this dissertation is to answer these questions and advance the research in compounding. To my knowledge, there is no previous formal study of Portuguese compounding under the framework of FPs. This research is based on and adapted from current literature in Romance, mainly in Spanish and Italian, which are languages more similar to Portuguese in structure and meaning than French. These studies, in turn reflect a broader view of syntax, that of universal grammar. Valley morphology and phonology present idiosyncrasies that are language specific, syntactic phenomena can be explained by general linguistic principles.








Collection of the data presented in this study began in 1993. The criterion

used for the selection was usage. The data reflect what the contemporary media say, create, and disseminate. The sources are current magazines and newspapers. Dictionaries of slang and expressions were consulted and also were used as part of the corpus. Under the general endocentric/exocentric semantic categories, 549 compounds have been classified, according to their lexico-syntactic components. The chart presented in Section 2.6 suggests that the most productive are N+N, N+P+N, N+Adj, and VN.

In the next chapters I expand on the issues summarized in this introduction. In chapter 2, 1 analyze headship in Brazilian compounds and expand criteria for identifying compounds. In chapter 3, 1 review diachronic data presented by Brazilian linguists and present data on Portuguese of the sixteenth century to confirm the fact that compounds are sensitive to EP. In chapter 4, 1 show that both compounds and derivation can be analyzed under the general framework of principles and parameters. In chapter 5, 1 examine two compound forms of reduplication. One is formed by an iambic CVCV pattern that is typical of hypocoristics and the other is formed by the repetition of intransitive verbs that discharge an "event" argument. Chapter 6 covers endocentric compounds and their categories and chapter 7 covers right-head compounds. Chapter 8 analyzes exocentric compounds. In Chapter 9, I present a pilot study of 80 body part compounds, analyzing headship, syntactic representation, and semantic analysis. The semantic analysis follows the principles of cognitive semantics and the implications of the studies of Lakoff and Johnson's (19 80) and Lakoff s (1990) studies on metaphors. In chapter 10, I look at synthetic compounds





5

under the framework of First Sister Principle. In chapter 11, I look at some important conclusions drawn from this investigation.

Before these issues are examined in more detail, I will define what a

compound is. Section 1.1 shows that compounds and DPs/VPs share the same word order, but have different semantic meaning. In 1.2 linguistic criteria is examined to identify compounds. Section 1.3 shows how compounds get their semantic roles assigned. Next, section 1.4 1 look at heads in compounds, and in section 1.5 at the internal structure of compounds. I conclude in section 1.6 by briefly examining the proposal to study compounds under DPs.

1.1 Compounds and Noun Phrases

The order of the constituents in a DP in Romance according to Cinque (1994) and Longobardi (1994) is represented as follows: D[D N AP]DP. Similarly, the compounds above follow the order: [D(um)N[ adolescente problema]] DP, [D [N pronto socorro]]. Since both compounds and nouns present the same word order in Portuguese, and compounds obey the same stress rules as nouns,' other criteria must be used to differentiate them. Consider the examples below:

(1) a. Ele j urn adolescente problema. 'he is a problem adolescent' b. Ele j urn adolescente problema cr6nico 'he is a chronic problem
adolescent'
c. Ele j urn adolescente problema cr6nico 'he is an adolescent chronic
problem'

(2) a. Isto j urn pronto socorro. 'This is an emergency hospital'
b. *... j wn pronto socorro As vitimas. ... is an emergency for the victims.'
c. Isto j urn pronto socorro as vitirnas. 'This is of immediate help to the
victims.

(3) a. Ele 6 urn desmancha-festas. 'he is a party pooper' In English, stress differentiates greenhouse (compound) from green house (NP). In Portuguese there is no stress difference between a compound and an NP.





6


b. Ele urn desmancha-festas desagrad6vel' he is a nasty party pooper' c. *Ele desmanchafestas desagraddvel he poops nasty-sing agr. parties' Nouns and compound nouns present some differences:

* (1c) is ungrammatical because cr6nico is understood as a modifier of problema,

which is a N by itself and not part of the compound.

" (2b) is ungrammatical because the PP as vitimas cannot be a complement for the

compound. It does not make sense. In (2c) we no longer have a compound.

Pronto socorro is understood as immediate help and therefore accepts the PP

complement. 2

" Comparing (3a) and (3b) we see that desmancha-festas is frozen as a noun. When

the compound is broken, the VP does not accept an adjective outside the VP. It

violates well-formedness.

We are now in a position to make two important generalizations: (i) the

syntactic order is exactly the same in compounds and NPs; (ii) once compounded the constituents cannot be dissociated. The examples above also suggest some differences between NPs and compounds. Both the compound and NP adolescente problema categorize a type of adolescent and pronto socorro a kind of help, but as compounds, adjectives cannot refer to a noun inside the compound.

Based on the initial generalizations described above, I will now establish the criteria to distinguish between NPs and compounds below. Following Sandmann




2 See Giorgi & Longobardi (1991:122); Cinque, 1994. Adjectival modifiers predicate a quality of the head noun without denoting an object in the world, and function as an argument of the head. On the right they can have a restrictive or appositive meaning, such as socorropronto, but on the left they are only appositive. They occupy Spec position. Socorro brasileiro' help Brazilian' differs from
*brasileiro socorro, where brasileiro is referential and can only be placed at the left side.





7

(1990), 1 will show how semantic, syntactic, phonological, and morphological principles define a compound.

1.2 Criteria to Identify Compounds

Morphological criteria show that some compounds get pluralized by adding

-s to the whole compound, such as cinejornais 'newsreels' and bate-papos 'chats.' Note that the latter is metonymic and literally it means 'move-jaw.' However, because compounds in Portuguese are sensitive to FP, we have questres chave 'key question' and anos dourados 'golden years.' In the former only the left N is plural, while in the latter both the N and the Adj. are. The right N functions as a complement. Thus, the plural form may help identify some compounds but we cannot generalize it as a rule for all.

Human Cloning is a way of identifying such exocentric compounds as [D os N e [PP sem terra] DP 'the landless people' and [D o/a[N epj de valsa]] 'someone who likes to dance.' In these examples the compound works as a phrasal complement of an empty head.

Phonological criteria show that ia 'mother, woman,' from Yoruba, is

reduplicated, forming an iambic CVCV pattern in laid 'mistress of the house.' Also, there are vowel changes in hybrid compounds such as tomaticultura 'tomato culture' and pacotologia 'science of packaging.' The last vowel of tomate and pacote drop and an epenthetic vowel is added. This vowel is i for Latin roots (cultura) and o for Greek roots (logia). These compounds are formed by agglutination.

Semantic criteria distinguish the NP and the compound copo de leite 'glass of milk' and 'trumpet lily.' In 'glass of milk' the meaning is compositional, but in





8

'trumpet lily,' the compound is a metaphor for a kind of flower, that is one lexical item resembles another.

Not only semantic, but also syntactic criteria distinguish dedo-duro 'snitch' from 'hard finger.' *Ele 9 urn dedo-duro e inveterado 'it is a hard and unchangeable finger' is ungrammatical, because duro 'hard' cannot be a separate adjective. It can only be part of the compound. Inveterado refers to the compound as in 'ele j um dedo-duro inveterado 'he is an unchangeable snitch.' Syntactic criteria are the most reliable for distinguishing compounds. Examples (1), (2) and (3) above show how the distinction between compounds and NPs, and the FPs gender and number distinguish an endocentric from exocentric compound by means of assigning gender, as inpi de cana 'unit of sugar cane' versus o/a pi de cana 'a heavy drinker.'

Identifying compounds by using syntactic criteria finds opposition from

research based on the lexicalist hypothesis for Romance. The present study builds on and modifies previous work in Romance compounding conducted under some version of the lexicalist hypothesis (Di Sciullo & Williams (1988) for French; Villalva (1992) for Portuguese; Scalise (1992) for Italian). Di Sciullo & Williams (1988) claim that there is no reason for compounding in Romance since the syntactic structure of N+N compounds is the same as NP. The only syntactic structure they recognize is the synthetic V+N, such as (tiro a) queima roupa, LT 'shot at burn clothes,' 'point blank.' The VP becomes a noun by a marked rule that accounts for the fact that some nouns are made from VPs. I do agree that the distinction between NP and N+N compounds is sometimes indistinct but the data in this study contradict the alleged nonexistence of Portuguese noun compounding. The data presented in (1), (2), (3)





9

contradict these claims. Novel compounds abound in current magazines and daily newspapers. Music, sports, religion, and politics are expressions of culture and provide fertile ground for compound creation. Some compounds are analogies, such asfracasso mania 'failure-mania,' a calque from an old Greek form cleptomania 'kleptomania.' Economists describe the Brazilian economy as cyclic, moved by psychological ups and downs. Downs are characterized by a 'failure-mania' attitude when nothing is going right. Beatlemania and videomarna 'video watching mania' are other current examples. Compare these with the expression mania de voc (literally mania of you) 'thinking of you all the time.' Other compounds are formed by reduplication such as quebra-quebra 'a break-break event' (a riot where people break up public property, such as trains). I will return to these examples in the next chapters.

Recent research on Conceptual Semantics (Jackendoff, 1995) can be applied to compound meaning in several ways when argument structure is considered. Usually associated with verbs and the discharging of their 0 roles, argument structure also holds between nouns. The next section describes it in more detail.

1.3 Conceptual Semantics and Compounds

Conceptual Semantics (Jackendoff, 1995) is concerned with the form of the internal mental representation that constitutes conceptual structure along with the relations between this level and other levels of representation. Conceptual structure is the domain of mental representation over which rules of logical and pragmatic inferences apply.





10


Conceptual formation rules
44
conceptual structures

t vision, action

Rules of inference



Figure 1.1
Conceptual Structure


The examples below presented by Jackendoff (1995:21) may be considered

extreme, but they show how "rules of construal" and "rules of pragmatics" permit one to interpret:

* an NP that normally denotes X is used metaphorically to denote an individual: [One waitress says to another:] The ham sandwich over in the comer wants some more coffee (after Numberg, 1979).

9 an action that is contextually associated with X used as another metaphor: The candidate Ollie Northed her interview (after Clark & Clark, 1979).

These principles can be applied to examples discussed previously, e.g., dedo duro and pi de cana. Jackendoff (1995: 242) suggests that ham sandwich functions as a head adjunct when a rule of construal maps the term ham sandwich into [person contextually associated with ham sandwich]. This same concept can be extended to os e sem terra with a rule of construal mapping sem terra into [a group of workers who do not own land]

From the perspective of what constitues a metaphor, Lakoff and Johnson (1980) say that a metaphor is not a word but an ontological generalization created








around the concept that the word or the words represent. In the example of the principle above, the idea of a restaurant and related imagery function as the underlying background for the metaphor to spontaneously develop. Pragmatic knowledge about food is also involved in recovering the meaning. These concepts function as our background knowledge, and I argue that we apply the same principle to metaphor- reading, that is, we understand one domain of experience in terms of an other.

1.4 Heads in Compounds

In this section I want to show that compounds, like NPs, have a head and that adjectives and PPs are adjoined to the right of the compound according to the head subject parameter for Romance languages. I start by defining word order in Romance and the position of the syntactic head. Then, I categorize compounds according to the semantic component of the head.

1.4.1 Syntactic Head

It has been proposed (Bernstein 1991; Cinque, 1994) that the surface order of a Romance NP is [Det N+ Adji. One exception will be briefly addressed now then developed in Section 6.2.6. That exception is the distribution of predicative adjectives, such as grande in urn grande livro and pronto in the compound pronto socorro. It has been suggested (Cinque, 1994) that such adjectives occupy an intermediate functional position between the N and Spec, so would block the noun movement across these adjectives. Since meaning of these adjectives is referential, they refer to one specific book in the former example and one specific kind of help in the latter.





12

1.4.2 Semantic Head

Compounds are usually divided into lexical-syntactic categories as nouns, adjectives, verbs, prepositions, and adverbs. In endocentric formation the resulting compound is usually a sub-category of the head. Lyons (1979) characterizes hyponymy as being a relationship between two words in which the meaning of one includes the meaning of the other. In (1), (2) adolescente-problema andpronto socorro, adolescente-problema is a type of adolescent. The same relationship holds for (4), (5) below in which tamanhofamilia is descriptive of size and amarelomostarda a type of yellow.

(4) tamanhofamilia 'a family-size object': esse objeto j tamanhofamilia 'this object
is family size.

(5) amarelo mostarda 'mustard yellow color': a blusa dela i amarelo mostarda 'her
blouse is yellow mustard.

Appositional compounds are usually interpreted as composed of an XY

semantic structure where X=Y and Y=X. Appositionals are composed of N+N. The nouns have the same semantic domain such as names of occupations, professions, and places. N+N endocentric compounds cannot be reversed (* problema adolescente), but appositionals, shown in (6), literally 'a ship that is a factory and a factory that is a ship' can. Other examples in Portuguese, however, seem to suggest more of a scale of meaning, e.g., poeta-presidente, 'poet-president,' usually interpreted more like a president who is a poet, so it can be reanalyzed as endocentric.

(6) navio-fiJabrica 'floating-factory' 'este d o novo navio-f6brica da Marinha' 'this is
the new Navy factory ship; f6brica-navio 'factory-ship' is the other possibility.

Dvandva compounds are usually interpreted as X & Y, such as the example

(7), below, that refers to an event. Other examples are Brasil-Argentina 'Brazil-





13


Argentina', quarto-e-sala 'room and living room'or 'efficiency apartment.'3

(7) queios e vinhos 'wine and cheese' 'isto j um evento de queios e vinhos'
'this is an event of wine and cheese.'

In exocentric compounds while there is no phonological head, notice that their semantic interpretation requires one. Furthermore, a lexical item may freeze at its output and conform to the principle that "an NP that normally denotes x is used to denote ay, y being an individual or event." (Jackendoff, 1995). I propose that a No projection not only inherits the features of the compound but gives it what Harris (1991) called "human gender," that is taking either feminine or masculine gender according to the sex of the referent. The gender will be shown in syntax by an anaphorically related pronoun. The sentence in (8) demonstrates this.

DP

D NP [body part metonymy]
V\j
cabega quente

Figure 1.2
Syntactic Representation of Exocentric Compounds


(8) cabega quente 'quick tempered'; ele/a j um/a cabega quente 'he/she is a quick
-tempered person'

(9) batata quente 'hot potato problem'; ospaparazzi sdo uma batata quente 'the
paparazzi are a hot potato'

(10) meio-quilo (half-kilo) 'small person'; O meio quilo j bravo! 'The "half-kilo"
person is an angry type'
(11) besta-quadrada (square beast) 'stupid person'; ele 4 uma besta quadrada 'he is
an asshole'

(12)j6vem guarda (young guard) 'young group'; Roberto Carlos d o cantor mais
importante daj6vem guarda Roberto Carlos is the most important singer of the

3 Dvandvas have two similar or optionally opposite elements coordinated by e 'and.'





14


young group'

Examples (8) and (9) have the same lexical-syntactic composition (N+Adj) and the same adjective, quente, but the roles assigned to the heads are different. Both compounds refer to entities, but (8) is ascribed to a person and (9) to an event, as mentioned before. In (8) quente 'hot' describes the effect of being hot, and in (9) the state of being hot. I will address the different characteristics of entities later in this chapter and changes of state in section 9.7, when I will discuss issues relating to cognitive semantics.

Compounds defined as synthetic are represented as [V+N] N or [V+DP]DP in most Romance languages. In (13) and (14) the internal argument of the verb is assigned in the compound but the external argument is not discharged. Higginbotham (1985 ) suggests that the event role is always discharged by verbs. As a result, the deverbal compounds formed present an event argument.

(13) desmancha-festa 'poop-party, a sad person whose bad humor becomes
contagious' 'ele j um desmanchafesta' 'he is a party-pooper'

(14) arrasta-pi 'drags feet' isto d um arrasta pi' 'this is a feet-drag event'

(15) Deus nos acuda 'God help us 'esta situaqdo estd como um Deus nos
acuda 'this is a God help us all situation

(16) Quebra-quebra 'break break' 'Neste evento deu-se um quebra-quebra' "at this
event a riot happened.

Following Higginbotham, Sproat (1985:172) adds that "driver" in the English compound truck driver inherits both the actor (agent) and the event e in its semantic component. In her proposal for French, Lieber (1992:66) suggests that the structure for essuie-glace (limpador de para brisas in Portuguese 'cleaner of windshield'), 'windshield wiper' is similar to -er in English. French, like Portuguese, lacks the





15

agent/instrumental affix, but the VN compounds are interpreted as instrument/agent nouns, and are usually masculine. Based on this similarity, Lieber proposes that in French (Romance) V+N synthetic compounds are formed by zero affixation. Varela (1989) adds to Lieber saying that the head is a deverbal noun of an agentive type on the left, whose features percolate to the top of the word. Following Varela, I argue that internally, according to the First Sister Principle (Sproat, 1985:214), the internal

0 role is discharged as in (13), (14). In (16) only the event argument is discharged, because the verb is used as intransitive. Synthetic compounds and reduplications present similarities. Both are composed of verbs that become nominalizations by zero derivation. These are considered "possible words" because, except for a few, they are not lexical entries. Consider, however, o/a guarda 'the watchman, the guard (feminine) and the dvandva, comes e bebes 'eat and drink event.' In the latter the nouns are pluralized.

1. 5 Compounds under DP

The arguments of DP are projected in the same fashion as the arguments of VP and other lexical categories. Following Sportiche (1988), I suggest that DP, like sentences, projects a shell structure with levels of complementation and a raising of the head. The number of levels projected depends on the number of arguments and modifiers licensed by the head. The theoretical background I assume for agreement is Longobardi (1994). He proposes that an abstract feature R(eferential), which is strong in Romance, requires syntactic movement of N0 before spell-ou, that is, phonologically expressed. Agreement in DP is a local relation. Lexical elements with morphological and case features must be drawn from the lexicon and checked for





16


case and agreement in appropriate positions. At any point of the derivation the Well out operation may be applied. Agreement, therefore, is not a result of government. The formal structure of the DP can be rewritten now as [ D ... R(eferential) Agr Num ... NJ DP.

1.6 Conclusion

It has been shown that compounds in Portuguese copy the syntactic structure of DP and VP, which suggests that this kind of word formation is sensitive to syntax. Therefore, it is expected that compounds will have a head. The complements are at the right side of the head in Romance, except for NPs or compounds containing referential adjectives and hybrid compounds. Some compounds function as an adjunct of their empty head. The empty head is co-indexed with functional heads when inserted into a DP.













CHAPTER 2
HEADS IN COMPOUNDS

One of the central. issues in Romance compounding is to set specific

guidelines that differentiate compounds from NPs. Except for a few right head compounds (Chapter 7) such asfracassomnania 'failure mania,' compounds in Romance are formed the same way as NPs in syntax. The four criteria previously described in the introduction account for the prototypical examples, but the borderline types require more attention. In this chapter, 1 will review the literature on Romance and Germanic headship assignment that is relevant to Portuguese compounding. I will look for similarities in Romance and contrasts in Germanic languages. The notion of head is a language universal, but the parameter for Romance and Germanic is opposite in terms of the left/right direction of its complements. In Romance the noun complements are to the right of the head [D N Adj]DP, and in English to the left [DP Adj N]DP.

Following the standard categories used in compound literature, I will classify the data in Portuguese into endocentric, exocentric, appositional, dvandva, and synthetic compounds. The reason for this classification is to account for the most striking features of each one. Endo/exocentric are semantic categories for compounds that do/do not have a head. Although 1, in fact, claim that all compounds do have a head and show their null syntactic head as a proof, I will use the traditional classification to establish the differences between the two. Appositional follows the




17





18

syntactic order of appositives and is defined as having two constituents with equal status (Rainer and Varela, 1992). 1 argue that one constituent accumulates the function of the other, but their status is not necessarily equal. Dvandvas have a special coordinate relationship in which the meaning of one constituent is added to the meaning of the other (Spencer, 1992). They have two heads. The synthetic compound is the result [VNP] of a syntactic operation whose output is a noun.

I first examine criteria for identifying compounds based on Lieber's licensing conditions for French (1992). The reason for choosing her approach is twofold. Not only does she establish the bases for research in compound theory, she also looks at generalizations across several groups of languages. With these considerations in mind, I proceed to a taxonomy of the data based on the endo/exocentric distinction, that is, whether compounds have a visible head, e.g., adolescente problema 'problem adolescent,' or a null head, e.g., e sem terra 'the landless.' Both present the same lexicosyntactic categories, such as N+N, and N+PP. Using them to classify the data permits cross-categorial observations that provide valuable information about compounds.

2. 1. Criteria for Identifying Compounds in English

Lieber mentions three criteria for identifying compounds: stress, word order, and inseparability (1992:12-13). However, she states that these criteria are not devoid of problems, three of which are discussed below.

1 In English it is usually the leftmost stem that receives the heaviest stress. In Portuguese the stress falls on the stressed syllable of the rightmost element in endo/exocentric compounds (except for the ones belonging to the [N [PP N]]





19


category), whereas for both elements of dvandvas, and also appositionals maintain independent word stress, as in:

(1) a. qudrto e sla' room and living room, efficiency apartment'
b. adolescente probldma 'problem adolescent'
c. bdba-de-mdqa 'a kind of syrup that goes on top of cakes'

In other words, stress is assigned to compounds, following the same regular stress rules of the language. However, Rainer and Varela (1992:124), R&V hereafter, remind us that in Spanish, frequently used highly lexicalized words are often treated as monomorphemic. The same holds for Portuguese. They become "de-stressed" in the sense that only the second word gets stress. Consider the pronunciation of

(2) a. sem tMrra /seint6xa/' landless'
b. cinejorndl /sinij oxniu/ 'cine journal'

Stress, in Portuguese, then follows the regular stress rules of the language and it is not a reliable criterion to identify compounds because it doesn't enable the speaker to distinguish them from other DPs.

2. In English the elements of compounds appear in a different order from that of a phrase. So, DP[DP [N truck driver]] is a compound and DP[ DP [N driver PP of trucks]] is a DP. In fact, compounding in English can be defined as a purely lexical process. In Portuguese, N word order is one and the same for both Ns and compounds. Consider the examples in (3) below:

(3) a. [DP [N copo de leite] 'a flower whose shape is similar to a white glass; a type
of lily'
b. [DP [N copo PP de leite ]] 'glass of milk'

(4) a. [DP [Np depato]] 'flippers'
b. [DP[N pi PP depato] 'duck's feet'





20


3. Elements of a compound cannot be separated (e.g., a black heavy board). Compounds are inseparable units, considered atoms from a syntactic point of view (Di Sciullo And Williams, 1988:46). This characteristic is a syntactic test for compounding, placing it apart from noun phrases. If we insert the adjective grande "big" between the two nouns of (5a) and (5b) below, we destroy the compound. In other words, its constituents cannot be separated.

(5) a. bicho-de-pi 'a fungus that develops in the foot'
b. *bicho grande de pi big organism of foot'
c. mico leio 'a type of monkey'
d. mico bonito ledo 'monkey pretty lion'

In Portuguese, this criterion can be applied to all compounds, e.g., mico preto 'a type of monkey' cannot be separated. The insertion of the adjective grande 'big' into (5 b) interferes with the semantic interpretation of (5). In (5d), the meaning of mico ledo is not preserved. Consequently, bicho-de-pi and mico ledo are compounds.

2.2 Semantic Head

The notion of the semantic head in compounds is associated with the concept of hyponymlhyperonym (Lyons, 1979). Following Lyons, Rainer and Varela (1992:122) say that head is the hyperonym of the whole complex word. The consequence of this view is that the head and the compound share the same syntactic and functional categories.

Came'meat' -Hyperonym N
+ ferm.
+ sing



Came-se 4~Hyponym [N
Figure 2.1
Semantic Head





21



The compound above is the final result of a process of change that Leech

(1974) describes as petrification. He distinguishes two steps in its formation. The first is solidification, a consequence of use, and the second, shrinkage, which means to acquire a more restricted meaning than the endocentric that generated it.

2.3 Identifying the Syntactic Head

The concept of a grammatical head in derivations can be extended to

compounds. Zwicky (1985) reminds us that the grammatical head is also the element marked for gender and/or number, that is, the morphosyntactic locus. In derivation, by means of percolation, the category of a construct and the category of its head are identical and so are their morphosyntactic features, such as gender and number.' We can posit the same for compounds. Consider the following examples in English and Portuguese

(6) a. happy Adj+ ness N-- happiness N
b. DP [DP [N maple] [ N leaves]]
c. DP[DP [N baby teeth]]

N+N

(7) a. livro-depoimento 'testimony book' livros-depoimento
b.garotalo-propaganda 'advertising model' garotas/os-propaganda
c. caixa d'dgua 'water tank' caixas d'dgua

Appositionals (having two heads, receive plural in both):

(8) a. ator-encenador 'actor-producer'-) atores-encenadores




1 The rules for number inflection in Portuguese are (a) add -s to words ending in a vowel or nasalized /a/ A e.g. casas 'houses'; (b) if the word ends in /m/, change /m/ to /n/ and add -s, e. g. som 'sound' sons; (c) add -es to words ending in /r/, /z/, or /s/, e.g., proJessores 'teachers'; (d) if a word ends in /1/, drop the 1 and add -is, eis e.g. azul 'blue' azuis, dificil 'difficult' dificeis; (e) if the word ends in /5o/, the plural is either -s miios 'hand' maos, or -aes e.g.cdes 'dogs', or -6es bot5es 'buttons.'





22


When endocentric compounds are formed with an adjective, be it a noun + adj or adj + n, they will be inflected for number. This occurs because in Portuguese an adjective agrees in number and gender with the noun it modifies, including compounds:

(9) a. livre-pensador 'free thinker' livres-pensadores
b.obra prima 'masterwork'-> obras primas

The exocentric compounds behave the same way. The plural form of the article will take the unmarked generic masculine gender of the empty head as in (10Oa). (os homens 'the men'). Compare (10a). and (10Ob). In (10Ob), which is endocentric, the preposition attaches to the noun like a prefix. A prefix is different from a suffix in the sense that it does not change the gender or number of the head.

(10) a. [ DP[e] [PP sem terra]] 'no land'- os [e] sem terra 'the landless people'
b. contra-almirante contra-almirantes' rear admiral'

Based on the absence of a strong syntactic or phonological distinction between compounds and DPs in Romance, some authors state that there are no compounds in Romance, except for the synthetic (V+N), such as guarda-lougas 'cupboard.' Villalva (1992), following DiSciulo and Williams (1988), renames compounds as syntactic words, because the structures involved are APs, DPs and VPs. However, the examples that she gives of N+N=N are typical of compound formation. The difference between the examples she cites (1992:209)

(11) a. ator-encenador 'actor-producer'
b. bomba-relgio 'time bomb'

is syntactic. The first is appositional, having two heads, and the second endocentric, of the IS A type. A bomba-reldgio is a kind of bomb. Number inflection confirms this difference: atores-encenadores and bombas-rel6gio. It is true that compounds are sensitive to many syntactic rules, such as number and gender, when inserted in DPs.





23

The examples given by Villalva cannot occur in post-head position in syntax. If we interpret the constituents separately, both (12a) and (12b) become ungrammatical These examples demonstrate the opposite of what Villalva claims. Insertion of an element at the end is another syntactic test to distinguish a compound from a DP.

(12) a. A bomba-rel6gio do terrorista 'the time bomb of the terrorist'
b. *a bomba rel6gio do terrorista 'the bomb watch of the terrorist'

Lieber presents a similar argument for English when she says that nouns such as blue in sky blue can only occur in pre-head position compounds.

(13) a. sky blue 'a type of color, blue like the sky'
b. blue sky
c, azuipiscina 'a type of blue like the blue of a swimming pool'
d. piscina azul 'blue swimming pool'

2.4 Head in Hybrid Compounds

The head of hybrid compounds is on the right. Villalva (1992: 203), analyzing hybrid compounds in Portuguese, states that "the position of plural suffixes provides formal evidence for the identification of the head with the rightmost constituent."

(14) a teenocracia 'technocracy'
b. pirotecnia 'pyrotechny'

In their analysis for Spanish, Rainer and Varela (1992:121) add that hybrids are often analyzed in the literature as right-headed because they can be modified by an Adj P, Adv P or PP, which is one of the most regular characteristics of compounding.

(15) a. cinejornal da tarde 'newsreel of the afternoon'
b narcotrdfico colombiano 'Colombian narcotraffic'

Another argument is that once inserted in the lexicon, other words are formed by derivation, such as

(16) a. narcotraficante 'narcotics dealer'
b. paraquedista 'parachutist'





24

Many recent hybrids are calques of words in English. Others are formed from Latin/Greek roots attached to stems in Portuguese. Hybrids not only do not follow regular patterns of compound formation, they are not part of derivation, although they present characteristics of both. It is wonder hybrids are treated as "exception" to the left headship rule for compounding. As I will show in Chapter 7, we can analyze both the hybrid compositional and the derivational type under the framework of noun incorporation.

2.5 Syntactic Representation

The licensing conditions of a language should hold for compounds as well. According to Lieber (1992) for French, "heads are usually initial with respect to modifiers", as came seca 'dried meat.' Identical Daughter- DiSciullo X-bar representationand Williams (1988:24).

NO DP
/ \ /
N0 Adj D NP
came seca / \
N0 Adj
came seca
(c) X-bar representation of plural

DP
/ \
D NP
as / \
N N
Garotas propaganda

Figure 2.2
Syntactic Representation





25


Extending X-bar theory to compounding, we can state that the head

determines the lexical-syntactic category of the compound. In the example above, the N+Adj care seca 'dried meat' is a left-headed compound. The features of the leftheaded element percolate up to the branching node dominating the stem and making it a noun.

2.6 Data Classification

The survey reflects current use and coinage of the language. The compounds have been collected over four years (1993-1997) from two leading weekly Portuguese-language magazines, Veja, and Isto L. It is my understanding that current newspapers and leading magazines are the best source of both novel compound creation and well established forms, because media writers want to say as much as possible in a short text. The language of sports, music, and technology especially abound in compound use.

The creation of novel compounding also depicts the social perspective of a

specific place during a certain time. The 1950s in Brazil were mostly characterized by government repressing civil opposition, and romantic samba music.

(17) a. anos rebeldes 'rebel years'
b. samba-canqdo 'samba-song'

The 1960s embraced he philosophy of flower-power known in Brazil by the slogan below, and the music was influenced by jazz. (18 ) a paz e amor 'peace and love'
b bossa nova 'new way.'

In addition, other compounds from grammar books and native speakers' oral language are included. Dictionaries of slang and expressions have also been





26


consulted. As mentioned before, a short list of the sixteenth century compound examples is included. There is also a classification of reduplication as a separate linguistic phenomenon.

Special attention is given to the recent productivity of appositional compounds in the media. Magazines abound with this type of compounds. They are hyphenated in spelling, perhaps to stress that their meaning is compositional, and are a productive noun-forming pattern.

(19) a. cidade-satilite 'city satellite; cities that developed around the capital of
Brazil'
b. general-presidente 'general-president'
c arnante-prostituta 'lover-prostitute' d. sliopping-rnetr6 'underground mall'

2.6.1 Productivity

The focus of this investigation is to identify the types of compounds and the patterns they form. The number of times (tokens) compounds were used was not computed because too many variables would have had to be considered, such as subject matter, current events, and personal preference. In addition, an analysis of these variables is not within the scope of this investigation, which belongs in the fields of semniotics and sociolinguistics.

2.6.2 Categories

Besides the categories previously described, a detailed study on body part compounds was also undertaken. Due to the similarity in semantic content, the classification is presented in the Appendix separate from the other exocentrics. The few examples of reduplication that are compounds are also presented as a separate category due to their phonological content.





27



TABLE 2.1
Compound Categories



ENIDOCENTRIC 213
1. N+N 65
2. NPN 49
3. P+N 8
4, Prefix+N(Adj) 17
5. N+Adj. 49
6. Adj.N 18
7. N+P+V 7
EXOCENTRIC 101
1. N N 9
2. NP+N 23
3. N+Adj. 37
4. Numeral+N 6
5.Adj+N 16
6. PHRASAL 10
DVANDVA 12
APPOSITIONAL 20
SYNTHETIC 61
REDUJPLICATION 45
BODY PARTS 72
16TH CENTURY 25
COMPOUNDS













CHAPTER 3
DIACHRONIC DATA Embora pr6
Sou pri-jatopropulsdo
0 que mefaz umpr6-pre-pr6 Termo que ndo ocorreria a meu av6 Mill6r Fernandes, 1988

Although pro
I am pre-jet propulsion That makes me a pro-pre-pro A term that would never occur to my Grandfather.


Diachronic studies have established meaningful links between Latin and

Romance languages (Camara, 1975; Penny, 1993). Also ingrained in Brazilian culture is the concept that the knowledge of Latin and Greek languages is a symbol of erudition. In the poem above, Millor overuses fanciful prefixes to create new words that do not belong in the Latin model. Speakers of other languages do the same by creating new meanings for roots and affixes. When we give serious consideration to this fact, a diachronic perspective becomes a valuable tool to better understand word formation rules. The lexicalist model also presents limitations for similar reasons (Siegel, 1974; Kiparsky, 1982). When it tries to predict the order in which affixes attach to roots, and which affixes these will be, it fails to account for many exceptions. The lexicalist model also makes predictions about the order of affixation and inflection, the latter being the last one to attach to roots. We will see in the next





28





29


chapters that gender morphemes are not always part of inflection. Instead, some are suffixes with meanings of their own.

In this chapter I review data on Portuguese morphology presented by Camara (1972); Basilio (1987); Sandmann (1989, 1990, 1991, 1992, 1997); Carone (1994); and Laroca (1994), and show that these authors refer only to the historical and lexicalist perspectives of word formation. In their descriptive approaches, no attempts are made to present the data under a unifying theory. Based on headship assignment and other syntactic operations, such as noun and verb incorporation, I propose to analyze the diachronic data presented in this chapter under the general framework of principles and parameters. I also assume as proposed by Miller (1993:3), following Halle (1990), that all existing words are stored in the lexicon The lexicon is composed of roots (word stems and affixes) and words.

As I briefly mentioned in Chapter 2, the same principles used to describe

compounding can be used for derivation. In 3. 1, the analysis of the poetic epigraph shows that derivation, inflexion, and compounding cannot be completely separated because they are part of word formation, and therefore interact with one another. In

3.2, I look at historical Portuguese and discuss some patterns of Latin that were adopted in Portuguese as models for derivation. In 3.3, I look at data from the sixteenth century and present examples of compounds with the same lexico-syntactic structure found in modern Portuguese. I finish the chapter by examining recent creations in derivation that have been lexicalized and become part of the lexicon.





30


3.1 Millor's Poem

This digression into linguistic analysis of the above-cited poem and speaker intuitions is not devoid of purpose By using examples from the poem,. I want to demonstrate that derivation and compounding cannot be completely separated. Other examples in this and the next chapters also show that derivation and inflection also are not mutually exclusive. In the evolution from Latin to Portuguese, some patterns remained virtually the same while others became opaque. The prepositions pr6 and pri in the poem at the beginning of the chapter reflect these diachronic differences. While (la), (1b) and (2a) are examples of productive patterns, (2b) has become opaque and the relationship between pre and verb ambular 'walk' is not recognized. The speaker then, will grasp the meaning as a whole without associating it to its parts.

(1) a. pr6-anistia 'pro-amnesty'
b. pr6-governo 'pro-government'

(2) a. pri-guerra 'pre war'
b. preimbulo 'walk forward' 'preamble'

Mill6r, the author of the poem, is an intuitive linguist. The most interesting aspect in his lexical and syntactic creation is his playing with the resources of word formation. By attaching the prefix pre 'before' tojatopropulsdo, the compound gains a semantic sense of chronological time, since the invention/adoption of the jet propulsion engines was a relatively recent breakthrough in aviation. Prefixing it with the adverb pr6 'in favor,' also used as a prefix, Millr forms a suprasegmental sequence where stress differentiates pr6/pr6, a Portuguese metaphony. In the pr6prj-pr6 sequence, pr6 is the preposition in favor, and pr6 is formed by clipping propulsdo into its first syllable. Miller's use of isolated prepositions also





31


demonstrates knowledge of the history of Portuguese. Pr6 is usually followed by a noun as in (Ia) and (lb). Last but not least, Mill6r describes himself as

(3) urn e pr6-pre-pr6 'a person in favor of but born previous to the use of the jet
propulsion engine'

He coins an exocentric compound that is sensitive to FPs. Agreement between an article and a null subject was not part of Latin syntax. In Old Romance, the use of more emphatic speech caused the appearance of new Determiners such as articles. That in turn caused the loss of the case system. Determiners incorporate the gender and number agreement features as in (3). Ur shows the number and gender of the null head e.

3. 1.1 Lexicalist View

The derivation ofpropulsdo below follows the pattern of Lexical Phonology, with phonological changes triggered at each level. Kiparsky (1982:132) proposed a model based on Siegel's Level Ordering (1974) that includes phonological rules that apply at each level of derivation. In this way, he separates rles that apply in the lexicon and those that operate after words have been combined into sentences in syntax. The lexical analysis below raises important questions about the accuracy of lexicalism. Looking at an alternative for the morphological steps in (4) one could also start from the rootpuls (5).

(4) a. pro (Latin) 'forward' -- pr6
b. propulsoo 'propulsion'
propulsare (Latin) --- propulsar (Port.) final vowel drops
propulsar + do -- propulsdo final r drops
propulsado unification of the same vowel
propulsdo

A more detailed analysis starts from





32

(5) pulsu + are' pulse' -4 prom pulsare- pulsar 'to pulse' propulsare-propulsar +
do 'propulse'+ ion propulsdo 'propulsion

Should a noun-to-verb conversion take place before do is attached? Can do attach straight to puls and still carry the "event" argument of the verb? If the answer to either of these questions is yes, then we have a violation of the level ordering because do is a suffix that implies a verb nominalization. Under the framework of lexical phonology, these questions are not clearly addressed.

3.1.2 Syntactic Framework

The Lexicalist view was rejected by Lieber (1992:79). Lieber's proposal, which I adopt for Portuguese, argues that affixes and free morphemes alike have lexical entries that indicate their syntactic, semantic, and phonological representation. Affixes contain a subcategorization frame indicating the environment in which they can be inserted into word structure trees. By Feature Percolation Convention the features of the head in the derivation (right side for Romance) percolate to the first non-branching node that dominates it. Propulsdo 'propulsion' Propulsare (Latin) -- propulsar (Port.) Propulsar (V) + do (N) propulsdo (N)



N +ferm
+sing

V
propulsar N +femn
ao +sin
Figure 3.1
Syntactic Representation of Derivation





33


3. 2 Historical Portuguese

Case agreement between noun and adjective disappeared during the evolution of Latin into Portuguese, but gender and number agreement remained, a characteristic of Romance. This fact may account for the considerable "zero conversion" that takes place between noun and adjective. It is headship at the left that defines the noun in a NP. If the NP is composed of two nouns, it is the leftward position that defines headship. It is only through headship position that we can tell the difference between nouns and adjectives in the DP below:

(6) a. [DP[N um professor Adj brasileiro]] 'a Brazilian professor'
b. [DP[N um brasileiro Nprofessor]] 'a Brazilian, who is a professor'

*N+N

Two nouns morphologically independent in Latin, e.g., respublica 'thing public,' established the frame for N+N and N+Adj compounding in Romance.

(7) a. couveflor 'cauliflower'
b. manga espada 'a type of mango with a shape that gives the impression of a
sword edge'
c. banana maqd 'banana with a taste that reminds one of an apple'
d. banana ouro 'small banana that when ripe the skin gets a golden color
e. rosa chd 'tea-rose.'
f. mico ledo 'a small monkey whose thick golden face whiskers reminds one of
the face of a lion'

The same structure is used for compounds borrowed from other languages

(8) a. guerra reldmpago from German Blitzkrieg.
b. fitev61ei from 'foot' and 'volley', a mix of soccer and volleyball played with
the feet and head like soccer on a volleyball court at the beach.

N+Adj.

(9) a. obra-prima 'master work'
b. parede mestra main wall.'





34


3.2.1 Opaque Compounds

Some Latin compounds formed by the thematic variant of a noun with another noun, the latter being the head, e.g., agricola 'a tiller of fields,' entered Portuguese as loan words and served as models for others. An epenthetic vowel i characterizes this type of word formation. Although these words became opaque, the roots are part of the lexicon and a matrix to form words.

(10) a. cordiforme 'shaped like a heart'
b. uniforme 'uniform'
c. disforme 'disfigured'
d. frutifero 'bearing fruit'
e. mamifro 'bearing breasts.'

3.2.2 Innovation in Romance

The examples below, cited in Camara (1972:11) and Penny (1993:11), show how adjectival phrases absorbed the meaning of nouns. My point in demonstrating this is to restate that there was considerable zero conversion between nouns and adjectives.

(11) a. fructum persicum 'Persian fruit' -> pissego 'peach'
b. fratre germanu LT true brother, 'brother of same ancestry' -- irmfo
'brother'

N+PP

In the following chapters I will present extensive data showing N+N

compounds that bear a relationship, established by either an empty preposition or by de, that seems to carry an infinite variety of meanings. Therefore, it seems opportune to transcribe Camara's examples below (1972:13). The reason for doing this is to show that de absorbed the meaning of several other Latin prepositions.





35


Ad 'a functional relation between the head and the complement'

(12) uas ad uinum (Latin)-> vaso de vinho 'wine bottle'

Ex 'out', as in the examples below in Romance

(13) a. excOntrico 'eccentric'
b. ex- primeiro ministro 'ex prime minister'

De 'made of

(14) de marmore templum (Latin) "- lemplo de mdrmore 'temple of marble'
de 'of established possession when the case system disappeared

(15) tauru coriumv couro de boi 'leather coming from a bull'

*V+N

One of the residues of the Latin Subject Object Verb (SOV) order is the Romance compound in (16a) and (17a) It violates the linearization for Portuguese which is Subject Verb Object (SVO). Therefore, it was productive only in Latin. Compare it to the productivity of (16b) in Portuguese.

(16) a. sanguessuga 'blood sucker'
b. guarda-m6veis 'closet', guarda-com idas 'food cabinet', and porta-estandarte
'flag holder'

The examples below from Klingebiel (1989) follows the SOV order. These

words have become opaque in the modem language. Notice that the meaning of (I 7a) remains unchanged (also acquired a metaphorical meaning) but (17b) has changed considerably.

(17) a. mani+ pulare 'hands prepare'-) manipular 'manipulate'.
b.manu+tenere 'hand have'-> manter 'maintain'

This brief analysis of historical evolution shows us that there were several syntactic changes in DP and VP before the patterns for modern Portuguese compounding became fixed. By the sixteenth century these patterns seemed to be






36


firmly established. According to Camara (1972:11), it was during the sixteenth

century that the linguistic norms were organized in a disciplined way, giving rise to

the first grammars.

3.3 Old Portuguese Compounds

It is not in Latin but in old Portuguese texts that we will find the matrix for

some of the compounds we use today. By the sixteenth century, the SVO order had

been defined. FPs became the head of DPs because definite and indefinite articles

were being used. Many new expressions were in the process of being petrified and

solidified (Leech, 1974) to become compounds.

Table 3.1
Compounds in Old Portuguese


Lexical/Syntactic Cat. Old Portuguese
*Casa da suplicagdo 'house of N+P+N begging'; servidor da toalha 'towel
servant'
V+N Um refina-bigodes 'a roll-mustache'
*Guarda-porta 'door keeper' Guarda roupa 'room beside the Bedroom where clothes were kept N+Adj Mordomo mor'first butler'
Pela pequena 'small ball-game' Camareiros mores 'first chambermaid'
Roda viva 'living wheel- the wheel of fortune'
Moto continuo continuous movement'
Cristdo novo new Christian' Manjar branco 'white pudding' Adj+N Gentil homem 'kind man'
Adv+N *Mal sentida 'poorly appreciated
Mal disposta 'poor disposition-sick' Prefix + N Vice-rei 'viceroy'
P+N *As sem-raz6es 'the no-reasons'
Antemdo 'before'
'*porlongas for lengths' Ssobrescrito 'postscript'





37

I consulted the book Ditos Portugueses Dignos de Mem6ria "Portuguese Sayings Worth Remembering", compiled by Josd Saraiva (1997), as a historical source of compounds, which recounts events involving members of the Imperial family and the Portuguese Court in the sixteenth century. There were two reasons for selecting this particular book. First, it is a source closer to the register of spoken language in Portugal because it mentions people and their different professions in everyday situations. Second, it reports "sayings." The chances of finding compounds increases in this kind of literature which is far more descriptive than the epic poems of the time. The orthography has been revised, making it easier to recognize "possible" compounds.

The examples in Table 3.1 suggest that there seems to be a tendency in modem Portuguese to choose a more generic noun form instead of the plural or specific gender form. Casa da suplicaqdo' house of-the-fem begging' today is casa de detenqdo 'detention house' where detengdo has a generic meaning. Compounds formed by P+N do not show the generic meaning. Sem-razaes 'no-reasons' is no longer a noun and razdo is used with a generic meaning. Prepositions were used as indicators of direction with proper nouns, e.g. Alim Tejo 'beyond Tejo (River)' and with common nouns, e.g. juiz defbra 'judge from another community.'The Spanish definite article el preceded rei 'king', marking it [+R], that is not just any king, but the king of Portugal. In Montemor o Velho 'Montemor the Old,' the name of a place, the article o is in a DP that functions as an appositive to a noun.

Compounds formed by V+N have the same syntactic order as today. The data in Table 2 demonstrate examples of words with the same lexico-syntactic categories





38

and FPs as today. The major noticeable changes are semantic. Some words (signaled by an asterisk *) are no longer used, but the syntactic structure has been preserved exactly the same. On the other hand, manjar branco, cristao novo, and guarda-roupas are compounds still in use.

3.4. The Lexicon

One of the basic assumptions in word formation is the existence of a lexicon. Most lay people do not possess extensive knowledge of languages other than their own, so it is reasonable to suppose that they carry some knowledge of roots, stems, and affixes without taking their origin into account. As stated at the beginning of the chapter, a lexicon is composed of roots (word stems and affixes) and words. Since the lexicon is our personal knowledge and regular source for compounds and derivation, it seems logical that dictionaries should somehow reflect in written form the abstract concept of the lexicon of a given language. Dictionaries should provide consistent information about affixes and word stems. The lexical entries of amdvel 'amiable' and passdvel 'acceptable' (Pequeno Diciondrio da Linmua Portuguesa, 1991) come from different sources:

(18) a. amdvel -'-from Latin amabile
b. passdvel adjective formed by passar + dve!

although both adjectives derive from verbs, only the first is given a historical origin (Hollanda, 1991): amdvel -from Latin amabile

Based on the historic evolution of Portuguese, we can say that:

amabile
amabil (loss of last vowel)
amabel (change of/i/ to a lower front vowel /e/ due to assimilation to /a)
amdvel ( change from a bilabial obstruent /b/ to a dental labial fricative /v/.





39

but example (1 8b), which was formed by analogy with the Latin model in a later period, does not get the same treatment. In the verbs below, Hollanda suggests the existence of a verb that does not really exist in (19b). Cunha's Dicionirio Etimol6gico (1996) seems more systematic in the sense that presents both words as derived from p6tria

(19) a. repatriar from the Latin repatriare,
b. expatriar 'expatriate' as ex+patria+ar.

Parallel to historic derivation, we can also decode these words today because we understand the meaning of roots and affixes. Based on this assumption, I argue, following Lieber (1992), that the examples in (18) and (19) can be derived synchronically by Feature Percolation as demonstrated in the syntactic representation of Figure 3.1.

(20) a. amcvel [amar (V) +6vel (Adj)] Adj
b.repatriar [re (P) + patriar(V)] V

3.4.1 Paraspnthetic Derivation

Although Portuguese, like its mother tongue, Latin, is an inflectional

language, there are words that seem to be formed by adding two affixes to the base simultaneously, which is more typical of polysynthetic languages (Spencer, 1992:38). The derivation of racionalizaqdo 'rationalization' (21) is can be predicted using theories of level ordering (Siegel, 1974) where one class of suffix follows another. The same does not happen in the examples presented in (22). Parasynthetic is the term used in Romance to define a derivation where both prefix and suffix are added to the stem simultaneously. This way, the derived word is composed of a root and bound morphemes. In racionaliza!do, described below, at each subcategorization





40

level there is morphological bracketing, which prevents the word from moving into the next categorization without having the proper syntactic, phonological, and morphological form. By the Bracketing Erasure Convention ( Kiparsky, 1982:140), at each stratum or level new changes could apply.


(21) racione (Latin)

Razdo (modem form) Racione

racion-old form
racion N+al Adj- rationall Adj]
racional Adj + izarv=-- [racionalizarv] racionalizar v+gdo N = [ racionalizagdoN] Thus, *raciolizar or *racioqdoal are impossible forms because verbs are derived from adjectives and N from V.

(22) a. descabelar 'to untie the hair'
b. enrugar 'create face wrinkles'

Since there are no such verbs as cabelar or rugar, the Ordering Principle and Bracketing Erasure cannot apply. The same gap is also found in adjectives:

(23) Des+ camisa N+ adoAdj= descamisadoAdj 'no shirt' is an expression used by the Peron followers in Argentina to describe the poor, and also adopted in Portuguese. Again, there is no *descamisa or camisado in Spanish or Portuguese, which leads us to conclude that -ada/o does not necessarily require a verb to attach to in order to become a nominalization. Since these examples go against the bracketing principles, perhaps some form of prefix and suffix incorporation to the base by means of a null verb could explain these derivations.





41


VP




por' put] I



\, ruga 'wrinkle'

Figure 3.2
Prefix Incorporation


3.4.2 Clipping

Another interesting type of word formation is clipping- Carone (1994:40) suggests that the speaker perceives certain endings as being a suffix, and tries to recapture the primitive word by dropping the ending. Another reason of a more pragmatic nature is that the speaker abides to a principle of economy and uses the stress rules of the language to form shorter forms. The shorter form is a synonym of the longer one. That makes two phonological shapes for the same word. In the first three examples (24 a,b,c) stress is reassigned in the syllable before the last, which is the most usual for Portuguese, but the last one (24b) has stress on the antepenultimate

Florian6poli s Granfina hilariante

Flor i Pa granf a hildrio


(24) a. Floripa from Florianopolis 'a city in the south of Brazil'
b. granfa from granfina 'refined'
c. hilrio from hilariante 'hilarious'





42


3.4.3 Back Formation

The words below suggest a pattern where the infinitive marker -r drops to

form a N ending in -a, -o, or -e. However, since we also have verbs that are formed from nouns, it is not clear which one should be the base form.

(25) a. manejo 'handling' manejar 'to handle'
b. busca 'search' buscar 'to search'

(26) a. hover 'to rain' chuva 'rain'
b. nevar 'to snow' neve 'snow'
c. ventar-vento 'to blow-wind'

(27) azeite 'oil' azeitar 'to oil'.

Miller (personal communication, 1998) questions whether these examples are really back formations and not incorporations, where the N moves to the empty V head. He says:

Back formation is a historic detail; the purpose is to create a base from which
an existing formation can be derived. Synchronically the incorporation
analysis is preferable. The existence of such process is the very rationale for
historic back formation.



VP
I
V,
I
V N(P)
[1 ] -neve

Figure 3.3
Syntactic Representation of Incorporation


3.4.4 Evaluative Affixes

Diminutives and augmentatives have been used in Romance as evaluative affixes. Take -inha attached to the adverb agora 'now' to show immediacy in agorinha. The examples below come from the colorful language used to talk about





43


politics. The rules of word formation have been flouted in order to achieve the desired effect. The prefix -des is negative and attaches to nouns, verbs, and adjectives to give them the opposite meaning, e.g. desrespeito 'disrespect.' But in example below (28) it means the opposite of how a 'mayor should behave.' It does that by violating the morphological constraints of the prefix des. Similarly, a noun gets an inflectional superlative ending of an adjective in (28b). (2 8) a. desprefeito 'des (neg)- mayor' 'bad mayor'
b. candidatirrimo 'candidate+ superlative suffix 6nimio' 'an unquestionable
candidate'.

Sandmann mentions one way of forming nouns that are names of firms or industrial prodiucts is by attaching the advertising logo lingo suffix -ex. This and other similar endings (-flex, -ax) are not suffixes by themselves and therefore, do not contribute to word meaning. The familiarity with the media and advertising have probably been responsible for the new derogatory and evaluative meaning given to

-ex in

(29) a. -ex in prafrentex 'something or a person who sees himself as advanced'
b. inodernex 'sees it or herself as modem.'

3.5 Conclusion

In the preceding sections it has been shown that not only the oldest data but also recently coined words can be analyzed under syntactic principles. Compounds are sensitive to FP and both compounds and derivation follow the principle of head feature percolation. Some derivations, such as back formations, can be analyzed as noun or verb incorporations. The existence of a personal lexicon is demonstrated by the way a speaker uses evaluative affixation to create new words. The Portuguese





44


language evolved from Latin and in its development there have been changes in syntactic order. A comparison between a diachronic and sinchromc views shows us an evolution from Latin SOV to Romance SVO. The few words that present SOV order have become opaque and the constituents are no longer recognized by the speaker.














CHAPTER 4
DERIVATION

There are aspects of Romance derivation and inflection that interface with semantics in ways not previously considered. It is beyond thle objective of this investigation to present a thorough analysis of either derivation or inflection. Instead, I will present a study of one segment of the Portuguese lexicon, the suffix -ada 'act of, event of, and suggest that the analysis adopted can be used as a framework for the study of other affixes. I chose this suffix because it interfaces not only with inflection, but also with gender. I argue that gender is a feature that has to be marked in the affix. Sometimes gender is merely inflectional, but at other times, as in -ada, it is also derivational.

4.1 Human Cloning Gender and Grammatical Gender

Before analyzing -ada, I will review the basic guidelines for the analysis of gender inflection presented by Matoso (1974) for Portuguese.

*Nouns with one gender only

()a. a rosa 'the-fem. rose'
b. o planela 'the-masc. planet'

Nouns with two genders and no noun inflection

(2) o/a artista 'the artist'

e Nouns with two genders and noun inflection

(3) a. o/a mestr/e/a 'the master'
b. o/a autor/a 'the author'


45





46


These guidelines give examples of gender inflection and human cloning (Harris, 1991:51). Harris establishes a redundancy rule for Human Nouns. Human Cloning replaces the lexical entry L with a pair of entries Lm (masculine) and Lf (feminine). That will hold for examples (2) and (3). What these guidelines fail to do is to explain numerous cases where grammatical gender is used to distinguish meaning. In the examples below in Table 4.1, the semantic domain of the human cloning is a professional category. The generic masculine is a member of a professional category and the feminine names the professional category itself. The base form is the masculine, and

-a (the grammatical feminine) is a derivational suffix.

Table 4.1
Derivation and Inflection


Masculine Feminine
.(onememb-er ofa categ-o) . (the caegr) 0 mcgico 'the magician' A magica 'the magic' 0 mfisico 'the musician' A mfisica 'the music'
0 politico 'the politician' A politica 'the politics'
0 guarda' the soldier' A guarda 'the guard'
0 lirico'thelyric poet' A lirica 'the lyric' /\+fem,
-plu]

N N
Politico a +fem
L pluJ

Figure 4.1

Syntactic representation
* Because -a gives the N the status of a professional category, it is a derivational

suffix that attaches to N that are members of a category. The semantic

representation is:





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Noun o -4 Noun -a
Members of a category -- Professional Category

Compare 'a politica'in the sentences below. In (4a) -a is derivational and (4b) inflectional.

(4) a A political de FH tem dado bons resultados FH politics has given good
results'
b 0 Lula j urn bom politico e a Benedita uma boa politica. 'Lula is a good
politician-masc. and Benedita a good politician- fem.

4.2 The Suffix -ada

The purpose of this discussion is to show that not only grammatical gender but also specific information pertaining to the affix has to be specified in its lexical entry. The suffix -ada attaches to verbs and nouns. The derivation in deverbals consists of the transformation of a participial into a feminine noun. In denominals we posit a null verb from which to derive from. Portuguese -ada and Italian -ata are similar in many ways. In their study of -at(a) in Italian, Mayo et al. (1995) propose a detailed semantics of its derivational process because merely defining it as "a N by at(a) 'an act or unit involving a base" does not seem to capture all the differences in meaning. Most of their examples can apply to Portuguese.

(5) a. focata (Italian);facada (Port.)'a thrust given with a fork, a quantity or a
substance such as food determined by the use of a fork'
b. testata (Italian); testada (Port.) 'a thrust given with the head/forehead; a thrust
received on the forehead'

Derivations like the ones above are transparent, but others, as in (6) became opaque.

(6) a jornata (Ital.);jornada (Port.) 'intervals of time'
bfacaia (Ital.);faqada 'the front of a building', deriving from face 'face'





48


4.2.1 Deverbals

Mayo et al. suggest that derivational morphology has a compositional

semantics. The suffix -ada gives deverbal nouns such as the ones below the meaning of individual or instantiated events. This is part of a more general semantic distinction between actions and instantiation of actions, which are events. Observe the examples below where (8b) is ungrammatical because it is not an event, but the act of swimming. Events are bounded and countable. The examples in (7) below are a separate event of the same action.

(7) a. nevar ; nevada 'to snow; a snowfall'
b. nadar; nadada 'to swim; a swim'
c. dormir; dormida 'to sleep; a nap'
d. correr; corrida 'to run; an event where one runs for a short period'

(8) a. Uma nadada j urn born exercicio 'A swim is a good exercise'
b. *Uma natagdo urn born exercicio 'A swimming is a good exercise'
c. Dei tres nadadas essa semana. 'I went for three swims this week.'

4.2.2 Denominals

The suffix -ada is also attached to nouns. The derivations are accomplished by positing a "null verb" and its participle, e.g., patar, narigar.

(9) a. olho- (olhar)- olhado- olhada 'eye- (to look)- looked- a look
b. pata- (patar)-patada 'paw- to hit with a paw- a 'swat'
c. nariz- (narigar)- narigada' nose- to hit with the nose- a nose blow'




Part


NPart N
Olho ar ado ada

Figure 4.2
Derivation





49

Mayo et al. suggest that a semantic operator corresponding to -ada initiates the transformation of an object concept (eye) to an individual instantiated event in which the object is involved in a central way. In (10 a) the eye plays a central role. Extending this analysis to Portuguese

(10) a. olhada 'a particular event, in which the eye is involved in the role of the organ
of vision (a kind of instrument). A particular event type using an organ of vision;
particular event of looking.

However, other -ada denominals in Portuguese have a different semantic

meaning, which is not an event. Consider the differences in meaning between (I Ila), (11 b), and (1 I c). In goiabada the suffix means 'made of and in boiada, the base noun does not represent an action. Therefore, the division between denoniinals and deverbals does not function for Portuguese because there is overlapping of categories.

(10) a. palhaqo- pa/ha qada 'clown- particular event in which an actor acts as if he
is a clown.' An event of the type 'to behave like'
b. goiaba- gojabada 'guava- a sweet made of guava'
c. boi- boiada 'ox- a group of oxen'

Following Mayer at al.'s line of thought, we ask ourselves whether there are different operators for the different meanings of -ada. If the answer is positive, they would have to tell us when these operators act and why. Not only that, but how is one meaning blocked and another activated? Rather than positing an operator, we should consider the semantic domains that -ada attaches to. In the analysis I adopted I used Bauer's (1993:193) diagram for lexical entries and divided the data into specific semantic domains. Five were identified:

(1) collectives of people/animals;,
(2) edible things become names of food;
(3) categories of people used in a derogatory way;
(4) the act of hitting or being hit with instruments /or parts of the body;
(5) an individual event of the verb.





50


Table 4.2
Collective

(i) stem : drop/o/ and add /ada/ change stress to the syllable before the last in /ada/
(ii) inflectional class: as a generic name or collective there is no plural
(iii) syntactic properties: no lexico-syntactic change N-- N [+animate]
(iv)semantic specifications:
attach to names of people and animals giving them the meaning of a group

(12) a Cachorro-cachorrada 'dog-group of dogs'
b. Mosquito- mosquitada 'mosquito-group of mosquitoes'
c. boi-boiada 'ox-herd of oxen'
d. garoto-garotada 'kid-group of kids'
e. moqo-mogada 'young man- group of young men'
f mulher-mulherada 'woman-group of women'
g.rapaz- rapaziada 'young man-group of young men'
h. menino-meninada 'boy-group of boys'


Table 4.3
Made Of

i) stem:- drop the last vowel. Add -ada
(ii) inflectional class:- although generic, plural applies (iii) syntactic properties: no lexico-syntactic change. N--4 N [+ edible]
(iv)semantic specifications: add it to names of fruit and edible things. The meaning is food or drink made of the base N


(13) a. goiaba-goiabada 'guava-guava drink'
b. peixe-peixada 'fish-fish dish'
c. bacalhau-bacalhoada 'codfish-codfish dish'
d. laranja-laranjada 'orangeade'
e.limdo-limonada 'lemonade'





51



Table 4.4
Negative Evaluation

(i) stem :the same
(ii) inflectional class: it is generic and has no plural. (iii) syntactic properties: there is lexico-syntactic change from Adj to N/N to N
(iv)semantic specifications: it means an event associated with the behavior of the actor; to behave like...


(14) a. baiano-baianada 'from Bahia- done by Baianos'
b. palhago-palhagada 'clown- done by clowns'
c. estudante-estudantada 'student- riot by students'
d. burro- burrada 'dumb- an event when one behaves like a donkey'
e. cachorro-cachorrada 'dog-an event when one person acted wrong, as if this
person were an animal, in this case, a dog.

Table 4.5
Hitting with or being hit by, Energetic Movement


(i) stem :drop the last vowel, add ada
(ii) inflectional class: add /s/ to form plural
(iii) syntactic properties: noun resulting from adding the suffix to a 'possible verb'; it is an action such kicking, throwing, hitting [+hitting]
(iv)semantic specifications: add
to parts of the body or to other objects that can be thrown, hit. An individual event where the base N is used as an instrument

(15) a. pata-patada paw- paw kicking'
b. cabega-cabeqada head- a blow with the head'
c. nariz-narigada nose- a blow with the nose'
d. pd-pezada 'foot-foot kicking'
e. joelho-joelhada 'knee- a blow with the knee'
f pedra-pedrada 'rock- rock throwing'





52



Table 4.6
Deverbals

i) stem :add ada for feminine and /ado/ for masculine to verb stem
(ii) inflectional class: add -s to form plural
(iii) syntactic properties: there is lexico-syntactic change from verb to adjective.
V--- Adj.
(iv)semantic specifications: an individual event of verb; an action represented by the base.


(16) a. nadar- nadada 'swim- a swim'
b. correr-corrida 'run- a race'
c. escapar-escapada 'escape- an escape'
d. deitar-deitada 'to lie down- a nap'

All this variety leads us to conclude that the meanings are too different to be generated by an operator acting in the suffix. Each instantiation of -ada triggers its own grammar. The division between denominals and deverbals leads to confusion because there is overlapping of classification. Baianada is a "denominal" but it is important to capture its "event" reading. All it takes for the speaker to understand these nouns is to decode one type in each semantic domain. Once the speaker learns that laranjada is something made of oranges he understands thatfigada is something made of figs. Some examples present polysemy, as in

(17) cachorrada -- group of dogs; an event when a person did something bad, a

metonymy of the kind of acting like a dog.

4.3 Etymology

The Dicionafio Etimol6gico (Cunha, 1996) registers -ada as a N suffix

derived from Latin -ata (adjective, feminine) with the meanings of collection, or small





53


portion, duration, action, result of action, collection, marked by an instrument, made of, as exemplified above. A second entry for -ada derives from -as, -adis in Latin, which in turn, derives from Greek -ds, -dos, found in collectives such as dicada 'decade', and the feminine gentilic, such as Lusiadas, J.ada 'Iliad'. Although the spelling of both suffixes is the same, the latter is distinguished from the former by a suprasegmental trait, that is the stress. Words derived from Latin are stressed in the syllable before the last; words derived from Greek are stressed in the anti-penultimate syllable. The semantic domains are different, too. There is no reason, therefore, to consider them as the same suffix.

Table 4.7
Greek Root -ds, 6dos


i) stem :add epenthetic -i and the stress falls in two syllables before the last; Gender is the same as the base
(ii) inflectional class: add -s to form plural
(iii) syntactic properties; there is no lexico-syntactic change N--- N.
(iv)semantic specifications: add
to gentilic noun to make it generic and numbers of years to make it into an period of time.


4.4 Feminine Gender

The question about the role of gender in compounding can now be tackled. First and most importantly, gender rules are very specific in Romance as far as Adjective-Noun agreement is concerned. With nouns, however, there has to be a specification of the gender in the suffix. The suffix -ada allows only feminine marking on nouns, which overrides the gender marking of the N to which attaches.





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Following Lieber's feature percolation system (1993 :93), adapted here for Portuguese, we have

FIN I + femI Fmasc




L+ masci
garoto [N I

L -masc. I
ada

Figure 4.3
Syntactic Representation

Semantic Representation Noun o 4* Noun a People -> an instantiated individual event where an actor plays the role of the base.

4.5 Conclusion

The framework suggested to study affixes includes information about (i) stress changes in the stem, (ii) inflectional class, (iii) syntactic specifications and (iv) semantic specifications. In the semantic specification the domain is stipulated. The data associated with one domain also predicts the coining of new words under that particular domain. Once solidified these derivations can become polysemic, like cachorrada. Gender inflection is associated with nouns in Romance, but -ada presents the generic meaning of an act or unit involving a base that can be either a noun or a verb. It contrasts with the masculine participial. This contrast suggests that gender inflection is not restricted to nouns and adjectives.














