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"A peculiar breed of whites"

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Title:
"A peculiar breed of whites" race, culture, and identity in the Creek Confederacy
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Frank, Andrew Kevin, 1970-
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English
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viii, 325 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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African American culture ( jstor )
African Americans ( jstor )
Cultural identity ( jstor )
Indian culture ( jstor )
Native Americans ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
Treaties ( jstor )
United States history ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
White people ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- History -- UF ( lcsh )
History thesis, Ph.D ( lcsh )
City of Pensacola ( local )
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non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 1998.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 268-324).
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Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Andrew Kevin Frank.

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"A PECULIAR BREED OF WHITES":
RACE, CULTURE AND IDENTITY IN THE CREEK CONFEDERACY















By

ANDREW KEVIN FRANK
















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1998




























Copyright 1998

by

Andrew Kevin Frank













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS



Just before I entered the University of Florida, a young historian warned me that graduate school was an isolating and lonely experience. I have not found this to be the case. In the six years since I received this warning, I have found countless people who have offered a wide range of support. My debts are many and my complaints are few.

My academic debts begin with an extremely supportive committee. First on this list is Bertram Wyatt-Brown. As an advisor and friend, he has always encouraged me to follow my interests even when they deviated from his own. His intellectual support, fortunate recruiting of a particular UMass graduate, and generous use of the Milbauer fund have made my time in Gainesville rewarding on every level. One man, however, does not make a committee. Without the prodding of John Moore, I would still be studying Bacon's Rebellion. My interest in the Creek Indians and Indian countrymen began during a routine office visit, turned into a semester project, and then became somewhat more consuming. Since then, our conversations and his advice have been invaluable. Louise Newman, Thomas Gallant, and Jeffrey Adler have each forced me to think about my own questions, assumptions, and conclusions. They have pushed me when I needed it, and pushed me harder when I did not think I needed it. Finally, I own special thanks to Anita and Darrett Rutman. I consider myself lucky for having known them and learned from them.

Over the past few years, several scholars have critiqued chapter drafts and have talked me through my ideas. At conferences, seminars, and coffee shops, these fellow historians have taken the isolation out of academics. My thanks extend to Edward Ayers, Steven Bullock, Augustus Bums, Glenn Crothers, Stan Deaton, Michael Green, Marcus








Harvey, Chris Koehler, Gary Kroll, Andy Moore, Jason Parker, Theda Perdue, Daniel Usner, and Frankie White. My work has benefited from their insights. I would also like to thank David Hackett Fischer and Philip Ethington for encouraging my interest in history while it was still in its infancy.

I am also grateful to the staffs at the Alabama Department of Archives and History, the Georgia Department of Archives and History, the Georgia Historical Society, the Huntington Library, the Library of Congress, the Southern Baptist Historical Library, the Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the University of Georgia, and, of course, the P. K. Yonge Library at the University of Florida. In addition, Betty Corwine, Barbara Guyann, Linda Opper, and Kimberly Yokum--the office staff in the UF Department of History--deserve special thanks.

The dissertation would not have been possible without the financial support from various organizations. My graduate work has been supported by a Phillips Grant for Native American History from American Philosophical Society, a Michael J. Kraus Grant from the American Historical Association, a Mayers Fellowship from the Huntington Library, a McLaughiin Dissertation Fellowship from the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at the University of Florida, an American History Scholarship Award from the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Florida, a Maijorie Kinnan Rawlings Fellowship from University of Florida, a Grinter Fellowship from the University of Florida, and a College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Fellowship from the University of Florida. In addition, I have also benefited from various travel grants from the University of Florida Department of History, the Richard J. Milbauer fund, and the Graduate Student Council at the University of Florida. Funding support of a different kind came from Amy Cavanaugh, Peter and Jennifer Hartog, Roger and Lynne Irvine, Frederick Reynolds, and Pat Solley. Their couches, spare bedrooms, and company made research trips not only productive, but fun.


iv








My greatest thanks go out to my family. Howard and Marilyn Tendrich have been wonderful in-laws. They have been supportive, even as I swore that gainful employment was years away. I love them and my brother-in-law, Jon, and I consider it an honor to be part of the Seitlin and Tendrich clans. My brother, Gary, and sister-in-law, Gail, have constantly reminded me of the important things in life, giving me some needed perspective when the walls seemed to be crumbling down. Gary's advice, even when offered unknowingly, has always been invaluable. My mom and dad have encouraged me to be a historian for longer than they realize. For nearly three decades they have taught me to follow my dreams and follow my heart. They have encouraged me, nurtured me, and loved me. I could have never accomplished this project without their support. My love for them is boundless. My greatest thanks go out to my wife, Lisa. She has been everything to me: my closest friend, most critical colleague, greatest fan club, and most perfect partner. She believed I could accomplish this project long before I did, and I hope the final result reflects her optimism. I love her everything.
























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TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A CK N OW LED GM ENTS .................................................................. ifi

A B S T R A C T .................................................................................. vii

INTRODUCTION: THE "INDIAN COUNTRYMAN" AND THE "CREEKAMERICAN" ON THE SOUTHERN MIDDLE GROUND .................. I

CHAPTERS

I THE INVITATION WITHIN: ETHNIC OUTSIDERS IN THE CREEK
C O N FED ER A C Y .................................................................. 23

2 "THIS ASYLUM OF LIBERTY": FUGITIVES, REFUGEES, AND
TRADERS AMONG THE CREEK NATION .................................. 61

3 APPEARANCE, CULTURE, AND KIN: CREATING MUTABLE
IDENTITIES ON THE SOUTHERN MIDDLE-GROUND .................. 101

4 SOUTHERNER AND CREEK; WHITEMAN AND INDIAN: ETHNIC
OPTIONS ON THE SOUTHERN MIDDLE-GROUND ...................... 137

5 CHILDREN OF THE MIDDLE GROUND: THEOPPORTUNTIES
OF BICULTURALISM AND DUAL IDENTITIES ........................... 178

6 COMPOUNDED LEGITIMACY: WILLIAM MCINTOSH'S MIDDLEGROUND AUTHORITY ......................................................... 214

EPILOGUE: THE FINAL ETHNIC OPTION: DUAL IDENTITIES AND THE ERA OF FORCED RELOCATION ....................................................... 249

B IB L IO G R A PH Y ........................................................................... 268

BIOGRAPHICA L SKETCH .............................................................. 325









vi














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy "A PECULIAR BREED OF WHITES":
RACE, CULTURE AND IDENTITY IN THE CREEK CONFEDERACY By

Andrew Kevin Frank

August 1998


Chairman: Bertram Wyatt-Brown
Major Department: History

In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, certain individuals lived as both Creek Indians and white Southerners. During this period, these two ethnic and cultural identities existed as contestable and mutable entities that had permeable boundaries. Consequently, on the southern middle ground, hundreds of Euro-American men entered Creek villages in what is now Alabama, Georgia, and Florida. By intermarrying with Creek women, these men obtained new homes, families, obligations, occupations, and identities. In the process, however, they maintained many of their ties to American society. In the years that followed, these Indian countrymen and their bicultural Creek-American children disproportionately entered the historical record. Creek-Americans, reared to understand and live among two cultures, possessed the essential attributes for participating on the southern middle ground. They spoke multiple languages and instinctively understood the non-spoken implications of the actions and words used by Americans and Indians. These and other skills provided them countless opportunities to profit on the southern middle ground. Creek-Americans became prominent Creek political leaders and warriors, played central roles in the lucrative deerskin trade, built inns and taverns to cater vii









to the needs of Euro-American travelers, frequently moved between colonial American and Native communities, and served both Euro-American and Creek officials as interpreters, assistants and travel escorts. Creek-Americans could safely move between these worlds because both white society and Indian society claimed Creek-Americans as their own. This ability to live simultaneously as white Southerners and Creek Indians disappeared during the 1820s and 1830s when Indian removal destroyed the southern middle ground. CreekAmericans, who often defined themselves by their ability to move seamlessly between Creek and American societies, lost this ability when the geographic space that they occupied disappeared. At this historical moment, Creek-Americans had to decide between their two ethnic and cultural identities.
































viii













INTRODUCTION:
THE "INDIAN COUNTRYMAN"AND THE "CREEK-AMERICAN" ON THE SOUTHERN MIDDLE-GROUND



A single phenomenon stands at the center of this study. In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, hundreds of Euro-Americans entered Creek villages, marTied NativeAmerican women, and had "mixed race" children. These white husbands and fathers did not disappear into the obscurity of their new Native communities. Instead, they and especially their children, disproportionately entered the historical record. They became prominent Creek political leaders and warriors, served Euro-American and Creek officials as interpreters, assistants, and travel escorts, played central roles in the lucrative deerskin trade, and frequently traveled between colonial and Native society. Their intercultural families bridged the gap that separated American society from Indian society, and they literally enabled the southern middle ground to exist. This dissertation examines this phenomenon by asking the basic historical questions of how and why it came to be and by illuminating some of its historical implications.

The intercultural phenomenon betrays one of the underlying thrusts of modern

ethnohistorical scholarship: that nothing could be so incompatible as Native Americans and European colonists. The Native and the Newcomer, described as cultural and biological opposites by many scholars and depicted in constant conflict by others, exist as a polarized pair in many recent monographs. Cultural misunderstandings could not be avoided in the eighteenth century, scholars explain, because the two societies so directly contradicted one another. Peoples who could not understand each other could not coexist. The resulting catastrophes of this cultural clash has shaped the rhetoric of recent scholarship. The








2

language of genocide, conquest, and invasion fill the monographs on early AmericanIndian relations. Not only did Natives and Newcomers represent distinct cultures, recent

scholarship proclaims that American colonists aggressively imposed intrusive and hostile

policies.'

This historiographical emphasis has a important point. Indeed, much of the history

of Indian-white relations is lamentable. European-introduced diseases decimated vibrant

American Indian communities. European guns intensified pre-contact tensions and

intertribal warfare. Treaties negotiated in bad faith by European colonists were obeyed

with even less fidelity by Euro-American officials in following years. Christian

missionaries insulted more than they enlightened. Similarly, the arrival of Euro-American

Newcomers often meant the arrival of new enemies. Throughout the Americas, the

meeting of European and Native cultures irrefutably accompanied revolutionary

demographic, environmental, social, economic, and cultural disruptions.' Their contact


1 Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians. Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Joel Wayne Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees' Struggle for a New World (Boston MA: Beacon Press, 1991), 70-84, 107-108, 83; James Axtell, "The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America," in James Axtell, The Euroean and the Indian (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 39-86; James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Jerald T. Milanich, Florida Indians and the Invasion from Europe (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1995); David E. Stannard, "The Consequences of Contact: Toward an Interdisciplinary Theory of Native Responses to Biological and Cultural Invasion," in David Hurst Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences volume 3 The Spanish Borderlands in Pan-American Perspective (Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990), 3:519-540; Calvin Martin, "The Metaphysics of Indian Hating," in Calvin Martin, ed_, The American Indian and the Problem of History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 3-26; Michael Rogin, "Indian Extinction, American Regeneration," Journal of Ethnic Studies 2 (Spring 1974), 93-104; Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Coniquest (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., Ecological Imperialism and the Biological Expansion of Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Bruce G. Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's 'Heroic Age' Reconsidered (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985).

2 Dorothy V. Jones, License for Empire: Colonialism by Treaty in Early America (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Wilcomb E. Washburn, Red Man' s








3

and interaction literally created what historian Colin G. Colloway recently termed "New

Worlds for All.",3

Yet, underneath this incompatibility and hostility lay a vastly different reality--the

other recent trend within Native-American historiography- -one where Native Americans



Land / White Man's Law (New York: Scribner, 1971); Grace M. Schwartzman and Susan K. Barnard, "A Trail of Broken Promises: Georgians and Muscogee/Creek Treaties, 17961826," Georgia Historical Quarterly 75 (Winter 1991), 697-718; Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Conseciuences of 1492 (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1972); Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983); Ian K. Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); Neal Salisbury, "Red Puritans: The 'Praying Indians' of Massachusetts Bay and John Eliot," William and Mar Qurely 3rd series 31 (January 1974), 27-54; P. Richard Metcalf, "Who Should Rule at Home? Native American Politics and Indian-White Relations," Journal of American History 61 (December 1974), 65 1-665; Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response, 1787-1862 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965); Clara Sue Kidwell, Choctaws and Missionaries, 1818-1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995); Clyde A. Milner, With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the Pawnees, Otos, and Omahas in the 1870s (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1982); Anthony F. C. Wallace, The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York: Vintage Books, 1969); Bernard Sheehan, The Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973); Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Treaties: The History of A Political Anomaly (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Settling With The Indians: The Meeting of English and Indian Cultures in America, 1580-1640 (Totoaw NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980); James P. Ronda, "' We Are Well as We Are': An Indian Critique of SeventeenthCentury Christian Missions," William and Mga Quarterly 3rd series 34 (January 1977), 66-82; Timothy Silver, A New Face on the Countryside: Indians, Colonists, and Slaves in South Atlantic Forests. 1500-1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Carolyn Merchant, Ecological Revolutions: Nature, Gender, and Science in New England (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989); William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983); Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978).
3 Collin G. Calloway, New Worlds For All: Indians, Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America (Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); James Merrell, The Indians New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors From European Contact through the Era of Removal (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1989); James Axtell, The Indians New South: Cultural Change in the Colonial Southeast (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997); Martin, Sacred Revolt; James Axtell, Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).








4
and Europeans found common ground and mutually agreeable alliances. Along with the lamentable, lay uncountable compromises, shared decisions, and inter-cultural bonds. At times, Native Americans and European colonists fought cultural and military battles, but this was not always the case.4 The cultural divide which separated Creek Indians from the Euro-American settlers that they encountered in the long eighteenth century frequently blurred. In what is now Georgia, Alabama and Florida, certain individuals could be both Indian and White, Creek and Southerner, and Native and Newcomer. The gap between these two perceived polarities was permeable, always in motion, and never a rigidly defined barrier.

Marriage and family, because they united Creek and American individuals and societies, helped conflate these ethnic identities. Relationships between partners of different cultural backgrounds demanded constant compromises, but the accompanying difficulties did not completely prevent intermarriages between Creeks and Euro-Americans. Between 1700 and 1830, several hundred white Euro-American colonists and settlers married Creek Indians and had bicultural children. Creeks and Americans frequently disagreed over the identities of these individuals, whether they be the Anglo husbands or their "mixed" children.' As a result, during the long eighteenth century the southeastern



'Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region. 1650-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Merrell, Indians New World; Daniel H. Usner, Jr., Indians Settlers and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley before 1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); Margaret Connell Szasz, "Introduction," in Margaret Connell Szasz, ed., Between Indian and White Worlds: The Cultural Broker (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 3-20; Daniel K. Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of Europegan Colonization (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); Daniel K. Richter, "Cultural Brokers and Intercultural Politics: New York-Iroquois Relations, 1664-1701," Journal of American History 75 (June 1988), 40-67.

5 Both Creeks and Americans considered the Native wives of Indian countrymen to be Creeks. Americans considered the marriages to be intermarriages, and Creeks continued to recognize the Native wives as clanned members and residents. Kathryn Holland E. Braund, "Guardians of Tradition and Handmaidens to Change: Women's Roles in Creek








5

seaboard of North America contained thousands of residents who could be classified as both Creek Indians and Euro-Americans. Commonly called half-breeds, "mixed-bloods," "mestizos," and "Indian countrymen," these individuals did more than embody two cultures. They linked together the history of Creeks and Americans, as they helped forge compromises and bridge the cultural divide in the region. In essence, they created, or at least enabled, a middle ground to exist in the region.'

Recent historians have been rather attentive to the topics of interracial marriage and sexual relations. This attention, especially in studies of the American South, has primarily focused on black-Indian and white-black mixing. The logical third leg of this triangle-Indian-white sexual relations--has not obtained the same attention. The central focus on African-American slavery and the presumed biracial nature of the South has directed historical interest away from the Southeastern Indians. In addition, the study of the colonial South has always taken a secondary position to studies of the antebellum and postbellum eras. Thus, most historians of race focus on the era when white Southerners had already "solved" the "Indian problem" and found themselves coping with the subsequent "Negro problems."' Several scholars have looked at Indian-white mixture only



Economic and Social Life During the Eighteenth Century," American Indian Quarterly 14 (Summer 1990), 239-258.
6 Richard White introduced ethnohistorians with the term "middle ground" in 1991. The middle ground is not merely the geographic place where cultures and societies meet. It is a process by which they mutually interact with each other, pursue their separate and common interests, and create a shared experience. See White, The Njiddle Ground, ix-xvi, 141-143.

For examples of prominent studies of race in the South which exclude or minimize the presence of Native Americans, see Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995); Winthrop Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro: 1550-1812 (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1969); A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., In the Matter of Color: Race and the American Legal Process (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 40; George Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race: Historical Persmctives on Slavery, Racism, and Social Inequality (Middletown CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1988).








6

to "confirm" and "explain" nineteenth-century proclamations that, unlike in the French and Spanish colonies, Indian-white mixture rarely occurred in the English dominion. In several cases, these scholars have begun their studies with the "knowledge" that intermixing did not occur and thus have tried to explain this under-pursued opportunity. Therefore, there are several studies about the forces which prevented the phenomenon of Indian-white mixing in the colonial southeast--normally a result of anti-Indian sentiment and demographic factors--and none of the phenomenon itself.'

Gary Nash's recent Presidential Address to the Organization of American

Historians typifies the historiography of intermarriage rather well. In the process of showing the pervasiveness of miscegenation in American history, Nash quickly dismisses the presence of Indian-white sexual relations in colonial America. Nash introduces his chronology with the John Rolfe-Pocahontas marriage, but asserts that this represented a lost opportunity in American history. Instead, Nash focuses on the "hidden history" of interracial sex between non-white culture groups (Asians, Africans, Hispanics, and Indians) and between white Americans and African Americans.' Nash acknowledges that prominent Virginians such as Robert Beverly, William Byrd and Patrick Henry advocated


8 William Christie MacLeod, The American Indian Frontier (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1928); Wilbur R. Jacobs, "British-Colonial Attitudes and Policies Toward the Indian in the American Colonies," in Howard Peckham and Charles Gibson, eds., Attitudes of Colonial Powers Toward the American Indian (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969), 81-106; Gary B. Nash, "The Image of the Indian in the Southern Colonial Mind," William and M g -230;
M Quarterly 3rd series 29 (Au ust 1972), 197 Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian From Columbus to the Present (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978); David D. Smits, "' Squaw Men,'' Half-B reeds,' and Amal gamators: Late Nineteenth-Century Anglo-American Attitudes Toward Indian-White Race-Mixing," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 15 (3: 1991), 29-61; Herbert Moller, "Sex Composition and Correlated Culture Patterns of Colonial America," William and Maia Quarterly 3rd series 2 (April 1945), 133; Theda Perdue, "Columbus Meets Pocahontas in the American South," Southern Cultures 3 (Spring 1997), 4-21.

9 Gary B. Nash, "The Hidden History of Mestizo America," Journal of American Histga 82 (December 1995), 941-964.








7
promoting intermarriage with neighboring Indians as a means of creating peace between the cultures, and mentions that Sam Houston married a Cherokee woman. Nevertheless, Nash insists that "prejudice and violence blocked the way toward what might have become a mixed-race American republic."'0 Despite his intentions, Nash implies that the history of mestizo America is one where Natives and Euro-American Newcomers hardly met." This dissertation explicitly states otherwise, as it illuminates the underexplored world of whiteIndian mixture.

Eighteenth-century observers--and to a lesser extent modern-day ethnohistorians-used various terms to describe "white men who turned Indian" or "took squaw wives." "Indian countrymen," sometimes called "white Indians," normally signified individuals with European genealogies and Indian residences and ethnic identities. Historically, eighteenth-century Americans reserved the term "white Indians" for adopted captives in New England and the Great Lakes Region. This term was rarely employed in the southeast. The same was not the case for "Indian countrymen," as it was widely used to


'0 Nash, "Hidden History," 945.

In earlier writings, Nash is more explicit in his denial of Indian-white
intermarriage. "The general lack of red-white sexual intermingling forecast the overall failure of two cultures to merge. The amalgamation of Indians and whites never proceeded very far in eighteenth-century America because Indians were seldom eager to trade their culture for one which they found inferior and because the colonists found the Indians useful only as trappers of furs, consumers of European trade goods, and military allies." See Gary B. Nash, Red, White, and Black: The Peoples of Early America (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974, reprint 1982), 278.
12 Southerners rarely used the term "white Indians" in large part because the term seems to have implied coercion rather than choice. In the southeast, the captivity experience that proliferated in the northeast was a rare occasion. This will be treated more fully in chapter two. For the literature on "white Indians" and the meanings of the term see: June Namias, White Captives: Gender and Ethnicity on the American Frontier (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James Axtell, "The White Indians of Colonial America," in Axtell, European and the Indian, 168-206; Erwin Ackerknecht, "' White Indians': Psychological and Physiological Peuliarities of White Children Abducted and Reared by North American Indians," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 15 (January 1944), 15-36; ; John Demos, The Unredeemed Captive: A Family Story From Early America (New York: Vintage Books, 1994); Christopher Castiglia, Bound and Determined:








8
describe those colonists who voluntarily chose to live among the Indians. While "white

Indians" frequently signfied "unredeemed captives" in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries, the term "Indian countrymen" implied individuals who made voluntary decisions

to become Natives."3




Captivity, Culture-Crossing, and White Womanhood from Mary Rowlandson to Patty Hearst (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996); A. Irving Hallowell, "American Indians, White and Black: The Phenomenon of Transculturalization," in Raymond D. Fogelson, ed., Contributions to Anthroology: Selected Papers of A. Irving Hallowell (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 498-529; J. Norman Heard, White Into Red: A Study of the Assimilation of White Person Capures by Indians (Metuchen NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1973); Edward Countryman, Americans: A Collision of Histories (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996). The term "white Indian" has also been used in contexts where Americans "dressed" the part of Indians as forms of disguise and as symbolic speech. Rachel N. Klein, Unification of a Slave State: The Rise of the Planter Class in the South Carolina Backcounty, 1760-1818 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 93-94; Alan Taylor, Liberty Men and the Great Proprietors: The Revolutionary Settlement on the Maine Frontier, 1760-1820 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 181-207.
13 Teterm "Indian countryman" has been employed by eighteenth-century EuroAmerican diplomats, nineteenth-century observers, and modem scholars. The implications of the term adhere to the Creek' s perception of the individuals who came to live among them. See Benjamin Hawkins, "A Sketch of the Creek Country in the years 1789 and 1799," in C. L. Grant, ed., Letters, Journals and Writings of Benjamin Hawkins 2 volumes (Savannah GA: Beehive Press, 1980), 316; Edward Price to Benjamin Hawkins, January 1, 1799, Records of the Creek Trading House, 1795-1816, Microcopy-4, National Archives; Jonathan Halsted to J. Mason, March 10, 1808, Records of the Creek Trading House, 1795-1816; Alexander McGillivray to Benjamin James, August 10, 1792, in John Walton Caughey, McGillivra of the Creeks (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1938), 334; Albert James Pickett, History of Alabama and Incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, from the Earliest Period (Charleston SC: Walker and James, 1851), ix, 124, 143; Thomas Simpson Woodward to E. Hanrick, December 9, 1857, in Thomas Simpson Woodward, Woodward' s Reminiscences of the Creek, or Muscogee Indians, Contained in Letters to Friends in Georgia and Alabama (Montgomery AL: Barrett and Wimbish, 1859), 8; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, "The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery," Journal of Southern History 57 (November 1991), 601-636; Moller, "Sex Composition and Correlated Culture Patterns of Colonial America," 133; Florette Henri, The Southern Indians and Benj- amin Hawkins. 1796-1816 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 26; William G. McLoughlin, "Experiment in Cherokee Citizenship, 1817-1829," in William G. McLoughlin, The Cherokee Ghost Dance: Essays on the Southeastern Indians 1789-1861 (Macon GA: Mercer University Press, 1984), 158; Michael D. Green, Politics of Indian Removal: Creek Government and Society in Crisis (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980); J. Leitch Wright, Jr., Creeks and Seminoles: The Destruction and Regeneration of the Muscogulge People (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986).