CHAPTER 5
THE ROLE OF PHONOLOGY, MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX IN
COMPOUNDS FORMED BY REDUPLICATION

The contribution of phonology to noun compounds is more restricted than morphology or syntax. One type of reduplication in Portuguese is composed of a prosodic word with iambic stress, which is part of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince, 1990). The other two types of reduplication follow morphological rules. The word functions like an affix that is reduplicated. In both types, there is intensification of meaning. In this chapter, I show how some phonological rules operate in derivation and compounding, eliminating syllables and transforming two words into one. Next, I look at reduplication. Although small in number, nouns formed by reduplication are extremely productive in the sense that they are part of the everyday spoken vocabulary and are often mentioned in the media.

5.1 Phonological Changes

In the lexical entries of affixes there should be information about phonological changes, including suprasegmental ones. Other possible phonological changes include:

* Apocope (last vowel of the stem truncates when a suffix is added)

(1) garoto + ada "- garotada

e Vowel Unification (vowel is the same, syllables unstressed, one vowel drops)

(2) a. arqui+ imperialista --) arquimperialista
b. contra+amirante contra-almirante /kralmiranti/


55





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* Diphthong Formation [e, o] unstressed become semi-vowels [i, u] and form a


diphthong with the adjacent vowel

(3) cinco-anista ") sin-kua-nis-ta

(4) teleanzincio "- telianzncio

* Haplology (when two syllables are the same, one disappears to avoid repetition)

(5) a. Brizola+ ldndia "- Brizolaldndia>Brizoldndia Brizola land'
b. dedodurar -- dedudurar --dedurar 'a snitch- to denounce'
c. Louca Academia -' loucaacademia ---/oucacademia -.4 loucademia 'police
academy.'

5.2 Reduplication as Word Formation

Reduplication is a type of word formation where the elements of the base are totally or partially copied. Both onomatopoeia and verb reduplication belong in morphology. Moravcsik (1976) describes how language utilizes reduplication for semantic purposes. Syllables are reduplicated to form onomatopoeia whose meaning shows intensification, repetition, or excess. (A list of reduplications is given in the Appendix.)

(6) a. bum bum 'noise'
b. frufru 'noise of dresses made of silk'
c. gag6 'too senile to utter words properly.'

Another form of reduplication consists of verbs that become nouns. These reduplications present the same semantic and syntactic characteristics: the verb is in 3rd sing. person of present tense; when compounded there is a change in lexico-syntactic category and the
reduplication becomes a noun;

* semantically, it is an event composed of smaller instantiations, that is repetition of
the same verb action;





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verbs are used in their intransitive form.

Table 5.1
Reduplication Compound Lit. Translation Meaning
JCorre(v)-corre(v)]N Run run An event where people
run around and there is riot and confusion [Pisca(v)--pisca(v)]N Blink blink A car blinker
JPuxa(v)-puxa(v)JN Pull pull Hard candy
[Quebra(v)-quebra(v)JN Break break An event where things
are broken by people such as trains and supermarkets [Come(v)-come (v)] N Eat eat A video game,
'Packman,' where one eats the enemy.



5.2.1 Svntatic Representation

Reduplication shares some similarities with synthetic compounds, to be analyzed in chapter 9, because it is also a nominalization formed by a verb. In reduplication, however, the verbs are in the intransitive form and no case is assigned. Verbs, following Higginbothan (1985), have an event as argument. Reduplications, then, are repeated events. Following Miller (personal communication, 1993), I propose that the compound is frozen after the argument is discharged and becomes a noun by incorporation.

(7) corre- corre

NP

]VP

V V
Corre corre

Figure 5.1 Noun Incorporation





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5.2.2 Semantic Interface

In the previous chapter we saw that the suffix -ada produced deverbals of the type below in (9). Similarly, in reduplication, we have a bound event encompassing several smaller events of the verb.

(8) a. corrida 'an event of running'
b. piscada 'an event when someone blinks the eye'

(9) a. corre-corre 'an event where several short corridas take place'
b. pisca-pisca 'an event where several short piscadas take place'

5.2.3 Hypocoristics and Compounds

The pattern used by a few compounds, such as nhonh6 /fiofi&/, is usually studied as a morphological process. In Portuguese, however, it is sensitive to phonology. The CVCV pattern of these compounds will be analyzed under Prosodic Phonology, which is the most appropriate for Portuguese because it identifies a type of prosodic word found in hypocoristics such as Zezj, Didi, Lad, and many others.

5.2.3.1 Reduplication Template

The concept of prosodic morphology introduced by McCarthy and Prince (1990) defines the basic character of the phonological structure in units of prosody: mora (pt), syllable (c), foot, prosodic word (PrW). Prosodic or suprasegmental features are isolated from other features into a special category that is registered in the orthographic system by means of diacritic marks or accents. These are properties associated with length, stress and tone. Reduplication and clipping are best defined in terms of prosodic morphology. Syllables are defined as light (CV) and heavy (CVC).





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The phonological weight of the syllable interferes with stress patterns. Affixation, on the other hand, does not take into account the phonology of the base.

The template formed by the prosodic word should recapitulate a parameter of the language. Following these principles, the prosodic template chosen for reduplication is not an arbitrary sequence. It is composed of a bimoraic foot [aa] with two light moras at the syllable level [aiJ.L]. The stress is on the last syllable to the right, that is, iambic stress. Iambic clipping does not permnit a heavy syllable (Kenstowicz, 1994:557). In order to satisfy the constraints of these templatic conditions if necessary the prosodic words will suffer clipping and simplification. Reduplication is not syllable copy, but the mapping of the base's segmental tier (its melody) to a phonemically empty affix.


Pr W

F

a \y



ia

Figure 5.2
Prosodic Representation


Parameter: foot of two syllables with simple onset and one mora a [jijg] Setting: stressed syllable in the foot, right side (iambic) Matching procedures: applies to the stressed syllable in the foot

5.2.3.2 Clipping

laid comes from ia (Yoruba-woman), first used by the slaves to refer to the mistress of the house. In Yoruba means 'mother.' By analogy to the feminine





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(10) a. ioi6 'man' is masculine.
b. nhonh6 'the oldest male son' and nhanhd 'the oldest female daughter,' is
feminine.

Clipping (1) Reduplication (2) New Prosodic Word (3)


(1) (2) (3)
SENOR -- NO-&0 O I I I l I t I C V CV CVC V \ / \/ \U G5 a a a \ /
F

Pr W

Figure 5.3 Clipping and Reduplication


5.3 Conclusion

Different phonological phenomena interface with semantics and syntax to form compounds in Portuguese. Phonological changes such as haplology apply to modem compounds, eliminating syllables and creating new words. This phenomenon follows a principle of economy. In the last chapter we saw examples of clipping that also obey the same principle. In reduplication, the stem is repeated to create new words. Hypocoristic reduplication examples were analyzed as a prosodic word composed of a bimoraic foot with two light moras at the syllable level. Other types of reduplication are morphologic and interface with syntax. There is change of lexicosyntactic category from verb to noun and the event argument becomes part of the noun.













CHAPTER 6

ENDOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS

An endocentric compound (see Appendix for a complete list) can be defined as a hyponym of the constituent that is its own head. They are classified according to the lexico-syntactic relationship between their constituents. In endocentric compounds the syntactic and the semantic head are the same. I start the investigation on endocentrics by reviewing the concept of syntactic head identification (Lieber, 1992) and also looking at a second way of identifying the head, which is by pluralizing the compound. Next, I list the lexico-syntactic categories of endocentrics and examine the semantic overlap among some categories. Zwicky (1985), and Scalise (1992) suggest the "IS A" test to identify the head of a N+N compound. So,

(1) a ljrro depoimento 'book testimony,' IS A (type of) book
b samba canqdo 'samba song,' IS A (type of) slower samba with a romantic
message.

There is such a variety of N+N compounds that to rely only on the IS A (type) of reading is oversimplifying the issue. Consider N+N bound by a null preposition In (2a) and (2b) it is de 'of and (2c) is para 'for.'

(2) a. carn ledo literal translation (LT) pay book lion, 'income tax pay book,'
where lion is a metaphor for the IRS power to take one's money.
b. SOS-crianca LT SOS-child 'program to help children in need'
c. saldrio-familia LT salary-family, 'an extra amount of money paid to someone
for each child the person has.

Other N+N can be rephrased as N+ an Adjunct Phrase showing similarity, such as many color names, e.g.,




61





62


(2) a amarelo- mostarda 'mustard-yellow'.
b. verde limdo 'lime-green'
c azul bandeira 'blue like the dark blue in the Brazilian flag'

6.1 Heads in Endocentrics

Following Lieber (1992) for French, the head in Portuguese compounds is

initial with respect to its modifiers. The features of the left-headed element percolate up to the branching node dominating the stems and making the node above a noun compound. The compound has the same syntactic category as the head. Nouns have access to FP, under D(eterminer)P. Following Raposo for Portuguese (1992:209), based on the proposal of Fukui and Speas (1986), the NP is a projection of the category D, working as a complement of D. The DP hosts Number and Gender. In adolescente problema 'problem adolescent' there is no need to specify the determiner as oa 'the-masc./fem., because it is not lexically marked in the compound, but inpor do sol LT set of the sun, 'sunset' sot is lexically specified for gender, carrying the feature [R(eferential)]. In this I follow Ishikawa (1997:558), who in turn based on Longobardi's proposal of [R] feature (1994), proposes "[+R] is checked iffD' is in a chain containing a [+R] expression." From a structural point of view, Longobardi suggests that the N position refers to universal concepts, while the D position determines the particular designation of the whole DP. In this case sot is marked as [+R] because it refers to the sun. In came de sot 'meat dried in the sun,' [R] is unmarked.





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(a) (b)



[e][l N


ame por
P D P DP
dede / \de
[NP o NP




Figure 6.1
Syntactic Representation


6.1.1 Feature Percolation

The head features percolate up, determining the lexical-syntactic category of the compound:

(4) a. [N + N] (o/a) adolescente-problema problem-adolescent'
b. [N + P + N] care de sol 'sun-dried meat.'

Scalise (1992) reminds us that this is not the only basis for determining the head of the compound. Grammatical and human cloning genders in Romance also identify the head. The left constituent of (4a) [+/- masc.], [+ animate] means the gender of the compound is masculine, given by the head, which is the leftmost element. We can say the same about care de sol. In the latter, adding to Scalise's observation about gender, the head also inherits the uncountable meaning feature of carne when used as a mass noun. In fact, what Scalise proposes for head identification confirms that nouns have access to FP. This is my argument for compounds in Romance.





64


(5) a. Comi muita carnet. 'I ate much meat'
b. Comi muita carnet de sol 'I ate much dried meat.'

There are six types of endocentric compounds. Their lexical syntactic categories are presented below and each will be analyzed separately.

6.2. Lexico-syntactic Categories

The six types of endocentric compounds are:

1) N+N livro-depoimento' testimony book'
2) P+N contra-mdo wrong way'
3) Prefix + N (Adj) preamar 'low tide'
4) N+P+N camisa deforqa 'straight jacket'
5) N+Adj mico preto a type of monkey'
6) Adj(Adv) + N livrepensador' free thinker'
7) N+P+VP mdquina de cortar grama 'machine of cutting grass'
'lawn mower'
6.2.1 N+N

The constituents of N+N compounds can be syntactically coordinated or

subordinated (Sandmann, 1996:118, R&V, (1992:125). Coordinated N+N with the same semantic domain are appositionals. By semantic domain I mean a restricted noun category. In the data these semantic domains are professions, places to eat, and occupations in the house. Compare (6a, b) with the borrowing (7), which presents a subordinate relationship.

(6) a. bar-restaurante 'a place which is both a bar and a restaurant'
b. cozinha-bar 'kitchen bar, a place in the house which is both a kitchen and a
bar'

(7) piano-bar 'a bar that provides entertainment by means of a piano player' Also "N+ restrictive clause" subordinate reading are (8a and b). I will come back to the subordinates after analyzing the appositionals.

(8) a. ano-luz 'light years'
b. questdo chave 'key question'





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6.2.1.1 Appositional

Although appositionals are N+N, they are usually classified as a separate category. This productive type has the following characteristics:

(1) it describes a person or an object whose profession, activity or function

respectively, embodies the combination of two of these professions, activities, or functions. That is what distinguishes appositionals from other N+N. The heads do

not necessarily have equal status or weight, but they are both to be considered;

(2) appositionals result in a combination of characteristics;

(3) the criteria for word order seems to be phonological, that is, the shorter precedes

the longer (look at the examples found in the table below);

(4) the order can be reversed and the meaning persists;

(5) both heads show pluralization.

Rainer and Varela's study of Spanish compounds (1992) presents the (5) as

evidence that these compounds to have two heads. Saying that appositionals have two heads, though, is not devoid of problems in Romance. In fact, it depends entirely on whether we consider the first element as the head that defines the major function of the compound. One of the recent Brazilian presidents, Jose Sarney, was called presidente-poeta 'president-poet' because of his literary vein However, poetapresidente 'poet-president' was also a form found in magazines. Because the syntactic relationship of the elements is of accumulation and both heads are to be considered, I will define the compounds below as appositionals and consider them as having two heads. By doing so I account for their semantic characteristics of meaning






66


of the same domain and syntactic characteristic of having two heads, as indicated by

the plural form.

Table 6.1
APPOSITIONALS


Compounds Number of Syllables Semantic Domain
Amante-prostituta' lover 3-4 Partners in a sexual relationship
prostitute'
Editor-locutor editor- 3-3 Media specialists
announcer'
General-presidente general- 3-4 Political occupations
president'
Poeta-presidente 3-4 Occupation
Bar-restaurante 1-4 Places to eat
Bar-cozinha 1-3
Tia-av6 'great-aunt' Tia -madrinha 'aunt-godmother' Babd arrumadeira 2-5 Occupation in the house
Copeirofaxineiro 3-4
Fuzil- metralhadora 2-4 Type of weaponry
'rifle- shooting gun'


Both members get the plural form. Their syntactic representation is:

IP


DP I
A 7As bolsas esculturas I VP

V/ \bP
estdo A
caras
Figure 6.2
Plural in Appositionals




(9) bolsa-escultura 'bag-sculpture'. This compound was cited in Veja (1993, Aug.

23). Pictures of this art form illustrate the double function of the compound.

So far, we have seen N+N compounds whose semantic domain is the same.

Now we will address N+N that present a subordinate relationship.





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6.2.1.2 N+N (subordinate relationship)

* N+ restrictive clause (Render is given by the head)

(10) a. adolescente problema adolescente QUE A problema 'problem adolescent'
b. piloto-rob6 'robot pilot'
c. livro- depoimento 'testimonial book'
d. questdo chave 'key question' e. cidadefantasma 'ghost town'

Zwanemburg (1992:221) suggests that this QUE E type has the same syntactic structure as un avocat ami, in French, urn advogado amigo 'a lawyer friend'. This phrase, like the compounds, has the head at the left.

* N+N with empty prepositions

The N+N below have the kinds of relationship established by the prepositions de 'of 'and para 'for'. However, there is no overt preposition linking the constituents (Compare with those in 6.2.4 that have a preposition). The preposition de can be looked at as an empty affix that joins constituents bearing the relationship of possession:

(11) a. trem-fantasma trem DO fantasma 'ghost train'
b. mestre escola mestre DA escola, 'schoolmaster'

Others have a benefactive reading with PARA 'for':

(12) a. saldrio-familia saldrio-(PARA) familia 'family salary'
b. bolsa-escola bolsa-(PARA) escola, 'school grant'

Notice that the same noun fantasma produces different readings in the sentences below. The first two are the QUE E type and the third, possession:

(13) a. cidade-fantasma 'ghost town'
b. eleitores-fantasma 'ghost-voters-votes that are counted in fraudulent
elections for voters that do not exist'
c. trem-fantasma ghost train'





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Adjunct Phrase

Color names have the reading of an adjunct phrase that means "like."

(14) a. amarelo-mostarda 'mustard yellow'
b. verde-limao 'lime green'
c. vermelho-sangue 'red blooded'

One is reminded of Wierzbicka's (1990) semantic analysis. She posits that color is perceived as associated with universals of human experience, such as day and night, sky and ocean, light and fire. These perceptions are shared by language users of different cultures. Color sensations occur in our brains, and in order to communicate these sensations, we project them onto an object or a person in our shared environment. The link between night and day, and black and white, respectively is quite obvious. The same can be said of perceiving blood as a certain red, and lime a kind of green.

Table 6.2 summarizes the underlying relationships between the constituents.

Table 6.2
Syntactic Relations

-Types Examples
N+ Restrictive( que 6) Eleitoresfantasma 'ghost voters' Adolescente problema 'problem adolescent'
N+ (empty) Prep. Phrase SOS-crianqa 'SOS-child'
N+ Adjunct Phrase (como) Amarelo-mostarda 'mustardI yellow'


6.2.2 P+N

Because prepositions antecede the nouns, noun compounds formed by P+N present a problem for the head initial parameter. We can, however, consider prepositions as prefixes that attach to nouns by incorporation. Prepositions and





69


prefixes present obvious similarities. They neither change the meaning of the noun nor the syntactic category. They are not heads like suffixes.

(15) a. [P+[N]]= N [co(m)+ (o) autor]= co-autor 'co-author'
b. [contra+ almirante]= contra-almirante 'rear admiral'
(16) a.[Pref+[N]]=N [auto+adesivo]= auto adesivo 'self-sticky'
b. [anti-cotidiano] = anti-cotidiano 'non daily'

The exocentric compounds, though seem to behave differently and are

sensitive to syntactic operations as the diagrams show. Rather than incorporate they become a PP modifying an empty noun.

(a) (b)

NP DP
/ \/ \
N PP D NP
[ ]I\ os I \
K com\ N P
\-autor [e] /
P
sem N
\.terra

Figure 6.3
Syntactic Representation


6.2.3 Prefix +N

* auto

One productive prefix not only in Portuguese but also in other Indo-European languages is auto 'self'. In automdvel 'automobile' the prefix became a lexical entry with the meaning of 'car' and gave origin to several compounds such as

(17) a. autoestrada 'auto road'
b autoescola 'driver's school'
c. autopegas 'auto parts'

These words seem to be interpreted as the Greek root + word type, because there is no record of carro-escola 'car school' or caminhio estrada 'truck road,'





70


at least not yet. Although auto has the characteristics of a prefix because it gets 'destressed' when attached to nouns, adjectives and verbs, and does not percolate any features like nouns, it also shows syntactic characteristics because it works as the theme role of the verb. It precedes nominalizations, but seldom the verbs themselves since the two affixes se, si mesmo are the reflexive verb forms for Portuguese (?autoadmirar-se, ?auto-ajudar-se would be redundant). Sproat (85:297-301) defines auto in English as anaphoric as in 'he is a self-admirer.' When he looks at nominalizations of the type exemplified below he concludes that the external 0 role is not discharged and therefore these examples are not necessarily syntactically anaphoric.

(18) a.[ajudar] v ajuda N auto-ajuda 'self-help'
b. [estimar] v estima N4 auto-estima 'self-esteem'
c. auto-b iografia 'autobiography'
d. auto-destruigdo 'self destruction'
e. auto-adesivo 'stickers.'

(19) a. A auto-estima i uma excelente qualidade. 'Self-esteem is an excellent quality'
b. Tenho auto-adesivos no meu carro 'I have self-adhesives in my car'

When a suffix with an agentive role (-ivo,-ente) attaches to verbs, auto becomes anaphoric to the agentive, which in turn is anaphoric to a noun as in:

(20) a. O escorpidoi d (auto)j-destruivoij 'The scorpion is self-destructive.' The external role is discharged in the agentive suffix, but auto remains the internal role, as in the previous examples.

Snto

NAdo is used as a prefix to nominalizations. Ndo is an adverb of negation and its scope is a verb. In nominalizations, such as the ones below, the scope is nouns derived from verbs. This word formation is often used in formal language, such as the drafting of rules and policies, as the words below in (21 ) and (22) show.





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(21) a. ndo-alinhamento 'non-alignment' b. ndo-combatente 'non-combatant' and also with adjectives
c. ndo-produtivo 'non-productive'
(22) a. ndo-observdncia 'non-observation'
b. ndo- conhecimento 'no knowledge'
c. o ndo vir 'not coming'

Lately, however, I have observed a significant change in the scope of ndo. The language speaker sees it also as a prefix of negation, somehow like des.

(23) a. ndo advogado 'a non-lawyer'
b. ndo ator 'a non-actor'

6.2.4 N+P+N

In this section we will present the relationships established by de 'of' There are so many distinct types that de is more like an affix with possession as its basic meaning, but it is certainly not the only meaning. It will be recalled that in Chapter 3 we saw that different Latin prepositions collapsed into de. Consider the examples below:

* contained/container

(24) dgua de coco 'coconut water'

* container/contained

(25) a. baldo de oxigenio 'oxygen tank'
b. caixa d'dgua 'water tower'

* made of

(26) a. caldo de carnet 'beef broth'
b. caldo defeido 'bean broth'

* part to whole

(27) a. bicho de pi 'an organism, a fungus that gives bad odor'
b. pomo de Addo 'Adam's apple'

' In Veja, Oct. 98. (23b) is in Jornal do Brasil, March 13, 1998.





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* origin

(28) a. menino de rua 'street child'
b. camisinha de Venus 'shirt of Venus, condom'
c. negocio da China 'business from China; good deal'

* belonging to

(29) a. arrino defamilia 'family support'
b.dona da casa 'home owner'
c.dona de casa 'housewife'
d. por do sol 'sunset'
e. teia de aranha 'spider web'

* type

(30) a. tesoura de papel 'scissors to cut paper'
b. carnet de sol 'sun-dried meat'
c. anjo de guarda 'guardian angel'
d. banca de jorna 'newspaper stand'
e. briga defoice 'scythe fight'
f. certificado de qualidade 'certificate of quality'

N+P+N shows extensive metaphoric use after compounding. Nouns become polysemic as in:

(31) a. cavalo de batalha LT war horse 'something impossible to do.'

(32) Ndo fa ga da sua dissertagdo um cavalo de batalha. 'Don't turn the making of your dissertation into something too difficult'

(33) boi depiranha 'ox of pirafia' or 'innocent victim.' An ox is sacrificed when a herd crosses a river with pirafias. The pirafias will attack one while the herd can cross the river undisturbed!! So,

(33) Elefoi o boi depiranha no escdndalo means 'he was the scapegoat in the scam.'

* Dona da casa and dona de casa.

It is the FP that distinguish the meaning of these two compounds, as suggested above in 6.1. In the latter one the absence of the definite article renders casa [-R]





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giving it a general meaning. In the former, the presence of definite gives it a referential meaning. [+R].

6.2.5 N+Adi

The compounds in this category are N and modifiers. The head is followed by an adjective. The basic adjective categories are

* color

(34) a. lista negra 'black list'
b. carta branca 'free entry'

weight

(35) a. peso-leve 'light weight'
b. peso-pesado 'heavy weight' taste

(36) agua doce 'fresh water as opposed to salt water'

* quality

(37) ano novo 'new year'

6.2.6 Adj. + N

This is a special category of compounds, typical of the Romance languages and composed of a restricted number of adjectives that move to a higher position in DP. Not only adjectives but also quantifiers such as bem and mal give the noun a referential reading. As mentioned above, adjectives that can be heads, such as gentilics or participials, do not move to the left. The few adjectives that move are the predicative or attributive type. These adjectives can be to the right or left of the noun. In her study of adjective order, Nobre (1991) argues that the degree of cohesion between the two elements may be so strong that the noun and adjective lose their





74


individual semantic meaning, becoming a compound, as with velha guarda, old guard 'a group of influential older people.' It is this degree of higher cohesion that sets them apart from their mirror formations. They seem to obey a scale where some can go both ways, such as livre docente and docente livre, while others acquire a different meaning when the adjective is positioned to the left of the noun. Lamarche (1991:225), following Beard (1991), says that the interpretation of these adjectives has a "narrow scope reading." It relates to a specific aspect of meaning of the noun it modifies, rather than to the whole noun. Modification is internal to the noun and the whole noun is interpreted as one semantic unit.

(38) a. Bom/a as in born tom 'good manners', boa praga 'good guy'
b. mau/d as in mau cardciter 'bad character', mdfd 'bad faith'

(39) a. Longo/a curt/a as in longa data 'long time'
b.pro longa/curta metragem 'full length movie', 'short movie'(these exocentric compounds will be explained in the next chapter).

(40) a. Pequeno/a as in pequena empresa'small enterprise', pequeno burgus 'petit bourgeois'

Adv. + Adj. (participial) behave in a similar syntactic way and are quite productive. As the head, the adjective gives the compound its lexico-syntactic category.

* (41) a. Benm/mal as in bem-criado 'well bred', bem-educado 'well mannered,' and

their opposites mal-criado, mal-educado.





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DP
/\

N Adj
cardrter mau


Figure 6.4
Syntactic Representation


6.2.7 N+P+V+N

There are a few compounds such as tesoura de cortarpapel, scissors of

cutting paper 'paper scissors,' mdquina de lavar roupa 'machine of washing clothes,' tdbua de passar 'ironing board,' that mirror syntactic structure and for that reason are not considered compounds by some linguists. Sandmann (1989:129) considers them phrases. But so is boa vida 'person who enjoys life'orpi de meia 'savings.' The latter has two meanings, one endocentric (a pair of socks) and the other exocentric (savings), both with the same syntactic representation. Another argument in favor of viewing them as compounds is that they are the same in English and French. The examples are from Zwanenburg (1992).

(42) a. maquina de lavar roupa machine a laver in French, 'washing machine.'
b. maquina de costura, machine a coudre in French, 'sewing machine.'

These compounds also present a shorter form as tesoura de cortarpapel or tesoura de papel from which the verb cortar 'cut' has been deleted. Other examples are mdquina de roupa 'washing machine'and mdquina de retrato 'machine for taking pictures' or camera. Dishwashers, which are more recent than washing machines are called lavadoras. In tdbua de passar it is roupa 'clothes' that is deleted, because passar 'to iron'is used as an intransitive verb. Since Portuguese is a pro drop language (Rizzi, 1986), it is possible to have a null filler in object position.





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6.3 Dvandvas

These compounds are characterized by a relationship of coordination without any further dependency holding between them. The meaning of the second is added to the first by the conjunction e 'and.' In dvandvas the conjunction is either visible or implied. The semantic relationship of the constituents is looser when compared to appositionals. In dvandvas opposites may be conjoined as in (43).

(43) a. compra e venda 'buy and sell'
b. preto e branco 'black and white'
c. altos e baixos 'highs and lows'
d achados e perdidos lost and found'

Dvandvas also include nouns and adjectives that can describe the participants of an enterprise or their socio-political characteristics:

(44) a. Brazil-Argentina
b.recessivo inflaciondria 'recessive-inflationary'

A way of distinguishing dvandvas from appositionals is to determine if the two constituents in the dvandva maintain their individuality. If they do, they are dvandvas as in (45a), if they don't they are appositionals (45b).

(45) a. Ele mora num quarto-e-sala.
He lives in an efficiency apartment.
b. Ele mora num *quarto-sala.
He lives in a bedroom, which is also a living room.

* Gender
Dvandvas take masculine gender by default or the gender of the noun they modify.

(46) o acordo (masculine noun) Brasil-Argentina 'the agreement Brazil-Argentina'
[ o acordo entre o Brasil e a Argentina]


(47) a relagio (feminine noun) Brasil-Argentina 'the relationship Brazil-Argentina'
[ a relacdo entre oBrasil e a Argentina]





77

(48) urma lei (feminine noun) centro-esquerda 'a law of the moderate-left'[ uma lei de
centro (e de) esquerda]

(49) urn candidato (masculine noun) centro-esquerda 'a candidate moderate-left' [urn
candidato de centro (e de) esquerda]

(50) uma medida (feminine noun) recessivo-inflaciondria or [recessiva-inflaciondria]
'a recessive-inflationary bill.' The last possibility is not widely accepted.

(51) um acordo (masculine noun) recessivo-inflaciondrio 'an agreement recessiveinflationary'

(52) uma lei (feminine noun) s6cio-econdmica 'a law social-economic'

(53) um pacto (masculine noun) s6cio-econ6mico 'the pact social-economic'

(54) uma televisio (feminine noun) preto-e-branco 'a TV black and white' Order is shorter before longer Brazil -Argentina s6cio-econdmico (2syl) (4) (2) (5)

DP IP
D NP DP I
os / I\ A /-.
N N Os quarto e sala I VP
Quarto e sala /
V D
sdo A
6timos

Figure 6.5
Syntactic Representation

6.4 Conclusion

The analysis of endocentrics concentrated on the semantic content and the syntactic relationship between the constituents of the lexico-syntactic categories. In N+N, the spectrum of meaning varies from a great level of similarity in appositionals to the opposite level in dvandvas. Prefix+N and P+N are productive in forming new words. They do not change the category of noun, are closer to derivation than the





78


other types, and grammatical category is not changed. They attach to nouns by incorporation. The more constituents a compound has, the closer to syntax it seems to be. Examples are N+P+VP, which are sensitive to the same rules of "object drop." In addition, the presence of FP in some compounds shows that there is N-movement to these syntactic categories, especially if the N is [+R]. N+P+N and N+Adj were the categories that show most polysemy with metaphors and metonynmues more prone to develop. The meaning presents a higher degree of abstraction when compared to N+N.














CHAPTER 7
RIGHT-HEADED COMPOUNDS

There are a small number of right-headed compound words in Portuguese.

Their morphological and syntactic characteristics are similar. One group is formed by a root and a headword, as the example in (1) shows, or a word and a root that functions as the head, as the example in (2). One of the two forms of the compound (either the root or the word) is from Latin or Greek origin.'

(1) a. lzpoaspirado 'lyposuction'
b. agrorroque 'type of country rock music'
c. video locadora 'video rental'

(2) fracassomania 'mania of failure'

There are also a number of other right-headed compounds that are borrowings from English, as the examples in (3):

(3) futevolei 'a game played on a volleyball sand court, following the rules for
soccer, that is, using the feet, head and shoulders, only.

The main purpose of this investigation is to present a syntactic analysis of

these right-headed compounds. Although these combining forms are very productive, I will not analyze them in detail because it is not within the scope of this dissertation. In 7.11 will present a brief sample of the most used compounds of Latin and Greek roots cited in linguistics literature pertaining to Romance languages. In 7.2, I analyze derivation in these compounds. In 7.3, 1 present a syntactic analysis and show that


' These compounds with Latin or Greek roots are usually addressed in literature as "hybrids" (Rainer and Varela, 1992).


79





80


they are formed by incorporation. In 7.4, 1 look at borrowings from English that are also right-headed. In 7.5 1 show how the different roots and words combine to form new words.

7.1 Latin and Greek Roots

The compounds with Latin/Greek roots attached to Portuguese roots obey a principle of economy. They are shorter than the N+PP that have the same meaning. Many of these became opaque (see section 3.21 on Historical Portuguese) like the root formee.'


(4) a. pacotologia 'science of packaging'
b. tomaticultura 'tomato growing'

Cincia de pacote "to package science" does not sound like a good alternative, because it could imply a different meaning such as "packing up scientific knowledge," i.e., making science more clearly understood.' Ciencia de (em)pacot(ar) 'science of packaging,' on the other hand, seems like a better synonym for pacotologia, but it requires changing a N into a verb. All this confusion is avoided by the adoption of pacotologia, which is more generic. Notice that Greek derivations add an epenthetic -o, as inpacotologia, and the Latin derivations add an epenthetic -i, as in tomaticultura. These words can be rephrased as a N+P+N with an epenthetic de 'of as in ciOnca de em(pacot(ar)' 'science of packaging.' This is the most common order for Romance. Compare to ci~ncia de cristais 'science of crystals,' with the head on the left side.

7.2 Derivation

One word that persisted practically unchanged from Greek and served as

model for new formation is cleptomania. Derivation attaches to the head on the right





81

as (5c) shows. The suffix -co/a 'possessing' attaches to the head. Table 7.1 presents other examples of the productivity of these and other roots in Portuguese.

(5) a. cleptomania 'kleptomania'
b. fracassomania 'failure mania'
c. sucesso-maniaca 'success-maniac'
d. Beatlemania 'Beatlemania'

Once lexicalized, these compounds produce derivations that are often used by the media.

(6) a narcotrafico narcotraficante 'narcotraffic dealer' b.cinejornal cinejornalistico 'cinejournal-istic'


Table 7.1
Compounds formed by Greek and Latin Roots

Greek Latin
Pacotologia 'packaging science' Internauta 'web surfer' Cinejornal 'newsreel' Motoserra 'chain saw'
Ecosistema 'eco system' Tomaticultura 'tomato culture'
Lipoaspiragio 'liposuction' Agro-rock 'country rock'
Cleptomaniaco 'kleptomaniac Videoarte 'video art'
Fracassomania 'failure mania' Vinicultura 'grape culture'
Tecnocracia 'technocracy' Teleanfincio 'TV ad'

Burrocrata 'assocrat?' Telenovela 'soap opera'
Narcotrfico 'narcotraffic' Espagonauta 'astronaut'




Rainer and Varela (1992) present a similar sample for Spanish. They see them as borrowings from Germanic languages because the roots are attached to the left. Remember that the order for noun complements in Romance is the opposite of Germanic. Although I agree that there are a growing number of compounds that are





82


borrowings from English, I argue that we cannot generalize to all of them. First, because English in turn, has borrowed from Latin/Greek. Secondly because the speaker can use the sources available in the lexicon to create new compounds.

7.3 Noun and Affix Syntactic Representation

There are many expressions similar to these right-headed compounds that follow the [N PP] order in Portuguese.

(7) a. mania de voc LT mania of you 'a way of saying that a person is totally committed and in love with someone'
b. mania defracasso 'mania of failure'

In compounds, however, the preposition is null and does not assign case This forces the noun to move to the left to incorporate.






[el
N PP
mania / \

\ efracasso



Figure 7.1
Noun Incorporation

Since many roots have two syllables (lypo, eco, clepto, narco) and attach to words as if they were prefixes, the speaker might interpret them as affixes. In both types there is leftward movement.





83

NP

N Affix
Affix.\
moto
'* .. serra


Figure 7.2
Root Incorporation


7.4 Borrowings from English

The compounds in (8) co exist today because the latest advancement in space science produced new borrowings, and espagonave is understood as a later and more advanced space vehicle than nave espacial.

(8) a. nave espacial and spajonave 'spaceship'
b. astronauta and espaqonauta 'astronaut'

Sandmann (1996) presents data on commercial names borrowed from English that are right-headed. In (10) even the apostrophe -s, which is the mark of the genitive in English, is borrowed.

(9) a. Lucy Calqados 'Lucy Shoeshop'
b. Marina Barra Ciube 'Marina Barra Club'

(10) a. Alvaro's 'Alvaro's Restaurant'
b. Ant6nio's 'Antonio's Restaurant'

7.5 Forming New Compounds

It is the co existence of different morphological language systems and the fact that the lexicon is a recipient where roots and words are stored, that make these new forms models for future formation. The combinations presented in this chapter can be summarized as follows:

* a Latin or Greek root and a word





84

(11) a ecoturismo 'eco-tourism'

* Clipping of words from different morphological systems ('internet' from English

and astronauta from Portuguese) I nt ernet astronauta
11111 11111
I n ter nauta


(12) internauta 'web surfer'

Borrowings forming a new word that does not exist in the source language (both

'foot' and 'volley' are from English). When borrowed they get Portuguese

pronunciation and conform to the spelling rules of Portuguese.

(13)futevolei 'soccer played in a volleyball sand court'

7.6 Conclusion

The data presented in this chapter reflect the coining of new words by the Brazilian speaker. Many of these words reflect different stages of advancements in technology. The speaker borrows, translates or clips the words in order to form new compounds. Right-headed compounds in Portuguese follow the rules of derivation in Romance with inflectional suffixes attaching to the right.












CHAPTER 8

EXOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS

Exocentric compounds do not have a visible head. They are composed of the same lexico-syntactic categories as endocentric, but it is more difficult to predict the relationship between the underlying constituents and the empty head. The nature of their lexical content is metaphoric; they can only be interpreted in the framework of shared ontological and contextual assumptions that, most of the time, are language specific.

The principle suggested by Jackendoff (Chapter 1) to explain the metonymic use of ham sandwich in "the ham sandwich over in the comer wants some more coffee" can be extended to most exocentric compounds.

* an NP that normally denotes X to denote an individual. Following this principle, exocentric compounds are lexical items that freeze the output of this principle. Although the "ham sandwich" is not intended to be a compound, it has the same syntactic representation, [Det e NP]. Jackendoff (1995:242) suggests that "ham sandwich" functions as a head adjunct. So, adjunct rules like lexical rules add argument positions to lexical items. Therefore, one way of looking at exocentrics is to see them as a complement to a null head.

Both endo- and exocentric compounds are generated by the same productive rules of the system and may have the same structural form. Consider the examples below:



85








(1) a. cabide ainbulante, LT walking hanger, 'a skinny person'
b. fio dental, literally dental floss, a tiny bikini that barely covers the body.

The null head of the former is a person and the latter is beachwear. (1b) is polysemic. As the endocentric compound, the head of fio dental is fio and the meaning is "dental floss." As exocentric,jio dental is mapped into a null head, working as a modifier. Both compounds in (1) are examples of metonymy.

When we associate exocentrics with metaphorical language, two questions come to mind. Are there any restrictions to using the same syntactic rules we previously suggested for endocentrics? Can we predict their meaning by a semantic cognitive theory? In the next sections I address these questions. First, I look at headship assignment and show that the definition presented in the previous chapters for endocentrics can account for exocentrics as well. Second, I look at their metaphorical content. Next, I determine the semantic differences between the components of the lexico-syntactic categories of exo/endocentric. I finish the chapter by addressing Phrasal Compounds.

8. 1. Head in Exocentrics

In Chapter 6 we defined an endocentric compound as a hyponym of the

constituent that is its own head. A body-part compound mentioned in the previous chapter, pd de cana, illustrates this. Likefio dental, it has both an endocentric and exocentric reading. One of pay's lexical entries is 'a unit, one of a kind.' So, pj de cana 'a unit of sugar cane' is an endocentric compound whose head isp. As an exocentric, p de cana means 'a drunk,' a metonymy that associates the making of cheap sugarcane liquor with a person who drinks it in excess. Notice that gender in the exocentric construction is Humnan Cloning.





87

(2) a.[o de canal 'a piece of sugarcane endocentric
b. [o/a e pj de cana 'the-masc/fem drunk person' 4 exocentric, where the empty
head is a person.

8.2 Exocentric Compounds in Romance

The literature on exocentric compounds in Romance is mostly descriptive and there has not been an attempt to consider it within a syntactic frame. Scalise (1992: 184) adopts the same test (in the negative) he used for endocentrics to show that exocentrics do not have a head. So, senza teto 'without roof' IS NOT 'roof.' Based on the "IS NOT" assumption, he concludes that, in order to have a head, categorial and semantic criteria must be in agreement. Scalise does not seem to acknowledge the fact that his example senza teto has to be mapped into a null head to make any sense at all. Compare to [os e sem terra] 'the e homeless' in Portuguese, mentioned and analyzed in previous chapters.

Villalva (1992) says that pi de galinha 'crow's feet' got its metaphorical meaning by a semantic drift, although it is not clear what she means. The only syntactic process that she recognizes, following DiSciullo and Williams (1988), is the V+N. Cedefio (1992:577), on the other hand, recognizes the existence of exocentric adjective compounds. He compares cariredondo 'round face' in Spanish to the 'red hair' English type, also exocentric. Redondo, being masculine, agrees with an empty head. Portuguese not only has similar compounds, but also presents the same type of gender agreement with a null head.

In his extensive study of compounds in Brazilian Portuguese, Sandmann

(1989:132) suggests that the semantic criterion is the most effective for distinguishing an exocentric compound from an identical DP formation. Remember the other





88

meaning of pe 'foot', is 'one of a kind.' P de meia 'one sock' is endocentric andp de media 'savings' exocentric. This old metonyny comes from the time when people hid their money in socks under the mattress. Pj de galinha 'chicken feet' has a metaphorical meaning where imagery plays an important role. Visualizing chicken claws gives us a picture of how face wrinkles look. Not all exocentric compounds, however, have an endocentric counterpart.

We also must recognize that some exocentric compounds like the P+N sen terra 'land-less' are not metaphorical. After freezing, though, an exocentric compound usually develops metaphorical extensions according to the contexts in which the word is used. In a recent Brazilian soap opera, one female character was uma sem terra 'a land-less girl' because she arrived at the farm where the action of the soap opera takes place with the landless group. Eventually a sem terra gained a derogatory meaning, such as uneducated and crude.

8.3 Interpreting Exocentrics

I adopt the model suggested by Lakoff (1990:288) to interpret metaphors for compounds. A metaphoric mapping involves a source and target domain. The source is an image, a schematic model, and the mapping is partial. It maps the structure of a Cognitive Model (CM) into a corresponding structure in the target domain. In Figure

8.1 the shape and color were the characteristics mapped.

(3) Copo de leite 'glass of milk' a large white plant from the lily family whose shape and color resembles a glass of milk.





89

CM TARGET DOMAIN






Figure 8.1
Cognitive Model


Metaphors are part of our conceptual system and affect the way we perceive things, how we get around in the world, and how we relate to other people. Metaphor use in compounding suggests that not only pragmatic and sociolinguistic reasons, such as socio-dialectal differences, but also extra-linguistic information have to be considered in interpreting their meaning.

The examples below are metonymies for persons. They map the

characteristics of Maria and Jodo (4) and cabra (5) into another, which is a person.

(4) a. Maria mi/ona 'Mary pisser' a cowardly person
b.Jodo ninguem 'John nobody'

(5) a. 0 cabra 'the-masc.man'
b. cabra-macho 'tough man'
c. cabra da peste 'brave man'
d Uina cabrita 'a-fem. kid' is by analogy, a young woman.

The influence of farm life in metaphorical language used in the Northeast of Brazil is not restricted to the usage of cabra. A child can be a bichinho 'young animal,' somehow like "a kid" in English. It is common knowledge that animal and farm metaphors are found in many other languages, although people from different cultures attribute different qualities to animals. They map one container (Maria, cabra) into the other (the person one wants to describe). In fact, cabra has a lexical





90

entry in Hollanda's dictionary as 'man,' and commonly used in the Northeast of Brazil.

In the compound in (6) it is the name of a person that describes the animal.

(6) a. vitva negra 'black widow' is the name given to a 'black tarantula'

Other nouns refer to things that people do, such as the nominalizations conversa 'chat' and bajb 'breath' that are compound sources as in:

(7) a. conversa mole 'chatter box'
b. bafo de onQa, literally tiger breath 'bad breath of someone who has been
drinking alcohol.'

In the examples below, the schema is "stereotyped" female behavior.

Syntactically the head is the same but the adjuncts or complements vary, In terms of pragmatics, the Maria compounds below are commonly used by speakers, regardless of the fact that they are derogatory to women. Many exocentric compounds such as these are metaphors of the oral language domain.

Table 8.1
Maria Compounds

Categories Compounds Literal Translation Translation

N+N Maria Chiquinha Mary-Frances(diminutive) Country girl with braided
hair
N+Adj Maria Mijona Mary Pisser Cowardly person
N+ P+N Maria sem vergonha Mary Shameless Impatiens (flower)
Phrasal Maria vai corn as Mary go with the others Easily led person
outras


8.4 Lexico-Syntactic Categories

I will analyze each category separately based on the traditional classification of compounds.





91


8.4.1 N+N

There are only 9 compounds in this category.

(8)pontap 'a kick' from ponta do pi 'tip of the foot' with a null preposition. Sandmann (1989:129) suggests that a semantic change took place. Instead of tip, language users understand it as pancada 'a way of hitting something.' Pancada is a nominalization, but like other words ending in -ada mentioned in Chapter 4, does not derive from a verb. It acquires its meaning of movement and action from the suffix. It gets the meaning from a verb like dar 'give' apontapi 'kick.'

(9) Varapau 'tall person.' The constituents are conjoined by addition vara 'rod' + pau I wood stick.'

Another interesting compound in this group is

(10) samba-cancao. Mentioned before as endocentric it means 'samba-song,' a type of slower Brazilian samba rhythm. As an exocentric it means the type of boxer shorts worn by men since the sixties when that kind of song was popular. The distance between the two meanings is so wide that the only way to understand it is by having specific cultural knowledge. The younger language users learn it through context because they would be unable to decipher its meaning simply by decomposing the word.

8.4.2 N+P+N

Some of these compounds describe places. The table shows that the affix de 'of' indicates possession, made of, and origin, three categories described before in the endocentrics.




Full Text
5
under the framework of First Sister Principle. In chapter 11,1 look at some important
conclusions drawn from this investigation.
Before these issues are examined in more detail, I will define what a
compound is. Section 1.1 shows that compounds and DPs/VPs share the same word
order, but have different semantic meaning. In 1.2 linguistic criteria is examined to
identify compounds. Section 1.3 shows how compounds get their semantic roles
assigned. Next, section 1.41 look at heads in compounds, and in section 1.5 at the
internal structure of compounds. I conclude in section 1.6 by briefly examining the
proposal to study compounds under DPs.
1.1 Compounds and Noun Phrases
The order of the constituents in a DP in Romance according to Cinque (1994)
and Longobardi (1994) is represented as follows: D[D N AP]DP. Similarly, the
compounds above follow the order: [D(wm)N[ adolescente problema]] DP, [D [N
pronto socorro]]. Since both compounds and nouns present the same word order in
Portuguese, and compounds obey the same stress rules as nouns,1 other criteria must
be used to differentiate them. Consider the examples below:
(1) a. Ele um adolescente problema, he is a problem adolescent
b. Ele um adolescente problema crnico he is a chronic problem
adolescent
c. Ele um adolescente problema crnico he is an adolescent chronic
problem
(2) a. Isto um pronto socorro. This is an emergency hospital
b. *. . um pronto socorro as vitimas. ...is an emergency for the victims.
c. Isto um pronto socorro as vitimas. This is of immediate help to the
victims.
(3) a. Ele um desmancha-festas. he is a party pooper
1 In English, stress differentiates greenhouse (compound) from green house (NP). In Portuguese there
is no stress difference between a compound and an NP.


5. N+ Ad-
139
140.
Abalo nervoso
Nervous breakdown
141.
gua doce
Fresh water
142.
Agurdente
Liquor
143.
Alianza Nacional Libertadora
National Alliance for Freedom
144.
Alma gmea
Soul mate
145.
Alma penada
Ghost
146.
Ano novo
New year
147.
Ar livre
Outdoors
148.
Av torta
Adopted grandmother
149.
Barata tonta
Person who is lost
150.
Batata baroa
Type of potato to make soup
151.
Batata doce
Sweet potato
152.
Batata puente
Hot potato (a problem)
153.
Batedor presidencial
Presidential forerunner
154.
Bobo alegre
happy dumb simpleton
155.
Carne seca
Dried meat
156.
Carta branca
Carte blanche
157.
Carto postal
Postcard
158.
Centro espirita
Spiritual center
159.
Chave falsa
False key
160.
Ciencias bsicas
Basic Sciences
161.
Ciencias humanas
Human Sciences
162.
Conversa fiada
Small talk
163.
Conversa mole
Someone who does small talk
164.
Costas puentes
Someone who has a protector
165.
Crianca carente
Child in need
166.
Ensino privado
Private education
167.
Guarda notumo
Night watchman
168.
Listra negra
Black list
169.
Manga rosa
A type of pinkish mango
170.
Mercado Comum Europeu
European Common Market
171.
Mico preto
Type of monkey that is black
172.
Obra prima
Masterpiece
173.
Parede mestra
Master wall
174.
Pemalonga
Bugs Bunny
175.
Pemilongo
Mosquito
176.
Peso-mdio
Middle weight (boxer)


159
Johnson, Mark. 1987. The Body in the Mind. University of Chicago Press.
Chicago.
Kayne, Richard. 1981. ECP Extensions. Linguistic Inquiry. 12. P.93-133.
. 1991. Romance Clitics, Verb Movement, and PRO. Linguistic Inquiry'.
22. P. 647-685.
Kehdi, Valter. 1990. Morfemas em Portugus. Editora Atica. Sao Paulo.
Kenstowicz, Michael. 1994. Phonology in Generative Grammar. Blackwell. London.
Kiparsky, Paul. 1982. From Cyclic Phonology to Lexical Phonology. In Harry
Van De Hulst & Norval Smith ( Eds. )The Structure of Phonological
Representations. Part 1. P. 131-175 Foris. Dordrecht.
Kiingebiel, Kathryn. 1988. New Compounds from the Old: An Unexpected Source of
Verb Noun Compounds in Romance. Proceedings of the 14th Annual Meeting
of the Berkeley Linguistic Society .
. 1989. Noun +Verb Compounds in Western Romance. University of California
Press. California.
Lakoff, G. 1990. Women, Fire and Dangerous Things. The University of Chicago
Press. Chicago.
Lakoff, G. & Mark Johson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. The University of
Chicago Press. Chicago.
Lamarche, Jacques. 1991. Problems for N Movement to NUM-P. Probus.
(3)2. P.215-236.
Lang, M.F. 1987. Coche Cama-Hombre Rana Loose compounds in Contemporary
Spanish. Journal of the Modem Language Association. 68 (3 ). P. 189-194.
Langacker, Ronald. 1987. Nouns and Verbs. Language. 63 (1). P. 17- 49.
.1988. A View of Linguistic Semantics. In Erigida Rudzka-Ostyn (Ed.) Topics
in Cognitive Linguistics. John Benjamins, San Francisco.P.271-297.
Laroca, Maria Nazar de Carvalho. 1994. Manual de Morfologa do Portugus.
Editora da Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora. Juiz de For a. MG.
Leech, G.N. 1974. Semantics. Penguin. Harmondsworth.


117
Table 9.6
P Metonymy
P
Litera] Translation
Meaning
l.p rapado
foot scraped
Tramp
2.p de chumbo
foot of lead
Clumsy person
3.p de moleque
foot of hustler
Candy
4.p de atleta
foot of athlete
Athletes foot
5,p de valsa
foot of waltz
Dancer
.p de meia
foot of sock
Savings
7. p de cabra
foot of goat
Lock pick
8. p de pato
foot of duck
Flippers
9. p fri
foot cold
Someone who brings
bad luck
10. p quente
foot hot
Someone who brings
good luck
11. p de boi
foot of bull
a hard working
person
12. p de cana
foot of cane
Drunk
13. p de coelho
foot of rabbit
Lucky charm
14. p d'gua
foot of water
Sudden rain
15. p de galinha
foot of chicken
Crows feet
16 p de chnelo
foot of sandal
Someone who is
poor
9.7,4,2 P Analysis
P is poiysemic and the previous analysis of the preposition de of in N+PN
compounds provided us with the following distinctions:
* made of
Example p de chumbo, lead is a heavy material. A person with feet of lead cannot
move easily or for that matter, play soccer well. At the other extreme p de valsa
moves gracefully. In both examples, the feet acquired qualities of their own through
given metaphors.


109
9.7.2 Metaphor and Metonymy
Metaphors help us to understand one domain of experience that is more
abstract in terms of another which is more concrete. The metaphoric system follows a
mapping from a source domain to a target domain and is tightly structured, with
correspondences on both sides. According to Lakoff and Johnson (1980) what
constitutes a metaphor is not a word but the ontological and epistemica!
generalizations created around the concept that the word or words represent. A
corollary to this fact is that we can make inferences and understand other concepts
related to the central metaphor.
Metonymy, like metaphor, is grounded in experience. It establishes a
relationship where one lexical item stands as a reference for a person, object or
institution, e.g.,0 cabega chata chegou The flat head arrived. The Northeastern
person arrived (people from the Northeast of Brazil are said to have flat heads). The
data investigated in this paper fit well into this description. The parts of the body are
experienced not only as parts but also as characteristics of the whole person when
their metonymic meaning is mapped onto a being.
Before analyzing the data I will look at phrasal expressions referring to parts
of the body and see how they fit into the theoretical model I have presented so far
(20) Ele estova enlameado dos yes a cabeca He was covered in mud from head to
foot.
The example (20) illustrates how we experience the body as a container that
has boundaries, here bounded by the feet and head. It also illustrates imagery when
we conceive of mud spread all over the corporeal container.


3
also has a unifying solution for headship in Spanish N+Adj and Adj+N exocentric
compounds. In chapter 81 will analyze how these proposals relate to Portuguese data
when I address the issues related to exocentrics. At this point, what seems important
is that there is an area of research that explains compounding as a unified
phenomenon, where the head may not be always visible but is nonetheless present.
Otherwise, compound features such as gender and number would not be checked by
the functional categories in the DP.
Some of the controversial issues implied in the previous paragraphs can be
summarized in the following questions: If compounds and DPs have the same
syntactic order, which criteria distinguish one from the other? What are the possible
syntactic operations in compounds? Can the principle of headship be generalized for
all compounds? Does the language parameter for Romance function for Portuguese?
How do principles of syntax, semantics, morphology, and phonology interact? How
do these issues relate to actual data?
The purpose of this dissertation is to answer these questions and advance the
research in compounding. To my knowledge, there is no previous formal study of
Portuguese compounding under the framework of FPs. This research is based on and
adapted from current literature in Romance, mainly in Spanish and Italian, which are
languages more similar to Portuguese in structure and meaning than French. These
studies, in turn reflect a broader view of syntax, that of universal grammar. While
morphology and phonology present idiosyncrasies that are language specific,
syntactic phenomena can be explained by general linguistic principles.


8. EXQCENTRIC COMPOUNDS 85
8.1 Head in Exocentric 86
8.2 Exocentric Compounds in Romance 87
8.3 Interpreting Exocentric 88
8.4 Lexico-syntactic Categories 90
8.4.1 N+N 91
8.4.2 N+P+N 92
8.4.3 N+Adj 92
8.4.4 Numeral+N 93
8.4.5 P+N 93
8.4.6 Adj+N 93
8.4.7 Phrasal Compounds 95
8.5 Cocnclusion 96
9. BODY PART COMPOUNDS 97
9.1 introduction 97
9.2 Polysemy 98
9.3 Lexico-Syntactic Categories 100
9.3.1 N+P+N 100
9.3.2 N+Adj 101
9.4 Headship 103
9.5 Semantic Component 104
9.6 Syntactic Representation 105
9.7 Cognitive Semantics 106
9.7.1 Background 107
9.7.2 Metaphor and Metonymy 109
9.7.3 Compounds and Cognitive Semantics 110
9.7.4 Model for interpretation 112
9.7.4.1 Cabega Analysis 113
9.7.4.2 P Analysis 117
9.7.5 Conclusion 119
10. SYNTHETIC COMPOUNDS 121
10.1 First Sister Principle 122
10.2 Case Assignment 123
10.3 Theta Role 118
10.4 Atom Condition 125
10.5 Semantic Meaning 127
10.6 Conclusion 128
11. CONCLUSION 129
APPENDIX 135
REFERENCES 156
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 164
vi


62
(2) a amarelo- mostarda mustard-yellow.
b. verde limdo lime-green
c azul bandeira blue like the dark blue in the Brazilian flag
6.1 Heads in Endocentrics
Following Lieber (1992) for French, the head in Portuguese compounds is
initial with respect to its modifiers. The features of the left-headed element percolate
up to the branching node dominating the stems and making the node above a noun
compound. The compound has the same syntactic category as the head. Nouns have
access to FP, under D(eterminer)P. Following Raposo for Portuguese (1992:209),
based on the proposal of Fukui and Speas (1986), the NP is a projection of the
category D, working as a complement of D. The DP hosts Number and Gender. In
adolescente problema problem adolescent there is no need to specify the determiner
as o/a tbe-masc./fem., because it is not lexically marked in the compound, but in por
do sol LT set of the sun, sunset sol is lexically specified for gender, carrying the
feature [R(eferential)]. In this 1 follow Ishikawa (1997:558), who in turn based on
Longobardis proposal of [R] feature (1994), proposes [+R] is checked iff D is in a
chain containing a [+R] expression. From a structural point of view, Longobardi
suggests that the N position refers to universal concepts, while the D position
determines the particular designation of the whole DP. in this case sol is marked as
[+R] because it refers to the sun. In carne de sol meat dried in the sun, [R] is
unmarked.


130
hybrids, reduplications, and many N+N are unique to compounds. It is true that
Portuguese does not have a distinct order of compounding as in English, e.g., truck
driver (as opposed to drivers of trucks), but N+N such as carn ledo income tax
pavbook and SOS-crianga help child do not make sense at the sentence level unless
used as a unit in compounds. Moreover, one could say that after tamanho-familia
family size was frozen as a compound, others such as salrio-famlia salary for a
head of family with children were coined.
In the course of this investigation I presented a considerable number of
compounds that start as endocentric and later develop metaphors or metonymies.
They present polysemy, as in p de tneia pair of socks and savings. It has been
suggested that one lexical item may freeze at its output, becoming a compound. I
argue that not only individuals but also any object in the world is subject to the same
principle. In fact, many of the body-part compounds showed this type of polysemy.
The second issue to be discussed relates to the syntactic operations in
compounds. The conclusion drawn from this investigation is that we should classify
compounds under a general syntactic framework of principles and parameters. Their
syntactic representation is the same as DP because compounds are equally sensitive to
FP. Two principles, headship and feature percolation, will determine the lexico-
syntactic category of the compound. Another operation that plays an important role is
incorporation, not only in compounding but also in derivation. Derivation also
interfaces with compounding in hybrids. Both compounds and derivation follow the
parameter for Romance, which prescribes left headship and complements at the right
for compounds. The head in derivation however, is on the right side. If a word is


44
language evolved from Latin and in its development there have been changes in
syntactic order. A comparison between a diachronic and sinchronic views shows us
an evolution from Latin SOV to Romance SVO. The few words that present SOV
order have become opaque and the constituents are no longer recognized by the
speaker.


112
they represent encyclopedic information;
they work as a recognition device;
they are processed in conjunction with a situation in an effort to discover how
well the situation and the schema fit;
there are different kinds of schemas such as script, feature, event, entity, etc.
Some parts of the pattern are not completely determined by the remainder of the
structure;
constraints restrict the number of contexts and allow the person to fill in a default
value if no information about that aspect of the schema is given.
constraints can embed new schemas.
P de cana a drunk cannot be understood if the speaker lacks the schema of
facts around cachaga, a cheap drink made of sugarcane and sold in working-class
drinking establishments. It is considered as the drink of the poor, it is very strong and
people who drink it are known to get drunk quickly.
9. 7.4 Model for Interpretation
I will analyze two groups of compounds, those based on cabega head and
those based on p foot. I suggest that the same model can be extended to the other
parts of the body (see Appendix). I chose these two because they presented more
compounds than the others.
I. cabega head
Bodily experience: we are whole beings with parts that we can manipulate.
Schemas:
(24) a. o cabega leader, capable, respected, flexible, in control of the emotions
b. uma cabega intelligent, respected for his opinions
c.q cabegathe physical head, its oval shape
Structural elements: the body, the head, and a configuration of the head.


91
8.4.1 N+N
There are oniy 9 compounds in this category.
(8) pontap a kick from pona do p tip of the foot with a null preposition.
Sandmann (1989:129) suggests that a semantic change took place, instead of tip,
language users understand it as pancada a way of hitting something. Pancada is a
nominaiization, but like other words ending in -ada mentioned in Chapter 4, does not
derive from a verb. It acquires its meaning of movement and action from the suffix. It
gets the meaning from a verb like dar give a pontap kick.
(9) Varapau tall person. The constituents are conjoined by addition vara rod + pan
wood stick.
Another interesting compound in this group is
(10) samba-canco. Mentioned before as endocentric it means samba-song, a type
of slower Brazilian samba rhythm. As an exocentric it means the type of boxer shorts
worn by men since the sixties when that kind of song was popular. The distance
between the two meanings is so wide that the only way to understand it is by having
specific cultural knowledge. The younger language users learn it through context
because they would be unable to decipher its meaning simply by decomposing the
word.
8.4.2 N+P+N
Some of these compounds describe places. The table shows that the affix de
of indicates possession, made of, and origin, three categories described before in
the endocentrics.


114
cabeca de vento
i i
4"
target source
Figure 9.2
Metonymy
Once compounded it becomes a metonymy i.e. the head is the person and the
compound becomes referential, e.g., Oh, seu cabega de vento, como que voc
esqueceii o telefone do Marcos? You forgetful person, how could you not remember
Marks number?
Lakoff (1990) argues that not only objects but also feelings can be
conceptualized, in his study of anger he analyzes how some of its physiological
effects, such as body heat and agitation Interfere with accurate perception. Anger is
conceptualized as a fluid that fills the head and triggers these changes. This notion
seems closely associated to an Lakoff and Johnsons (1980) study of causation. In
which they argue that causation is a basic human concept used by people to organize
their physical and cultural realities. Causation is perceived when:
the change of state is physical;
the change in the subject is due to an external source of energy;
the change in the patient is perceptible;
* the agent monitors the change in the patient through sensory perception.
The compounds below show causation. They describe a state caused by an
external force or a state that becomes a pattern after being continuously exposed to
external force. Examples of such states are given by compound adjectives:
fear of change (3) cabega dura "hard headed person
anger, disappointment (4) cabega inchada swollen head-annoyed


18
syntactic order of appositives and is defined as having two constituents with equal
status (Rainer and Varela, 1992). I argue that one constituent accumulates the
function of the other, but their status is not necessarily equal. Dvandvas have a special
coordinate relationship in which the meaning of one constituent is added to the
meaning of the other (Spencer, 1992). They have two heads. The synthetic compound
is the result [V+NP] of a syntactic operation whose output is a noun.
I first examine criteria for identifying compounds based on Liebers licensing
conditions for French (1992). The reason for choosing her approach is twofold. Not
only does she establish the bases for research in compound theory, she also looks at
generalizations across several groups of languages. With these considerations in mind, I
proceed to a taxonomy of the data based on the endo/exocentric distinction, that is,
whether compounds have a visible head, e.g., adolescente problema problem
adolescent, or a null head, e.g., e sem terra the landless. Both present the same lexico-
syntactic categories, such as N+N, and N+PP. Using them to classify the data pennits
cross-categorial observations that provide valuable information about compounds.
2.1. Criteria for Identifying Compounds in English
Lieber mentions three criteria for identifying compounds: stress, word order,
and inseparability (1992:12-13). However, she states that these criteria are not devoid
of problems, three of which are discussed below.
1. In English it is usually the leftmost stem that receives the heaviest stress. In
Portuguese the stress falls on the stressed syllable of the rightmost element in
endo/exocentric compounds (except for the ones belonging to the [N [PP N]]


47
Noun o Noun -a
Members of a category -> Professional Category
Compare a poltica in the sentences below. In (4a) -a is derivational and (4b)
inflectional.
(4)a A poltica de FH tem dado bons resultados FH politics has given good
results
b O Lula um bom poltico e a Benedita urna boa poltica. Lula is a good
politician-masc. and Benedita a good politician- fern.
4.2 The Suffix -ada
The purpose of this discussion is to show that not only grammatical gender
but also specific information pertaining to the affix has to be specified in its lexical
entry. The suffix -ada attaches to verbs and nouns. The derivation in deverbals
consists of the transformation of a participial into a feminine noun. In denominis we
posit a null verb from which to derive from. Portuguese -ada and Italian -ata are
similar in many ways. In their study of -at(a) in Italian, Mayo et al. (1995) propose a
detailed semantics of its derivational process because merely defining it as a N by -
at(a) an act or unit involving a base does not seem to capture all the differences in
meaning. Most of their examples can apply to Portuguese.
(5)a.focata (Italian); facada (Port.)a thrust given with a fork, a quantity or a
substance such as food determined by the use of a fork
b. testata (Italian); testada (Port.) a thrust given with the head/forehead; a thrust
received on the forehead
Derivations like the ones above are transparent, but others, as in (6) became
opaque.
(6)a jornala (Ital.); jornada (Port.) intervals of time
b facata (Ital.), fabada the front of a building, deriving from face face


77
(48) uma lei (feminine noun) centro-esquerda a law of the moderate-left[ uma lei de
centro (e de) esquerda\
(49) um candidato (masculine noun) centro-esquerda a candidate moderate-left \um
candidato de centro (e de) esquerda\
(50) uma medida (feminine noun) recessivo-inflacionria or [recessiva-inflacionria\
a recessive-inflationary bill. The last possibility is not widely accepted.
(51) um acordo (masculine noun) recessivo-inflacionrio an agreement recessive-
inflationary
(52) uma lei (feminine noun) scio-econmica a law social-economic
(53) um pacto (masculine noun) scio-econmico the pact social-economic
(54) uma televisao (feminine noun) preto-e-branco 'a TV black and white'
Order is shorter before longer
Brazil -Argentina scio-econmico
(2syl) (4) (2) (5)
D NP DP I
os / |\ A
N N Os quarto e sala I VP
Quarto e sala / \
V DP
sao A
olimos
Figure 6.5
Syntactic Representation
6.4 Conclusion
The analysis of endocentrics concentrated on the semantic content and the
syntactic relationship between the constituents of the lexico-syntactic categories. In
N+N, the spectrum of meaning varies from a great level of similarity in appositionals
to the opposite level in dvandvas. Prefix+N and P+N are productive in forming new
words. They do not change the category of noun, are closer to derivation than the


REFERENCES
Audubert, Albert. 1996. Giria & Argot. Dictionaire DArgot Bresilien. Max
Niemeyer. Verlag Tubingen.
Basilio, M. 1987. Teoria Lexical. Editora Atica. Sao Paulo.
Bauer, Laurie. 1993. English Word Formation. Cambridge University Press.
Cambridge. GB.
Beard, R. 1991. Decompositional Composition: The Semantics of Scope
Ambiguities and Bracketing Paradoxes. Natural Language and Linguistic
Theory. 9. P. 195-229.
Bennet, William. 1977. Predicative Binommals in French. Lingua. 41. P.331-42.
Bernstein, Judy. 1991. DPs in French and Walloon: Evidence for Parametric
Variation In Nominal Head Movement. Probus 3. P.101-26
. 1993. The Syntactic Role of Noun Markers in Null Nominal Constructions.
Probus 5. P. 5-38
Bueno, Francisco. 1968. Gramtica Normativa da Lingua Portuguesa. Sao Paulo.
Edipo Saraiva.
Camara, Joaquim M. 1969. Problemas da Lingstica Descrtiva. Editora
Vozes Ltda. Petropolis. Rio de Janeiro.
1970. Estrututra da Lingua Portuguesa. Editora Vozes Ltda. Petropolis
Rio de Janeiro.
1972. The Portuguese Language. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago.
. 1975. Historia da Lingstica. Editora Vozes Ltda. Petropolis, RJ.
Carene, Flavia de Barros. 1994. Morfossintaxe. 1994. Editora tica. Sao Paulo.
Casteleiro, Joo Malaca. 1981. Sintaxe Transformacional do Adjetivo. Lisboa
Instituto Nacional de investigacao Cientfica.
156


53
portion, duration, action, result of action, collection, marked by an instrument, made
of, as exemplified above. A second entry for -ada derives from -as, -adis in Latin,
which in turn, derives from Greek -s, -dos, found in collectives such as dcada
decade, and the feminine gentilic, such as Lusadas, IHada Iliad. Although the
spelling of both suffixes is the same, the latter is distinguished from the former by a
suprasegmental trait, that is the stress. Words derived from Latin are stressed in the
syllable before the last; words derived from Greek are stressed in the anti-penultimate
syllable. The semantic domains are different, too. There is no reason, therefore, to
consider them as the same suffix.
Table 4.7
Greek Root -s, dos
i) stem :add epenthetic -i and the
stress fails in two syllables
before the last; Gender is the
same as the base
(ii) inflectional class: add -s to
form plural
(iii) syntactic properties; there
is no lexico-syntactic change
N~-> N.
(iv)semantic specifications: add
to gentilic noun to make it
generic and numbers of years to
make it into an period of time.
4.4 Feminine Gender
The question about the role of gender in compounding can now be tackled.
First and most importantly, gender rules are very specific in Romance as far as
Adjective-Noun agreement is concerned. With nouns, however, there has to be a
specification of the gender in the suffix. The s uffix -ada allows only feminine
marking on nouns, which overrides the gender marking of the N to which attaches.


142
228.
Bico de papagaio
Spinal hernia
229.
Boi de piranha
Scapegoat
230.
Cabra da peste
A brave person
231.
Caminho de rato
The path of a rat, hair not properly combed
232.
Casa da sogra
A place where anything goes
233.
Colher de ch
Give a break to
234.
Conto do vigrio
An act of cheating
235.
Copo de leite
Trumpet lily
236.
Feixe de ossos
Bag of bones
237.
Mae dgua
Water nymph
238.
Maria sem vergonha
Impatiens
239.
Negocio da China
Lucrative business
240.
Pan de arara
Transportation of migrant workers
241.
Pau de arara
A migrant worker, also torture device
242.
Selva de pedra
A place with too many buildings
243.
Torre de Babel
Tower of Babel
244.
Ultraje rigor
Name of a rock group
245.
Volta por cima
A come back
3. IN +Adj
246.
Agua viva
Jelly fish
247.
Amor perfeito
Pansy
248.
Anos dourados
1960s
249.
Anos rebeldes
1970s
250.
Arma branca
White weapon
251.
Arraia mida
Small fish
252.
Arroz doce
Rice pudding
253.
Balao apagado
A loser
254.
Barra-l impa
A good guy
255.
Besta quadrada
Asshole
256.
Bicha louca
Crazy gay
257.
Boco moco
Dumbo
258.
Bode expiatorio
Scapegoat
259.
Bia-fria
Migrant worker
260.
Bola murcha
Lacking sexual libido
261.
Bossa nova
New sound


80
they are formed by incorporation. In 7.4,1 look at borrowings from English that are
also right-headed. In 7.5 I show how the different roots and words combine to form
new words.
7.1 Latin and Greek Roots
The compounds with Latin/Greek roots attached to Portuguese roots obey a
principle of economy. They are shorter than the N+PP that have the same meaning.
Many of these became opaque (see section 3.21 on Historical Portuguese) like the
root forme.
(4) a. pacotologia science of packaging
b. tomaiicultura tomato growing
Ciencia de pacote to package science does not sound like a good alternative,
because it could imply a different meaning such as packing up scientific
knowledge, i.e., making science more clearly understood. Ciencia de (em)pacot(ar)
science of packaging, on the other hand, seems like a better synonym for
pacotologia, but it requires changing a N into a verb. All this confusion is avoided by
the adoption of pacotologia, which is more generic. Notice that Greek derivations
add an epenthetic -o, as in pacotologia, and the Latin derivations add an epenthetic -i,
as in tomaticultura These words can be rephrased as a N+P+N with an epenthetic de
of as in cinca de em(pacot(ar) science of packaging. This is the most common
order for Romance. Compare to ciencia de cristais science of crystals, with the head
on the left side.
7.2 Derivation
One word that persisted practically unchanged from Greek and served as
model for new formation is cleptomania. Derivation attaches to the head on the right


13
2
Argentina, quarto-e-sala room and living roomor efficiency apartment.
(7) queijos e vinhos wine and cheese isto um evento de queijos e vinhos
this is an event of wine and cheese.
In exocentric compounds while there is no phonological head, notice that
their semantic interpretation requires one. Furthermore, a lexical item may freeze at
its output and conform to the principle that an NP that normally denotes x is used to
denote ay, y being an individual or event. (Jackendoff, 1995). I propose that a N
projection not only inherits the features of the compound but gives it what Harris
(1991) called human gender, that is taking either feminine or masculine gender
according to the sex of the referent. The gender will be shown in syntax by an
anaphorically related pronoun. The sentence in (8) demonstrates this.
DP
D NP [body part metonymy]
o/a(s)
N Adj
cabega quente
Figure 1.2
Syntactic Representation of Exocentric Compounds
(8) cabega quente quick tempered; ele/a uni'a cabega quente he/she is a quick
-tempered person
(9) batata quente hot potato problem; os paparazzi sao uma batata quente the
paparazzi are a hot potato
(10) meio-quilo (half-kilo) small person; O meio quilo bravo! The half-kilo
person is an angry type
(11) besta-quadrada (square beast) stupid person; ele uma besta quadrada he is
an asshole
(12) jvem guarda (young guard) young group; Roberto Carlos o cantor mais
importante da jvem guarda Roberto Carlos is the most important singer of the
3 Dvandvas have two similar or optionally opposite elements coordinated by e and.


3.RedupIication to stress the meaning
1. N+N
18. Aiai
Sigh of relief
19. Bilu-bilu
Petting
20. Bomborn
Chocolate candy
21. Dirin-durin
Holding the baby
22. oo/a
Young master/ young mistress
23. Lero-lero
Small talk
24. Lufa lufa
Run
25. Mole mole
Silly
26. Nhenhenhem
Small talk
27. Nhonh/nhanha
Son of the master/daughter
28. Oba-oba
Good
29. Terer terer
Repetition
2. V+V
30. Bate-bate
Knock
31. Bora bora
Lets go!
32. Chega chega
Enough
33. Come come
Pack man
34. Corre corre
Run
35. Dodi
Pain
36. Esconde esconde
Hide and seek
37. Passe-passe
Pass it away
38. Pega pega
Game of tag
39. Pisca pisca
Blinker
40. Puxa puxa
Hard candy
41. Quero quero
Want
42. Troca troca
Change
3. Adv+Adv
43. Assim assim
So so
44. Jaja
Soon


103
Difference between literal phrases and Compounds:
(5) a. Ela tem a mao leve;.
She has a hand light,
b. Ele um mao leve.
Hes a pickpocket.
(6) a. Ela est de perno, bamba.
She has shaky legs,
b. Ele um perna bamba.
He is a leg shaken.
He is easily scared.
(7) a. Ele um dedo duro inveterado.
He is a mase, snitch unchangeable.
He is an unchangeable snitch,
b *Ele um dedo duro e inveterado.
He is a hard and unchangeable finger.
(8) A cabega de negro explodiu.
The head of a black person blew up.
The firecracker biew up.
(9) a. Ele tem a cabega feita. Ele medinico.
He has the head made. He is a medium,
b. Ele e cabeca feita.
He is not easily influenced.
9.4 Headship
In (5a) mao leve is not a compound, but in (5b), it is. Um a-masc. is the
determiner of a null head that is masculine, [D e NP] [um e mao leve]. Um relates
anaphorically to the subject ele he. Notice that there is a change in gender when the
DP becomes a compound.
in (7a) dedo duro is a compoimd and inveterado a modifier of the compound.
(7b) is ungrammatical because with e and the two adjectives become modifiers of


48
4.2.1 Deverbals
Mayo et al. suggest that derivational morphology has a compositional
semantics. The suffix -ada gives deverbal nouns such as the ones below the meaning
of individual or instantiated events. This is part of a more general semantic distinction
between actions and instantiation of actions, which are events. Observe the examples
below where (8b) is ungrammatical because it is not an event, but the act of
swimming. Events are bounded and countable. The examples in (7) below are a
separate event of the same action.
(7) a. nevar ; nevada to snow; a snowfall
b. nadar; nadada to swim; a swim
c. dormir; dormida to sleep; a nap
d. correr; corrida to run; an event where one runs for a short period
(8) a. Urna nadada um bom exercicio A swim is a good exercise
b. *Uma natagdo um bom exercicio A swimming is a good exercise
c. Dei tres nadadas essa semana. T went for three swims this week.
4.2.2 Denominis
The suffix -ada is also attached to nouns. The derivations are accomplished by
positing a null verb and its participle, e.g.,patar, narigar.
(9)a. olho- (olhar)- olhado- olhada eye- (to look)- looked- a look
b. pata- (patar)-palada paw- to hit with a paw- a swat
c. nariz- (narigar)- narigada nose- to hit with the nose- a nose blow
Figure 4.2
Derivation


120
negative one. The p foot schemas have less idealization because there is no ideal
way of walking, although p rapado's literal translation, scraped feet refers to the
bad physical condition of feet. Imagery and encyclopedic recall rather than
idealization were relevant to understand the meaning.
Other conceptual tools besides imagery' were extremely helpful in the
analysis. The notion of schema and its association with interpretation provided
valuable insights. Schema encompasses much variation, from restricting meaning to
only one or two features, such as in cabeca de negro type of firecracker, to a
complex cultural event that spawned cabeca feita self assured person.
One interesting aspect of N-Adj compounds was the different physiological
states that they can express. The fact that such states can be related to such feelings as
anger and fear contributes to the distinction between N-N and N-Adj. The two
underlying metonymies, T am my head, I am my feet, seem strange when uttered in
this manner, but were certainly unconsciously present throughout this analysis.


87
(2) a.fop de cana] a piece of sugarcane endocenric
b. \o/a e p de cana ne-masc/fem drunk person exocentric, where the empty
head is a person.
8.2 Exocentric Compounds in Romance
The literature on exocentric compounds in Romance is mostly descriptive and
there has not been an attempt to consider it within a syntactic frame. Scalise (1992:
184) adopts the same test (in the negative) he used for endocentrics to show that
exocentrics do not have a head. So, sema teto without roof IS NOT roof. Based
on the IS NOT assumption, he concludes that, in order to have a head, categora!
and semantic criteria must be in agreement. Scalise does not seem to acknowledge
the fact that his example sema teto has to be mapped into a null head to make any
sense at all. Compare to [o,s e sem terra] the e homeless in Portuguese, mentioned
and analyzed in previous chapters.
Villalva (1992) says that p de galinha crows feet got its metaphorical
meaning by a semantic drift, although it is not clear what she means. The only
syntactic process that she recognizes, following DiSciullo and Williams (1988), is the
V+N. Cedefto (1992:577), on the other hand, recognizes the existence of exocentric
adjective compounds. He compares cariredondo round face in Spanish to the red
hair English type, also exocentric. Redondo, being masculine, agrees with an empty
head. Portuguese not only has similar compounds, but also presents the same type of
gender agreement with a null head.
In his extensive study of compounds in Brazilian Portuguese, Sandmann
(1989:132) suggests that the semantic criterion is the most effective for distinguishing
an exocentric compound from an identical DP formation. Remember the other


CHAPTER 11
CONCLUSION
The following are some of the controversial issues about compounds in
Romance raised in the introduction (i) if compounds and DPs have the same
syntactic order, which criteria distinguish one form the other? (ii) what are the
possible syntactic operations in compounds? (iii) can the principle of headship be
generalized for all compounds? (iv) how do principles of syntax, semantics,
morphology, and phonology interact? (v) how do these issues relate to actual data?
(vi) does the language parameter for Romance function for Portuguese? At this point
I am in a position to bring forward some important generalizations about these topics.
The issues are discussed below.
The first issue to be discussed concerns which criterion is used to distinguish a
DP from a compound. It is only at sentence level that the two meanings of p de pato,
e.g., duck feet and flippers, will be distinct. The criterion that distinguishes both is
semantic, because the order of the lexico-syntactic constituents is exactly the same.
Plural is also the same, as is headship. Observing the data carefully, though, I realized
that the number of compounds that are the same as DPs is by far smaller than the ones
that are different. This goes against a widespread belief that there are no compounds
in Romance. Villalva (1992) and DiSciullo and Williams (1988) are some of the
linguists who do not consider Romance as having any compounds other than the
synthetic. Noun combinations found in Appositionals, Dvandvas, synthetics, phrasals,
129


giving it a general meaning. In the former, the presence of definite gives it a
referential meaning. [+R],
6.2.5 N+Adi
73
The compounds in this category are N and modifiers. The head is followed by
an adjective. The basic adjective categories are
color
(34) a. lista negra black list
b. carta branca free entry
weight
(35) a. peso-leve Tight weight
b. peso-pesado heavy weight
taste
(36) agua doce fresh water as opposed to salt water
quality
(37) ano novo new year
6,2,6 Adi. + N
This is a special category of compounds, typical of the Romance languages
and composed of a restricted number of adjectives that move to a higher position in
DP. Not only adjectives but also quantifiers such as bem and mal give the noun a
referential reading. As mentioned above, adjectives that can be heads, such as
gentilics or participials, do not move to the left. The few adjectives that move are the
predicative or attributive type. These adjectives can be to the right or left of the noun.
In her study of adjective order, Nobre (1991) argues that the degree of cohesion
between the two elements may be so strong that the noun and adjective lose their


Ill
conventional expressions, can be regarded as a matrix from which we extract rales.
Therefore, in his usage-based grammar (1988) a semantic unit can be characterized
as a configuration in a semantic space, which includes concepts. Information both
semantic and encyclopedic is included in the lexicon. Semantic units are entries in a
network where information is easily retrieved.
Langacker distinguishes three different relationships between units:
phonological and semantic unit create a symbolic unit;
semantic units abide by categorization because ultimately we decide if the
referent belongs to a class of things defined by a symbolic unit;
* each symbolic unit is a category or a schema, an abstraction or a prototype for a
whole class of referents that would instantiate that schema.
Semantic units present integration when two or more structures of the same
type form a composite structure such as cat food. When one component of the
compound is integrated into the other, adjustment is required. Some form of
accommodation on the part of the language user is also necessary. The phrase botar
op put the foof into the water or on an anthill are perfectly predictable but in the
world requires accommodation and adjustment. Putting together disparate images to
form novel expressions also requires creativity, which is a characteristic of the
language user. The user has to build up the bridge betweenperna de pan pegleg
and a soccer player who moves slowly or cannot receive a pass from the other
players.
The notion of schema is crucial to interpret compounding. Schemas have
properties of their own:


118
part/whole
It is to be understood in its literal meaning, that is, one not only can visualize
but also should possess some encyclopedic meaning about the compounds: p de
moleque, p de atleta, p de cabra, p de pato, p de coelho, p de gal inha, p de
boi.
In p de moleque, moleque refers to a black child, in p de pato it is the shape
of ducks feet whose function is to move faster in water; in p de galinha it is the
shape of the foot and the wrinkled appearance that by extension is used for wrinkles
on peoples faces. P de cabra is used as a tool to open doors, and p de coelho is
supposed to bring luck. These last two are old forms that appear in different
languages. One of the few compounds that associate animal characteristics with
human beings is p de boi. An ox is one of the major possessions on a farm and in
many languages an ox is associated with strength and sturdiness. Someone who is a
p de boi is therefore a hard worker.
one of a kind
Example p de cana has an endocentric as well as exocentric meaning, From
sugarcane we make a strong and cheap alcoholic liquor, thus a synonym for a drunk.
one of a pair
In p de chnelo, chnelo is a cheap kind of sandal, therefore someone who
wears chnelos does not even have money for shoes.
N-Adj combinations were less common with feet than heads. The adjective
fro renders positive qualities to the head by itself, but with feet, we understand that


TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
ABSTRACT
CHAPTERS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Compounds and Noun Phrases
1.2 Criteria to Identify Compounds
1.3 Conceptual Semantics and Compounds
1.4 Heads in Compounds
1.4.1 Syntactic Head
1.4.2 Semantic Head
1.5 Compounds under DP
1.6 Conclusion
2. HEADS IN COMPOUNDS
2.1 Criteria for Identifying Compounds in English
2.2 Semantic Head
2.3 Identifying the Syntactic Head
2.4 Head in Hybrid Compounds
2.5 Syntactic Representation
2.6 Data Classification
2.6.1 Productivity
2.6.2 Categories
3. DIACHRONIC DATA
3.1 Millors Poem
3.1.1 Lexicalist View
3.1.2 Syntactic Framework
3.2 Historical Portuguese
3.2.1 Opaque Compounds
3.2.2 Innovation in Romance
3.3 Old Portuguese Compounds
3.4 The Lexicon
3.4.1 Parasynthetic Derivation
3.4.2 Clipping
3.4.3 Back Formation
3.4.4 Evaluative Affixes
3.5 Conclusion
page
ii
vii
1
5
6
9
11
11
12
15
16
17
18
20
21
23
24
25
26
26
28
30
30
32
o o
34
34
36
38
39
41
42
43
44
IV


CHAPTER 9
BODY- PART COMPOUNDS
9.1 Introduction
Motivation to use compounding rather than more traditional language cannot
be attributed only to random choice. The speaker wants to (i) create a word that is
more specific than those already existing; (ii) better describe or qualify a person or an
object; or (hi) convey an abstract idea by means of a metaphor in a condensed way,
abiding to the principle of economy. We are equipped to do that because we
intuitively know the syntactic principles of the language guiding compound format.
In the data I have gathered for this investigation there were several examples
of body parts used as endo- and exocentric compounds. I decided to pursue this
semantic domain of body parts and use it as a sample investigation of compound
analysis. I limited the examples to N Adi and N+PP. The first word, conceivably the
head, would be a body part, as shown below:
(1) Aquelejogador urn perna de pan That player is a leg of wood clumsy player.5
The language of sports, music, and technology abounds in such compounds.
An endocentric compound often acquires semantic extensions, thus becoming
polysernic. Perna de pau consists of per na, leg5 + de of5 made of5 + pan
wood,5 or peg leg5 by compositional meaning. In fact, perna de pan is a compound
in Portuguese. One-legged people without financial resources create different wood
legs5 that vary from simple handmade devices to more elaborate prostheses. Perna de
97


84
(11)a ecoiurismo eco-tourism
Clipping of words from different morphological systems (internet from English
and astronauta from Portuguese)
I nt ernet astronauta
Ml! Ml!
Inter nauta
(12) internauta web surfer
Borrowings forming a new word that does not exist in the source language (both
foot and volley are from English). When borrowed they get Portuguese
pronunciation and conform to the spelling rules of Portuguese.
(13) futevolei soccer played in a volleyball sand court
7,6 Conclusion
The data presented in this chapter reflect the coining of new words by the
Brazilian speaker. Many of these words reflect different stages of advancements in
technology. The speaker borrows, translates or clips the words in order to form new
compounds. Right-headed compounds in Portuguese follow the rules of derivation in
Romance with inflectional suffixes attaching to the right.


46
These guidelines give examples of gender inflection and human cloning (Harris,
1991:51). Harris establishes a redundancy rule for Human Nouns. Human Cloning
replaces the lexical entry L with a pair of entries Lm (masculine) and Lf (femimne). That will
hold for examples (2) and (3). What these guidelines fail to do is to explain numerous
cases where grammatical gender is used to distinguish meaning. In the examples
below in Table 4.1, the semantic domain of the human cloning is a professional
category. The generic masculine is a member of a professional category and the
feminine names the professional category itself. The base form is the masculine, and
-a (the grammatical feminine) is a derivational suffix.
Table 4.1
Derivation and Inflection
Masculine
(one member of a category)
O mgico the magician
O msico the musician
Opolitico the politician
O guarda the soldier
O lrico the lyric poet
Feminine
(the category)
A mgica the magic
A msica the music
A poltica the politics
A guarda the guard
A lrica the lyric
Figure 4.1
Syntactic representation
Because -a gives the N the status of a professional category, it is a derivational
suffix that attaches to N that are members of a category. The semantic
representation is:


CHAPTER 2
HEADS IN COMPOUNDS
One of the central issues in Romance compounding is to set specific
guidelines that differentiate compounds from NPs. Except for a few right head
compounds (Chapter 7) such as fracassomania failure mania, compounds in
Romance are formed the same way as NPs in syntax. The four criteria previously
described in the introduction account for the prototypical examples, but the borderline
types require more attention. In this chapter, I will review the literature on Romance
and Germanic headship assignment that is relevant to Portuguese compounding. I will
look for similarities in Romance and contrasts in Germanic languages. The notion of
head is a language universal, but the parameter for Romance and Germanic is
opposite in terms of the left/right direction of its complements. In Romance the noun
complements are to the right of the head [D N Adj]DP, and in English to the left [DP
Adj N]DP.
Following the standard categories used in compound literature, I will classify
the data in Portuguese into endocentric, exocentric, appositional, dvandva, and
synthetic compounds. The reason for this classification is to account for the most
striking features of each one. Endo/exocentric are semantic categories for compounds
that do/do not have a head. Although I, in fact, claim that all compounds do have a
head and show their null syntactic head as a proof, I will use the traditional
classification to establish the differences between the two. Appositional follows the
17


50
Table 4.2
Collective
(i) stem : drop/o/ and add lado/
change stress to the syllable
before the last in /ada/
(ii) inflectional class: as a
generic name or collective there
is no plural
(iii) syntactic properties: no
lexico-syntactic change
N4 N [+animate]
(iv)semantic specifications:
attach to names of people and
animals giving them the
meaning of a group
(12) a Cachorro-cachorrada dog-group of dogs
b. Mosquito- mosquilada mosquito-group of mosquitoes
c. hoi-boiada ox-herd of oxen
d. garoto-garotada kid-group of kids
e. mogo-mogada young man- group of young men
f. mulher-mulherada woman-group of women
g.rapaz- rapaziada young man-group of young men
h. menino-meninada boy-group of boys
Table 4.3
Made Of
i) stem:- drop the last vowel.
Add -ada
(ii) inflectional class:- although
generic, plural applies
(iii) syntactic properties: no
lexico-syntactic change.
N--> N f+ edible]
(iv)semamtic specifications: add
it to names of fruit and edible
things. The meaning is food or
drink made of the base N
(13) a. goiaba-goiabada guava-guava drink
b. peixe-peixada fish-fish dish
c. bacalhau-bacalhoada codfish-codfish dish
d. laranja-laranjada orangeade
e.limao-limonada lemonade


TABLE 2.1
Compound Categories
CATEGORIES
TOTAL==S49
ENDOCENTRIC
213
l.N+N
65
2. N+P+N
49
3.P+N
8
4. Prefix ¡ N(Adj)
17
5. N+ Adj.
49
6. Adj.+N
18
7. N+P+V
7
EXOCENTRIC
101
l.N+N
9
2. N+P+N
23
3. N+Adj.
37
4. Numeral+N
6
5.Adj+N
16
6. PHRASAL
10
I) VAX DVA
12
APPOSITIONAL
20
SYNTHETIC
61
REDUPLICATION
45
BODY PARTS
72
16th CENTURY
COMPOUNDS
25


71
(21) a. nao-alinhamento non-alignment
b. nao-combatente non-combatant and also with adjectives
c. nao-produlivo non-productive
(22) a. nao-observanda non-observation
b. ndo- conhecimento no knowledge
c. o ndo vir not coming
Lately, however, 1 have observed a significant change in the scope of ndo. The
language speaker sees it also as a prefix of negation, somehow like des.
(23) a. ndo advogado a non-lawyer
b. ndo ator a non-actor
6,2.4 N+P+N
In this section we will present the relationships established by de of. There
are so many distinct types that de is more like an affix with possession as its basic
meaning, but it is certainly not the only meaning. It will be recalled that in Chapter 3
we saw that different Latin prepositions collapsed into de. Consider the examples
below:
contained/container
(24) gua de coco coconut water
container/contained
(25) a. baldo de oxigenio oxygen tank
b. caixa d'gua water tower
made of
(26) a. caldo de carne beef broth
b. caldo de feijao bean broth
part to whole
(27) a. bicho de p an organism, a fungus that gives bad odor
b. pomo de Addo Adams apple
1 In Veja. Oct. 98. (23b) is in Jornal do Brasil. March 13, 1998.


177.
Peso-pesado
Heavy weight
378.
Planalto
Plateau "the capital5
179.
Politico profissional
Professional politician
180.
Ponte levadiza
Drawbridge
181.
Premio Nobel
Nobel prize
182.
Prisao domiciliar
House arrest
183.
Prisao perpetua
Life imprisonment
184.
Quartel general
General headquarters
185.
Radical chique
Elegant Radical (cartoon girl)
186.
Rdio escuta
Long wave radio
187.
Secretrio geral
General secretary
188.
Yenda postal
Stamp sale
6. Adj. + N
189.
Bern avisada
Forewarned
190.
Bern criada
Well bred
191.
Em educada
Well mannered
192.
Bern empregado
Well employed
193.
Bern fudida
Sexually pleased
194.
Bern nutrido
Well nourished
195.
Bom-tom
Advisable
196.
Jvem guarda
New group
197.
Livre escolha
Free choice
198.
Livre pensador
Free thinker
199.
Livre-docente
Professor
200.
Longa data
Long time
201.
M f
On purpose
202.
Mal criado
Badly mannered
203.
Pequea empresa
Small enterprise
204.
Pequeo burgus
Petit bourgeois
205.
Pronto socorro
Emergency hospital
206.
Velha guarda
Old guard


This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of
Lingiatics in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and
was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy.
May 1999
Dean, Graduate School


37
I consulted the book Ditos Portugueses Dignos de Memoria Portuguese
Sayings Worth Remembering, compiled by Jos Saraiva (1997), as a historical
source of compounds, which recounts events involving members of the Imperial
family and the Portuguese Court in the sixteenth century. There were two reasons for
selecting this particular book. First, it is a source closer to the register of spoken
language in Portugal because it mentions people and their different professions in
everyday situations. Second, it reports sayings. The chances of finding compounds
increases in this kind of literature which is far more descriptive than the epic poems
of the time. The orthography has been revised, making it easier to recognize
possible compounds.
The examples in Table 3.1 suggest that there seems to be a tendency in
modem Portuguese to choose a more generic noun form instead of the plural or
specific gender form. Casa da suplicagdo house of-the-fem begging today is casa
de detengao detention house where detengao has a generic meaning. Compounds
formed by P+N do not show the generic meaning. Sem-rzoes no-reasons is no
longer a noun and raido is used with a generic meaning. Prepositions were used as
indicators of direction with proper nouns, e.g. Alm Tejo beyond Tejo (River) and
with common nouns, e.g .jut de fora judge from another community.The Spanish
definite article el preceded rei king, marking it [+R], that is not just any king, but
the king of Portugal. In Montemor o Velho Montemor the Old, the name of a place,
the article o is in a DP that functions as an appositive to a noun.
Compounds formed by V+N have the same syntactic order as today. The data
in Table 2 demonstrate examples of words with the same lexico-syntactic categories


81
as (5c) shows. The suffix -co/a possessing attaches to the head. Table 7.1 presents
other examples of the productivity of these and other roots in Portuguese.
(5) a. cleptomania kleptomania
b. fracassomania failure mania
c. sucesso-maniaca success-maniac
d. Beatlemania Beatlemania
Once lexicalized, these compounds produce derivations that are often used by the
media.
(6) a narcotrfico narcotraficante narcotraffic dealer
b.cmejornal cinejornalistico cinejoumal-istic
Table 7.1
Compounds formed by Greek and Latin Roots
Greek
Latin
Pacotologia packaging science
Internauta web surfer
Cinejomal newsreel
Motoserra chain saw
Ecosistema eco system
Tomaticultura tomato culture
Lipoaspiragao liposuction
Agro-rock country rock
Cleptomanaco kleptomaniac
Videoarte video art
Fracassomania failure mania
Vinicultura grape culture
Tecnocracia technocracy
Teleanimcio TV ad
Burrocrata assocrat?
Telenovela soap opera
Narcotrfico narcotraffic
Espagonauta astronaut
Rainer and Varela (1992) present a similar sample for Spanish. They see them
as borrowings from Germanic languages because the roots are attached to the left.
Remember that the order for noun complements in Romance is the opposite of
Germanic. Although I agree that there are a growing number of compounds that are


CHAPTER 6
ENDOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS
An endocentric compound (see Appendix for a complete list) can be defined
as a hyponym of the constituent that is its own head. They are classified according to
the lexico-syntactic relationship between their constituents. In endocentric
compounds the syntactic and the semantic head are the same. I start the investigation
on endocentrics by reviewing the concept of syntactic head identification (Lieber,
1992) and also looking at a second way of identifying the head, which is by
pluralizing the compound. Next, I list the lexico-syntactic categories of endocentrics
and examine the semantic overlap among some categories. Zwicky (1985), and
Scalise (1992) suggest the IS A test to identify the head of a N+N compound. So,
(1) a livro depoimento book testimony, IS A (type of) book
b samba canqao samba song, IS A (type of) slower samba with a romantic
message.
There is such a variety of N+N compounds that to rely only on the IS A (type) of
reading is oversimplifying the issue. Consider N+N bound by a null preposition
In (2a) and (2b) it is de of and (2c) is para for.
(2) a. carn ledo literal translation (LT) pay book lion, income tax pay book,
where lion is a metaphor for the IRS power to take ones money.
b. SOS-crianca LT SOS-child program to help children in need
c. salrio-famlia LT salary-family, an extra amount of money paid to someone
for each child the person has.
Other N+N can be rephrased as N+ an Adjunct Phrase showing similarity,
such as many color names, e.g.,
61


149
Carne
LT
M
1.carne de pesclo
Flesh of neck
Someone who is
persistent
Pern a
LM
M
.pema de pau
leg of wood
Person clumsy in
sports
2.peraa bamba
leg shaky
Scared person
Eye
LT
M
l.olho de lince
eye of lynx
Smart, clever person
2.olho de mormaQO
eye of mist
Sneaky person
3.olho grande
eye big
Envious person
4.olho mgico
eye magic
Peep hole
5.oIho vivo
eye alive
Alert person
Vista
LT | M
1. vista grossa
sight thick | Pretend you didnt see
Testa
LT
M
1.testa de ferro
Forehead of iron
A cover person
Cara
LM
M
l.cara de pau
face of wood
No sense of decorum
2.cara dura
face hard
Nosy person
3.cara pintada
face painted
Indian
4. cara metade
face half
Spouse
5 cara torta
face crooked
a person who dislikes
what she sees
6.cara plida
face pale
White men


68
Adjunct Phrase
Color names have the reading of an adjunct phrase that means like.
(14) a. amarelo-mostarda mustard yellow
b. verde-limao lime green
c. vermelho-sangue red blooded
One is reminded of Wierzbickas (1990) semantic analysis. She posits that color
is perceived as associated with universals of human experience, such as day and
night, sky and ocean, light and fire. These perceptions are shared by language users of
different cultures. Color sensations occur in our brains, and in order to communicate
these sensations, we project them onto an object or a person in our shared
environment. The link between night and day, and black and white, respectively is
quite obvious. The same can be said of perceiving blood as a certain red, and lime a
kind of green.
Table 6.2 summarizes the underlying relationships between the constituents.
Table 6.2
Syntactic Relations
.Types
Examples
N+ Restrictive( que )
Eleitoresfantasma ghost voters
Adolescente problema problem
adolescent
N+ (empty) Prep. Phrase
SOS-crianga SOS-child
N+ Adjunct Phrase (como)
Amarelo-mostarda mustard-
yellow
6.2.2 P+N
Because prepositions antecede the nouns, noun compounds formed by P+N
present a problem for the head initial parameter. We can, however, consider
prepositions as prefixes that attach to nouns by incorporation. Prepositions and


11
around the concept that the word or the words represent. In the example of the
principle above, the idea of a restaurant and related imagery function as the
underlying background for the metaphor to spontaneously develop. Pragmatic
knowledge about food is also involved in recovering the meaning. These concepts
function as our background knowledge, and I argue that we apply the same principle
to metaphor- reading, that is, we understand one domain of experience in terms of an
other.
1.4 Heads in Compounds
In this section I want to show that compounds, like NPs, have a head and that
adjectives and PPs are adjoined to the right of the compound according to the head
subject parameter for Romance languages. I start by defining word order in Romance
and the position of the syntactic head. Then, I categorize compounds according to the
semantic component of the head.
1.4,1 Syntactic Head
It has been proposed (Bernstein 1991; Cinque, 1994) that the surface order of
a Romance NP is [Det+ N+ Adj], One exception will be briefly addressed now then
developed in Section 6.2.6. That exception is the distribution of predicative
adjectives, such as grande in um grande livro and pronto in the compound pronto
socorro. It has been suggested (Cinque, 1994) that such adjectives occupy an
intermediate functional position between the N and Spec, so would block the noun
movement across these adjectives. Since meaning of these adjectives is referential,
they refer to one specific book in the former example and one specific kind of help in
the latter.


CHAPTER 10
SYNTHETIC COMPOUNDS
Synthetic compounds are nominal compounds consisting of a verb and a noun that
satisfies its internal arguments. In (la) below, chuva Tain" satisfies the internal argument
of guarda "keep/ The meaning of guarda-chuva refers to an object that protects one
from the rain. In (lb) olho eye satisfies the argument o lapa cover. So, a lapa olho(s)
is an object to cover the eye. in both compounds the argument is theme. The form of the
verb, which usually belongs to first conjugation, that is, ends in -ar, is 3rd sing, present.
(1) a. guada-chma umbrella
b. tapa olho eye patch
There are three points to consider in the analysis of synthetic compounds.
First, we have to account for the well formedness inside the compound. I will follow
Sproat (1985) and Lieber (1992). Second we have to account for the zero derivation of a
verb into a noun. I will follow the analysis of Varela (1989) for Spanish, which is based
on Sproat and Lieber. The third point to consider is headship. Like other categories of
compounds in this investigation, these are endocentric or exocentric synthetic
compounds. In endocentric, it is the first element in the compound. In the examples,
(la,b) are endocentric and fne example (2) exocentric, that is, having an empty head. In
example (3), the verb is used in its intransitive form and rpido fastfunctions as an
adjunct.
(2) [Ne Narrasta/?e]N LT drag foot a party, an event where people move their
feet and dance
121


34
3.2.1 Opaque Compounds
Some Latin compounds formed by the thematic variant of a noun with another
noun, the latter being the head, e.g., agrcola a tiller of fields,5 entered Portuguese as
loan words and served as models for others. An epenthetic vowel i characterizes this
type of word formation. Although these words became opaque, the roots are part of
the lexicon and a matrix to form words.
(10) a. cordiforme shaped like a heart
b. uniforme uniform5
c. disforme disfigured5
d.frutifero bearing fruit
e. mamfero bearingbreasts.
3.2.2 Innovation in Romance
The examples below, cited in Camara (1972:11) and Penny (1993:11), show
how adjectival phrases absorbed the meaning of nouns. My point in demonstrating
this is to restate that there was considerable zero conversion between nouns and
adjectives.
(11) a.fructum persicum Persian fruit pssego peach5
b. fratre germana LT true brother, brother of same ancestry -> irmao
brother
N+PP
In the following chapters I will present extensive data showing N+N
compounds that bear a relationship, established by either an empty preposition or by
de, that seems to carry an infinite variety of meanings. Therefore, it seems opportune
to transcribe Camaras examples below (1972:13). The reason for doing this is to
show that de absorbed the meaning of several other Latin prepositions.


88
meaning of pe foot, is one of a kind.' P de meia one sock is endocentric and p
de meia savings exocentric. This old metonymy comes from the time when people
hid their money in socks under the mattress. P de gal inha chicken feet has a
metaphorical meaning where imagery plays an important role. Visualizing chicken
claws gives us a picture of how face wrinkles look. Not all exocentric compounds,
however, have an endocentric counterpart.
We also must recognize that some exocentric compounds like the P+N sem
terra land-less are not metaphorical. After freezing, though, an exocentric
compound usually develops metaphorical extensions according to the contexts in
which the word is used. In a recent Brazilian soap opera, one female character was
uma sem terra a land-less girl because she arrived at the farm where the action of
the soap opera takes place with the landless group. Eventually a sem terra gained a
derogatory meaning, such as uneducated and crude.
8,3 Interpreting Exocentrics
adopt the model suggested by Lakoff (1990:288) to interpret metaphors for
compounds. A metaphoric mapping involves a source and target domain. The source
is an image, a schematic model, and the mapping is partial. It maps the structure of a
Cognitive Model (CM) into a corresponding structure in the target domain. In Figure
8.1 the shape and color were the characteristics mapped.
(3) Copo de leite glass of milk a large white plant from the lily family whose shape
and color resembles a glass of milk.


78
other types, and grammatical category is not changed. They attach to nouns by
incorporation. The more constituents a compound has, the closer to syntax it seems
to be. Examples are N+P+VP, which are sensitive to the same rules of object drop.
In addition, the presence of FP in some compounds shows that there is N-movement
to these syntactic categories, especially if the N is [+RJ. N+P+N and N+Adj were
the categories that show most polysemy with metaphors and metonymies more prone
to develop. The meaning presents a higher degree of abstraction when compared to
N+N.


59
The phonological weight of the syllable interferes with stress patterns. Affixation, on
the other hand, does not take into account the phonology of the base.
The template formed by the prosodic word should recapitulate a parameter of
the language. Following these principles, the prosodic template chosen for
reduplication is not an arbitrary sequence. It is composed of a bimoraic foot [era] with
two light moras at the syllable level [app], The stress is on the last syllable to the
right, that is, iambic stress. Iambic clipping does not permit a heavy syllable
(Kenstowicz, 1994:557). In order to satisfy the constraints of these templatic
conditions if necessary the prosodic words will suffer clipping and simplification.
Reduplication is not syllable copy, but the mapping of the bases segmental tier (its
melody) to a phonemically empty affix.
Pr W
F
/ \
/ \
a a
/1 /|
l\i / pi
/ I / I
i a i
Figure 5.2
Prosodic Representation
Parameter: foot of two syllables with simple onset and one mora a [pp]
Setting: stressed syllable in the foot, right side (iambic)
Matching procedures: applies to the stressed syllable in the foot
5,2,3.2 Clipping
laid comes from ia (Yoruba-woman), first used by the slaves to refer to the
mistress of the house. In Yoruba means mother. By analogy to the feminine


116
schema they elicit. In cabega deporco there are two pig' schemas: small head
compared to a big body and an animal that lacks hygiene. Therefore cabeca de porco
is a small house in a tenement with poor hygienic facilities. In cabega de negro,
negro means only the color and the shape of the head of a black person mapped into
the shape and color of an exploding firecracker type. Only two of the cabega
compounds show positive qualities. They are cabega feita and cabeca fria. These two
compounds relate more to controlling emotions than to having intelligence. They
demonstrate that there are other metaphors for cabega than the ones I first suggested.
The compounds that refer to persons are derogatory' and refer to lack of intelligence,
lack of emotional control, and lack of concentration.
ll.p foot
Bodily experience: we are whole beings with parts that we can manipulate.
Schemas:
part of the body that permits us not only to walk and run (basic level) but also to
escape, to dance;
part of the body of different animals with their physical characteristics;
one of a kind such asp de cana, foot of cane one node of sugarcane
one of two that make up a pair such as p de meia foot of sock one sock.
Structural elements: the body, the foot, and a configuration of the foot in human
beings and in animals.
Basic logic: The schema is asymmetric. The foot is part of the body, but the body is
not part of the foot.


158
Foster, David, i977. Exocentric N[NN] Compounds in Spanish. Orbis. 25. I.
P. 44-75
Fukui, Naoki & Margaret Speas. 1985. Specifiers and Projections. MIT Working
Papers in Linguistics. 8. P. 128-172.
Giorgi, Alessandra & Giuseppe Longobardi. 1991. The Syntax of Noun Phrases.
Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
Givn, T. 1993. English Grammar I-II. John Benjamins Philadelphia.
Gonzalez, J. Ramon. 1981. Topnimos Compuestos Romnicos. Yerba. 8. P. 229-
46.
Hale, Kenneth & Samuel Jay Key ser. 1993. On Argument Structure and the Lexical
Expression of Syntactic Relations. In Ed. Kenneth Hale & Samuel Jay
Keyser. The View from Building 20. The MIT Press. Cambridge, Mass.
Halle, Morris. 1990. An Approach to Morphology. Proceedings of the Northeastern
Linguistic Society7. 20:1. P. 150-184.
Harmon, Ronald. 1994. Aspectos Lingsticos do Portugus. Hispania. 77 (3)
P. 463-69.
Harris, James. 1991. The Exponence of Gender in Spanish. Linguistic Inquiry. 22.
P. 27-62
Hayman, John. 1980. Dictionaries and Encyclopedias. Lingua. 50. P.329-357.
Higginbotham, James. 1985. A Note on Phrase Markers in Linguistics. MIT
Working Papers in Linguistics. 6. P. 87-101.
Hoeksema, Jack. 1988. Head Types in Morpho-Syntax. In Booij, Geert E. &
Jaap van Marie (Eds.), Yearbook of Morphology. Dordrecht: Fori s.
HoFlanda, Aurelio B. 1991. Pequeo Dicionrio da Lingua Portuguesa. Editora
Civilizagao Brasileira. Rio de Janeiro.
Ishikawa, Masataka. 1997. Feature Checking, Chain Linking and the Distribution of
Noun Pirrases in Spanish. Hispania. 80 (3). P. 556-67.
Jackendoff, R. 1995. Semantic Structures. MIT Press. Cambridge, Mass.
Jensen, John. 1990. Morphology. John Benjamins. Philadelphia.


chapters that gender morphemes are not always part of inflection. Instead, some are
suffixes with meanings of their own.
29
In this chapter I review data on Portuguese morphology presented by Camara
(1972); Basilio (1987); Sandmann (1989, 1990, 1991, 1992,1997); Carone (1994);
and Laroca (1994), and show that these authors refer only to the historical and
lexicalist perspectives of word formation. In their descriptive approaches, no attempts
are made to present the data under a unifying theory. Based on headship assignment
and other syntactic operations, such as noun and verb incorporation, I propose to
analyze the diachronic data presented in this chapter under the general framework of
principles and parameters. I also assume as proposed by Miller (1993:3), following
Halle (1990), that all existing words are stored in the lexicon The lexicon is
composed of roots (word stems and affixes) and words.
As I briefly mentioned in Chapter 2, the same principles used to describe
compounding can be used for derivation. In 3.1, the analysis of the poetic epigraph
shows that derivation, inflexion, and compounding cannot be completely separated
because they are part of word formation, and therefore interact with one another. In
3.2,1 look at historical Portuguese and discuss some patterns of Latin that were
adopted in Portuguese as models for derivation. In 3.3,1 look at data from the
sixteenth century and present examples of compounds with the same lexico-syntactic
structure found in modem Portuguese. I finish the chapter by examining recent
creations in derivation that have been lexicalized and become part of the lexicon.


100
Table 9.1
Lexical-Syntactic Categories
TOTAL
73
N+Adj
36
N+PP
37
9.3 Lexical-Syntactic Categories
The table above shows that the number of N+Adj and N+PP compoundings
are practically the same. I predict, however, that due to their composition, the N+Adj
compounds will present different characteristics from the N+PP forms.
9,3.1 N + P.+ N
The first thing to examine is the role of the preposition de. 1 am not
undertaking an exhaustive analysis of de in Portuguese. I am only examining the
types found in the data. Sinclair (1991) studied cof examples taken from the corpus
of COBUILT, one of the most extensive corpora of the English language. The
methodology that he suggests to categorize of is quite simple. Take samples from
the data set and categorize them by meaning. Put them away, get new data and
categorize it by meaning as if it were new. See whether the categories found are
similar. The result should show regularity in semantic categories. Following
Sinclairs methodology, 1 found that de in these data establishes three basic
relationships in regards to the parts of the body:
* part/whole as in
(2) a. p de moleque a sweet peanut brittle
b. cabega de bagre dumb ; (see literal translations below)
made of as in


demonstrates knowledge of the history of Portuguese. Pro is usually followed by a
noun as in (la) and (lb). Last but not least, Millor describes himself as
31
(3) um e pr-pr e-pr a person in favor of but bom previous to the use of the jet
propulsion engine
He coins an exocentric compound that is sensitive to FPs. Agreement between
an article and a null subject was not part of Latin syntax. In Old Romance, the use of
more emphatic speech caused the appearance of new Determiners such as articles.
That in turn caused the loss of the case system. Determiners incorporate the gender
and number agreement features as in (3). Um shows the number and gender of the
null head e.
3,1.1 Lexicalist View
The derivation of propulsao below follows the pattern of Lexical Phonology,
with phonological changes triggered at each level. Kiparsky (1982:132) proposed a
model based on Siegels Level Ordering (1974) that includes phonological rules that
apply at each level of derivation. In this way, he separates mies that apply in the
lexicon and those that operate after words have been combined into sentences in
syntax. The lexical analysis below raises important questions about the accuracy of
lexicalism. Looking at an alternative for the morphological steps in (4) one could also
start from the root puls (5).
(4) a. pro (Latin) forward -> pro
b. propulsao propulsion
propulsare (Latin) propulsar (Port.) final vowel drops
propulsar + ao propulsao final r drops
propulsado unification of the same vowel
propulsao
A more detailed analysis starts from


115
emotion under control
* anger
fear
deprivation
(5) cabega fria cool headed person
(6) cabega quente cold person
(7) cabega tonta confused person
(8) cabeca oca hollow-immature
The examples below show how these compounds can be used as epithets/
predicates, that is, metonymically and as temporary mental state descriptions.
(25) Ele est de cabega incitada porque o time de fulebol perdeu.
He is of swollen head hes got a swollen head because his soccer team lost.
(26) Ele um cabega tonta.
He is a confused person.
(27)Ele ficou de cabega tonta depois do acdente.
His head became confused after the accident.
Cabega feita head done, mind made up, deserves a fuller explanation of its
cultural background. Although easily interpreted, it relates originally to the period
spent in prayer and purification by one of the priestesses of the black rituals. During
this time the head is shaved and the participants are kept in seclusion until they are
ready to receive the deity. So, cabega feita originally referred only to people who
underwent this ritual passage. By analogy ii was extended to everyone else and
became a productive compound describing a person whose mind is set and who is not
easily influenced.
The remaining compounds rely on imagery in order to be understood. They
are examples cabeca chata, cabeca de negro, and cabega de porco. Cabeca chata
describes people from Northeast of Brazil It signals a physical characteristic of the
head, which, of course, lacks scientific basis. Similar compounds are part of the
folklore of many cultures. In both cabeca de negro and cabega de porco the
part/whole relationship is crucial to the interpretation of the compound and the


160
Lieber, Rochelle. 1992. Deconstructing Morphology. University of Chicago Press.
Chicago.
Lima, Rocha. 1978. Gramtica Normativa da Lingua Portuguesa. LivrariaJos
Olimpio. Rio de Janeiro
Lobato, Lucia. 1994. A Concordancia Nominal no Portugus do Brasil Luz da
Teora de Principios e Parmetros e da Sociolinguistica Variacionista.
DJE.L.T.A. 10. P. 173-212.
Longobardi, Giuseppe. 1994. Reference and Proper Names: A Theory of N-
Movement in Syntax and Logical Form. Linguistic Inquiry. 25. P. 609-65
Lopes, Edward. 1995. Fundamentos da Lingistica Contempornea. Editora Cultrix.
Sao Paulo
Lyons, John. 1979. Semantics Ml. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1990. Foot and Word in Prosodic Morphology: the
Arabic Broken Plural. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. 8. P.
209-283.
Marantz, E. & Caroline Wiltshire. 1995. Reduplication. In Ed. G. Booij, C.
& J.Mugdan (Eds.). Morphology, A Handbook of Morphology and Word
Formation. Walter de Gruyter & Co. Amsterdam.
Massini-Cagliari, Gladis. 1992. Acento e Ritmo. Editora Contexto. Sao Paulo, SP.
Mayo, B., M.T. Schepping, C. Schwarze and A. Zaffanella. 1995. Semantics in the
Derivational Morphology of Italian: Implications for the Structure of the
Lexicon. Linguistics. 33. P. 883-938.
Michaelis Dicionrio Prtieo. 1987. Edicdes Melhoramentos. Sao Paulo.
Miller, Gary. 1993. Complex Verb Formation. John Benjamins Publishing
Company. Philadelphia.
Moravcsik, E. 1986. Reduplicative Constructions. Universals of Human Language.
P. 299-333. Stanford University Press. Stanford, California.
Nobre, Monica. 1991. A Ordem dos Adjetivos em Sintagmas Nominis da Fala
Espontnea. Proceedings of A Lingua en Uso na Fala e na Escrita. Seminar.
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro.
Nunberg, G. 1979. The Nonuniqueness of Semantic Solutions: Polysemy.
Linguistics and Philosophy. N. 3. P. 143-184.


351.
Bate queixo
Fever
352.
Beija mao
Excessive courtesy
353.
Borra botas
Coward
354.
Botafogo
Spoil sportTrouble maker
355.
Caga nqueis
Slot machine
356.
Caga torpedeiro
A war ship
357.
Cola tudo
A powerful glue
358.
Come mosca
An absent minded person
359.
Come quieto
A person who is secretive about his sex life
360.
Corta essa
Stop that
361.
Corta grama
lawn mower
362.
Cria caso
Trouble maker
363.
Deixa disso
Stop that
364.
Desmancha testa
Party pooper
365.
Desmancha prazer
Pleasure destroyer
366.
Disque pedra
Call crack number
367.
Disque pizza
Call pizza number
368.
Faz onda
Small talk
369.
Faz tudo
A place where small objects are repaired
370.
Ganha pao
Bread winning income
371.
Guarda chuva
Umbrella
372.
Guarda comida
Cupboard
373.
Guarda costas
Bodyguard
374.
Guarda livros
Book keeper
375.
Guarda roupa
Wardrobe
376.
Langa chama
Spitfire gun
377.
Langa perfume
A perfume spray
378.
Levanta homem
A type of powerful liquor
379.
Limpa pasto
A type of snake
380.
Louva Deus
A type of insect
381.
Marca passo
Pacemaker
382.
Mata fome
A snack
383.
Mata rato
A cheap brand of cigarettes
384.
Papa mosca
An absent minded person
385.
Papa-bezerro
A type of snake
386.
Para-brisa
Windshield wiper
387.
Paraqueda
Parachute
388.
Porta- estandarte
Flag holder
389.
Porta seio
Bra
390.
Porta-aviao
Aircraf carrier


136
35. Fute bo i raga
Soccer played with guts
36. Garota propaganda
Advertising model
37. Guerra-relmpago
Blitzkrieg (Geman)
38. Jogo-treino
Practice-game
39. Livro-depoimento
Testimonial book
40. Mae pria
Mother country
41. Mdico legista
Forensic doctor
42. Mestre escola
School master
43. Mico-leao
A monkey that looks like a lion, golden
tamarind
44. Gperagao reboque
Towing operation
45. Papa-vi ajante
Traveling Pope
46. Pega-chave
Key piece
47. Pergunata-chave
Key question
48. Piloto-robo
Robot pilot
49. Poesia processo
Poetry-process
50. Questo-chave
Key question
51. Rabino Mor Emrito
Emeritus Rabbi
52. Romance folhetim
Serial novel
53. Rosa-ch
Tea-rose
54. Salrio- familia
Family salan
55. Salrio- fome
Starvation salary
56. Samba-cancao
Samba-song a melodious, slow samba
57. Seguro-desemprego
Unemployment Insurance
58. Seguro-saude
Health insurance
59. Shopping- metro
A shopping area in a subway station
60. SOS-crianca
Program to help needy children
61. Tamanho-amlia
Family size
62. Trem-bala
Speed train
63. Trem-fantasma
Ghost train
64. Verde-gua
Water-green
65. Vermelho-sangue
Blood red
2. N4-P+N
66. Agao de gracas
Thanksgiving
67. Agua de coco
Coconut water


123
Sproa (1985:207) employs two other syntactic considerations to
determine the well formedness of synthetic compounds: the Projection Principle
and Case Assignment. He writes:
The application of the Projection Principle to the V in synthetic
compounds has the effect of forcing all of the internal 0 roles of the verb
to be satisfied within the verbal projection.
Consequently, the compound *guarda-no-armrio keep in the cupboard
is not acceptable in Portuguese but guarda-comida food keeper, cabinet is.
DP DP
/ \ / \
/ \ / \
D NP D NP
N
/ \
/ \
TNP PP
I A
/ \ no armario
/ \
N N
/ \
N N
Guarda 8
Figure 10
Syntactic Representation
N
/ \
/ \
N N
/ \
Vo N
guarda 0 comida
10,2 Case Assignment
On case assignment, Sproat (1985:209) states that the verbal element
assigns Case to its nominal complement, which implies adjacency of the verb and
its complement. This is another way of saying that the First Sister Principle must
be met.


dedo finger. The productivity of its compound status as a noun is shown by its
derivation:
104
(10)Dedo-duro n-^ dedodurar v (rule of haplology applies, deleting one of two equal
syllables) Idedudurar/ dedurar
Another example of derivation with the adjective duro/a is
(11)[Coro-dura] nLT hard face poker face ri> caraduricen poker face style.
The chart below shows the difference between grammatical gender and
masculine/feminine in body part compounds.
GRAMMATICAL GENDER
MASC FEM
pe
(12) O p est doendo
The-masc. foot is hurting
The foot hurts
(13) O p de palo tamanho grande
The feet of duck is size big
The fins are size large
cabega
\
\
(14) A cabega est doendo
The-fem. head is hurting
The head hurts
(15) A cabega de negro explodiu
The-fem head, of negro blew up
The firecracker blew up
CLONING
/ \
(16) O p de cana chegou (18)0 cabega dura chesou
The-masc. foot of cane arrived The -mase, head hard arrived.
The drunken man arrived The stubborn man arrived
(17) A p de cana adora Scotch (19) A cabeca dura nao aprende
The -fern, foot of cane loves Scotch The-fem. head hard no learn
The drunk woman loves Scotch The hard- headed woman
doesnt learn
9,5 Semantic Component
Some compounds, e.g.,p de cana, are poiysemic.
+ animate takes the gender of the referent and is exocentric.
animate takes the grammatical gender of the head and is endocentric.
+ amm.[o/a fhe-masc./fem e p de cana the drunk person;


131
understood as derived, i.e.formed by a root and an affix, the speaker will follow the
right headship principle when creating new words. The same strategy can explain
clipping (3.4.2), e.g., hilano from hilariante hilarious. It seems that the speaker
tries to recuperate the root, separating it from some ending the speaker sees as a
suffix.
The third i mportant issue relates to the generalization of headship in
compounds. Although argue that the headship principle should be generalized for all
compounds, there are some restrictions with the categories of Adj+N and
appositionals. I propose that the adjectives in Adj+N compounds move to the left to
establish a greater cohesion with nouns. By doing so, adjectives give them a
referential meaning, e.g., um mau carter a person whose character is bad, whereas
[N carter Adj mau]DP is not a compound. I also argued that the appositionals
should have two heads. Dvandvas also have two heads, usually coordinated by e
and. The syntactic representation of both is practically the same, and they also
present the same double-plural characteristics. Headship, therefore, is not a good
criterion to distinguish them. I argue that we differentiate them by a semantic
criterion. Appositionals are composed of words from the same semantic domain, such
as occupations in the household. In dvandvas, the conjoined words have meanings
ranging from similar to opposite, as in compra e venda buy and sell.
Another important issue related to headship is the head of exocentric
compounds. This head is sensitive to syntactic operations and gets gender and number
from FP, as in [D o/a/s N e [PP seen terra\]DP. Different categories of compounds
can be exocentric.


COMPOUND WORDS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE
By
MARTA REIS ALMEIDA
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1999

.Ai'i 7

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
1 often think of my dissertation as a learning tool. The feedback that I have
received from my committee, the research I conducted, and the contacts with professors I
established here and in Brazil were priceless accomplishments that opened up new
opportunities and broadened my horizons. I see each chapter of this investigation as the
base for future research. 1 can hardly wait to start it. Needless to say, 1 did not do this
alone.
Six years have passed since my son Thomas Almeida and I left Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil. During most of these six years we were both students at the University of Florida,
sharing our fears, difficulties, accomplishments, and success. Many aspects of our
accademic lives were similar and yet, apart, since a considerable age gap separates us.
Our roles as parent and child were long ago defined by our age difference, respect and
other moral attributes, but that did not stop me from learning from my son an incredible
array of information, ranging from the use of computer programs to the latest CD hits. I
was truly blessed to have such a young master. He was zealous and considerate. He
contributed to my change to the person I am today-more capable intellectually and a
better professional. To him, I dedicate this dissertation.
Thomas and I were lucky to have our home away from home in Elizabeth and
Terrys. The path of our lives had crossed in the past many times in Brazil and in the
States. I have always admired and respected my friend Dr. Elizabeth Lowe McCoy for

her joy of life, freedom of spirit and enterprise. Our friendship strengthened during these
years and we saw our children and Terrys grow fond of one another. To Elizabeth and
Terry, for their emotional and stimulating intellectual support, I also dedicate this
dissertation.
Being in a department with people with knowledge on many languages was not
always an easy task. 1 was fortunate to have Dr. Gary Miller as my supervisor. His
expertise in different languages such as Latin, Greek and their syntax makes him a unique
scholar that I look up to. Years from now, though, 1 am convinced that it is the person
and not the scholar that I will cherish in my memory. Dr. Millers belief in the potential
of his students and his commitment to develop such potential goes beyond his duties as a
professor. Anyone who works under his leadership certainly feels the same way. 1 extend
my gratitude to the other members of my committee, Dr. Wehmeyer, Dr. Ginway, Dr.
Yai, and Dr. Pharies.
When I first started my investigation on compounds I had the valuable input of a
co-worker, Deyse Dutra, who was also in the Linguistics Department. Together, we
presented a paper on compounds in the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and
Portuguese. The tables and data on Appositionals and Dvandvas and most of the
discussions on endocentric and exocentric compounds were based on our first findings.
Last but not least, I would like to thank Dr. Casagrande for his precious support
since I first arrived. It was both a pleasure and a learning experience to work at the
English Language Institute. Not only at the ELI but also as the former head of Linguistics
he guided me through the pitfalls of my masters and Ph.D. courses. Many times 1 went
to him for advice and counseling. And he was always there.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
ABSTRACT
CHAPTERS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Compounds and Noun Phrases
1.2 Criteria to Identify Compounds
1.3 Conceptual Semantics and Compounds
1.4 Heads in Compounds
1.4.1 Syntactic Head
1.4.2 Semantic Head
1.5 Compounds under DP
1.6 Conclusion
2. HEADS IN COMPOUNDS
2.1 Criteria for Identifying Compounds in English
2.2 Semantic Head
2.3 Identifying the Syntactic Head
2.4 Head in Hybrid Compounds
2.5 Syntactic Representation
2.6 Data Classification
2.6.1 Productivity
2.6.2 Categories
3. DIACHRONIC DATA
3.1 Millors Poem
3.1.1 Lexicalist View
3.1.2 Syntactic Framework
3.2 Historical Portuguese
3.2.1 Opaque Compounds
3.2.2 Innovation in Romance
3.3 Old Portuguese Compounds
3.4 The Lexicon
3.4.1 Parasynthetic Derivation
3.4.2 Clipping
3.4.3 Back Formation
3.4.4 Evaluative Affixes
3.5 Conclusion
page
ii
vii
1
5
6
9
11
11
12
15
16
17
18
20
21
23
24
25
26
26
28
30
30
32
o o
34
34
36
38
39
41
42
43
44
IV

4. DERIVATION 45
4.1 Human Cloning Gender and Grammatical Gender 45
4.2 The Suffix -ada 47
4.2.1 Deverbals 47
4.2.2 Denominis 48
4.3 Etymology 52
4.4 Feminine Gender 53
4.5 Conclusion 54
5. THE ROLE OF PHONOLOGY, MORPHOLOGY AND
SYNTAX IN COMPOUNDS FORMED BY
REDUPLICATION 55
5.1 Phonological Changes 55
5.2 Reduplication as Word Formation 55
5.2.1 Syntactic Representation 57
5.2.2 Semantic interface 58
5.2.3 Hypocoristics and Compounds 58
5.2.3.1 Reduplication Template 58
5.2.3.2 Clipping 59
5.3 Conclusion 60
6. ENDOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS 61
6.1 Head in Endocentric 62
6.1.1 Feature Percolation 63
6.2 Lexico-syntactic Categories 64
6.2.1 N+N 64
6.2.1.1 Appositional 65
6.2.1.2 N+N (subordinate relationship) 67
6.2.2 P+N 68
6.2.3 Prefix+N 69
6.2.4 N+P+N 71
6.2.5 N- Adi 73
6.2.6 Adj+N 73
6.2.7 N+P+V+N 75
6.3 Dvandvas 76
6.4 Conclusion 78
7. RIGHT-HEADED COMPOUNDS 79
7.1 Latin and Greek Roots 80
7.2 Derivation 80
7.3 Noun and Affix Syntactic Representation 82
7.4 Borrowing from English 83
7.5 Forming New Compounds 83
7.6 Conclusion 84
v

8. EXQCENTRIC COMPOUNDS 85
8.1 Head in Exocentric 86
8.2 Exocentric Compounds in Romance 87
8.3 Interpreting Exocentric 88
8.4 Lexico-syntactic Categories 90
8.4.1 N+N 91
8.4.2 N+P+N 92
8.4.3 N+Adj 92
8.4.4 Numeral+N 93
8.4.5 P+N 93
8.4.6 Adj+N 93
8.4.7 Phrasal Compounds 95
8.5 Cocnclusion 96
9. BODY PART COMPOUNDS 97
9.1 introduction 97
9.2 Polysemy 98
9.3 Lexico-Syntactic Categories 100
9.3.1 N+P+N 100
9.3.2 N+Adj 101
9.4 Headship 103
9.5 Semantic Component 104
9.6 Syntactic Representation 105
9.7 Cognitive Semantics 106
9.7.1 Background 107
9.7.2 Metaphor and Metonymy 109
9.7.3 Compounds and Cognitive Semantics 110
9.7.4 Model for interpretation 112
9.7.4.1 Cabega Analysis 113
9.7.4.2 P Analysis 117
9.7.5 Conclusion 119
10. SYNTHETIC COMPOUNDS 121
10.1 First Sister Principle 122
10.2 Case Assignment 123
10.3 Theta Role 118
10.4 Atom Condition 125
10.5 Semantic Meaning 127
10.6 Conclusion 128
11. CONCLUSION 129
APPENDIX 135
REFERENCES 156
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 164
vi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
COMPOUND WORDS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE
By
Marta Reis Almeida
May, 1999
Chairman: Dr. Gary Miller
Department: Linguistics
This study presents compounds as a unified phenomenon accounting for the
following facts: (i) the output of compound formation in Portuguese is always a noun or
an adjective; (ii) compounds and Determiner Phrases (DPs) always have the same
syntactic order; (iii) compounds and DPs will always have a head; and (iv) compound
fonnation is sensitive to syntactic operations; (v) according to the head parameter for
Romance languages, complements will be on the right side of the head. The compound
head inherits by percolation the features of category, person, gender and number, and
case. The head of the compound is the constituent that characterizes the compound and
the bearer of the inflectional marks, the morphosyntactic locus. The head is checked in
the DP. Compounds with a semantic head are termed endocentric and those without a
visible head are exocentric.
Compounds in English are defined as Lexical Phrases (LPs) without DPs. This
definition does not hold for Portuguese because compound formation is sensitive to
vii

Functional Phrases (FPs), e.g., [N educagao PP a distancia] ]DP distance learning,
where a is the combination of preposition a + feminine article a; in [V desmancha DP
prazeres]]VP pleasure destroyer, prazeres is pluralized. In exocentric compounds, the
null head presents human cloning gender assignment, e.g., o/a/s e sem terra the land
less.
The data consisting of 549 compounds, come from magazines such as Veja,
which presents topics on politics and sports. Another source was Sandmanns data on
compound formation in Portuguese. A brief survey of historic Portuguese data, including
compounds from a sixteenth-century Portuguese source, is presented to confirm that the
lexico-syntactic categories have not changed. In derivation, the different meanings of the
suffix -ada, e.g.,feijoada a black bean dish, nadada a swimming event, testada
hitting someone with the forehead, are discussed from a syntactic, semantic, and
phonological perspective and proposed as a model.
Since compounds and DPs share the same syntactic order, I examine different
semantic criteria for identifying compounds and present a cognitive semantic study of
metaphor and metonymy, following Lakoff.
Previous studies in Portuguese word formation are mostly descriptive. This
investigation advances research in compounding under the framework of principles and
parameters, based on and adapted from current literature in Romance languages.
viii

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Taking into account the similarities between Portuguese and other Romance
languages, I propose to study compounds in Portuguese as a unified phenomenon,
accounting for the following facts:
The output of compounding in Portuguese is always a noun or an adjective at Xo
level;
Compounds and Determiner Phrases (DPs) always have the same syntactic order;
Compounds, as DPs, will always have a head, be it visible or not;
Compound formation is sensitive to syntactic operations;
According to the head parameter for Romance, complements will be to the right
of the head;
In Portuguese, the lexical-syntactic categories (N, V, Adj, P, and Adv)
combine to form nouns. Once the nouns are compounded, affixes, both derivational
and inflectional, can be applied to them. Like nouns, compounds are inserted in a
Determiner Phrase (DP), where number and gender features are checked.
It is a well-known fact that there is no structural difference between phrases
and compounds in Romance, that is, both have the same word order. Miller (1993)
claims that compounds in English are Lexical Phrases (LPs) without Functional
Phrases (FPs). As mentioned before, compounds are words at Xo level category.
Derivation, where affixes attach to roots, is another way of forming words. There are
obvious similarities between these two types of word formation, in the sense that
suffixes attach to nouns to form another noun or verb. This fact has led linguists such
as Di Sciullo and Williams (1988) and Villalva (1992) to suggest that a theory of LP
1

2
would be able to account for both compounding and derivation, because word
formation has no access to functional categories. However, recent research in
Romance shows that compounds do have access to FPs. Ishikawa (1997) suggests
that the structure of some synthetic compounds, such as sacacorchos in Spanish (saca
rolhas in Portuguese) bottle opener may be analyzed as V-DP because corchos is
used as a general plural. Other examples found in my data such as nma p de cana
a-masc/fem foot of cane, drunk suggest that human cloning (Harris, 1991) may be
assigned to the word at LF but the functional head will determine its sex only when
inserted in the DP. Por do sol, literally set of the sun, sunset is a DP in which the
article o the-masc. occupies the Spec position of PP. The same can be said about
educagdo distncia distance learning where a the-fem.is again in the Spec
position of PP. These examples lead us to conclude that compounds are extracted
from the DP and they have properties such as gender, plural, and N movement.
Therefore, quoting Miller (1993:109),
The lexicon/syntax dichotomy may be too simplistic; ... the generalization
involves theories of Xs, LP, and FPs, all of which share some principles but
are entitled to properties of their own.
During the process of compounding it will be the head inside the compound
that inherits the features of category (nominal), semantic, person, gender, number,
and case by means of percolation. The head is checked in the DP in which the
compound is inserted. Compounds with a semantic head are endocentric and those
without a visible head are exocentric. Recent proposals to unify this theory posit that
both endo-, and exocentric compounds have heads. Varela (1989) suggests a deverbal
head for synthetic compounds such as toca-discos record player. Cedeo (1992)

3
also has a unifying solution for headship in Spanish N+Adj and Adj+N exocentric
compounds. In chapter 81 will analyze how these proposals relate to Portuguese data
when I address the issues related to exocentrics. At this point, what seems important
is that there is an area of research that explains compounding as a unified
phenomenon, where the head may not be always visible but is nonetheless present.
Otherwise, compound features such as gender and number would not be checked by
the functional categories in the DP.
Some of the controversial issues implied in the previous paragraphs can be
summarized in the following questions: If compounds and DPs have the same
syntactic order, which criteria distinguish one from the other? What are the possible
syntactic operations in compounds? Can the principle of headship be generalized for
all compounds? Does the language parameter for Romance function for Portuguese?
How do principles of syntax, semantics, morphology, and phonology interact? How
do these issues relate to actual data?
The purpose of this dissertation is to answer these questions and advance the
research in compounding. To my knowledge, there is no previous formal study of
Portuguese compounding under the framework of FPs. This research is based on and
adapted from current literature in Romance, mainly in Spanish and Italian, which are
languages more similar to Portuguese in structure and meaning than French. These
studies, in turn reflect a broader view of syntax, that of universal grammar. While
morphology and phonology present idiosyncrasies that are language specific,
syntactic phenomena can be explained by general linguistic principles.