9
Eighteenth-century sources do not provide an accurate lexicon to describe

individuals of mixed cultures or lineages in the southeast. This dissertation will employ the term "Creek-American" to refer to the children of intermarriages between Creek Indians and Euro-Americans. Although this term was not used in the eighteenth-century, the English terms that fill the eighteenth-century historical records--"halfbreed," "half-Indian, ". .halfblood," and "mixed-blood,"--contain modem implications that counter their original meanings. Unlike in the eighteenth century, each of these terms now imply biological attributes and genetic percentages, and in some instances they also imply levels of acculturation and political loyalty and have derogatory overtones. English-speaking eighteenth-century Americans usually used "half-breed" and "mixed-blood" as general terms for individuals of mixed background. Furthering the imprecision of these terms, their meanings greatly differ across time and place, and they often include those of Indian, European, and African descent."4 For these reasons, the terms will only be used in quotations.

The non-English terms for mixed individuals used in the eighteenth century contain obstacles of their own. The problems with the term "mestizo" parallel those of "half14 Jack D. Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Urbanna: University of Illinois Press, 1993), especially, 233-234; Jennifer S. H. Brown, "Linguistic Solitudes and Changing Social Conditions," in Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1980), 147159; Jacqueline Peterson, "Ethnogenesis: The Settlement and Growth of a 'New People' in the Great Lakes Region, 1702-18 15," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (2: 1982), 25; W. David Baird, "Are there 'Real' Indians in Oklahoma? Historical Perceptions of the Five Civilized Tribes," Chronicles of Oklahoma 68 (Spring 1990), 20; M. Annette Jaines, "American Racism: The Impact on American-Indian Identity and Survival ," in Steven Gregory and Roger Sanjek, eds., Race (New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 41-6 1; Withrop D. Jordan, "American Chiaroscuro: the Status and Definition of Mulattoes in the British Colonies," William and MayQuarterly 3rd series 19 (April 1962), 185-186; William T. Hagan, "Full Blood, Mixed Blood, Generic, and Ersatz: The Problem of Indian Identity," Arizona and the West 27 (Winter 1985), 309-326; Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change, 1700-1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 81-83, 143.








10
breed." To a non-native speaker this term may appear innocuous, but the biological and

cultural implications of "mestizo" are pervasive. In addition, in many contexts, it indicated

Spanish origins and identities, and occasionally it implied African heritage as well. 15

Similar problems plague the term "m~tis." Although some scholars of southeastern Indians

use the term, it too has connotations not appropriate to the Creeks. The "m~tis" were and

are an autonomous and recognized ethnic group in French Canada. It may not be an

offensive term, but when used in the southeast it falsely implies the presence of a distinct

self-consciousness culture. The mixed population of the southeast never obtained such

self-awareness or cohesion."6 "Mestizo" and "m~tis" will be used when quoting

contemporaries and other scholars, but primarily they too will be avoided.

The decision to use the term "Creek-American" results from the multiple

perceptions of culturally mixed individuals in the eighteenth century. Their ethnic





h term mestizo frequently included individuals with African, as well as those with European and Indian, ancestors. In addition, "mestizos" usually obtained their identities as residents among Euro-American society, not as members of Indian society. Andrew Juan Rosa, "El Que No Tiene Dingo, Tiene Mandingo: The Inadequacy of the 'Mestizo' as a Theoretical Construct in the Field of Latin American Studies--The Problem and Solution," Journal of Black Studies 27 (November 1996), 278-291; Roger Sanjek, "The Enduring Inequalities of Race," in Gregory and Sanjek, Race, 1- 17; Forbes, Africans and Native Americans, 100-101, 103, 125-130.
16 Only a few scholars have employed the term mdtis for individuals of mixed
ancestry in the southeast. For example, see Martin, Sacred Revolt, 79-84. The literature on the m~tis is often driven by the need for explanations of the modern ethnic group in Canada bearing this name. For examples, see Olive Patricia Dickason, "From 'One Nation' in the Northeast to 'New Nation' in the Northwest: A look at the Emergence of the MWtis," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (2: 1982), 1-21; Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Mdtis in North America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985); Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980); Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Coinpany Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980); Jacqueline Peterson, "Ethnogenesis: The Settlement and Growth of a 'New People' in the Great Lakes Region, 1702-1815," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (2: 1982), 23-64.










identities, at least in the eyes of others, were contextual."7 Although most CreekAmericans spent their childhoods within Creek villages, Euro-American society often perceived that they had American identities and loyalties. Americans often viewed CreekAmericans as redeemable citizens or believed that they were their fathers' Euro-American children. Creeks, in a similar manner, usually viewed Creek-Americans as their mothers' Native children. They were members of a clan and therefore Creek Indians. In a matrilineal society, nothing less should have been expected. Creek-Americans needed to abide by the rules, regulations, and expectations of their Native community. This externally perceived dualism--their acceptance by Creeks and by Americans as insiders-provided Creek-Americans options that were limited to most participants on the southern middle ground. Not only could they choose between their American and Creek ethnic identities, they could also alternate between them.

This study relies on three terms- -frontier, race, and identity-- that until recently had rather different meanings than the ones employed here. The academic dismantling of Frederick Jackson Turner's "frontier thesis" has long since lost its luster, but a vibrant definition has taken its place.'" In addition to dismissing the moral connotations of


17 j. y. Okamura, "Situational Ethnicity," Ethnic and Racial Studies 4 (October 1981), 452-465; Richard. H. Thomson, Theories of Ethnicity (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989); Ronald Cohen, "Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology," Annual Review of Anthropology 7 (1978), 379-403. These interpretations usually rely on the theories of Fredrik Barth. Yet, they recognize that Barth's theory allows ethnicity to be too readily reified. See Fredrik Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Differences (Boston MA: Little, Brown, 1969).
1Frederick Jackson Turner, The Significance of the Frontier in American Histoy ed., Harold P. Simonson, (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1963); Patricia Nelson Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1987); Jack D. Forbes, "Frontiers in American History and the Role of the Frontier Historian," Ethnohistorv 15 (Spring 1968), 203-235; Gregory H. Nobles, "Frederick Jackson Turner: Deposed King of the Wild Frontier," Hays Historical Journal 12 (1992-1993), 7-19; John Mack Faragher, Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner: The Significance of the Frontier in American History, and Other Essas (New York: Henry Holt, 1994); William Cronon, "Revisiting the Vanishing Frontier: The Legacy of Frederick Jackson Turner," Western Historical Quarterly 18 (2: 1987), 157-176; Gerald D. Nash,








12
66 savagery" and "civilization" that Turner placed at the center of his definition, recent scholars have dismissed the notion of a rigid barrier separating Natives from Americans. Instead, the concept of the "middle ground," proposed by Richard White, accentuates the permeability and contested nature of the Indian-American frontier.'9 White emphasizes the inability of either Europeans or Native Americans to dictate unilaterally the outcome of intercultural affairs. This has led other scholars to reconceptualize European diplomacy, the transformation of native cultures, the intercultural fur trade, and American-Indian relations in general." The rigid barricades between Indian and American society that Turner envisioned have given way to the contested terrain, mutual reliance, and the numerous compromises that both Americans and Indians made.

White's concept of the middle ground prevents the intellectual separation of Creek history from Southern history. By definition, the two entities must be intrinsically connected if not indistinguishable. One would not know this by the state of affairs in either Southern history or southeastern ethnohistory. Until recently, most Southern historians have completely neglected the Indian's role in the region. They occasionally point to the frontier experience, even to the long wars with the Indians, but not to the Indians themselves. The depictions of southeastern Native Americans that were included within southern historiography either suited the popular image of the nineteenth-century west or one that anthropologists had long discredited. Even within studies of racism, scholars of the South ignore the presence of Indians. Winthrop Jordan, in perhaps the most


Creating the American West: Historical Interpretations, 1890-1990 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1991).

'9 Richard White, The Middle Ground.

'0 Kathryn E. Holland Braund, Deerskins & Duffels: Creek Indian Trade With Anglo-America, 1685-1815 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993); Steele, )YaMaths, esp. 131-174; Calloway, New Worlds For All; J. Russell Snapp, John Stuart and the Struggle for Empire on the Southern Frontier (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1996).








13
acknowledged study on the origins of racism in the South, hardly makes reference to Native-Americans. They occasionally appear in the narrative, but not surprisingly the African-American receives nearly all of the attention. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, Southern colonists interacted as much with Native-Americans as with Afican-Americans. The "other" in the colonial southeast was as frequently the "red savage" as the "Negro heathen.""1 Similarly, as stated earlier, historical assessments of intermarriage in the southeast have usually focused solely on black-white interaction. This has resulted from the obvious emphasis on black-white relations in studies of the region, but the experience of Indian-white sexual relations demands integration. Race in the eighteenth-century southeast was not a synonym for African.

The black-and-whitewashing of Indians out of Southern history has been

accompanied by scholars of Native America neglecting regional variations within the United States. Thus, many ethnohistorical studies of the southern middle ground have not accurately addressed the nature of the cultural compromises and interactions. Studies of slavery among the Indians exemplify this disconcern for modern American historiography and for providing an accurate portrayal of the non-Native side of the eighteenth-century


21 Jordan, White Over Black; Alden T. Vaughan, "The Origins Debate: Slavery and Racism in Seventeenth-Century Virginia," in Alden T. Vaughan, Roots of American Racism: Essays on the Colonial Experience (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 136-174; Raymond Starr, "Historians and the Origins of British North American Slavery," The Historian 36 (November 1973), 1-18; George M. Fredrickson, "Toward a Social Interpretation of the Development of American Racism," in Nathan I. Huggins, Martin Kilson, and Daniel M. Fox, eds. Key Issues in the Afro-American Experience 2 volumes (New York: Hardcourt Brace Javanovich, 1971), 1:240-254, esp. 242. Edmund S. Morgan addressed the issue of southern Indians within this historiography, but only as they directly pertained to attitudes directed toward Africans. Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery / American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975). Recently, Kathleen M. Brown has directly attached Indians into this story. See Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches. Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Kathleen M. Brown, "The Anglo-Algonquian Gender Frontier," in Nancy Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change: Historical Perspectives on Native American Women (New York: Routledge, 1995), 26-48.








14
frontier. Most ethnohistorical treatments of Indian slavery make explicit comparisons to its Southern counterpart. Not only do they repeat the errors of early comparative studies-using simplistic moral frameworks, relying solely on culture or economics to describe the two systems, and studying slave law rather than slave life--they also use a seriously distorted view of Southern slavery."2 For starters, nearly all ethnohistorians treat Southern slavery as an unchanging institution, one that existed in the same form in 1720 as it did in 1860.2 More importantly, ethnohistorians use outdated interpretations of antebellum slavery. Daniel F. Littlefield, for example, asserts that Creek slavery differed from the Southern system because slave women among the Indians occasionally worked in the fields and because male slaves performed many tasks in addition to agricultural jobs.2" One does not have to look far to discover that white Southerners frequently used their slaves in similarly flexible manners.215 Other ethnohistorians argue that Indian slavery differed from the Southern institution because most Indian masters only owned a handful of slaves and


22Th comparative method in American slavery has deemed the term "harsh"
obsolete. See: Eugene Genovese and Laura Foner, "The Treatment of Slaves in Different Countries," in Laura Foner and Eugene D. Genovese, ed., Slavery in the New World: A Reader in Comp~arative History (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1969), 202-210; Peter Kolchin, Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1987); Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative History (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1982).

23 Ira Berlin, "Time, Space, and the Evolution of Afro-American Society on British Mainland North America," American Historical Review 85 (February, 1980), 44-78; Braund, "The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery," 601-636, esp. 622.
24 Daniel F. Littlefield, Jr., Africans and Creeks: From the Colonial Period to the Civil War (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1979), 38, 44. For an opposite view, see R. Halliburton, Jr., Red Over Black: Black Slavery among the Cherokee Indians (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1977).
25 Eugene Genovese, Roll Jordan Roll: The World The Slaves Made (New York: Vintage Books, 1972); Robert W. Fogel and Stanley Engerman, Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1989, reprint 1974), especially, 141-142, 206-207, 255-257; Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 146-191.








15

that only a minority of Creek households owned slaves. Once again, scholars of slavery in

the American South have been saying the same thing for decades.216 As long as

ethnohistorians ignore the modem historical assault on Gone with the Wind imagery, their

depictions will further distance Indians from whites and Creeks from Southerners. This

dissertation continues the efforts of those scholars who hope to unite these two academic

worlds and the peoples that they study.

A modem conception of race serves as the second theoretical foundation for this

study. This dissertation recognizes that the belief in "races" with significant biological

differences is a historical development, and it is one that troubles many modem geneticists.

In the last two decades, scholars have begun to recognize the historical development of an

"Indian" race, pointing out that European settlers did not describe the natives as "red" until

early in the eighteenth century and did not conceive as the Indian as a separate biological

entity until much later. 27 As Barbara Jeane Fields wrote, "race is not an idea but an


26 In fact, most white Southerners did not own African-American slaves, and most who did owned but a few. James Oakes, for example, states that "Every historian of the Old South knows that while the majority of slaves lived on units with more than twenty bondsmen, the majority of slaveholders owned five slaves or fewer. Thus the 'typical' slaveholder did not necessarily own the 'typical' slave." James Oakes, The Ruling Race: A History of American Slaveholder (New York: Vintage Books, 1982), x. Compare this with Janet Halliburton, "Black Slavery in the Creek Nation," Chronicles of Oklahoma 56 (Fall 1978), 309.
27 Nancy Shoemaker, "How Indians Got to Be Red," American Historical Review 102 (June 1997), 625-644; Alden T. Vaughan, "From White Man to Redskin: Changing Anglo-American Perceptions of the American Indian," in Vaughan, Roots of American Racism, 3-33; Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man's Indian; "Constructing Race: Differentiating Peoples in the Early Modemn World," Special Issue of the William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 54 (January 1997); Audrey Smedley, Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview (Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1993); Olive Patricia Dickason, The Myth of the Savage and the Beginnings of French Colonialism in the Americas (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1984); Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996); Reginald Horsman, "Scientific Racism and the American Indian in the Mid-Nineteenth Century," American Quarterly 27 (May, 1975), 152-168; Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America (Dallas TX: Southern Methodist University Press, 1963); Nancy Stepan, The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain 1800-1960 (New York: Archon Books, 1982); Robert E. Bieder, Science Encounters the Indian, 1820-1880








16
ideology. It came into existence at a discernible historical moment for rationale understandable historical reasons and is subject to change for similar reasons." Following Field's assertion, this dissertation will treat race as a topic for historians to study not a analytical category to be applied."

The academic rush to treat Indians as a recently constructed ideology, rather than an irrefutable biological certainty, has not been met with the same enthusiasm in Native communities and United States governmental offices. If anything, modem Indian communities have been moving in the other direction. Currently, "blood quantum" helps determine federal funding, college admissions, preferential hiring practices, and tribal enrollments. In several Native communities, enrolled tribal members receive annual checks for revenue earned through cigarette, oil, mineral, bingo, and casino sales. The biological Indian, although dying a slow death in the books of academe, is prospering elsewhere. This dissertation reveals a means of assessing Indian identities that does not adhere to the perceived rigidity of biology. With intermarriage among modem Indians currently outpacing all other ethnic groups in America, the importance of finding a non-biological
21
definition of the Indian is paramount.


(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986); William Stanton, The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes Toward Race in America 1815-59 (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1960); Edward J. Larson, Sex, Race, and Science: Eugenics in the Deep South (Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995).

"' Barbara Jeane Fields, "Slavery, Race and Ideology in the United States of
America," New Left Review 181 (May / June 1990), 95-118, quotation 10 1; Barbara Jeane Fields, "Ideology and Race in American History," in J. Morgan Kousser and James McPherson, eds., Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 143-177; Smedley, Race: A Evolution of a World View, 15-17; Faye V. Harrison, "The Persistent Power of 'Race' in the Cultural and Political Economy of Racism," in Annual Review of Anthropology (1995), 47-74, esp. 57-63.

"9 Jonathan B. Hook, The Alabama-Coushatta Indians (College Station: Texas
A&M University Press, 1997); Ward Churchill and Glenn T. Morris, "Key Indian Laws and Cases," in M. Annette Jaimes, ed., The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance (Boston MA: South End Press, 1992), 14; Francis Paul








17
Instead of relying on racial terms, "A Peculiar Breed of Whites" uses the concept of identity (ethnic and cultural) to explain the phenomenon of Indian countrymen and CreekAmericans. This dissertation contends that the terms "Indian" and "American" can only be understood as a mutable identities, ones that could be chosen, contested, and rejected. Any effort to apply static definitions defies the history of the southern middle ground, reinforces an ahistorical association between race and culture, and assists the construction of false barriers between American and Native American history. It argues that definitions of Indian, American, Creek, and Southerner only make sense if they can be flexible, change over time, and co-exist. On the eighteenth-century southern middle ground, context often differentiated white Southerners from Creek Indians.30

Throughout "A Peculiar Breed of Whites," I assume that ethnic identities results from both the "presentation of self' and the "understanding of others." Without the external acknowledgment of others, one's personal self-identity can be negated and altered. The power of ascribed identities cannot be simply dismissed when they counter the expressed personal identity of the individual himself or the community in which they lived. On the southern middle ground, Creeks and Indians ascribed identities differently. This often resulted in internal struggles and legal battles, but it also allowed the more liberating



Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians 2 volumes (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 2:808-812; Terry P. Wilson, "Blood Quantum: Native American Mixed Bloods," in Maria P. P. Root, ed., Racially Mixed People in America (Newbury Park CA: SAGE Publications, 1992), 108-125; M. Annette Jaimes, "Some Kind of Indian: On Race, Eugenics, and Mixed Bloods," in Naomi Zack, ed., American Mixed Race: The Culture of Microdiversity (Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1995), 133-153; Fergus M. Bordewich, Killing the White Man' s Indian: Reinventing Native Americans at the End of the Twentieth Century (New York: Anchor Books, 1996), 13, 78-79, 82-83, 329.
30 James A. Clifton, "Alternate Identities and Cultural Frontiers," in James A. Clifton, ed., Being and Becoming Indians: Biographcal Studies of North American Frontiers (Chicago IL: Dorsey Press, 1989), 1-37; James H. Merrell, "'The Cast of His Countenance': Reading Andrew Montour," in Ronald Hoffman, Mechal Sobel, and Frederika J. Teute, eds., Through a Glass Darkly: Reflections on Personal Identity in Early America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 13-39.








18
experience of "Passing" and the benefits that frequently accompanied dual identities. This dissertation shows how ethnic identities frequently changed in meaning, and provides multiple examples of how these identities were interpreted differently in different times and places."1

"A Peculiar Breed of Whites" consists of seven chapters. The first chapter explains the Creek conception of ethnic identity and the historical factors that made biculturalism and dual identities prevalent among the Creeks. I argue that the Creeks welcomed white EuroAmerican colonists into their villages in much the same way that they incorporated AfricanAmericans and Native-Americans of various ethnicities. This str-ategy of incor-porating outsiders had its roots in the disruptions of the Columbian exchange and the ensuing creation of the Creek Confederacy in the seventeenth century. Diseases and warfare forced the southeastern chiefdoms of the pre-contact era to reorganize their political and social structure and find common bonds where prior antagonisms existed. This resulted in the formation of a Creek society that was marked by ethnic and cultural diversity. This allowed most Creeks to assert simultaneously multiple ethnic identities.

Chapter two explains why white Americans migrated to the Creek Nation. It contends that most white Indians voluntarily chose asylum in the pre-removal Creek Confederacy because it was, they were convinced, their best alternative to the poverty, imprisonment, forced labor, indebtedness, political oppression, ethnic discrimination, and


31 See, Michael Zuckerman, "Fabrication of Identity in Early America," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 34 (April 1977), 184-214; Stephen Greenbladt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 1-9; Natalie Zemon Davis, "Boundaries and the Sense of Self in Sixteenth Century France," in Thomas C. Heller, ed., Reconstructing Individualism: Autonomy. Individuality, and the Self in Western Thought (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1986), 53-65; James Clifford, "Introduction," in James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 23; Elaine K. Ginsberg, ed., Passing and the Fictions of Identity (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1996); Jack D. Forbes, "The Manipulation of Race, Caste and Identity: Classifying AfroAmericans, Native Americans and Red-Black People," Journal of Ethnic Studies 17 (Winter 1990), 1-52.








19

limited opportunities of their Southern residences. They did not enter Indian villages with dreams of discarding the weights of American society for the relative freedom of Indian life. Nor did they romantically desire to "tum native." Instead they entered the nation despite their unfamiliarity with Creek culture. Their decision to escape had more to do with their Southern or Euro-American backgrounds than their uncertain futures among the Indians. Many refugees planned on living among the Creeks for the short-term, and several used the Creeks as stopping points on journeys elsewhere. Yet, intermarriage and adoption made hundreds of Euro-American fugitives into permanent citizens of Creek villages.

Chapter three explains how Creeks and Americans identified Creek-Americans as members of their own communities. Residences and identities did not automatically coincide with each other. The Creeks did not consider all residents of their villages, whether native-born or newcomers, to be Creeks. When white Americans entered the Creek Confederacy in the eighteenth century, they had to change their behavior and appearances in order to gain acceptance. Many traders, Tories, and other Euro-Amencan fugitives lived among, the Creeks but not as Creeks. At the same time, however, Indian countrymen did not need totally to reject their cultural pasts to obtain acceptance by the Creeks. They could retain aspects of their Anglo-American culture and still become identified as Creeks. Similarly, Euro-Amencans also refused to accept that changing residences automatically altered the identity of white Indians. At the same time, I contend that both societies primarily relied on mutable cultural traits and did not use more permanent biological concepts to differentiate Creek from American. They believed that ethnic identities could be chosen, rejected, and contested, and that these identities were, at least theoretically, temporary.