4
Collection of the data presented in this study began in 1993. The criterion
used for the selection was usage. The data reflect what the contemporary media say,
create, and disseminate. The sources are current magazines and newspapers.
Dictionaries of slang and expressions were consulted and also were used as part of the
corpus. Under the general endocentric/exocentric semantic categories, 549
compounds have been classified, according to their lexico-syntactic components. The
chart presented in Section 2.6 suggests that the most productive are N+N, N+P+N,
N+Adj, and V+N.
In the next chapters I expand on the issues summarized in this introduction. In
chapter 2,1 analyze headship in Brazilian compounds and expand criteria for
identifying compounds. In chapter 3,1 review diachronic data presented by Brazilian
linguists and present data on Portuguese of the sixteenth century to confirm the fact
that compounds are sensitive to FP. In chapter 4,1 show that both compounds and
derivation can be analyzed under the general framework of principles and parameters.
In chapter 5,1 examine two compound forms of reduplication. One is formed by an
iambic CVCV pattern that is typical of hypocoristics and the other is formed by the
repetition of intransitive verbs that discharge an event argument. Chapter 6 covers
endocentric compounds and their categories and chapter 7 covers right-head
compounds. Chapter 8 analyzes exocentric compounds. In Chapter 9,1 present a pilot
study of 80 body part compounds, analyzing headship, syntactic representation, and
semantic analysis. The semantic analysis follows the principles of cognitive
semantics and the implications of the studies of Lakoff and Johnsons (1980) and
Lakoff s (1990) studies on metaphors. In chapter 10,1 look at synthetic compounds

5
under the framework of First Sister Principle. In chapter 11,1 look at some important
conclusions drawn from this investigation.
Before these issues are examined in more detail, I will define what a
compound is. Section 1.1 shows that compounds and DPs/VPs share the same word
order, but have different semantic meaning. In 1.2 linguistic criteria is examined to
identify compounds. Section 1.3 shows how compounds get their semantic roles
assigned. Next, section 1.41 look at heads in compounds, and in section 1.5 at the
internal structure of compounds. I conclude in section 1.6 by briefly examining the
proposal to study compounds under DPs.
1.1 Compounds and Noun Phrases
The order of the constituents in a DP in Romance according to Cinque (1994)
and Longobardi (1994) is represented as follows: D[D N AP]DP. Similarly, the
compounds above follow the order: [D(wm)N[ adolescente problema]] DP, [D [N
pronto socorro]]. Since both compounds and nouns present the same word order in
Portuguese, and compounds obey the same stress rules as nouns,1 other criteria must
be used to differentiate them. Consider the examples below:
(1) a. Ele um adolescente problema, he is a problem adolescent
b. Ele um adolescente problema crnico he is a chronic problem
adolescent
c. Ele um adolescente problema crnico he is an adolescent chronic
problem
(2) a. Isto um pronto socorro. This is an emergency hospital
b. *. . um pronto socorro as vitimas. ...is an emergency for the victims.
c. Isto um pronto socorro as vitimas. This is of immediate help to the
victims.
(3) a. Ele um desmancha-festas. he is a party pooper
1 In English, stress differentiates greenhouse (compound) from green house (NP). In Portuguese there
is no stress difference between a compound and an NP.

6
b. Ele um desmancha-festas desagradvel he is a nasty party pooper
c. *Ele desmancha festas desagradvel he poops nasty-sing agr. parties
Nouns and compound nouns present some differences:
(lc) is ungrammatical because crnico is understood as a modifier of problema,
which is a N by itself and not part of the compound.
(2b) is ungrammatical because the PP as vitimas cannot be a complement for the
compound. It does not make sense. In (2c) we no longer have a compound.
Pronto socorro is understood as immediate help and therefore accepts the PP
complement.2
Comparing (3a) and (3b) we see that desmancha-festas is frozen as a noun. When
the compound is broken, the VP does not accept an adjective outside the VP. It
violates well-formedness.
We are now in a position to make two important generalizations: (i) the
syntactic order is exactly the same in compounds and NPs; (ii) once compounded the
constituents cannot be dissociated. The examples above also suggest some differences
between NPs and compounds. Both the compound and NP adolescente problema
categorize a type of adolescent and pronto socorro a kind of help, but as compounds,
adjectives cannot refer to a noun inside the compound.
Based on the initial generalizations described above, I will now establish the
criteria to distinguish between NPs and compounds below. Following Sandmann
2 See Giorgi & Longobardi (1991:122); Cinque, 1994. Adjectival modifiers predicate a quality of the
head noun without denoting an object in the world, and function as an argument of the head. On the
right they can have a restrictive or appositive meaning, such as socorro pronto, but on the left they are
only appositive. They occupy Spec position. Socorro brasileiro help Brazilian differs from
*brasileiro socorro, where brasileiro is referential and can only be placed at the left side.

(1990), I will show how semantic, syntactic, phonological, and morphological
principles define a compound.
1.2 Criteria to Identify Compounds
7
Morphological criteria show that some compounds get pluralized by adding
-s to the whole compound, such as cinejomais newsreels and bate-papos chats.
Note that the latter is metonymic and literally it means move-jaw. However,
because compounds in Portuguese are sensitive to FP, we have questoes chave key
question and anos dour ados golden years. In the former only the left N is plural,
while in the latter both the N and the Adj. are. The right N functions as a complement.
Thus, the plural form may help identify some compounds but we cannot generalize it
as a rule for all.
Human Cloning is a way of identifying such exocentric compounds as [D os
N e [PP sem terra] DP the landless people and [D o/a[N e p de valsa]] someone
who likes to dance. In these examples the compound works as a phrasal complement
of an empty head.
Phonological criteria show that ia mother, woman, from Yoruba, is
reduplicated, forming an iambic CVCV pattern in laid mistress of the house. Also,
there are vowel changes in hybrid compounds such as tomaticultura tomato culture
and pacotologia science of packaging. The last vowel of tomate and pacote drop
and an epenthetic vowel is added. This vowel is i for Latin roots (cultura) and o for
Greek roots {logia). These compounds are formed by agglutination.
Semantic criteria distinguish the NP and the compound copo de leite glass of
milk and trumpet lily. In glass of milk the meaning is compositional, but in

trumpet lily, the compound is a metaphor for a kind of flower, that is one lexical
item resembles another.
8
Not only semantic, but also syntactic criteria distinguish dedo-duro snitch
from hard finger. *Ele wn dedo-duro e inveterado it is a hard and unchangeable
finger is ungrammatical, because duro hard cannot be a separate adjective. It can
only be part of the compound. Inveterado refers to the compound as in ele um
dedo-duro inveterado he is an unchangeable snitch. Syntactic criteria are the most
reliable for distinguishing compounds. Examples (1), (2) and (3) above show how the
distinction between compounds and NPs, and the FPs gender and number distinguish
an endocentric from exocentric compound by means of assigning gender, as in p de
cana unit of sugar cane versus o/a p de cana a heavy drinker.
Identifying compounds by using syntactic criteria finds opposition from
research based on the lexicalist hypothesis for Romance. The present study builds on
and modifies previous work in Romance compounding conducted under some version
of the lexicalist hypothesis (Di Sciullo & Williams (1988) for French; Villalva (1992)
for Portuguese; Scalise (1992) for Italian). Di Sciullo & Williams (1988) claim that
there is no reason for compounding in Romance since the syntactic structure of N+N
compounds is the same as NP. The only syntactic structure they recognize is the
synthetic V+N, such as (tiro a) queima roupa, LT shot at bum clothes, point
blank. The VP becomes a noun by a marked mle that accounts for the fact that some
nouns are made from VPs. I do agree that the distinction between NP and N+N
compounds is sometimes indistinct but the data in this study contradict the alleged
nonexistence of Portuguese noun compounding. The data presented in (1), (2), (3)

9
contradict these claims. Novel compounds abound in current magazines and daily
newspapers. Music, sports, religion, and politics are expressions of culture and
provide fertile ground for compound creation. Some compounds are analogies, such
as fracasso mania failure-mania, a caique from an old Greek form cleptomania
kleptomania. Economists describe the Brazilian economy as cyclic, moved by
psychological ups and downs. Downs are characterized by a failure-mania attitude
when nothing is going right. Beatlemania and videomania video watching mania are
other current examples. Compare these with the expression mania de voce (literally
mania of you) thinking of you all the time. Other compounds are formed by
reduplication such as quebra-quebra a break-break event (a riot where people break
up public property, such as trains). I will return to these examples in the next
chapters.
Recent research on Conceptual Semantics (Jackendoff, 1995) can be applied
to compound meaning in several ways when argument structure is considered.
Usually associated with verbs and the discharging of their 0 roles, argument structure
also holds between nouns. The next section describes it in more detail.
1.3 Conceptual Semantics and Compounds
Conceptual Semantics (Jackendoff, 1995) is concerned with the form of the
internal mental representation that constitutes conceptual structure along with the
relations between this level and other levels of representation. Conceptual structure is
the domain of mental representation over which rules of logical and pragmatic
inferences apply.

10
Conceptual formation rules
U
conceptual structures
^ t vision, action t
Rules of inference
Figure 1.1
Conceptual Structure
The examples below presented by Jackendoff (1995:21) may be considered
extreme, but they show how rules of construal and rules of pragmatics permit one
to interpret:
an NP that normally denotes X is used metaphorically to denote an individual:
[One waitress says to nother:] The ham sandwich over in the comer wants some
more coffee (after Numberg, 1979).
an action that is contextually associated with X used as another metaphor:
The candidate Ollie Northed her interview (after Clark & Clark, 1979).
These principles can be applied to examples discussed previously, e.g., dedo
duro andp de cana. Jackendoff (1995: 242) suggests that ham sandwich functions as
a head adjunct when a rale of construal maps the term ham sandwich into [person
contextually associated with ham sandwich]. This same concept can be extended to os
e sem terra with a rale of construal mapping sem terra into [a group of workers who
do not own land]
From the perspective of what constitues a metaphor, Lakoff and Johnson
(1980) say that a metaphor is not a word but an ontological generalization created

11
around the concept that the word or the words represent. In the example of the
principle above, the idea of a restaurant and related imagery function as the
underlying background for the metaphor to spontaneously develop. Pragmatic
knowledge about food is also involved in recovering the meaning. These concepts
function as our background knowledge, and I argue that we apply the same principle
to metaphor- reading, that is, we understand one domain of experience in terms of an
other.
1.4 Heads in Compounds
In this section I want to show that compounds, like NPs, have a head and that
adjectives and PPs are adjoined to the right of the compound according to the head
subject parameter for Romance languages. I start by defining word order in Romance
and the position of the syntactic head. Then, I categorize compounds according to the
semantic component of the head.
1.4,1 Syntactic Head
It has been proposed (Bernstein 1991; Cinque, 1994) that the surface order of
a Romance NP is [Det+ N+ Adj], One exception will be briefly addressed now then
developed in Section 6.2.6. That exception is the distribution of predicative
adjectives, such as grande in um grande livro and pronto in the compound pronto
socorro. It has been suggested (Cinque, 1994) that such adjectives occupy an
intermediate functional position between the N and Spec, so would block the noun
movement across these adjectives. Since meaning of these adjectives is referential,
they refer to one specific book in the former example and one specific kind of help in
the latter.

12
1.4.2 Semantic Head
Compounds are usually divided into lexical-syntactic categories as nouns,
adjectives, verbs, prepositions, and adverbs. In endocentric formation the resulting
compound is usually a sub-category of the head. Lyons (1979) characterizes
hyponymy as being a relationship between two words in which the meaning of one
includes the meaning of the other. In (1), (2) adolescente-problema and pronto
socorro, adolescente-problema is a type of adolescent. The same relationship holds
for (4), (5) below in which tamanho familia is descriptive of size and amarelo-
mostarda a type of yellow.
(4) tamanho familia a family-size object: esse objeto tamanho familia this object
is family size.
(5) amarelo mostarda mustard yellow color: a blusa dla amarelo mostarda her
blouse is yellow mustard.
Appositional compounds are usually interpreted as composed of an XY
semantic structure where X=Y and Y=X. Appositionals are composed of N+N. The
nouns have the same semantic domain such as names of occupations, professions, and
places. N+N endocentric compounds cannot be reversed (* problema adolescente),
but appositionals, shown in (6), literally a ship that is a factory and a factory that is a
ship can. Other examples in Portuguese, however, seem to suggest more of a scale of
meaning, e.g.,poeta-presidente, poet-president, usually interpreted more like a
president who is a poet, so it can be reanalyzed as endocentric.
(6) navio-fabrica floating-factory este o novo navio- fbrica da Marinha this is
the new Navy factory ship; fbrica-navio factory-ship is the other possibility.
Dvandva compounds are usually interpreted as X & Y, such as the example
(7), below, that refers to an event. Other examples are Brasil-Argentina Brazil-

13
2
Argentina, quarto-e-sala room and living roomor efficiency apartment.
(7) queijos e vinhos wine and cheese isto um evento de queijos e vinhos
this is an event of wine and cheese.
In exocentric compounds while there is no phonological head, notice that
their semantic interpretation requires one. Furthermore, a lexical item may freeze at
its output and conform to the principle that an NP that normally denotes x is used to
denote ay, y being an individual or event. (Jackendoff, 1995). I propose that a N
projection not only inherits the features of the compound but gives it what Harris
(1991) called human gender, that is taking either feminine or masculine gender
according to the sex of the referent. The gender will be shown in syntax by an
anaphorically related pronoun. The sentence in (8) demonstrates this.
DP
D NP [body part metonymy]
o/a(s)
N Adj
cabega quente
Figure 1.2
Syntactic Representation of Exocentric Compounds
(8) cabega quente quick tempered; ele/a uni'a cabega quente he/she is a quick
-tempered person
(9) batata quente hot potato problem; os paparazzi sao uma batata quente the
paparazzi are a hot potato
(10) meio-quilo (half-kilo) small person; O meio quilo bravo! The half-kilo
person is an angry type
(11) besta-quadrada (square beast) stupid person; ele uma besta quadrada he is
an asshole
(12) jvem guarda (young guard) young group; Roberto Carlos o cantor mais
importante da jvem guarda Roberto Carlos is the most important singer of the
3 Dvandvas have two similar or optionally opposite elements coordinated by e and.

14
young group
Examples (8) and (9) have the same lexical-syntactic composition (N+Adj)
and the same adjective, quente, but the roles assigned to the heads are different. Both
compounds refer to entities, but (8) is ascribed to a person and (9) to an event, as
mentioned before. In (8) quente hot describes the effect of being hot, and in (9) the
state of being hot. I will address the different characteristics of entities later in this
chapter and changes of state in section 9.7, when I will discuss issues relating to
cognitive semantics.
Compounds defined as synthetic are represented as [V+N] N or [V+DPJDP in
most Romance languages. In (13) and (14) the internal argument of the verb is
assigned in the compound but the external argument is not discharged. Higginbotham
(1985 ) suggests that the event role is always discharged by verbs. As a result, the
deverbal compounds formed present an event argument.
(13) desmancha-festa poop-party, a sad person whose bad humor becomes
contagious ele um desmancha fesia he is a party-pooper
(14) arrasta-p drags feet isto um arrastap this is a feet-drag event
(15) Deus nos acuda God help us esta situando est como um Deus nos
acuda this is a God help us all situation
(16) Quebra-quebra break break Neste evento deu-se um quebra-quebra at this
event a riot happened.
Following Higginbotham, Sproat (1985:172) adds that driver in the English
compound truck driver inherits both the actor (agent) and the event e in its semantic
component. In her proposal for French, Lieber (1992:66) suggests that the structure
for essuie-glace (limp ador de para brisas in Portuguese cleaner of windshield),
windshield wiper is similar to -er in English. French, like Portuguese, lacks the

15
agent/instrumental affix, but the VN compounds are interpreted as instrument/agent
nouns, and are usually masculine. Based on this similarity, Lieber proposes that in
French (Romance) V+N synthetic compounds are formed by zero affixation. Varela
(1989) adds to Lieber saying that the head is a deverbal noun of an agentive type on
the left, whose features percolate to the top of the word. Following Varela, I argue
that internally, according to the First Sister Principle (Sproat, 1985:214), the internal
0 role is discharged as in (13), (14). In (16) only the event argument is discharged,
because the verb is used as intransitive. Synthetic compounds and reduplications
present similarities. Both are composed of verbs that become nominalizations by zero
derivation. These are considered possible words because, except for a few, they are
not lexical entries. Consider, however, o/a guarda the watchman, the guard
(feminine) and the dvandva comes e bebes eat and drink event. In the latter the
nouns are pluralized.
1.5 Compounds under DP
The arguments of DP are projected in the same fashion as the arguments of
VP and other lexical categories. Following Sportiche (1988), I suggest that DP, like
sentences, projects a shell structure with levels of complementation and a raising of
the head. The number of levels projected depends on the number of arguments and
modifiers licensed by the head. The theoretical background I assume for agreement is
Longobardi (1994). He proposes that an abstract feature R(eferential), which is strong
in Romance, requires syntactic movement of N before spell-out, that is,
phonologically expressed. Agreement in DP is a local relation. Lexical elements with
morphological and case features must be drawn from the lexicon and checked for

16
case and agreement in appropriate positions. At any point of the derivation the spell
out operation may be applied. Agreement, therefore, is not a result of government.
The formal structure of the DP can be rewritten now as [ D... R(eferential) Agr Num
...N] DP.
1.6 Conclusion
it has been shown that compounds in Portuguese copy the syntactic structure
of DP and VP, which suggests that this kind of word formation is sensitive to syntax.
Therefore, it is expected that compounds will have a head. The complements are at
the right side of the head in Romance, except for NPs or compounds containing
referential adjectives and hybrid compounds. Some compounds function as an adjunct
of their empty head. The empty head is co-indexed with functional heads when
inserted into a DP.

CHAPTER 2
HEADS IN COMPOUNDS
One of the central issues in Romance compounding is to set specific
guidelines that differentiate compounds from NPs. Except for a few right head
compounds (Chapter 7) such as fracassomania failure mania, compounds in
Romance are formed the same way as NPs in syntax. The four criteria previously
described in the introduction account for the prototypical examples, but the borderline
types require more attention. In this chapter, I will review the literature on Romance
and Germanic headship assignment that is relevant to Portuguese compounding. I will
look for similarities in Romance and contrasts in Germanic languages. The notion of
head is a language universal, but the parameter for Romance and Germanic is
opposite in terms of the left/right direction of its complements. In Romance the noun
complements are to the right of the head [D N Adj]DP, and in English to the left [DP
Adj N]DP.
Following the standard categories used in compound literature, I will classify
the data in Portuguese into endocentric, exocentric, appositional, dvandva, and
synthetic compounds. The reason for this classification is to account for the most
striking features of each one. Endo/exocentric are semantic categories for compounds
that do/do not have a head. Although I, in fact, claim that all compounds do have a
head and show their null syntactic head as a proof, I will use the traditional
classification to establish the differences between the two. Appositional follows the
17

18
syntactic order of appositives and is defined as having two constituents with equal
status (Rainer and Varela, 1992). I argue that one constituent accumulates the
function of the other, but their status is not necessarily equal. Dvandvas have a special
coordinate relationship in which the meaning of one constituent is added to the
meaning of the other (Spencer, 1992). They have two heads. The synthetic compound
is the result [V+NP] of a syntactic operation whose output is a noun.
I first examine criteria for identifying compounds based on Liebers licensing
conditions for French (1992). The reason for choosing her approach is twofold. Not
only does she establish the bases for research in compound theory, she also looks at
generalizations across several groups of languages. With these considerations in mind, I
proceed to a taxonomy of the data based on the endo/exocentric distinction, that is,
whether compounds have a visible head, e.g., adolescente problema problem
adolescent, or a null head, e.g., e sem terra the landless. Both present the same lexico-
syntactic categories, such as N+N, and N+PP. Using them to classify the data pennits
cross-categorial observations that provide valuable information about compounds.
2.1. Criteria for Identifying Compounds in English
Lieber mentions three criteria for identifying compounds: stress, word order,
and inseparability (1992:12-13). However, she states that these criteria are not devoid
of problems, three of which are discussed below.
1. In English it is usually the leftmost stem that receives the heaviest stress. In
Portuguese the stress falls on the stressed syllable of the rightmost element in
endo/exocentric compounds (except for the ones belonging to the [N [PP N]]

19
category), whereas for both elements of dvandvas, and also appositionals maintain
independent word stress, as in:
(1) a. qurto e sla room and living room, efficiency apartment
b. adolescente problema problem adolescent
c. bba-de-mga a kind of syrup that goes on top of cakes
In other words, stress is assigned to compounds, following the same regular stress
rules of the language. However, Rainer and Varela (1992:124), R&V hereafter,
remind us that in Spanish, frequently used highly lexicalized words are often treated
as monomorphemic. The same holds for Portuguese. They become de-stressed in
the sense that only the second word gets stress. Consider the pronunciation of
(2) a. sem trra /seintxa/ landless
b. cinejornl /sinijoxnu/ cine journal
Stress, in Portuguese, then follows the regular stress rules of the language and
it is not a reliable criterion to identify compounds because it doesnt enable the
speaker to distinguish them from other DPs.
2. In English the elements of compounds appear in a different order from that
of a phrase. So, DP[DP [N truck driver]] is a compound and DP[ DP [N driver PP of
trucks]] is a DP. In fact, compounding in English can be defined as a purely lexical
process. In Portuguese, N word order is one and the same for both Ns and
compounds. Consider the examples in (3) below:
(3) a. [DP [N copo de leite] a flower whose shape is similar to a white glass; a type
of lily
b. [DP [N copo PP de leite ]] glass of milk
(4) a. [DP [N p de pato]] flippers
b. [DP[N p PP de pato] ducks feet

i
20
3. Elements of a compound cannot be separated (e.g., a black heavy board).
Compounds are inseparable units, considered atoms from a syntactic point of view
(Di Sciullo And Williams, 1988:46). This characteristic is a syntactic test for
compounding, placing it apart from noun phrases. If we insert the adjective grande
big between the two nouns of (5a) and (5b) below, we destroy the compound. In
other words, its constituents cannot be separated.
(5) a. bicho-de-p a fungus that develops in the foot
b. *bicho grande de p big organism of foot
c. mico ledo a type of monkey
d. mico bonito ledo monkey pretty lion
In Portuguese, this criterion can be applied to all compounds, e.g., micopreto
a type of monkey cannot be separated. The insertion of the adjective grande big
into (5 b) interferes with the semantic interpretation of (5). In (5d), the meaning of
mico ledo is not preserved. Consequently, bicho-de-p and mico ledo are compounds.
2,2 Semantic Head
The notion of the semantic head in compounds is associated with the concept of
hyponym/hyperonym (Lyons, 1979). Following Lyons, Rainer and Varela (1992:122)
say that head is the hyperonym of the whole complex word. The consequence of this
view is that the head and the compound share the same syntactic and functional
r N
+ fem.
+ sing
r n )
+ fem.
+ sing.
Figure 2.1
Semantic Head
Came meat -> Hyperonym
Carne-seca AHyponym

21
The compound above is the final result of a process of change that Leech
(1974) describes as petrification. He distinguishes two steps in its formation. The first
is solidification, a consequence of use, and the second, shrinkage, which means to
acquire a more restricted meaning than the endocentric that generated it.
2.3 Identifying the Syntactic Head
The concept of a grammatical head in derivations can be extended to
compounds. Zwicky (1985) reminds us that the grammatical head is also the element
marked for gender and/or number, that is, the morphosyntactic locus. In derivation,
by means of percolation, the category of a construct and the category of its head are
identical and so are their morphosyntactic features, such as gender and number.! We
can posit the same for compounds. Consider the following examples in English and
Portuguese
(6) a. happy Adj+ ness N-> happiness N
b. DP [DP [N maple] [ N leaves]]
c. DP[DP [N baby teeth]]
N+N
(7) a. livro-depoimento testimony book livros-depoimento
b.garota/o-propaganda advertising modelgarotas/os-propaganda
c. caixa dgua water tank caixas d'gua
Appositionals (having two heads, receive plural in both):
(8) a. ator-encenador actor-producer-> alores-encenadores
1 The rules for number inflection in Portuguese are (a) add -s to words ending in a vowel or nasalized
/a/ a e.g. casas houses; (b) if the word ends in /ml, change Iml to /n/ and add -s, e. g. som sound
sons; (c) add -es to words ending in /r/, Izl, or tsl, e.g., professores teachers; (d) if a word ends in /!/,
drop the 1 and add -is, eis e.g. azul blue azuis, difcil difficult dificeis; (e) if the word ends in /ao/,
the plural is either -s maos hand maos, or -aes e g.caes dogs, or -oes botoes buttons.

22
When endocentric compounds are formed with an adjective, be it a noun + adj or adj
+ n, they will be inflected for number. This occurs because in Portuguese an adjective
agrees in number and gender with the noun it modifies, including compounds:
(9) a. livre-pensador free thinker livres-pensadores
b.obra prima masterwork-^ obras primas
The exocentric compounds behave the same way. The plural form of the
article will take the unmarked generic masculine gender of the empty head as in
(10a). (os homens the men). Compare (10a). and (10b). In (10b), which is
endocentric, the preposition attaches to the noun like a prefix. A prefix is different
from a suffix in the sense that it does not change the gender or number of the head.
(10) a. [ DP[e] [PP sem terra]] no land-> os [e] sem terra the landless people
b. contra-almirante contra-almirantes rear admiral
Based on the absence of a strong syntactic or phonological distinction
between compounds and DPs in Romance, some authors state that there are no
compounds in Romance, except for the synthetic (V+N), such as guarda-lougas
cupboard. Villalva (1992), following DiSciuio and Williams (1988), renames
compounds as syntactic words, because the structures involved are APs, DPs and
VPs. However, the examples that she gives of N+N=N are typical of compound
fonnation. The difference between the examples she cites (1992:209)
(11) a. ator-encenador actor-producer
b. bomba-relsio time bomb
is syntactic. The first is appositional, having two heads, and the second endocentric,
of the IS A type. A bomba-relgio is a kind of bomb. Number inflection confirms this
difference: atores-encenadores and bombas-relgio. It is true that compounds are
sensitive to many syntactic rules, such as number and gender, when inserted in DPs.

23
The examples given by Villalva cannot occur in post-head position in syntax. If we
interpret the constituents separately, both (12a) and (12b) become ungrammatical
These examples demonstrate the opposite of what Villalva claims. Insertion of an
element at the end is another syntactic test to distinguish a compound from a DP.
(12) a. A bomba-relgio do terrorista the time bomb of the terrorist
b.*a bomba relogio do terrorista the bomb watch of the terrorist
Lieber presents a similar argument for English when she says that nouns such as blue
in sky blue can only occur in pre-head position compounds.
(13) a. sky blue a type of color, blue like the sky
b. blue sky
c. azul piscina a type of blue like the blue of a swimming pool
d. piscina azul blue swimming pool
2.4 Head in Hybrid Compounds
The head of hybrid compounds is on the right. Villalva (1992: 203), analyzing
hybrid compounds in Portuguese, states that the position of plural suffixes provides
formal evidence for the identification of the head with the rightmost constituent.
(14) a tecnocracia technocracy
b. pirotecnia pyrotechny
In their analysis for Spanish, Rainer and Varela (1992:121) add that hybrids are
often analyzed in the literature as right-headed because they can be modified by an
Adj P, Adv P or PP, which is one of the most regular characteristics of compounding.
(15) a. cinejornal da tarde newsreel of the afternoon
b narcotrfico colombiano Colombian narcotraffic
Another argument is that once inserted in the lexicon, other words are formed by
derivation, such as
(16) a. narcotraficante narcotics dealer
b. paraquedista parachutist

24
Many recent hybrids are caiques of words in English. Others are formed from
Latin/Greek roots attached to stems in Portuguese. Hybrids not only do not follow
regular patterns of compound formation, they are not part of derivation, although they
present characteristics of both. It is wonder hybrids are treated as exception to the
left headship rule for compounding. As I will show in Chapter 7, we can analyze
both the hybrid compositional and the derivational type under the framework of noun
incorporation.
2,5 Syntactic Representation
The licensing conditions of a language should hold for compounds as well.
According to Lieber (1992) for French, heads are usually initial with respect to
modifiers, as carne seca dried meat.
Identical Daughter- DiSciullo X-bar representation-
and Williams (1988:24).
N
/ \
N Adj
DP
/ \
D NP
/ \
N Adj
carne seca
carne seca
(c) X-bar representation of plural
DP
/ \
D NP
as / \
N N
Garotas propaganda
Figure 2.2
Syntactic Representation

25
Extending X-bar theory to compounding, we can state that the head
determines the lexical-syntactic category of the compound. In the example above, the
N+Adj carne seca dried meat is a left-headed compound. The features of the left-
headed element percolate up to the branching node dominating the stem and making
it a noun.
2.6 Data Classification
The survey reflects current use and coinage of the language. The compounds
have been collected over four years (1993-1997) from two leading weekly
Portuguese-language magazines, Vela, and Isto . It is my understanding that current
newspapers and leading magazines are the best source of both novel compound
creation and well established forms, because media writers want to say as much as
possible in a short text. The language of sports, music, and technology especially
abound in compound use.
The creation of novel compounding also depicts the social perspective of a
specific place during a certain time. The 1950s in Brazil were mostly characterized by
government repressing civil opposition, and romantic samba music.
(17) a. anos rebeldes rebel years
b. samba-cangdo samba-song
The 1960s embraced he philosophy of flower-power known in Brazil by the
slogan below, and the music was influenced by jazz.
(18 ) a paz e amor peace and love
b bossa nova new way.
In addition, other compounds from grammar books and native speakers oral
language are included. Dictionaries of slang and expressions have also been

26
consulted. As mentioned before, a short list of the sixteenth century compound
examples is included. There is also a classification of reduplication as a separate
linguistic phenomenon.
Special attention is given to the recent productivity of appositional compounds
in the media. Magazines abound with this type of compounds. They are hyphenated
in spelling, perhaps to stress that their meaning is compositional, and are a productive
noun-forming pattern.
(19) a. cidade-satlite city satellite; cities that developed around the capital of
Brazil
b. general-presidente general-president
c amante-prostituta lover-prostitute
d. shopping-metr underground mall
2.6.1 Productivity
The focus of this investigation is to identify the types of compounds and the
patterns they form. The number of times (tokens) compounds were used was not
computed because too many variables would have had to be considered, such as
subject matter, current events, and personal preference. In addition, an analysis of
these variables is not within the scope of this investigation, which belongs in the
fields of semiotics and sociolinguistics.
2.6.2 Categories
Besides the categories previously described, a detailed study on body part
compounds was also undertaken. Due to the similarity in semantic content, the
classification is presented in the Appendix separate from the other exocentrics. The
few examples of reduplication that are compounds are also presented as a separate
category due to their phonological content.

TABLE 2.1
Compound Categories
CATEGORIES
TOTAL==S49
ENDOCENTRIC
213
l.N+N
65
2. N+P+N
49
3.P+N
8
4. Prefix ¡ N(Adj)
17
5. N+ Adj.
49
6. Adj.+N
18
7. N+P+V
7
EXOCENTRIC
101
l.N+N
9
2. N+P+N
23
3. N+Adj.
37
4. Numeral+N
6
5.Adj+N
16
6. PHRASAL
10
I) VAX DVA
12
APPOSITIONAL
20
SYNTHETIC
61
REDUPLICATION
45
BODY PARTS
72
16th CENTURY
COMPOUNDS
25

CHAPTER 3
DIACHRONIC DATA
Embora pro
Sou pr-jatopropulsao
O que me faz um pr-pr-pr
Termo que nao ocorreria a meu av
Millr Fernandes, 1988
Although pro
I am pre-jet propulsion
That makes me a pro-pre-pro
A term that would never occur to my
Grandfather.
Diachronic studies have established meaningful links between Latin and
Romance languages (Camara, 1975; Penny, 1993). Also ingrained in Brazilian culture
is the concept that the knowledge of Latin and Greek languages is a symbol of
erudition. In the poem above, Millor overuses fanciful prefixes to create new words
that do not belong in the Latin model. Speakers of other languages do the same by
creating new meanings for roots and affixes. When we give serious consideration to
this fact, a diachronic perspective becomes a valuable tool to better understand word
formation rules. The lexicalist model also presents limitations for similar reasons
(Siegel, 1974; Kiparsky, 1982). When it tries to predict the order in which affixes
attach to roots, and which affixes these will be, it fails to account for many
exceptions. The lexicalist model also makes predictions about the order of affixation
and inflection, the latter being the last one to attach to roots. We will see in the next
28

chapters that gender morphemes are not always part of inflection. Instead, some are
suffixes with meanings of their own.
29
In this chapter I review data on Portuguese morphology presented by Camara
(1972); Basilio (1987); Sandmann (1989, 1990, 1991, 1992,1997); Carone (1994);
and Laroca (1994), and show that these authors refer only to the historical and
lexicalist perspectives of word formation. In their descriptive approaches, no attempts
are made to present the data under a unifying theory. Based on headship assignment
and other syntactic operations, such as noun and verb incorporation, I propose to
analyze the diachronic data presented in this chapter under the general framework of
principles and parameters. I also assume as proposed by Miller (1993:3), following
Halle (1990), that all existing words are stored in the lexicon The lexicon is
composed of roots (word stems and affixes) and words.
As I briefly mentioned in Chapter 2, the same principles used to describe
compounding can be used for derivation. In 3.1, the analysis of the poetic epigraph
shows that derivation, inflexion, and compounding cannot be completely separated
because they are part of word formation, and therefore interact with one another. In
3.2,1 look at historical Portuguese and discuss some patterns of Latin that were
adopted in Portuguese as models for derivation. In 3.3,1 look at data from the
sixteenth century and present examples of compounds with the same lexico-syntactic
structure found in modem Portuguese. I finish the chapter by examining recent
creations in derivation that have been lexicalized and become part of the lexicon.

30
3.1 Millors Poem
This digression into linguistic analysis of the above-cited poem and speaker
intuitions is not devoid of purpose By using examples from the poem,. 1 want to
demonstrate that derivation and compounding cannot be completely separated. Other
examples in this and the next chapters also show that derivation and inflection also
are not mutually exclusive. In the evolution from Latin to Portuguese, some patterns
remained virtually the same while others became opaque. The prepositions pro and
pr in the poem at the beginning of the chapter reflect these diachronic differences.
While (la), (lb) and (2a) are examples of productive patterns, (2b) has become
opaque and the relationship between pre and verb atribular walk is not recognized
The speaker then, will grasp the meaning as a whole without associating it to its parts.
(1) &. pr-anistia pro-amnesty
b. pw-governo pro-government
(2) a. pr-guerra pre war
b. prembulo walk forward preamble
Millr, the author of the poem, is an intuitive linguist. The most interesting
aspect in his lexical and syntactic creation is his playing with the resources of word
formation. By attaching the prefix pre before to jatopropulsao, the compound gains
a semantic sense of chronological time, since the invention/adoption of the jet
propulsion engines was a relatively recent breakthrough in aviation. Prefixing it with
the adverb pro in favor, also used as a prefix, Millr forms a suprasegmental
sequence where stress differentiates pr/pr, a Portuguese metaphony. In the pr-
pr-pr sequence, pro is the preposition in favor, and pro is formed by clipping
propulso into its first syllable. Millors use of isolated prepositions also

demonstrates knowledge of the history of Portuguese. Pro is usually followed by a
noun as in (la) and (lb). Last but not least, Millor describes himself as
31
(3) um e pr-pr e-pr a person in favor of but bom previous to the use of the jet
propulsion engine
He coins an exocentric compound that is sensitive to FPs. Agreement between
an article and a null subject was not part of Latin syntax. In Old Romance, the use of
more emphatic speech caused the appearance of new Determiners such as articles.
That in turn caused the loss of the case system. Determiners incorporate the gender
and number agreement features as in (3). Um shows the number and gender of the
null head e.
3,1.1 Lexicalist View
The derivation of propulsao below follows the pattern of Lexical Phonology,
with phonological changes triggered at each level. Kiparsky (1982:132) proposed a
model based on Siegels Level Ordering (1974) that includes phonological rules that
apply at each level of derivation. In this way, he separates mies that apply in the
lexicon and those that operate after words have been combined into sentences in
syntax. The lexical analysis below raises important questions about the accuracy of
lexicalism. Looking at an alternative for the morphological steps in (4) one could also
start from the root puls (5).
(4) a. pro (Latin) forward -> pro
b. propulsao propulsion
propulsare (Latin) propulsar (Port.) final vowel drops
propulsar + ao propulsao final r drops
propulsado unification of the same vowel
propulsao
A more detailed analysis starts from

32
(5) pv.hu + are pulse -> pro : pulsare- pulsar to pulse propulsare-propulsor +
o propulse+ ion propulsao propulsion
Should a noun-to-verb conversion take place before ao is attached? Can do
attach straight to puls and still carry the event argument of the verb? If the answer
to either of these questions is yes, then we have a violation of the level ordering
because do is a suffix that implies a verb nominalization. Under the framework of
lexical phonology, these questions are not clearly addressed.
3.1.2 Syntactic Framework
The Lexicalist view was rejected by Lieber (1992:79). Liebers proposal,
which I adopt for Portuguese, argues that affixes and free morphemes alike have
lexical entries that indicate their syntactic, semantic, and phonological representation.
Affixes contain a subcategorization frame indicating the environment in which they
can be inserted into word structure trees. By Feature Percolation Convention the
features of the head in the derivation (right side for Romance) percolate to the first
non-branching node that dominates it.
Propulsao propulsion
Propulsare (Latin) propulsar (Port.)
Propulsar (V) + ao (N) propulsao (N)
Syntactic Representation of Derivation

33
3. 2 Historical Portuguese
Case agreement between noun and adjective disappeared during the evolution
of Latin into Portuguese, but gender and number agreement remained, a characteristic
of Romance. This fact may account for the considerable zero conversion that takes
place between noun and adjective. It is headship at the left that defines the noun in a
NP. If the NP is composed of two nouns, it is the leftward position that defines
headship. It is only through headship position that we can tell the difference between
nouns and adjectives in the DP below:
(6) a. [DP[N umprofessor Adj brasileiro]] a Brazilian professor
b.[DP[N um brasileiro Nprofessor]} a Brazilian, who is a professor
N+N
Two nouns morphologically independent in Latin, e.g., res publica thing
public, established the frame for N+N and N+Adj compounding in Romance.
(7) a. couve flor cauliflower
b. manga espada a type of mango with a shape that gives the impression of a
sword edge
c. banana maga, banana with a taste that reminds one of an apple
d. banana ouro small banana that when ripe the skin gets a golden color
e. rosa ch tea-rose.
f. mico ledo a small monkey whose thick golden face whiskers reminds one of
the face of a lion
The same structure is used for compounds borrowed from other languages
(8) a. guerra relmpago from German Blitzkrieg.
b. futevdlei from foot and volley, a mix of soccer and volleyball played with
the feet and head like soccer on a volleyball court at the beach.
N+Adj.
(9) a. obra-prima master work
b. parede mestra main wall

34
3.2.1 Opaque Compounds
Some Latin compounds formed by the thematic variant of a noun with another
noun, the latter being the head, e.g., agrcola a tiller of fields,5 entered Portuguese as
loan words and served as models for others. An epenthetic vowel i characterizes this
type of word formation. Although these words became opaque, the roots are part of
the lexicon and a matrix to form words.
(10) a. cordiforme shaped like a heart
b. uniforme uniform5
c. disforme disfigured5
d.frutifero bearing fruit
e. mamfero bearingbreasts.
3.2.2 Innovation in Romance
The examples below, cited in Camara (1972:11) and Penny (1993:11), show
how adjectival phrases absorbed the meaning of nouns. My point in demonstrating
this is to restate that there was considerable zero conversion between nouns and
adjectives.
(11) a.fructum persicum Persian fruit pssego peach5
b. fratre germana LT true brother, brother of same ancestry -> irmao
brother
N+PP
In the following chapters I will present extensive data showing N+N
compounds that bear a relationship, established by either an empty preposition or by
de, that seems to carry an infinite variety of meanings. Therefore, it seems opportune
to transcribe Camaras examples below (1972:13). The reason for doing this is to
show that de absorbed the meaning of several other Latin prepositions.

35
Ad a functional relation between the head and the complement
(12) uas ad uinum (Latin)-> vaso de vinho wine bottle
Ex out, as in the examples below in Romance
(13) a. excntrico eccentric
b. ex- primeiro ministro ex prime minister
De made of
(14) de marmore templum (Latin) -> templo de mrmore temple of marble
de of established possession when the case system disappeared
(15) tauru corium couro de boi leather coming from a bull
V+N
One of the residues of the Latin Subject Object Verb (SOV) order is the
Romance compound in (16a) and (17a) It violates the linearization for Portuguese
which is Subject Verb Object (SVO). Therefore, it was productive only in Latin.
Compare it to the productivity of (16b) in Portuguese.
(16) a. sanguessuga blood sucker
b. guarda-mveis closet, guarda-comidas food cabinet, and porta-estandarte
flag holder
The examples below from Klingebiel (1989) follows the SOV order. These
words have become opaque in the modem language. Notice that the meaning of (17a)
remains unchanged (also acquired a metaphorical meaning) but (17b) has changed
considerably.
(17) a. mani+ pillare hands preparemanipular manipulate.
b.manu+tenere hand have manter maintain
This brief analysis of historical evolution shows us that there were several
syntactic changes in DP and VP before the patterns for modem Portuguese
compounding became fixed. By the sixteenth century these patterns seemed to be

36
firmly established. According to Camara (1972:11), it was during the sixteenth
century that the linguistic norms were organized in a disciplined way, giving rise to
the first grammars.
3.3 Old Portuguese Compounds
It is not in Latin but in old Portuguese texts that we will find the matrix for
some of the compounds we use today. By the sixteenth century, the SVO order had
been defined. FPs became the head of DPs because definite and indefinite articles
were being used. Many new expressions were in the process of being petrified and
solidified (Leech, 1974) to become compounds.
Table 3.1
Compounds in Old Portuguese
Lexical/Syntactic Cat.
Old Portuguese
*Casa da suplicagao house of
N+P+N
begging; servidor da toalha towel
servant
V+N
Um refina-bigodes a roll-mustache
*Guarda-porta door keeper
Guarda roupa room beside the
Bedroom where clothes were kept
N+Adj
Mor domo mof first butler
Pela pequea small hall-game
Camareiros mores first
chambermaid
Roda viva living wheel- the wheel of
fortune
Moto continuo continuous
movement
Cristao novo new Christian
Manjar bronco white pudding
Adj+N
Gentil homem kind man
Adv+N
*Mal sentida poorly appreciated
Mal disposta poor disposition-sick
Prefix + N
Vice-rei viceroy
P+N
*As sem-razdes the no-reasons
Antemao before
*porlongas for lengths
sobrescrito postscript

37
I consulted the book Ditos Portugueses Dignos de Memoria Portuguese
Sayings Worth Remembering, compiled by Jos Saraiva (1997), as a historical
source of compounds, which recounts events involving members of the Imperial
family and the Portuguese Court in the sixteenth century. There were two reasons for
selecting this particular book. First, it is a source closer to the register of spoken
language in Portugal because it mentions people and their different professions in
everyday situations. Second, it reports sayings. The chances of finding compounds
increases in this kind of literature which is far more descriptive than the epic poems
of the time. The orthography has been revised, making it easier to recognize
possible compounds.
The examples in Table 3.1 suggest that there seems to be a tendency in
modem Portuguese to choose a more generic noun form instead of the plural or
specific gender form. Casa da suplicagdo house of-the-fem begging today is casa
de detengao detention house where detengao has a generic meaning. Compounds
formed by P+N do not show the generic meaning. Sem-rzoes no-reasons is no
longer a noun and raido is used with a generic meaning. Prepositions were used as
indicators of direction with proper nouns, e.g. Alm Tejo beyond Tejo (River) and
with common nouns, e.g .jut de fora judge from another community.The Spanish
definite article el preceded rei king, marking it [+R], that is not just any king, but
the king of Portugal. In Montemor o Velho Montemor the Old, the name of a place,
the article o is in a DP that functions as an appositive to a noun.
Compounds formed by V+N have the same syntactic order as today. The data
in Table 2 demonstrate examples of words with the same lexico-syntactic categories

38
and FPs as today. The major noticeable changes are semantic. Some words (signaled
by an asterisk *) are no longer used, but the syntactic structure has been preserved
exactly the same. On the other hand, manjar branco, cristdo novo, and guarda-roupas
are compounds still in use.
3,4, The Lexicon
One of the basic assumptions in word formation is the existence of a lexicon.
Most lay people do not possess extensive knowledge of languages other than their
own, so it is reasonable to suppose that they carry some knowledge of roots, stems,
and affixes without taking their origin into account. As stated at the beginning of the
chapter, a lexicon is composed of roots (word stems and affixes) and words. Since the
lexicon is our personal knowledge and regular source for compounds and derivation,
it seems logical that dictionaries should somehow reflect in written form the abstract
concept of the lexicon of a given language. Dictionaries should provide consistent
information about affixes and word stems. The lexical entries of amvel amiable
andpassvel acceptable (Pequeo Dicionrio da Lingua Portuguesa. 1991) come
from different sources:
(18) a. amvel ->from Latin amabile
b. passvel adjective formed by passar + vel
although both adjectives derive from verbs, only the first is given a historical origin
(Hollanda, 1991): amvel from Latin amabile
Based on the historic evolution of Portuguese, we can say that:
amabile
amabil (loss of last vowel)
amabel (change of III to a lower front vowel Id due to assimilation to /a/)
amvel ( change from a bilabial obstruent Ibl to a dental labial fricative /v/.

39
but example (18b), which was formed by analogy with the Latin model in a later
period, does not get the same treatment. In the verbs below, Hollanda suggests the
existence of a verb that does not really exist in (19b). Cunhas Dicionrio
Etimolgico (1996) seems more systematic in the sense that presents both words as
derived from plria
(19) a. repatriar from the Latin repatriare,
b. expatriar expatriate as ex+patria+ar.
Parallel to historic derivation, we can also decode these words today because
we understand the meaning of roots and affixes. Based on this assumption, I argue,
following Lieber (1992), that the examples in (18) and (19) can be derived
synchronically by Feature Percolation as demonstrated in the syntactic representation
of Figure 3.1.
(20) a. amvel [amar (V) +vel (Adj)] Adj
b. repatriar [re (P) + patriar(V)] V
3,4.1 Parasvnthetic Derivation
Although Portuguese, like its mother tongue, Latin, is an inflectional
language, there are words that seem to be formed by adding two affixes to the base
simultaneously, which is more typical of polysynthetic languages (Spencer, 1992:38).
The derivation of racionalizando rationalization (21) is can be predicted using
theories of level ordering (Siegel, 1974) where one class of suffix follows another.
The same does not happen in the examples presented in (22). Parasynthetic is the
term used in Romance to define a derivation where both prefix and suffix are added
to the stem simultaneously. This way, the derived word is composed of a root and
bound morphemes. In racionalizando, described below, at each subcategorization

40
level there is morphological bracketing, which prevents the word from moving into
the next categorization without having the proper syntactic, phonological, and
morphological form. By the Bracketing Erasure Convention (Kiparsky, 1982:140), at
each stratum or level new changes could apply.
(21) racione (Latin)
/ \
Razao (modem form) Racione
\
radon-old form
radon N+a/Adj= [racional Adj]
racional Adj + izarv= [racionalizarv\
racionalizar v+gdoN = [ racionalizagdoN ]
Thus, *raciolizar or *raciogaoal are impossible forms because verbs are derived from
adjectives and N from V.
(22) a. descabelar to untie the hair
b. enrugar create face wrinkles
Since there are no such verbs as cabelar or rugar, the Ordering Principle and
Bracketing Erasure cannot apply. The same gap is also found in adjectives:
(23) Des+ camisa n+ adoAdf= descamisado A) no shirt
is an expression used by the Pern followers in Argentina to describe the poor, and
also adopted in Portuguese. Again, there is no *descamisa or camisado in Spanish or
Portuguese, which leads us to conclude that -ada/o does not necessarily require a
verb to attach to in order to become a nominalization. Since these examples go
against the bracketing principles, perhaps some form of prefix and suffix
incorporation to the base by means of a null verb could explain these derivations.

41
Figure 3.2
Prefix Incorporation
3,4,2 Clipping
Another interesting type of word formation is clipping. Carone (1994:40)
suggests that the speaker perceives certain endings as being a suffix, and tries to
recapture the primitive word by dropping the ending. Another reason of a more
pragmatic nature is that the speaker abides to a principle of economy and uses the
stress rules of the language to form shorter forms. The shorter fonn is a synonym of
the longer one. That makes two phonological shapes for the same word. In the first
three examples (24 a,b,c) stress is reassigned in the syllable before the last, which is
the most usual for Portuguese, but the last one (24b) has stress on the antepenultimate
Florianpoli s G r a nf ina h i l a r i a n t e
FI o r i.
p a
gran f a h i l r i o
(24) a. Floripa from Florianopolis a city in the south of Brazil
b. granja from granfina refined
c. hilrio from hilariante hilarious

42
3.4.3 Back Formation
The words below suggest a pattern where the infinitive marker -r drops to
form a N ending in -a, -o, or -e. However, since we also have verbs that are formed
from nouns, it is not clear which one should be the base form.
(25) a. manejo handling manejar to handle
b. busca search buscar to search
(26) a. chover to rain chuva rain
b. nevartosnow neve snow
c. ventar-vento to blow-wind
(27)azeite oil azeitar to oil.
Miller (personal communication, 1998) questions whether these examples are
really back formations and not incorporations, where the N moves to the empty V
head. He says:
Back formation is a historic detail; the purpose is to create a base from which
an existing formation can be derived. Synchronically the incorporation
analysis is preferable. The existence of such process is the very rationale for
historic back formation.
VP
V ,
i i
V N(P)
[ ] ^ neve
Figure 3.3
Syntactic Representation of Incorporation
3,4,4 Evaluative Affixes
Diminutives and augmentatives have been used in Romance as evaluative
affixes. Take -inha attached to the adverb agora now to show immediacy in
agorinha. The examples below come from the colorful language used to talk about

43
politics. The rules of word formation have been flouted in order to achieve the desired
effect. The prefix -des is negative and attaches to nouns, verbs, and adjectives to give
them the opposite meaning, e.g. desrespeito disrespect. But in example below (28) it
means the opposite of how a mayor should behave. It does that by violating the
morphological constraints of the prefix des. Similarly, a noun gets an inflectional
superlative ending of an adjective in (28b).
(28) a. desprefeito des (neg)- mayor bad mayor
b. candidatrrimo candidate+superlative suffix rrimo an unquestionable
candidate.
Sandmann mentions one way of forming nouns that are names of firms or
industrial prodiucts is by attaching the advertising logo lingo suffix -ex. This and
other similar endings {-flex, -ax) are not suffixes by themselves and therefore, do not
contribute to word meaning. The familiarity with the media and advertising have
probably been responsible for the new derogatory and evaluative meaning given to
-ex in
(29) a. -ex inprafrentex something or a person who sees himself as advanced
b. modernex sees it or herself as modem.
3.5 Conclusion
In the preceding sections it has been shown that not only the oldest data but
also recently coined words can be analyzed under syntactic principles. Compounds
are sensitive to FP and both compounds and derivation follow the principle of head
feature percolation. Some derivations, such as back formations, can be analyzed as
noun or verb incorporations. The existence of a personal lexicon is demonstrated by
the way a speaker uses evaluative affixation to create new words. The Portuguese

44
language evolved from Latin and in its development there have been changes in
syntactic order. A comparison between a diachronic and sinchronic views shows us
an evolution from Latin SOV to Romance SVO. The few words that present SOV
order have become opaque and the constituents are no longer recognized by the
speaker.

CHAPTER 4
DERIVATION
There are aspects of Romance derivation and inflection that interface with
semantics in ways not previously considered. It is beyond the objective of this
investigation to present a thorough analysis of either derivation or inflection. Instead,
1 will present a study of one segment of the Portuguese lexicon, the suffix -ada act
of, event of, and suggest that the analysis adopted can be used as a framework for the
study of other affixes. I chose this suffix because it interfaces not only with inflection,
but also with gender. I argue that gender is a feature that has to be marked in the affix.
Sometimes gender is merely inflectional, but at other times, as in -ada, it is also
derivational.
4.1 Human Cloning Gender and Grammatical Gender
Before analyzing -ada, I will review the basic guidelines for the analysis of
gender inflection presented by Matoso (1974) for Portuguese.
Nouns with one gender only
(1) a. a rosa the-fem. rose
b. o planeta the-masc. planet
Nouns with two genders and no noun inflection
(2) o/a artista the artist
Nouns with two genders and noun inflection
(3) a. o/a mestr/e/a the master
b. o/a autor/a the author
45

46
These guidelines give examples of gender inflection and human cloning (Harris,
1991:51). Harris establishes a redundancy rule for Human Nouns. Human Cloning
replaces the lexical entry L with a pair of entries Lm (masculine) and Lf (femimne). That will
hold for examples (2) and (3). What these guidelines fail to do is to explain numerous
cases where grammatical gender is used to distinguish meaning. In the examples
below in Table 4.1, the semantic domain of the human cloning is a professional
category. The generic masculine is a member of a professional category and the
feminine names the professional category itself. The base form is the masculine, and
-a (the grammatical feminine) is a derivational suffix.
Table 4.1
Derivation and Inflection
Masculine
(one member of a category)
O mgico the magician
O msico the musician
Opolitico the politician
O guarda the soldier
O lrico the lyric poet
Feminine
(the category)
A mgica the magic
A msica the music
A poltica the politics
A guarda the guard
A lrica the lyric
Figure 4.1
Syntactic representation
Because -a gives the N the status of a professional category, it is a derivational
suffix that attaches to N that are members of a category. The semantic
representation is:

47
Noun o Noun -a
Members of a category -> Professional Category
Compare a poltica in the sentences below. In (4a) -a is derivational and (4b)
inflectional.
(4)a A poltica de FH tem dado bons resultados FH politics has given good
results
b O Lula um bom poltico e a Benedita urna boa poltica. Lula is a good
politician-masc. and Benedita a good politician- fern.
4.2 The Suffix -ada
The purpose of this discussion is to show that not only grammatical gender
but also specific information pertaining to the affix has to be specified in its lexical
entry. The suffix -ada attaches to verbs and nouns. The derivation in deverbals
consists of the transformation of a participial into a feminine noun. In denominis we
posit a null verb from which to derive from. Portuguese -ada and Italian -ata are
similar in many ways. In their study of -at(a) in Italian, Mayo et al. (1995) propose a
detailed semantics of its derivational process because merely defining it as a N by -
at(a) an act or unit involving a base does not seem to capture all the differences in
meaning. Most of their examples can apply to Portuguese.
(5)a.focata (Italian); facada (Port.)a thrust given with a fork, a quantity or a
substance such as food determined by the use of a fork
b. testata (Italian); testada (Port.) a thrust given with the head/forehead; a thrust
received on the forehead
Derivations like the ones above are transparent, but others, as in (6) became
opaque.
(6)a jornala (Ital.); jornada (Port.) intervals of time
b facata (Ital.), fabada the front of a building, deriving from face face

48
4.2.1 Deverbals
Mayo et al. suggest that derivational morphology has a compositional
semantics. The suffix -ada gives deverbal nouns such as the ones below the meaning
of individual or instantiated events. This is part of a more general semantic distinction
between actions and instantiation of actions, which are events. Observe the examples
below where (8b) is ungrammatical because it is not an event, but the act of
swimming. Events are bounded and countable. The examples in (7) below are a
separate event of the same action.
(7) a. nevar ; nevada to snow; a snowfall
b. nadar; nadada to swim; a swim
c. dormir; dormida to sleep; a nap
d. correr; corrida to run; an event where one runs for a short period
(8) a. Urna nadada um bom exercicio A swim is a good exercise
b. *Uma natagdo um bom exercicio A swimming is a good exercise
c. Dei tres nadadas essa semana. T went for three swims this week.
4.2.2 Denominis
The suffix -ada is also attached to nouns. The derivations are accomplished by
positing a null verb and its participle, e.g.,patar, narigar.
(9)a. olho- (olhar)- olhado- olhada eye- (to look)- looked- a look
b. pata- (patar)-palada paw- to hit with a paw- a swat
c. nariz- (narigar)- narigada nose- to hit with the nose- a nose blow
Figure 4.2
Derivation

49
Mayo et al. suggest that a semantic operator corresponding to -ada initiates the
transformation of an object concept (eye) to an individual instantiated event in which
the object is involved in a central way. In (10 a) the eye plays a central role.
Extending this analysis to Portuguese
(10) a. olhada a particular event, in which the eye is involved in the role of the organ
of vision (a kind of instrument). A particular event type using an organ of vision;
particular event of looking.
However, other -ada denominis in Portuguese have a different semantic
meaning, which is not an event. Consider the differences in meaning between (11a),
(lib), and (11c). In goiabada the suffix means made of and in boiada, the base
noun does not represent an action. Therefore, the division between denominis and
deverbals does not function for Portuguese because there is overlapping of categories.
(10) a. palhaqo- palhaqada clown- particular event in which an actor acts as if he
is a clown. An event of the type to behave like
b. goiaba- goiabada guava- a sweet made of guava
c. hoi- boiada ox- a group of oxen
Following Mayer at al.s line of thought, we ask ourselves whether there are
different operators for the different meanings of -ada. If the answer is positive, they
would have to tell us when these operators act and why. Not only that, but how is one
meaning blocked and another activated? Rather than positing an operator, we should
consider the semantic domains that -ada attaches to. In the analysis I adopted I used
Bauers (1993:193) diagram for lexical entries and divided the data into specific
semantic domains. Five were identified:
(1) collectives of people/animals;
(2) edible things become names of food;
(3) categories of people used in a derogatory way;
(4) the act of hitting or being hit with instruments /or parts of the body;
(5) an individual event of the verb.

50
Table 4.2
Collective
(i) stem : drop/o/ and add lado/
change stress to the syllable
before the last in /ada/
(ii) inflectional class: as a
generic name or collective there
is no plural
(iii) syntactic properties: no
lexico-syntactic change
N4 N [+animate]
(iv)semantic specifications:
attach to names of people and
animals giving them the
meaning of a group
(12) a Cachorro-cachorrada dog-group of dogs
b. Mosquito- mosquilada mosquito-group of mosquitoes
c. hoi-boiada ox-herd of oxen
d. garoto-garotada kid-group of kids
e. mogo-mogada young man- group of young men
f. mulher-mulherada woman-group of women
g.rapaz- rapaziada young man-group of young men
h. menino-meninada boy-group of boys
Table 4.3
Made Of
i) stem:- drop the last vowel.
Add -ada
(ii) inflectional class:- although
generic, plural applies
(iii) syntactic properties: no
lexico-syntactic change.
N--> N f+ edible]
(iv)semamtic specifications: add
it to names of fruit and edible
things. The meaning is food or
drink made of the base N
(13) a. goiaba-goiabada guava-guava drink
b. peixe-peixada fish-fish dish
c. bacalhau-bacalhoada codfish-codfish dish
d. laranja-laranjada orangeade
e.limao-limonada lemonade

51
Table 4.4
Negative Evaluation
(i) stem :the same
(ii) inflectional class: it is
generic and has no plural.
(iii) syntactic properties: there
is lexico-syntactic change from
AdjtoN/NtoN
(iv)semantic specifications: it
means an event associated with
the behavior of the actor; to
behave like...
(14) a. kaiano-baicinada from Bahia- done by Baianos
b. palhago-palhagada clown- done by clowns
c. estudante-estudantada student- riot by students
d. burro- burrada dumb- an event when one behaves like a donkey
e. cachorro-cachorrada dog-an event when one person acted wrong, as if this
person were an animal, in this case, a dog.
Table 4.5
Hitting with or being hit by. Energetic Movement
(i) stem :drop the last vowel, add
ada
(ii) inflectional class: add Is/ to
form plural
(iii) syntactic properties: noun
resulting from adding the suffix
to a possible verb; it is an
action such kicking, throwing,
hitting i+hitting]
(iv)semantic specifications: add
to parts of the body or to other
objects that can be thrown, hit.
An individual event where the
base N is used as an instrument
(15) a. pata-patada paw- paw kicking
b. cabega-cahegada head- a blow with the head
c. nariz-narigada nose- a blow with the nose
d. p-pezada foot-foot kicking
e. joelho-joelhada knee- a blow with the knee
f. pedra-pedrada rock- rock throwing

52
Table 4.6
Deverbals
i) stem :add ada for feminine
and /ado/ for masculine to verb
stem
(ii) inflectional class: add -s to
form plural
(iii) syntactic properties: there
is lxico-syntactic change from
verb to adjective.
V~-> Adj.
(iv)semantic specifications: an
individual event of verb; an
action represented by the base.
(16) a. nadar- nadada swim- a swim
b. correr-corrida run- a race
c. escapar-escapada escape- an escape
d. deitar-deitada to lie down- a nap
All this variety leads us to conclude that the meanings are too different to be
generated by an operator acting in the suffix. Each instantiation of -ada triggers its
own grammar. The division between denominis and deverbals leads to confusion
because there is overlapping of classification. Batanada is a denominal but it is
important to capture its event reading. All it takes for the speaker to understand
these nouns is to decode one type in each semantic domain. Once the speaker learns
that laranjada is something made of oranges he understands that figada is something
made of figs. Some examples present polysemy, as in
(17) cachorrada group of dogs; an event when a person did something bad, a
metonymy of the kind of acting like a dog.
4.3 Etymology
The Dicionrio Etimolgico (Cunha, 1996) registers -ada as a N suffix
derived from Latin -ata (adjective, feminine) with the meanings of collection, or small

53
portion, duration, action, result of action, collection, marked by an instrument, made
of, as exemplified above. A second entry for -ada derives from -as, -adis in Latin,
which in turn, derives from Greek -s, -dos, found in collectives such as dcada
decade, and the feminine gentilic, such as Lusadas, IHada Iliad. Although the
spelling of both suffixes is the same, the latter is distinguished from the former by a
suprasegmental trait, that is the stress. Words derived from Latin are stressed in the
syllable before the last; words derived from Greek are stressed in the anti-penultimate
syllable. The semantic domains are different, too. There is no reason, therefore, to
consider them as the same suffix.
Table 4.7
Greek Root -s, dos
i) stem :add epenthetic -i and the
stress fails in two syllables
before the last; Gender is the
same as the base
(ii) inflectional class: add -s to
form plural
(iii) syntactic properties; there
is no lexico-syntactic change
N~-> N.
(iv)semantic specifications: add
to gentilic noun to make it
generic and numbers of years to
make it into an period of time.
4.4 Feminine Gender
The question about the role of gender in compounding can now be tackled.
First and most importantly, gender rules are very specific in Romance as far as
Adjective-Noun agreement is concerned. With nouns, however, there has to be a
specification of the gender in the suffix. The s uffix -ada allows only feminine
marking on nouns, which overrides the gender marking of the N to which attaches.

54
Following Liebers feature percolation system (1993:93), adapted here for
Portuguese, we have
r n i
I + fern I
L- mase J
ada
Figure 4.3
Syntactic Representation
Semantic Representation
Noun o Noun a
People -> an instantiated individual event where an actor plays the role of the base.
4.5 Conclusion
The framework suggested to study affixes includes information about (i) stress
changes in the stem, (ii) inflectional class, (iii) syntactic specifications and (iv)
semantic specifications. In the semantic specification the domain is stipulated. The
data associated with one domain also predicts the coining of new words under that
particular domain. Once solidified these derivations can become polysemic, like
cachorrada. Gender inflection is associated with nouns in Romance, but -ada
presents the generic meaning of an act or unit involving a base that can be either a
noun or a verb. It contrasts with the masculine participial. This contrast suggests that
gender inflection is not restricted to nouns and adjectives.

CHAPTER 5
THE ROLE OF PHONOLOGY, MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX IN
COMPOUNDS FORMED BY REDUPLICATION
The contribution of phonology to noun compounds is more restricted than
morphology or syntax. One type of reduplication in Portuguese is composed of a
prosodic word with iambic stress, which is part of prosodic morphology (McCarthy
and Prince, 1990). The other two types of reduplication follow morphological rules.
The word functions like an affix that is reduplicated. In both types, there is
intensification of meaning. In this chapter, I show how some phonological rules
operate in derivation and compounding, eliminating syllables and transforming two
words into one. Next, I look at reduplication. Although small in number, nouns
formed by reduplication are extremely productive in the sense that they are part of the
everyday spoken vocabulary and are often mentioned in the media.
5,1 Phonological Changes
In the lexical entries of affixes there should be information about phonological
changes, including suprasegmental ones. Other possible phonological changes
include:
Apocope (last vowel of the stem truncates when a suffix is added)
(1) gar oto- ada gar otada
Vowel Unification (vowel is the same, syllables unstressed, one vowel drops)
(2) a. arqui- imperialista arq tamper ¡alista
b. contra^ almirante contra-almirante /kotralmirantji/
55

56
Diphthong Formation [e, o] unstressed become semi-vowels [i, u] and form a
diphthong with the adjacent vowel
(3) cinco-anista sin-kua-nis-ta
(4) teleanncio -$ telianncio
Haplology (when two syllables are the same, one disappears to avoid repetition)
(5) a. Brizola+lndia-} Brizolalndia>Brizolndia Brizla land
b. dedodurar dedudurar ->dedurar a snitch- to denounce
c. Louca Academia loucaacademia -^loucacademia loucademm police
academy.
5.2 Reduplication as Word Formation
Reduplication is a type of word formation where the elements of the base are
totally or partially copied. Both onomatopoeia and verb reduplication belong in
morphology. Moravcsik (1976) describes how language utilizes reduplication for
semantic purposes. Syllables are reduplicated to form onomatopoeia whose meaning
shows intensification, repetition, or excess. (A list of reduplications is given in the
Appendix.)
(6) a. bum bum noise
b.frufru noise of dresses made of silk
c. gag too senile to utter words properly.
Another form of reduplication consists of verbs that become nouns. These
reduplications present the same semantic and syntactic characteristics:
the verb is in 3rd sing, person of present tense;
when compounded there is a change in lexico-syntactic category and the
reduplication becomes a noun;
semantically, it is an event composed of smaller instantiations, that is repetition of
the same verb action;

57
verbs are used in their intransitive form.
Table 5.1
Reduplication
Compound
Lit. Translation
Meaning
[Corre(\)-corre(v)JN
Run run
An event where people
run around and there is
riot and contusion
[Pisca(\)pisca(v)]N
Blink blink
A car blinker
fPuxafv)-puxa(\)/N
Pull pull
Hard candy
[Quebra(v)-quebra(v)JN
Break break
An event where things
are broken by people
such as trains and
supermarkets
[Come(y)-come (v)] N
Eat eat
A video game,
Packman, where one
eats the enemy.
5,2,1 Syntatic Representation
Reduplication shares some similarities with synthetic compounds, to be
analyzed in chapter 9, because it is also a nominalization formed by a verb. In
reduplication, however, the verbs are in the intransitive form and no case is assigned.
Verbs, following Higginbothan (1985), have an event as argument. Reduplications,
then, are repeated events. Following Miller (personal communication, 1993), I
propose that the compound is frozen after the argument is discharged and becomes a
noun by incorporation.
(7) corre- corre
NP
/ \
V V
Corre corre
Figure 5.1
Noun Incorporation

58
5.2.2 Semantic Interface
In the previous chapter we saw that the suffix -ada produced deverbals of the
type below in (9). Similarly, in reduplication, we have a bound event encompassing
several smaller events of the verb.
(8) a. corrida an event of running
b. piscada an event when someone blinks the eye
(9) a. corre-corre an event where several short corridas take place
b. pisca-pisca an event where several short piscadas take place
5.2.3 Hypocoristics and Compounds
The pattern used by a few compounds, such as nhonh /oo/, is usually
studied as a morphological process. In Portuguese, however, it is sensitive to
phonology. The CVCV pattern of these compounds will be analyzed under Prosodic
Phonology, which is the most appropriate for Portuguese because it identifies a type
of prosodic word found in hypocoristics such as Zez, Didi, Laid, and many others.
5.2.3.1 Reduplication Template
The concept of prosodic morphology introduced by McCarthy and Prince
(1990) defines the basic character of the phonological structure in units of prosody:
mora (ji), syllable (cr), foot, prosodic word (PrW). Prosodic or suprasegmental
features are isolated from other features into a special category that is registered in the
orthographic system by means of diacritic marks or accents. These are properties
associated with length, stress and tone. Reduplication and clipping are best defined in
terms of prosodic morphology. Syllables are defined as light (CV) and heavy (CVC).

59
The phonological weight of the syllable interferes with stress patterns. Affixation, on
the other hand, does not take into account the phonology of the base.
The template formed by the prosodic word should recapitulate a parameter of
the language. Following these principles, the prosodic template chosen for
reduplication is not an arbitrary sequence. It is composed of a bimoraic foot [era] with
two light moras at the syllable level [app], The stress is on the last syllable to the
right, that is, iambic stress. Iambic clipping does not permit a heavy syllable
(Kenstowicz, 1994:557). In order to satisfy the constraints of these templatic
conditions if necessary the prosodic words will suffer clipping and simplification.
Reduplication is not syllable copy, but the mapping of the bases segmental tier (its
melody) to a phonemically empty affix.
Pr W
F
/ \
/ \
a a
/1 /|
l\i / pi
/ I / I
i a i
Figure 5.2
Prosodic Representation
Parameter: foot of two syllables with simple onset and one mora a [pp]
Setting: stressed syllable in the foot, right side (iambic)
Matching procedures: applies to the stressed syllable in the foot
5,2,3.2 Clipping
laid comes from ia (Yoruba-woman), first used by the slaves to refer to the
mistress of the house. In Yoruba means mother. By analogy to the feminine

60
(10) a. ioi man is masculine.
b. nhonh the oldest male son and nhanha the oldest female daughter/ is
feminine.
Clipping (1)
Reduplication (2)
New Prosodic Word (3)
5,3 Conclusion
(1) (2) (3)
SEOR O-> OO
C V
cv
CVC V
\ /
\/
\/
\ /
o
G
CT
a
\
/
F
I
PrW
Figure 5.3
Clipping and Reduplication
Different phonological phenomena interface with semantics and syntax to
form compounds in Portuguese. Phonological changes such as haplology apply to
modem compounds, eliminating syllables and creating new words. This phenomenon
follows a principle of economy. In the last chapter we saw examples of clipping that
also obey the same principle. In reduplication, the stem is repeated to create new
words. Flypocoristic reduplication examples were analyzed as a prosodic word
composed of a bimoraic foot with two light moras at the syllable level. Other types of
reduplication are morphologic and interface with syntax. There is change of lexico-
syntactic category from verb to noun and the event argument becomes part of the
noun.

CHAPTER 6
ENDOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS
An endocentric compound (see Appendix for a complete list) can be defined
as a hyponym of the constituent that is its own head. They are classified according to
the lexico-syntactic relationship between their constituents. In endocentric
compounds the syntactic and the semantic head are the same. I start the investigation
on endocentrics by reviewing the concept of syntactic head identification (Lieber,
1992) and also looking at a second way of identifying the head, which is by
pluralizing the compound. Next, I list the lexico-syntactic categories of endocentrics
and examine the semantic overlap among some categories. Zwicky (1985), and
Scalise (1992) suggest the IS A test to identify the head of a N+N compound. So,
(1) a livro depoimento book testimony, IS A (type of) book
b samba canqao samba song, IS A (type of) slower samba with a romantic
message.
There is such a variety of N+N compounds that to rely only on the IS A (type) of
reading is oversimplifying the issue. Consider N+N bound by a null preposition
In (2a) and (2b) it is de of and (2c) is para for.
(2) a. carn ledo literal translation (LT) pay book lion, income tax pay book,
where lion is a metaphor for the IRS power to take ones money.
b. SOS-crianca LT SOS-child program to help children in need
c. salrio-famlia LT salary-family, an extra amount of money paid to someone
for each child the person has.
Other N+N can be rephrased as N+ an Adjunct Phrase showing similarity,
such as many color names, e.g.,
61

62
(2) a amarelo- mostarda mustard-yellow.
b. verde limdo lime-green
c azul bandeira blue like the dark blue in the Brazilian flag
6.1 Heads in Endocentrics
Following Lieber (1992) for French, the head in Portuguese compounds is
initial with respect to its modifiers. The features of the left-headed element percolate
up to the branching node dominating the stems and making the node above a noun
compound. The compound has the same syntactic category as the head. Nouns have
access to FP, under D(eterminer)P. Following Raposo for Portuguese (1992:209),
based on the proposal of Fukui and Speas (1986), the NP is a projection of the
category D, working as a complement of D. The DP hosts Number and Gender. In
adolescente problema problem adolescent there is no need to specify the determiner
as o/a tbe-masc./fem., because it is not lexically marked in the compound, but in por
do sol LT set of the sun, sunset sol is lexically specified for gender, carrying the
feature [R(eferential)]. In this 1 follow Ishikawa (1997:558), who in turn based on
Longobardis proposal of [R] feature (1994), proposes [+R] is checked iff D is in a
chain containing a [+R] expression. From a structural point of view, Longobardi
suggests that the N position refers to universal concepts, while the D position
determines the particular designation of the whole DP. in this case sol is marked as
[+R] because it refers to the sun. In carne de sol meat dried in the sun, [R] is
unmarked.

63
(a)
(b)
[e] NP
A
por j\^
N PP
P DP
de / \
o NP
de / \
[ ] NP
sol
sol
Figure 6.1
Syntactic Representation
6.1.1 Feature Percolation
The head features percolate up, determining the lexical-syntactic category of
the compound:
(4) a. [N + N] (o/a) adolescente-problema problem-adolescent5
b. [N + P + N] carne de sol sun-dried meat.
Scalise (1992) reminds us that this is not the only basis for determining the
head of the compound. Grammatical and human cloning genders in Romance also
identify the head. The left constituent of (4a) [+/- mase.], [+ animate] means the
gender of the compound is masculine, given by the head, which is the leftmost
element. We can say the same about carne de sol. In the latter, adding to Scalises
observation about gender, the head also inherits the uncountable meaning feature of
carne when used as a mass noun, in fact, what Scalise proposes for head
identification confirms that nouns have access to FP. This is my argument for
compounds in Romance.

64
(5)a. Com muita came. I ate much meat
b. Com muita carne de sol I ate much dried meat.
There are six types of endocentric compounds. Their lexical syntactic
categories are presented below and each will be analyzed separately.
62. Lexico-syntactic Categories
The six types of endocentric compounds are:
1) N+N livro-depoimento testimony book
2) P+N contra-mao wrong way
3) Prefix + N (Adj) preamar low tide
4) N+P+N camisa deforma straight jacket
5) N+Adj mico preto a type of monkey
6) Adj(Adv) + N livre pensador free thinker
7) N+P+VP mquina de cortar grama machine of cutting grass
lawn mower
6.2.1 N+N
The constituents of N+N compounds can be syntactically coordinated or
subordinated (Sandmann, 1996:118, R&V, (1992:125). Coordinated N+N with the
same semantic domain are appositionais. By semantic domain I mean a restricted
noun category. In the data these semantic domains are professions, places to eat, and
occupations in the house. Compare (6a, b) with the borrowing (7), which presents a
subordinate relationship.
(6) a. bar-restaurante a place which is both a bar and a restaurant
b. cozinha-bar kitchen bar, a place in the house which is both a kitchen and a
bar
(7) piano-bar a bar that provides entertainment by means of a piano player
Also N+ restrictive clause subordinate reading are (8a and b). I will come back to
the subordinates after analyzing the appositionais.
(8) a. ano-luz light years
b. questao chave key question

65
6.2.1.1 Appositional
Although appositionals are N+N, they are usually classified as a separate
category. This productive type has the following characteristics:
(1) it describes a person or an object whose profession, activity or function
respectively, embodies the combination of two of these professions, activities, or
functions. That is what distinguishes appositionals from other N+N. The heads do
not necessarily have equal status or weight, but they are both to be considered;
(2) appositionals result in a combination of characteristics;
(3) the criteria for word order seems to be phonological, that is, the shorter precedes
the longer (look at the examples found in the table below);
(4) the order can be reversed and the meaning persists;
(5) both heads show pluralization.
Rainer and Varelas study of Spanish compounds (1992) presents the (5) as
evidence that these compounds to have two heads. Saying that appositionals have two
heads, though, is not devoid of problems in Romance. In fact, it depends entirely on
whether we consider the first element as the head that defines the major function of
the compound. One of the recent Brazilian presidents, Jose Samey, was called
presidente-poeta president-poet because of his literary vein. However, poeta-
presidente poet-president was also a form found in magazines. Because the
syntactic relationship of the elements is of accumulation and both heads are to be
considered, I will define the compounds below as appositionals and consider them as
having two heads. By doing so I account for their semantic characteristics of meaning

66
of the same domain and syntactic characteristic of having two heads, as indicated by
the plural fonn.
Table.!
APPOSITIONALS
Compounds
Number of Syllables
Semantic Domain
Amante-prostituta lover
prostitute
3-4
Partners in a sexual relationship
Editor-locutor editor-
3-3
Media specialists
announcer
General-presidente general-
president
3-4
Political occupations
Poeta-presidente
3-4
Occupation
Bar-restaurante
1-4
Places to eat
Bar-cozinha
1-3
Tia-av great-aunt
Ta -madrinha aunt-godmother
Bab arrumadeira
2-5
Occupation in the house
Copeiro faxineiro
3-4
Fuzil- metralhadora
rifle- shooting gun
2-4
Type of weaponry
Both members get the plural form. Their syntactic representation is:
IP
A
As bolsas esculturas
I VP
/
V
estao
caras
Figure 6.2
Plural in Appositionals
(9) bolsa-escultura bag-sculpture. This compound was cited in Veja (1993, Aug.
23). Pictures of this art form illustrate the double function of the compound.
So far, we have seen N+N compounds whose semantic domain is the same.
Now we will address N+N that present a subordinate relationship.

67
6.2.1.2 N+N (subordinate relationship)
N+ restrictive clause (gender is given by the head)
(10) a. adolescente problema adolescente QUE E problema problem adolescent
b. piloto-rob robot pilot
c. livro- depoimento testimonial book
d. questao chave key question
e. cidade fantasma ghost town
Zwanemburg (1992:221) suggests that this QUE type has the same syntactic
structure as im avocat ami, in French, um advogado amigo a lawyer friend. This
phrase, like the compounds, has the head at the left.
N+N with empty prepositions
The N+N below have the kinds of relationship established by the prepositions
de of and para for. However, there is no overt preposition linking the constituents
(Compare with those in 6.2.4 that have a preposition). The preposition de can be
looked at as an empty affix that joins constituents bearing the relationship of
possession:
(11) a. trem-fantasma trem DO fantasma ghost train
b. mestre escola mestre DA escola, schoolmaster
Others have a benefactive reading with PARA for:
(12) a. salrio-famlia salrio-CPARA) familia family salary
b. bolsa-escola bolsa-(PARA) escola, school grant
Notice that the same noun fantasma produces different readings in the sentences
below. The first two are the QUE type and the third, possession:
(13) a. cidade-fantasma ghost town
b. eleitores-fantasma ghost-votersvotes that are counted in fraudulent
elections for voters that do not exist
c. trem-fantasma ghost train

68
Adjunct Phrase
Color names have the reading of an adjunct phrase that means like.
(14) a. amarelo-mostarda mustard yellow
b. verde-limao lime green
c. vermelho-sangue red blooded
One is reminded of Wierzbickas (1990) semantic analysis. She posits that color
is perceived as associated with universals of human experience, such as day and
night, sky and ocean, light and fire. These perceptions are shared by language users of
different cultures. Color sensations occur in our brains, and in order to communicate
these sensations, we project them onto an object or a person in our shared
environment. The link between night and day, and black and white, respectively is
quite obvious. The same can be said of perceiving blood as a certain red, and lime a
kind of green.
Table 6.2 summarizes the underlying relationships between the constituents.
Table 6.2
Syntactic Relations
.Types
Examples
N+ Restrictive( que )
Eleitoresfantasma ghost voters
Adolescente problema problem
adolescent
N+ (empty) Prep. Phrase
SOS-crianga SOS-child
N+ Adjunct Phrase (como)
Amarelo-mostarda mustard-
yellow
6.2.2 P+N
Because prepositions antecede the nouns, noun compounds formed by P+N
present a problem for the head initial parameter. We can, however, consider
prepositions as prefixes that attach to nouns by incorporation. Prepositions and

prefixes present obvious similarities. They neither change the meaning of the noun
nor the syntactic category. They are not heads like suffixes.
69
(15) a. [P+[N]]=N
[co(m)+ (o) autor]= co-autor co-author
b.
[contra + almirante] = contra-almirante rear admiral
(16) a.[Pref+[N]]=N
[auto+adesivo] = auto adesivo self-sticky
b.
[anti-cotidiano] anti-cotidiano non daily
The exocentric compounds, though seem to behave differently and are
sensitive to syntactic operations as the diagrams show. Rather than incorporate they
become a PP modifying an empty noun.
(a)
(b)
NP
DP
/ \
/ \
N PP
D NP
- B
o
11 o
os / \
N PP
\__autor
leV\
VT
sem N
V terra
Figure 6.3
Syntactic Representation
6.2.3 Prefix +N
auto
One productive prefix not only in Portuguese but also in other Indo-European
languages is auto self. In automvel automobile the prefix became a lexical entry
with the meaning of car and gave origin to several compounds such as
(17) a. auto estrada auto road
b auto escola drivers school
c. autopegas auto parts
These words seem to be interpreted as the Greek root + word type, because
there is no record of carro-escola car school or caminhdo estrada truck road,

70
at least not yet. Although auto has the characteristics of a prefix because it gets
destressed when attached to nouns, adjectives and verbs, and does not percolate any
features like nouns, it also shows syntactic characteristics because it works as the
theme role of the verb. It precedes nominalizations, but seldom the verbs themselves
since the two affixes se, si mesmo are the reflexive verb forms for Portuguese (lauto-
admirar-se, ?auto-ajudar-se would be redundant). Sproat (85:297-301) defines auto
in English as anaphoric as in he is a self-admirer. When he looks at nominalizations
of the type exemplified below he concludes that the external 0 role is not discharged
and therefore these examples are not necessarily syntactically anaphoric.
(18) a.[ajudar] v ajuda n -> auto-ajuda self-help
b.[estimar] v estima auto-estima self-esteem
c. auto-biografia autobiography
d. auto-destruicao self destruction
e. auto-adesivo stickers.
(19) a. A auto-estima urna excelente qualidade. Self-esteem is an excellent quality
b. Tenho auto-adesivos no meu carro I have self-adhesives in my car
When a suffix with an agentive role (-ivo,-ente) attaches to verbs, auto
becomes anaphoric to the agentive, which in turn is anaphoric to a noun as in:
(20) a. O escorpioi (auto)\-destrutivo\j The scorpion is self-destructive.
The external role is discharged in the agentive suffix, but auto remains the internal
role, as in the previous examples.
nao
Nao is used as a prefix to nominalizations. Nao is an adverb of negation and
its scope is a verb. In nominalizations, such as the ones below, the scope is nouns
derived from verbs. This word formation is often used in formal language, such as the
drafting of rules and policies, as the words below in (21) and (22) show.

71
(21) a. nao-alinhamento non-alignment
b. nao-combatente non-combatant and also with adjectives
c. nao-produlivo non-productive
(22) a. nao-observanda non-observation
b. ndo- conhecimento no knowledge
c. o ndo vir not coming
Lately, however, 1 have observed a significant change in the scope of ndo. The
language speaker sees it also as a prefix of negation, somehow like des.
(23) a. ndo advogado a non-lawyer
b. ndo ator a non-actor
6,2.4 N+P+N
In this section we will present the relationships established by de of. There
are so many distinct types that de is more like an affix with possession as its basic
meaning, but it is certainly not the only meaning. It will be recalled that in Chapter 3
we saw that different Latin prepositions collapsed into de. Consider the examples
below:
contained/container
(24) gua de coco coconut water
container/contained
(25) a. baldo de oxigenio oxygen tank
b. caixa d'gua water tower
made of
(26) a. caldo de carne beef broth
b. caldo de feijao bean broth
part to whole
(27) a. bicho de p an organism, a fungus that gives bad odor
b. pomo de Addo Adams apple
1 In Veja. Oct. 98. (23b) is in Jornal do Brasil. March 13, 1998.

72
origin
(28) a. menino de rua street child
b. camisinha de Venus shirt of Venus, condom
c. negocio da China business from China; good deal
belonging to
(29) a. arrimo de familia family support
b.dona da casa home owner
c.dona de casa housewife
d. por do sol sunset
e. teia de aranha spider web
type
(30) a. tesoura de papel scissors to cut paper
b. carne de sol sun-dried meat
c. anjo de guarda guardian angel
d. banca de joma newspaper stand
e. briga defoice scythe fight
f. certificado de qualidade certificate of quality
N+P+N shows extensive metaphoric use after compounding. Nouns become
polysemic as in:
(31) a. cavalo de batalha LT war horse something impossible to do.
(32) Ndofaga da sua disserlagao um cavalo de batalha. Dont turn the making of
your dissertation into something too difficult
(33) boi de piranha ox of piraa or innocent victim. An ox is sacrificed when a
herd crosses a river with piraas. The piraas will attack one while the herd can cross
the river undisturbed!! So,
(33) Elefoi o boi de piranha no escndalo means he was the scapegoat in the scam.
Dona da casa and dona de casa._
it is the FP that distinguish the meaning of these two compounds, as suggested
above in 6.1. In the latter one the absence of the definite article renders casa [-R]

giving it a general meaning. In the former, the presence of definite gives it a
referential meaning. [+R],
6.2.5 N+Adi
73
The compounds in this category are N and modifiers. The head is followed by
an adjective. The basic adjective categories are
color
(34) a. lista negra black list
b. carta branca free entry
weight
(35) a. peso-leve Tight weight
b. peso-pesado heavy weight
taste
(36) agua doce fresh water as opposed to salt water
quality
(37) ano novo new year
6,2,6 Adi. + N
This is a special category of compounds, typical of the Romance languages
and composed of a restricted number of adjectives that move to a higher position in
DP. Not only adjectives but also quantifiers such as bem and mal give the noun a
referential reading. As mentioned above, adjectives that can be heads, such as
gentilics or participials, do not move to the left. The few adjectives that move are the
predicative or attributive type. These adjectives can be to the right or left of the noun.
In her study of adjective order, Nobre (1991) argues that the degree of cohesion
between the two elements may be so strong that the noun and adjective lose their

74
individual semantic meaning, becoming a compound, as with velha guarda, old guard
a group of influential older people. It is this degree of higher cohesion that sets
them apart from their mirror formations. They seem to obey a scale where some can
go both ways, such as livre docente and docente livre, while others acquire a different
meaning when the adjective is positioned to the left of the noun. Lamarche
(1991:225), following Beard (1991), says that the interpretation of these adjectives
has a narrow scope reading. It relates to a specific aspect of meaning of the noun it
modifies, rather than to the whole noun. Modification is internal to the noun and the
whole noun is interpreted as one semantic unit.
(38) a. Bom/a as in bom tom good manners, boapraqa good guy
b. mau/ as in mau carter bad character, m f bad faith
(39) a. Longo/a curt/a as in longa data Tong time
b.pro longa/curta metragem full length movie, short movie(these exocentric
compounds will be explained in the next chapter).
(40) a. Pequeno/a as in pequea empresasmall enterprise, pequeo burgus petit
bourgeois
Adv. + Adj. (participial) behave in a similar syntactic way and are quite
productive. As the head, the adjective gives the compound its lexico-syntactic
category.
(41) a. Bem/mal as in bem-criado well bred, bem-educado well mannered, and
their opposites mal-criado, mal-educado.

75
DP
/ \
t ] NP
/ \
N Adj
carter man
Figure 6.4
Syntactic Representation
6,2.7 N+P+Y+N
There are a few compounds such as tesoura de cortar papel, scissors of
cutting paper paper scissors, mquina de lavar roupa machine of washing clothes,
tbua de passar ironing board, that mirror syntactic structure and for that reason are
not considered compounds by some linguists. Sandmann (1989:129) considers them
phrases. But so is boa vida person who enjoys lifeorp de meia savings. The latter
has two meanings, one endocentric (a pair of socks) and the other exocentric
(savings), both with the same syntactic representation. Another argument in favor of
viewing them as compounds is that they are the same in English and French. The
examples are from Zwanenburg (1992).
(42) a. maquina de lavar roupa machine a laver in French, washing machine.
b. maquina de costura, machine a coudre in French, sewing machine.
These compounds also present a shorter form as tesoura de cortar papel or
tesoura de papel from which the verb cortar cut has been deleted. Other examples
are mquina de roupa washing machineand mquina de retrato machine for taking
pictures or camera. Dishwashers, which are more recent than washing machines are
called lavadoras. In tbua de passar it is roupa clothes that is deleted, because
passar to ironis used as an intransitive verb. Since Portuguese is a pro drop
language (Rizzi, 1986), it is possible to have a null filler in object position.

76
6.3 Dvandvas
These compounds are characterized by a relationship of coordination without
any further dependency holding between them. The meaning of the second is added to
the first by the conjunction e and. In dvandvas the conjunction is either visible or
implied. The semantic relationship of the constituents is looser when compared to
appositionals. In dvandvas opposites may be conjoined as in (43).
(43) a. compra e venda buy and self
b. preto e branco black and white
c. altos e babeos highs and lows
d ochados e perdidos lost and found
Dvandvas also include norms and adjectives that can describe the participants of an
enterprise or their socio-political characteristics:
(44) a. Brazil-Argentina
b.recessivo inflacionria recessive-inflationary
A way of distinguishing dvandvas from appositionals is to determine if the
two constituents in the dvandva maintain their individuality. If they do, they are
dvandvas as in (45a), if they dont they are appositionals (45b).
(45) a. Ele mora num quarto-e-sala.
He lives in an efficiency apartment,
b. File mora num *quarto-sala.
He lives in a bedroom, which is also a living room.
Gender
Dvandvas take masculine gender by default or the gender of the noun they modify.
(46) o acordo (masculine noun) Brasil-Argentina the agreement Brazil-Argentina
[ o acordo entre o Brasil e a Argentina]
(47)a relagao (feminine noun) Brasil-Argentina the relationship Brazil-Argentina
[ a relacao entre oBrasil e a Argentina\

77
(48) uma lei (feminine noun) centro-esquerda a law of the moderate-left[ uma lei de
centro (e de) esquerda\
(49) um candidato (masculine noun) centro-esquerda a candidate moderate-left \um
candidato de centro (e de) esquerda\
(50) uma medida (feminine noun) recessivo-inflacionria or [recessiva-inflacionria\
a recessive-inflationary bill. The last possibility is not widely accepted.
(51) um acordo (masculine noun) recessivo-inflacionrio an agreement recessive-
inflationary
(52) uma lei (feminine noun) scio-econmica a law social-economic
(53) um pacto (masculine noun) scio-econmico the pact social-economic
(54) uma televisao (feminine noun) preto-e-branco 'a TV black and white'
Order is shorter before longer
Brazil -Argentina scio-econmico
(2syl) (4) (2) (5)
D NP DP I
os / |\ A
N N Os quarto e sala I VP
Quarto e sala / \
V DP
sao A
olimos
Figure 6.5
Syntactic Representation
6.4 Conclusion
The analysis of endocentrics concentrated on the semantic content and the
syntactic relationship between the constituents of the lexico-syntactic categories. In
N+N, the spectrum of meaning varies from a great level of similarity in appositionals
to the opposite level in dvandvas. Prefix+N and P+N are productive in forming new
words. They do not change the category of noun, are closer to derivation than the

78
other types, and grammatical category is not changed. They attach to nouns by
incorporation. The more constituents a compound has, the closer to syntax it seems
to be. Examples are N+P+VP, which are sensitive to the same rules of object drop.
In addition, the presence of FP in some compounds shows that there is N-movement
to these syntactic categories, especially if the N is [+RJ. N+P+N and N+Adj were
the categories that show most polysemy with metaphors and metonymies more prone
to develop. The meaning presents a higher degree of abstraction when compared to
N+N.

CHAPTER 7
RIGHT-HEADED COMPOUNDS
There are a small number of right-headed compound words in Portuguese.
Their morphological and syntactic characteristics are similar. One group is formed by
a root and a headword, as the example in (1) shows, or a word and a root that
functions as the head, as the example in (2). One of the two forms of the compound
(either the root or the word) is from Latin or Greek origin.1
(1) a. lipoaspiragao Typosuction
b. agrorroque type of country rock music
c. vdeo locadora video rental
(2) fracassomania mania of failure
There are also a number of other right-headed compounds that are borrowings
from English, as the examples in (3):
(3) fiitevolei a game played on a volleyball sand court, following the rules for
soccer, that is, using the feet, head and shoulders, only.
The main purpose of this investigation is to present a syntactic analysis of
these right-headed compounds. Although these combining forms are very productive,
I will not analyze them in detail because it is not within the scope of this dissertation.
In 7.11 will present a brief sample of the most used compounds of Latin and Greek
roots cited in linguistics literature pertaining to Romance languages. In 7.2,1 analyze
derivation in these compounds. In 7.3,1 present a syntactic analysis and show that
1 These compounds with Latin or Greek roots are usually addressed in literature as hybrids (Rainer
and Varela, 1992).
79

80
they are formed by incorporation. In 7.4,1 look at borrowings from English that are
also right-headed. In 7.5 I show how the different roots and words combine to form
new words.
7.1 Latin and Greek Roots
The compounds with Latin/Greek roots attached to Portuguese roots obey a
principle of economy. They are shorter than the N+PP that have the same meaning.
Many of these became opaque (see section 3.21 on Historical Portuguese) like the
root forme.
(4) a. pacotologia science of packaging
b. tomaiicultura tomato growing
Ciencia de pacote to package science does not sound like a good alternative,
because it could imply a different meaning such as packing up scientific
knowledge, i.e., making science more clearly understood. Ciencia de (em)pacot(ar)
science of packaging, on the other hand, seems like a better synonym for
pacotologia, but it requires changing a N into a verb. All this confusion is avoided by
the adoption of pacotologia, which is more generic. Notice that Greek derivations
add an epenthetic -o, as in pacotologia, and the Latin derivations add an epenthetic -i,
as in tomaticultura These words can be rephrased as a N+P+N with an epenthetic de
of as in cinca de em(pacot(ar) science of packaging. This is the most common
order for Romance. Compare to ciencia de cristais science of crystals, with the head
on the left side.
7.2 Derivation
One word that persisted practically unchanged from Greek and served as
model for new formation is cleptomania. Derivation attaches to the head on the right

81
as (5c) shows. The suffix -co/a possessing attaches to the head. Table 7.1 presents
other examples of the productivity of these and other roots in Portuguese.
(5) a. cleptomania kleptomania
b. fracassomania failure mania
c. sucesso-maniaca success-maniac
d. Beatlemania Beatlemania
Once lexicalized, these compounds produce derivations that are often used by the
media.
(6) a narcotrfico narcotraficante narcotraffic dealer
b.cmejornal cinejornalistico cinejoumal-istic
Table 7.1
Compounds formed by Greek and Latin Roots
Greek
Latin
Pacotologia packaging science
Internauta web surfer
Cinejomal newsreel
Motoserra chain saw
Ecosistema eco system
Tomaticultura tomato culture
Lipoaspiragao liposuction
Agro-rock country rock
Cleptomanaco kleptomaniac
Videoarte video art
Fracassomania failure mania
Vinicultura grape culture
Tecnocracia technocracy
Teleanimcio TV ad
Burrocrata assocrat?
Telenovela soap opera
Narcotrfico narcotraffic
Espagonauta astronaut
Rainer and Varela (1992) present a similar sample for Spanish. They see them
as borrowings from Germanic languages because the roots are attached to the left.
Remember that the order for noun complements in Romance is the opposite of
Germanic. Although I agree that there are a growing number of compounds that are

82
borrowings from English, I argue that we cannot generalize to all of them. First,
because English in turn, has borrowed from Latin/Greek. Secondly because the
speaker can use the sources available in the lexicon to create new compounds.
7.3 Noun and Affix Syntactic Representation
There are many expressions similar to these right-headed compounds that follow
the [N+ PP] order in Portuguese.
(7) a. mama de voc LT mania of you a way of saying that a person is totally
committed and in love with someone
b. mania defracasso mania of failure
In compounds, however, the preposition is null and does not assign case This
forces the noun to move to the left to incorporate.
Figure 7.1
Noun Incorporation
Since many roots have two syllables {lypo, eco, clepto, narco) and attach to words
as if they were prefixes, the speaker might interpret them as affixes. In both types
there is leftward movement.

83
Figure 7.2
Root Incorporation
7.4 Borrowings from English
The compounds in (8) co exist today because the latest advancement in space
science produced new borrowings, and espagonave is understood as a later and more
advanced space vehicle than nave espacial.
(8) a. nave espacial and spagonave spaceship
b. astronauta and espagonauta astronaut
Sandmann (1996) presents data on commercial names borrowed from English
that are right-headed. In (10) even the apostrophe -s, which is the mark of the genitive
in English, is borrowed.
(9) a. Lucy Calgados Lucy Shoeshop
b. Marina Barra Clube Marina Barra Club
(10) a. Alvaros Alvaros Restaurant
b. Antonios Antonios Restaurant
7.5 Forming New Compounds
It is the co existence of different morphological language systems and the fact
that the lexicon is a recipient where roots and words are stored, that make these new
forms models for future fonnation. The combinations presented in this chapter can be
summarized as follows:
a Latin or Greek root and a word

84
(11)a ecoiurismo eco-tourism
Clipping of words from different morphological systems (internet from English
and astronauta from Portuguese)
I nt ernet astronauta
Ml! Ml!
Inter nauta
(12) internauta web surfer
Borrowings forming a new word that does not exist in the source language (both
foot and volley are from English). When borrowed they get Portuguese
pronunciation and conform to the spelling rules of Portuguese.
(13) futevolei soccer played in a volleyball sand court
7,6 Conclusion
The data presented in this chapter reflect the coining of new words by the
Brazilian speaker. Many of these words reflect different stages of advancements in
technology. The speaker borrows, translates or clips the words in order to form new
compounds. Right-headed compounds in Portuguese follow the rules of derivation in
Romance with inflectional suffixes attaching to the right.

CHAPTER 8
EXOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS
Exocentric compounds do not have a visible head. They are composed of the
same lexico-syntactic categories as endocentric, but it is more difficult to predict the
relationship between the underlying constituents and the empty head. The nature of
their lexical conient is metaphoric; they can only be interpreted in ihe framework of
shared ontological and contextual assumptions that, most of the time, are language
specific.
The principle suggested by Jackendoff (Chapter 1) to explain the metonymic
use of ham sandwich in the ham sandwich over in the comer wants some more
coffee can be extended to most exocentric compounds.
an NP that normally denotes X to denote an individual.
Following this principle, exocentric compounds are lexical items that freeze the
output of this principle. Although the ham sandwich is not intended to be a
compound, it has the same syntactic representation, [Det e NP], Jackendoff
(1995:242) suggests that ham sandwich functions as a head adjunct. So, adjunct
rules like lexical rules add argument positions to lexical items. Therefore, one way of
looking at exocentrics is to see them as a complement to a null head.
Both endo- and exocentric compounds are generated by the same productive
rules of the system and may have the same structural form. Consider the examples
below:
85

86
(1) a. cabide ambulante, LT walking hanger, a skinny person
b. fio dental, literally dental floss, a tiny bikini that barely covers the body.
The null head of the former is a person and the latter is beachwear. (lb) is polysemic.
As the endocentric compound, the head offio dental is fio and the meaning is 'dental
floss. As exocentric,/io denial is mapped into a null head, working as a modifier,
Both compounds in (1) are examples of metonymy.
When we associate exocentrics with metaphorical language, two questions
come to mind. Are there any restrictions to using the same syntactic rules we
previously suggested for endocentrics? Can we predict their meaning by a semantic
cognitive theory? In the next sections address these questions. First, I look at
headship assignment and show that the definition presented in the previous chapters
for endocentrics can account for exocentrics as well. Second, 1 look at their
metaphorical content. Next, I determine the semantic differences between the
components of the lexico-syntactic categories of exo/endocentric. I finish the chapter
by addressing Phrasal Compounds.
8.1. Head in Exocentrics
In Chapter 6 we defined an endocentric compound as a hyponym of the
constituent that is its own head. A body-part compound mentioned in the previous
chapter, p de cana, illustrates this. Like fio dental, it has both an endocentric and
exocentric reading. One of ps lexical entries is a unit, one of a kind. So, p de
cana a unit of sugar cane is an endocentric compound whose head is p. As an
exocentric, p de cana means a drank, a metonymy that associates the making of
cheap sugarcane liquor with a person who drinks it in excess. Notice that gender in
the exocentric construction is Human Cloning.

87
(2) a.fop de cana] a piece of sugarcane endocenric
b. \o/a e p de cana ne-masc/fem drunk person exocentric, where the empty
head is a person.
8.2 Exocentric Compounds in Romance
The literature on exocentric compounds in Romance is mostly descriptive and
there has not been an attempt to consider it within a syntactic frame. Scalise (1992:
184) adopts the same test (in the negative) he used for endocentrics to show that
exocentrics do not have a head. So, sema teto without roof IS NOT roof. Based
on the IS NOT assumption, he concludes that, in order to have a head, categora!
and semantic criteria must be in agreement. Scalise does not seem to acknowledge
the fact that his example sema teto has to be mapped into a null head to make any
sense at all. Compare to [o,s e sem terra] the e homeless in Portuguese, mentioned
and analyzed in previous chapters.
Villalva (1992) says that p de galinha crows feet got its metaphorical
meaning by a semantic drift, although it is not clear what she means. The only
syntactic process that she recognizes, following DiSciullo and Williams (1988), is the
V+N. Cedefto (1992:577), on the other hand, recognizes the existence of exocentric
adjective compounds. He compares cariredondo round face in Spanish to the red
hair English type, also exocentric. Redondo, being masculine, agrees with an empty
head. Portuguese not only has similar compounds, but also presents the same type of
gender agreement with a null head.
In his extensive study of compounds in Brazilian Portuguese, Sandmann
(1989:132) suggests that the semantic criterion is the most effective for distinguishing
an exocentric compound from an identical DP formation. Remember the other

88
meaning of pe foot, is one of a kind.' P de meia one sock is endocentric and p
de meia savings exocentric. This old metonymy comes from the time when people
hid their money in socks under the mattress. P de gal inha chicken feet has a
metaphorical meaning where imagery plays an important role. Visualizing chicken
claws gives us a picture of how face wrinkles look. Not all exocentric compounds,
however, have an endocentric counterpart.
We also must recognize that some exocentric compounds like the P+N sem
terra land-less are not metaphorical. After freezing, though, an exocentric
compound usually develops metaphorical extensions according to the contexts in
which the word is used. In a recent Brazilian soap opera, one female character was
uma sem terra a land-less girl because she arrived at the farm where the action of
the soap opera takes place with the landless group. Eventually a sem terra gained a
derogatory meaning, such as uneducated and crude.
8,3 Interpreting Exocentrics
adopt the model suggested by Lakoff (1990:288) to interpret metaphors for
compounds. A metaphoric mapping involves a source and target domain. The source
is an image, a schematic model, and the mapping is partial. It maps the structure of a
Cognitive Model (CM) into a corresponding structure in the target domain. In Figure
8.1 the shape and color were the characteristics mapped.
(3) Copo de leite glass of milk a large white plant from the lily family whose shape
and color resembles a glass of milk.

89
CM
TARGET DOMAIN
0
If
Figure 8.1
Cognitive Model
Metaphors are part of our conceptual system and affect the way we perceive
things, how we get around in the world, and how we relate to other people. Metaphor
use in compounding suggests that not only pragmatic and sociolinguistic reasons,
such as socio-dialectal differences, but also extra-linguistic information have to be
considered in interpreting their meaning.
The examples below are metonymies for persons. They map the
characteristics of Maria and Joao (4) and cabra (5) into another, which is a person.
(4) a. Maria mijona Mary' pisser a cowardly person
b Joao ninguem John nobody
(5) a. O cabra the-masc.man
h. cabra-macho tough man
c. cabra da peste brave man
d. Urna cabrita a-fem. kid is by analogy, a young woman.
The influence of farm life in metaphorical language used in the Northeast of
Brazil is not restricted to the usage of cabra. A child can be a bichinho young
animal, somehow like a kid in English. It is common knowledge that animal and
farm metaphors are found in many other languages, although people from different
cultures attribute different qualities to animals. They map one container (Maria,
cabra) into the other (the person one wants to describe). In fact, cabra has a lexical

entry' in Hollandas dictionary as man, and commonly used in the Northeast of
Brazil.
90
In the compound in (6) it is the name of a person that describes the animal.
(6) a. vmva negra "black widow is the name given to a black tarantula
Other nouns refer to things that people do, such as the nominalizations conversa
chat and bafo breath that are compound sources as in:
(7) a. conversa mole chatter box
b. bafo de onca. literally tiger breath bad breath of someone who has been
drinking alcohol.
In the examples below, the schema is stereotyped female behavior.
Syntactically the head is the same but the adjuncts or complements vary. In terms of
pragmatics, the Maria compounds below are commonly used by speakers, regardless
of the fact that they are derogatory to women. Many exocentric compounds such as
these are metaphors of the oral ianguage domain.
Table 8.1
Maria Compounds
Categories
Compounds
Literal Translation
Translation
N+N
Maria Chic/uinha
Mary-Frances(diminutive)
Country girl with braided
hair
N+Adj
Maria Mijona
Mary Pisser
Cowardly person
N+ P+N
Maria sem vergonha
Mary Shameless
Impatiens (flower)
Phrasal
Maria vai com as
outras
Mary go with the others
Easily led person
8,4 Lexico-Syntactic Categories
I will analyze each category separately based on the traditional classification
of compounds.

91
8.4.1 N+N
There are oniy 9 compounds in this category.
(8) pontap a kick from pona do p tip of the foot with a null preposition.
Sandmann (1989:129) suggests that a semantic change took place, instead of tip,
language users understand it as pancada a way of hitting something. Pancada is a
nominaiization, but like other words ending in -ada mentioned in Chapter 4, does not
derive from a verb. It acquires its meaning of movement and action from the suffix. It
gets the meaning from a verb like dar give a pontap kick.
(9) Varapau tall person. The constituents are conjoined by addition vara rod + pan
wood stick.
Another interesting compound in this group is
(10) samba-canco. Mentioned before as endocentric it means samba-song, a type
of slower Brazilian samba rhythm. As an exocentric it means the type of boxer shorts
worn by men since the sixties when that kind of song was popular. The distance
between the two meanings is so wide that the only way to understand it is by having
specific cultural knowledge. The younger language users learn it through context
because they would be unable to decipher its meaning simply by decomposing the
word.
8.4.2 N+P+N
Some of these compounds describe places. The table shows that the affix de
of indicates possession, made of, and origin, three categories described before in
the endocentrics.

92
Table 8.2
N+P+N Compounds
Meaning of Prep.
Compound
Literal translation
Translation
Possession
Casa da sogra
Mother-in-law house
A place where you can
do whatever you want
to
Apartment building
complex
Made of
Selva de pedra
Rock jungle
Origin
Torre de Babel
Tower of Babel
A place where people
don't understand each
other
8,4,3 N+Adi.
As mentioned before, the variety of adjectives used as N modifiers is more
extensive than in endocentrics. In the list below the head of the compound is used to
describe a characteristic of a person that is often derogatory.
Table 8.3
N+Adi.- Personal Attributes
Amin
hit. Trans.
; Adjective
Lit. Trans
T ranslation '
Casca
Shell
Grossa
Hard
Unrefined
person
Figura
Picture
Difcil
Difficult
A person who
plays hard to
find
Table 8.4
N (food) + Adi
Pao'
Bread
Hard
Stingy person
Caf
Coffee
; Pequeo
Small
Person of little
importance

93
Table 8.5
N (animal)+Adi.
X oiiii
Liu trans.
Adjective
Lit. Trans
Translation
Bicha
Animal
Lauca
Crazy
Gay man
Pata
She-duck
Choca
Hatching egg
A slow person
Mosca
Fly
Branca
White
Something
unusual
Galinha
Chicken
Mora
Dead
Dead horse
Atraa
Fish
Milicia
Small
Small fish
people of
little
importance
8.4.4 Numeral + N
Numbers and quantities combine with N as prefixes and prepositions. They
refer to size or weight. One exception is camisa (numero) dez or camisa dez "shirt
number ten is the forward player in a soccer game.
Table 8.6
Numeral + N
Compound
Lit; translation
Translation
Meia por cao
Half portion
Small person
Meio kilo
Half kilo
Light person
Meio metro
Half meter
Small person
Zero quilmetro
i Zero kilometer
Inexperienced person
8, 4,5 P+N
(11) a. sern terra landless
b. sent lelo homeless
c. sem vergonha shameless
8,4.6 Adi. +N
The compounds
(12) a. langa metragem, literally long meter-suffix full length movie

94
b. curta metragem short movie
have been reduced to
c. inn e lonza and um e curia.
The D(eterminer) has the same gender as the head filme film, which is masculine.
\os e curia (metragem)] the short movies and [os e longa1 the long movies
Other sets of opposite adjectives are found in these compounds. Once one is
formed, the opposite is formed by analogy, but not necessarily in meaning, e.g.,
(13) a. velha guarda LT old guard, old group
b.jovem guarda name adopted by the first generation of Brazilian rock singers.
The Adj +N is a productive class in Portuguese. Notice that it was extended to
proper nouns.
(14) Alto Leblon High Leblon part of the Leblon residential section in Rio.
is part of a residential section in Rio named Leblon. This new development consists
of buildings located on a hill. Now the low area where the restaurants are located and
where people gather on the streets has been called Baixo Leblon Low Leblon,
establishing a contrast with Alto Leblon. The Alto/tiaixo denomination was
analogically extended to a neighboring section called Gvea, where there are also two
different areas, one residential on the hill and the other commercial at the bottom of
the hill.
(15) Baixo Gvea Low Gvea.
But why Baixo Gvea if Gvea is feminine? In fact, what happens is that alio and
baixo are used as nouns and not as adjectives. We know they are nouns because they
can be rephrased as o alto do Leblon the high of Leblon, o baixo da Gvea the low
of Gvea. The preposition is omitted. These expressions are used now by the media

95
to advertise specials in restaurants, apartment rentals, and sales. Since these two
expressions follow the same steps as compound formation and are used to designate a
specific place, I will consider them as compounds.
8.4, 7 Phrasal Compounds
Lieber (1992:11) considers phrasal expressions such as over the fence gossip
and a pipe and slipper husband as compounds because they occupy the same
syntactic place (DP) as compounds, as the examples below show:
(16) a. My pipe and slipper husband doesnt want to go to the movies,
b. Let me tell you the latest over the fence gossip.
Since all the examples she cites have an identifiable head, it leads me to
conclude that her definition of phrasals would include a head, making them different
from the phrasal exocentric that 1 have in my data. Hoeksema (1988) argues that any
maximal phrase of an open class can occur as the first element under DP analysis
because the determiner will take a NP as its complement. This applies to endocentric
and exocentric phrasal compounds in Portuguese.
(17) a.[Det e NP CP] [e Maria vai com as outras] sheep
b. [ Det NP PP] [conversapara boi dormir], LT chat to make a bull sleep,
small talk.
Other phrasal compounds are epithets with no visible head
(18 ) e devagar quase parando, LT slowly almost stopping, a slow boat. Sandmann
cites
(19) e tomara que caa I wish it would fall; name given to a tanktop for girls. Like
the Maria compounds in Table 8.1 it is sexist and derogatory.

96
8.5 Conclusion
Although both endo- and exocentric compounds are composed of the same
syntactic categories, they present considerable differences. Many endocentric
compounds become polysemic, yielding exocentric compounds. This process implies
a shrinkage of meaning. Only some semantic features of the compound are mapped
into the null head. The exocentric compounds may function as a complement of their
null head, which is always a noun. Gender and number are assigned to the null head.
Due to their metaphorical content, the semantic similarities may be better
captured if we look at different complements for the same head. Null compound
heads are names of animals, food, and proper names. Metaphorical language seems to
be more productive in N+P+N and N+Adj than N+N. The adjectives belong to more
descriptive and evaluative categories than the ones in endocentric compounds.
A model that describes metaphorical language can be helpful in interpreting
and understanding the lexical meaning of exocentrics. Specific language knowledge
is also essential to understand the meaning of some compounds, especially when
decomposing them does not help.
Exocentric compounds are at times amusing in the ways they name flowers,
plants, animals, and clothing. Metaphorical language is a way to express our humor,
the fun side of things, and exocentric compounds are the part that makes them
fascinating to study.

CHAPTER 9
BODY- PART COMPOUNDS
9.1 Introduction
Motivation to use compounding rather than more traditional language cannot
be attributed only to random choice. The speaker wants to (i) create a word that is
more specific than those already existing; (ii) better describe or qualify a person or an
object; or (hi) convey an abstract idea by means of a metaphor in a condensed way,
abiding to the principle of economy. We are equipped to do that because we
intuitively know the syntactic principles of the language guiding compound format.
In the data I have gathered for this investigation there were several examples
of body parts used as endo- and exocentric compounds. I decided to pursue this
semantic domain of body parts and use it as a sample investigation of compound
analysis. I limited the examples to N Adi and N+PP. The first word, conceivably the
head, would be a body part, as shown below:
(1) Aquelejogador urn perna de pan That player is a leg of wood clumsy player.5
The language of sports, music, and technology abounds in such compounds.
An endocentric compound often acquires semantic extensions, thus becoming
polysernic. Perna de pau consists of per na, leg5 + de of5 made of5 + pan
wood,5 or peg leg5 by compositional meaning. In fact, perna de pan is a compound
in Portuguese. One-legged people without financial resources create different wood
legs5 that vary from simple handmade devices to more elaborate prostheses. Perna de
97

98
pay is an endocentric compound whose head isperna leg/ Leg bears a metonymic
relationship with the body, that of the body part that lets us ambulate. In addition to
this basic function of walking, legs are made of bones covered by muscles and flesh,
which make them flexible and malleable. Therefore, one can easily move backwards
or sideways, and even ran when playing sports like soccer. In short, our legs are the
part of the body that enables us to walk and run. Wood is the opposite in terms of
flexibility and malleability. So, by positing that a leg is made of wood, one is not
saying that running is impossible, but rather that it will definitely be restricted and
therefore awkward.
The data for this study are 73 items whose first constituent is a body-part noun
(see Appendix for a taxonomy). The process of gathering the data took approximately
one year. The compounds were analyzed according to the same criteria used in the
previous chapters for endocentric and exocentric. One fact that immediately caught
my attention was that many of them presented polysemy. Compounds would originate
as endocentric and later develop metaphoric uses. I will start by looking at some
examples of polysemy in 9.2. Next, I will describe the lexico-syntactic categories at
9.3, analyze headship at 9.4, and in 9.5 I propose a syntactic representation that
encompasses ail of the body-part compounds. I will then proceed to analyze their
metaphorical and metonymical component in the remainder of the chapter.
9.2 Polysemy
Meaning in some compounds undergoes changes from the concrete to the
abstract with new lexical entries formed as a result. Consider mao de obra manual
labor from Latin manus opera and the expression ojos, de la cara (Spanish) olhos du

99
cara eyes of the face, registered in El Cid, the Spanish medieval epic. Mo de obra
also means too much work and olhos da cara no longer refers to a medieval
punishment when we say, aquele carro custou os olhos da cara that car cost a lot.
In fact, these N+PP expressions are used now as adverbial intensifiers.
Compounding is not the only source of parts of the body language usage or
polysemy. Phrasal verbs and the words themselves are loaded with meaning
experienced through our own body sensations. The two lexical entries, o cabega, The-
masc.leader and urna cabega, an-fem. intelligent person, both are related to head
metaphorical extensions. The different meanings are also distinguished by
grammatical gender. I claim that body-part compounds always have a head. They
require a referent in the world and this referent is a null head that gets gender from a
FP.
A unifying feature of compounding in Portuguese is the fact that all of them
are nouns and adjectives after compounding. In my data, they function as epithets or
predicates. What remains to be seen is the contribution of the lexico-syntactic
categories to compounding. Take pfrio a person who brings bad luck and p de
vento a sudden wind and compare them with *p dejriagem foot of coldness and
*pe ventoso windy foot. How do we account for the ungrammaticality of the last
two? Since all N + PP compounds present the same preposition de, what is its
function? What features percolate to the compound? These are some of the questions
I will address in this chapter. I start by presenting data in the two lexico-syntactic
categories N+Adj and N+PP ; next, 1 look at the morphological, syntactic and
semantic characteristics of the body-part compounds.

100
Table 9.1
Lexical-Syntactic Categories
TOTAL
73
N+Adj
36
N+PP
37
9.3 Lexical-Syntactic Categories
The table above shows that the number of N+Adj and N+PP compoundings
are practically the same. I predict, however, that due to their composition, the N+Adj
compounds will present different characteristics from the N+PP forms.
9,3.1 N + P.+ N
The first thing to examine is the role of the preposition de. 1 am not
undertaking an exhaustive analysis of de in Portuguese. I am only examining the
types found in the data. Sinclair (1991) studied cof examples taken from the corpus
of COBUILT, one of the most extensive corpora of the English language. The
methodology that he suggests to categorize of is quite simple. Take samples from
the data set and categorize them by meaning. Put them away, get new data and
categorize it by meaning as if it were new. See whether the categories found are
similar. The result should show regularity in semantic categories. Following
Sinclairs methodology, 1 found that de in these data establishes three basic
relationships in regards to the parts of the body:
* part/whole as in
(2) a. p de moleque a sweet peanut brittle
b. cabega de bagre dumb ; (see literal translations below)
made of as in

(3 ) a. coracao de ouro heart of gold
b. p de chumbo a clumsy person
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one of a kind as in
(4) a. p de cana one piece of sugar cane
b. p de meia one of a pair of socks
The important thing to capture about de is its function to link and establish
relationships between the parts and the body as a whole, be it a person or an animal,
or the part and its composition. Accordingly, a p and friagem coldness does not
form a part/whole relationship nor can p be made of friagem coldness. This
answers the first question, which was how we account for the ungrammaticality of
*p de friagem.
One interesting aspect of these compounds is that they combine metaphors
and metonym. In the N+PP, some de relationships are metaphorical as in de vento,
ouro, chumbo of wind, gold, lead. When compounded they become metonymic,
which implies that the body-part compounds are metonymic.
9. 3,2 N +Adt
The adjectives used in the compounds are descriptive. The categories found
are size, transitory states, internal condition, temperature, tactile (texture, resistance),
weight, shape, state of living, color, and evaluative. I use a taxonomy suggested by
Givn (1993) to classify them ( Appendix).
At first, N-Adj seem to present a much easier interpretation because adjectives
are single featured as opposed to N which are multi-featured (Givn, 1993). The
features of the N p are size, texture, composition, and so on. Adjectives are not time-
stable and represent a single feature of a particular noun. Frio cold refers to

102
temperature only. That leaves no room for doubt about the head status of cabeca in
cabeca oca hollow head, andp inp fri cold foot. However, frio cold is a
negative attribute in p frio person who brings bad luck, but positive in cabega fria
a calm person, cool headed, implying that he is not easily moved by emotions, is it
merely a pragmatic interpretation? I will come back to this question later when I look
at cognition.
A striking difference between N+Adj and N+PN is that except for olho
mgico peep hole, the N-Adj. in these data referred to people, only. The table
below presents some of these. Ail the compounds have a referent in the world, as the
translations show.
Table 9.2
Body-Part Compounds (Referring to a Person)
Parts of the Body
Litera! Translation
Meaning (person)
Corago de ouro
Heart of gold
Good person
Cabega de bagre
Head of fish
Forgetful person
P de cana
Foot of cane
Drunk
Cabega raspada
Head shaved
A skin head
Dedo duro
Finger hard
Tattle tale
P frio
Foot cold
Person who brings bad luck
Table 9.3
Body-Part Compounds (Referring to an Object)
Part of the body
Litera! Translation
Meaning (object)
P de meia
Foot ofsock
Savings
P de pato
Foot of duck
Scuba fins
Cabega feita
Head made
Head made in African
Brazilian religions
P de moleque
Foot of black boy
a sweet (peanut brittle)

103
Difference between literal phrases and Compounds:
(5) a. Ela tem a mao leve;.
She has a hand light,
b. Ele um mao leve.
Hes a pickpocket.
(6) a. Ela est de perno, bamba.
She has shaky legs,
b. Ele um perna bamba.
He is a leg shaken.
He is easily scared.
(7) a. Ele um dedo duro inveterado.
He is a mase, snitch unchangeable.
He is an unchangeable snitch,
b *Ele um dedo duro e inveterado.
He is a hard and unchangeable finger.
(8) A cabega de negro explodiu.
The head of a black person blew up.
The firecracker biew up.
(9) a. Ele tem a cabega feita. Ele medinico.
He has the head made. He is a medium,
b. Ele e cabeca feita.
He is not easily influenced.
9.4 Headship
In (5a) mao leve is not a compound, but in (5b), it is. Um a-masc. is the
determiner of a null head that is masculine, [D e NP] [um e mao leve]. Um relates
anaphorically to the subject ele he. Notice that there is a change in gender when the
DP becomes a compound.
in (7a) dedo duro is a compoimd and inveterado a modifier of the compound.
(7b) is ungrammatical because with e and the two adjectives become modifiers of

dedo finger. The productivity of its compound status as a noun is shown by its
derivation:
104
(10)Dedo-duro n-^ dedodurar v (rule of haplology applies, deleting one of two equal
syllables) Idedudurar/ dedurar
Another example of derivation with the adjective duro/a is
(11)[Coro-dura] nLT hard face poker face ri> caraduricen poker face style.
The chart below shows the difference between grammatical gender and
masculine/feminine in body part compounds.
GRAMMATICAL GENDER
MASC FEM
pe
(12) O p est doendo
The-masc. foot is hurting
The foot hurts
(13) O p de palo tamanho grande
The feet of duck is size big
The fins are size large
cabega
\
\
(14) A cabega est doendo
The-fem. head is hurting
The head hurts
(15) A cabega de negro explodiu
The-fem head, of negro blew up
The firecracker blew up
CLONING
/ \
(16) O p de cana chegou (18)0 cabega dura chesou
The-masc. foot of cane arrived The -mase, head hard arrived.
The drunken man arrived The stubborn man arrived
(17) A p de cana adora Scotch (19) A cabeca dura nao aprende
The -fern, foot of cane loves Scotch The-fem. head hard no learn
The drunk woman loves Scotch The hard- headed woman
doesnt learn
9,5 Semantic Component
Some compounds, e.g.,p de cana, are poiysemic.
+ animate takes the gender of the referent and is exocentric.
animate takes the grammatical gender of the head and is endocentric.
+ amm.[o/a fhe-masc./fem e p de cana the drunk person;

105
- anim. [o p de cana] a piece of sugar cane.5
+ anim [o/a eperna depan] peg leg and clumsy player;
- anim. [a perna de paid a wooden leg.
Table 9.4
Semantic Features
TOTAL
73
+Animate
-Animate
54
19
9.6 Syntactic Representation
Person
DP
/ \
/ \
[o/a/s] NP (body part metonymy)
/ \
/ \
N PP
/ / \
cabecu P N
de vento
DP
/ \
/ \
[o/a/s] NP [body part metonymy]
/ \
/ \
N Adj
cabera quente
Object
DP
/ \
/ \
[e] NP (body part-metaphor)
/ \
/ \
N(body part) PP
p / \
P N(+ animate)
de pato
Figure 9.1
Syntactic Representation

106
As suggested above, all these compounds have a head whether it is visible or
not. The FPs define gender and number. Some body-part compounds have visible
heads, while some have both visible and invisible heads due to polysemy. In the next
section their semantic content will be analyzed (to keep it simpler, I do not specify the
FP)
9.7 Cognitive Semantics
Considerable information has been presented to describe the formal structure
of the compounds, but little has been said about their meaning and interpretation. In
this section I will look at a comprehensive theory of meaning provided by Cognitive
Semantics as well as principles such as categorization, prototype, imagery, and
schema.
It is not my intent to undertake a critical evaluation of the concepts in
Cognitive Semantics. On the contrary, this analysis is exploratory in nature. I want to
see how useful and effective these concepts are when applied to the present data of
body part compounds. Especially relevant to this investigation is the study of
metaphors undertaken by Lakoff and Johnson (1988) and expanded in Lakoff (1990).
Lakoff identifies the following components in his metaphor model:
body experienced we are a whole with parts
* structural elements da whole, parts and configuration
basic logic d asymmetric relation given by if A is part of B, then B is not part of
A
My hypothesis is that the same model can be applied to the parts of the body
compounds based on the following assumptions:
* They are all examples of metonymy. Each part of the body has a specific function,
such as we think with our heads and walk with our feet and yet the body parts
are also perceived as bodily functions.

107
Although metonymies are essentially referential, they present similarities with
metaphors: they structure one domain in terms of another.
They are rooted in bodily experience.
I start this investigation with a review of some cognitive principles based on
Lakoff (1990). These same concepts are expanded in the review of Langackers usage
of grammar (1988).
9.7.1 Background
We perceive the world in which we live as having a structure with a high level
of correlation among its components. This allows us to predict combinations of
features pertaining to objects in our world. In fact, perceiving correlations and
conceptualizing are cognitive tools that we use to understand the world around us.
When we translate this experiential perception into language, we do so by
categorizing. Categorization fulfills our functional needs, which are dictated by the
social needs of a given culture. Categorization follows the principle of cognitive
economy, which says that with no more than one lexical item or phrasal expression
we can capture the meaning of an object. Two concepts lay the foundation for
categorizing- prototype and basic-level categorization. The latter (Rosch and
Lloyd, 1976) refers to an ideal level where we function and deal with the world
around us. Like other cognitive concepts, it is characterized by a gestalt perception
with mental imagery association. When one looks at the backyard and sees a number
of trees, one is not likely to mention the kinds of trees one sees, it simply would not
be economical to produce an encyclopedic dissertation about the different kinds of
trees, even if one is an expert in the subject. This does not imply that subtler
differences cannot be brought into focus if the speaker wishes to do so. Lakoff (1990)

108
extends the idea of basic level of social interaction posited by Rosch and Lloyd by
establishing at the most basic level such actions as running, walking, and eating, as
well as properties of objects such as tall, short, hard, soft, heavy, light, hot, cold, and
the like. These are similar to the adjective categories that I found in my research.
The other important concept, prototype, can be understood as a reference in
the categorization system. We categorize objects according to an inherent idea or
prototype we carry. An object is more or less prototypical of a certain category if it
does or not share common features with the prototype.
One object, namely our body, stands out in this system as our continuing
source of world perception. Johnson (1987) captured this notion when he compared
the way we experience our bodies to a container schema. The body as a container
metaphor is experienced as something with interior and exterior boundaries. We
breathe in and out of this container, take in food, and excrete. We can say that there is
a bodily basis that structures our experience. Other concepts may impose further
structuring on what we experience, building up a network whose nodes may function
alone or as part of the whole system.
Lakoff (1990) describes other schemas associated with the body, such as
part/whole and center/periphery. They are apprehended as gestalts and translating
them into words requires a visual description of some sort. Visual descriptions are
necessary since we create the world through our concepts and perceptions. Schemas
structure not only our thoughts but also our everyday functioning.