Chapter four explores the actions of those eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Creek-Americans who had the option of living as Creek Indians, Americans, or both. The








20

children of intermarriages asserted the ethnic identity that best suited their interests and seamlessly moved between American and Creek society. These bicultural CreekAmericans inherited this ability to alter their identities from a process of middle-ground parenting, one in which Native mothers and Anglo fathers came together to socialize their mixed children. Through these efforts, Creek-Americans learned to speak multiple languages and to act appropriately in both societies. They learned how to choose selectively their clothing, carefully arrange marriages for their children and themselves, and adopt the cultural markings of both societies. This was not easy. On a daily basis, CreekAmericans and their parents struggled to find compromises between Creek and Anieni can culture.

Chapter five explains how Creek-Americans came into the forefront of the southern middle ground. During the century that preceded Indian removal, hundreds of CreekAmericans became interpreters, messengers, escorts, and advisors. They also catered to the needs of Arriefican travelers by creating an elaborate and lucrative network of inns, taverns, ferries, and tolls. Creek-Americans could capitalize on these middle-ground opportunities because of their dual identities and biculturalism. As multilingual speakers of at least English and Muskogee, they had the ability to communicate with both Creeks and Americans. In addition, they instinctively understood the non-spoken implications of the actions and words used by Americans and Indians, and they could explain the various social expectations and try to prevent the cultural misunderstandings and insults that typified Indian-White relations. Because both Creeks and Americans often believed that the children of intermarriages were members of their own communities, they targeted CreekAmericans for assistance in middle-ground affairs. Thus, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Creek-Americans performed the essential role of the cultural broker on the southern middle ground.








21

1 explore the political ramifications of dual identities and biculturalism in chapter

six. A disproportionate number of Creek-Americans became key players in middle-ground politics in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. By focusing on a single CreekAmerican, William McIntosh, I show how multicultural upbringings, Creek and Amen can kin connections, dual identities, and bicultural skills made Creek-Americans ideally suited for obtaining and asserting political power on the southern middle ground. These attributes allowed them to satisfy both Creek and American interests. Americans, who often perceived Creek-Americans as "civilized Southerners," helped extend the patronage and authonty of the Native leaders. Americans frequently opted to treat with Creek-American leaders instead of holding councils with leaders of other factions, they chose CreekAmericans to serve as linchpins in the distribution of annuities and other "spoils" of land cessions, and Americans responded to their pleas for food and ammunition during times of shortages. With each of these decisions, Americans helped legitimize the authority of Creek-Americans such as McIntosh.

Finally, the epilogue explores the ultimate failure of Creek-Amencans to assert both Creek and American ethnic identities. In the early nineteenth century, the once tricultural South ceased to make room for the Indians. The policy of forced removal provided CreekAmericans one last moment where they could assert their bicultural ethnic option. They could either leave the southeast or choose either the black or the white racial category. Most Creek-Amencans traveled west to Indian Territory, but at the same time several became "founding fathers" of Alabama. Some converted to Christianity, served as political leaders within the United States, and abandoned their Indian ethnic heritage. Physiologically, they may have been considered "mixed," but their culture and ethnic identity, however, became fully white American. Other Creeks could not assert Anglo identities, and remained in the southeast as "colored residents."








22

This project contends that intermarriages between Creek women and EuroAmerican men helped define the history of the eighteenth-century American South and the Native-American southeast. The Creek-American children born of these marriages helped bridge two occasionally antagonistic societies together, and they fostered mutual relations between them. Not only did kinship connect Creek-Americans to both Creek and American societies, their biculturalism, bilingual abilities, and dual identities allowed them to interact in both cultures. This enabled the two societies to have economic and political relations with each other, and it helped bring the two cultures closer together. At times, their "mixed" heri tages proved problematic on the southern middle ground, as their dual loyalties occasionally required careful balancing. More often, however, this study reveals that Creek-Americans often found their dual identities and biculturalism to be beneficial in intercultural dealings. Creek-Americans were not only creations of the southern middle ground, but as this project will show, they were also its most important creators.














CHAPTER 1:
THE INVITATION WITHIN:
ETHNIC OUTSIDERS IN THE CREEK CONFEDERACY



Throughout their pre-removal history in Georgia, Florida, and Alabama, the Creek Indians welcomed thousands of Africans, Native-Americans, and Europeans into their villages and accepted them as adopted citizens. This attitude toward ethnic outsiders was rooted in a political structure and a dynamic culture that fostered inclusivity. Forined as a conglomeration of broken tribes in the late seventeenth century, the Creek Confederacy contained diverse cultures from its inception. The term "CreelC' therefore refers to dozens of ethnic groups, the largest being the Muskogees, who formed social and political alliances in the eighteenth century. Strict rules, that applied to all members of the Creek Nation, governed this incorporation. Creek communities rejected individuals who-regardless of their "race," birthplace, or ethnic identity--did not abide by these cultural norrns. The processes of selective incorporation and rejection shaped the history of the Creek people.

The rules that governed acceptance into the Confederacy remained remarkably

constant until forced removal took most of the Creek Indians out of Florida, Georgia, and Alabama in the early nineteenth century. Incorporation required that ethnic newcomers cede some of their individual customs and authority to that of the Creek community. Yet, it did not demand a total negation of past traditions, personal interests, and original identities. Instead, most members of the Creek Confederacy had dual identities: that of their individual ethnic background and that of a Creek Indian. The divergent concerns of individuals, villages, and the confederacy coexisted in an uneasy balance. Several attempts to unite the


23








24

Creeks under a strong centralized government failed. Movements led by Alexander McGillivray (1780s and 1790s), William Augustus Bowles (1790s and 1800s), Benjamin Hawkins (1800s and 1810s), and William McIntosh (1810s and 1820s) all fostered an increase in temporary cohesion, but in each case factionalism prevailed, Ethnicity, geography, kinship, politics and class divided Creek society. Underneath these differences, however, the Creeks spoke a common language, Muskogee; were organized socially through a matrilineal kinship system based on clans; practiced several common religious ceremonies and rites; lived in a polity with merit-based authority figures; participated in an economic system that included agriculture, hunting, and trade; and shared a political identity. Throughout the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, these characteristics extended to all members of the Creek Confederacy, regardless of their birthplace and ethnic backgrounds.'

Euro-Americans faced dozens of restraints when they entered the Creek villages. For most of the pre-removal era, however, racial restrictions were not one of them. Creek Indians, during the eighteenth century, did not connect biology with culture or race with identity. Instead, they regulated the entrance into their villages on the basis of kinship, culture, and identity. Becoming Creek meant following rules, adhering to norms, and most importantly asserting a specific ethnic identity. This process did not distinguish between Americans, Africans, Europeans, or Native-Americans, and it did not demand that past



Duane Champagne, Social Order and Political Change: Constitutional
Governments Among the Cherokee, The Choctaw, The Chickasaw, and the Creek
(Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1992), 24-35; Alan Royse Calmes, "Indian cultural traditions and European conquest of the Georgia-South Carolina coastal plain, 3000 B.C.- 1733 A.D.: A Combined Archaeological and Historical Investigation," (Ph.D., University of South Carolina, 1968), 159-160. Calmes overstates the Creeks loss of "their former indigenous identities," but he accurately claims that they "assumed the vague classification of Creek Indians." See, J. Leitch Wright, Jr., Creeks and Seminoles: The Destruction and Regeneration of the Muscogulge People (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), especially, 1-3.








25

identities be discarded. Although Creek Indians frequently complained about abusive white traders and evicted unwanted Euro-American squatters throughout their pre-removal history, the incorporation of white Euro-American colonists into the Creek Nation should not be seen as an "invasion within." Instead, the structured and intentional incorporation of ethnic outsiders by the Creek Confederacy should be conceptualized as an "invitation within."'



The cant of invasion permeates modem ethnohistorical research. For thirty years, ethnohistorians have been rejecting past interpretations that stressed benevolent actions of Europeans and the savagery of the Indians. Instead, they portray the violent and intrusive aspects of Indian-European relations and focus on the savage European. Indeed, modem ethnohistorians portray an ideological "world upside down." The Invasion of America, by Francis Jennings, exemplified this academic trend.' Scholars, like Jennings, have showed how early American history, understood from a Native-American perspective, looks radically different from an Euro-American bias. Ethnohistorians rightly reinterpreted the past by emphasizing the biological, demographic, cultural, and diplomatic consequences of contact.' The adoption of a different outlook by scholars did not just change the



2 James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985).
3 Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975).
4~ Recent reinterpretations of contact also owe a debt to the work of Alfred W. Crosby, Jr. See, Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1972); Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., "Reassessing 1492," American Quarterly 41 (2: 1989), 661-669; Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (New York: University of Cambridge Press, 1986). Other notable reinterpretations include: James Axtell, Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 241-266; Francis Jennings, The Founders of America: From the Earliest Mi grations to the Present (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1993), 101 -








26

characterization of initial contact between peoples, but it also forced a reevaluation of the

hostile intentions of religious missionaries, the destructive nature of "civilization" plans,

and the self-serving motives of European diplomats.' In this new paradigm, aggressive

Europeans assaulted all aspects of Indian society. James Axtell, in The Invasion Within

and his other writings, typifies this perspective. Indians, Axtell has argued, have survived







162; Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); Ian K. Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983); Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978).

Prominent examples of the reinterpretation of Christian missionaries include: Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response. 1787-1862 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965); Neal Salisbury, "Red Puritans: The 'Praying Indians' of Massachusetts Bay and John Eliot," William and Mga Quarterly 3rd series 31 (January 1974), 27-54; Daniel K. Richter, "Iroquois versus Iroquois: Jesuit Missions and Christianity in Village Politics, 1642-1686," Ethnohistory 32 (1: 1985), 1-16; William G. McLoughlin, Cherokees & Missionaries, 1789-1839 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984); Clara Sue Kidwell, Choctaws and Missionaries, 1818-1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995); Clyde A. Milner, With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the Pawnees, Otos, and Omahas in the 1870s (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1982); Anthony F. C. Wallace, The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York: Vintage Books, 1969). Reinterpretations of civilization plans include: Margaret C. Szasz, Indian Education in the American Colonies (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988); Bernard W. Sheehan, The Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1973). For reinterpretations of diplomacy see: Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Treaties: The Histor of A Political Anomaly (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Wilbur R. Jacobs, Dispossessing the American Indian: Indians and Whites on the Colonial Frontier (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972); Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Settling With The Indians: The Meeting of English and Indian Cultures in America. 1580-1640 (Totoaw NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980). Perhaps James P. Ronda best summarized this change in perspective when he wrote that "the Indian who embraced Christianity was compelled, in effect, to commit cultural suicide. He was required to renounce not only his own personal past, but that of his forefathers as well." See James P. Ronda, "' We Are Well as We Are': An Indian Critique of Seventeenth-Century Christian Missions," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 34 (January 1977), 66-82.








27

to today only because of their tenacity and the flexibility with which they confronted and still confront these invasions.'

Several ethnohistorians have characterized Indian countrymen and intermarriage between southeastern Indians and white Americans with the imagery and rhetoric of invasion. Joel Martin, for example, describes the history of the Creek Indians in terms of the intrusive assault of external, white forces. Through intermarriage, he claims, EuroAmerican immigrants obtained power, Creek identities, and undue influence in Creek villages. Then they led a crusade against the Creek's traditional religious lifestyle. In the long run, Martin contends, these "Intimate Strangers" became "Hostile Neighbors." The Creek children of intermarriages eventually "would gain significant power and introduce serious levels of internal conflict within Muskogee." Indian countrymen and other AngloAmericans introduced non-traditional material goods, created class divisions within Creek society, and were instrumental in "overthrowing long-standing political arrangements." Eventually, their presence precipitated a civil war (the Red Stick War in 1812-1814) that really constituted an "attack on the spirits of the land."' The invasion of Indian countrymen into Creek families and communities, Martin infers, destroyed the traditional Creek way of life.

Claudio Saunt' s recent dissertation treats both intermarriage and the problem of

Indian countrymen in a manner similar to that of Martin. Yet unlike Martin, who allows for



6 Axtell, The Invasion Within; James Axtell, After Columbus: Essays in the
Ethnohistory of Colonial North American (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); James Axtell, The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981).

'~ Joel Wayne Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees' Struggle for a New World (Boston MA: Beacon Press, 1991), 70-84, cites 71, 107-108, 83. Martin's dissertation also utilized the invasion rhetoric. See Joel Wayne Martin, "Cultural Hermeneutics on the Frontier: Colonialism and the Muscogulge Millenarian Revolt of 1813," (Ph.D., Duke University, 1988), especially chapter nine.








28

a range of Creek behaviors, Saunt insists on a static definition of the Indian." According to

Saunt, wealthy white immigrants and their multi-racial children thrust an invasion of "a

new order of things" upon the Creek Nation. Most Creeks resisted this new order, one

best "represented" by prominent mestizo Alexander McGillivray and characterized by

things "European" in origin. This new order, partly bome by white immigrants and spread

by intermarriages, threatened everything that was once "Creek." By the eighteenth century,

white newcomers and many of their mixed families led different lives than those of the

"typical" Muskogee. Moreover, such innovations as literacy, cattle-herding, slave-owning,

centralized justice, and Christianity, eroded Creek traditions, heightened factionalism, and

thus led to civil war. Whites introduced alcohol, abused their Indian spouses, promoted

illegal land cessions, and prevented "real" Indians from ruling the Creek Nation. For

Saunt and other scholars, intermarriage between white Americans and Indians epitomized

the hostile invasion.'



Within the rhetoric of invasion, Martin accepts a flexible definition of Creeks.
"This is not to say that the affluent m6tis had ceased being Muskogees." he writes. "To say that would incorrectly presuppose that only one style of life was truly Muskogee and that the Muskogee were incapable of innovation, adaptation, and even revolution. Nothing could be farther from the truth. During the eighteenth century, the Muskogees had innovated, adapted, and to a large degree revolutionized their lives." Martin, Sacred Revolt, 104. This flexibility allows him to explain the Red Stick War in terms of a religious civil war. The need for a flexible definition of "Indian" has been convincingly argued by Alexandra Harmon, "When is an Indian not an Indian? 'Friends of the Indian' and the Problems of Indian Identity," American Indian Quarterly 18 (Summer 1990), 95124.

Claudio Saunt, "A New Order of Things: Creeks and Seminoles in the Deep
South Interior, 1733-1816," (Ph.D., Duke University, 1996), 175, 79, 169, 200. Saunt claims that these forces led the Creeks to view Alexander McGillivray as an unwanted intruder. Therefore Saunt proclaims McGillivray to be not "of the Creeks." W. David Baird presents a persuasive critique of the search for "real" Indians in the southeast. See W. David Baird, "Are there'Real' Indians in Oklahoma? Historical Perceptions of the Five Civilized Tribes," Chronicles of Oklahoma 68 (Spring 1990), 4-23. Baird reprinted this article as his Presidential Address to the Western Historical Association in 1989. See "Are the Five Tribes of Oklahoma'Real' Indians?" Western Historical Quarterly 21 (February 1990), 5-18. See also, Hudson, The Southeastern Indians, 478. For an opposing viewpoint and the modem political ramifications of Indian identity, see William W. Quinn,




I








29

Historians, however, have not considered intermarriage between southeastern

Indians and African Americans under the rubric of invasion. Instead depictions of racial unity typify historical efforts to explain this phenomenon. Blacks who voluntarily moved to Creek villages quickly became citizens, completely integrated themselves into their new society, and immediately "contributed" to the Creek Nation. This positive representation of Creek-black relations stems from a belief that "non-whites" on the southern middle ground shared a racial consciousness and that Euro-Americans introduced racial divisions to the region. For example, several scholars write that Euro-Americans introduced African slavery to the Creek Nation. This, in turn, led some Creek Indians to enslave many of the voluntary African-American residents, and it created hostility between formerly friendly Creek Indians and African Americans. To explain instances of conflict between Indians and Africans, several scholars assume that white forces created the disunion. By implementing a "divide and rule" strategy, white Americans inhibited the development of African-Indian alliances. Conflict in such an analysis resulted from another Euro-American invasion of Indian society."0





Jr., "The Southeast Syndrome: Notes on Indian Descendant Recruitment Organizations and Their Perceptions of Native American Culture," American Indian Quarterly 14 (Spring 1990), 147-154.
10 'William S. Willis, "Divide and Rule: Red, White, and Black in the Southeast,"
Journal of Negro History 48 (July 1963), 157-176; William G. McLaughlin, "Red Indians, Black Slavery and White Racism: America' s Slaveholding Indians," American Quarterly 26 (October 1974), 367-385; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, "The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery," Journal of Southern History 57 (November 1991), 601-636; J. Russell Snapp, John Stuart and the Struggle for Empire on the Southern Frontier (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 158-159. A critique of this natural alliance can be found in Theda Perdue, Slavely and the Evolution of Cherokee Society (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1979); Kenneth W. Porter, "Relations between Negroes and Indians within the Present Limits of the United States," Journal of Negro History, 17 (July 1932), 300; R. Halliburton, Jr., Red Over Black: Black Slavery among the Cherokee Indians (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1977), 139.








30

Recent assessments have begun to downplay the ability of whites to create hostility between the Indians and blacks. Instead they stress the permanence of a natural non-white racial alliance. Katja May criticizes earlier scholars for treating black-Indian relations as a function of white society. Despite the efforts of white Euro-Americans, she writes, conflict between Indians and Africans rarely occurred. Some strife resulted from tensions inherent to particular communities, but May emphasizes the unparalleled opportunities that African Americans had among the southeastern Indians. They enjoyed unprecedented freedom in the South, rose to prominence as Creek leaders, and intermarried freely. When understood on its own terms, the history of African American-Creek relations is one of "Collision and Collusion." Like May, Saunt also downplays the hostility between Indians and slaves. African-American residents among the Creeks, he writes, did not disturb traditional society. Quite the contrary, black Creeks became part of the "old order" in opposition to the "new order of things," which included race slavery and race consciousness. Other ethnohistorians discuss the black Creeks solely in terms of their resistance to white America."

Contrasting characterizations of white and black incorporation in the Creek Nation fail to recognize the common origins of these phenomena. The open-door policy of incorporating Euro-Americans and African Americans extended naturally from the Creeks' multicultural and multiethnic heritage. Since the Creek Confederacy never existed as a



KaIja May, African Americans and Native Americans in the Creek and Cherokee Nations, 1830s to 1920s (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996), 41, cite 255; Saunt, "A New Order of Things," 400-410, 456-478, 543-547. See also Daniel F. Littlefield, Jr., Africans and Creeks: From the Colonial Period to the Civil War (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1979); William Loren Katz, Black Indians: A Hidden Heritage (New York: Atheneum, 1986), 12-14; Jack D. Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Urbanna: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 26-54; Gary B. Nash, Red, White and Black: The Peoples of Early America (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974), 138. For an earlier study that pursued a similar interpretation see Laurence Foster, Negro-Indian Relationships in the Southeast (Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania, 1935).








31

single culture or ethnic grouping, it did not possess a predisposition to construct itself

along such exclusionary lines. Encompassing an ever-changing range of cultural practices,

the modem creation of a Creek ethnic identity can been traced historically." Traits

characterizing Creek culture and society in the eighteenth century often ceased to do so in

the nineteenth; individuals and villages that identified themselves as Creeks in the

eighteenth century claimed other identities a century later. "





Choosing a precise date for the origins of the Creek Confederacy is impossible. Vernon James Knight, Jr., however, argues that it did not appear before the eighteenth century. John H. Hann, although agreeing with Knight's central premise, contends that around 1680 political behavior began to approximate that which characterized the confederacy. This "prototype" confederacy shows the historical roots of Creeks. See, Vernon James Knight, Jr., "The Formation of the Creeks," in Charles M. Hudson and Carmen Chaves Tesser, eds., The Forgotten Centuries: Indians and Europeans in the American South 1521-1704 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994), 373-392; John H. Hann, "Late Seventeenth-Century Forbears of the Lower Creeks and Seminoles," Southeastern Archeology 15 (Summer 1996), 66-80, esp. 60; Marvin T. Smith, "Aboriginal Population Movements in the Early Historic Period Interior Southeast," in Peter H. Wood, Gregory A. Waselkov, and Thomas M. Hatley, eds., Powhatan's Mantle: Indians in the Colonial Southeast (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 21-35. The other southeastern confederacies had modem origins as well. Patricia Kay Galloway has provided by far the best explication of these origins and the ways to discover them through the ethnohistorical method. See Patricia Kay Galloway, Choctaw Genesis 15001700 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995); Patricia Kay Galloway, "Confederacy as a Solution to Chiefdom Dissolution: Historical Evidence in the Choctaw Case," in Charles M. Hudson and Charmen Chaves Tesser, eds., The Forgotten Centuries: Indians and Europeans in the American South, 1521-1704 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994), 393-420.

Until recently, many scholars have accepted the primordial origins of Creek
Indians. See John Swanton, "Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy," in EgM Second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretarv of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1928), 3 10; Gary B. Nash, Red, White and Black, 111; Verner Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1929), 24-25, 36; Angie Debo, The Road to Disapearance: A History of the Creek Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941), 3-4; David H. Corkran, The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967), 3; Michael D. Green, The Politics of Indian Removal: Creek Government and Society in Crisis (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), 4. Nevertheless, recent scholarship has stressed that the Creek Confederacy, if not the Muskogee ethnic group, was a post-contact creation.








32

A Creek identity first emerged as a product of the disruptions caused by European contact. Ethnohistorians refer to a "New World" inhabited by Europeans and Native Americans alike after contact. In the southeast, this "New World" included the formation of the Creek Confederacy.'" When Hernando de Soto plundered through the southeast in 1540 looking for gold, no Creek Confederacy existed. De Soto and his chroniclers encountered dozens of large Indian chiefdoms: among others, the Coosa, Altamaha, Apalachee, Talisi, and Alibamo chiefdoms. These Mississippean societies, which formed between A.D. 700 and A.D. 900, were complex and generally contained paramount chiefs, hierarchical structures, institutions of centralized power, specialized labor forces, complex systems of tribute, and sophisticated agricultural practices. In palisaded cities, these southeastern Indians spoke numerous languages, relied heavily on agricultural production, had diverse cosmologies, and competed for power and territory as distinct political entities. Once De Soto' s hostility to these indigenous societies became evident, Indian guides led him into the swamps from which the warriors from several chiefdoms chased him all the way out of Florida. De Soto and his men were no match for the well-organized Native Americans. They outnumbered the Spanish explorers, and their technology was wellsuited to warfare in the swampy southeastern terrain. De Soto managed to survive, but he



14 James H. Merrell, The Indians New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors
From European Contact Through the Era of Removal (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1989); James H. Merrell, "The Indians New World: The Catawba Experience" William and M Quarterly 3rd series 41 (October 1984), 537-565; James Axtell, The Indians' New South: Cultural Change in the Colonial Southeast (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996); Martin, Sacred Revolt. Similar processes occurred throughout North America. See Daniel K. Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois Lead in the Era of European Civilization (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Collin G. Calloway, New Worlds For All: Indians. Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America (Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); Neal Salisbury, Maniton and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500-1643 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 103-108; Edward Countryman, Americans: A Collision of Histories (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996), 4.