109
9.7.2 Metaphor and Metonymy
Metaphors help us to understand one domain of experience that is more
abstract in terms of another which is more concrete. The metaphoric system follows a
mapping from a source domain to a target domain and is tightly structured, with
correspondences on both sides. According to Lakoff and Johnson (1980) what
constitutes a metaphor is not a word but the ontological and epistemica!
generalizations created around the concept that the word or words represent. A
corollary to this fact is that we can make inferences and understand other concepts
related to the central metaphor.
Metonymy, like metaphor, is grounded in experience. It establishes a
relationship where one lexical item stands as a reference for a person, object or
institution, e.g.,0 cabega chata chegou The flat head arrived. The Northeastern
person arrived (people from the Northeast of Brazil are said to have flat heads). The
data investigated in this paper fit well into this description. The parts of the body are
experienced not only as parts but also as characteristics of the whole person when
their metonymic meaning is mapped onto a being.
Before analyzing the data I will look at phrasal expressions referring to parts
of the body and see how they fit into the theoretical model I have presented so far
(20) Ele estova enlameado dos yes a cabeca He was covered in mud from head to
foot.
The example (20) illustrates how we experience the body as a container that
has boundaries, here bounded by the feet and head. It also illustrates imagery when
we conceive of mud spread all over the corporeal container.

no
(21) Ele nao se deu bem no negocio, meten os ps pelas maos He didnt succeed in
the business, he put his feet where his hands belonged.
Example (21) shows that different parts of the body are assigned different
functions. Hands typically build up things, while feet can destroy. The relationship
between part and whole is jeopardized when the functions are mixed. So, meter os
ps pelas maos is a metaphor for mis-function.
(22) Eu sou toda ouyidos Tm all ears, that is, You have my undivided attention.
Ears listen carefully (source) and are mapped into the bodily experience of
paying attention (target). The part/whoie relationship is metonymic, that is, ears
stand for the whole person.
(23) Ele abandonou a pequea cidade e botou os ps no mundo he left the small city
and put his feet into the world.
We are able to move around because of our feet. Langacker (1988) argues that
an important distinction in the part/whoie relationship is that the body presupposes
and incorporates the notion of feet. That, in turn, also means that we do not have to
invoke leg to understand that feet enable us to move. In the sentence above the
person not only moved, but moved into the world, which is a metaphor for expansion.
9,7.3 Compounds and Cognitive Semantics
A linguistic model should take into account what is known about cognition.
Langacker (1988) refers to the stocks of conventional expressions that are stored in
memory separately, such as those mentioned above: [. . sou toda ouvidos] [... dos
ps cahecaj. Ryder (1994) suggests that N+N compounds qualify as conventional
expressions. Langackers assumption is that particular statements, such as

Ill
conventional expressions, can be regarded as a matrix from which we extract rales.
Therefore, in his usage-based grammar (1988) a semantic unit can be characterized
as a configuration in a semantic space, which includes concepts. Information both
semantic and encyclopedic is included in the lexicon. Semantic units are entries in a
network where information is easily retrieved.
Langacker distinguishes three different relationships between units:
phonological and semantic unit create a symbolic unit;
semantic units abide by categorization because ultimately we decide if the
referent belongs to a class of things defined by a symbolic unit;
* each symbolic unit is a category or a schema, an abstraction or a prototype for a
whole class of referents that would instantiate that schema.
Semantic units present integration when two or more structures of the same
type form a composite structure such as cat food. When one component of the
compound is integrated into the other, adjustment is required. Some form of
accommodation on the part of the language user is also necessary. The phrase botar
op put the foof into the water or on an anthill are perfectly predictable but in the
world requires accommodation and adjustment. Putting together disparate images to
form novel expressions also requires creativity, which is a characteristic of the
language user. The user has to build up the bridge betweenperna de pan pegleg
and a soccer player who moves slowly or cannot receive a pass from the other
players.
The notion of schema is crucial to interpret compounding. Schemas have
properties of their own:

112
they represent encyclopedic information;
they work as a recognition device;
they are processed in conjunction with a situation in an effort to discover how
well the situation and the schema fit;
there are different kinds of schemas such as script, feature, event, entity, etc.
Some parts of the pattern are not completely determined by the remainder of the
structure;
constraints restrict the number of contexts and allow the person to fill in a default
value if no information about that aspect of the schema is given.
constraints can embed new schemas.
P de cana a drunk cannot be understood if the speaker lacks the schema of
facts around cachaga, a cheap drink made of sugarcane and sold in working-class
drinking establishments. It is considered as the drink of the poor, it is very strong and
people who drink it are known to get drunk quickly.
9. 7.4 Model for Interpretation
I will analyze two groups of compounds, those based on cabega head and
those based on p foot. I suggest that the same model can be extended to the other
parts of the body (see Appendix). I chose these two because they presented more
compounds than the others.
I. cabega head
Bodily experience: we are whole beings with parts that we can manipulate.
Schemas:
(24) a. o cabega leader, capable, respected, flexible, in control of the emotions
b. uma cabega intelligent, respected for his opinions
c.q cabegathe physical head, its oval shape
Structural elements: the body, the head, and a configuration of the head.

113
Basic logic: The schema is asymmetric. 'The head is part of the body, but the body is
not part of the head.
Table 9.5
Cabeca Metonymy
Cabega
Literal
Translation
Meaning
i.cabega chata
head flattened
Bom in the Northeast
2.cabega de vento
head of wind
Absent-minded person
3.cabega dura
head hard
Hard-headed person
4. cabeca inchada
head swollen
Annoyed person
5.cabega tria
head cold
Cool-headed person
6. cabega quente
head hot
Quick tempered
person
7.cabega tonta
head dizzv
Confused person
S.cabega de negro
head of negro
Type of firecracker
9.cabega de bagre
head of fish
Someone who is
stupid
10.cabega oca
head hollow
Someone who is
immature
11. cabega de Santo
head of Saint
Someone whom you
Onofre
Onofre
cannot trust
12. cabega de porco
head of pig
Small house in a
tenement with poor
hygienic facilities
13. cabega feita
head done
Mind made up
9.7.4,1 Cabeca Analysis:
N+PP compounds are examples cabega de vento, cabega de bagre, cabega de
Sanio Onofre. The internal relationship of cabega de vento is head made of wind,
which is metaphorical in the sense that the wind will blow away the thoughts, leaving
the head empty. In cabega de bagre the schema to interpret the metaphors is size. A
small fish has a small head and a little brain. Mapping of wind into the head empties
the head.

114
cabeca de vento
i i
4"
target source
Figure 9.2
Metonymy
Once compounded it becomes a metonymy i.e. the head is the person and the
compound becomes referential, e.g., Oh, seu cabega de vento, como que voc
esqueceii o telefone do Marcos? You forgetful person, how could you not remember
Marks number?
Lakoff (1990) argues that not only objects but also feelings can be
conceptualized, in his study of anger he analyzes how some of its physiological
effects, such as body heat and agitation Interfere with accurate perception. Anger is
conceptualized as a fluid that fills the head and triggers these changes. This notion
seems closely associated to an Lakoff and Johnsons (1980) study of causation. In
which they argue that causation is a basic human concept used by people to organize
their physical and cultural realities. Causation is perceived when:
the change of state is physical;
the change in the subject is due to an external source of energy;
the change in the patient is perceptible;
* the agent monitors the change in the patient through sensory perception.
The compounds below show causation. They describe a state caused by an
external force or a state that becomes a pattern after being continuously exposed to
external force. Examples of such states are given by compound adjectives:
fear of change (3) cabega dura "hard headed person
anger, disappointment (4) cabega inchada swollen head-annoyed

115
emotion under control
* anger
fear
deprivation
(5) cabega fria cool headed person
(6) cabega quente cold person
(7) cabega tonta confused person
(8) cabeca oca hollow-immature
The examples below show how these compounds can be used as epithets/
predicates, that is, metonymically and as temporary mental state descriptions.
(25) Ele est de cabega incitada porque o time de fulebol perdeu.
He is of swollen head hes got a swollen head because his soccer team lost.
(26) Ele um cabega tonta.
He is a confused person.
(27)Ele ficou de cabega tonta depois do acdente.
His head became confused after the accident.
Cabega feita head done, mind made up, deserves a fuller explanation of its
cultural background. Although easily interpreted, it relates originally to the period
spent in prayer and purification by one of the priestesses of the black rituals. During
this time the head is shaved and the participants are kept in seclusion until they are
ready to receive the deity. So, cabega feita originally referred only to people who
underwent this ritual passage. By analogy ii was extended to everyone else and
became a productive compound describing a person whose mind is set and who is not
easily influenced.
The remaining compounds rely on imagery in order to be understood. They
are examples cabeca chata, cabeca de negro, and cabega de porco. Cabeca chata
describes people from Northeast of Brazil It signals a physical characteristic of the
head, which, of course, lacks scientific basis. Similar compounds are part of the
folklore of many cultures. In both cabeca de negro and cabega de porco the
part/whole relationship is crucial to the interpretation of the compound and the

116
schema they elicit. In cabega deporco there are two pig' schemas: small head
compared to a big body and an animal that lacks hygiene. Therefore cabeca de porco
is a small house in a tenement with poor hygienic facilities. In cabega de negro,
negro means only the color and the shape of the head of a black person mapped into
the shape and color of an exploding firecracker type. Only two of the cabega
compounds show positive qualities. They are cabega feita and cabeca fria. These two
compounds relate more to controlling emotions than to having intelligence. They
demonstrate that there are other metaphors for cabega than the ones I first suggested.
The compounds that refer to persons are derogatory' and refer to lack of intelligence,
lack of emotional control, and lack of concentration.
ll.p foot
Bodily experience: we are whole beings with parts that we can manipulate.
Schemas:
part of the body that permits us not only to walk and run (basic level) but also to
escape, to dance;
part of the body of different animals with their physical characteristics;
one of a kind such asp de cana, foot of cane one node of sugarcane
one of two that make up a pair such as p de meia foot of sock one sock.
Structural elements: the body, the foot, and a configuration of the foot in human
beings and in animals.
Basic logic: The schema is asymmetric. The foot is part of the body, but the body is
not part of the foot.

117
Table 9.6
P Metonymy
P
Litera] Translation
Meaning
l.p rapado
foot scraped
Tramp
2.p de chumbo
foot of lead
Clumsy person
3.p de moleque
foot of hustler
Candy
4.p de atleta
foot of athlete
Athletes foot
5,p de valsa
foot of waltz
Dancer
.p de meia
foot of sock
Savings
7. p de cabra
foot of goat
Lock pick
8. p de pato
foot of duck
Flippers
9. p fri
foot cold
Someone who brings
bad luck
10. p quente
foot hot
Someone who brings
good luck
11. p de boi
foot of bull
a hard working
person
12. p de cana
foot of cane
Drunk
13. p de coelho
foot of rabbit
Lucky charm
14. p d'gua
foot of water
Sudden rain
15. p de galinha
foot of chicken
Crows feet
16 p de chnelo
foot of sandal
Someone who is
poor
9.7,4,2 P Analysis
P is poiysemic and the previous analysis of the preposition de of in N+PN
compounds provided us with the following distinctions:
* made of
Example p de chumbo, lead is a heavy material. A person with feet of lead cannot
move easily or for that matter, play soccer well. At the other extreme p de valsa
moves gracefully. In both examples, the feet acquired qualities of their own through
given metaphors.

118
part/whole
It is to be understood in its literal meaning, that is, one not only can visualize
but also should possess some encyclopedic meaning about the compounds: p de
moleque, p de atleta, p de cabra, p de pato, p de coelho, p de gal inha, p de
boi.
In p de moleque, moleque refers to a black child, in p de pato it is the shape
of ducks feet whose function is to move faster in water; in p de galinha it is the
shape of the foot and the wrinkled appearance that by extension is used for wrinkles
on peoples faces. P de cabra is used as a tool to open doors, and p de coelho is
supposed to bring luck. These last two are old forms that appear in different
languages. One of the few compounds that associate animal characteristics with
human beings is p de boi. An ox is one of the major possessions on a farm and in
many languages an ox is associated with strength and sturdiness. Someone who is a
p de boi is therefore a hard worker.
one of a kind
Example p de cana has an endocentric as well as exocentric meaning, From
sugarcane we make a strong and cheap alcoholic liquor, thus a synonym for a drunk.
one of a pair
In p de chnelo, chnelo is a cheap kind of sandal, therefore someone who
wears chnelos does not even have money for shoes.
N-Adj combinations were less common with feet than heads. The adjective
fro renders positive qualities to the head by itself, but with feet, we understand that

119
whatever make the feet cold does the same to the whole body. To make something
cold means to deprive it of heat, and someone without body heat is a p fr o, someone
who will take the body heat from others. This metaphor is associated with an event
schema that goes like this: 'when we do things together, we generate energy, and with
luck things will work out. A pfrio takes our energy and brings bad luck. By analogy,
a person who is a p quente contributes to the group by giving the group his energy
and good luck.
9,7,5 Conclusion
Many of the p compounds have to do with physical shape, especially of
animals. Two of them,/? rapado and p de chnelo, refer to the lack of proper shoes
and are derogatory to the poor. P de boi is also derogatory in the sense that it
describes a person who works hard but lacks imagination to do something more
lucrative. Many of the cabeca and p compounds describe feelings, attitudes, and
evaluations of people. The differences in meaning are striking. Cabeca deals with
more abstract concepts and emotions than p. In order to interpret the p phrases we
need to use the notion of schema and imagery.
Lakoff s model (1990) does provide us with valuable tools to understand the
mechanics of more abstract meaning, but it has no power to predict how metaphor
and metonymy develop, identifying the schemas related to the different parts was a
good starting point to interpret these compounds. In cabega head, there was an
idealization of the head function; the thought process guides intelligent and emotional
behavior. Compounds conform or flout this idealization. The adjective frio/a cold
gives cabega in cabegafria cold head, a positive connotation, but gives p foot a

120
negative one. The p foot schemas have less idealization because there is no ideal
way of walking, although p rapado's literal translation, scraped feet refers to the
bad physical condition of feet. Imagery and encyclopedic recall rather than
idealization were relevant to understand the meaning.
Other conceptual tools besides imagery' were extremely helpful in the
analysis. The notion of schema and its association with interpretation provided
valuable insights. Schema encompasses much variation, from restricting meaning to
only one or two features, such as in cabeca de negro type of firecracker, to a
complex cultural event that spawned cabeca feita self assured person.
One interesting aspect of N-Adj compounds was the different physiological
states that they can express. The fact that such states can be related to such feelings as
anger and fear contributes to the distinction between N-N and N-Adj. The two
underlying metonymies, T am my head, I am my feet, seem strange when uttered in
this manner, but were certainly unconsciously present throughout this analysis.

CHAPTER 10
SYNTHETIC COMPOUNDS
Synthetic compounds are nominal compounds consisting of a verb and a noun that
satisfies its internal arguments. In (la) below, chuva Tain" satisfies the internal argument
of guarda "keep/ The meaning of guarda-chuva refers to an object that protects one
from the rain. In (lb) olho eye satisfies the argument o lapa cover. So, a lapa olho(s)
is an object to cover the eye. in both compounds the argument is theme. The form of the
verb, which usually belongs to first conjugation, that is, ends in -ar, is 3rd sing, present.
(1) a. guada-chma umbrella
b. tapa olho eye patch
There are three points to consider in the analysis of synthetic compounds.
First, we have to account for the well formedness inside the compound. I will follow
Sproat (1985) and Lieber (1992). Second we have to account for the zero derivation of a
verb into a noun. I will follow the analysis of Varela (1989) for Spanish, which is based
on Sproat and Lieber. The third point to consider is headship. Like other categories of
compounds in this investigation, these are endocentric or exocentric synthetic
compounds. In endocentric, it is the first element in the compound. In the examples,
(la,b) are endocentric and fne example (2) exocentric, that is, having an empty head. In
example (3), the verb is used in its intransitive form and rpido fastfunctions as an
adjunct.
(2) [Ne Narrasta/?e]N LT drag foot a party, an event where people move their
feet and dance
121

122
(3) lava rpido LT wash fast launderette
Sproat (1985:214) accounts for the well fonnedness inside the synthetic
compounds by invoking the First Sister Principle (Roeper and Siegel, 1978). The
noun is assigned a 0 role. Miller observes that The First Sister Principle may
be taken as a parameter of compounding (1993:80). intemai arguments of the
verb must be accommodated within the first sister of a binary branching
compound. Also, all intemai arguments are adjacent to the verb and dominated by
the same node. His comment seems to capture the essence of these compounds
because they are not verbs although the left constituent is a verb. The left
constituent acquires the status of a nominalization formed by zero derivation
whose argument is the N that follows it.
In this chapter, I will examine proposals for the analysis of synthetic
compounds in order to determine the extent to which they function for
Portuguese. Then I will look at the different semantic meanings of these
compounds.
10,1 First Sister Principle
The study of synthetic compounds in Romance has been approached in
different ways. Sproat (1985:214) bases his argument about verb-complement
proximity on Roeper and Siegel's (1978) First Sister (FS) Principle: "All verbal
compounds are formed by incorporation of a word in the first sister position of
the verb. In Portuguese, for instance, *saca-da-rolha pull out from the cork
is not an acceptable compound since da rolh is not the intemai argument of the
verb and would not be the first sister of a binary branching compound.

123
Sproa (1985:207) employs two other syntactic considerations to
determine the well formedness of synthetic compounds: the Projection Principle
and Case Assignment. He writes:
The application of the Projection Principle to the V in synthetic
compounds has the effect of forcing all of the internal 0 roles of the verb
to be satisfied within the verbal projection.
Consequently, the compound *guarda-no-armrio keep in the cupboard
is not acceptable in Portuguese but guarda-comida food keeper, cabinet is.
DP DP
/ \ / \
/ \ / \
D NP D NP
N
/ \
/ \
TNP PP
I A
/ \ no armario
/ \
N N
/ \
N N
Guarda 8
Figure 10
Syntactic Representation
N
/ \
/ \
N N
/ \
Vo N
guarda 0 comida
10,2 Case Assignment
On case assignment, Sproat (1985:209) states that the verbal element
assigns Case to its nominal complement, which implies adjacency of the verb and
its complement. This is another way of saying that the First Sister Principle must
be met.

124
0.3 e Role
The external theta role is the last one to be discharged, if it is discharged at
all. In English it is discharged at the point where -er attaches. According to
Higginbotham (1985) verbs have an event as an argument. Nouns do not carry the
event argument but verbs do. Sproat (1985:172) suggests that the driver in
compounds like cab driver inherits both the actor and the event. In Portuguese the
meaning inside the compound will inherit the event argument. This event argument
helps us understand the metaphorical content of the exocentric compounds. In
example (4) it means that a mutt will turn over garbage cans looking for food.
(4) Vira-lata LT turn over garbage can, a mutt
Isso um cachorro vira-lata This is a mutt
O vira-lata mats valente que muito cachorro de raga The mutt is braver than
many purebred.
(5) Mata-fome, literally kill hunger, a snack or meal that fills you7
A comida dos Hare-Krishna um bom mata-fome. The Hare-Krishna food is a
hearty snack.
(6) Cria-caso, literally create problem, a trouble maker
Chegou o/a cria-caso. The-masc/fem. trouble maker has arrived.
Regarding similar compounds in French, Lieber (1992: 66) writes that:
French has no synthetic compounds of the sort truck driver or
pasta eating. Instead it has a productive set of nominal compounds that
consists of a verb followed by a noun which serves as the internal
argument of the verb.
The same observation can be extended to synthetic compounds in-
Portuguese. Lieber (1992) says that semantically these nominal compounds in
French are generally instrument nouns, less frequently agent nouns. The data can
be divided in three semantic categories:

125
a) instrument
(7) a. saca-roiha corkscrew
b. quebra-nozes nutcracker
c. mata-fome something / food that is more than enough to fill up one's
stomach
b) actor
(8) a.guarda-livros hook-keeper
b. guarda-costas 'bodyguard'
c. porta-voz 'carry-voice' 'spokesman'
d. puxa-saco someone whos always praising the ones in power.
c) event
(9) a. quebra-pau fight or argument
b. arrasta-p dance party
c. bate boca argument
Lieber (1992 ) states that similar compounds in French are formed by zero-
affix, which is the head of the compound. Following a long tradition, she claims
that -er is the head of compounds such as windshield wiper and truck driver.
She also claims that the derivational affix supplies the gender, most of these being
masculine in French. It is assumed that there is no such a thing as a headless
structure that would force the exocentric hypothesis and zero affixation. The
exocentric compounds in Portuguese carry human cloning gender when they refer
to [+human]. Therefore, gender is assigned under a local agreement between the
FD and the empty head.
10.4 Atom Condition
Varelas proposal for Spanish (1989) suggests that the head is a deverbal
noun of an agentive type whose features percolate to the top of the word. In fact,
there are few deverbals of this land in Portuguese

126
(10) a, guarda watchman
b. arrasta LT drag; an event where the homeless boys move as
a group, carrying some kind of crude weapons, hitting people and stealing
whatever they can. Also called arrastao a big drag event
c. vira LT turn; a dance from Portugal with much turning left and
right.
d. cria raise; someone raised in a place.
More evidence comes from the dvandva comes e bebes a drinking and eating
event. Both nominalizations are pluralized. So these are possible words
Varella argues that percolation is in accordance with the Atom Condition
proposed by Williams (1981). This Atom Condition accounts for derivations that
attach at the end of the word and not to the head because, when derived, these
compounds take an agentive or instrumental suffix.
N
Figure 10.2
Atom Condition
Indeed, bothparaquedista parachutist and guarda-chuveiro umbrella
holder have respectively, an agentive and an instrumental suffix. The examples are
the same for Spanish and Portuguese. Following the same principles with the suffix
meaning of pertaining to in Portuguese is:
(11) puxasaquismo act of praising the powerful.
[puxa-saco] N +ismo N]] -> piixasaquismo

127
10.5 Semantic Meaning
Sproat (1985: 214) suggests that synthetic compounds in French mirror
sentence structure. His statement also holds for Portuguese:
The element which compounds with the V in synthetic compounds is ..
the element which occurs immediately to the right of the verb in the
corresponding sentence
(12) a. guarda-roupa wardrobe
b. Esse um bom lugar para guardar roupa. This is a good place to keep
clothes
c. Ele guarda roupa no amrrio. Tie keeps clothes in the closet
in some synthetic compounds the relationship among the meaning of the
constituents is not always predictable, though, as examples (4) and (5) demonstrate:
(4) a. guardadivros book keeper is a person who keeps the ledgers
b. Ele guarda livros He keeps books
(5) a. guarda-chuva a device that keeps the rain away from its owner.
b. Isso guarda urnapessoa da chuva This keeps someone from the rain.
While in English -er signals an actor, the absence of a head formative in
Portuguese renders the interpretation more opaque.
Analyzing the same compounds for French, Bennet (1977) proposes a sub
division corresponding to the three types of deep structure:
the purely transitive {guardad ivr os) undergoes no aligning transfonnation. It
derives from (the one) who keeps books.
instrumental (guarda-chuva) must undergo a preliminary transformation which
raises the noun in the instrumental phrase to subject. It derives from something
that keeps the rain away.
metaphorical {ganha-pao). A comparison of the type something is like
something else. Ensmar o meu ganha-pao Teaching is my bread-winning
activity.

Bennet reminds us that reconstruction of synthetic compounds includes
changes of meaning and form, like ganha-pdo that was instrumental and now is
128
reinterpreted metaphorically.
Pisque compounds
(13) a. Bisque pizza call the dial-a-pizza
b. Bisque droga dial drag
These are two of the many new expressions with disque. Notice that it is
disque call-imperative and not disca call-present. Copying American marketing
strategies that advertise using the phone to obtain the delivery of goods, these
expressions were introduced into Brazil with unexpected consequences. In English
they are verb compounds, but in Portuguese they became nouns. So, Telefona para
o disque-pizza, translates call the dial pizza! O disque pizza means the telephone
of the pizza place.
10.6 Conclusion
One of the major problems in the analysis of synthetic compounds, the zero
conversion of a VP into a DP, is accounted for in Varelas analysis. Like Varela I
argue that the compound carries an event argument when it becomes a noun. The
head is on the left, except for the exocentric compounds. Their head will be an empty
noun and the synthetic compound functions as a complement like other exocentric
compounds described in the previous chapters.

CHAPTER 11
CONCLUSION
The following are some of the controversial issues about compounds in
Romance raised in the introduction (i) if compounds and DPs have the same
syntactic order, which criteria distinguish one form the other? (ii) what are the
possible syntactic operations in compounds? (iii) can the principle of headship be
generalized for all compounds? (iv) how do principles of syntax, semantics,
morphology, and phonology interact? (v) how do these issues relate to actual data?
(vi) does the language parameter for Romance function for Portuguese? At this point
I am in a position to bring forward some important generalizations about these topics.
The issues are discussed below.
The first issue to be discussed concerns which criterion is used to distinguish a
DP from a compound. It is only at sentence level that the two meanings of p de pato,
e.g., duck feet and flippers, will be distinct. The criterion that distinguishes both is
semantic, because the order of the lexico-syntactic constituents is exactly the same.
Plural is also the same, as is headship. Observing the data carefully, though, I realized
that the number of compounds that are the same as DPs is by far smaller than the ones
that are different. This goes against a widespread belief that there are no compounds
in Romance. Villalva (1992) and DiSciullo and Williams (1988) are some of the
linguists who do not consider Romance as having any compounds other than the
synthetic. Noun combinations found in Appositionals, Dvandvas, synthetics, phrasals,
129

130
hybrids, reduplications, and many N+N are unique to compounds. It is true that
Portuguese does not have a distinct order of compounding as in English, e.g., truck
driver (as opposed to drivers of trucks), but N+N such as carn ledo income tax
pavbook and SOS-crianga help child do not make sense at the sentence level unless
used as a unit in compounds. Moreover, one could say that after tamanho-familia
family size was frozen as a compound, others such as salrio-famlia salary for a
head of family with children were coined.
In the course of this investigation I presented a considerable number of
compounds that start as endocentric and later develop metaphors or metonymies.
They present polysemy, as in p de tneia pair of socks and savings. It has been
suggested that one lexical item may freeze at its output, becoming a compound. I
argue that not only individuals but also any object in the world is subject to the same
principle. In fact, many of the body-part compounds showed this type of polysemy.
The second issue to be discussed relates to the syntactic operations in
compounds. The conclusion drawn from this investigation is that we should classify
compounds under a general syntactic framework of principles and parameters. Their
syntactic representation is the same as DP because compounds are equally sensitive to
FP. Two principles, headship and feature percolation, will determine the lexico-
syntactic category of the compound. Another operation that plays an important role is
incorporation, not only in compounding but also in derivation. Derivation also
interfaces with compounding in hybrids. Both compounds and derivation follow the
parameter for Romance, which prescribes left headship and complements at the right
for compounds. The head in derivation however, is on the right side. If a word is

131
understood as derived, i.e.formed by a root and an affix, the speaker will follow the
right headship principle when creating new words. The same strategy can explain
clipping (3.4.2), e.g., hilano from hilariante hilarious. It seems that the speaker
tries to recuperate the root, separating it from some ending the speaker sees as a
suffix.
The third i mportant issue relates to the generalization of headship in
compounds. Although argue that the headship principle should be generalized for all
compounds, there are some restrictions with the categories of Adj+N and
appositionals. I propose that the adjectives in Adj+N compounds move to the left to
establish a greater cohesion with nouns. By doing so, adjectives give them a
referential meaning, e.g., um mau carter a person whose character is bad, whereas
[N carter Adj mau]DP is not a compound. I also argued that the appositionals
should have two heads. Dvandvas also have two heads, usually coordinated by e
and. The syntactic representation of both is practically the same, and they also
present the same double-plural characteristics. Headship, therefore, is not a good
criterion to distinguish them. I argue that we differentiate them by a semantic
criterion. Appositionals are composed of words from the same semantic domain, such
as occupations in the household. In dvandvas, the conjoined words have meanings
ranging from similar to opposite, as in compra e venda buy and sell.
Another important issue related to headship is the head of exocentric
compounds. This head is sensitive to syntactic operations and gets gender and number
from FP, as in [D o/a/s N e [PP seen terra\]DP. Different categories of compounds
can be exocentric.

132
The interface of syntax with morphology, phonology, and semantics
contributes to increase the variety'' of compounds. Hybrid compounds relate more to
morphological derivation. Reduplication and compounds like mm and nhonho were
formed by the application of phonological rales, but get their gender in morphology.
Reduplication of verbs interfaces with syntax when the event role of the verb is
discharged. Also to consider in the interface of phonology, morphology, and syntax is
the application of general principles, such as economy in derivations and hybrids,
e.g., hilrio. Hybrids are shorter than similar N+P+N types, such aspacotologia e
ciencia de cristais.
The next issue deals with the relationship between the syntactic frame and
new data. All in all, the syntactic analysis suggested in this investigation worked well
for compounds in Portuguese and can be extended to other Romance languages with
some language specific adaptations. In continuing to collect and classify data, I have
found in Velas latest editions (Sep 6/13/21, 1998) [N e Adj. meia + N solaXOP half
sole, a metaphor for something done in an incomplete way that refers to the latest
governmental measures to face the economical crisis. Once again, the exocentric
compound started as an endocentric. Also found was the reduplication [V troca- +V
troca] DP change-change an event that is going on in politics with politicians
changing political parties, and also [V vira + N casaca] DP turn coat. politicians
accepting previously rejected views in order to gain votes.
The last issue raises questions about whether other Romance languages offer
the same tendencies to make compounds as Portuguese does. First of ail, we have to
consider that all languages have their idiosyncrasies. Italian presents the same kind of

133
reduplication found in Portuguese, but Spanish has little reduplication. On the other
hand, both Spanish and Portuguese present similar examples of appositionals. it
appears that an investigation with the same type of media resources could be used to
evaluate the tendencies I have suggested for Portuguese, including a three-year
investigation on a leading magazine and other similar soources, especially
considering the expansion of meaning by polysemy of endocentric into exocentric.
One aspect of this investigation was the study of metaphors in body-part
compounds. I show that some have more to do with the body-part image, e.g., cabeqa
de negro a powerful firecracker that is round in shape and black in color. Others are
so cultural-specific that they resist any attempt at compositional meaniong, e.g.
cabeqa chata someone from the northeast Brazil. This metaphor is a derogatory
reference to the stereotype that people from the northeast have a fiat head. Principles
of cognitive semantics, such as schema, imagery, and conceptual analysis, give
powerful insights into the meaning of the metaphor. In the body-part compounds the
most interesting data relate to the N+Adj that describe a state caused by external
forces such as body temperature, e.g., cabeqa quente someone who cannot control
his anger. Several of these compounds clearly show how feelings and emotions
contribute to meaning.
Another facet of this investigation was the demonstration of how language
changes. The compounds examined within a diachronic framework become opaque,
in that the constituents are not recognized by the speaker, therefore, they are learned
as a whole, as in. manipular manipulate. In the evolution from Latin to Portuguese,
significant changes took place, including the loss of the declension system and the

134
change in word order. At times speakers may recognize a root and form new words
with that particular root, as happened in the sixteenth century when lexico-semantic
categories that form compounds were accepted in the Portuguese language. The
sample I gathered showed that few syntactic changes have taken place in categories
since then.
A brief investigation of the numbers of compounds in each category shows us
that N+N arc the most productive in endocentric compounds. In both endocentric and
exocentric compounds, N+Adi and N+P+N are also productive categories with many
polysemic compounds found in both. The synthetic is also a very productive pattern.
Since my focus was on a syntactic analysis, these categories should be regarded as
merely parameters for new formation. No research on tokens was undertaken.
The data totaling 549 compounds reflect the visible tendency in written media
to use compounds instead of longer descriptions. These compounds describe the way
people engage in activities such as politics and sports. Using metaphor and
metonymy, the language user captures in two words endless associations of meanings
for the reader.

APPENDIX
ENDOCENTRICA
1. N + N
1. Adolescente-problema
Problem adolescent
2. Amarelo-mostarda
Mustard yellow
3. Ano-luz
Light-year
4. Arco-iris
Rainbow
5. Astro-re
King star
6. Auto-escola
Driving school
7. Auto-pegas
Auto parts
8. Aviao radar
An airplane that carries a radar
9. Avio-UTI
Intensive Care unit in a plane
10. Azul-piscina
Blue like a swimming pool
11. Azul bandeira
Blue like the blue in the Brazilian flag
12. Banana-dgua
A type of banana that is long and big
13. Banana-maca
A type of banana that tastes like apple
14. Banana ouro
A banana with a golden skin
15. Banana praa
Banana medium size
16. Bolsa-escola
School scholarship
17. Bomba-reigio
Time bomb
18. Caminhao bomba
A truck that carries a bomb
19. Camisa-convite
Inviting shirt
20. Carn leao
IRS booklet for installment payments
21. Carro pipa
Water tank car
22. Cidade satlite
Satellite city
23. Cidade fantasma
Ghost town
24. Comcio-monsro
Big political gathering
25. Couve flor
Cauliflower
26. Custo-benefcio
Cost- benefit
27. Data-limite
Deadline
28. Edificio sede
Headquarters building
29. Efeito-domin
Domino effect
30. Efeito-estufa
Greenhouse effect
31. Eleitores-fantasma
Ghost voters
32. Empresa-fantasma
Ghost firm
33. Femando-henriquismo
Fernando-henriqu-ian (current president)
34. Frevo diabo
Diabolically fast song named frevo
135

136
35. Fute bo i raga
Soccer played with guts
36. Garota propaganda
Advertising model
37. Guerra-relmpago
Blitzkrieg (Geman)
38. Jogo-treino
Practice-game
39. Livro-depoimento
Testimonial book
40. Mae pria
Mother country
41. Mdico legista
Forensic doctor
42. Mestre escola
School master
43. Mico-leao
A monkey that looks like a lion, golden
tamarind
44. Gperagao reboque
Towing operation
45. Papa-vi ajante
Traveling Pope
46. Pega-chave
Key piece
47. Pergunata-chave
Key question
48. Piloto-robo
Robot pilot
49. Poesia processo
Poetry-process
50. Questo-chave
Key question
51. Rabino Mor Emrito
Emeritus Rabbi
52. Romance folhetim
Serial novel
53. Rosa-ch
Tea-rose
54. Salrio- familia
Family salan
55. Salrio- fome
Starvation salary
56. Samba-cancao
Samba-song a melodious, slow samba
57. Seguro-desemprego
Unemployment Insurance
58. Seguro-saude
Health insurance
59. Shopping- metro
A shopping area in a subway station
60. SOS-crianca
Program to help needy children
61. Tamanho-amlia
Family size
62. Trem-bala
Speed train
63. Trem-fantasma
Ghost train
64. Verde-gua
Water-green
65. Vermelho-sangue
Blood red
2. N4-P+N
66. Agao de gracas
Thanksgiving
67. Agua de coco
Coconut water

137
68. Agua de colonia
Cologne
69. Alma dos negocios
Soul of business
70. Ama de leite
Wet nurse
71. Amigo da onqa
Disloyal friend
72. Anjo da guarda
Guardian angel
73. Arrimo de familia
Family support
74. Balo de oxigonio
Oxygen tank
75. Balde de gua fra
Bucket of cold water
76. Banca de jornal
Newspaper stand
77. anho de sangue
Blood bath
78. Batismo de fogo
Baptism by fire
79. Bicho de p
Name of a fungus that attacks the foot
80. Boi de piranha
Ox sacrificed to the piraa
81. Briga de foice
Scythe fight
82. Cabeea de rea
Center head (soccer game)
83. Caixa dgua
Water tank
84. Caixa de depsito
Deposit box
85. Caldo de came
Meat broth
86. Caldo de feijao
Bean broth
87. Camisa de forqa
Strait jacket
88. Carne de sol
Sun dried meat
89. Cavalo de batalha
War horse
90. Certificado de quaiidade
Quality certificate
91. Dona de casa
Housewife
92. Educacao distancia
Distance learning
93. Estado de sitio
State of siege
94. Filhinho-de-papai
Daddys boy
95. Homem de apo
Man of action
96. Le da bala
Gun law
97. Mo de obra
Skilled work
98. Menino de ra
Street child
99. Mestre de cerimnia
Master of ceremony
100. Mestre de obras
Foreman
101. N orne de guerra
Nickname
102. Oficial de justiqa
Law officer
103. Ordena do dia
Order of the day
104. Pomo de Ado
Adams apple
105. Pona de lanca
Right/left wing (soccer)
106. Por do sol
Sunset
107. Posto de abastecimento
Gas station

308.
Servido a domicilio
Home delivery
109.
Teia de aranha
Spider web
110.
Tiro ao alvo
Target shot
Ill.
Torre de Babel
Tower of Babe!
112.
Virado ao avesso
Inside out
113.
Virado pauli sta
A dish from Sao Paulo
114.
Veado do campo
A type of deer
3. P+N
115.
A3m fronteira
Beyond the border
116.
Alm mar
Beyond the sea
117.
Co-autor
Co author
118.
Contra-almirante
Rear admiral
119.
Contra-mao
Wrong way
120.
Ex-marido
Ex husband
121.
Ex-presidente
Former president
122.
Preamar
High tide
4. Prefix+ N
123.
Anti-cotidiano
Non-everyday event
124.
Anti-derrapante
Anti-slip material
125.
Auto-ajuda
Self-help
126.
Auto-destruido
Self-destruction
127.
Auto-adesivo
Self-adhesive
128.
Autobiografa
Autobiography
129.
Auto-enderecado
Self-addressed
130.
Auto-estima
Self-esteem
131.
Granfina
Snobbish
132.
Nao-alinhamento
Non-alignment
133.
Nao-produtivo
Non-productive
134.
Nao-combatente
Non-combatant
135.
No-observncia
Non-observance
136.
Semi-rida
Semi-arid
137.
Ultrajar
Ultralar, Name of a store
138.
Ultra-radical
Ultra-radical
139.
Ultra religiosa
Super religious

5. N+ Ad-
139
140.
Abalo nervoso
Nervous breakdown
141.
gua doce
Fresh water
142.
Agurdente
Liquor
143.
Alianza Nacional Libertadora
National Alliance for Freedom
144.
Alma gmea
Soul mate
145.
Alma penada
Ghost
146.
Ano novo
New year
147.
Ar livre
Outdoors
148.
Av torta
Adopted grandmother
149.
Barata tonta
Person who is lost
150.
Batata baroa
Type of potato to make soup
151.
Batata doce
Sweet potato
152.
Batata puente
Hot potato (a problem)
153.
Batedor presidencial
Presidential forerunner
154.
Bobo alegre
happy dumb simpleton
155.
Carne seca
Dried meat
156.
Carta branca
Carte blanche
157.
Carto postal
Postcard
158.
Centro espirita
Spiritual center
159.
Chave falsa
False key
160.
Ciencias bsicas
Basic Sciences
161.
Ciencias humanas
Human Sciences
162.
Conversa fiada
Small talk
163.
Conversa mole
Someone who does small talk
164.
Costas puentes
Someone who has a protector
165.
Crianca carente
Child in need
166.
Ensino privado
Private education
167.
Guarda notumo
Night watchman
168.
Listra negra
Black list
169.
Manga rosa
A type of pinkish mango
170.
Mercado Comum Europeu
European Common Market
171.
Mico preto
Type of monkey that is black
172.
Obra prima
Masterpiece
173.
Parede mestra
Master wall
174.
Pemalonga
Bugs Bunny
175.
Pemilongo
Mosquito
176.
Peso-mdio
Middle weight (boxer)

177.
Peso-pesado
Heavy weight
378.
Planalto
Plateau "the capital5
179.
Politico profissional
Professional politician
180.
Ponte levadiza
Drawbridge
181.
Premio Nobel
Nobel prize
182.
Prisao domiciliar
House arrest
183.
Prisao perpetua
Life imprisonment
184.
Quartel general
General headquarters
185.
Radical chique
Elegant Radical (cartoon girl)
186.
Rdio escuta
Long wave radio
187.
Secretrio geral
General secretary
188.
Yenda postal
Stamp sale
6. Adj. + N
189.
Bern avisada
Forewarned
190.
Bern criada
Well bred
191.
Em educada
Well mannered
192.
Bern empregado
Well employed
193.
Bern fudida
Sexually pleased
194.
Bern nutrido
Well nourished
195.
Bom-tom
Advisable
196.
Jvem guarda
New group
197.
Livre escolha
Free choice
198.
Livre pensador
Free thinker
199.
Livre-docente
Professor
200.
Longa data
Long time
201.
M f
On purpose
202.
Mal criado
Badly mannered
203.
Pequea empresa
Small enterprise
204.
Pequeo burgus
Petit bourgeois
205.
Pronto socorro
Emergency hospital
206.
Velha guarda
Old guard

7. N + P + V
141
207.
Agua de beber
Drinking water
208.
Ferro de passar roupa
Iron
209.
Goma de mascar
Chewing gum
210.
Mquina de lavar roupa
Washing machine
211.
Mquina de lavar
Dishwasher
212.
Mquina de tirar retrato
Camera
213.
Tesoura de cortar paper
Paper scissors
EXOCENTR1C
l.N + N
214.
Amigo urso
False friend
215.
Ranho maria
Water bath
216.
Chuchu beleza
Cnayote beautiful, beautiful girl
217.
Cabra macho
Macho man
218.
Maria Chiquinha
Country girl with braided hair
219.
Maria Lambisgoia
Awkward girl
220.
Pontap
Kick
221.
Samba cancan
Boxer shorts
222.
Varapau
Tall person
2. N + P + N
223.
Abraco de urso
The hug of a disloyal friend
224.
Arma de dois gumes
Weapon with two cutting edges risky business
225.
Baba de quiabo
Something easy to accomplish
226.
Baba de moqa
A sweet syrup made of eggs and coconut
227.
Bafo de onca
Drunks breath

142
228.
Bico de papagaio
Spinal hernia
229.
Boi de piranha
Scapegoat
230.
Cabra da peste
A brave person
231.
Caminho de rato
The path of a rat, hair not properly combed
232.
Casa da sogra
A place where anything goes
233.
Colher de ch
Give a break to
234.
Conto do vigrio
An act of cheating
235.
Copo de leite
Trumpet lily
236.
Feixe de ossos
Bag of bones
237.
Mae dgua
Water nymph
238.
Maria sem vergonha
Impatiens
239.
Negocio da China
Lucrative business
240.
Pan de arara
Transportation of migrant workers
241.
Pau de arara
A migrant worker, also torture device
242.
Selva de pedra
A place with too many buildings
243.
Torre de Babel
Tower of Babel
244.
Ultraje rigor
Name of a rock group
245.
Volta por cima
A come back
3. IN +Adj
246.
Agua viva
Jelly fish
247.
Amor perfeito
Pansy
248.
Anos dourados
1960s
249.
Anos rebeldes
1970s
250.
Arma branca
White weapon
251.
Arraia mida
Small fish
252.
Arroz doce
Rice pudding
253.
Balao apagado
A loser
254.
Barra-l impa
A good guy
255.
Besta quadrada
Asshole
256.
Bicha louca
Crazy gay
257.
Boco moco
Dumbo
258.
Bode expiatorio
Scapegoat
259.
Bia-fria
Migrant worker
260.
Bola murcha
Lacking sexual libido
261.
Bossa nova
New sound

143
262.
Cabide ambulante
A very thin person
263.
Caf pequeo
A person of little importance
264.
Caradura
Poker-face
265.
Casca grossa
Unpolished person
266.
Conversa fiada
Liar
267.
Conversa mole
Small talk
268.
Figura difcil
Someone who is hard to find
269.
Fio dental
Small bikini (dental floss)
270.
Fogo cerrado
Trouble
271.
Frente nica
Blouse with an open back
272.
Galinha mora
A person who does not react to an offense
273.
Joao Ningum
A nobody
274.
Linha dura
A person self run by a strict code
275.
Manjar branco
A pudding made of coconut milk
276.
Mara Mijona
A cowardly person
277.
Mesa redonda
Round table, a get together
278.
Mosca branca
Someone whos hard to find
279.
Pao duro
A stingy person
280.
Sal amargo
Medicine for upset stomach
281.
Vacas magras
Time of depression
282.
Viva negra
Black widow spider
4. Numeral + N
283.
Meia porcao
Small portion, small person
284.
Meio metro
Half meter, small person
285.
Meio quilo
Half kilo, a small person
286.
Mil folhas
Thousand leaves, a sweet pastry with chocolate
287.
Tres Marias
Name of a Southern constellation
288.
Zero quilmetro
New brand
5. Adj + N
289. Alto astral
Lucky period
290. Baixo astral
Bad mood
291. Boa gente
Good guy

144
292.
Boa pinta
Beautiful person
293.
Boa praqa
Affable person
294.
Boa vida
A person who enjoys life, doesnt work much
295.
Curta metragem
A short movie
296.
Jovem guarda
Young group, vanguard
297.
Longa metragem
Full length movie
298.
Mau carter
A bad character
299.
Pouca telha
A bald person
300.
Puro sangue
Thorough bred
301.
Santo remdio
Healing medicine
302.
Velha guarda
Old guard
303.
Verdes anos
Age of innocence
304.
Novos Baianos
A group of singers from Bahia
6. Phrasal
305.
Conversa pra boi dormir
Talk that nobody believes
306.
Deus nos acuda
Hectic situation
307.
Devagar quase parando
A person who moves slowly
308.
Em ponto de bala
Ready to take action
309.
Mana vai com as outras
A person who is easily led by the others
310.
Nao anda nem desanda
Someone who is stuck
311.
Pau pra toda obra
Someone who does everything well
312.
S pele e osso
A person who is just skin and bones
313.
Tomara que caia
A strapless shirt, top,dress
314.
Zero a esquerda
Something or someone nobody considers
DVANDVA
315.
Adiados e perdidos
Lost and found
316.
Altos e baixos
Highs and lows
317.
Argentina Brasil
Brazil Argentina
318.
Assim e assado
This and that
319.
Come e dorme
A person who doesnt work
320.
Comes e bebes
Plors doeuves event with food served

321.
Compra e venda
Buy and sell
DLL.
Paz e amor
Peace and love
323.
Preto e branco
Black and white
324.
Quarto e sala
Efficiency apartment
325.
Queijos e vinhos
Wine and Cheese event
326.
Verde e rosa
The colors of Mangueira Samba school
APPOSITONAL
327.
Amante prostituta
Lover-prostitute
328.
Bab arrumadeira
Nanny/ cleaning
woman
329.
Bar restaurante
Bar restaurant
330.
Bar cozinha
Bar kitchen
331.
Bolsa escultura
Purse sculpture
332.
Copa cozinha
Pantry kitchen
333.
Copeiro faxineiro
Butler cleaner
334.
Editor locutor
Editor announcer
<" ^ c
JDD.
Escritor poeta
Writer poet
336.
Fuzil metra! hadora
Rifle machine gum
337.
General presidente
General who is a
president
338.
Ministro candidato
Minister candidate
339.
Ministro conselheiro
Minister advisor
340.
Navio fbrica
Floating factory
341.
Poeta presidente
Poet president
342.
Professor poltico
Professor-politician
343.
Ranha mae
Queen mother
344.
Realista-anarquista
Realist anarchist
345.
Tia-av
Great grandmother
346.
Tia-madrinha
Aunt godmother
SYNTHETIC
347. Arranca rabo
Fight
348. Arrasta p
Dance
349. Bate boca
Verbal argument
350. Bate papo
Chit-chat

351.
Bate queixo
Fever
352.
Beija mao
Excessive courtesy
353.
Borra botas
Coward
354.
Botafogo
Spoil sportTrouble maker
355.
Caga nqueis
Slot machine
356.
Caga torpedeiro
A war ship
357.
Cola tudo
A powerful glue
358.
Come mosca
An absent minded person
359.
Come quieto
A person who is secretive about his sex life
360.
Corta essa
Stop that
361.
Corta grama
lawn mower
362.
Cria caso
Trouble maker
363.
Deixa disso
Stop that
364.
Desmancha testa
Party pooper
365.
Desmancha prazer
Pleasure destroyer
366.
Disque pedra
Call crack number
367.
Disque pizza
Call pizza number
368.
Faz onda
Small talk
369.
Faz tudo
A place where small objects are repaired
370.
Ganha pao
Bread winning income
371.
Guarda chuva
Umbrella
372.
Guarda comida
Cupboard
373.
Guarda costas
Bodyguard
374.
Guarda livros
Book keeper
375.
Guarda roupa
Wardrobe
376.
Langa chama
Spitfire gun
377.
Langa perfume
A perfume spray
378.
Levanta homem
A type of powerful liquor
379.
Limpa pasto
A type of snake
380.
Louva Deus
A type of insect
381.
Marca passo
Pacemaker
382.
Mata fome
A snack
383.
Mata rato
A cheap brand of cigarettes
384.
Papa mosca
An absent minded person
385.
Papa-bezerro
A type of snake
386.
Para-brisa
Windshield wiper
387.
Paraqueda
Parachute
388.
Porta- estandarte
Flag holder
389.
Porta seio
Bra
390.
Porta-aviao
Aircraf carrier

391.
Porta-nada
A Carrier of nothing
392.
Porta-voz
Spokesperson
393.
Puxa saco
Brown noser
394.
Quebra costela
A strong hug
395.
Quebra galbo
A gadget
396.
Quebra molas
Speed bump
397.
Quebra nozes
Nutcracker
398.
Quebra pau
Fight
399.
Queima roupa
Point blank range
400.
Rasga seda
Flattery
401.
Saca rolha
Cork screw
402.
Safa one a
A gadget
403.
Tapa olho
An eye patch
404.
Tira gosto
Appetizer
405.
Vira bosta
A clumsy person
406.
Vira casaca
Someone who changes sides easily
407.
Vira lata
Mutt

BODY FART COMPOUNDS
Cabeca
Literal
Translation
Meaning
1 .cabera chata
head flat
Bom in the Northeast
2.cabega de vento
head of wind
Absent minded person
3. cabeca dura
head hard
Hard headed person
4.cabega inchada
head swollen
Annoyed person
5. cabeca fria
head cold
Cold person
6. cabera quente
head hot
Quick tempered
person
T.cabepa tonta
head dizzy
Confused person
8. cabeca de negro
head of negro
Type of firecracker
9.cabera de bagre
head of fish
Someone v/ho is
stupid
10.cabera oca
head hollow
Someone who is
immature
11. cabeca de
head of Saint
Someone whom you
Santo Onofre
Onofre
cannot trust
12..cabeca de
porco
head of pig
Shack
Miolo
LT
M
l.miolo mole
brain soft
Someone who is crazy j
Orelha j LT
M
l.oreiha de burro j ear of donkey
orelha de abano
Dog ear
ervo
LT
M
1 .ervos de ac
nerves of steel
Nerves of steel

149
Carne
LT
M
1.carne de pesclo
Flesh of neck
Someone who is
persistent
Pern a
LM
M
.pema de pau
leg of wood
Person clumsy in
sports
2.peraa bamba
leg shaky
Scared person
Eye
LT
M
l.olho de lince
eye of lynx
Smart, clever person
2.olho de mormaQO
eye of mist
Sneaky person
3.olho grande
eye big
Envious person
4.olho mgico
eye magic
Peep hole
5.oIho vivo
eye alive
Alert person
Vista
LT | M
1. vista grossa
sight thick | Pretend you didnt see
Testa
LT
M
1.testa de ferro
Forehead of iron
A cover person
Cara
LM
M
l.cara de pau
face of wood
No sense of decorum
2.cara dura
face hard
Nosy person
3.cara pintada
face painted
Indian
4. cara metade
face half
Spouse
5 cara torta
face crooked
a person who dislikes
what she sees
6.cara plida
face pale
White men

150
Mao
LT
M
l.mao aberta
hand open
Spender
2. mao furada
hand with a hole
Clumsy person
3.mao de ferro
hand of iron
Strict person
4.mao leve
hand light
Pickpocket
5.mao de obra
hand of work
Difficult task
6.mao dupla
hand double
Two way street
7.mao fechada
hand closed
Miser
8. mao boba
hand silly
Fondler
9.primeira mao
first hand
First hand
10.segunda mao
second hand
Second hand
P
LT
M
l.p rapado
foot scraped
Tramp
2.p de chumbo
foot of plumb
Clumsy person
3.p de moleque
foot of hustler
Peanut brittle
4.p de atleta
foot of athlete
Adietes foot
5.p de valsa
foot of waltz
Dancer
6.p de meia
foot of sock
Savings
7. p de cabra
foot of goat
Lock pick
8. p de pato
foot of duck
Flippers
9. p ffio
foot cold
Someone who bongs
bad luck
10. p quente
foot hot
Someone who brings
good luck
11. p de boi
foot of bull
a hard working person
12. p de cana
foot of cane
Drunk
13. p de coelho
foot of rabbit
Lucky charm
14. p dgua
foot of water
Sudden rain
15. p de gal inha
foot of chicken
Crows feet
16 p de chnelo
foot of sandal
Someone who is poor
17.p de barro
Foot of clay
Someone who is
Guilty of something
! S.p de boi
foot of bull
Hard working person

151
Boca
LT
M
1. boca livre
mouth free
Free food and drinks
2. boca de siri
mouth of crab
Secret
2 boca suja
mouth dirty
Dirty mouth
Lingua
! LT
I M
1. lingua de trapo
| tongue of rag
| Loud mouth
Corado
LT
M
1. coragao de ouro
heart of gold
Heart of gold 1
2. corapao de pedra
heart of stone
Heart of stone
Dedo
LT
M
1. dedo duro
finger hard
Snitch, tattle tale
eu
LT
M
1. cu de ferro
hole of iron
Student who does all
the assignments
1. cu do mundo
hole of the world
Faraway place
Bunda
LT
M
1. bunda mole
ass soft
Someone who is
incompetent
1. bunda suja
ass dirty
Someone who is a
nobody
Estmago
LT
M
1. estmago de
avestruz
Stomach of ostrich
Someone who eats
any kind of food and
doesn't get sick

152
TAXONOMY I (Preposition de)
part to whole (animal/ person)- cabega de negro, cabega de bagre, cabega de Slo Onofire,
cabega de porco, orelha de burro, olho de lince, p de moleque, p de atleta, p de cabra, p
de pato, p de boi,p de coelho, p de gaiinha, p de anjo, boca de sir i
one of a kind- p de meia, p de cana, p de chnelo
made of cabega de vento, ervos de ago, perna de pau, olho de mormago, cara de pau, indo
de ferro, p de chumbo, p dgua, lingua de trapo, corago de ouro, coragdo de pedra, cu de
ferro
9 location- cu do mundo
TAXONOMY II -ADJECTIVES
genera! size olho grande
a evaluative (1) transitory states- cabega tonta, perna bamba, mo Jurada, hunda suja
(2) internal condition- cabega inchada, cabega oca
(3) temperature- cabega fra, cabega quente, p frio, p quente
a tactile (! ) texture vista grossa, p rapado.
(2) resistance- cabega dura, miolo mole, dedo duro, hunda mole
e weight mdo leve
shape cabega chata, cara torta
state of living olho vivo, olho de peixe morlo,
mdo aberta, mdo fechada, boca livre, lingua presa
* color
cara pintada

153
TOTAL REDUPLICATION
Names of animals and plants
l.N+N
1. Bin bin
Small fish
2. Mio-mio
Poisonous plant
3. Piri-piri
Aquatic plant
4. Tico-tico
Bird
5. Reco-reco
Musical instrument
6. Xique xique
Plant, name of a city
2. V+V
7. Dorme-donne
Poisonous snake
8. Quero-quero
Bird with long legs
2=Onomatopoeic
9. Bumbum
Noise
10. Coro-cor
Bird
11. Cri-cri
Cricket
12. Curu-cura
Rat
13. Fim-fim
Small insect
14. Fru-fru
Wind on silky skirts, leaves
15. Tati-bi-tate
Stuttering
16. Gag
Senile person
17. Hahaha
Laughter

3.RedupIication to stress the meaning
1. N+N
18. Aiai
Sigh of relief
19. Bilu-bilu
Petting
20. Bomborn
Chocolate candy
21. Dirin-durin
Holding the baby
22. oo/a
Young master/ young mistress
23. Lero-lero
Small talk
24. Lufa lufa
Run
25. Mole mole
Silly
26. Nhenhenhem
Small talk
27. Nhonh/nhanha
Son of the master/daughter
28. Oba-oba
Good
29. Terer terer
Repetition
2. V+V
30. Bate-bate
Knock
31. Bora bora
Lets go!
32. Chega chega
Enough
33. Come come
Pack man
34. Corre corre
Run
35. Dodi
Pain
36. Esconde esconde
Hide and seek
37. Passe-passe
Pass it away
38. Pega pega
Game of tag
39. Pisca pisca
Blinker
40. Puxa puxa
Hard candy
41. Quero quero
Want
42. Troca troca
Change
3. Adv+Adv
43. Assim assim
So so
44. Jaja
Soon

16th century compounds
COMPOUND
LEX.-SYNT. CATEG. TRANSLATION
(as) sem razoes
P+N
No reason
Alm Tejo
P+N
Beyond the Tagus
Antemao
P+N
Before hand
Ave-marias
INTERJ+N
Hail Mary
Conde-prior
N+Adj
Count prime
Cristao novo
N+Adj
New Christian
El-rei
Art+N
The King
Gentil-homem
Adj+N
Kind man
Guarda-porta
V+N
Door keeper
Guarda-roupa
V+N
Wardrobe
Juiz de fora
N+P+N
Judge of another place
Mal sentida
Adv+N
Poorly appreciated
Maldisposta
Adv+N
Feeling sick
Manjar branco
N+Adj
A pudding
Montemor o Velho
N+Art+Adj
Montemor the Elderly
Mordomo mor
N+Adi
First Butler
Pela pequea
N+Adi
Small ball (ball game)
Porlongas
P+N
Without any further comment
Refina bigodes
V+N
A refined person
Roda viva
N+Adj
The wheel of life
Moto continuo
N+adj
The wheel of life
Servidor da toalba
N+P+N
Towel servant
Criado de mesa
N+P+N
Table servant
Sobrescrito
P+N
Written over
Vice-rei
N+N
Vice roy

REFERENCES
Audubert, Albert. 1996. Giria & Argot. Dictionaire DArgot Bresilien. Max
Niemeyer. Verlag Tubingen.
Basilio, M. 1987. Teoria Lexical. Editora Atica. Sao Paulo.
Bauer, Laurie. 1993. English Word Formation. Cambridge University Press.
Cambridge. GB.
Beard, R. 1991. Decompositional Composition: The Semantics of Scope
Ambiguities and Bracketing Paradoxes. Natural Language and Linguistic
Theory. 9. P. 195-229.
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Marta Reis Almeida was bom in Brazil and became interested in Linguistics
and Political Science when she was studying Portuguese and English ai the Catholic
University of Rio de Janeiro. She taught ESL for more than 15 years in the American
School of Rio de Janeiro where she was also the Coordinator of the Resource Center.
She won a Fulbright Scholarship in 1966 to the University of Texas as part of the
Teachers Development Program.
She came to the States in 1992 to pursue her studies in Linguistics and
womens issues and taught ESL in the English Language institute at the University of
Florida until May 1998. At present she is teaching Portuguese at the University of
Georgia. Her interest in political science and womens issues comes from her
lifetime involvement with Catholic Ecclesiastic Communities in the shantytowns of
Rio de Janeiro. At the University of Florida she earned a certificate in the Women and
Development Program offered by the Latin America Studies and Anthropology
Department.
She taught Portuguese and Brazilian Culture during her four years at the
University of South Carolina in the Masters Program in International Business
Administration. She pursued her studies in core Linguistics at the University of
Florida to earn her Ph.D. Her areas of interest are Romance syntax, phonology,
morphology, and semantics.
164

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Gary Miller
Professor of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Ann Wehmeyer u
Associate Professor of Linguistics
1 certify that 1 have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Elizabeth Gimvay
Associate Professor of Romance
Languages and Literatures
1 certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Olabiyi Yai
Professor of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Romance Languages and
Literatures

This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of
Lingiatics in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and
was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy.
May 1999
Dean, Graduate School



APPENDIX
ENDOCENTRICA
1. N + N
1. Adolescente-problema
Problem adolescent
2. Amarelo-mostarda
Mustard yellow
3. Ano-luz
Light-year
4. Arco-iris
Rainbow
5. Astro-re
King star
6. Auto-escola
Driving school
7. Auto-pegas
Auto parts
8. Aviao radar
An airplane that carries a radar
9. Avio-UTI
Intensive Care unit in a plane
10. Azul-piscina
Blue like a swimming pool
11. Azul bandeira
Blue like the blue in the Brazilian flag
12. Banana-dgua
A type of banana that is long and big
13. Banana-maca
A type of banana that tastes like apple
14. Banana ouro
A banana with a golden skin
15. Banana praa
Banana medium size
16. Bolsa-escola
School scholarship
17. Bomba-reigio
Time bomb
18. Caminhao bomba
A truck that carries a bomb
19. Camisa-convite
Inviting shirt
20. Carn leao
IRS booklet for installment payments
21. Carro pipa
Water tank car
22. Cidade satlite
Satellite city
23. Cidade fantasma
Ghost town
24. Comcio-monsro
Big political gathering
25. Couve flor
Cauliflower
26. Custo-benefcio
Cost- benefit
27. Data-limite
Deadline
28. Edificio sede
Headquarters building
29. Efeito-domin
Domino effect
30. Efeito-estufa
Greenhouse effect
31. Eleitores-fantasma
Ghost voters
32. Empresa-fantasma
Ghost firm
33. Femando-henriquismo
Fernando-henriqu-ian (current president)
34. Frevo diabo
Diabolically fast song named frevo
135


72
origin
(28) a. menino de rua street child
b. camisinha de Venus shirt of Venus, condom
c. negocio da China business from China; good deal
belonging to
(29) a. arrimo de familia family support
b.dona da casa home owner
c.dona de casa housewife
d. por do sol sunset
e. teia de aranha spider web
type
(30) a. tesoura de papel scissors to cut paper
b. carne de sol sun-dried meat
c. anjo de guarda guardian angel
d. banca de joma newspaper stand
e. briga defoice scythe fight
f. certificado de qualidade certificate of quality
N+P+N shows extensive metaphoric use after compounding. Nouns become
polysemic as in:
(31) a. cavalo de batalha LT war horse something impossible to do.
(32) Ndofaga da sua disserlagao um cavalo de batalha. Dont turn the making of
your dissertation into something too difficult
(33) boi de piranha ox of piraa or innocent victim. An ox is sacrificed when a
herd crosses a river with piraas. The piraas will attack one while the herd can cross
the river undisturbed!! So,
(33) Elefoi o boi de piranha no escndalo means he was the scapegoat in the scam.
Dona da casa and dona de casa._
it is the FP that distinguish the meaning of these two compounds, as suggested
above in 6.1. In the latter one the absence of the definite article renders casa [-R]


Functional Phrases (FPs), e.g., [N educagao PP a distancia] ]DP distance learning,
where a is the combination of preposition a + feminine article a; in [V desmancha DP
prazeres]]VP pleasure destroyer, prazeres is pluralized. In exocentric compounds, the
null head presents human cloning gender assignment, e.g., o/a/s e sem terra the land
less.
The data consisting of 549 compounds, come from magazines such as Veja,
which presents topics on politics and sports. Another source was Sandmanns data on
compound formation in Portuguese. A brief survey of historic Portuguese data, including
compounds from a sixteenth-century Portuguese source, is presented to confirm that the
lexico-syntactic categories have not changed. In derivation, the different meanings of the
suffix -ada, e.g.,feijoada a black bean dish, nadada a swimming event, testada
hitting someone with the forehead, are discussed from a syntactic, semantic, and
phonological perspective and proposed as a model.
Since compounds and DPs share the same syntactic order, I examine different
semantic criteria for identifying compounds and present a cognitive semantic study of
metaphor and metonymy, following Lakoff.
Previous studies in Portuguese word formation are mostly descriptive. This
investigation advances research in compounding under the framework of principles and
parameters, based on and adapted from current literature in Romance languages.
viii


35
Ad a functional relation between the head and the complement
(12) uas ad uinum (Latin)-> vaso de vinho wine bottle
Ex out, as in the examples below in Romance
(13) a. excntrico eccentric
b. ex- primeiro ministro ex prime minister
De made of
(14) de marmore templum (Latin) -> templo de mrmore temple of marble
de of established possession when the case system disappeared
(15) tauru corium couro de boi leather coming from a bull
V+N
One of the residues of the Latin Subject Object Verb (SOV) order is the
Romance compound in (16a) and (17a) It violates the linearization for Portuguese
which is Subject Verb Object (SVO). Therefore, it was productive only in Latin.
Compare it to the productivity of (16b) in Portuguese.
(16) a. sanguessuga blood sucker
b. guarda-mveis closet, guarda-comidas food cabinet, and porta-estandarte
flag holder
The examples below from Klingebiel (1989) follows the SOV order. These
words have become opaque in the modem language. Notice that the meaning of (17a)
remains unchanged (also acquired a metaphorical meaning) but (17b) has changed
considerably.
(17) a. mani+ pillare hands preparemanipular manipulate.
b.manu+tenere hand have manter maintain
This brief analysis of historical evolution shows us that there were several
syntactic changes in DP and VP before the patterns for modem Portuguese
compounding became fixed. By the sixteenth century these patterns seemed to be


92
Table 8.2
N+P+N Compounds
Meaning of Prep.
Compound
Literal translation
Translation
Possession
Casa da sogra
Mother-in-law house
A place where you can
do whatever you want
to
Apartment building
complex
Made of
Selva de pedra
Rock jungle
Origin
Torre de Babel
Tower of Babel
A place where people
don't understand each
other
8,4,3 N+Adi.
As mentioned before, the variety of adjectives used as N modifiers is more
extensive than in endocentrics. In the list below the head of the compound is used to
describe a characteristic of a person that is often derogatory.
Table 8.3
N+Adi.- Personal Attributes
Amin
hit. Trans.
; Adjective
Lit. Trans
T ranslation '
Casca
Shell
Grossa
Hard
Unrefined
person
Figura
Picture
Difcil
Difficult
A person who
plays hard to
find
Table 8.4
N (food) + Adi
Pao'
Bread
Hard
Stingy person
Caf
Coffee
; Pequeo
Small
Person of little
importance


24
Many recent hybrids are caiques of words in English. Others are formed from
Latin/Greek roots attached to stems in Portuguese. Hybrids not only do not follow
regular patterns of compound formation, they are not part of derivation, although they
present characteristics of both. It is wonder hybrids are treated as exception to the
left headship rule for compounding. As I will show in Chapter 7, we can analyze
both the hybrid compositional and the derivational type under the framework of noun
incorporation.
2,5 Syntactic Representation
The licensing conditions of a language should hold for compounds as well.
According to Lieber (1992) for French, heads are usually initial with respect to
modifiers, as carne seca dried meat.
Identical Daughter- DiSciullo X-bar representation-
and Williams (1988:24).
N
/ \
N Adj
DP
/ \
D NP
/ \
N Adj
carne seca
carne seca
(c) X-bar representation of plural
DP
/ \
D NP
as / \
N N
Garotas propaganda
Figure 2.2
Syntactic Representation


22
When endocentric compounds are formed with an adjective, be it a noun + adj or adj
+ n, they will be inflected for number. This occurs because in Portuguese an adjective
agrees in number and gender with the noun it modifies, including compounds:
(9) a. livre-pensador free thinker livres-pensadores
b.obra prima masterwork-^ obras primas
The exocentric compounds behave the same way. The plural form of the
article will take the unmarked generic masculine gender of the empty head as in
(10a). (os homens the men). Compare (10a). and (10b). In (10b), which is
endocentric, the preposition attaches to the noun like a prefix. A prefix is different
from a suffix in the sense that it does not change the gender or number of the head.
(10) a. [ DP[e] [PP sem terra]] no land-> os [e] sem terra the landless people
b. contra-almirante contra-almirantes rear admiral
Based on the absence of a strong syntactic or phonological distinction
between compounds and DPs in Romance, some authors state that there are no
compounds in Romance, except for the synthetic (V+N), such as guarda-lougas
cupboard. Villalva (1992), following DiSciuio and Williams (1988), renames
compounds as syntactic words, because the structures involved are APs, DPs and
VPs. However, the examples that she gives of N+N=N are typical of compound
fonnation. The difference between the examples she cites (1992:209)
(11) a. ator-encenador actor-producer
b. bomba-relsio time bomb
is syntactic. The first is appositional, having two heads, and the second endocentric,
of the IS A type. A bomba-relgio is a kind of bomb. Number inflection confirms this
difference: atores-encenadores and bombas-relgio. It is true that compounds are
sensitive to many syntactic rules, such as number and gender, when inserted in DPs.