33

and the other Spaniards who previously traveled the mainland had already sparked the

development of the Creek Confederacy: they brought the diseases for which these

chiefdoms had no answer.'15

Scholars disagree over the size of the pre-contact Indian population and over the

extent to which European diseases contributed to its decline. Henry Dobyns estimates that

the population decline was as high as fifty to one in Florida. Such a drastic depopulation,

he concludes, radically restructured Indian life. Other recent, more conservative estimates

of southeastern Native depopulation still conclude that the organized pre-contact chief doms

experienced were forced to reorganize in radical ways. In Georgia, and in areas more

detached from direct contact, the effects of the Columbian exchange were also drastic.

Throughout the Americas, epidemics initiated political, social, and cultural upheavals that,

in the southeast, led to the dismantlement of the large chiefdoms. Smaller populations

could not support the elaborate systems of tribute, and with the decline of the chiefdoms the

southeastern societies simplified. They lost their hierarchical structures, altered their

settlement patterns, ceased to have specialized crafts, and stopped performing many of the


15 Edward G. Bourne, ed. and trans., Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida 2 volumes (New York: Allerton Book Co., 1973); Charles Hudson, The Southeastern Indians (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976), 7794, 107-116; Randolph J. Widmer, "The Structure of Southeastern Chiefdoms," in Charles M. Hudson and Charmen Chaves Tesser, eds., The Forgotten Centuries: Indians and Europeans in the American South, 1521-1704 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994), 125-155; John F. Scarry, "The Apalachee Chiefdom: A Mississippian Society on the Fringe of the Mississippian World," in Hudson and Tesser, The Forgotten Centuries, 156-178; Paul E. Hoffman, "Introduction: The De Soto Expedition, a Cultural Crossroads," in Lawrence E. Clayton, Vernon James Knight, Jr., and Edward C. Moore, eds., The De Soto Chronicles: The Expedition of Hernando De Soto to North America in 1539-1543 2 volumes (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992), 1:7-17; Charles M. Hudson, "The Hernando de Soto Expedition, 1539-1543," in Hudson and Tesser, The Forgotten Centuries,1 74-103; Marvin T. Smith, "Aboriginal Depopulation in the Postcontact Southeast," in Hudson and Tesser, The Forgotten Centuries, 257-276; Chester B. DePratter, Charles M. Hudson, and Marvin T. Smith, "The Hernando de Soto Expedition: From Chiaha to Mabila," in Reid Badger and Lawrence A. Clayton, eds., Alabama and the Borderlands from Prehistory to Statehood (University: University of Alabama Press, 1985); Axtell, The Indians' New South, 6-13.








34
elaborate spiritual rituals. The socio-political systems of the southeastern Indians were changed irrevocably."6

When Spanish explorers Tristdn de Luna (1560) and Juan Pardo (1568) returned to Florida a generation after De Soto' s last visit, only remnants of the large chiefdoms remained. The Coosa, Timucuan, Talisi, Ichisi, and other large chiefdoms of the southeast had all declined markedly. In two decades, they had experienced drastic depopulation and decentralization. The processes extended into the seventeenth century, as smallpox, measles, and influenza epidemics continued to plague the declining chiefdoms, leaving behind ever-smaller remnant groups. Peoples who were once powerful enough to chase De Soto out of Florida were no match for Spanish explorers thirty years later. In the seventeenth century, European colonists in the southeast encountered what ethnohistorian Francis Jennings labeled "widowed land," underpopulated because most of its former inhabitants were dead."1

It seems unlikely that the Indians of the southeast passively watched their kinsmen perish and their communities collapse. At first, they probably resorted to traditional


16 Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned, 328-335; Jerald T. Milanich, Florida Indians and the Invasion from Europe (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1995); David Henige, "Their Numbers Become Thick: Native American Historical Demography as Expiation," in James A. Clifton, ed., The Invented Indian: Cultural Fictions and Government Policies (New Brunswick NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1990), 169-192; Peter H. Wood, "The Impact of Smallpox on the Native Population of the 18th Century South," New York State Journal of Medicine 87 (January 1987), 30-36; Smith, "Aboriginal Depopulation in the Postcontact Southeast," 270; Ann F. Ramenofsky, Vecots of Death: The Archaeology of European Contact (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987). Some depopulation preceded direct contact. George R. Milner, "Epidemic Disease in the Post-Contact Southeast: A Reappraisal," Mid-Continental Journal of Archaeology 5 (Spring 1980), 3-17.
17 Jennings, The Invasion of America, 15-3 1. Also see, Smith, "Aboriginal
Depopulation in the Postcontact Southwest," 257-275; Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned, 292-293; Thornton, American Indian Holocaust, 23-32; Charles M. Hudson, Marvin T. Smith, Charles De Pratter, and Emilia Kelley, "The Tristdn de Luna Expedition, 1559-1561," Southeastern Archaeology 8 (Summer 1989), 31-45; Axtell, The Indians' New South, 22-24.








35

remedies. They may have called upon their spiritual leaders for guidance and sought the

herbal remedies of their shamans. They probably held ritual busks and performed

sacrifices. Certainly, some tried to escape the calamity by moving away to interior

settlements. Those who stayed adapted their diets and lifestyles to fit the changing

situation. Scholars posit dozens of survival techniques tried by the Indians of the large

southeastern chiefdoms. Nothing worked. The Indians could not know that they lacked

immunity to the unfamiliar diseases ravaging their natural order. When traditional

responses to chaos failed, and pressures from the northern and interior Native Americans

increased, many of the culturally diverse southeastern Indians tried a new solution 18

Completely regrouping, they became a new entity that eventually became known to

outsiders as the Creek Confederacy.'9



'8 Charles M. Hudson, Jr., "Why the Southeastern Indians Slaughtered Deer," in Shepard Krech, 111, ed., Indians, Animals, and the Fur Trade: A Critique of KeMers of the Game (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1981), 169; Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978); Clark Spencer Larsen, Margaret J. Schoeninger, Dale L. Hutchinson, Katherine F. Russell, and Christopher B. Ruff, "Beyond Demographic Collapse: Biological Adaptation and Change in Native Populations of La Florida," in David Hurst Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences volume 2 Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands East (Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990), 413; Calmes, "Indian cultural traditions and European conquest of the Georgia-South Carolina coastal plain," 107; Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned 302-311.

In addition to the invasions of microbes and European armies, contact also
ignited pre-existed disputes between Indian nations. The introduction of guns in the Native nations living north of the southeastern remnant tribes, increased the need for a military alliance. See Marvin T. Smith, "Depopulation and Culture Change in the Early Historic Period Interior Southeast," (Ph.D., University of Florida, 1984); Ripley P. Bullpen, "Tocobaga Indians an the Safety Harbor Culture," in Jerald T. Milanich, and Samuel Proctor, eds., Tacachale: EssMs on the Indians of Florida and Southeastern Georgia in the Historic Period (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994, reprint 1978), 50-57. Scholars basically agree that the Creeks obtained their name from European observers. Although Verner Crane argued that the Creeks obtained their names because they primarily lived along the major waterways of the southeast, J. Leitch Wright, Jr., argues otherwise. He too claims that the name came from British observers, but he claims that it began as a shorthand designation for a group of Muscogees living on the Ochesee Creek, as called by Hitchiti Indians. See Verner Crane, "The Origin of the Name of the Creek Indians,"








36

Ethnic Muskogee Indians formed the core of this new polity, the heart of which Creek tradition locates in four towns: Coweta, Abilika, Kasihta, and Coosa. Other villages quickly Joined. To bolster their size and strength, the Muskogee's muted their cultural conflicts and invited the remnants of other Indian nations and villages into their confederation. Many newcomers came from the southeast; others originated in more inland and northern nations where the Columbian exchange had been less destructive. Muskogees incorporated these newcomers, despite their strange dress, odd physical appearances, and equally peculiar religious beliefs. By the eighteenth century, thousands of non-Muskogee Indians from over one hundred ethnic groups had made a home among the ever expanding Confederacy."

During the eighteenth and early nineteenth century the Creek Confederacy continued to expand. It did so by incorporating six particular types of outsiders. The Confederacy took in Indian nations that it had "routed" in war, refugees from other tribes, prisoners of war, remnant groups of Indians that had been defeated by the European military powers, individuals whose communities had succumbed to the Colombian exchange, and nonCreek males who married Creek women. For the most part, each of these mechanisms for incorporating ethnic outsiders began early in the Confederacy's history and continued up through Indian removal in the 1820s and 1830s.21



Mississippi Valley Historical Review 5 (December 1918), 339-342; Wright, Creeks and Seminoles. 2, 4-5. Crane apparently relied heavily on Creek leader Alexander McGillivray's claim that the name came from the proliferation of streams near Creek villages.

Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 5; Green, The Politics of Indian Removal, 14-15; John Swanton, "Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy," 46-47; Ripley P. Bullpen, "Tocobaga Indians an the Safety Harbor Culture," in Milanich and Proctor, Tacachale, 57; Martin, "Cultural Hermeneutics on the Frontier," 43.

2' Albert James Pickett to Thomas H. Hobbs, November 24, 1857, Albert James Pickett Manuscripts, Alabama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery; Albert








37

According to oral tradition, many Creek Indians descended from individuals who were conquered in war. Those who could not resist the Creek army, considered by Europeans and Indians to be one of the more powerful Indian militaries in the pre-removal era, survived by becoming members of the Creek Nation."2 Many Yamasee Indians, for example, joined the Confederacy after ruinous warfare with South Carolina and its Creek allies in 1715 left them but few options. Tomochichi, who later became a prominent Creek leader, was one of those refugees.2" Big Warrior, an early nineteenth-century chief, told Baptist missionary Lee Compere that in the eighteenth century the Creeks were so powerful "that the Uchee tribe they made [into] tributaries. That they were then a great people & their warriors pressed on into the lower part of what is now Georgia & South Carolina."2" These groups entered the Confederacy with their own clans and quickly intermarried with their Creek hosts.




James Pickett, History of Alabama and Incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, from the Earliest Period (Charleston SC: Walker and James, 1851), 89, 128-133. John Pitts Corry, Indian Affairs in Georgia, 1732-1756 (Philadelphia PN: G. S. Ferguson, 1936), 34; David H. Corkran, The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967), 4, 48; James F. Doster, The Creek Indians and Their Florida Lands, 1740-1823 2 volumes (New York: Garland Publishing, 1974), 2:4.

22 Francis Le Jau to the Secretary, May 10, 1715, in Frank J. Klingberd, ed., The Carolina Chronicle of Dr. Francis Le Jau, 1706-17 17 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1956), 152; James Glen to the Duke of New Castle, December 1, 1748, Letter Book of James Glen in Dalhousie Muniments, Papers relating to America, in the Dalhousie Muniments, Scottish Record Office, General Register House, Edinburgh, Microfilm in Huntington Library, San Marino, California; [Henry, Ellis] to Lieut. Col. Bouquet, June 24, 1757, Lord Loudoun Papers, Huntington Library; Major Forbes to Secretary of State, September 7, 1763, Lord Loudoun Papers; Thomas Brown to Thomas Townshend, June 1, 1783, Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 5/82.
23 Saunt, "A New Order of Things," 6; Trustee Memorial to the King asking for payment of the passage and expenses of this visiting Indian chiefs from Georgia, August 21, 1734, Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 5/670; Copy of a letter written by Oglethorpe on his return from Georgia, June 27, 1733, Joseph Vallence Bevan Papers, Georgia Historical Society, Savannah.
24 LeCompere to Albert James Pickett, April 6, 1848, Pickett Manuscripts.








38

Some individuals chose to flee vibrant Indian communities and enter Creek villages. Native-American immigrants came from the strongest of southeastern nations: the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Catawba, and Shawnee." Often these individuals were outcasts of their original villages. In 1750, James Glen, Governor of South Carolina, observed that a "few Renegade Chickasaws 30 or 40 in number who being banished [from] their own Country live" among the Creeks." Knowledge of the presence of individual immigrants from vibrant nations endured in the oral traditions within the Confederacy. Creek Indian Sam J. Haynes, who claimed that his grandfather was a white deerskin trader, recalled in 1938 that generations earlier some refugees from "the Catawba Indians were adopted by the Creeks. ,17 Most probably, their ancestors left their villages in search of asylum among the Creeks."







'50ther towns had Cherokee or Catawba roots. Interview with Billie Spencer, November 13, 1937, Indian Pioneer History Collection, Grant Foreman Collection, Oklahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, Volume 14, #12142; Interview with Sam J. Haynes, February 18, 1938, Indian Pioneer History Collection, #12992; Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 6.
26 James Glen to the Lords Commissioner, October 2, 1750, Letter Book of James Glen.
17 Interview with Sam J. Haynes, February 18, 1938, Indian Pioneer History Collection, Volume 40, #12992; Interview with Louis Graham, May 28, 1937, Indian Pioneer History Collection, Volume 35, #6038; Interview with Billie Spencer, November 13, 1937, Indian Pioneer History Collection, Volume 14, #12142; James Glen to [Duke of New Castle], December 24, 1748, Letter Book of James Glen.

Many Creek oral traditions concern the role of orphans and adopted children. Whether of Muskogee, Alabama, Hitchiti or Natchez origins, many cultural myths normalize the adoption of outsiders. See, John R. Swanton, Myths and Tales of the Southeastern Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995, reprint 1929), especially 10- 17, 95, 118-120, 134-138, 156, 178-180, 240-241. Chapter two will directly address the role of the Creek Confederacy as an asylum for Euro-American fugitives.








39

Other non-Muskogee individuals became residents of the Creek Confederacy as captives of war. Not all prisoners, however, became Creek Indians.29 Captives usually faced four options: death, ransom, adoption, or enslavement. Eunice Barber, captured in 1818, watched as Creeks determined the futures of several dozen captives including herself. Barber recalled that the immediate decision, to kill them or to let them live, was made by any Indian who "had lost a friend in the expedition. [He] had the power to determine [the captives] fate, either to adopt him in the place of the deceased, or to doom him to savage torture.",30 Barber failed to recognize the other two options available, slavery and ransom, but she did identify the two extremes of captivity: complete adoption and gruesome deaths.

Creeks often adopted captives to replace relatives who died young, whether in war or from disease. The need to obtain replacement kin led the Creek Nation to wage war against weak neighboring villages. In 1747, St. Augustine Governor Manuel de Montiano explained this practice. "In order to increase their numbers" the Creeks implement a policy of "killing the men and carrying off the women and children. They marry the former



29 "The Captivity of Jane Brown and Her Family," in Wilcomb E. Washburn, ed., The Garland Library of Narratives of North American Indian Captivities (New York: Garland Publishing, 1977), 64:1-15; Eunice Barber, "Shocking Murder by the Savages of Mr. Darius Barber's Family, in Georgia, on the 26th of January 1,"' in Washburn, The Garland Libra of Narratives of North American Indian Captivities, 36:26. Such an adoption process was not unique to the Creeks or the southeast. It was prevalent throughout all of colonial America and the west. See James Axtell, "The White Indians of Colonial America," in James Axtell, The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America (New York: Oxford Press, 1981), 168-206; White, Middle Ground, 261-263, 324-329; Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 3-4, 32-35, 60-74; June Namias, White Captives: Gender and Ethnicity on the American Frontier (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 3-7.

30 Margaret Ervin Austill, "Life of Margaret Ervin Austill," Alabama Historical
Quarterly 6 (Spring 1944), 92-98; Eunice Barber, "Narrative of the Tragic Death of Darius Barber," in Washburn, The Garland Library of Narratives of North American Indian Captivities, 36:17-18. See also James Adair, Adair' s History of the American Indians ed., Samuel Cole Williams (New York: Promontory Press, 1930, reprint 1775), 417.








40

[women] and raise the latter [children] according to their customs."" The importance of replacing deceased kin was not lost on Eunice Barber. If deemed adoptable, she noticed that each captive "was unbound, taken by the hands, led to the cabin of the person into whose family he was to be adopted, and received with all imaginable marks of kindness." He would then be "treated as a friend and a brother," and the new families "appeared soon to love him with the same tenderness as if he stood in the place of their deceased friend." Adoptees obtained a clan and therefore a place within a Creek community, but they did not enjoy complete freedom. Each adopted captive "had no other marks of captivity, but his not being suffered to return to his own nation, for should he have attempted this, he would have been punished with death. q13Z

In comparison to the "tenderness to those whom they adopt," the cruelty of punishments for non-adopted captives shocked Euro-Americans. One white resident among the Creeks succinctly summed up the stark dichotomy between torture and adoption. "Hospitable and kind as these people are to friends, they are, if possible, still
,,33
more inveterate to enemies. Barber recalled "particulars of many of the instances of barbarity exercised upon the prisoners of different ages, and sexes." Careful not to offend her audience with descriptions of "too shocking a nature to be presented to the public," Barber ensured that her audience would assume the most depraved acts. Rather than describing the tortures, she asserted that "it is sufficient here to observe that the scalping knife and tomahawk, were the mildest instruments of death--that in many cases torture by



31 Manuel de Montiano to the King, July 20, 1747, Santo Domingo Papers.
Archive de Indias, Seville, Spain. Microfilm copy in P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville, reel 46, legajo 866, 534.
3' Barber, "Narrative of the Tragic Death of Darius Barber," 17-18.

33 T. E., "Account of the Creek Indians, by a Gentleman who has Resided Among Them," in The EILropean Magazine (June 1793), 408








41

fire, and other execrable means were used.",34 Other descriptions of punishments resembled the "savage cruelty" and "tomahawk torture" that frightened frontier Americans.5 Philip Georg Friedrich von Reck, in 1736, vividly described the cruelty that southeastern Indians displayed to "their war captives.... They either take off their skin from the top of their heads, or burn them while they are still alive," he claimed. "Sometimes the captive, before he is entirely consumed by the fire, is thrown into the river, where the boys shoot arrows at him until he is dead.",31

In addition to forming surrogate kinship ties, the Creek Indians also chose to

incorporate captives or newcomers who possessed skills of which they could make use. Many of the adopted captives or fugitives within the Creek Nation were blacksmiths, interpreters, gunsmiths, and cobblers. Individuals without such skills had less to offer the Creek Nation, and so had less success at being adopted. By incorporating skilled craftsmen, the Creeks enhanced their technological base and reduced their dependency on Euro-American manufacturing."7



34 Barber, "Narrative of the Tragic Death of Darius Barber," 21. This narrative
strategy of leaving the details to the audience's imagination was common among captivity narratives. Namias, White Captives, 50-53.
35 John Bartramn to Peter Collinson, September 30, 1763, in Edmund Berkeley and Dorothy Smith Berkeley, eds., The Correspondence of John Bartram, 1734-1777 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1992), 609. See also John Drayton, A View of South-Carolina, As Respects Her Natural and Civil Concerns (Charleston SC: W. P. Young, 1802), 55; Nathaniel Knowles, "The Torture of Captives by the Indians of Eastern North America," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 82 (March 1940), 15 1-225; Corkran, The Creek Frontier, 28.
36 "Von Reck's Journal ," in Kristian Hvidt, ed., Von Reck's Voyage: Drawings and Journal of Philip Georg Friedrich von Reck (Savannah GA: Beehive Press, 1980), 47.
37 Thomas M. Ellis to Albert James Pickett, August 26, 1847, Pickett Manuscripts. Throughout the period, Creeks encouraged the introduction of blacksmiths into the nation. Often this occurred in pleas to American officials and negotiated in treaties. See Treaty with the Creeks, Article 8, June 29, 1796, in Charles J. Kappler, ed., Indian Treaties, 1778-1883 (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1904), 49; Treaty with the








42
After rejecting the alternative of adopting, the Creeks might nevertheless decide that the prisoner was worth more alive than dead. Throughout the eighteenth century, EuroAmericans and Native Americans offered the Creeks ransoms or prisoner exchanges for the return of their captured warriors. Occasionally, the Creeks chose to return captives to their American or Indian families, or sell escaped slaves back to their masters .38 During the American Revolution, for example, the Shawnees ransomed "a Peoria Woman who was a prisoner among the Creeks [in order to return] her to her nation."3 White captives could face similar circumstances. Alexander McGillivray successfully "ransomed [Mrs. Brown and her children] from slavery and entertained them at his house for more than a year" before assisting her return to her family in North Carolina.40 The lucrative business of







Creeks, Article 2, June 16, 1802, in Kappler, Indian Treaties, 59; Treaty with the Creeks, Article 4, November 14, 1805, in Kappler, Indian Treaties, 86; Treaty with Creeks, Article 3, March 6, 1818, in Kappler, Indian Treaties, 156; Treaty with the Creeks, Article 8, January 24, 1825, in Kappler, Indian Treaties, 266.
381 Speech of President George Washington, December 8, 1795, American State
Papers, Class I: Foreign Relations, 6 volumes (Washington DC: Gales and Seaton, 18331839), 1:27. Benjamin Hawkins to J[onathan] Halsted, October 10, 1809, Rhees Collection, Huntington Library; Stephen Bull to Henry Laurens, March 14, 1776, in Philip M. Hamer, George C. Rogers, Jr., and Maude E. Lyles, eds., The Papers of Henry Laurens 13 volumes (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988), 11:163-164; Richard K. Murdoch, "Seagrove-White Stolen Property Agreement of 1797," Georgia Historical Quarterly 42 (September 1958), 258-276. According to Richard K. Murdoch, "frequent arrangements were made by the authorities on both sides to return the runaways as soon as possible to their legitimate owners to avoid unnecessary diplomatic wrangling." Richard K. Murdoch, "Documents Pertaining to the Georgia-Florida Frontier, 1791-1793," Florida Historical Quarterly (April 1960), 3 19.

Henry Hamilton, January 26, 1779, in John D. Barnhart, ed., Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution with the Unpublished Journal of Lieut. Gov. Henry Hamilton (Crawfordsville IN: R.E. Banta, 1951), 169.
40 John Walton Caughey, McGillivray of the Creeks (Norman: University of
Oklahoma, 1938), 325 FN 319; "The Captivity of Jane Brown and Her Family," 64:1-15.








43
selling African slaves for ransom led many Creeks to steal slaves solely for purposes of

claiming rewards."'