CHAPTER 3
DIACHRONIC DATA
Embora pro
Sou pr-jatopropulsao
O que me faz um pr-pr-pr
Termo que nao ocorreria a meu av
Millr Fernandes, 1988
Although pro
I am pre-jet propulsion
That makes me a pro-pre-pro
A term that would never occur to my
Grandfather.
Diachronic studies have established meaningful links between Latin and
Romance languages (Camara, 1975; Penny, 1993). Also ingrained in Brazilian culture
is the concept that the knowledge of Latin and Greek languages is a symbol of
erudition. In the poem above, Millor overuses fanciful prefixes to create new words
that do not belong in the Latin model. Speakers of other languages do the same by
creating new meanings for roots and affixes. When we give serious consideration to
this fact, a diachronic perspective becomes a valuable tool to better understand word
formation rules. The lexicalist model also presents limitations for similar reasons
(Siegel, 1974; Kiparsky, 1982). When it tries to predict the order in which affixes
attach to roots, and which affixes these will be, it fails to account for many
exceptions. The lexicalist model also makes predictions about the order of affixation
and inflection, the latter being the last one to attach to roots. We will see in the next
28


9
contradict these claims. Novel compounds abound in current magazines and daily
newspapers. Music, sports, religion, and politics are expressions of culture and
provide fertile ground for compound creation. Some compounds are analogies, such
as fracasso mania failure-mania, a caique from an old Greek form cleptomania
kleptomania. Economists describe the Brazilian economy as cyclic, moved by
psychological ups and downs. Downs are characterized by a failure-mania attitude
when nothing is going right. Beatlemania and videomania video watching mania are
other current examples. Compare these with the expression mania de voce (literally
mania of you) thinking of you all the time. Other compounds are formed by
reduplication such as quebra-quebra a break-break event (a riot where people break
up public property, such as trains). I will return to these examples in the next
chapters.
Recent research on Conceptual Semantics (Jackendoff, 1995) can be applied
to compound meaning in several ways when argument structure is considered.
Usually associated with verbs and the discharging of their 0 roles, argument structure
also holds between nouns. The next section describes it in more detail.
1.3 Conceptual Semantics and Compounds
Conceptual Semantics (Jackendoff, 1995) is concerned with the form of the
internal mental representation that constitutes conceptual structure along with the
relations between this level and other levels of representation. Conceptual structure is
the domain of mental representation over which rules of logical and pragmatic
inferences apply.


93
Table 8.5
N (animal)+Adi.
X oiiii
Liu trans.
Adjective
Lit. Trans
Translation
Bicha
Animal
Lauca
Crazy
Gay man
Pata
She-duck
Choca
Hatching egg
A slow person
Mosca
Fly
Branca
White
Something
unusual
Galinha
Chicken
Mora
Dead
Dead horse
Atraa
Fish
Milicia
Small
Small fish
people of
little
importance
8.4.4 Numeral + N
Numbers and quantities combine with N as prefixes and prepositions. They
refer to size or weight. One exception is camisa (numero) dez or camisa dez "shirt
number ten is the forward player in a soccer game.
Table 8.6
Numeral + N
Compound
Lit; translation
Translation
Meia por cao
Half portion
Small person
Meio kilo
Half kilo
Light person
Meio metro
Half meter
Small person
Zero quilmetro
i Zero kilometer
Inexperienced person
8, 4,5 P+N
(11) a. sern terra landless
b. sent lelo homeless
c. sem vergonha shameless
8,4.6 Adi. +N
The compounds
(12) a. langa metragem, literally long meter-suffix full length movie


95
to advertise specials in restaurants, apartment rentals, and sales. Since these two
expressions follow the same steps as compound formation and are used to designate a
specific place, I will consider them as compounds.
8.4, 7 Phrasal Compounds
Lieber (1992:11) considers phrasal expressions such as over the fence gossip
and a pipe and slipper husband as compounds because they occupy the same
syntactic place (DP) as compounds, as the examples below show:
(16) a. My pipe and slipper husband doesnt want to go to the movies,
b. Let me tell you the latest over the fence gossip.
Since all the examples she cites have an identifiable head, it leads me to
conclude that her definition of phrasals would include a head, making them different
from the phrasal exocentric that 1 have in my data. Hoeksema (1988) argues that any
maximal phrase of an open class can occur as the first element under DP analysis
because the determiner will take a NP as its complement. This applies to endocentric
and exocentric phrasal compounds in Portuguese.
(17) a.[Det e NP CP] [e Maria vai com as outras] sheep
b. [ Det NP PP] [conversapara boi dormir], LT chat to make a bull sleep,
small talk.
Other phrasal compounds are epithets with no visible head
(18 ) e devagar quase parando, LT slowly almost stopping, a slow boat. Sandmann
cites
(19) e tomara que caa I wish it would fall; name given to a tanktop for girls. Like
the Maria compounds in Table 8.1 it is sexist and derogatory.


16
case and agreement in appropriate positions. At any point of the derivation the spell
out operation may be applied. Agreement, therefore, is not a result of government.
The formal structure of the DP can be rewritten now as [ D... R(eferential) Agr Num
...N] DP.
1.6 Conclusion
it has been shown that compounds in Portuguese copy the syntactic structure
of DP and VP, which suggests that this kind of word formation is sensitive to syntax.
Therefore, it is expected that compounds will have a head. The complements are at
the right side of the head in Romance, except for NPs or compounds containing
referential adjectives and hybrid compounds. Some compounds function as an adjunct
of their empty head. The empty head is co-indexed with functional heads when
inserted into a DP.


i
20
3. Elements of a compound cannot be separated (e.g., a black heavy board).
Compounds are inseparable units, considered atoms from a syntactic point of view
(Di Sciullo And Williams, 1988:46). This characteristic is a syntactic test for
compounding, placing it apart from noun phrases. If we insert the adjective grande
big between the two nouns of (5a) and (5b) below, we destroy the compound. In
other words, its constituents cannot be separated.
(5) a. bicho-de-p a fungus that develops in the foot
b. *bicho grande de p big organism of foot
c. mico ledo a type of monkey
d. mico bonito ledo monkey pretty lion
In Portuguese, this criterion can be applied to all compounds, e.g., micopreto
a type of monkey cannot be separated. The insertion of the adjective grande big
into (5 b) interferes with the semantic interpretation of (5). In (5d), the meaning of
mico ledo is not preserved. Consequently, bicho-de-p and mico ledo are compounds.
2,2 Semantic Head
The notion of the semantic head in compounds is associated with the concept of
hyponym/hyperonym (Lyons, 1979). Following Lyons, Rainer and Varela (1992:122)
say that head is the hyperonym of the whole complex word. The consequence of this
view is that the head and the compound share the same syntactic and functional
r N
+ fem.
+ sing
r n )
+ fem.
+ sing.
Figure 2.1
Semantic Head
Came meat -> Hyperonym
Carne-seca AHyponym


CHAPTER 7
RIGHT-HEADED COMPOUNDS
There are a small number of right-headed compound words in Portuguese.
Their morphological and syntactic characteristics are similar. One group is formed by
a root and a headword, as the example in (1) shows, or a word and a root that
functions as the head, as the example in (2). One of the two forms of the compound
(either the root or the word) is from Latin or Greek origin.1
(1) a. lipoaspiragao Typosuction
b. agrorroque type of country rock music
c. vdeo locadora video rental
(2) fracassomania mania of failure
There are also a number of other right-headed compounds that are borrowings
from English, as the examples in (3):
(3) fiitevolei a game played on a volleyball sand court, following the rules for
soccer, that is, using the feet, head and shoulders, only.
The main purpose of this investigation is to present a syntactic analysis of
these right-headed compounds. Although these combining forms are very productive,
I will not analyze them in detail because it is not within the scope of this dissertation.
In 7.11 will present a brief sample of the most used compounds of Latin and Greek
roots cited in linguistics literature pertaining to Romance languages. In 7.2,1 analyze
derivation in these compounds. In 7.3,1 present a syntactic analysis and show that
1 These compounds with Latin or Greek roots are usually addressed in literature as hybrids (Rainer
and Varela, 1992).
79


12
1.4.2 Semantic Head
Compounds are usually divided into lexical-syntactic categories as nouns,
adjectives, verbs, prepositions, and adverbs. In endocentric formation the resulting
compound is usually a sub-category of the head. Lyons (1979) characterizes
hyponymy as being a relationship between two words in which the meaning of one
includes the meaning of the other. In (1), (2) adolescente-problema and pronto
socorro, adolescente-problema is a type of adolescent. The same relationship holds
for (4), (5) below in which tamanho familia is descriptive of size and amarelo-
mostarda a type of yellow.
(4) tamanho familia a family-size object: esse objeto tamanho familia this object
is family size.
(5) amarelo mostarda mustard yellow color: a blusa dla amarelo mostarda her
blouse is yellow mustard.
Appositional compounds are usually interpreted as composed of an XY
semantic structure where X=Y and Y=X. Appositionals are composed of N+N. The
nouns have the same semantic domain such as names of occupations, professions, and
places. N+N endocentric compounds cannot be reversed (* problema adolescente),
but appositionals, shown in (6), literally a ship that is a factory and a factory that is a
ship can. Other examples in Portuguese, however, seem to suggest more of a scale of
meaning, e.g.,poeta-presidente, poet-president, usually interpreted more like a
president who is a poet, so it can be reanalyzed as endocentric.
(6) navio-fabrica floating-factory este o novo navio- fbrica da Marinha this is
the new Navy factory ship; fbrica-navio factory-ship is the other possibility.
Dvandva compounds are usually interpreted as X & Y, such as the example
(7), below, that refers to an event. Other examples are Brasil-Argentina Brazil-


119
whatever make the feet cold does the same to the whole body. To make something
cold means to deprive it of heat, and someone without body heat is a p fr o, someone
who will take the body heat from others. This metaphor is associated with an event
schema that goes like this: 'when we do things together, we generate energy, and with
luck things will work out. A pfrio takes our energy and brings bad luck. By analogy,
a person who is a p quente contributes to the group by giving the group his energy
and good luck.
9,7,5 Conclusion
Many of the p compounds have to do with physical shape, especially of
animals. Two of them,/? rapado and p de chnelo, refer to the lack of proper shoes
and are derogatory to the poor. P de boi is also derogatory in the sense that it
describes a person who works hard but lacks imagination to do something more
lucrative. Many of the cabeca and p compounds describe feelings, attitudes, and
evaluations of people. The differences in meaning are striking. Cabeca deals with
more abstract concepts and emotions than p. In order to interpret the p phrases we
need to use the notion of schema and imagery.
Lakoff s model (1990) does provide us with valuable tools to understand the
mechanics of more abstract meaning, but it has no power to predict how metaphor
and metonymy develop, identifying the schemas related to the different parts was a
good starting point to interpret these compounds. In cabega head, there was an
idealization of the head function; the thought process guides intelligent and emotional
behavior. Compounds conform or flout this idealization. The adjective frio/a cold
gives cabega in cabegafria cold head, a positive connotation, but gives p foot a


25
Extending X-bar theory to compounding, we can state that the head
determines the lexical-syntactic category of the compound. In the example above, the
N+Adj carne seca dried meat is a left-headed compound. The features of the left-
headed element percolate up to the branching node dominating the stem and making
it a noun.
2.6 Data Classification
The survey reflects current use and coinage of the language. The compounds
have been collected over four years (1993-1997) from two leading weekly
Portuguese-language magazines, Vela, and Isto . It is my understanding that current
newspapers and leading magazines are the best source of both novel compound
creation and well established forms, because media writers want to say as much as
possible in a short text. The language of sports, music, and technology especially
abound in compound use.
The creation of novel compounding also depicts the social perspective of a
specific place during a certain time. The 1950s in Brazil were mostly characterized by
government repressing civil opposition, and romantic samba music.
(17) a. anos rebeldes rebel years
b. samba-cangdo samba-song
The 1960s embraced he philosophy of flower-power known in Brazil by the
slogan below, and the music was influenced by jazz.
(18 ) a paz e amor peace and love
b bossa nova new way.
In addition, other compounds from grammar books and native speakers oral
language are included. Dictionaries of slang and expressions have also been


150
Mao
LT
M
l.mao aberta
hand open
Spender
2. mao furada
hand with a hole
Clumsy person
3.mao de ferro
hand of iron
Strict person
4.mao leve
hand light
Pickpocket
5.mao de obra
hand of work
Difficult task
6.mao dupla
hand double
Two way street
7.mao fechada
hand closed
Miser
8. mao boba
hand silly
Fondler
9.primeira mao
first hand
First hand
10.segunda mao
second hand
Second hand
P
LT
M
l.p rapado
foot scraped
Tramp
2.p de chumbo
foot of plumb
Clumsy person
3.p de moleque
foot of hustler
Peanut brittle
4.p de atleta
foot of athlete
Adietes foot
5.p de valsa
foot of waltz
Dancer
6.p de meia
foot of sock
Savings
7. p de cabra
foot of goat
Lock pick
8. p de pato
foot of duck
Flippers
9. p ffio
foot cold
Someone who bongs
bad luck
10. p quente
foot hot
Someone who brings
good luck
11. p de boi
foot of bull
a hard working person
12. p de cana
foot of cane
Drunk
13. p de coelho
foot of rabbit
Lucky charm
14. p dgua
foot of water
Sudden rain
15. p de gal inha
foot of chicken
Crows feet
16 p de chnelo
foot of sandal
Someone who is poor
17.p de barro
Foot of clay
Someone who is
Guilty of something
! S.p de boi
foot of bull
Hard working person


107
Although metonymies are essentially referential, they present similarities with
metaphors: they structure one domain in terms of another.
They are rooted in bodily experience.
I start this investigation with a review of some cognitive principles based on
Lakoff (1990). These same concepts are expanded in the review of Langackers usage
of grammar (1988).
9.7.1 Background
We perceive the world in which we live as having a structure with a high level
of correlation among its components. This allows us to predict combinations of
features pertaining to objects in our world. In fact, perceiving correlations and
conceptualizing are cognitive tools that we use to understand the world around us.
When we translate this experiential perception into language, we do so by
categorizing. Categorization fulfills our functional needs, which are dictated by the
social needs of a given culture. Categorization follows the principle of cognitive
economy, which says that with no more than one lexical item or phrasal expression
we can capture the meaning of an object. Two concepts lay the foundation for
categorizing- prototype and basic-level categorization. The latter (Rosch and
Lloyd, 1976) refers to an ideal level where we function and deal with the world
around us. Like other cognitive concepts, it is characterized by a gestalt perception
with mental imagery association. When one looks at the backyard and sees a number
of trees, one is not likely to mention the kinds of trees one sees, it simply would not
be economical to produce an encyclopedic dissertation about the different kinds of
trees, even if one is an expert in the subject. This does not imply that subtler
differences cannot be brought into focus if the speaker wishes to do so. Lakoff (1990)


41
Figure 3.2
Prefix Incorporation
3,4,2 Clipping
Another interesting type of word formation is clipping. Carone (1994:40)
suggests that the speaker perceives certain endings as being a suffix, and tries to
recapture the primitive word by dropping the ending. Another reason of a more
pragmatic nature is that the speaker abides to a principle of economy and uses the
stress rules of the language to form shorter forms. The shorter fonn is a synonym of
the longer one. That makes two phonological shapes for the same word. In the first
three examples (24 a,b,c) stress is reassigned in the syllable before the last, which is
the most usual for Portuguese, but the last one (24b) has stress on the antepenultimate
Florianpoli s G r a nf ina h i l a r i a n t e
FI o r i.
p a
gran f a h i l r i o
(24) a. Floripa from Florianopolis a city in the south of Brazil
b. granja from granfina refined
c. hilrio from hilariante hilarious


52
Table 4.6
Deverbals
i) stem :add ada for feminine
and /ado/ for masculine to verb
stem
(ii) inflectional class: add -s to
form plural
(iii) syntactic properties: there
is lxico-syntactic change from
verb to adjective.
V~-> Adj.
(iv)semantic specifications: an
individual event of verb; an
action represented by the base.
(16) a. nadar- nadada swim- a swim
b. correr-corrida run- a race
c. escapar-escapada escape- an escape
d. deitar-deitada to lie down- a nap
All this variety leads us to conclude that the meanings are too different to be
generated by an operator acting in the suffix. Each instantiation of -ada triggers its
own grammar. The division between denominis and deverbals leads to confusion
because there is overlapping of classification. Batanada is a denominal but it is
important to capture its event reading. All it takes for the speaker to understand
these nouns is to decode one type in each semantic domain. Once the speaker learns
that laranjada is something made of oranges he understands that figada is something
made of figs. Some examples present polysemy, as in
(17) cachorrada group of dogs; an event when a person did something bad, a
metonymy of the kind of acting like a dog.
4.3 Etymology
The Dicionrio Etimolgico (Cunha, 1996) registers -ada as a N suffix
derived from Latin -ata (adjective, feminine) with the meanings of collection, or small


4
Collection of the data presented in this study began in 1993. The criterion
used for the selection was usage. The data reflect what the contemporary media say,
create, and disseminate. The sources are current magazines and newspapers.
Dictionaries of slang and expressions were consulted and also were used as part of the
corpus. Under the general endocentric/exocentric semantic categories, 549
compounds have been classified, according to their lexico-syntactic components. The
chart presented in Section 2.6 suggests that the most productive are N+N, N+P+N,
N+Adj, and V+N.
In the next chapters I expand on the issues summarized in this introduction. In
chapter 2,1 analyze headship in Brazilian compounds and expand criteria for
identifying compounds. In chapter 3,1 review diachronic data presented by Brazilian
linguists and present data on Portuguese of the sixteenth century to confirm the fact
that compounds are sensitive to FP. In chapter 4,1 show that both compounds and
derivation can be analyzed under the general framework of principles and parameters.
In chapter 5,1 examine two compound forms of reduplication. One is formed by an
iambic CVCV pattern that is typical of hypocoristics and the other is formed by the
repetition of intransitive verbs that discharge an event argument. Chapter 6 covers
endocentric compounds and their categories and chapter 7 covers right-head
compounds. Chapter 8 analyzes exocentric compounds. In Chapter 9,1 present a pilot
study of 80 body part compounds, analyzing headship, syntactic representation, and
semantic analysis. The semantic analysis follows the principles of cognitive
semantics and the implications of the studies of Lakoff and Johnsons (1980) and
Lakoff s (1990) studies on metaphors. In chapter 10,1 look at synthetic compounds


(1990), I will show how semantic, syntactic, phonological, and morphological
principles define a compound.
1.2 Criteria to Identify Compounds
7
Morphological criteria show that some compounds get pluralized by adding
-s to the whole compound, such as cinejomais newsreels and bate-papos chats.
Note that the latter is metonymic and literally it means move-jaw. However,
because compounds in Portuguese are sensitive to FP, we have questoes chave key
question and anos dour ados golden years. In the former only the left N is plural,
while in the latter both the N and the Adj. are. The right N functions as a complement.
Thus, the plural form may help identify some compounds but we cannot generalize it
as a rule for all.
Human Cloning is a way of identifying such exocentric compounds as [D os
N e [PP sem terra] DP the landless people and [D o/a[N e p de valsa]] someone
who likes to dance. In these examples the compound works as a phrasal complement
of an empty head.
Phonological criteria show that ia mother, woman, from Yoruba, is
reduplicated, forming an iambic CVCV pattern in laid mistress of the house. Also,
there are vowel changes in hybrid compounds such as tomaticultura tomato culture
and pacotologia science of packaging. The last vowel of tomate and pacote drop
and an epenthetic vowel is added. This vowel is i for Latin roots (cultura) and o for
Greek roots {logia). These compounds are formed by agglutination.
Semantic criteria distinguish the NP and the compound copo de leite glass of
milk and trumpet lily. In glass of milk the meaning is compositional, but in


86
(1) a. cabide ambulante, LT walking hanger, a skinny person
b. fio dental, literally dental floss, a tiny bikini that barely covers the body.
The null head of the former is a person and the latter is beachwear. (lb) is polysemic.
As the endocentric compound, the head offio dental is fio and the meaning is 'dental
floss. As exocentric,/io denial is mapped into a null head, working as a modifier,
Both compounds in (1) are examples of metonymy.
When we associate exocentrics with metaphorical language, two questions
come to mind. Are there any restrictions to using the same syntactic rules we
previously suggested for endocentrics? Can we predict their meaning by a semantic
cognitive theory? In the next sections address these questions. First, I look at
headship assignment and show that the definition presented in the previous chapters
for endocentrics can account for exocentrics as well. Second, 1 look at their
metaphorical content. Next, I determine the semantic differences between the
components of the lexico-syntactic categories of exo/endocentric. I finish the chapter
by addressing Phrasal Compounds.
8.1. Head in Exocentrics
In Chapter 6 we defined an endocentric compound as a hyponym of the
constituent that is its own head. A body-part compound mentioned in the previous
chapter, p de cana, illustrates this. Like fio dental, it has both an endocentric and
exocentric reading. One of ps lexical entries is a unit, one of a kind. So, p de
cana a unit of sugar cane is an endocentric compound whose head is p. As an
exocentric, p de cana means a drank, a metonymy that associates the making of
cheap sugarcane liquor with a person who drinks it in excess. Notice that gender in
the exocentric construction is Human Cloning.


163
Villaiva, Alina. 1992. Compounding in Portuguese. Rivista di Lingistica. 4(1).
P. 201-219.
Vogel, Irene. 1990. English Compounds in Italian: the Question of the Head. In
Wolfgan Dresler, Hans Luschutziky, Oskar Pfeifer & John Rennison (Eds.)
Contemporary Morphology. Norton, Berlin.
Wierbicka, A. 1990. The Meaning of Color Terms: Semantics, Culture and
Cognition. Cognitive Linguistics. 1(1). P. 99-150.
Williams, Edwin. 1981a. Argument Structure and Morphology. The Linguistic
Review. 1. P. 81-114.
Wong-opasi-Uthaiwan. 1994. On the Headedness of V+C Compounds. In
Michael Mazzola (Ed. ). Issues And Theory in Romance Linguistics: Selected
Papers from the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. XXIII
Georgetown U. Press. Washington D.C.
Zwanenburg, Wiecher. 1992. Compounding in French. Rivista di Lingistica. 4.
P. 221-240.
Zwicky, Arnold M. 1985. Heads. Journal of Linguistics. 21. P. 1-29.


102
temperature only. That leaves no room for doubt about the head status of cabeca in
cabeca oca hollow head, andp inp fri cold foot. However, frio cold is a
negative attribute in p frio person who brings bad luck, but positive in cabega fria
a calm person, cool headed, implying that he is not easily moved by emotions, is it
merely a pragmatic interpretation? I will come back to this question later when I look
at cognition.
A striking difference between N+Adj and N+PN is that except for olho
mgico peep hole, the N-Adj. in these data referred to people, only. The table
below presents some of these. Ail the compounds have a referent in the world, as the
translations show.
Table 9.2
Body-Part Compounds (Referring to a Person)
Parts of the Body
Litera! Translation
Meaning (person)
Corago de ouro
Heart of gold
Good person
Cabega de bagre
Head of fish
Forgetful person
P de cana
Foot of cane
Drunk
Cabega raspada
Head shaved
A skin head
Dedo duro
Finger hard
Tattle tale
P frio
Foot cold
Person who brings bad luck
Table 9.3
Body-Part Compounds (Referring to an Object)
Part of the body
Litera! Translation
Meaning (object)
P de meia
Foot ofsock
Savings
P de pato
Foot of duck
Scuba fins
Cabega feita
Head made
Head made in African
Brazilian religions
P de moleque
Foot of black boy
a sweet (peanut brittle)


30
3.1 Millors Poem
This digression into linguistic analysis of the above-cited poem and speaker
intuitions is not devoid of purpose By using examples from the poem,. 1 want to
demonstrate that derivation and compounding cannot be completely separated. Other
examples in this and the next chapters also show that derivation and inflection also
are not mutually exclusive. In the evolution from Latin to Portuguese, some patterns
remained virtually the same while others became opaque. The prepositions pro and
pr in the poem at the beginning of the chapter reflect these diachronic differences.
While (la), (lb) and (2a) are examples of productive patterns, (2b) has become
opaque and the relationship between pre and verb atribular walk is not recognized
The speaker then, will grasp the meaning as a whole without associating it to its parts.
(1) &. pr-anistia pro-amnesty
b. pw-governo pro-government
(2) a. pr-guerra pre war
b. prembulo walk forward preamble
Millr, the author of the poem, is an intuitive linguist. The most interesting
aspect in his lexical and syntactic creation is his playing with the resources of word
formation. By attaching the prefix pre before to jatopropulsao, the compound gains
a semantic sense of chronological time, since the invention/adoption of the jet
propulsion engines was a relatively recent breakthrough in aviation. Prefixing it with
the adverb pro in favor, also used as a prefix, Millr forms a suprasegmental
sequence where stress differentiates pr/pr, a Portuguese metaphony. In the pr-
pr-pr sequence, pro is the preposition in favor, and pro is formed by clipping
propulso into its first syllable. Millors use of isolated prepositions also


82
borrowings from English, I argue that we cannot generalize to all of them. First,
because English in turn, has borrowed from Latin/Greek. Secondly because the
speaker can use the sources available in the lexicon to create new compounds.
7.3 Noun and Affix Syntactic Representation
There are many expressions similar to these right-headed compounds that follow
the [N+ PP] order in Portuguese.
(7) a. mama de voc LT mania of you a way of saying that a person is totally
committed and in love with someone
b. mania defracasso mania of failure
In compounds, however, the preposition is null and does not assign case This
forces the noun to move to the left to incorporate.
Figure 7.1
Noun Incorporation
Since many roots have two syllables {lypo, eco, clepto, narco) and attach to words
as if they were prefixes, the speaker might interpret them as affixes. In both types
there is leftward movement.


14
young group
Examples (8) and (9) have the same lexical-syntactic composition (N+Adj)
and the same adjective, quente, but the roles assigned to the heads are different. Both
compounds refer to entities, but (8) is ascribed to a person and (9) to an event, as
mentioned before. In (8) quente hot describes the effect of being hot, and in (9) the
state of being hot. I will address the different characteristics of entities later in this
chapter and changes of state in section 9.7, when I will discuss issues relating to
cognitive semantics.
Compounds defined as synthetic are represented as [V+N] N or [V+DPJDP in
most Romance languages. In (13) and (14) the internal argument of the verb is
assigned in the compound but the external argument is not discharged. Higginbotham
(1985 ) suggests that the event role is always discharged by verbs. As a result, the
deverbal compounds formed present an event argument.
(13) desmancha-festa poop-party, a sad person whose bad humor becomes
contagious ele um desmancha fesia he is a party-pooper
(14) arrasta-p drags feet isto um arrastap this is a feet-drag event
(15) Deus nos acuda God help us esta situando est como um Deus nos
acuda this is a God help us all situation
(16) Quebra-quebra break break Neste evento deu-se um quebra-quebra at this
event a riot happened.
Following Higginbotham, Sproat (1985:172) adds that driver in the English
compound truck driver inherits both the actor (agent) and the event e in its semantic
component. In her proposal for French, Lieber (1992:66) suggests that the structure
for essuie-glace (limp ador de para brisas in Portuguese cleaner of windshield),
windshield wiper is similar to -er in English. French, like Portuguese, lacks the


94
b. curta metragem short movie
have been reduced to
c. inn e lonza and um e curia.
The D(eterminer) has the same gender as the head filme film, which is masculine.
\os e curia (metragem)] the short movies and [os e longa1 the long movies
Other sets of opposite adjectives are found in these compounds. Once one is
formed, the opposite is formed by analogy, but not necessarily in meaning, e.g.,
(13) a. velha guarda LT old guard, old group
b.jovem guarda name adopted by the first generation of Brazilian rock singers.
The Adj +N is a productive class in Portuguese. Notice that it was extended to
proper nouns.
(14) Alto Leblon High Leblon part of the Leblon residential section in Rio.
is part of a residential section in Rio named Leblon. This new development consists
of buildings located on a hill. Now the low area where the restaurants are located and
where people gather on the streets has been called Baixo Leblon Low Leblon,
establishing a contrast with Alto Leblon. The Alto/tiaixo denomination was
analogically extended to a neighboring section called Gvea, where there are also two
different areas, one residential on the hill and the other commercial at the bottom of
the hill.
(15) Baixo Gvea Low Gvea.
But why Baixo Gvea if Gvea is feminine? In fact, what happens is that alio and
baixo are used as nouns and not as adjectives. We know they are nouns because they
can be rephrased as o alto do Leblon the high of Leblon, o baixo da Gvea the low
of Gvea. The preposition is omitted. These expressions are used now by the media


105
- anim. [o p de cana] a piece of sugar cane.5
+ anim [o/a eperna depan] peg leg and clumsy player;
- anim. [a perna de paid a wooden leg.
Table 9.4
Semantic Features
TOTAL
73
+Animate
-Animate
54
19
9.6 Syntactic Representation
Person
DP
/ \
/ \
[o/a/s] NP (body part metonymy)
/ \
/ \
N PP
/ / \
cabecu P N
de vento
DP
/ \
/ \
[o/a/s] NP [body part metonymy]
/ \
/ \
N Adj
cabera quente
Object
DP
/ \
/ \
[e] NP (body part-metaphor)
/ \
/ \
N(body part) PP
p / \
P N(+ animate)
de pato
Figure 9.1
Syntactic Representation


66
of the same domain and syntactic characteristic of having two heads, as indicated by
the plural fonn.
Table.!
APPOSITIONALS
Compounds
Number of Syllables
Semantic Domain
Amante-prostituta lover
prostitute
3-4
Partners in a sexual relationship
Editor-locutor editor-
3-3
Media specialists
announcer
General-presidente general-
president
3-4
Political occupations
Poeta-presidente
3-4
Occupation
Bar-restaurante
1-4
Places to eat
Bar-cozinha
1-3
Tia-av great-aunt
Ta -madrinha aunt-godmother
Bab arrumadeira
2-5
Occupation in the house
Copeiro faxineiro
3-4
Fuzil- metralhadora
rifle- shooting gun
2-4
Type of weaponry
Both members get the plural form. Their syntactic representation is:
IP
A
As bolsas esculturas
I VP
/
V
estao
caras
Figure 6.2
Plural in Appositionals
(9) bolsa-escultura bag-sculpture. This compound was cited in Veja (1993, Aug.
23). Pictures of this art form illustrate the double function of the compound.
So far, we have seen N+N compounds whose semantic domain is the same.
Now we will address N+N that present a subordinate relationship.


152
TAXONOMY I (Preposition de)
part to whole (animal/ person)- cabega de negro, cabega de bagre, cabega de Slo Onofire,
cabega de porco, orelha de burro, olho de lince, p de moleque, p de atleta, p de cabra, p
de pato, p de boi,p de coelho, p de gaiinha, p de anjo, boca de sir i
one of a kind- p de meia, p de cana, p de chnelo
made of cabega de vento, ervos de ago, perna de pau, olho de mormago, cara de pau, indo
de ferro, p de chumbo, p dgua, lingua de trapo, corago de ouro, coragdo de pedra, cu de
ferro
9 location- cu do mundo
TAXONOMY II -ADJECTIVES
genera! size olho grande
a evaluative (1) transitory states- cabega tonta, perna bamba, mo Jurada, hunda suja
(2) internal condition- cabega inchada, cabega oca
(3) temperature- cabega fra, cabega quente, p frio, p quente
a tactile (! ) texture vista grossa, p rapado.
(2) resistance- cabega dura, miolo mole, dedo duro, hunda mole
e weight mdo leve
shape cabega chata, cara torta
state of living olho vivo, olho de peixe morlo,
mdo aberta, mdo fechada, boca livre, lingua presa
* color
cara pintada


40
level there is morphological bracketing, which prevents the word from moving into
the next categorization without having the proper syntactic, phonological, and
morphological form. By the Bracketing Erasure Convention (Kiparsky, 1982:140), at
each stratum or level new changes could apply.
(21) racione (Latin)
/ \
Razao (modem form) Racione
\
radon-old form
radon N+a/Adj= [racional Adj]
racional Adj + izarv= [racionalizarv\
racionalizar v+gdoN = [ racionalizagdoN ]
Thus, *raciolizar or *raciogaoal are impossible forms because verbs are derived from
adjectives and N from V.
(22) a. descabelar to untie the hair
b. enrugar create face wrinkles
Since there are no such verbs as cabelar or rugar, the Ordering Principle and
Bracketing Erasure cannot apply. The same gap is also found in adjectives:
(23) Des+ camisa n+ adoAdf= descamisado A) no shirt
is an expression used by the Pern followers in Argentina to describe the poor, and
also adopted in Portuguese. Again, there is no *descamisa or camisado in Spanish or
Portuguese, which leads us to conclude that -ada/o does not necessarily require a
verb to attach to in order to become a nominalization. Since these examples go
against the bracketing principles, perhaps some form of prefix and suffix
incorporation to the base by means of a null verb could explain these derivations.


7. N + P + V
141
207.
Agua de beber
Drinking water
208.
Ferro de passar roupa
Iron
209.
Goma de mascar
Chewing gum
210.
Mquina de lavar roupa
Washing machine
211.
Mquina de lavar
Dishwasher
212.
Mquina de tirar retrato
Camera
213.
Tesoura de cortar paper
Paper scissors
EXOCENTR1C
l.N + N
214.
Amigo urso
False friend
215.
Ranho maria
Water bath
216.
Chuchu beleza
Cnayote beautiful, beautiful girl
217.
Cabra macho
Macho man
218.
Maria Chiquinha
Country girl with braided hair
219.
Maria Lambisgoia
Awkward girl
220.
Pontap
Kick
221.
Samba cancan
Boxer shorts
222.
Varapau
Tall person
2. N + P + N
223.
Abraco de urso
The hug of a disloyal friend
224.
Arma de dois gumes
Weapon with two cutting edges risky business
225.
Baba de quiabo
Something easy to accomplish
226.
Baba de moqa
A sweet syrup made of eggs and coconut
227.
Bafo de onca
Drunks breath


42
3.4.3 Back Formation
The words below suggest a pattern where the infinitive marker -r drops to
form a N ending in -a, -o, or -e. However, since we also have verbs that are formed
from nouns, it is not clear which one should be the base form.
(25) a. manejo handling manejar to handle
b. busca search buscar to search
(26) a. chover to rain chuva rain
b. nevartosnow neve snow
c. ventar-vento to blow-wind
(27)azeite oil azeitar to oil.
Miller (personal communication, 1998) questions whether these examples are
really back formations and not incorporations, where the N moves to the empty V
head. He says:
Back formation is a historic detail; the purpose is to create a base from which
an existing formation can be derived. Synchronically the incorporation
analysis is preferable. The existence of such process is the very rationale for
historic back formation.
VP
V ,
i i
V N(P)
[ ] ^ neve
Figure 3.3
Syntactic Representation of Incorporation
3,4,4 Evaluative Affixes
Diminutives and augmentatives have been used in Romance as evaluative
affixes. Take -inha attached to the adverb agora now to show immediacy in
agorinha. The examples below come from the colorful language used to talk about


entry' in Hollandas dictionary as man, and commonly used in the Northeast of
Brazil.
90
In the compound in (6) it is the name of a person that describes the animal.
(6) a. vmva negra "black widow is the name given to a black tarantula
Other nouns refer to things that people do, such as the nominalizations conversa
chat and bafo breath that are compound sources as in:
(7) a. conversa mole chatter box
b. bafo de onca. literally tiger breath bad breath of someone who has been
drinking alcohol.
In the examples below, the schema is stereotyped female behavior.
Syntactically the head is the same but the adjuncts or complements vary. In terms of
pragmatics, the Maria compounds below are commonly used by speakers, regardless
of the fact that they are derogatory to women. Many exocentric compounds such as
these are metaphors of the oral ianguage domain.
Table 8.1
Maria Compounds
Categories
Compounds
Literal Translation
Translation
N+N
Maria Chic/uinha
Mary-Frances(diminutive)
Country girl with braided
hair
N+Adj
Maria Mijona
Mary Pisser
Cowardly person
N+ P+N
Maria sem vergonha
Mary Shameless
Impatiens (flower)
Phrasal
Maria vai com as
outras
Mary go with the others
Easily led person
8,4 Lexico-Syntactic Categories
I will analyze each category separately based on the traditional classification
of compounds.


99
cara eyes of the face, registered in El Cid, the Spanish medieval epic. Mo de obra
also means too much work and olhos da cara no longer refers to a medieval
punishment when we say, aquele carro custou os olhos da cara that car cost a lot.
In fact, these N+PP expressions are used now as adverbial intensifiers.
Compounding is not the only source of parts of the body language usage or
polysemy. Phrasal verbs and the words themselves are loaded with meaning
experienced through our own body sensations. The two lexical entries, o cabega, The-
masc.leader and urna cabega, an-fem. intelligent person, both are related to head
metaphorical extensions. The different meanings are also distinguished by
grammatical gender. I claim that body-part compounds always have a head. They
require a referent in the world and this referent is a null head that gets gender from a
FP.
A unifying feature of compounding in Portuguese is the fact that all of them
are nouns and adjectives after compounding. In my data, they function as epithets or
predicates. What remains to be seen is the contribution of the lexico-syntactic
categories to compounding. Take pfrio a person who brings bad luck and p de
vento a sudden wind and compare them with *p dejriagem foot of coldness and
*pe ventoso windy foot. How do we account for the ungrammaticality of the last
two? Since all N + PP compounds present the same preposition de, what is its
function? What features percolate to the compound? These are some of the questions
I will address in this chapter. I start by presenting data in the two lexico-syntactic
categories N+Adj and N+PP ; next, 1 look at the morphological, syntactic and
semantic characteristics of the body-part compounds.


65
6.2.1.1 Appositional
Although appositionals are N+N, they are usually classified as a separate
category. This productive type has the following characteristics:
(1) it describes a person or an object whose profession, activity or function
respectively, embodies the combination of two of these professions, activities, or
functions. That is what distinguishes appositionals from other N+N. The heads do
not necessarily have equal status or weight, but they are both to be considered;
(2) appositionals result in a combination of characteristics;
(3) the criteria for word order seems to be phonological, that is, the shorter precedes
the longer (look at the examples found in the table below);
(4) the order can be reversed and the meaning persists;
(5) both heads show pluralization.
Rainer and Varelas study of Spanish compounds (1992) presents the (5) as
evidence that these compounds to have two heads. Saying that appositionals have two
heads, though, is not devoid of problems in Romance. In fact, it depends entirely on
whether we consider the first element as the head that defines the major function of
the compound. One of the recent Brazilian presidents, Jose Samey, was called
presidente-poeta president-poet because of his literary vein. However, poeta-
presidente poet-president was also a form found in magazines. Because the
syntactic relationship of the elements is of accumulation and both heads are to be
considered, I will define the compounds below as appositionals and consider them as
having two heads. By doing so I account for their semantic characteristics of meaning


60
(10) a. ioi man is masculine.
b. nhonh the oldest male son and nhanha the oldest female daughter/ is
feminine.
Clipping (1)
Reduplication (2)
New Prosodic Word (3)
5,3 Conclusion
(1) (2) (3)
SEOR O-> OO
C V
cv
CVC V
\ /
\/
\/
\ /
o
G
CT
a
\
/
F
I
PrW
Figure 5.3
Clipping and Reduplication
Different phonological phenomena interface with semantics and syntax to
form compounds in Portuguese. Phonological changes such as haplology apply to
modem compounds, eliminating syllables and creating new words. This phenomenon
follows a principle of economy. In the last chapter we saw examples of clipping that
also obey the same principle. In reduplication, the stem is repeated to create new
words. Flypocoristic reduplication examples were analyzed as a prosodic word
composed of a bimoraic foot with two light moras at the syllable level. Other types of
reduplication are morphologic and interface with syntax. There is change of lexico-
syntactic category from verb to noun and the event argument becomes part of the
noun.


124
0.3 e Role
The external theta role is the last one to be discharged, if it is discharged at
all. In English it is discharged at the point where -er attaches. According to
Higginbotham (1985) verbs have an event as an argument. Nouns do not carry the
event argument but verbs do. Sproat (1985:172) suggests that the driver in
compounds like cab driver inherits both the actor and the event. In Portuguese the
meaning inside the compound will inherit the event argument. This event argument
helps us understand the metaphorical content of the exocentric compounds. In
example (4) it means that a mutt will turn over garbage cans looking for food.
(4) Vira-lata LT turn over garbage can, a mutt
Isso um cachorro vira-lata This is a mutt
O vira-lata mats valente que muito cachorro de raga The mutt is braver than
many purebred.
(5) Mata-fome, literally kill hunger, a snack or meal that fills you7
A comida dos Hare-Krishna um bom mata-fome. The Hare-Krishna food is a
hearty snack.
(6) Cria-caso, literally create problem, a trouble maker
Chegou o/a cria-caso. The-masc/fem. trouble maker has arrived.
Regarding similar compounds in French, Lieber (1992: 66) writes that:
French has no synthetic compounds of the sort truck driver or
pasta eating. Instead it has a productive set of nominal compounds that
consists of a verb followed by a noun which serves as the internal
argument of the verb.
The same observation can be extended to synthetic compounds in-
Portuguese. Lieber (1992) says that semantically these nominal compounds in
French are generally instrument nouns, less frequently agent nouns. The data can
be divided in three semantic categories:


75
DP
/ \
t ] NP
/ \
N Adj
carter man
Figure 6.4
Syntactic Representation
6,2.7 N+P+Y+N
There are a few compounds such as tesoura de cortar papel, scissors of
cutting paper paper scissors, mquina de lavar roupa machine of washing clothes,
tbua de passar ironing board, that mirror syntactic structure and for that reason are
not considered compounds by some linguists. Sandmann (1989:129) considers them
phrases. But so is boa vida person who enjoys lifeorp de meia savings. The latter
has two meanings, one endocentric (a pair of socks) and the other exocentric
(savings), both with the same syntactic representation. Another argument in favor of
viewing them as compounds is that they are the same in English and French. The
examples are from Zwanenburg (1992).
(42) a. maquina de lavar roupa machine a laver in French, washing machine.
b. maquina de costura, machine a coudre in French, sewing machine.
These compounds also present a shorter form as tesoura de cortar papel or
tesoura de papel from which the verb cortar cut has been deleted. Other examples
are mquina de roupa washing machineand mquina de retrato machine for taking
pictures or camera. Dishwashers, which are more recent than washing machines are
called lavadoras. In tbua de passar it is roupa clothes that is deleted, because
passar to ironis used as an intransitive verb. Since Portuguese is a pro drop
language (Rizzi, 1986), it is possible to have a null filler in object position.


49
Mayo et al. suggest that a semantic operator corresponding to -ada initiates the
transformation of an object concept (eye) to an individual instantiated event in which
the object is involved in a central way. In (10 a) the eye plays a central role.
Extending this analysis to Portuguese
(10) a. olhada a particular event, in which the eye is involved in the role of the organ
of vision (a kind of instrument). A particular event type using an organ of vision;
particular event of looking.
However, other -ada denominis in Portuguese have a different semantic
meaning, which is not an event. Consider the differences in meaning between (11a),
(lib), and (11c). In goiabada the suffix means made of and in boiada, the base
noun does not represent an action. Therefore, the division between denominis and
deverbals does not function for Portuguese because there is overlapping of categories.
(10) a. palhaqo- palhaqada clown- particular event in which an actor acts as if he
is a clown. An event of the type to behave like
b. goiaba- goiabada guava- a sweet made of guava
c. hoi- boiada ox- a group of oxen
Following Mayer at al.s line of thought, we ask ourselves whether there are
different operators for the different meanings of -ada. If the answer is positive, they
would have to tell us when these operators act and why. Not only that, but how is one
meaning blocked and another activated? Rather than positing an operator, we should
consider the semantic domains that -ada attaches to. In the analysis I adopted I used
Bauers (1993:193) diagram for lexical entries and divided the data into specific
semantic domains. Five were identified:
(1) collectives of people/animals;
(2) edible things become names of food;
(3) categories of people used in a derogatory way;
(4) the act of hitting or being hit with instruments /or parts of the body;
(5) an individual event of the verb.


96
8.5 Conclusion
Although both endo- and exocentric compounds are composed of the same
syntactic categories, they present considerable differences. Many endocentric
compounds become polysemic, yielding exocentric compounds. This process implies
a shrinkage of meaning. Only some semantic features of the compound are mapped
into the null head. The exocentric compounds may function as a complement of their
null head, which is always a noun. Gender and number are assigned to the null head.
Due to their metaphorical content, the semantic similarities may be better
captured if we look at different complements for the same head. Null compound
heads are names of animals, food, and proper names. Metaphorical language seems to
be more productive in N+P+N and N+Adj than N+N. The adjectives belong to more
descriptive and evaluative categories than the ones in endocentric compounds.
A model that describes metaphorical language can be helpful in interpreting
and understanding the lexical meaning of exocentrics. Specific language knowledge
is also essential to understand the meaning of some compounds, especially when
decomposing them does not help.
Exocentric compounds are at times amusing in the ways they name flowers,
plants, animals, and clothing. Metaphorical language is a way to express our humor,
the fun side of things, and exocentric compounds are the part that makes them
fascinating to study.


132
The interface of syntax with morphology, phonology, and semantics
contributes to increase the variety'' of compounds. Hybrid compounds relate more to
morphological derivation. Reduplication and compounds like mm and nhonho were
formed by the application of phonological rales, but get their gender in morphology.
Reduplication of verbs interfaces with syntax when the event role of the verb is
discharged. Also to consider in the interface of phonology, morphology, and syntax is
the application of general principles, such as economy in derivations and hybrids,
e.g., hilrio. Hybrids are shorter than similar N+P+N types, such aspacotologia e
ciencia de cristais.
The next issue deals with the relationship between the syntactic frame and
new data. All in all, the syntactic analysis suggested in this investigation worked well
for compounds in Portuguese and can be extended to other Romance languages with
some language specific adaptations. In continuing to collect and classify data, I have
found in Velas latest editions (Sep 6/13/21, 1998) [N e Adj. meia + N solaXOP half
sole, a metaphor for something done in an incomplete way that refers to the latest
governmental measures to face the economical crisis. Once again, the exocentric
compound started as an endocentric. Also found was the reduplication [V troca- +V
troca] DP change-change an event that is going on in politics with politicians
changing political parties, and also [V vira + N casaca] DP turn coat. politicians
accepting previously rejected views in order to gain votes.
The last issue raises questions about whether other Romance languages offer
the same tendencies to make compounds as Portuguese does. First of ail, we have to
consider that all languages have their idiosyncrasies. Italian presents the same kind of


57
verbs are used in their intransitive form.
Table 5.1
Reduplication
Compound
Lit. Translation
Meaning
[Corre(\)-corre(v)JN
Run run
An event where people
run around and there is
riot and contusion
[Pisca(\)pisca(v)]N
Blink blink
A car blinker
fPuxafv)-puxa(\)/N
Pull pull
Hard candy
[Quebra(v)-quebra(v)JN
Break break
An event where things
are broken by people
such as trains and
supermarkets
[Come(y)-come (v)] N
Eat eat
A video game,
Packman, where one
eats the enemy.
5,2,1 Syntatic Representation
Reduplication shares some similarities with synthetic compounds, to be
analyzed in chapter 9, because it is also a nominalization formed by a verb. In
reduplication, however, the verbs are in the intransitive form and no case is assigned.
Verbs, following Higginbothan (1985), have an event as argument. Reduplications,
then, are repeated events. Following Miller (personal communication, 1993), I
propose that the compound is frozen after the argument is discharged and becomes a
noun by incorporation.
(7) corre- corre
NP
/ \
V V
Corre corre
Figure 5.1
Noun Incorporation


39
but example (18b), which was formed by analogy with the Latin model in a later
period, does not get the same treatment. In the verbs below, Hollanda suggests the
existence of a verb that does not really exist in (19b). Cunhas Dicionrio
Etimolgico (1996) seems more systematic in the sense that presents both words as
derived from plria
(19) a. repatriar from the Latin repatriare,
b. expatriar expatriate as ex+patria+ar.
Parallel to historic derivation, we can also decode these words today because
we understand the meaning of roots and affixes. Based on this assumption, I argue,
following Lieber (1992), that the examples in (18) and (19) can be derived
synchronically by Feature Percolation as demonstrated in the syntactic representation
of Figure 3.1.
(20) a. amvel [amar (V) +vel (Adj)] Adj
b. repatriar [re (P) + patriar(V)] V
3,4.1 Parasvnthetic Derivation
Although Portuguese, like its mother tongue, Latin, is an inflectional
language, there are words that seem to be formed by adding two affixes to the base
simultaneously, which is more typical of polysynthetic languages (Spencer, 1992:38).
The derivation of racionalizando rationalization (21) is can be predicted using
theories of level ordering (Siegel, 1974) where one class of suffix follows another.
The same does not happen in the examples presented in (22). Parasynthetic is the
term used in Romance to define a derivation where both prefix and suffix are added
to the stem simultaneously. This way, the derived word is composed of a root and
bound morphemes. In racionalizando, described below, at each subcategorization


26
consulted. As mentioned before, a short list of the sixteenth century compound
examples is included. There is also a classification of reduplication as a separate
linguistic phenomenon.
Special attention is given to the recent productivity of appositional compounds
in the media. Magazines abound with this type of compounds. They are hyphenated
in spelling, perhaps to stress that their meaning is compositional, and are a productive
noun-forming pattern.
(19) a. cidade-satlite city satellite; cities that developed around the capital of
Brazil
b. general-presidente general-president
c amante-prostituta lover-prostitute
d. shopping-metr underground mall
2.6.1 Productivity
The focus of this investigation is to identify the types of compounds and the
patterns they form. The number of times (tokens) compounds were used was not
computed because too many variables would have had to be considered, such as
subject matter, current events, and personal preference. In addition, an analysis of
these variables is not within the scope of this investigation, which belongs in the
fields of semiotics and sociolinguistics.
2.6.2 Categories
Besides the categories previously described, a detailed study on body part
compounds was also undertaken. Due to the similarity in semantic content, the
classification is presented in the Appendix separate from the other exocentrics. The
few examples of reduplication that are compounds are also presented as a separate
category due to their phonological content.


127
10.5 Semantic Meaning
Sproat (1985: 214) suggests that synthetic compounds in French mirror
sentence structure. His statement also holds for Portuguese:
The element which compounds with the V in synthetic compounds is ..
the element which occurs immediately to the right of the verb in the
corresponding sentence
(12) a. guarda-roupa wardrobe
b. Esse um bom lugar para guardar roupa. This is a good place to keep
clothes
c. Ele guarda roupa no amrrio. Tie keeps clothes in the closet
in some synthetic compounds the relationship among the meaning of the
constituents is not always predictable, though, as examples (4) and (5) demonstrate:
(4) a. guardadivros book keeper is a person who keeps the ledgers
b. Ele guarda livros He keeps books
(5) a. guarda-chuva a device that keeps the rain away from its owner.
b. Isso guarda urnapessoa da chuva This keeps someone from the rain.
While in English -er signals an actor, the absence of a head formative in
Portuguese renders the interpretation more opaque.
Analyzing the same compounds for French, Bennet (1977) proposes a sub
division corresponding to the three types of deep structure:
the purely transitive {guardad ivr os) undergoes no aligning transfonnation. It
derives from (the one) who keeps books.
instrumental (guarda-chuva) must undergo a preliminary transformation which
raises the noun in the instrumental phrase to subject. It derives from something
that keeps the rain away.
metaphorical {ganha-pao). A comparison of the type something is like
something else. Ensmar o meu ganha-pao Teaching is my bread-winning
activity.


151
Boca
LT
M
1. boca livre
mouth free
Free food and drinks
2. boca de siri
mouth of crab
Secret
2 boca suja
mouth dirty
Dirty mouth
Lingua
! LT
I M
1. lingua de trapo
| tongue of rag
| Loud mouth
Corado
LT
M
1. coragao de ouro
heart of gold
Heart of gold 1
2. corapao de pedra
heart of stone
Heart of stone
Dedo
LT
M
1. dedo duro
finger hard
Snitch, tattle tale
eu
LT
M
1. cu de ferro
hole of iron
Student who does all
the assignments
1. cu do mundo
hole of the world
Faraway place
Bunda
LT
M
1. bunda mole
ass soft
Someone who is
incompetent
1. bunda suja
ass dirty
Someone who is a
nobody
Estmago
LT
M
1. estmago de
avestruz
Stomach of ostrich
Someone who eats
any kind of food and
doesn't get sick


391.
Porta-nada
A Carrier of nothing
392.
Porta-voz
Spokesperson
393.
Puxa saco
Brown noser
394.
Quebra costela
A strong hug
395.
Quebra galbo
A gadget
396.
Quebra molas
Speed bump
397.
Quebra nozes
Nutcracker
398.
Quebra pau
Fight
399.
Queima roupa
Point blank range
400.
Rasga seda
Flattery
401.
Saca rolha
Cork screw
402.
Safa one a
A gadget
403.
Tapa olho
An eye patch
404.
Tira gosto
Appetizer
405.
Vira bosta
A clumsy person
406.
Vira casaca
Someone who changes sides easily
407.
Vira lata
Mutt


10
Conceptual formation rules
U
conceptual structures
^ t vision, action t
Rules of inference
Figure 1.1
Conceptual Structure
The examples below presented by Jackendoff (1995:21) may be considered
extreme, but they show how rules of construal and rules of pragmatics permit one
to interpret:
an NP that normally denotes X is used metaphorically to denote an individual:
[One waitress says to nother:] The ham sandwich over in the comer wants some
more coffee (after Numberg, 1979).
an action that is contextually associated with X used as another metaphor:
The candidate Ollie Northed her interview (after Clark & Clark, 1979).
These principles can be applied to examples discussed previously, e.g., dedo
duro andp de cana. Jackendoff (1995: 242) suggests that ham sandwich functions as
a head adjunct when a rale of construal maps the term ham sandwich into [person
contextually associated with ham sandwich]. This same concept can be extended to os
e sem terra with a rale of construal mapping sem terra into [a group of workers who
do not own land]
From the perspective of what constitues a metaphor, Lakoff and Johnson
(1980) say that a metaphor is not a word but an ontological generalization created


98
pay is an endocentric compound whose head isperna leg/ Leg bears a metonymic
relationship with the body, that of the body part that lets us ambulate. In addition to
this basic function of walking, legs are made of bones covered by muscles and flesh,
which make them flexible and malleable. Therefore, one can easily move backwards
or sideways, and even ran when playing sports like soccer. In short, our legs are the
part of the body that enables us to walk and run. Wood is the opposite in terms of
flexibility and malleability. So, by positing that a leg is made of wood, one is not
saying that running is impossible, but rather that it will definitely be restricted and
therefore awkward.
The data for this study are 73 items whose first constituent is a body-part noun
(see Appendix for a taxonomy). The process of gathering the data took approximately
one year. The compounds were analyzed according to the same criteria used in the
previous chapters for endocentric and exocentric. One fact that immediately caught
my attention was that many of them presented polysemy. Compounds would originate
as endocentric and later develop metaphoric uses. I will start by looking at some
examples of polysemy in 9.2. Next, I will describe the lexico-syntactic categories at
9.3, analyze headship at 9.4, and in 9.5 I propose a syntactic representation that
encompasses ail of the body-part compounds. I will then proceed to analyze their
metaphorical and metonymical component in the remainder of the chapter.
9.2 Polysemy
Meaning in some compounds undergoes changes from the concrete to the
abstract with new lexical entries formed as a result. Consider mao de obra manual
labor from Latin manus opera and the expression ojos, de la cara (Spanish) olhos du


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
COMPOUND WORDS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE
By
Marta Reis Almeida
May, 1999
Chairman: Dr. Gary Miller
Department: Linguistics
This study presents compounds as a unified phenomenon accounting for the
following facts: (i) the output of compound formation in Portuguese is always a noun or
an adjective; (ii) compounds and Determiner Phrases (DPs) always have the same
syntactic order; (iii) compounds and DPs will always have a head; and (iv) compound
fonnation is sensitive to syntactic operations; (v) according to the head parameter for
Romance languages, complements will be on the right side of the head. The compound
head inherits by percolation the features of category, person, gender and number, and
case. The head of the compound is the constituent that characterizes the compound and
the bearer of the inflectional marks, the morphosyntactic locus. The head is checked in
the DP. Compounds with a semantic head are termed endocentric and those without a
visible head are exocentric.
Compounds in English are defined as Lexical Phrases (LPs) without DPs. This
definition does not hold for Portuguese because compound formation is sensitive to
vii


4. DERIVATION 45
4.1 Human Cloning Gender and Grammatical Gender 45
4.2 The Suffix -ada 47
4.2.1 Deverbals 47
4.2.2 Denominis 48
4.3 Etymology 52
4.4 Feminine Gender 53
4.5 Conclusion 54
5. THE ROLE OF PHONOLOGY, MORPHOLOGY AND
SYNTAX IN COMPOUNDS FORMED BY
REDUPLICATION 55
5.1 Phonological Changes 55
5.2 Reduplication as Word Formation 55
5.2.1 Syntactic Representation 57
5.2.2 Semantic interface 58
5.2.3 Hypocoristics and Compounds 58
5.2.3.1 Reduplication Template 58
5.2.3.2 Clipping 59
5.3 Conclusion 60
6. ENDOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS 61
6.1 Head in Endocentric 62
6.1.1 Feature Percolation 63
6.2 Lexico-syntactic Categories 64
6.2.1 N+N 64
6.2.1.1 Appositional 65
6.2.1.2 N+N (subordinate relationship) 67
6.2.2 P+N 68
6.2.3 Prefix+N 69
6.2.4 N+P+N 71
6.2.5 N- Adi 73
6.2.6 Adj+N 73
6.2.7 N+P+V+N 75
6.3 Dvandvas 76
6.4 Conclusion 78
7. RIGHT-HEADED COMPOUNDS 79
7.1 Latin and Greek Roots 80
7.2 Derivation 80
7.3 Noun and Affix Syntactic Representation 82
7.4 Borrowing from English 83
7.5 Forming New Compounds 83
7.6 Conclusion 84
v


(3 ) a. coracao de ouro heart of gold
b. p de chumbo a clumsy person
101
one of a kind as in
(4) a. p de cana one piece of sugar cane
b. p de meia one of a pair of socks
The important thing to capture about de is its function to link and establish
relationships between the parts and the body as a whole, be it a person or an animal,
or the part and its composition. Accordingly, a p and friagem coldness does not
form a part/whole relationship nor can p be made of friagem coldness. This
answers the first question, which was how we account for the ungrammaticality of
*p de friagem.
One interesting aspect of these compounds is that they combine metaphors
and metonym. In the N+PP, some de relationships are metaphorical as in de vento,
ouro, chumbo of wind, gold, lead. When compounded they become metonymic,
which implies that the body-part compounds are metonymic.
9. 3,2 N +Adt
The adjectives used in the compounds are descriptive. The categories found
are size, transitory states, internal condition, temperature, tactile (texture, resistance),
weight, shape, state of living, color, and evaluative. I use a taxonomy suggested by
Givn (1993) to classify them ( Appendix).
At first, N-Adj seem to present a much easier interpretation because adjectives
are single featured as opposed to N which are multi-featured (Givn, 1993). The
features of the N p are size, texture, composition, and so on. Adjectives are not time-
stable and represent a single feature of a particular noun. Frio cold refers to


15
agent/instrumental affix, but the VN compounds are interpreted as instrument/agent
nouns, and are usually masculine. Based on this similarity, Lieber proposes that in
French (Romance) V+N synthetic compounds are formed by zero affixation. Varela
(1989) adds to Lieber saying that the head is a deverbal noun of an agentive type on
the left, whose features percolate to the top of the word. Following Varela, I argue
that internally, according to the First Sister Principle (Sproat, 1985:214), the internal
0 role is discharged as in (13), (14). In (16) only the event argument is discharged,
because the verb is used as intransitive. Synthetic compounds and reduplications
present similarities. Both are composed of verbs that become nominalizations by zero
derivation. These are considered possible words because, except for a few, they are
not lexical entries. Consider, however, o/a guarda the watchman, the guard
(feminine) and the dvandva comes e bebes eat and drink event. In the latter the
nouns are pluralized.
1.5 Compounds under DP
The arguments of DP are projected in the same fashion as the arguments of
VP and other lexical categories. Following Sportiche (1988), I suggest that DP, like
sentences, projects a shell structure with levels of complementation and a raising of
the head. The number of levels projected depends on the number of arguments and
modifiers licensed by the head. The theoretical background I assume for agreement is
Longobardi (1994). He proposes that an abstract feature R(eferential), which is strong
in Romance, requires syntactic movement of N before spell-out, that is,
phonologically expressed. Agreement in DP is a local relation. Lexical elements with
morphological and case features must be drawn from the lexicon and checked for


2
would be able to account for both compounding and derivation, because word
formation has no access to functional categories. However, recent research in
Romance shows that compounds do have access to FPs. Ishikawa (1997) suggests
that the structure of some synthetic compounds, such as sacacorchos in Spanish (saca
rolhas in Portuguese) bottle opener may be analyzed as V-DP because corchos is
used as a general plural. Other examples found in my data such as nma p de cana
a-masc/fem foot of cane, drunk suggest that human cloning (Harris, 1991) may be
assigned to the word at LF but the functional head will determine its sex only when
inserted in the DP. Por do sol, literally set of the sun, sunset is a DP in which the
article o the-masc. occupies the Spec position of PP. The same can be said about
educagdo distncia distance learning where a the-fem.is again in the Spec
position of PP. These examples lead us to conclude that compounds are extracted
from the DP and they have properties such as gender, plural, and N movement.
Therefore, quoting Miller (1993:109),
The lexicon/syntax dichotomy may be too simplistic; ... the generalization
involves theories of Xs, LP, and FPs, all of which share some principles but
are entitled to properties of their own.
During the process of compounding it will be the head inside the compound
that inherits the features of category (nominal), semantic, person, gender, number,
and case by means of percolation. The head is checked in the DP in which the
compound is inserted. Compounds with a semantic head are endocentric and those
without a visible head are exocentric. Recent proposals to unify this theory posit that
both endo-, and exocentric compounds have heads. Varela (1989) suggests a deverbal
head for synthetic compounds such as toca-discos record player. Cedeo (1992)


43
politics. The rules of word formation have been flouted in order to achieve the desired
effect. The prefix -des is negative and attaches to nouns, verbs, and adjectives to give
them the opposite meaning, e.g. desrespeito disrespect. But in example below (28) it
means the opposite of how a mayor should behave. It does that by violating the
morphological constraints of the prefix des. Similarly, a noun gets an inflectional
superlative ending of an adjective in (28b).
(28) a. desprefeito des (neg)- mayor bad mayor
b. candidatrrimo candidate+superlative suffix rrimo an unquestionable
candidate.
Sandmann mentions one way of forming nouns that are names of firms or
industrial prodiucts is by attaching the advertising logo lingo suffix -ex. This and
other similar endings {-flex, -ax) are not suffixes by themselves and therefore, do not
contribute to word meaning. The familiarity with the media and advertising have
probably been responsible for the new derogatory and evaluative meaning given to
-ex in
(29) a. -ex inprafrentex something or a person who sees himself as advanced
b. modernex sees it or herself as modem.
3.5 Conclusion
In the preceding sections it has been shown that not only the oldest data but
also recently coined words can be analyzed under syntactic principles. Compounds
are sensitive to FP and both compounds and derivation follow the principle of head
feature percolation. Some derivations, such as back formations, can be analyzed as
noun or verb incorporations. The existence of a personal lexicon is demonstrated by
the way a speaker uses evaluative affixation to create new words. The Portuguese


Bennet reminds us that reconstruction of synthetic compounds includes
changes of meaning and form, like ganha-pdo that was instrumental and now is
128
reinterpreted metaphorically.
Pisque compounds
(13) a. Bisque pizza call the dial-a-pizza
b. Bisque droga dial drag
These are two of the many new expressions with disque. Notice that it is
disque call-imperative and not disca call-present. Copying American marketing
strategies that advertise using the phone to obtain the delivery of goods, these
expressions were introduced into Brazil with unexpected consequences. In English
they are verb compounds, but in Portuguese they became nouns. So, Telefona para
o disque-pizza, translates call the dial pizza! O disque pizza means the telephone
of the pizza place.
10.6 Conclusion
One of the major problems in the analysis of synthetic compounds, the zero
conversion of a VP into a DP, is accounted for in Varelas analysis. Like Varela I
argue that the compound carries an event argument when it becomes a noun. The
head is on the left, except for the exocentric compounds. Their head will be an empty
noun and the synthetic compound functions as a complement like other exocentric
compounds described in the previous chapters.


54
Following Liebers feature percolation system (1993:93), adapted here for
Portuguese, we have
r n i
I + fern I
L- mase J
ada
Figure 4.3
Syntactic Representation
Semantic Representation
Noun o Noun a
People -> an instantiated individual event where an actor plays the role of the base.
4.5 Conclusion
The framework suggested to study affixes includes information about (i) stress
changes in the stem, (ii) inflectional class, (iii) syntactic specifications and (iv)
semantic specifications. In the semantic specification the domain is stipulated. The
data associated with one domain also predicts the coining of new words under that
particular domain. Once solidified these derivations can become polysemic, like
cachorrada. Gender inflection is associated with nouns in Romance, but -ada
presents the generic meaning of an act or unit involving a base that can be either a
noun or a verb. It contrasts with the masculine participial. This contrast suggests that
gender inflection is not restricted to nouns and adjectives.


trumpet lily, the compound is a metaphor for a kind of flower, that is one lexical
item resembles another.
8
Not only semantic, but also syntactic criteria distinguish dedo-duro snitch
from hard finger. *Ele wn dedo-duro e inveterado it is a hard and unchangeable
finger is ungrammatical, because duro hard cannot be a separate adjective. It can
only be part of the compound. Inveterado refers to the compound as in ele um
dedo-duro inveterado he is an unchangeable snitch. Syntactic criteria are the most
reliable for distinguishing compounds. Examples (1), (2) and (3) above show how the
distinction between compounds and NPs, and the FPs gender and number distinguish
an endocentric from exocentric compound by means of assigning gender, as in p de
cana unit of sugar cane versus o/a p de cana a heavy drinker.
Identifying compounds by using syntactic criteria finds opposition from
research based on the lexicalist hypothesis for Romance. The present study builds on
and modifies previous work in Romance compounding conducted under some version
of the lexicalist hypothesis (Di Sciullo & Williams (1988) for French; Villalva (1992)
for Portuguese; Scalise (1992) for Italian). Di Sciullo & Williams (1988) claim that
there is no reason for compounding in Romance since the syntactic structure of N+N
compounds is the same as NP. The only syntactic structure they recognize is the
synthetic V+N, such as (tiro a) queima roupa, LT shot at bum clothes, point
blank. The VP becomes a noun by a marked mle that accounts for the fact that some
nouns are made from VPs. I do agree that the distinction between NP and N+N
compounds is sometimes indistinct but the data in this study contradict the alleged
nonexistence of Portuguese noun compounding. The data presented in (1), (2), (3)


76
6.3 Dvandvas
These compounds are characterized by a relationship of coordination without
any further dependency holding between them. The meaning of the second is added to
the first by the conjunction e and. In dvandvas the conjunction is either visible or
implied. The semantic relationship of the constituents is looser when compared to
appositionals. In dvandvas opposites may be conjoined as in (43).
(43) a. compra e venda buy and self
b. preto e branco black and white
c. altos e babeos highs and lows
d ochados e perdidos lost and found
Dvandvas also include norms and adjectives that can describe the participants of an
enterprise or their socio-political characteristics:
(44) a. Brazil-Argentina
b.recessivo inflacionria recessive-inflationary
A way of distinguishing dvandvas from appositionals is to determine if the
two constituents in the dvandva maintain their individuality. If they do, they are
dvandvas as in (45a), if they dont they are appositionals (45b).
(45) a. Ele mora num quarto-e-sala.
He lives in an efficiency apartment,
b. File mora num *quarto-sala.
He lives in a bedroom, which is also a living room.
Gender
Dvandvas take masculine gender by default or the gender of the noun they modify.
(46) o acordo (masculine noun) Brasil-Argentina the agreement Brazil-Argentina
[ o acordo entre o Brasil e a Argentina]
(47)a relagao (feminine noun) Brasil-Argentina the relationship Brazil-Argentina
[ a relacao entre oBrasil e a Argentina\


no
(21) Ele nao se deu bem no negocio, meten os ps pelas maos He didnt succeed in
the business, he put his feet where his hands belonged.
Example (21) shows that different parts of the body are assigned different
functions. Hands typically build up things, while feet can destroy. The relationship
between part and whole is jeopardized when the functions are mixed. So, meter os
ps pelas maos is a metaphor for mis-function.
(22) Eu sou toda ouyidos Tm all ears, that is, You have my undivided attention.
Ears listen carefully (source) and are mapped into the bodily experience of
paying attention (target). The part/whoie relationship is metonymic, that is, ears
stand for the whole person.
(23) Ele abandonou a pequea cidade e botou os ps no mundo he left the small city
and put his feet into the world.
We are able to move around because of our feet. Langacker (1988) argues that
an important distinction in the part/whoie relationship is that the body presupposes
and incorporates the notion of feet. That, in turn, also means that we do not have to
invoke leg to understand that feet enable us to move. In the sentence above the
person not only moved, but moved into the world, which is a metaphor for expansion.
9,7.3 Compounds and Cognitive Semantics
A linguistic model should take into account what is known about cognition.
Langacker (1988) refers to the stocks of conventional expressions that are stored in
memory separately, such as those mentioned above: [. . sou toda ouvidos] [... dos
ps cahecaj. Ryder (1994) suggests that N+N compounds qualify as conventional
expressions. Langackers assumption is that particular statements, such as


58
5.2.2 Semantic Interface
In the previous chapter we saw that the suffix -ada produced deverbals of the
type below in (9). Similarly, in reduplication, we have a bound event encompassing
several smaller events of the verb.
(8) a. corrida an event of running
b. piscada an event when someone blinks the eye
(9) a. corre-corre an event where several short corridas take place
b. pisca-pisca an event where several short piscadas take place
5.2.3 Hypocoristics and Compounds
The pattern used by a few compounds, such as nhonh /oo/, is usually
studied as a morphological process. In Portuguese, however, it is sensitive to
phonology. The CVCV pattern of these compounds will be analyzed under Prosodic
Phonology, which is the most appropriate for Portuguese because it identifies a type
of prosodic word found in hypocoristics such as Zez, Didi, Laid, and many others.
5.2.3.1 Reduplication Template
The concept of prosodic morphology introduced by McCarthy and Prince
(1990) defines the basic character of the phonological structure in units of prosody:
mora (ji), syllable (cr), foot, prosodic word (PrW). Prosodic or suprasegmental
features are isolated from other features into a special category that is registered in the
orthographic system by means of diacritic marks or accents. These are properties
associated with length, stress and tone. Reduplication and clipping are best defined in
terms of prosodic morphology. Syllables are defined as light (CV) and heavy (CVC).


321.
Compra e venda
Buy and sell
DLL.
Paz e amor
Peace and love
323.
Preto e branco
Black and white
324.
Quarto e sala
Efficiency apartment
325.
Queijos e vinhos
Wine and Cheese event
326.
Verde e rosa
The colors of Mangueira Samba school
APPOSITONAL
327.
Amante prostituta
Lover-prostitute
328.
Bab arrumadeira
Nanny/ cleaning
woman
329.
Bar restaurante
Bar restaurant
330.
Bar cozinha
Bar kitchen
331.
Bolsa escultura
Purse sculpture
332.
Copa cozinha
Pantry kitchen
333.
Copeiro faxineiro
Butler cleaner
334.
Editor locutor
Editor announcer
<" ^ c
JDD.
Escritor poeta
Writer poet
336.
Fuzil metra! hadora
Rifle machine gum
337.
General presidente
General who is a
president
338.
Ministro candidato
Minister candidate
339.
Ministro conselheiro
Minister advisor
340.
Navio fbrica
Floating factory
341.
Poeta presidente
Poet president
342.
Professor poltico
Professor-politician
343.
Ranha mae
Queen mother
344.
Realista-anarquista
Realist anarchist
345.
Tia-av
Great grandmother
346.
Tia-madrinha
Aunt godmother
SYNTHETIC
347. Arranca rabo
Fight
348. Arrasta p
Dance
349. Bate boca
Verbal argument
350. Bate papo
Chit-chat


126
(10) a, guarda watchman
b. arrasta LT drag; an event where the homeless boys move as
a group, carrying some kind of crude weapons, hitting people and stealing
whatever they can. Also called arrastao a big drag event
c. vira LT turn; a dance from Portugal with much turning left and
right.
d. cria raise; someone raised in a place.
More evidence comes from the dvandva comes e bebes a drinking and eating
event. Both nominalizations are pluralized. So these are possible words
Varella argues that percolation is in accordance with the Atom Condition
proposed by Williams (1981). This Atom Condition accounts for derivations that
attach at the end of the word and not to the head because, when derived, these
compounds take an agentive or instrumental suffix.
N
Figure 10.2
Atom Condition
Indeed, bothparaquedista parachutist and guarda-chuveiro umbrella
holder have respectively, an agentive and an instrumental suffix. The examples are
the same for Spanish and Portuguese. Following the same principles with the suffix
meaning of pertaining to in Portuguese is:
(11) puxasaquismo act of praising the powerful.
[puxa-saco] N +ismo N]] -> piixasaquismo


162
.1992. Morfologa Gerai. Editora Contexto. Sao Paulo, SP.
.1997. Morfologia Gerai. Editora Contexto, Sao Paulo, SP.
Saraiva, Jos Hermano. 1997. Ditos Portugueses Dignos de Memoria
Publisher Unknown. Mira-Sintra, Portugal.
Scalise, S. 1984. Thematic Structure and Inheritance. Ouadcrm di Semntica. 5(1).
P. 92-110
.1992. Compounding in Italian. Rivista di Lingistica. 4.(1). P. 175-199.
Shapira, Charlotte. 1982. Les Noms Composs verbe+ object direct. In Travaux de
Linguistique et de Literature. 20(1). P.271-282
Siegel, Dorothy. 1974. Topics in English Morphology. Ph.D. dissertation.
M.l.T. Cambridge. Mass.
Silva, Rosa Virginia Mattos. 1994. O Portugus Arcaico. Morfologa e Sintaxe.
Editora Varela. Sao Paulo.
Sinclair, John. 1991. Corpus Concordance Collocation, Oxford University
Press. Oxford.
Spencer, Andrew. 1992. Morphological Theory. Blackwell. Cambridge.
Sportiche, Dominique. 1988. A theory of Floating Quantifiers and its Corolories
For Constituent Structure. Linguistic Theory 19. P. 425-50.
Sproat, R. 1985. On Deriving the Lexicon. Ph D. dissertation. MIT, Cambridge,
Mass.
Steriade, Donca. 1988. Reduplication and Syllable transfer in Sanskrit and
Elsewhere. Phonology. 5. P. 73-155.
Varela, Soledad. 1986. The Organization of the Lexicon Component: Noun
Compounds in Spanish. Acta Lingistica Scientiarum Hungaricae. 36(1-4).
P. 235-244
1989. Spanish Endocentric Compounds and the Atom Condition, in C.
Kirsch and J Decesaris (Eds.) Studies in Romance Linguistics. Amsterdam.
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Lingstica. 20 (1). P.55-80


125
a) instrument
(7) a. saca-roiha corkscrew
b. quebra-nozes nutcracker
c. mata-fome something / food that is more than enough to fill up one's
stomach
b) actor
(8) a.guarda-livros hook-keeper
b. guarda-costas 'bodyguard'
c. porta-voz 'carry-voice' 'spokesman'
d. puxa-saco someone whos always praising the ones in power.
c) event
(9) a. quebra-pau fight or argument
b. arrasta-p dance party
c. bate boca argument
Lieber (1992 ) states that similar compounds in French are formed by zero-
affix, which is the head of the compound. Following a long tradition, she claims
that -er is the head of compounds such as windshield wiper and truck driver.
She also claims that the derivational affix supplies the gender, most of these being
masculine in French. It is assumed that there is no such a thing as a headless
structure that would force the exocentric hypothesis and zero affixation. The
exocentric compounds in Portuguese carry human cloning gender when they refer
to [+human]. Therefore, gender is assigned under a local agreement between the
FD and the empty head.
10.4 Atom Condition
Varelas proposal for Spanish (1989) suggests that the head is a deverbal
noun of an agentive type whose features percolate to the top of the word. In fact,
there are few deverbals of this land in Portuguese


83
Figure 7.2
Root Incorporation
7.4 Borrowings from English
The compounds in (8) co exist today because the latest advancement in space
science produced new borrowings, and espagonave is understood as a later and more
advanced space vehicle than nave espacial.
(8) a. nave espacial and spagonave spaceship
b. astronauta and espagonauta astronaut
Sandmann (1996) presents data on commercial names borrowed from English
that are right-headed. In (10) even the apostrophe -s, which is the mark of the genitive
in English, is borrowed.
(9) a. Lucy Calgados Lucy Shoeshop
b. Marina Barra Clube Marina Barra Club
(10) a. Alvaros Alvaros Restaurant
b. Antonios Antonios Restaurant
7.5 Forming New Compounds
It is the co existence of different morphological language systems and the fact
that the lexicon is a recipient where roots and words are stored, that make these new
forms models for future fonnation. The combinations presented in this chapter can be
summarized as follows:
a Latin or Greek root and a word


51
Table 4.4
Negative Evaluation
(i) stem :the same
(ii) inflectional class: it is
generic and has no plural.
(iii) syntactic properties: there
is lexico-syntactic change from
AdjtoN/NtoN
(iv)semantic specifications: it
means an event associated with
the behavior of the actor; to
behave like...
(14) a. kaiano-baicinada from Bahia- done by Baianos
b. palhago-palhagada clown- done by clowns
c. estudante-estudantada student- riot by students
d. burro- burrada dumb- an event when one behaves like a donkey
e. cachorro-cachorrada dog-an event when one person acted wrong, as if this
person were an animal, in this case, a dog.
Table 4.5
Hitting with or being hit by. Energetic Movement
(i) stem :drop the last vowel, add
ada
(ii) inflectional class: add Is/ to
form plural
(iii) syntactic properties: noun
resulting from adding the suffix
to a possible verb; it is an
action such kicking, throwing,
hitting i+hitting]
(iv)semantic specifications: add
to parts of the body or to other
objects that can be thrown, hit.
An individual event where the
base N is used as an instrument
(15) a. pata-patada paw- paw kicking
b. cabega-cahegada head- a blow with the head
c. nariz-narigada nose- a blow with the nose
d. p-pezada foot-foot kicking
e. joelho-joelhada knee- a blow with the knee
f. pedra-pedrada rock- rock throwing


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Gary Miller
Professor of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Ann Wehmeyer u
Associate Professor of Linguistics
1 certify that 1 have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Elizabeth Gimvay
Associate Professor of Romance
Languages and Literatures
1 certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Olabiyi Yai
Professor of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Romance Languages and
Literatures


133
reduplication found in Portuguese, but Spanish has little reduplication. On the other
hand, both Spanish and Portuguese present similar examples of appositionals. it
appears that an investigation with the same type of media resources could be used to
evaluate the tendencies I have suggested for Portuguese, including a three-year
investigation on a leading magazine and other similar soources, especially
considering the expansion of meaning by polysemy of endocentric into exocentric.
One aspect of this investigation was the study of metaphors in body-part
compounds. I show that some have more to do with the body-part image, e.g., cabeqa
de negro a powerful firecracker that is round in shape and black in color. Others are
so cultural-specific that they resist any attempt at compositional meaniong, e.g.
cabeqa chata someone from the northeast Brazil. This metaphor is a derogatory
reference to the stereotype that people from the northeast have a fiat head. Principles
of cognitive semantics, such as schema, imagery, and conceptual analysis, give
powerful insights into the meaning of the metaphor. In the body-part compounds the
most interesting data relate to the N+Adj that describe a state caused by external
forces such as body temperature, e.g., cabeqa quente someone who cannot control
his anger. Several of these compounds clearly show how feelings and emotions
contribute to meaning.
Another facet of this investigation was the demonstration of how language
changes. The compounds examined within a diachronic framework become opaque,
in that the constituents are not recognized by the speaker, therefore, they are learned
as a whole, as in. manipular manipulate. In the evolution from Latin to Portuguese,
significant changes took place, including the loss of the declension system and the


122
(3) lava rpido LT wash fast launderette
Sproat (1985:214) accounts for the well fonnedness inside the synthetic
compounds by invoking the First Sister Principle (Roeper and Siegel, 1978). The
noun is assigned a 0 role. Miller observes that The First Sister Principle may
be taken as a parameter of compounding (1993:80). intemai arguments of the
verb must be accommodated within the first sister of a binary branching
compound. Also, all intemai arguments are adjacent to the verb and dominated by
the same node. His comment seems to capture the essence of these compounds
because they are not verbs although the left constituent is a verb. The left
constituent acquires the status of a nominalization formed by zero derivation
whose argument is the N that follows it.
In this chapter, I will examine proposals for the analysis of synthetic
compounds in order to determine the extent to which they function for
Portuguese. Then I will look at the different semantic meanings of these
compounds.
10,1 First Sister Principle
The study of synthetic compounds in Romance has been approached in
different ways. Sproat (1985:214) bases his argument about verb-complement
proximity on Roeper and Siegel's (1978) First Sister (FS) Principle: "All verbal
compounds are formed by incorporation of a word in the first sister position of
the verb. In Portuguese, for instance, *saca-da-rolha pull out from the cork
is not an acceptable compound since da rolh is not the intemai argument of the
verb and would not be the first sister of a binary branching compound.


134
change in word order. At times speakers may recognize a root and form new words
with that particular root, as happened in the sixteenth century when lexico-semantic
categories that form compounds were accepted in the Portuguese language. The
sample I gathered showed that few syntactic changes have taken place in categories
since then.
A brief investigation of the numbers of compounds in each category shows us
that N+N arc the most productive in endocentric compounds. In both endocentric and
exocentric compounds, N+Adi and N+P+N are also productive categories with many
polysemic compounds found in both. The synthetic is also a very productive pattern.
Since my focus was on a syntactic analysis, these categories should be regarded as
merely parameters for new formation. No research on tokens was undertaken.
The data totaling 549 compounds reflect the visible tendency in written media
to use compounds instead of longer descriptions. These compounds describe the way
people engage in activities such as politics and sports. Using metaphor and
metonymy, the language user captures in two words endless associations of meanings
for the reader.


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Marta Reis Almeida was bom in Brazil and became interested in Linguistics
and Political Science when she was studying Portuguese and English ai the Catholic
University of Rio de Janeiro. She taught ESL for more than 15 years in the American
School of Rio de Janeiro where she was also the Coordinator of the Resource Center.
She won a Fulbright Scholarship in 1966 to the University of Texas as part of the
Teachers Development Program.
She came to the States in 1992 to pursue her studies in Linguistics and
womens issues and taught ESL in the English Language institute at the University of
Florida until May 1998. At present she is teaching Portuguese at the University of
Georgia. Her interest in political science and womens issues comes from her
lifetime involvement with Catholic Ecclesiastic Communities in the shantytowns of
Rio de Janeiro. At the University of Florida she earned a certificate in the Women and
Development Program offered by the Latin America Studies and Anthropology
Department.
She taught Portuguese and Brazilian Culture during her four years at the
University of South Carolina in the Masters Program in International Business
Administration. She pursued her studies in core Linguistics at the University of
Florida to earn her Ph.D. Her areas of interest are Romance syntax, phonology,
morphology, and semantics.
164


64
(5)a. Com muita came. I ate much meat
b. Com muita carne de sol I ate much dried meat.
There are six types of endocentric compounds. Their lexical syntactic
categories are presented below and each will be analyzed separately.
62. Lexico-syntactic Categories
The six types of endocentric compounds are:
1) N+N livro-depoimento testimony book
2) P+N contra-mao wrong way
3) Prefix + N (Adj) preamar low tide
4) N+P+N camisa deforma straight jacket
5) N+Adj mico preto a type of monkey
6) Adj(Adv) + N livre pensador free thinker
7) N+P+VP mquina de cortar grama machine of cutting grass
lawn mower
6.2.1 N+N
The constituents of N+N compounds can be syntactically coordinated or
subordinated (Sandmann, 1996:118, R&V, (1992:125). Coordinated N+N with the
same semantic domain are appositionais. By semantic domain I mean a restricted
noun category. In the data these semantic domains are professions, places to eat, and
occupations in the house. Compare (6a, b) with the borrowing (7), which presents a
subordinate relationship.
(6) a. bar-restaurante a place which is both a bar and a restaurant
b. cozinha-bar kitchen bar, a place in the house which is both a kitchen and a
bar
(7) piano-bar a bar that provides entertainment by means of a piano player
Also N+ restrictive clause subordinate reading are (8a and b). I will come back to
the subordinates after analyzing the appositionais.
(8) a. ano-luz light years
b. questao chave key question


157
Cedeo, Rafael. 1992. Headship Assignment Resolution in Spanish Compounds.
Ed.Laeufer, Chrisiiane & Morgan Terrel A. Theoretical Analyses in
Romance Linguistics. P. 131-149. John Benjamins Publishing. Amsterdam,
The Netherlands.
Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The Minimalist Program. MIT Press. Cambridge, Mass.
Cinque, Guiglielmo. 1994. On the Evidence for partial N-Movement in the Romance
DP. In Paths towards Universal Grammar: Studies in Honor of Richard S.
Kayne. Eds. G. Cinque, et al. P. 85-110. Georgetown UP. Washington, D.C.
Clark, E. V. & H. H. Clark. 1979. When Nouns Surface as Verbs. Language 55.
P. 767-811.
Clements, George. 1988. The Sonority Cycle and Syllable Organization.
In Wolfgang Dressier et al.(Eds.), Phonologica 1988. P. 63-76.
Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
Clements, Joseph. 1992. Lexical Category' Hierarchy and the Head of Compound'
in Spanish. Chrisiiane Laeufer & Terrell Morgan (Eds), Theoretical Analyses
In Romance Linguistics. John Benjamins. Philadelphia.
Contreras, Heles. 1985. Spanish Exocentric Compounds. In F. Nuessel (Eds.)
Current Issues in Hispanic Phonology and Morphology. P.14-27. IULC:
Bloomington.
Costa, Sonia Bastos Borba. 1990. O Aspecto em Portugus. Editora Contexto. Sao
Paulo, Brazil.
Cowper, Elizabeth A. 1992. A Concise Introduction to Syntactic Theory Chicago.
The University of Chicago Press. Chicago.
Cunha, Antonio. 1996. Dicionrio Etimolgico. Nova Froneira. Rio de Janeiro.
Delfitto, Denis & Jan Schroen. 1991. Bare Plurals and the Number Affix in DP.
Probus. 3. P. 155-85
Di Sciullo, Anna Maria and Edwin Williams. 1988. On the Definition of the Word.
MIT Press. Cambridge, Mass.
Donaldson, John W. I860. Varronianus. John W. Parker and Son. London.
Dubois, Jean; Mathe Giacomo; Louis Guespin; Christiane Marcellesi; Jean-Baptiste
Marcellesi & Jean Pierre Mevel. 1973. Dicionrio de Lingistica. Cultrix.
Sao Paulo.


CHAPTER 4
DERIVATION
There are aspects of Romance derivation and inflection that interface with
semantics in ways not previously considered. It is beyond the objective of this
investigation to present a thorough analysis of either derivation or inflection. Instead,
1 will present a study of one segment of the Portuguese lexicon, the suffix -ada act
of, event of, and suggest that the analysis adopted can be used as a framework for the
study of other affixes. I chose this suffix because it interfaces not only with inflection,
but also with gender. I argue that gender is a feature that has to be marked in the affix.
Sometimes gender is merely inflectional, but at other times, as in -ada, it is also
derivational.
4.1 Human Cloning Gender and Grammatical Gender
Before analyzing -ada, I will review the basic guidelines for the analysis of
gender inflection presented by Matoso (1974) for Portuguese.
Nouns with one gender only
(1) a. a rosa the-fem. rose
b. o planeta the-masc. planet
Nouns with two genders and no noun inflection
(2) o/a artista the artist
Nouns with two genders and noun inflection
(3) a. o/a mestr/e/a the master
b. o/a autor/a the author
45


33
3. 2 Historical Portuguese
Case agreement between noun and adjective disappeared during the evolution
of Latin into Portuguese, but gender and number agreement remained, a characteristic
of Romance. This fact may account for the considerable zero conversion that takes
place between noun and adjective. It is headship at the left that defines the noun in a
NP. If the NP is composed of two nouns, it is the leftward position that defines
headship. It is only through headship position that we can tell the difference between
nouns and adjectives in the DP below:
(6) a. [DP[N umprofessor Adj brasileiro]] a Brazilian professor
b.[DP[N um brasileiro Nprofessor]} a Brazilian, who is a professor
N+N
Two nouns morphologically independent in Latin, e.g., res publica thing
public, established the frame for N+N and N+Adj compounding in Romance.
(7) a. couve flor cauliflower
b. manga espada a type of mango with a shape that gives the impression of a
sword edge
c. banana maga, banana with a taste that reminds one of an apple
d. banana ouro small banana that when ripe the skin gets a golden color
e. rosa ch tea-rose.
f. mico ledo a small monkey whose thick golden face whiskers reminds one of
the face of a lion
The same structure is used for compounds borrowed from other languages
(8) a. guerra relmpago from German Blitzkrieg.
b. futevdlei from foot and volley, a mix of soccer and volleyball played with
the feet and head like soccer on a volleyball court at the beach.
N+Adj.
(9) a. obra-prima master work
b. parede mestra main wall


her joy of life, freedom of spirit and enterprise. Our friendship strengthened during these
years and we saw our children and Terrys grow fond of one another. To Elizabeth and
Terry, for their emotional and stimulating intellectual support, I also dedicate this
dissertation.
Being in a department with people with knowledge on many languages was not
always an easy task. 1 was fortunate to have Dr. Gary Miller as my supervisor. His
expertise in different languages such as Latin, Greek and their syntax makes him a unique
scholar that I look up to. Years from now, though, 1 am convinced that it is the person
and not the scholar that I will cherish in my memory. Dr. Millers belief in the potential
of his students and his commitment to develop such potential goes beyond his duties as a
professor. Anyone who works under his leadership certainly feels the same way. 1 extend
my gratitude to the other members of my committee, Dr. Wehmeyer, Dr. Ginway, Dr.
Yai, and Dr. Pharies.
When I first started my investigation on compounds I had the valuable input of a
co-worker, Deyse Dutra, who was also in the Linguistics Department. Together, we
presented a paper on compounds in the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and
Portuguese. The tables and data on Appositionals and Dvandvas and most of the
discussions on endocentric and exocentric compounds were based on our first findings.
Last but not least, I would like to thank Dr. Casagrande for his precious support
since I first arrived. It was both a pleasure and a learning experience to work at the
English Language Institute. Not only at the ELI but also as the former head of Linguistics
he guided me through the pitfalls of my masters and Ph.D. courses. Many times 1 went
to him for advice and counseling. And he was always there.


153
TOTAL REDUPLICATION
Names of animals and plants
l.N+N
1. Bin bin
Small fish
2. Mio-mio
Poisonous plant
3. Piri-piri
Aquatic plant
4. Tico-tico
Bird
5. Reco-reco
Musical instrument
6. Xique xique
Plant, name of a city
2. V+V
7. Dorme-donne
Poisonous snake
8. Quero-quero
Bird with long legs
2=Onomatopoeic
9. Bumbum
Noise
10. Coro-cor
Bird
11. Cri-cri
Cricket
12. Curu-cura
Rat
13. Fim-fim
Small insect
14. Fru-fru
Wind on silky skirts, leaves
15. Tati-bi-tate
Stuttering
16. Gag
Senile person
17. Hahaha
Laughter


89
CM
TARGET DOMAIN
0
If
Figure 8.1
Cognitive Model
Metaphors are part of our conceptual system and affect the way we perceive
things, how we get around in the world, and how we relate to other people. Metaphor
use in compounding suggests that not only pragmatic and sociolinguistic reasons,
such as socio-dialectal differences, but also extra-linguistic information have to be
considered in interpreting their meaning.
The examples below are metonymies for persons. They map the
characteristics of Maria and Joao (4) and cabra (5) into another, which is a person.
(4) a. Maria mijona Mary' pisser a cowardly person
b Joao ninguem John nobody
(5) a. O cabra the-masc.man
h. cabra-macho tough man
c. cabra da peste brave man
d. Urna cabrita a-fem. kid is by analogy, a young woman.
The influence of farm life in metaphorical language used in the Northeast of
Brazil is not restricted to the usage of cabra. A child can be a bichinho young
animal, somehow like a kid in English. It is common knowledge that animal and
farm metaphors are found in many other languages, although people from different
cultures attribute different qualities to animals. They map one container (Maria,
cabra) into the other (the person one wants to describe). In fact, cabra has a lexical


23
The examples given by Villalva cannot occur in post-head position in syntax. If we
interpret the constituents separately, both (12a) and (12b) become ungrammatical
These examples demonstrate the opposite of what Villalva claims. Insertion of an
element at the end is another syntactic test to distinguish a compound from a DP.
(12) a. A bomba-relgio do terrorista the time bomb of the terrorist
b.*a bomba relogio do terrorista the bomb watch of the terrorist
Lieber presents a similar argument for English when she says that nouns such as blue
in sky blue can only occur in pre-head position compounds.
(13) a. sky blue a type of color, blue like the sky
b. blue sky
c. azul piscina a type of blue like the blue of a swimming pool
d. piscina azul blue swimming pool
2.4 Head in Hybrid Compounds
The head of hybrid compounds is on the right. Villalva (1992: 203), analyzing
hybrid compounds in Portuguese, states that the position of plural suffixes provides
formal evidence for the identification of the head with the rightmost constituent.
(14) a tecnocracia technocracy
b. pirotecnia pyrotechny
In their analysis for Spanish, Rainer and Varela (1992:121) add that hybrids are
often analyzed in the literature as right-headed because they can be modified by an
Adj P, Adv P or PP, which is one of the most regular characteristics of compounding.
(15) a. cinejornal da tarde newsreel of the afternoon
b narcotrfico colombiano Colombian narcotraffic
Another argument is that once inserted in the lexicon, other words are formed by
derivation, such as
(16) a. narcotraficante narcotics dealer
b. paraquedista parachutist


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
1 often think of my dissertation as a learning tool. The feedback that I have
received from my committee, the research I conducted, and the contacts with professors I
established here and in Brazil were priceless accomplishments that opened up new
opportunities and broadened my horizons. I see each chapter of this investigation as the
base for future research. 1 can hardly wait to start it. Needless to say, 1 did not do this
alone.
Six years have passed since my son Thomas Almeida and I left Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil. During most of these six years we were both students at the University of Florida,
sharing our fears, difficulties, accomplishments, and success. Many aspects of our
accademic lives were similar and yet, apart, since a considerable age gap separates us.
Our roles as parent and child were long ago defined by our age difference, respect and
other moral attributes, but that did not stop me from learning from my son an incredible
array of information, ranging from the use of computer programs to the latest CD hits. I
was truly blessed to have such a young master. He was zealous and considerate. He
contributed to my change to the person I am today-more capable intellectually and a
better professional. To him, I dedicate this dissertation.
Thomas and I were lucky to have our home away from home in Elizabeth and
Terrys. The path of our lives had crossed in the past many times in Brazil and in the
States. I have always admired and respected my friend Dr. Elizabeth Lowe McCoy for


COMPOUND WORDS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE
By
MARTA REIS ALMEIDA
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1999


16th century compounds
COMPOUND
LEX.-SYNT. CATEG. TRANSLATION
(as) sem razoes
P+N
No reason
Alm Tejo
P+N
Beyond the Tagus
Antemao
P+N
Before hand
Ave-marias
INTERJ+N
Hail Mary
Conde-prior
N+Adj
Count prime
Cristao novo
N+Adj
New Christian
El-rei
Art+N
The King
Gentil-homem
Adj+N
Kind man
Guarda-porta
V+N
Door keeper
Guarda-roupa
V+N
Wardrobe
Juiz de fora
N+P+N
Judge of another place
Mal sentida
Adv+N
Poorly appreciated
Maldisposta
Adv+N
Feeling sick
Manjar branco
N+Adj
A pudding
Montemor o Velho
N+Art+Adj
Montemor the Elderly
Mordomo mor
N+Adi
First Butler
Pela pequea
N+Adi
Small ball (ball game)
Porlongas
P+N
Without any further comment
Refina bigodes
V+N
A refined person
Roda viva
N+Adj
The wheel of life
Moto continuo
N+adj
The wheel of life
Servidor da toalba
N+P+N
Towel servant
Criado de mesa
N+P+N
Table servant
Sobrescrito
P+N
Written over
Vice-rei
N+N
Vice roy


6
b. Ele um desmancha-festas desagradvel he is a nasty party pooper
c. *Ele desmancha festas desagradvel he poops nasty-sing agr. parties
Nouns and compound nouns present some differences:
(lc) is ungrammatical because crnico is understood as a modifier of problema,
which is a N by itself and not part of the compound.
(2b) is ungrammatical because the PP as vitimas cannot be a complement for the
compound. It does not make sense. In (2c) we no longer have a compound.
Pronto socorro is understood as immediate help and therefore accepts the PP
complement.2
Comparing (3a) and (3b) we see that desmancha-festas is frozen as a noun. When
the compound is broken, the VP does not accept an adjective outside the VP. It
violates well-formedness.
We are now in a position to make two important generalizations: (i) the
syntactic order is exactly the same in compounds and NPs; (ii) once compounded the
constituents cannot be dissociated. The examples above also suggest some differences
between NPs and compounds. Both the compound and NP adolescente problema
categorize a type of adolescent and pronto socorro a kind of help, but as compounds,
adjectives cannot refer to a noun inside the compound.
Based on the initial generalizations described above, I will now establish the
criteria to distinguish between NPs and compounds below. Following Sandmann
2 See Giorgi & Longobardi (1991:122); Cinque, 1994. Adjectival modifiers predicate a quality of the
head noun without denoting an object in the world, and function as an argument of the head. On the
right they can have a restrictive or appositive meaning, such as socorro pronto, but on the left they are
only appositive. They occupy Spec position. Socorro brasileiro help Brazilian differs from
*brasileiro socorro, where brasileiro is referential and can only be placed at the left side.


108
extends the idea of basic level of social interaction posited by Rosch and Lloyd by
establishing at the most basic level such actions as running, walking, and eating, as
well as properties of objects such as tall, short, hard, soft, heavy, light, hot, cold, and
the like. These are similar to the adjective categories that I found in my research.
The other important concept, prototype, can be understood as a reference in
the categorization system. We categorize objects according to an inherent idea or
prototype we carry. An object is more or less prototypical of a certain category if it
does or not share common features with the prototype.
One object, namely our body, stands out in this system as our continuing
source of world perception. Johnson (1987) captured this notion when he compared
the way we experience our bodies to a container schema. The body as a container
metaphor is experienced as something with interior and exterior boundaries. We
breathe in and out of this container, take in food, and excrete. We can say that there is
a bodily basis that structures our experience. Other concepts may impose further
structuring on what we experience, building up a network whose nodes may function
alone or as part of the whole system.
Lakoff (1990) describes other schemas associated with the body, such as
part/whole and center/periphery. They are apprehended as gestalts and translating
them into words requires a visual description of some sort. Visual descriptions are
necessary since we create the world through our concepts and perceptions. Schemas
structure not only our thoughts but also our everyday functioning.


308.
Servido a domicilio
Home delivery
109.
Teia de aranha
Spider web
110.
Tiro ao alvo
Target shot
Ill.
Torre de Babel
Tower of Babe!
112.
Virado ao avesso
Inside out
113.
Virado pauli sta
A dish from Sao Paulo
114.
Veado do campo
A type of deer
3. P+N
115.
A3m fronteira
Beyond the border
116.
Alm mar
Beyond the sea
117.
Co-autor
Co author
118.
Contra-almirante
Rear admiral
119.
Contra-mao
Wrong way
120.
Ex-marido
Ex husband
121.
Ex-presidente
Former president
122.
Preamar
High tide
4. Prefix+ N
123.
Anti-cotidiano
Non-everyday event
124.
Anti-derrapante
Anti-slip material
125.
Auto-ajuda
Self-help
126.
Auto-destruido
Self-destruction
127.
Auto-adesivo
Self-adhesive
128.
Autobiografa
Autobiography
129.
Auto-enderecado
Self-addressed
130.
Auto-estima
Self-esteem
131.
Granfina
Snobbish
132.
Nao-alinhamento
Non-alignment
133.
Nao-produtivo
Non-productive
134.
Nao-combatente
Non-combatant
135.
No-observncia
Non-observance
136.
Semi-rida
Semi-arid
137.
Ultrajar
Ultralar, Name of a store
138.
Ultra-radical
Ultra-radical
139.
Ultra religiosa
Super religious


32
(5) pv.hu + are pulse -> pro : pulsare- pulsar to pulse propulsare-propulsor +
o propulse+ ion propulsao propulsion
Should a noun-to-verb conversion take place before ao is attached? Can do
attach straight to puls and still carry the event argument of the verb? If the answer
to either of these questions is yes, then we have a violation of the level ordering
because do is a suffix that implies a verb nominalization. Under the framework of
lexical phonology, these questions are not clearly addressed.
3.1.2 Syntactic Framework
The Lexicalist view was rejected by Lieber (1992:79). Liebers proposal,
which I adopt for Portuguese, argues that affixes and free morphemes alike have
lexical entries that indicate their syntactic, semantic, and phonological representation.
Affixes contain a subcategorization frame indicating the environment in which they
can be inserted into word structure trees. By Feature Percolation Convention the
features of the head in the derivation (right side for Romance) percolate to the first
non-branching node that dominates it.
Propulsao propulsion
Propulsare (Latin) propulsar (Port.)
Propulsar (V) + ao (N) propulsao (N)
Syntactic Representation of Derivation


63
(a)
(b)
[e] NP
A
por j\^
N PP
P DP
de / \
o NP
de / \
[ ] NP
sol
sol
Figure 6.1
Syntactic Representation
6.1.1 Feature Percolation
The head features percolate up, determining the lexical-syntactic category of
the compound:
(4) a. [N + N] (o/a) adolescente-problema problem-adolescent5
b. [N + P + N] carne de sol sun-dried meat.
Scalise (1992) reminds us that this is not the only basis for determining the
head of the compound. Grammatical and human cloning genders in Romance also
identify the head. The left constituent of (4a) [+/- mase.], [+ animate] means the
gender of the compound is masculine, given by the head, which is the leftmost
element. We can say the same about carne de sol. In the latter, adding to Scalises
observation about gender, the head also inherits the uncountable meaning feature of
carne when used as a mass noun, in fact, what Scalise proposes for head
identification confirms that nouns have access to FP. This is my argument for
compounds in Romance.


67
6.2.1.2 N+N (subordinate relationship)
N+ restrictive clause (gender is given by the head)
(10) a. adolescente problema adolescente QUE E problema problem adolescent
b. piloto-rob robot pilot
c. livro- depoimento testimonial book
d. questao chave key question
e. cidade fantasma ghost town
Zwanemburg (1992:221) suggests that this QUE type has the same syntactic
structure as im avocat ami, in French, um advogado amigo a lawyer friend. This
phrase, like the compounds, has the head at the left.
N+N with empty prepositions
The N+N below have the kinds of relationship established by the prepositions
de of and para for. However, there is no overt preposition linking the constituents
(Compare with those in 6.2.4 that have a preposition). The preposition de can be
looked at as an empty affix that joins constituents bearing the relationship of
possession:
(11) a. trem-fantasma trem DO fantasma ghost train
b. mestre escola mestre DA escola, schoolmaster
Others have a benefactive reading with PARA for:
(12) a. salrio-famlia salrio-CPARA) familia family salary
b. bolsa-escola bolsa-(PARA) escola, school grant
Notice that the same noun fantasma produces different readings in the sentences
below. The first two are the QUE type and the third, possession:
(13) a. cidade-fantasma ghost town
b. eleitores-fantasma ghost-votersvotes that are counted in fraudulent
elections for voters that do not exist
c. trem-fantasma ghost train


70
at least not yet. Although auto has the characteristics of a prefix because it gets
destressed when attached to nouns, adjectives and verbs, and does not percolate any
features like nouns, it also shows syntactic characteristics because it works as the
theme role of the verb. It precedes nominalizations, but seldom the verbs themselves
since the two affixes se, si mesmo are the reflexive verb forms for Portuguese (lauto-
admirar-se, ?auto-ajudar-se would be redundant). Sproat (85:297-301) defines auto
in English as anaphoric as in he is a self-admirer. When he looks at nominalizations
of the type exemplified below he concludes that the external 0 role is not discharged
and therefore these examples are not necessarily syntactically anaphoric.
(18) a.[ajudar] v ajuda n -> auto-ajuda self-help
b.[estimar] v estima auto-estima self-esteem
c. auto-biografia autobiography
d. auto-destruicao self destruction
e. auto-adesivo stickers.
(19) a. A auto-estima urna excelente qualidade. Self-esteem is an excellent quality
b. Tenho auto-adesivos no meu carro I have self-adhesives in my car
When a suffix with an agentive role (-ivo,-ente) attaches to verbs, auto
becomes anaphoric to the agentive, which in turn is anaphoric to a noun as in:
(20) a. O escorpioi (auto)\-destrutivo\j The scorpion is self-destructive.
The external role is discharged in the agentive suffix, but auto remains the internal
role, as in the previous examples.
nao
Nao is used as a prefix to nominalizations. Nao is an adverb of negation and
its scope is a verb. In nominalizations, such as the ones below, the scope is nouns
derived from verbs. This word formation is often used in formal language, such as the
drafting of rules and policies, as the words below in (21) and (22) show.


21
The compound above is the final result of a process of change that Leech
(1974) describes as petrification. He distinguishes two steps in its formation. The first
is solidification, a consequence of use, and the second, shrinkage, which means to
acquire a more restricted meaning than the endocentric that generated it.
2.3 Identifying the Syntactic Head
The concept of a grammatical head in derivations can be extended to
compounds. Zwicky (1985) reminds us that the grammatical head is also the element
marked for gender and/or number, that is, the morphosyntactic locus. In derivation,
by means of percolation, the category of a construct and the category of its head are
identical and so are their morphosyntactic features, such as gender and number.! We
can posit the same for compounds. Consider the following examples in English and
Portuguese
(6) a. happy Adj+ ness N-> happiness N
b. DP [DP [N maple] [ N leaves]]
c. DP[DP [N baby teeth]]
N+N
(7) a. livro-depoimento testimony book livros-depoimento
b.garota/o-propaganda advertising modelgarotas/os-propaganda
c. caixa dgua water tank caixas d'gua
Appositionals (having two heads, receive plural in both):
(8) a. ator-encenador actor-producer-> alores-encenadores
1 The rules for number inflection in Portuguese are (a) add -s to words ending in a vowel or nasalized
/a/ a e.g. casas houses; (b) if the word ends in /ml, change Iml to /n/ and add -s, e. g. som sound
sons; (c) add -es to words ending in /r/, Izl, or tsl, e.g., professores teachers; (d) if a word ends in /!/,
drop the 1 and add -is, eis e.g. azul blue azuis, difcil difficult dificeis; (e) if the word ends in /ao/,
the plural is either -s maos hand maos, or -aes e g.caes dogs, or -oes botoes buttons.


BODY FART COMPOUNDS
Cabeca
Literal
Translation
Meaning
1 .cabera chata
head flat
Bom in the Northeast
2.cabega de vento
head of wind
Absent minded person
3. cabeca dura
head hard
Hard headed person
4.cabega inchada
head swollen
Annoyed person
5. cabeca fria
head cold
Cold person
6. cabera quente
head hot
Quick tempered
person
T.cabepa tonta
head dizzy
Confused person
8. cabeca de negro
head of negro
Type of firecracker
9.cabera de bagre
head of fish
Someone v/ho is
stupid
10.cabera oca
head hollow
Someone who is
immature
11. cabeca de
head of Saint
Someone whom you
Santo Onofre
Onofre
cannot trust
12..cabeca de
porco
head of pig
Shack
Miolo
LT
M
l.miolo mole
brain soft
Someone who is crazy j
Orelha j LT
M
l.oreiha de burro j ear of donkey
orelha de abano
Dog ear
ervo
LT
M
1 .ervos de ac
nerves of steel
Nerves of steel


38
and FPs as today. The major noticeable changes are semantic. Some words (signaled
by an asterisk *) are no longer used, but the syntactic structure has been preserved
exactly the same. On the other hand, manjar branco, cristdo novo, and guarda-roupas
are compounds still in use.
3,4, The Lexicon
One of the basic assumptions in word formation is the existence of a lexicon.
Most lay people do not possess extensive knowledge of languages other than their
own, so it is reasonable to suppose that they carry some knowledge of roots, stems,
and affixes without taking their origin into account. As stated at the beginning of the
chapter, a lexicon is composed of roots (word stems and affixes) and words. Since the
lexicon is our personal knowledge and regular source for compounds and derivation,
it seems logical that dictionaries should somehow reflect in written form the abstract
concept of the lexicon of a given language. Dictionaries should provide consistent
information about affixes and word stems. The lexical entries of amvel amiable
andpassvel acceptable (Pequeo Dicionrio da Lingua Portuguesa. 1991) come
from different sources:
(18) a. amvel ->from Latin amabile
b. passvel adjective formed by passar + vel
although both adjectives derive from verbs, only the first is given a historical origin
(Hollanda, 1991): amvel from Latin amabile
Based on the historic evolution of Portuguese, we can say that:
amabile
amabil (loss of last vowel)
amabel (change of III to a lower front vowel Id due to assimilation to /a/)
amvel ( change from a bilabial obstruent Ibl to a dental labial fricative /v/.


19
category), whereas for both elements of dvandvas, and also appositionals maintain
independent word stress, as in:
(1) a. qurto e sla room and living room, efficiency apartment
b. adolescente problema problem adolescent
c. bba-de-mga a kind of syrup that goes on top of cakes
In other words, stress is assigned to compounds, following the same regular stress
rules of the language. However, Rainer and Varela (1992:124), R&V hereafter,
remind us that in Spanish, frequently used highly lexicalized words are often treated
as monomorphemic. The same holds for Portuguese. They become de-stressed in
the sense that only the second word gets stress. Consider the pronunciation of
(2) a. sem trra /seintxa/ landless
b. cinejornl /sinijoxnu/ cine journal
Stress, in Portuguese, then follows the regular stress rules of the language and
it is not a reliable criterion to identify compounds because it doesnt enable the
speaker to distinguish them from other DPs.
2. In English the elements of compounds appear in a different order from that
of a phrase. So, DP[DP [N truck driver]] is a compound and DP[ DP [N driver PP of
trucks]] is a DP. In fact, compounding in English can be defined as a purely lexical
process. In Portuguese, N word order is one and the same for both Ns and
compounds. Consider the examples in (3) below:
(3) a. [DP [N copo de leite] a flower whose shape is similar to a white glass; a type
of lily
b. [DP [N copo PP de leite ]] glass of milk
(4) a. [DP [N p de pato]] flippers
b. [DP[N p PP de pato] ducks feet


143
262.
Cabide ambulante
A very thin person
263.
Caf pequeo
A person of little importance
264.
Caradura
Poker-face
265.
Casca grossa
Unpolished person
266.
Conversa fiada
Liar
267.
Conversa mole
Small talk
268.
Figura difcil
Someone who is hard to find
269.
Fio dental
Small bikini (dental floss)
270.
Fogo cerrado
Trouble
271.
Frente nica
Blouse with an open back
272.
Galinha mora
A person who does not react to an offense
273.
Joao Ningum
A nobody
274.
Linha dura
A person self run by a strict code
275.
Manjar branco
A pudding made of coconut milk
276.
Mara Mijona
A cowardly person
277.
Mesa redonda
Round table, a get together
278.
Mosca branca
Someone whos hard to find
279.
Pao duro
A stingy person
280.
Sal amargo
Medicine for upset stomach
281.
Vacas magras
Time of depression
282.
Viva negra
Black widow spider
4. Numeral + N
283.
Meia porcao
Small portion, small person
284.
Meio metro
Half meter, small person
285.
Meio quilo
Half kilo, a small person
286.
Mil folhas
Thousand leaves, a sweet pastry with chocolate
287.
Tres Marias
Name of a Southern constellation
288.
Zero quilmetro
New brand
5. Adj + N
289. Alto astral
Lucky period
290. Baixo astral
Bad mood
291. Boa gente
Good guy


CHAPTER 8
EXOCENTRIC COMPOUNDS
Exocentric compounds do not have a visible head. They are composed of the
same lexico-syntactic categories as endocentric, but it is more difficult to predict the
relationship between the underlying constituents and the empty head. The nature of
their lexical conient is metaphoric; they can only be interpreted in ihe framework of
shared ontological and contextual assumptions that, most of the time, are language
specific.
The principle suggested by Jackendoff (Chapter 1) to explain the metonymic
use of ham sandwich in the ham sandwich over in the comer wants some more
coffee can be extended to most exocentric compounds.
an NP that normally denotes X to denote an individual.
Following this principle, exocentric compounds are lexical items that freeze the
output of this principle. Although the ham sandwich is not intended to be a
compound, it has the same syntactic representation, [Det e NP], Jackendoff
(1995:242) suggests that ham sandwich functions as a head adjunct. So, adjunct
rules like lexical rules add argument positions to lexical items. Therefore, one way of
looking at exocentrics is to see them as a complement to a null head.
Both endo- and exocentric compounds are generated by the same productive
rules of the system and may have the same structural form. Consider the examples
below:
85


113
Basic logic: The schema is asymmetric. 'The head is part of the body, but the body is
not part of the head.
Table 9.5
Cabeca Metonymy
Cabega
Literal
Translation
Meaning
i.cabega chata
head flattened
Bom in the Northeast
2.cabega de vento
head of wind
Absent-minded person
3.cabega dura
head hard
Hard-headed person
4. cabeca inchada
head swollen
Annoyed person
5.cabega tria
head cold
Cool-headed person
6. cabega quente
head hot
Quick tempered
person
7.cabega tonta
head dizzv
Confused person
S.cabega de negro
head of negro
Type of firecracker
9.cabega de bagre
head of fish
Someone who is
stupid
10.cabega oca
head hollow
Someone who is
immature
11. cabega de Santo
head of Saint
Someone whom you
Onofre
Onofre
cannot trust
12. cabega de porco
head of pig
Small house in a
tenement with poor
hygienic facilities
13. cabega feita
head done
Mind made up
9.7.4,1 Cabeca Analysis:
N+PP compounds are examples cabega de vento, cabega de bagre, cabega de
Sanio Onofre. The internal relationship of cabega de vento is head made of wind,
which is metaphorical in the sense that the wind will blow away the thoughts, leaving
the head empty. In cabega de bagre the schema to interpret the metaphors is size. A
small fish has a small head and a little brain. Mapping of wind into the head empties
the head.


56
Diphthong Formation [e, o] unstressed become semi-vowels [i, u] and form a
diphthong with the adjacent vowel
(3) cinco-anista sin-kua-nis-ta
(4) teleanncio -$ telianncio
Haplology (when two syllables are the same, one disappears to avoid repetition)
(5) a. Brizola+lndia-} Brizolalndia>Brizolndia Brizla land
b. dedodurar dedudurar ->dedurar a snitch- to denounce
c. Louca Academia loucaacademia -^loucacademia loucademm police
academy.
5.2 Reduplication as Word Formation
Reduplication is a type of word formation where the elements of the base are
totally or partially copied. Both onomatopoeia and verb reduplication belong in
morphology. Moravcsik (1976) describes how language utilizes reduplication for
semantic purposes. Syllables are reduplicated to form onomatopoeia whose meaning
shows intensification, repetition, or excess. (A list of reduplications is given in the
Appendix.)
(6) a. bum bum noise
b.frufru noise of dresses made of silk
c. gag too senile to utter words properly.
Another form of reduplication consists of verbs that become nouns. These
reduplications present the same semantic and syntactic characteristics:
the verb is in 3rd sing, person of present tense;
when compounded there is a change in lexico-syntactic category and the
reduplication becomes a noun;
semantically, it is an event composed of smaller instantiations, that is repetition of
the same verb action;


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Taking into account the similarities between Portuguese and other Romance
languages, I propose to study compounds in Portuguese as a unified phenomenon,
accounting for the following facts:
The output of compounding in Portuguese is always a noun or an adjective at Xo
level;
Compounds and Determiner Phrases (DPs) always have the same syntactic order;
Compounds, as DPs, will always have a head, be it visible or not;
Compound formation is sensitive to syntactic operations;
According to the head parameter for Romance, complements will be to the right
of the head;
In Portuguese, the lexical-syntactic categories (N, V, Adj, P, and Adv)
combine to form nouns. Once the nouns are compounded, affixes, both derivational
and inflectional, can be applied to them. Like nouns, compounds are inserted in a
Determiner Phrase (DP), where number and gender features are checked.
It is a well-known fact that there is no structural difference between phrases
and compounds in Romance, that is, both have the same word order. Miller (1993)
claims that compounds in English are Lexical Phrases (LPs) without Functional
Phrases (FPs). As mentioned before, compounds are words at Xo level category.
Derivation, where affixes attach to roots, is another way of forming words. There are
obvious similarities between these two types of word formation, in the sense that
suffixes attach to nouns to form another noun or verb. This fact has led linguists such
as Di Sciullo and Williams (1988) and Villalva (1992) to suggest that a theory of LP
1


CHAPTER 5
THE ROLE OF PHONOLOGY, MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX IN
COMPOUNDS FORMED BY REDUPLICATION
The contribution of phonology to noun compounds is more restricted than
morphology or syntax. One type of reduplication in Portuguese is composed of a
prosodic word with iambic stress, which is part of prosodic morphology (McCarthy
and Prince, 1990). The other two types of reduplication follow morphological rules.
The word functions like an affix that is reduplicated. In both types, there is
intensification of meaning. In this chapter, I show how some phonological rules
operate in derivation and compounding, eliminating syllables and transforming two
words into one. Next, I look at reduplication. Although small in number, nouns
formed by reduplication are extremely productive in the sense that they are part of the
everyday spoken vocabulary and are often mentioned in the media.
5,1 Phonological Changes
In the lexical entries of affixes there should be information about phonological
changes, including suprasegmental ones. Other possible phonological changes
include:
Apocope (last vowel of the stem truncates when a suffix is added)
(1) gar oto- ada gar otada
Vowel Unification (vowel is the same, syllables unstressed, one vowel drops)
(2) a. arqui- imperialista arq tamper ¡alista
b. contra^ almirante contra-almirante /kotralmirantji/
55


161
Parodi, Claudia. 1994. On Case and Agreement on Spanish and English DPs. In
F. Nuessel (Ed. ) issues in Phonology and Morphology. IULC, Bloomington.
P. 14-27.
Penny, Ralph. 1993. Gramtica Histrica Dei Espaol. Editorial Ariel, S.A.
Barcelona, Spain
Praia, Mario. 1996. Mas Ser O Benedito? Dicionrio de Provrbios. Expressoes. e
Ditos Populares. Edi?oes O Globo. Sao Paulo.
Raposo, Eduardo. 1992. Teora da Gramtica. A Faculdade da Linguagem.
Caminho Editora. Lisboa, Portugal.
. 1986. On the Null Subject in European Portuguese. In O. Jaeggli & C. Silva-
Corvalan Eds.). Studies in Romance Linguistics. P. 373-391. Foris,
Dordrecht.
Rainer Franz & Soledad Varela. 1992. Compounding in Spanish, in Rivista di
Lingistica. 4,1. P.117-42.
Richards, Jack; John Platt & Heidi Weber. 1987. Longman Dictionary of Applied
Linguistics. Longman. London.
Rizzi, 1986. Null Objects in Italian and the Theory of pro. Linguistic Inquiry'. 17.
P. 501-57.
Roeper, Thomas and Muffy E.A. Siegel. 1978. A Lexical Transformation for Verbal
Compounds. Linguistic Inquiry. 9. P. 197-260.
Rosch, E. & Barbara Lloyd. 1976. Cognition and Categorization. Lawrence Erlbaum.
Hillsdale, N.J.
Ryder, Mary Ellen. 1994. Ordered Chaos. University of California Press.
Berkeley.
Sandmann, Antonio Jos, 1989. Formacao de Palavras. Editora da Universidade
Federal do Parana. Parana, Brasil.
. 1990. O que um Composto. In D.E.L.T.A. .6 (1).
P. 1-18
. 1991. Competencia Lexical. Editora da da Universidade Federal do Parana.
Parana, Brasil


144
292.
Boa pinta
Beautiful person
293.
Boa praqa
Affable person
294.
Boa vida
A person who enjoys life, doesnt work much
295.
Curta metragem
A short movie
296.
Jovem guarda
Young group, vanguard
297.
Longa metragem
Full length movie
298.
Mau carter
A bad character
299.
Pouca telha
A bald person
300.
Puro sangue
Thorough bred
301.
Santo remdio
Healing medicine
302.
Velha guarda
Old guard
303.
Verdes anos
Age of innocence
304.
Novos Baianos
A group of singers from Bahia
6. Phrasal
305.
Conversa pra boi dormir
Talk that nobody believes
306.
Deus nos acuda
Hectic situation
307.
Devagar quase parando
A person who moves slowly
308.
Em ponto de bala
Ready to take action
309.
Mana vai com as outras
A person who is easily led by the others
310.
Nao anda nem desanda
Someone who is stuck
311.
Pau pra toda obra
Someone who does everything well
312.
S pele e osso
A person who is just skin and bones
313.
Tomara que caia
A strapless shirt, top,dress
314.
Zero a esquerda
Something or someone nobody considers
DVANDVA
315.
Adiados e perdidos
Lost and found
316.
Altos e baixos
Highs and lows
317.
Argentina Brasil
Brazil Argentina
318.
Assim e assado
This and that
319.
Come e dorme
A person who doesnt work
320.
Comes e bebes
Plors doeuves event with food served


prefixes present obvious similarities. They neither change the meaning of the noun
nor the syntactic category. They are not heads like suffixes.
69
(15) a. [P+[N]]=N
[co(m)+ (o) autor]= co-autor co-author
b.
[contra + almirante] = contra-almirante rear admiral
(16) a.[Pref+[N]]=N
[auto+adesivo] = auto adesivo self-sticky
b.
[anti-cotidiano] anti-cotidiano non daily
The exocentric compounds, though seem to behave differently and are
sensitive to syntactic operations as the diagrams show. Rather than incorporate they
become a PP modifying an empty noun.
(a)
(b)
NP
DP
/ \
/ \
N PP
D NP
- B
o
11 o
os / \
N PP
\__autor
leV\
VT
sem N
V terra
Figure 6.3
Syntactic Representation
6.2.3 Prefix +N
auto
One productive prefix not only in Portuguese but also in other Indo-European
languages is auto self. In automvel automobile the prefix became a lexical entry
with the meaning of car and gave origin to several compounds such as
(17) a. auto estrada auto road
b auto escola drivers school
c. autopegas auto parts
These words seem to be interpreted as the Greek root + word type, because
there is no record of carro-escola car school or caminhdo estrada truck road,


.Ai'i 7


36
firmly established. According to Camara (1972:11), it was during the sixteenth
century that the linguistic norms were organized in a disciplined way, giving rise to
the first grammars.
3.3 Old Portuguese Compounds
It is not in Latin but in old Portuguese texts that we will find the matrix for
some of the compounds we use today. By the sixteenth century, the SVO order had
been defined. FPs became the head of DPs because definite and indefinite articles
were being used. Many new expressions were in the process of being petrified and
solidified (Leech, 1974) to become compounds.
Table 3.1
Compounds in Old Portuguese
Lexical/Syntactic Cat.
Old Portuguese
*Casa da suplicagao house of
N+P+N
begging; servidor da toalha towel
servant
V+N
Um refina-bigodes a roll-mustache
*Guarda-porta door keeper
Guarda roupa room beside the
Bedroom where clothes were kept
N+Adj
Mor domo mof first butler
Pela pequea small hall-game
Camareiros mores first
chambermaid
Roda viva living wheel- the wheel of
fortune
Moto continuo continuous
movement
Cristao novo new Christian
Manjar bronco white pudding
Adj+N
Gentil homem kind man
Adv+N
*Mal sentida poorly appreciated
Mal disposta poor disposition-sick
Prefix + N
Vice-rei viceroy
P+N
*As sem-razdes the no-reasons
Antemao before
*porlongas for lengths
sobrescrito postscript


137
68. Agua de colonia
Cologne
69. Alma dos negocios
Soul of business
70. Ama de leite
Wet nurse
71. Amigo da onqa
Disloyal friend
72. Anjo da guarda
Guardian angel
73. Arrimo de familia
Family support
74. Balo de oxigonio
Oxygen tank
75. Balde de gua fra
Bucket of cold water
76. Banca de jornal
Newspaper stand
77. anho de sangue
Blood bath
78. Batismo de fogo
Baptism by fire
79. Bicho de p
Name of a fungus that attacks the foot
80. Boi de piranha
Ox sacrificed to the piraa
81. Briga de foice
Scythe fight
82. Cabeea de rea
Center head (soccer game)
83. Caixa dgua
Water tank
84. Caixa de depsito
Deposit box
85. Caldo de came
Meat broth
86. Caldo de feijao
Bean broth
87. Camisa de forqa
Strait jacket
88. Carne de sol
Sun dried meat
89. Cavalo de batalha
War horse
90. Certificado de quaiidade
Quality certificate
91. Dona de casa
Housewife
92. Educacao distancia
Distance learning
93. Estado de sitio
State of siege
94. Filhinho-de-papai
Daddys boy
95. Homem de apo
Man of action
96. Le da bala
Gun law
97. Mo de obra
Skilled work
98. Menino de ra
Street child
99. Mestre de cerimnia
Master of ceremony
100. Mestre de obras
Foreman
101. N orne de guerra
Nickname
102. Oficial de justiqa
Law officer
103. Ordena do dia
Order of the day
104. Pomo de Ado
Adams apple
105. Pona de lanca
Right/left wing (soccer)
106. Por do sol
Sunset
107. Posto de abastecimento
Gas station


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As suggested above, all these compounds have a head whether it is visible or
not. The FPs define gender and number. Some body-part compounds have visible
heads, while some have both visible and invisible heads due to polysemy. In the next
section their semantic content will be analyzed (to keep it simpler, I do not specify the
FP)
9.7 Cognitive Semantics
Considerable information has been presented to describe the formal structure
of the compounds, but little has been said about their meaning and interpretation. In
this section I will look at a comprehensive theory of meaning provided by Cognitive
Semantics as well as principles such as categorization, prototype, imagery, and
schema.
It is not my intent to undertake a critical evaluation of the concepts in
Cognitive Semantics. On the contrary, this analysis is exploratory in nature. I want to
see how useful and effective these concepts are when applied to the present data of
body part compounds. Especially relevant to this investigation is the study of
metaphors undertaken by Lakoff and Johnson (1988) and expanded in Lakoff (1990).
Lakoff identifies the following components in his metaphor model:
body experienced we are a whole with parts
* structural elements da whole, parts and configuration
basic logic d asymmetric relation given by if A is part of B, then B is not part of
A
My hypothesis is that the same model can be applied to the parts of the body
compounds based on the following assumptions:
* They are all examples of metonymy. Each part of the body has a specific function,
such as we think with our heads and walk with our feet and yet the body parts
are also perceived as bodily functions.


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individual semantic meaning, becoming a compound, as with velha guarda, old guard
a group of influential older people. It is this degree of higher cohesion that sets
them apart from their mirror formations. They seem to obey a scale where some can
go both ways, such as livre docente and docente livre, while others acquire a different
meaning when the adjective is positioned to the left of the noun. Lamarche
(1991:225), following Beard (1991), says that the interpretation of these adjectives
has a narrow scope reading. It relates to a specific aspect of meaning of the noun it
modifies, rather than to the whole noun. Modification is internal to the noun and the
whole noun is interpreted as one semantic unit.
(38) a. Bom/a as in bom tom good manners, boapraqa good guy
b. mau/ as in mau carter bad character, m f bad faith
(39) a. Longo/a curt/a as in longa data Tong time
b.pro longa/curta metragem full length movie, short movie(these exocentric
compounds will be explained in the next chapter).
(40) a. Pequeno/a as in pequea empresasmall enterprise, pequeo burgus petit
bourgeois
Adv. + Adj. (participial) behave in a similar syntactic way and are quite
productive. As the head, the adjective gives the compound its lexico-syntactic
category.
(41) a. Bem/mal as in bem-criado well bred, bem-educado well mannered, and
their opposites mal-criado, mal-educado.