Other captives did not fare as well as those who were ransomed home. Even when

the ransom price was good, the Creeks occasionally chose to keep "unredeemed

captives.",42 In 1792, they rebuked an attempt to ransom two white female captives and a

child. After John 0' Riley, an American trader who married a Tuskegee woman, offered

"to purchase them at the price of a negro, each, for their ransom .. the Indians

refused." Their explanation was simple. "They did not bring the prisoners there to let

them go back to the Virginia people, but had brought them to punish and make vituals and

work for them, the Indians."4 Although 0' Riley's frustration resulted from the Creek's


4Missionary Francis Le Jau and other American observers complained that many Creeks wages wars solely to obtain captives to sell into slavery. By the nineteenth century, the Creeks stopped waging war and turned to individual acts of theft. Reselling African slaves back to their Euro-American masters became a source of employment. Francis Le Jau to the Secretary, April 22, 1708, in Klingberd, Carolina Chronicle 37; Francis Le Jau to the Secretary, September 15, 1708, in Klingberd, Carolina Chronicle, 41; Francis Le Jau to the Secretary, October 10, 1713, in Klingberd, Carolina Chronicle, 134.
42 John Demos, The Unredeemed Captive: A Family Story From North America: A Family Story From North America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1994). See also Axtell, "The White Indians of Colonial America," 168-206. This topic will be covered in chapter two.
43 Deposition of James Ore, May 16, 1792, in American State Papers, Class 11:
Indian Affairs, 2 volumes (Washington DC: Gales & Seaton, 1832-1834), 1:274; Thomas Simpson Woodward to J. J. Hooper, November 3, 1858, in Thomas Simpson Woodward, Woodward' s Reminiscences of the Creek, or Muscogee Indians, Contained in Letters to Friends in Georgia and Alabama (Montgomery AL: Barrett and Wimbish, 1859), 115; Other attempts to ransom white captives were equally unsuccessful. Andrew Jackson to Willie Blount, July 3, 1812, in John Spencer Bassett, ed., Correspondence of Andrew Jackson 7 volumes (Washington DC: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1926-1927), 1:229-230; Andrew Jackson to Willie Blount, July 10, 1812, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 1:230. The term "Virginians" was used by many southeastern Indians to describe all hostile Euro-Americans or "land-hungry frontiersmen," not merely those from a particular American colony or state. See James H. O'Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973), 6; William S. Coker and Thomas D. Watson, Indian Traders of the Southeastern Spanish Borderlands: Panton, Leslie & Company and John Forbes & Company, 1783-1847 (Pensacola: University of West Florida Press, 1986), 78.








44
practice of holding white slaves, the futures for black captives were even more confusing. The Creek Nation, like the other southeastern Indians, both adopted African-Americans as citizens and owned them as slaves. Over time, the Creeks increasingly returned slaves to their white owners or held them as bondsmen themselves. The option of adoption
44
diminished, but this trend never became absolute.

Just as thousands of ethnic outsiders joined the Creeks through migration,

captivity, and intermarriage, the Creeks lost considerable numbers through out-migration. Once indistinguishable from the rest of the Creek population, Seminole Indians emerged as a distinct ethnic and political identity prior to the American Revolution before splitting off entirely. Several villages and individuals rescinded their Creek identity, stopped attending the annual councils, and charted a distinct cultural and political course. The Seminole migration to Florida occurred in several waves. Throughout the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the Creeks lost hundreds of members to the SeminoleS.45 Other individual Creeks moved to neighboring Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickesaw villages, and still other Creeks left their villages to marry non-Creeks. Tecumseh, for example, lived



44 Brand, "The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery," 612-613, 621; Saunt, "A
New Order of Things," 76. A sizable literature has arisen concerning the ambiguous status of African-American slaves and the Creek Confederacy. See footnotes ten and eleven in this chapter. Examples of the extensive attempts to return escaped slaves include: Common Council Ratification of Treaty of Friendship and Commerce between James Oglethorpe and the Chief Men of the Lower Creek Nation, October 18, 1733, Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 5/67; Benjamin Hawkins to J. Halsted, October 10, 1809, Rhees Collection, Huntington Library. In addition, the letters of Benjamin Hawkins and other U.S. Indian Agents, the official communications of Georgia's Governors, and the American State Papers are filled with depositions, requests, letters of inquiry and offers of rewards for escaped slaves.
45 James W. Covington, "Migration of the Seminoles into Florida, 1700-1820,"
Florida Historical Quarterly 46 (April 1967), 340-357; Charles H. Fairbanks, "The EthnoArcheology of the Florida Seminole," in Milanich and Proctor, Tacachale 163-177; Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 5-6, 36; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, Deerskins & Duffels: Creek Indian Trade With Anglo-America, 1685-1815 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 7, 126, 135; Saunt, "A New Order of Things," 543-597.








45
among the Shawnees, despite the fact that he was the child of a Creek mother. Because his father was a Shawnee, the patrilineal Shawnees accepted him as a full member of their
41
nation.

The Creek's policy of incorporating ethnic outsiders allowed it to be the only Indian nation to experience sustained population growth in the pre-removal era. There were fewer than ten thousand and perhaps as few as seven thousand Creeks in 1715. Despite the fact that death rates remained higher than birth rates, by 1750 the Creeks experienced population growth. The Creek population soared to nearly seventeen thousand in 1780, and on the eve of removal, in 1825, the Creek population hovered near twenty thousand. The success of the Creek policy of incorporation did not go unnoticed by Euro-American observers. James Adair commented that "their artful policy of inviting decayed tribes to incorporate with them," worked. "They have increased double in number within the space of thirty years." This had dramatic consequences for frontier Americans. "These reduced, broken tribes," Adair wrote "have helped to multiply the Muskohge to a dangerous degree."' The successful strategy of incorporating ethnic outsiders allowed thousands of southeastern Indians to survive and prosper despite the destructive Columbian exchange
41
and aggressive European policies.





46 Brand, Deerskins & Duffels, 186; Bil Gilbert, God Gave Us This Country: Tekamthi and the First American Civil War (New York: Atheneum, 1989); R. David Edmunds, The Shawnee Prophet (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1983); Gregory Evans Dowd, A Sp irited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 198.
47 Adair, Histojy of the American Indians, 285.

48 Peter Wood, "The Changing Population of the Colonial South," in Wood, et al., Powhatan's Mantle, 56-61; J. Anthony Paredes and Kenneth J. Plante, "A Reexamination of Creek Indian Population Trends: 1738-1832," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (4: 1982), 5-9.








46

The Creek Confederacy incorporated non-Muskogee ethnic groups, but did not force complete assimilation upon them. Throughout their pre-removal history, Creek Indians spoke dozens of languages. Occasionally, they needed interpreters to facilitate discussions between neighboring villages. Although the shared language of the confeder-acy was Muskogee, many Creeks continued to speak the diverse and mutually incomprehensible languages of their ancestors. Indian countryman George Stiggins, for example, asserted that the Alabama Indians preserved their traditional language within the Creek Confederacy. "While in the assemblies they use the Creek tongue, but in their local concerns they use their own tongue or language. ,49 James Adair was told by an Indian trader (probably George Galphin or Lachlan McGillivray) that within the Creek Nation "live the remains of seven Indian nations." Each of these remnant groups "usually conversed with each other in their own different dialects, though they understood the Muskohge language; but being naturalized, they were bound to observe the laws and customs of the main original body.""

The survivors of the disintegrating southeastern Indian chiefdoms created new

ethnic identities, a flexible political structure, and a means of confronting the realities of the "New World" in the southeast." The ethnic identities of the pre-Columbian chiefdoms were not completely abandoned. Generations after the collapse of the southeastern chiefdoms and the formation of the Creek Confederacy, southeastern Indians referred to themselves in terms of more ancient pedigrees. As Wright concluded in Creeks and


41 George Stiggins "A Historical Narrative of the Genealogy tradition, and down
fall of the Ispocoga or Creek tribe of Indians, written by one of the tribe," 55, Transcript in Stiggins Collection, Alabama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery; Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 5- 10, 13.

50 Adair, HistoEy of the American Indians, 285.
5' Hudson, The Southeastern Indians, 229; Champagne, Social Order and Political Change, 65-67; Calmes, "Indian cultural traditions and European conquest," 159-160.





1








47

Seminoles: "The trouble with all this is that the Indians considered themselves what they had always been--Yuchis, Cowetas, Coosas, Alabamas, Shawnees, Tuskegees, among many others.,52 Context determined the identities--whether racial, ethnic or national--of Creek Indians.

Many Creeks cherished the knowledge of their ethnic origins.53 Several tribes, in particular, maintained their ethnic identities for generations after incorporation. The Natchez, Uchees, Alibamas, and Hitchetees all earned reputations for vigorously maintaining their pre-Confederacy identities.54 In 1824, a British traveler observed that "the few individuals of the once powerful nation of Natchez who escaped the murderous greed of their pursuers were lost among the Chicasaws and Creeks, who took them in and befriended them, and among whom remnants of their language are still found.,55 PreCreek ethnic identities often lingered in the twentieth century. In 1938, Turner Tiger recalled the peculiarities of his ancestors' incorporation. "The Natches tribe was one that





52 Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 3.

53 Gatschet, A Migration Legend, 9. The persistence of non-Muskogee ethnic
identities has been posited as an explanation for Creek factionalism. See, Wright, Creeks and Seminoles.
54 Pickett, History of Alabama, 81; D. W. Eakins, "Some Information Respecting the Creeks, or Muscogees," in Henry R. Schoolcraft, ed., Information Respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States: Collected and Prepared Under the Direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Per Act of Congress of March 3d, 1847 5 volumes (Philadelphia PN: Lippincott, Grambo & Company, 1853), 1:266; Stiggins, "A Historical Narrative," 11-13.
55 Paul Wilhelm, Travels in North America, 1822-1824 trans., W. Robert Nitske, ed., Savoie Lottinville (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973), 135; Charles Colcock Jones, Antiquities of the Southern Indians, Particularly of the Georgia Tribes (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1873) 5; James Oglethorpe to Board of Trustees, March 12, 1733, in Mills Lane, ed., General Oglethorpe' s Georgia: Colonial Letters, 17331743 2 volumes (Savannah GA: Beehive Press, 1975), 1:7; Stiggins, "A Historical Narrative," 30.








48

was adopted into the Muskogee-Creek tribe and each Natches family did not live alone but they lived in the same house with another Muskogee-Creek family."6

The greatest eighteenth-century division was between Muskogee and nonMuskogee Creeks. Muskogees often treated their Non-Muskogee neighbors as a lesser caste, calling them "stinkards." According to ethnohistorian J. Leitch Wright, Jr., there were few marriages between Muskogee and non-Muskogee Indians.7 Still other divisions created fierce hatreds among the Creeks. In the nineteenth century, ethnic Hitchitis and Tuckabatchees were bitter enemies, while in the eighteenth century, Hitchiti and Yamasee Indians battled. Often these rivalries began before the ethnic groups joined the Confederacy. Yet, during most of the pre-Removal era the unifying force of clanship and the expediency of confederacy outweighed most of the factionalism created by preexisting ethnic divisions.s8

Many Americans recognized the cultural diversity within the Creek Nation.

Georgian officials, in 1747, summarized the Creek polity best. They were "a loose and fluctuating Body of People frequently increasing, decreasing and changing their Places of Abode."59 In 1775, Bernard Romans noticed that they were "a mixture of the remains of the Cawittas, Talepoosas, Coosas, Apalchias, Conshacs or Coosades, Oakmulgis, Oconis, Okchoys, Alibamons, Natchez, Weetumkus, Pakanas, Tadnsas, Chacsihoomas, Abdkas


56 Interview with Turner Tiger, January 1, 1938, Indian Pioneer History Collection, Volume 91, #12193.
51 Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 11, 18-19, 112-113; Braund, "The Creek
Indians, Blacks and Slavery," 601-636; Champagne, Social Order and Political Change, 81.
58 Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 16.

59 President and Assistants to Benjamin Martyn, April 15, 1748, in Allen D.
Candler, Kenneth Coleman, and Milton Ready, eds., The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia 32 volumes (Atlanta GA: Franklin Printing and Publishing Company, 19041916), 24:235.








49

and some other tribes whose names I do not recollect."6 Two decades later, an Englishman who lived among the Creeks and learned about their oral traditions, discovered that

the Creeks, who call themselves Muscokies, are composed of various tribes, who, after tedious wars, thought it good policy to unite to support themselves against the
Chactaws, &c. They consist of the Apalakias, Alibamons, Abecas, Cawittas,
Coosas, Conshacs, Coosactes, Chasihoomas, Natchez, Oconies, Okohoys,
Pahanas, Oakmulgis, Taensas, Talepoosas, Weeterminas, and some others.61

George Stiggins, an Indian Countryman himself, wrote in the nineteenth century that the "Muscogie body is composed of the following tribes who retain their primitive tongues and customs viz; the Alabamas, Hitcheties, Uchies, Puccunnas, Aubihkas, Ipso-co-gas, Natchez." Despite their historical differences, Stiggins claimed that, "these tribes are inseparably united by compact and consolidated by individual and national interest.,62

Several forces served to counteract the polarizing tendencies of ethnic diversity and competing identities. A kinship system, based on clans, helped to structure the Creek Confederacy and its component villages. Generally, Creeks considered anyone with a Creek (or clanned) mother to be a member of the nation. Every citizen of the Creek Confederacy belonged to a clan. Being a member of the Wind, Bear, Panther, Bird, Polecat, or Eagle clan, conferred on individuals a specific social place within Creek society. Named for an animal or a natural phenomenon, clans served as extended families. Creeks believed that each matrilineal clan could be traced back to a single progenitor. Children became members of their mother's clan, and owed only minor obligations to their father's




60 Bernard Romans, A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida ed.,
Rembert W. Patrick, (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1962, reprint 1775), 8990.
61 T. E., "Account of the Creek Indians," 407.

62 Stiggins, "A Historical Narrative," 5.








50

clan. For this reason, the Creeks forbade marriages to fellow clan members, or to relations of their mother, because they considered them incestuous."

Although some clans, such as the Wind clan, had reputations for having greater political influence than others, the most important factor in Creek society was simply belonging to a clan .6' Those who lived among the Creeks but did not belong to a clan were deemed non-entities, outsiders, or invaders. They had no rights, were given no assistance or protection, and could not claim a Creek identity. Clans served a number of functions, including connecting disparate villages into a single entity. Larger clans existed in almost every village, thus uniting members of different villages with kinship ties. Smaller clans, although often only present in a handful of villages, also assisted the cohesion of the confederacy. By forcing individuals to look further afield for their spouses, the incest taboo also served to unite clans and villages, and alleviate the potential for splintering along clan and village lines. As George Stiggins wrote, "it [the clan system] is the strong link of






63 Saunt argues that the importance of clan has been overstated. On this issue,
Saunt stands alone. His evidence for this claim conflicts with both historical and modem anthropological findings. By changing this assumption, however, Saunt can argue for the alienation of mixed-race Creeks. Saunt, "A New Order of Things," 157-8. For the centrality and functions of clan among the Creeks, see Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 1114; Green, Politics of Indian Removal 34; Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 18-20; Hudson, Southeastern Indians, 191-201; Alexander Spoehr, Changing Kinship Systems: A Study in the Acculturation of the Creek, Cherokee, and Choctaw (Chicago IL: Field Museum of Natural History, 1947).
14 Most scholars accept the prominence of the Wind clan. See, Debo, The Road to DisMR .g.rance, 14; Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 10- 13; Hudson, The Southeastern Indians, 184-202; Swanton, "Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy," 269. Contemporaries constantly referred to the special status of the Wind clan. See Thomas Simpson Woodward to J. J. Hooper, January 19, 1858, in Woodward, Woodward's Reminiscences, 20; Benjamin Hawkins, "A Sketch of the Creek Country in the years 1789 and 1799," in Grant, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 1:321; Arturo O'Neill to Jos6 de Ezpeleta, October 19, 1793, in John Walton Caughey, McGillivray of the Creeks (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1938), 62.








51

their political existence, a complete curb and cement to their ferocious and vindictive nature when irritated."6

Kinship bonds created extensive social obligations. Matrilineal clan ties determined who would be included in hunting parties, religious rituals, village meetings, national councils, and peace negotiations. In addition to clustering their residences around their extended families, clan leaders served as advisors, selected spiritual spokesmen, and helped arrange marriages for the clan children. Creeks also protected their fellow clansmen and usually avenged their deaths. On sever-al occasions, United States Indian Agent Benjamin Hawkins complained that the obligations of kinship prevented "justice" from taking place and insured that a cycle of vengeance would ensue instead. The Creek's pursuit of "satisfaction," he complained, prevented a centralized and regulated system of enforcement."6 Clan, Hawkins bemoaned, profoundly affected every aspect of Creek life.

Intermarriage offered non-Creek male outsiders opportunities to attach themselves to a Creek clan. Although they could rarely become full members of a clan, men who married Creek women often enjoyed the protection and connections of their wives' clans. In other words, they ceased to be intrusive outsiders. Deerskin traders frequently used this protection to establish economic relations, while other non-Creek newcomers found a niche for themselves through their new kinsmen. Because the Creeks were a matrifocal society, intermarriage also offered immigrant men places to live. Men could enter their wives'





65 Stiggins, "A Historical Narrative," 55.

6 6 Jonathan Milledge to Benjamin Hawkins, December 31, 1802, Governors Letters Books, Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta; A Report on Creek Indian Affairs by Mr. Bevan, October 22, 1825, in American State Papers, Indian Affairs, 2:784861; Douglas Barber, "Council Government and the Genesis of the Creek War," Alabama Review 38 (July 1985), 163-174; Merritt B. Pound, Benjamin Hawkins--Indian Agent (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1951), 103.








52

villages, enjoy her matrilineage, and become connected to her kinship network. On occasion, adoption by a Creek family provided traders full membership in a clan.

Creeks did not consider all settlers in their villages to be Indians, and they frequently tolerated resident deerskin traders who brought needed goods to their communities. Over time, because of mounting dependence on European material goods and debts to European merchants, the Creeks found it more difficult for them to control the traders.6 Despite their increasing power of traders, however, Creeks watched them carefully. Southeastern Indians demanded that traders follow certain rules, regardless of any marital connections to the Nation. Many of the hostilities against traders during the Yamassee War in 1715, for example, "was owing to the continued Oppressions and ill Usage they received from a publick Agent; of which [the Indians] often Complained in vain."68 Over the next century, the Creeks expelled traders for fraud, demanded that some individual trading licenses be revoked, and occasionally killed those whose actions deviated too far from acceptable behavior."9 Even whites who had intermarried and Creeks who



67 Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Changes among-the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navalos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 69-96; Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 30, 121-138; Francis Paul Prucha, The Indians in American Society: From the Revolution to the Present (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 34, 28-29, 34-42, 48-49, 53-56, 97-102; Axtell, The Indians' New South, 69-71. Spanish, British, and United States officials all believed that controlling Creek trade meant controlling the Creek nation.
68 Wilbur R. Jacobs, ed., Indians on the Southern Colonial Frontier: The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1755 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1954), 39.

69 For example, see James Habersham to George Galphin, October 16, 1772, James Habersham Papers, Georgia Department of Archives and History; Thomas McKenney to John Crowell, September 23, 1824, Records of the Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Sent by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-188 1, National Archives, Microcopy-2 1, 1:200; To the Mico's Head-Men and Warriors of the Creek Nations, the Governor of Georgia sends Greeting, May 26, 1760, Henry Ellis papers, 1757-1760, Georgia Historical Society, Savannah; [Journal entry of Moravian Missionary], October 12, 1759, in Adelaide L. Fries, ed., The Moravians in Georgia (Baltimore MD: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1967), 1:213.








53

were full members of a clan, had to follow the community's rules. Clan membership had a double edge. Although clan members protected their fellow kin, kinsmen were expected to regulate each other's actions as well."

Individuals without clans often had to appeal to Creek leaders for protection.

Powerful heads of alliances sometimes took personal interest in who could and could not cross the frontier. Albert James Pickett, Alabama's first historian, credited Alexander McGillivray with controlling the southern frontier with a iron fist. "No one ventured into the nation without making way to him for protection," he wrote." Local village leaders also exerted such control. Without their permission, non-Muskogees residents could find themselves in serious trouble. Marriages were often controlled by clan leaders, and vagrants were punished by villages leaders. The Creek Indians carefully regulated entry into Creek life."

In the late eighteenth century, as some Creeks adopted the emerging American conception of race, the supremacy of clan came under attack from the introduction of the divisive and unifying ideology. Many Creeks came to consider Indians with African ancestors to be their inferiors, while some Indians treated the descendants of Indian countrymen with suspicion. Yet, despite the claims of some scholars that Creek children of



70 The most notable example of a planned Creek being killed for his deviation from acceptable Creek behavior was the execution of William McIntosh in 1825. See chapter six. This was not the only example, however. See Louise Frederick Hays, ed., "A Journal of A Mission to the Lower Creeks at Coweta Town, by Thomas Bosomworth, 1752," Typescript in Georgia Department of Archives and History. The assistance that many Creeks provided in the capture of William Augustus Bowles also exemplified the need for newcomers to abide by rules within the southeastern nation.
7' History Notebook Volume 1, Pickett Manuscripts.

72After the Revolution, Creek villages restricted Charles McLatchy from actually leaving the Creek Nation. See Alexander McGillivray to Arturo Miro, March 24, 1784, in D. C. Corbitt, ed., "Papers Relating to the Georgia-Florida Frontier," Georgia Historical Quarterly 20 (December 1936), 360.








54

white parents had to prove their "Indianness," clans continued to dictate Indian ethnic
73
identities. Although the racial identity and the origins of many white and black Indians alike were often preserved in the oral culture of the southeastern Indians, clan still remained the more important trait .71 While Americans created an extensive--albeit imprecise-vocabulary to describe the racial mixtures within the Indian nations, Creeks continued to identify people by clan and village. 75

Creek ceremonies, much like the system of clan, also helped to counteract

factionalism within individual villages and the larger Creek Confederacy. The Green Corn Ceremony, or the busk, was the most important annual ceremony. Although not all villages held this ceremony before joining the Confederacy, once members they either adapted a former ceremony to fit the purpose of the busk or else adopted the Creek version. Each Green Corn Ceremony included the entire village, welcoming residents of all clans and ethnicities. Through extensive invitations and the expectation of reciprocation, the festival also helped cement political alliances between neighboring allies and distant enemies. It also had a spiritual role. The busk reinvigorated the spiritual base of the



Frank L. Owsley, Jr., "Prophet of War: Josiah Francis and the Creek War," American Indian Quarterly 9 (Summer 1985), 273; Saunt, "A New Order of Things," 260.
74 James H. Merrell, "The Racial Education of the Catawba Indians," Journal of
Southern History 50 (August 1984), 363-384; Saunt, "A New Order of Things," 251-296; McLaughlin, "Red Indians, Black Slavery and White Racism," 368; Theda Perdue, "Cherokee Planters, Black Slaves, and African Colonization," Chronicles of Oklahoma 60 (Fall 1982), 325; Julia F. Smith, "Racial Attitudes in the Old Southwest," in Lucius F. Ellsworth, ed., The Americanization of the Gulf Coast 1803-1850 (Pensacola FL: Historic Pensacola Preservation Board, 1972), 68.
75 Jack D. Forbes, "Mustees, Half-breeds, and Zambos in Anglo North America: Aspects of Black-Indian Relations," American Indian Quarterly 7 (Fall 1983), 57-83; Jack D. Forbes, "The Manipulation of Race, Caste, and Identity: Classifying Afro-Americans, Native Americans and Red-Black People," Journal of Ethnic Studies 17 (Winter 1990), 152; Withrop D. Jordan, "American Chiaroscuro: The Status and Definition of Mulattoes in the British Colonies," William and MM Quarterly 3rd series 19 (April 1962), 185,








55

community, and resanctified relationships and the village. During the ceremony, which lasted about a week, divorces became final, crimes were forgiven, and villagers feasted on a new crop Of corn]6

The Creek's matrilineal social structure, intrinsically connected to their conception of clan, further regulated acceptance into the nation. Several Indian nations with patrilineal structures altered their traditions in order to be incorporated among the Creeks. The Tuckabatchi and Taskigi, for example, abandoned their patrilineal system of descent and land ownership before they joined the Creek alliance." Similarly, many white Americans found matriarchal control troubling. Many whites could not understand why Creek society "ignored" the interests of biological fathers. Yet, acceptance into the nation normally demanded the recognition of the matri lineal structure."8

Benjamin Hawkins typified the attitude of many white Americans to the Creek

matrilineal system. In 1797, Mrs. Barnard, a Creek woman, offered Hawkins the hand of her daughter in marriage. A lonely Hawkins deliberated, and only one concern kept him from agreeing to the marriage. "The woman and most of these Creek women," he wrote, are "in the habit of assuming and exercising absolute rule, such as it was over their children, and not attending to the advice of their white husbands." This difference between European-American and Indian was unacceptable to Hawkins, and he tried to explain this to Mrs. Barnard. "The white men govern their families and provide clothing and food for


76 Wright, Creeks and Seminoles,' 27; Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 24; Martin, Sacred Revolt,' 34-42; Hudson, Southeastern Indians, 365-375; Debo, Road to Disapperance, 2 1.
77 Albert S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, with a Linguistic. Historic and Ethnograhic Introduction (New York: AMS Press, 1969, reprint 1884), 118119; J. N. B. Hewitt, "Notes on the Creek Indians," in John R. Swanton, ed., Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology bulletin 123 (Washington DC: Government Printing Office), 127.
78 See chapter four.








56

them. The red men take little care of theirs, and the mothers have the sole direction of the children." After his graceful comparison of American and Indian gender roles, Hawkins demanded that if "I shall take on of my red women for a bedfellow and she has a child, I shall expect it will be mine, that I may clothe it and bring it us as I please [and] I shall look upon them as my own children.""9 Mrs. Barnard would not budge. Without Barnard's consent, Hawkins had to live the rest of his days among the Indians without an Indian wife and without the benefits of a clan. He remained an ethnic outsider."0 Although a few white fathers arranged for European educations, the children of Creek mothers usually lived under the control of their mothers and her kin. Just as importantly, the children of Creek woman, regardless of the status of the father, obtained a clan and became full Creeks. Therefore, most of these children grew up as Creek Indians."1

Finally, ethnic and cultural diversity forced upon the Creeks a flexible political

structure. The leaders of specific Talwas or villages consulted each other in times of war and pledged allegiance in case of attack. Yet collective Creek actions were, necessarily, the products of temporary coalitions of cooperating autonomous units. The Creeks, due in



7Benjamin Hawkins, February 16, 1797, in Grant, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 1:47.
80 Pound, Benjamin Hawkins--Indian Agent, 148-149; Florette Henri, The
Southern Indians and Benjamin Hawkins, 1796-1816 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 14, 24.
"Jos. N. Stiggins to Lyman C. Draper, February 5, 1874, Stiggins Collection; Kathryn Holland E. Braund, "Guardians of Tradition and Handmaidens to Change: Women's Roles in Creek Economic and Social Life During the Eighteenth Century," American Indian Quarterly 14 (Summer 1990), 239-258. See also Carol Devens, "Separate Confrontations: Gender as a Factor in Indian Adaptation to European Colonization in New France," American Quarterly 38 (Bibliographic Issue, 1986), 461480; Sylvia Van Kirk, Man Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980), 4-5, 28; Clara Sue Kidwell, "Indian Women as Cultural Mediators," Ethnohistorv 39 (Spring 1992), 98-107; Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change, 1700-1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 81-83.








57

large measure to the efforts of United States Agent Benjamin Hawkins after the American Revolution, slowly adopted centralized mechanisms of national control. Nevertheless, the National Council, despite Hawkins's claims to the contrary, never exerted full control. Efforts by Creeks Indians to assert a single Creek voice resulted in equally disappointing results."

Each of the approximately fifty Creek villages acted autonomously and villages did not necessarily heed the desires of the rest of Confederacy, but each village shared similar political structures. Creeks divided authority along civil, military and religious lines, Each village selected a Mico or head chief and numerous assistants and advisors. Each villages also had the same structural arrangement of religious and military leaders. Creek villages may have had the ability to act autonomously, but they each shared remarkably similar structures. They were a Confederacy of parallel umtS.83

Together, Creek leaders had little coercive power to dictate actions or decisions.

Civil leaders obtained their positions because their fellow villagers believed that they could best lead the community toward consensus. They delayed decisions and often hoped that time, persuasion or migration would lead to village consensus. When towns split over issues, they would often split into mother and daughter towns, with the later forming when the minority party physically moved."' Military leaders won their ranks through valorous actions in battle. New names and tattoos followed on the heels of battlefield deeds.



Brand, Deerskins & Duffels, 22; Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 116-117, 145152, 160-169; Dowd, A Spirited Resistance, 149-157.
83 Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 29; Braund, Deerskins & Duffels 20-22; Martin, Sacred Revolt 42-43; John H. Moore, "Mvskoke Personal Names," Names 43 (September 1995), 187-212. The spelling of the various titles varies greatly within eighteenth-and nineteenth-century documents. Throughout the dissertation, I have chosen to follow the spelling choices used by J. Leitch Wright, Jr.

Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 17; Interview with Louis Dunson, March 25, 1937, Indian Pioneer History Collection, Volume 26, # 5482








58

According to Joel Martin, religious specialists were "distinguished by an unusual birth (twins), extraordinary experience (visions), unique clothing, the gift of divination, and mastery of an esoteric or archaic-sounding speech."" Like the other appointed Creek leaders, religious leaders' power only lasted while their advice worked. When they issued false prophecies or could not offer spiritual guidance, others took their place.

The fragmentation and shifting alliances within the Creek Confederacy confused and frustrated European and American observers. Land cessions and treaties promoted by people in one villages might be condemned in another. Anglo-Americans assumed or wished that the Creeks acted as a single entity, not as coalitions of villages or as individuals. Consequently, they viewed internal dissent among the Creeks as signs of "Indian instability" and proof that they could not be trusted. In times of war, some Creek villages might remain neutral, while others might line up on opposing sides. During the American Revolution most Creek villages initially supported a policy of neutrality, but then slowly moved into the British camp. However, the machinations of George Galphin successfully turned some villages and individuals allies into of the American revolutionaries. Rather than switching their allegiances, villages generally remained consistent, pledging allegiance to one side, though other Creek villages might take the other."




85 Martin, Sacred Revolt, 18, cite 43.

16 O'Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution, 59; Michael D. Green, "The Creek Confederacy in the American Revolution: Cautious Participants," in William S. Coker and Robert R. Rea, eds., Anglo-Spanish Confrontation on the Gulf Coast During the American Revolution (Pensacola FL: Gulf Coast History and Humanities Conference, 1982), 54-75. Villages dividing their support in the European wars was not confined to the American Revolution. Factionalism among the Creeks also led to divisions in the French and Indian War, the Seven Years War, the War of 1812, the Seminole Wars and the American Civil War. Michael James Foret, "On the Marchlands of Empire: Trade, Diplomacy, and War on the Southeastern Frontier, 1733-1763," (Ph.D., William and Mary College, 1990), 35; Gatschet, A Migration Legend, 168; Christine Schultz White, and








59
The alliances within the Creeks often took on a geographic dimension, with the

most significant split between "upper"~ and "lower"~ towns. These divisions predated trade with the Euro-American colonies, but they obtained greater significance because of this contact. The lower villages being closer to British/American settlers became more involved in European trade, and were often the Creeks who were willing to adopt aspects of American "civilization." These lower towns lived on the Flint and Chattahoochee and included, among others, the Tuckabatchee, Little Tallassee, and Muccolossus. The upper division primarily consisted of the villages on the Coosa, Alabama, and Tallapoosa rivers and included the Alabama, Tallapoose, and Coosa tribes. Although this geopolitical division does not explain all factionalism within the Confederacy, Europeans understood that these alliances remained relatively constant."7



Typically scholars claim that the entry of hundreds of white newcomers into the Creek Confederacy disrupted the Creek culture, cheated Creek "full-bloods" out of their rightful tributes from European governments, gave away ancestral lands, and created a hostile "mixed-blood" elite that did not see eye-to-eye with the majority of the nation .8 These scholars imply that the invasion of white culture into the Creek Nation was as aggressively disruptive as the "invasion of America" by biological pathogens. Such a


Benton R. White, Now the Wolf Has Come: The Creek Nation in the Civil War (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1996).
817 Wright, Creek and Seminoles, 3, 7, 10; Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 6; James Oglethorpe to Board of Trustees, March 12, 1733, in Lane, General Oglethorpe' s Georgia, 1:7.
18 Joel Martin, Sacred Revolt, 79-84. Ironically, Alexander McGillivray is often seen as the most powerful pre-removal Creek leader because his European background gave him the unparalleled ability to keep the America encroachments at bay. The CreekAmericans who ruled after McGillivray, however, are labeled race traitors for signing treaties and ceding land. Unlike McGillivray, they are simply following the inevitable lure of their white backgrounds.








60

conclusion ignores the actions of receptive Creek Indians, the rigorous rules that ethnic newcomers had to follow to be accepted as Creek Indians, and the multi-ethnic origins of the Creek Confederacy. It strips agency away from the Creeks, and itjudges an historical phenomenon outside of the cultural context in which it occurred. The Creeks accepted the Euro-American newcomers because they saw them as solutions, not as problems.

The inclusive policy of the Creek Confederacy only partially explains the presence of intermarried white Americans in Creek villages. The phenomenon of "Indian countrymen," although enabled by the acceptance they found among the Natives, also resulted from forces within Euro-American society. There may have been attractions within Creek society, but Indian countrymen were usually fleeing their lives in colonial society more than they were actively choosing a life among the Indians. The range of factors which propelled white Americans out of colonial society and into Creek communities will be discussed in the following chapter.














CHAPTER 2
"THIS ASYLUM OF LIBERTY":
FUGITIVES, REFUGEES, AND TRADERS AMONG THE CREEK NATION




Thousands of white and black immigrants voluntarily sought and found asylum in

the pre-removal Creek Confederacy. They did not enter Native villages with dreams of

discarding the weights of American society for the relative freedom of Indian life. Nor did

they romantically desire to "turn native."' Instead, they entered the Creek Nation despite

their unfamiliarity with Creek culture. They fled to their new homeland because it was,

they were convinced, their best alternative to the poverty, imprisonment, political

oppression, forced labor, indebtedness, ethnic discrimination, and limited opportunities of



1 Several scholars have claimed that an excess of freedoms in Indian society explains the "white Indian experience." This interpretation relies on a mythical understanding of Indian society, one that ignores the rigorous rules that governed native communities. See Clark Wissler, Indians of the United States (New York: Anchor Books, 1966), 276; Peter Farb, Man's Rise to Civilization as Shown by the Indians for North America from Primeval Times to the Coming of the Industrial State (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1968), 261-263. James Axtell, although looking only at captives, claims that many white Americans stayed among the Indians because "they found Indian life to possess a strong sense of community, abundant love, and uncommon integrity--values that the English colonists also honored, if less successfully." James Axtell, "The White Indians of Colonial America," in James Axtell, The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America (New York: Oxford Press, 1981), 206. See also James Axtell, "The Scholastic Philosophy of the Wilderness," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 29 (July 1972), 352. This interpretation of the white Indian experience usually relies on an oft-cited statement by Michel Guillaume St. Jean de Crevocoeur. "It cannot be, therefore, so bad as we generally conceive it to be; there must be in their social bond something singularly captivating, and far superior to anything to be boasted of among us; for thousands of Europeans are Indians, and we have no examples of even one of those Aborigines having from choice become Europeans!" See Michel Guillaume St. Jean de Crevocoeur, Letters from an American Fanner (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1957), 209.


61








62
their Euro-American residences. Through intermarriage and adoption many of these

fugitives became citizens of Creek villages. There they fathered Creek-American children,

asserted Indian ethnic identities, and profoundly shaped the southern middle ground.

Euro-American refugees ordinarily planned on a temporary settlement before

returning to colonial society. Several whites Americans intermarried Indian women only to

abandon them when "better" opportunities arose elsewhere or after amassing their

fortunes.' Hundreds of British loyalists escaped the savagery of war by taking refuge in

Creek villages during the American Revolution. When the war ended, many of them left

the Creek Nation for refuge elsewhere.3 Similarly, many criminals fled to the frontier to

wait until their crimes were forgotten, or until they could arrange safe passage elsewhere.'


2 Edward J. Cashin, Lachlan McGillivray, Indian Trader: The Shaping of the
Southern Colonial Frontier (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 72; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, Deerskins & Duffels: Creek Indian Trade With Anglo-America. 16851815 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 77-79, 83-86; James H. Merrell, The Indians' New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors From European Contact Through The Era of Removal (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1989), 30-3 1, 122-123.
3 James O'Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville:
University of Tennessee Press, 1973), 138; Colin G. Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in Native American Communities (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 262-264; Edward J. Cashin, Jr. "'But Brothers, It Is Our Land We are Talking About': Winners and Losers in the Georgia Backcountry," in Ronald Hoffman, Thad W. Tate, and Peter J. Albert, eds., An Uncivil War: The Southern Backcountry during the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1985), 242.
4 Johann Christian B urkard and Karsten Peterson, May 11, 1711, in Carl
Mauelshagen and Gerald H. Davis, eds. and trans., Partners in the Lord's Work: The Diga of Two Moravian Missionaries in the Creek Indian Country, 1807-18 13 (Atlanta: Georgia State College, 1969), 48; Thomas Jefferson to William Carmichael and William Short, April 24, 1792, in American State Papers, Class I: Foreign Relations 6 volumes (Washington DC, Gales and Seaton, 1833-1859), 1:257; George Washington to Senate and House of Representatives, December 16, 1793, in American State Papers, Foreign Relations,' 1:247; Thomas Jefferson, March 22, 1792, in American State Papers, Foreign Relaions, 2:258. See also Jack D. L. Holmes, "Spanish Policy toward the Southern Indians in the 1790s," in Charles M. Hudson, ed., Four Centuries of Southern Indians (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975), 74; Richard K. Murdoch, "Documents








63
Yet, despite the intentions of some refugees to return to colonial society, others found a

permanent asylum in Creek villages. These voluntary white Indians formed the majority of

the white population in the Creek Confederacy, a population that grew throughout the preremoval era.



Two false assumptions have led scholars to overlook and misinterpret the voluntary

white Indian experience in the southeast. First, colonial historians frequently presume that

white Indians were individuals who rejected American society after years of forced

captivity among the Indians--those who John Demos recently termed "unredeemed

captives." Ethnohistorians claim that this phenomenon occurred frequently in the midwest

and northeast, and volumes of captivity novels testify to the experience.5 Second, most



Pertaining to the Georgia-Florida Frontier, 1791-1793," Florida Historical Quarterly (April 1960), 319.
5 John Demos, The Unredeemed Captive: A Family Story From Early America
(New York: Vintage Books, 1994). A large literature has arisen on the captivity experience and the captivity novel. For recent examples, see June Namias, White Captives: Gender and Ethnicity on the American Frontier (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Christopher Castiglia, Bound and Determined: Captivity, Culture-Crossing, and White Womanhood from Mar Rowlandson to Patty Hearst (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996). See also Axtell, "The White Indians of Colonial America," 168206; Paula A. Treckel, "Letters to the Editor," William and Mar Quarterly 33 (January 1976), 143-154; Alden T. Vaughan and Daniel D. Richter, "Crossing the Cultural Divide: Indians and New Englanders, 1605-1763," in Alden T. Vaughan, Roots of American Racism: Essays on the Colonial Experience (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995),
2 13-252, cite 246; Wilbur R. Jacobs, Dispossessing the American Indian: Indians and Whites on the Colonial Frontier (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972), 117; Wilbur R. Jacobs, "British-Colonial Attitudes and Policies Toward the Indian in the American Colonies," in Howard Peckham and Charles Gibson eds., Attitudes of Colonial Powers Toward the American Indian (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1969), 91; Herbert Moller, "Sex Composition and Correlated Culture Patterns of Colonial America,' William and Mary Quarterly 2 (April 1945), 13 1-133; Joseph Norman Heard, "The Assimilation of Captives on the American Frontier in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," (Ph.D., Louisiana State University, 1977); A. Irving Hallowell, "American Indians, White and Black: The Phenomenon of Transculturalization," in Raymond D. Fogelson, ed., Contributions to Anthropology: Selected Papers of A. Irving Hallowell (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 498-529.








64
scholars believe that non-captive whites integrated into Indian society solely to advance

their economic interests. These "unscrupulous"--a term widely applied to whites involved

in the deerskin trade--merchants entered short-term marriages and exploited Indians in their

pursuit of profit.' Thus, scholars either pity white Indians for their captivity experience or

indict them for their unethical behavior.'


6 For examples of the use of the term "unscrupulous trader," see John Richard
Alden, John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier: A Study of Indian Relations, War, Trade, and Land Problems in the Southern Wilderness, 1754-1775 (New York: Gordion Press, 1966), 18; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, "The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery," Journal of Southern History 57 (November 1991), 619; George C. Osborn, "Relations with the Indians in West Florida During the Administration of Governor Peter Chester, 1770-1781," Florida Historical Quarterly 31 (April 1953), 247; Michael James Foret, "On the Marchiands of Empire: Trade, Diplomacy, and War on the Southeastern Frontier, 17331763," (Ph.D., William and Mary College, 1990), 22; For others the "unscrupulous" trader and the scheming Indian countrymen are synonymous. See J. Russell Snapp, John Stuart and the Struggle for Empire on the Southern Frontier (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996) 2 1; Cashin, Lachlan McGillivray, 72; Richard A. Sattler, "Women's Status Among the Muskogee and Cherokee," in Laura F. Klein and Lillian A. Ackerman, eds., Women and Power in Native North America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), 215; Gary B. Nash, Red, White, and Black: The Peoples of EarlyAmerica (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974, reprint 1982), 278; John Pitts Corry, Indian Affairs in Georgia, 1732-1756 (Philadelphia PN: G. S. Ferguson, 1936), 33; Wilbur R. Jacobs, Dispossessing the American Indian, 116; Dee Brown, Wondrous Times on the Frontier (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1991), 279-281; William Christie MacLeod, The American Indian Frontier (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1928), 360.

7~ Joel W. Martin tries to escape the captive/trader dichotomy. Martin mentions that "they came as captives, traders, packhorsemen, travelers, naturalists, spies, interpreters, cowherds, runaway slaves, missionaries, thieves, backwoods riffraff, spinners, weavers, settlers, smiths, government officials, soldiers, and agents." Yet Martin does not differentiate between Americans who lived with the Creeks and Americans who lived as Creeks. Additionally, he infers that the primary motive for intermarriage for whites was to obtain land. See Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees' Struggle for a New World (Boston MA: Beacon Press, 1991), 70. A few scholars have drawn a distinction between the Indian countrymen and the Indian traders. For the most part, however, the descriptions of the two groups are equally unflattering. Florette Henri, for example, wrote that "at least as great an evil as the traders were the 'Indian countrymen,' an amorphous category of white Americans dwelling in Indian country and living like the Indians, who were not mainly trader, horse thieves, or agents of foreign governments, but most of them a little of each." Florette Henri, The Southern Indians and Benjamin Hawkins, 1796-1816 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 26.








65

Recently, historians and anthropologists, primarily concerned with the "m~tis" in

Canada and the Great Lakes region, have reassessed the "fur trader" experience and moved

beyond universal indictment. In 1984, Francis Jennings wrote that "a comprehensive

history of intersocietal commerce has yet to be written. What is only now emerging is the

revelation that those peoples mingled, married, and begotjoint offspring who blended their

varied cultural heritages." In the decade and a half since Jennings offered this appraisal,

other ethniohistorians have substantiated it. They now emphasize the long-lasting

marriages, the accommodations that Indians made to attract traders to live in their villages,

the rules that Americans followed to live among the Indians, and the hybrid culture that

Indians and whites created together. Most recently, the trend in the field has been to

emphasize the role of Native women in regulating the exchange between traders and Indian

society.' Yet despite the vitality of this field, most scholars of the "middle ground"


8 Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire: The Covenant Chain
Confederation of Indian Tribes with English Colonies (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1984), 58. For the southeast, Kathryn Holland Braund has amended the universal indictment of the Indian trader. She writes that "the deerskin trade attracted more than its fair share of thoroughly disreputable characters" but she concedes that "many frontier entrepreneurs were men of principle." Yet Braund' s focus on the deerskin trade prevented her from treating the phenomenon of white Indians as a whole. She too continues to believe that "almost all of the whites were or had been connected in some way with the deerskin trade, either as traders or packhorsemen." Kathryn Holland Braund, Deerskins & Duffels: Creek Indian Trade With Anglo-America, 1685-1815 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1993), 103. See also Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change, 1700-1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998). The literature on the m~tis is ever growing. See, Sylvia Van Kirk, "Fur Trade Social History: Some Recent Trends," in Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1980), 160-173; Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Coun try (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980); Olive Patricia Dickason, "From 'One Nation' in the Northeast to 'New Nation' in the Northwest: A Look at the Emergence of the M~tis," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (2: 1982), 1-21; Jacqueline Peterson, "Ethnogenesis: The Settlement and Growth of a 'New People' in the Great Lakes Region, 1702-1815," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (2: 1982), 23-64; Arthur J. Ray, "Reflections on Fur Trade Social History and M~tis History in Canada," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (2: 1982), 9 1-107; Sylvia Van Kirk, Man Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman:








66

continue to focus of the fur trade. They still claim that only avarice could motivate white

Euro-Americans to cross the racial and cultural frontier voluntarily and choose to live

among the Indians. Neither Jennings's fur trader nor Demos's "unredeemed captive,"

however, can fully account for the experiences of Indian countrymen in the colonial

southeast.

Only a handful of white captives became permanent residents of the Creek

Confederacy. The custom of adopting prisoners of war existed among southeastern

Indians just as it did in Native societies throughout North America.9 In addition to



University of Oklahoma Press, 1980); John C. Jackson, Children of the Fur Trade: Forgotten M~tis of the Pacific Northwest (Missoula MO: Mountain Press Publishing Company, 1995); Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming M~tis in North America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985); Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Nancy Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change: Historical Perspetives of Native American Woman (New York: Routledge, 1995); Carol Devens, "Separate Confrontations: Gender as a Factor in Indian Adaptation to European Colonization in New France," American Quarterly 38 (Bibliographic Issue, 1986), 461-480; Carol Devens, Countering Colonialism: Native American Women and Great Lakes Missions. 1630-1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 123; Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot: The Subjugation of Women in Seventeenth-Century New France (New York: Routledge, 1991), 228; Jacqueline Peterson, "Women Dreaming: The Religiopsychology of IndianWhite Marriage and the Rise of M~tis Culture," in Vicki L. Ruiz and Janice Monk, eds., Western Women: Their Land, Their Lives (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), 49-68; Michael Harkin and Sergei Kan, eds., "Special Issue: Native American Women's Responses to Christianity," Ethnohistory 43 (Fall 1996), 573-725.

9 Daniel K. Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 3-4, 32-35, 60-74, 148-159; White, The Middle Ground, 1, 324-330, 388396; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle For Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1992), 10, 12-17, 68, 102; Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975), 152-153; James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 302-327; M. Thomas Hatley, The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Revolutionga Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 57-58; Neal Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England. 1500-1643 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 9093.








67

countless Indian captives of war, hundreds of white captives entered Creek villages amid

other plunder creating the potential for unredeemed captives. However, the Creek practice

of bringing "captives from [American] settlements to replace our deceased friends, that our

wrongs may be revenged and our name and our honour maintained," did not foster a large

white Indian population. Unlike the majority of all Native captives among the Creeks,

nearly all Euro-American captives returned home to their families within a few months of

being captured. Deerskin traders, government agents, diplomats, soldiers, and even some

Creeks, arranged the return of white American captives. Indian leader Alexander

McGillivray and United States Indian Agent Benjamin Hawkins both credited themselves

with helping redeem dozens of white prisoners each.'0 Furthermore, Euro-American


"For examples of captivity and successful redemption see: Eunice Barber,
"Narrative of the Tragic Death of Darius Barber," in Wilcomb E. Washburn, ed., The Garland Libr ay of Narratives of North American Indian Captivities (New York: Garland Publishing, 1977), 36:19; Deposition of James Ore, June 16, 1792, in American State Papers, Class II: Indian Affairs, 2 volumes (Washington DC: Gales & Seaton, 18321834), 1:274; Andrew Pickens to Thomas Pinckney, October 6, 1787, Andrew Pickens Papers, Huntington Library, San Marino, California; Andrew Jackson to George Colbert, June 5, 1812, in John Spencer Bassett, ed., Correspondence of Andrew Jackson 7 volumes (Washington DC: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1926-1927), 1:226-227; Meeting of Council of Safety, July 7, 1776, in Allen D. Candler, ed., The Revolutionary Records of the State of Georgia 3 volumes (Atlanta GA: Franklin-Turner Company, 1908), 1: 155; James Hoggarth to Alexander McGillivray, May 25, 1792, in John Walton Caughey, McGillivray of the Creeks (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1938), 324-325; May 20, 1760, in Allen D. Candler, Kenneth Coleman, and Milton Ready, eds. The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia 32 volumes (Atlanta GA: Franklin Printing and Publishing Company, 1904-1916), 8:309; George Matthews to Col. Milton, January 3, 1798, Governors Letter Books, Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta; George Matthews to James Seagrove, January 3, 1793, Governors Letter Books; George Matthews to James Seagrove, January 1, 1794, Governors Letter Books; George Matthews to James Seagrove, February 20, 1794, Governors Letter Books; Albert James Pickett, History of Alabama and Incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi. from the Earliest Period 2 volumes (Charleston SC: Walker and James, 1851), 2:133-135; "The Captivity of Jane Brown and Her Family," in Washburn, The Garland Library of Narratives, 64:1-15; William M. Willett, A Narrative of The Militar Actions of Colonel Marinus Willett, Taken Chiefly From His Own Manuscript (New York: G. & C. & H. Carvill, 183 1), 111; Columbus (GA) Sun, April 1, 1818, in Thomas Simpson Woodward, Woodward's Reminiscences of the Creek, or Muscogee Indians, Contained in Letters to Friends in Georgia and Alabama (Montgomery AL: Barrett and Wimbish, 1859), 50-5 1.








68

treaties with the Creeks consistently included provisions for prisoner exchanges and ransoms. 11

Hannah Hale proved an exception to this rule. Taken prisoner before at age ten or eleven, Hale eventually married the headman of a Creek town (Thlotlogulgau), gave birth to five Creek children, and accumulated a sizable inventory of slaves, cattle, hogs, and horses. When her Georgian parents tried to have her returned to them in 1799, she refused. This "unredeemed captive" would not separate herself from her ties to the Creek Nation. After the death of her husband, the Creeks continued to recognize her citizenship and provided for her security. An adopted member of the Creeks, Hale had "turned native."12 Similarly, the Uchees took John Hague captive when he was a young boy. He married an Uchee woman, moved into a Creek village, fathered several children, and by the nineteenth century had became as "much of an Indian as you will see."" Yet Hale's and Hague's experiences were atypical when compared to the other "white" Americans among the Creeks. Several captives claimed to have been nearly fully acculturated to Creek




For examples of treaty provisions, see: Treaty of New York, Article 3, August 7, 1790, in Louise Frederick Hays, ed., "The Murder of General William McIntosh, Treaties of Indian Springs 1821-1825, Also Report of Joseph Vallance Bevan, Letters, Treaties, Executive Reports, And the Trial of John Crowell," Typescript in Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta, Georgia; "Articles of Convention, Treaty, and Pacification and agreed on by the Spanish nation with the Talapuche Indians, at the Congress held for this purpose in the Fort of Pensacola, the capital of West Florida, on the 3 1 st day of May and Ist of June, 1784," in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, 1:279.
12 "A Sketch of the Creek Country in the years 1798 and 1799," in C. L. Grant, ed., Letters, Journals and Writings of Benjamin Hawkins 2 volumes (Savannah GA: Beehive Press, 1980), 1:305; Thomas Simpson Woodward to J. J. Hooper, November 3, 1858, in Woodward, Reminiscences, 115.
13 Thomas Simpson Woodward to Albert James Pickett, April 25,1858 in
Woodward, Reminiscences, 41; Benjamin Hawkins to Edward Price, June 8, 1798, in Grant, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 200-201.








69
society, but in nearly all cases parents, missionaries, diplomats, or traders intervened, and they were "redeemed.",14

With a few exceptions aside, most white immigrants voluntarily fled to the Creek Confederacy to escape problems associated with the eighteenth-century South. The need for asylum in the colonial South prompted Christopher Gottlieb Priber to propose a settlement near the Cherokee-Creek border in Georgia. In 1743, Priber tried establishing the village of Cusseta as an asylum for French, English, German, and African refugees. "He expected a great resort of debtors, transported felons, servants, and negro slaves from the two Carolinas, Georgia and Virginia, offering, as his scheme did, toleration to all crimes and licentiousness, except murder and idleness." Refugees, he hoped, would bring their property to the village and create "an asylum for all fugitives." In addition, Priber planned to abolish conventional standards of sexuality within the confines of Cusseta. He proposed dissolving all marriages and "allowing a Community of Woman and all kinds of Licentiousness." Yet, Priber's plans never realized its potential. In August 1743, Georgia authorities arrested the "little ugly Man, [who] speaks almost all Languages fluently, particularly English, Dutch, French, Latin and Indian; [and who] talks very profanely against the Protestant."5


14 Hawkins, "A Sketch in Creek Country," 301; T. Frederick Davis, "Milly Francis and Duncan McKrimmon: An Authentic Florida Pocahontas," Florida Historical Quarterly 21 (January 1943), 254-265; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, "The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery," Journal of Southern Histor 57 (November 1991), 621. According to some scholars, the ability of Indians to adopt captive white Americans has been overstated in colonial America. For example, see: Vaughan and Richter, "Crossing the Cultural Divide," 213-252.
15 Pickett, Histor of Alabama, 323-326; William Bacon Stevens, Histoly of
Georgia 2 volumes (Savannah GA: W. T. Williams, 1847), 1:165-167; Extract of a letter from Frederic in Georgia, in South Carolina Gazette, August 15, 1743; Corry, Indian Affairs in Georgia, 109; J. Leitch Wright, Jr., The Only Land They Knew: The Tragic Story of the American Indians in the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981), 275-276; Hatley, The Dividing Paths, 55, 74; Edward J. Cashin, "Oglethorpe' s Contest for the








70

Georgia stopped Priber dead in his tracks, but it could not arrest the out migration of thousands of white and black Americans to the Creek Nation. Priber' s refuge disappeared, but the preconditions sponsoring it remained. During an official tour of the Creek Nation in 1791, American officer Caleb Swan noticed hundreds of whites married to Creek Indians and living in Indian villages. Swan split these Indian countrymen into two categories--those who came in order to participate in the Indian trade and those unconnected to the trade. "Every town and village has one established white trader in it, and there are several neighborhoods, besides, that have traders. Each trader commonly employs one or two white packhorsemen." In addition, Swan also found a second type of Indian countryman in the villages. "There is in almost every town, one family of whites, and in some two, who do not trade; these last are people who have fled from some part of the frontier, to this asylum of liberty.",16 Swan's division encapsulates the Indian countryman experience among the Creeks. The decision to enter Creek villages can be summarized on the basis of two overlapping urges--the search for economic opportunity and the desperate



Backcountry, 1733-1749," in Phinizy Spalding and Harvey H. Jackson, eds., Oglethorpe in Perspective: Georgia' s Founder after Two Hundred Years (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1989), 109-110; Knox Mellon, Jr., "Christian Priber' s Cherokee Kingdom of Paradise," Georgia Historical Quarterly 57 (Fall 1973), 3 19-33 1.
"6 Caleb Swan, "Position and State of Manners and Arts in the Creek, or Muscogee Nation in 1791," in Henry R Schoolcraft, ed., Information Respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States: Collected and Prepared Under the Direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Depa!rtment of the Interior Per Act of Congress of March 3d, 1847 5 volumes (Philadelphia PN: J.B. Lippincott & Company), 5:263. The importance of the deerskin trade has been underemphasized in the economy of the colonial and antebellum South. See Daniel H. Usner, Jr., Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley Before 1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), Daniel H. Usner, Jr., "American Indians on the Cotton Frontier: Changing Economic Relations with Citizens and Slaves in the Mississippi Territory," Journal of American History 72 (September 1985), 297. Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 40. For an earlier view of the development of the southeastern economy, see Peter H. Wood, Black Maijority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1974).








71

need for refuge. The fugitive and the trader, therefore, serve as two end points on a continuum.'17

Swan also noticed the disproportionate presence of Scotsmen in both groups among the Creeks. For Scottish immigrants, the trade with southeastern Indians offered an escape from mounting ethnic discrimination, economic problems, and diminishing political opportunities in eighteenth-century society. Scotsmen had dominated politics in early seventeenth-century South Carolina, but their influence waned as a native-born Anglo elite gradually took control of the colony. For many Scots, the deerskin trade also proved a profitable alternative to agriculture. Within a generation, they influenced the trade to such a degree that most Southern trading firms had Scotsmen for partners, and traditionally Scottish patterns became incorporated in "traditional" Creek clothing.'8 According to Traylor Russell, there were "so many Scotch white men marrying the Creek women.. .. that one would think that the whole of Scotland had migrated to the Creek






"7 A small literature has appeared on frontier renegades. See Colin G. Calloway, "Neither White Nor Red: White Renegades on the American Indian Frontier," Western History Quarterly 17 (January 1986), 43-66.
David Dobson, Scottish Emigration to Colonial America, 1607-1785 (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1994), 103-122, 153-167; Cashin, Lachlan McGillivray, 1617; Wright, The Only Land They Knew, 172; E. R. R. Green, "Queensborough Township: Scotch-Irish Emigration and the Expansion of Georgia, 1763-1776," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 17 (April 1960), 183-199; J. H. Soltow, "Scottish Traders in Virginia, 1750- 1775," Economic History Review 2nd series 12 (August 1959), 83-98; Pickett, Histor of Alabama, ix; Dorothy Downs, "British Influences on Creek and Seminole Men's Clothing, 1733- 1858," Florida Anthropologist 33 (June 1980), 46-65. William S. Coker and Thomas D. Watson emphasized the ethnic connection to the South' s largest trading company by describing the group as "Scotsmen All." See, William S. Coker and Thomas D. Watson, Indian Traders of the Southeastern Spanish Borderlands: Panton, Leslie & Company and John Forbes & Company, 1783-1847 (Pensacola: University of West Florida, 1986), 15-30.








72
Nation."19 Russell exaggerated, but his point is clear. Scotsmen entered Creek villages in

overwhelming numbers.

Whether Scottish or of another European ethnicity, assistants and packhorsemen

usually offered their services to merchants knowing that promotions or advancement

frequently occurred inside Indian villages. Samuel Mims entered the Creek Nation as the

packhorseman to one of the era's leading traders, George Gaiphin. Decades later Mims

had married a Creek woman and became "a wealthy Indian countryman." He ran a ferry

across the Alabama River, owned dozens of African slaves, grew several dozen acres of

cotton, and when civil war erupted among the Creeks in 1814, his home sheltered

hundreds of refugee Creeks and Creek-Americans."0 Lachlan McGillivray, when he was

twenty-two, agreed to interpret for his uncle, James Bullock, on a diplomatic journey

through the Creek Nation. Bullock, a respected Scots trader, showed his kinsmen the

lucrative potential for the deerskin trade. Within two decades, McGillivray became a more




19 Traylor Russell, "Kendall Lewis: Citizen of Four Nations-- United States-Creek--Republic of Mexico--Republic of Texas," Typescript in University of Georgia, Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Athens. Several scholars claim that the Scottish-Creek connection can be partially explained through the similarities between the two groups clan systems and their love for "the manly arts." See Cashin, Lachlan
Mciva, 17; Downs, "British Influences on Creek and Seminole Men's Clothing,"46 However, the vast differences between the two systems makes this claim unlikely. More likely, descriptions of the two groups appear similar because "refined" Englishmen chastised both groups for their appearance, culture, and "savagery." See Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Settling With The Indians: The Meeting of English and Indian Cultures in America, 1580-1640 (Totoaw NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980), 140.
20 Notes taken from the lips of Dr. Thomas G. Holmes in relation to various
expeditions made by Captain Blue, Col. Benton & others in 18 14-1813, Albert J. Pickett Manuscripts, Alabama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery; Pickett, History of Alabama,' 2:179, 240, cite 264; Thomas Simpson Woodward to J. J. Hooper, October 31, 1858, in Woodward, Reminiscences, 88; Extract of a Letter from Capt. Jackson of the Loyal Refugees to Colonel John Stuart, July 7, 1778, Public Records Office, Colonial Office 5/79.








73
influential trader than his uncle ever was."' Other packhorsemen had similar experiences.

Debtors and impoverished Southerners, especially from the region's backcountry, entered

the Creek trade to escape their economic misfortune.22

Because factors normally provided start-up capital, credit, and goods, prospective

traders only needed a passport or license from an American official to start working among

the Indians. Prospective traders could almost always find someone who would give them

permission to trade. Although the British and the United States adopted a system of

passports to regulate the number and type of people involved in the trade, it never worked.

John Stuart's 1763 complaint that he could not regulate the trade when "each Governor of

the several Provinces can grant a License to any person to Trade indiscriminately to all the

Indian Nations" resonated throughout the eighteenth century. 23 Stuart, the British


21 Cashin, Lachlan McGillivra, 37-4 1; John Stuart to William Knox, March 10, 1777, in Helen Louis Shaw, "British Administration of Southern Indians, 1756-1783," (Ph.D. Bryn Mawr College, 1931), 112; Louis R. Smith, Jr., "British-Indian Trade in Alabama, 1670-1756," Alabama Review 27 (January 1974), 7 1; May Oglesby Neeley, "Lachlan McGillivray: A Scot on the Alabama Frontier," Alabama Historical Quarterly 36 (Spring 1974), 5-14; Snapp, John Stuart and the Struggle for Empire, 4, 17, 39.
22 Braund, Deerskins & "Duffels, 82; David Taitt to John Stuart, March 16, 1772, Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 5/73. Poverty has been a persistent theme in the colonial and early Republic South. See, Barbara L. Bellows, Benevolence Among Slaveholders: Assisting the Poor in Charleston 1670-1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1993), 3-20; Robert Lee Meriwether, The Expansion of South Carolina, 1729-1765 (Kingsport TN: Southern Publishers, 1940), 17-30; Robert M. Weir, Colonial South Carolina: A History (Millwood NY: KTO Press, 1983), 194-195; Gary B. Nash, The Urban Crucible: Social Change, Political Consciousness, and the Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 53; J. H. Easterby, ed., "Public Poor Relief in Colonial Charleston: A Report to the Commons House of Assembly About the Year 1767," South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 42 (April 1941), 83-86; Peter A. Coclanis, The Shadow of a Dream: Economic Life and Death in the South Carolina Low Country, 1670-1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 114; A. Roger Ekirch, "Poor Carolina:" Politics and Society in Colonial North Carolina, 1729-1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 3-18.
23 John Stuart, Observations on the Plan for the Future Management of Indian Affairs Humbly Submitted to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations,








74

Superintendent for Indian Affairs in the Southern District from 1762 to 1779, complained with good reason. During the eighteenth century, Spain and Great Britain fought for control of the lucrative deerskin business and the friendship of the Indians, and each nation issued its own passports. In addition, colonial South Carolina and Georgia both sanctioned Indian traders, offering licenses to almost every applicant and for each of the southeastern Indian nations (including the Cherokee, Choctaw, Catawba, Chickasaw, Seminole, and Creek). Competition between the two British colonies for monopolistic control of the Indian trade continued until after the American Revolution and the establishment of the federal factory system. Even after the war ended, traders continued to use passports from British and American sources. When colonial officials denied applicants for passports, the prospective trader could pledge his allegiance to another government."

Yet even with a passport, traders usually needed to obtain native sanction to remain among the Indians. Marriages proved the best route in the regard. Most traders living in


December 1, 1763, Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 323/19. Despite Stuart's logical complaint, nearly every officer commissioned to regulate the Indian trade recognized this as a central problem. See Earl of Egmont in Pat Tailfer, A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of GgqMi ed., Clarence L. Ver Steeg. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1960), 64; William Stephens, in E. Merton Coulter, ed., The Journal of William Stephens, 1741-1743 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1958), 243; "The Edmund Atkin Report," May 30, 1755, in Jacobs, Indians on the Southern Colonial Frontier 1-77; James Oglethorpe to Harman Verelst, June 15, 1739, in Mills Lane, ed., General Oglethom 's Georgia: Colonial Letters 1733-1743 2 volumes (Savannah GA: Beehive Press, 1975), 2:406.
24 Benjamin Hawkins to James McHenry, March 1, 1797 in Grant, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins 1:85-86; John Stuart, Observations on the plan for the Future Management of Indian Affairs Humbly Submitted to the Lord's Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, December 1, 1763, Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 323/19-20; By Laws and Laws, March 21, 1733, in Candler, et al., Colonial Records of G 2 1:3440; Jonathan Dobell to the Board of Trustees, October 29, 1745, in Candler, et al. ,Colonial Records of Georgia, 24:432; Wilbur R. Jacobs, Indians on the Southern Colonial Frontier, 14, 40.








75
Creek villages had Creek wives and families.25 In addition to providing companionship and residences, marrages connected traders to clans that protected them within the Indian community. On several occasions, the Creeks evicted traders who lacked an Indian wife and killed a few unconnected traders for their abusive behavior. Such instances made the importance of clan connections and intermarriage explicit.2" Natives wives also solicited business from fellow clan members and neighbors, created important political connections, apprised their husbands of impending warfare and gathered other information essential to selling deerskins. They warned their husbands of rumored assaults, told them of local village business, and informed them about the community' s general temperament. Furthermore, Euro-American traders also benefited from the labor of their wives who interpreted for them, collected debts, tanned and dresses deerskins, and helped teach the language and customs of the Creeks."7 Native wives, in short, became essential to the southeastern deerskin trade.


25 Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 78-79; J. Leitch Wright, Jr., William Augustus Bowles: Director General of the Creek N ation (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1967), 12- 15; J. Leitch Wright, Jr., Creeks and Seminoles: The Destruction and Regeneration of the Muscogulge People (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), 75; Martin, Sacred Revolt, 78; Edmund Schwarze, History of the Moravian Missions Among Southern Indian Tribes of the United States (Bethlehem PN: Times Publishing Company, 1923), 97.
26 James Glen to the Duke of New Castle, December 1, 1748, in Letter Book of James Glen in Dalhousie Muniments, Papers relating to America, in the Dalhousie Muniments, Scottish Record Office, General Register House, Edinburgh, Microfilm in Huntington Library, San Marino, California; James Stuart, Three Years in North America 2 volumes (Edinburgh: Printed for Robert Cadell, 1833), 2:134; Louis Billouart de Kerler~c to Nicolas Ren6 Berryer, June 12, 1760, in Dunbar Rowland and Albert Godfrey Sanders, eds., and trans., Patricia Key Galloway, rev., and ed., Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Dominion, 1729-1749 volumes 4 and 5 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1984), 5:252; Affidavit of James Maxwell, June 12, 175 1, in William L. McDowell, Jr., ed., Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, May 21, 1750 August 7, 1754 (Columbia: South Carolina Archives Department, 1958), 2:70.
27 Braund, "Guardians of Tradition," 251; Clara Sue Kidwell, "Indian Women as Cultural Mediators," Ethnohistory 39 (Spring 1992), 97-107; James Axtell, Beyond 1492:








76
Intermarriage remained important for Indian traders throughout the pre-removal era. In 1709, British traveler John Lawson explained that

Indian Traders.... [have] Indian Wives, whereby they soon learn the Indian
Tongue, keep a Friendship with the Savages; and, besides the Satisfaction of a SheBed-Fellow, they find there Indian Girls very serviceable to them, on Account of
dressing their Victuals, and instructing 'em in the Affairs and Customs of the
Country.

In short, Lawson wrote that without the aid of Creek women, "' tis impossible for him [a trader] ever to accomplish his Designs amongst that people."" Over fifty years later, naturalist William Bar-tram recorded a similar impression. "White traders are fully sensible how greatly it is to their advantage to gain their [Indian women's] affections and friendship," he claimed. Indian wives "labour and watch constantly to promote their private interests, and detect and prevent any plots or evil designs which may threaten their persons, or operate against their trade or business.""

Regardless of the intended length of stay among the Indians, traders usually took up residences with Creek women. Short-term "marriages" with local Indians fostered the idea that an abundance of "trading girls," or young Indian women eagerly awaited the





Encounters in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 114; William T. Hagan, "Squaw Men on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Reservation: Advance Agents of Civilization or Disturbers of the Peace," in John G. Clark, ed., The Frontier Challenge: ResWnses to the Trans-Mississipj2i West (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1971), 171-202; Nancy Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change, Devens, Countering Colonialism, 123; Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot, 228; Harkin and Kan, eds., "Special Issue: Native American Women's Responses to Christianity," 573-725; Perdue, Cherokee Women, 65-84.
28 John Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina ed., Hugh Talmage Leffler (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1967), 191-192.
29 William Bartram, The Travels of William Bartram. ed., Mark Van Doren (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1955), 170.








77

arrival of Europeans." John Smythe, while traveling among southeastern Indians in the

1780s, observed that

it is customary when a white man enters an Indian town, or nation, with intention of residing there for some time, if only a few months, for him to have a wigwam, or hut, erected, in which he lives with some squaw, whom he either courts to his embraces, or received from her parents as his wife and servant, during the time he
may stay among them."

Some Americans derided traders for their temporary relationships, calling them

"Winchester-Weddings ... .. left-handed marriages," or "casual marriages," because these

relationships countered Anglo-European standards of behavior .3' The connotations of
13
these relationships led many Americans to use the term "wench" to describe Indian wives.


30 Settler, "Women's Status Among the Muskogee and Cherokee," 218; John R. Swanton, "Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy," in Forty Second Annual Roort of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the SecreLaly of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1928), 346-56, 384; Nash, Red, White, and Black, 277.
31 John F. D. Smythe, Tour in the United States of America 2 volumes (London: New York Times & Amo Press, 1968, reprint 1784), 1:190-191.
32 Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, 46, 190; Moller, "Sex Composition and
Correlated Culture Patterns," 13 1; Martin, Sacred Revolt, 77; Brown, Wondrous Times on the Frontier, 280. Anglo-Americans in the eighteenth century assumed that marriages would endure for a lifetime. Divorces and separations occurred rarely, especially before the American Revolution, and usually when abuse insured incompatibility. When husbands abandoned wives, normally sometimes only the woman could remarry. Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 58-61, 302306, 336-342; Mary Beth Norton, Founding Mothers & Fathers: Gendered Power and the Forming of American Society (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996), 89-95; Linda Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect & Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 159, 180-181.

Affidavit of James Maxwell, June 12, 1751, in McDowell, Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, 2:70; Abstract of a letter from David Taitt, September 21, 1772, Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 5/74; "Journal of David Taitt's Travels from Pensacola, West Florida, to and Through the Country of the Upper and the Lower Creeks, 1772," March 2, 1772, in Newton D. Mereness, ed., Travels in the American Colonies (New York: MacMillan Company, 1916), 505, 512, 514. Other Euro-American observers used equally degrading terms to describe Indian wives. Jacques Fontaine, Memoirs of a Huguenot FamilV trans., Ann Maury (New York: Putnam, 1872), 349; Lawson, A New








78
Others, like British traveler John Lawson, equated "the Trading Girls" with prostitution because their "profession" was to "get Money by their Natural Parts.""4 Many EuroAmerican traders treated these relationships as temporary affairs. If they returned to American society, they normally returned alone.35

Most Creeks, on the other hand, did not consider the short-term affairs with

"trading girls" to be marriages. Creeks expected marriages to last for a lifetime, but they did not confine sexual relations to the confines of marriage. The Creeks punished adultery severely--usually cropping the ears and hair of female perpetrators and beating male transgressors. Yet, pre-marital sex itself carried no taboo, unless occurring just prior to battle, during certain festivals, pregnancy, or a hunt. Such "sexual freedom" confused many American observers who conflated sexual intercourse and marriage. Abraham Steiner, a Moravian missionary failed to differentiate between the two when he claimed that "4one may marry for a day, a night, or a week without objections being raised." Despite Steiner's confusion, Creeks did not consider casual relations to be a form of marriage.36



Voyage to Carolina, 47. Kathleen M. Brown writes that the term "wench" implied an uncontrollable lust the lack of control of the ideal "good wife." Over time, it also obtained a racial component, but only in addition to its sexual connotations. See Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs, 2, 82, 87-104, 369-370.

34 Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, 190.

35 David H. Corkran, The Creek Frontier, 1540-1783 (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1967), 31-33. Not surprisingly, most of the descriptions of "temporary" marrages came from travelers through the Indian country. See Bartram, Travels, 170, Caleb Swan, "Position and State of Manners and Arts in the Creek," 5:254, 268; Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, 45, 190.
36 ArhmSteiner, January 22, 1804, in Carl Mauelshagen and Gerald H. Davis, eds., "The Moravians' Plan for a Mission Among the Creek Indians, 1803-1804," Georgia Historical Quarterly 51 (September 1967), 363. For observations of adultery and its punishment, see "Thomas Campbell to Lord Deane Gordon: An Account of the Creek Indian Nation, 1764," Florida Historical Quarterly 8 (January 1930), 156-164; John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United States (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1946), 701-703; Sattler, "Women's Status Among the








79
Americans like Steiner saw "looseness" and "prostitution in the Creek's culturally

accepted sexual practices. Creeks offered selected visitors the "services" of single women,

as gifts and as signs of hospitality. Creek attitudes toward marriage and sexuality permitted

some single Creek women to have casual sexual liaisons without losing the community's

respect. Even married women could be sexually active with guests, provided her husband

accepted the situation. Creeks regarded relations with married women a special honor and

offered them only to the most notable guests. Functionally, the short-term relations with

white traders provided women and their kinsmen connections to trade goods, and gave

traders the protection needed to live among the Indians."7

Contrasts between the Euro-American and Creek systems of sexuality created

intercultural tensions, especially when Creeks did not initiate the contact. When Creek

women approached Americans with opportunities for sexual relations, no disgrace

accompanied rejection and few American men publicly objected to the overtures. When



Muskogee and Cherokee," 2 18-220; Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 83-85; Bernard Romans, A Concise Natural H-istory of East and West Florida ed., Rembert W. Patrick (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1962, reprint 1775), 98; Theda Perdue, "Columbus Meets Pocahontas in the American South," Southern Cultures 3 (Spring 1997), 4-21.
1Seymour Feiler, ed., Jean-Bernard Bossu' s Travels in the Interior of North America, 1751-1762 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962), 131-132; Adam Hodgson to [?], April 3, 1820, in Adam Hodgson, Letters from North America, Written During a Tour in the United States and Canada (London: Hurst, Robinson, & Co., 1824), 2:130; Benjamin Hawkins to Thomas Jefferson, July 11, 1803, in Grant, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 2:455; Thomas Eyre to Robert Eyre, December 4, 1740, in Lane, General Oglethorpe' s Georgia, 2:502-504; George Stiggins "A Historical Narrative of the Genealogy tradition, and down fall of the Ispocoga or Creek tribe of Indians, written by one of the tribe," 43-45, Transcript in Stiggins Collection, Alabama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery; John Pope, A Tour Through the Southern and Western Territories of the United States of North-America; the Spanish Dominions on the River Mississippi, and the Floridas; the Countries of the Creek Nations; and Many Uninhabited Parts (Richmond VA: John Dixon, 1792), 56-57; James Stuart, Three Years in North America 2 volumes (Edinburgh: Printed for Robert Cadell, 1833), 2:159-160; Perdue, "Columbus Meets Pocahontas in the American South," 4-21.








80

Euro-Americans took the initiative, however, insults were likely. This was the case when Sir Richard Everard went to the Creek Nation in 1741. On his arrival in the Coweta village, the British baron informed the local micco, Chigalee, "that he was a person of Distinction, and a Beloved Man of the King of England." Chigalee responded as was customary: he summoned other village leaders with the expectation of receiving "a Talk from the Great King." Once the Indians congregated, Everard informed them that he had not come to speak. Confused, Chigalee asked why he came to the nation. The Baron responded by saying that "he came there to lye with their Women." Swiftly, the meeting ended. Chigalee stood up, "took ye Barronets Gold laced Hat off his head, putting it on his own, and gave him an Old hat in Exchange." After this forced gift exchange, he dismissed the baron from the village, telling him that "when any of his Daughters wanted an husband he would send for him." A disgraced Everard never returned, and Chigalee never called for him. Indian traders who witnessed the exchange, left "much offended at ye Baronets behavior, and told [Chigalee] that [they] Suspected, he had escaped from the Strong House in England."38 Despite the rumored "looseness" of Native-American women, travelers to the Creek Nation could not easily find "bed-fellows." Trading girls did not offer their services indiscriminately. Instead, Creek women selectively offered their company to white traders.

Short-term marriages between Creek Indians and Euro-American colonists normally occurred when long-term marriages failed. Sometimes traders left their wives just as they originally planned, and other relationships ended despite initial expectations to the contrary. Joseph Fitzwalter, for example, arrived in colonial Savannah, a bachelor at the age of thirty-one. The gender imbalance of colonial Georgia, Fitzwalter' s peculiar personality,


38 Thomas Jones to the Board of Trustees, October 23, 1741, in Candler, et al., Colonial Records of Georgia, 23:123-124; Cashin, Lachlan McGillivray, 39-40.








81

and his landless condition limited Fitzwalter' s hopes for marriage."9 However, while employed as the gardener to the Board of Trustees in 1735, his life turned around. The Creeks offered him a marriage to Tuscanies [Molly], niece to several prominent Creek leaders. For Fitzwalter, the cultural frontier did little to dampen his enthusiasm. He thought that his new wife would make a fine English bride. He hoped "that Time will wear her of the Savage way of Living.""0 Shortly after the wedding, the Creeks approached Fitzwalter with another opportunity. "The Indians," the gardener wrote to his employer, are very much for my going to the Nation to Trade with Them and that I Refer to your [Oglethorpe' s] better Judgement being unwilling to do anything without your Instructions.""' The Governor approved, and Fitzwalter joined the deerskin trade. The marriage quickly failed, Fitzwalter' s Indian spouse abandoned him, and his career in the Indian trade abruptly ended. Without the protection that Tuscanies and her clan afforded him, Fitzwalter could not remain in the Indian nation."2 He returned to Savannah, Georgia,



Moller, "Sex Composition and Correlated Culture Patterns," 113-153; Nash, Red, White, and Black, 278. In 1743, Georgia Governor James Oglethorpe complained that there were "above 700 men more than there are women. Most of these would marry if they could get wives. The sending over single women without families that could protect them might be attended with indecencies, but the giving passage to the wives, sisters and daughters of recruits and a small maintenance .. would be a remedy to this." James Oglethorpe to the Board of Trustees, February 12, 1743, in Lane, General Oglethorpe's Georgia, 2:660.
40 Joseph Fitzwalter to James Oglethorpe, July 5, 1735, in Candler, et al., Colonial Records of Georgia, 20:426.
41 Joseph Fitzwalter to James Oglethorpe, July 5, 1735, in Candler, et al., Colonial Records of Georgia, 20:426.
42 Joseph Fitzwalter to James Oglethorpe, January 16, 1735, in Candler, et al.,
Colonial Records of Georgia, 20:163; Lane, General Oglethorpe' s Georgia, 2:669; Sarah B. Gober Temple and Kenneth Coleman, Georgia Journeys: Being an Account of the Lives of Georgia' s Original Settlers and Many Other Early Settlers from the Founding of the Colony in 1732 until the Institution of Royal Government in 1754 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1961), 135-143.








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where he soon remarried and worked as a tavern keeper and wharfinger until his death in 1742. Fitzwalter' s short-term experience in the deerskin trade prevented him from obtaining a large estate, and at his death he left meager holdings.4'

Unlike Fitzwalter, several white Americans forged permanent homes and families among the Indians. Although "married in the Indian way," Kendall Lewis lived with his wife for over 30 years.4 Abram Mordecai moved to the Creek Nation in 1785, married a Creek woman of African descent, and remained among the Indians until his death over a half century later .4' Despite the common intention of returning to Anglo society, many deerskin traders chose not to leave their Creek villages. An English traveler recogni zed this fact in 1763. "Some came here as traders, took an Indian woman, possibly intending to cast her off when they should get rich enough to retire." he explained. "But either they have not yet become sufficiently rich, or else they have come to like the Indian country and





43 Lee Ann Caldwell, "Women Landholders of Colonial Georgia," in Harvey H.
Jackson and Phinizy Spalding, eds., Forty Years of Diversity: Essays on Colonial Georgia (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984), 188; Colonial Dames of Georgia, comp., Abstracts and Colonial Wills of the State of Georgia, 1733-1774 (Hapeville GA: Atlanta Town Committee of the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Georgia, 1962), 49; Mary Bondurant Warren, ed., Marriages and Deaths, 1763-1820 (Danielsville GA: Heritage Papers, 1968), 36.
4Philip H. Riaford to Albert James Pickett, February 8, 1850, in Pickett Manuscripts;- Thomas M. Ellis to Albert James Pickett, August 26, 1847, in Pickett Manuscripts; Peter A. Brannon, "Tuckabachi Sons-In-Law: White Men Noted in Early Record Who Had Indian Wives," Arrow Points 3 (May 1929), 43.

15 "Notes taken from the lips of Abram Mordecai an old Jew 92 years of age who had lived 60 years among the Creek Indians," Pickett Manuscripts. Pickett apparently changed his opinion on the length of time that Mordecai lived among the Creeks. This reappraisal seems warranted. See Pickett, History of Alabama, 113, 129-130, 190-19 1; Grant, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 155 EN 2; Clinton Ware Williams, The Early Histor of Montgomery and Incidentally of the State of Alabama (University AL: Confederate Publishing Company 1979), 22.








83

the Indian customs."46 According to other Euro-American observers, whites remained among the Indians because they became attached to the Creek lifestyle. Traveler John Lawson observed

that English Men, and other Europeans that have been accustom' d to the
Conversation of these Savage Women, and their Way of Living, have been so
allur' d with that careless sort of Life, as to be constant to their Indian Wife, and her
Relations, so long as they liv' d, without ever desiring to return again amongst the
English.'7

More often than not, the Indian manner of living included "black eyed boys and girls" under the strict care of their mothers and "farms and herds, which also are yearly increasing."4" The Creek's matrilineal kinship structure meant that Euro-American husbands who abandoned their Indian wives, must also leave their children, lands, and cattle behind.

Most Indian countrymen brought material possessions with them into Indian

villages. During the American Revolution, nearly three thousand British loyalists fled to the lands of the southeastern Indians bringing their African slaves, cattle, and other moveable goods.49 During the war, these loyalists had little choice but to move out of the


46 Augustus Loomis, Scenes in the Indian Country (Philadelphia PN: Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1816-1818), 201.

SJohn Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, 192.

4Loomis, Scenes in the Indian Country, 200-201.

49 Rachel N. Klein, Unification of a Slave State: The Rise of the Planter Class in the South Carolina Backeountry, 1760-1808 (Chapel HEil: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 93-94. Scholars have rigorously discussed the post-Revolution movement of slaves into the Creek Nation. See, Braund, "The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery," 60 1-636; Janet Halliburton, "Black Slavery in the Creek Nation," Chronicles of Oklahoma 56 (Pall 1978), 298-314; Daniel F. Littlefield, Jr., Africans and Creeks: From the Colonial Period to the Civil War (Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1979); William G. McLaughlin, "Red Indians, Black Slavery and White Racism: America's Slaveholding Indians," American Quarterly 26 (October 1974), 367-385; Martha Condray Searcy, "The Introduction of African Slavery into the Creek Indian Nation," Georgia Historical Quarterly 66 (Spring 1982), 21-32.








84

southern colonies, because of what Governor Patrick Tonyn called the "cruel and unrelenting severity with which [the revolutionaries in Georgia and South Carolina] tTeated the loyalists. ,5' Revolutionaries confiscated property, threatened lives, and plundered loyalists' farms and businesses. Throughout the South, the patriot militias waged "campaigns of terror" against those who did not actively support the American

51
Revolution. Pressures to enlist in revolutionary militias also pushed some Southerners 51
into the Creek Confederacy. John Stuart understood that "A Great Number of Families wishing to Avoid the Calamities of a rancorous Civil War," migrated "from the different Provinces, to Seek bread and peace in those remote deserts.""

British refugees saw two benefits in going to the Creek Nation rather than finding asylum elsewhere. First, a pre-existing community of Euro-American traders with loyalist sympathies provided them with places to stay. Harboring assumptions of returning, most loyalists sought the comfort of these temporary residences. Moreover, the permanent


50 Patrick Tonyn to Thomas Townshend, May 15, 1783, in Kenneth G. Davies, ed., Documents of the American Revolution, 1770-1783, 21 volumes (Dublin: Irish University Press, 1972-1979), 21:168.

5' Clyde R. Ferguson, "Functions of the Partisan-Militia in the South During the American Revolution: An Interpretation," in W. Robert Higgins, ed., The Revolutionary War in the South: Power, Conflict, and Leadership (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1979), 237-258; George Gilmer, Sketches of Some of the First Settlers of Upper Georgia, of the Cherokees, and the Author (Americus GA: Americus Book Company, 1926), 88; Nisbet Balfour to the Militia Prisoners, May 17, 1781, Keith Morton Read Collection, Hargrett Rare Books and Manuscript Room, University of Georgia Archives, Athens; Egerton Ryerson, The Loyalists of America and Their Times 2 volumes (New York: Haskell House Publishers, 1880), 2:107; Nathaniel Green to Robert Howe, December [21] 1780, in "Revolutionary Letters," South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 16 (July 1937), 198.
5' Geraldine M. Meroney, "Some Early Loyalists on the Southern Frontier," in Samuel Proctor, ed., Eighteenth- Centpa Florida: Life on the Frontier (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1976), 32.
51 John Stuart to George Germain, August 23, 1776, in Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 5/77.








85

population of Indian countrymen ameliorated the culture shock associated with entering Indian villages. For example, several dozen loyalists went to Hickory Ground to find refuge with Lachlan McGillivray and his Creek-American son Alexander.5 Frank Moore, wrote that "in Mr. McGillivray' s rice barn the ladies told me there were fifty men, women, and children."5" There the refugees found an Indian plantation that resembled plantations on the American side of the frontier. 56 Second, and perhaps more importantly, the Creeks represented a potential reserve of anti-Revolution soldiers, both Indian and EuroAmerica.5 Most Creek villages wavered between neutrality and open support of the British.58 Loyalist refugees hoped to end the wavering and forge an anti-revolutionary strike force.5"


-14 Peter A. Brannon, "The Coosa River Crossing of British Refugees, 1781," Alabama Historical Quarterly 19 (1957), 153.
55Frank Moore, Diary of the American Revolution 5 volumes (New York, Scribner 1854), 5:228.
56 Arthur P. Whitaker, "Alexander McGillivray, 1783-1793," North Carolina Historical Quarterly 5 (April 1928), 182; Dannye Romine, "Alexander McGillivray: Shrewd Scot, Cunning Indian," Southern Humanities Review 49 (Fall 1975), 409; Michael D. Green, "Alexander McGillivray," in R. David Edmunds, ed., American Indian Leaders: Studies in Diversity (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), 42.

57 Gary D. Olson, "Thomas Brown, Loyalist Partisan, and the Revolutionary War in Georgia, 1772-1782," Georgia Historical Quarterly 54 (Spring, 1970), 1-19. Other southeastern Indians served in the same function. See William G. McLoughlin, "An Alternative Missionary Style: Evan Jones and John B. Jones Among the Cherokees," in Margaret Connell Szasz, ed., Between Indian and White Worlds: The Cultural Broker (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 102.
58 Braund, Deerskins & Duffels, 164-169; Snapp, John Stuart and the Struggle for Empire, 265-207.
59Geraldine M. Meroney, "Some Early Loyalists on the Southern Frontier," in Proctor, Eighteenth-Centur Florida: Life on the Frontier, 32; The connection between deerskin traders and their support for the British led Historians William Coker and Thomas Watson to describe the traders of the South's largest trading company, the Panton, Leslie, and Forbes Co., as "Loyalists All." Coker and Watson, Indian Traders of the Southern Spanish Borderlands, 31-48. Nearly all traders wanted neutrality or remained loyal to the








86

These hopes came to fruition, and the Creeks became a central base for organized

war parties to launch retaliatory strikes against the American revolutionaries.60 Such

assaults began early in the war, continued after the peace in 1787, and led to "white men

dressed and painted like Indians" fighting alongside Creek warrors." nJn 76 ee
hundred southeastern Indians "turned out against the settlements, not by order of the royal

officers, but incited by about forty whites, who had fled to them from the Congaree.""2

Three years later, Thomas Jefferson expressed his fear of "these Savages, [who] are


Crown. George Galphin was a notable exception, and the United States rewarded his patriotism to the new nation.
60 John Martin to Friends and Brothers [in the Creek Nation], January 11, 1782, in "Official Letters of Governor John Martin, 1782-1783," Georgia Historical Quarterly 1 (December 1917), 282-284; Arthur Campbell to Thomas Jefferson, June 4, 1781, in Julian P. Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1954), 6:80; Nathaniel Greene to Colonel Peter Horry, September 24, 1781, in R. W. Gibbes, ed., Documentary H-istory of the American Revolution 3 volumes (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1853), 1:172; Patrick Carr to George Galphin, November 4, 1778, Laurens Papers, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston; Joseph Martin to Beverly Randolph, October 2, 1788, in Brock Collection, Huntington Library; Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, and Joseph Martin to Richard Casswell, June 19, 1786, Pickens Papers, Huntington Library; [Andrew Pickens] to [Alexander McGillivray], October 20, 1786, Pickens Papers; Andrew Pickens to Thomas Pinckney, October 6, 1787, Pickens Papers; Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal, ed., Joseph P. Tustin (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 1979), 23 1; Klein, Unification of a Slave State, 90-94.

61 Governor Patrick Tonyn to David Taitt, [?] 1776, in Davies, Documents of the American Revolution, 12:108; Arturo O'Neill to Luis Unzaga, February 16, 1783, Lockey Collection, P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida; Rev. Jas. Creswell to W. H. Drayton, July 27, 1776, in Gibbes, Documentary History of the American Revolution, 3:30; Lachlan McIntosh to General Howe, November 19, 1779, in Lilla M. Hawes, ed., The Papers of Lachlan McIntosh, 1774-1779 volume 12 in Collections of the Georgia Historical Society (Savannah: Georgia Historical Society, 1957), 19; Rachel N. Klein, "Frontier Planters and the American Revolution: The South Carolina Backcountry, 1775-1782," in Ronald Hoffman, Thad W. Tate and Peter J. Albert, eds., An Uncivil War: The Southern Backcountry during the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1985), 60.
62 June 6, 1776, in Adelaide L. Fries, ed., The Moravians in Georgia 6 volumes (Baltimore MD: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1967), 3:1065.








87
employed by the British nation as allies in the War against the Americans" would unfavorably sway the balance on the southern front."3 Jefferson's fears were somewhat warranted. By that point in the war, American attempts to preserve Creek neutrality had mostly failed. Over the next decade, Georgia Governor John Martin, and other Americans officials complained about the alliances between "some of your [Creeks] mad people and the Tories and bad people who remain among them.",64

Loyalist Indian countrymen remained a presence in Indian society after the war, even after the realization that the Tory cause was lost.65 With the cessation of violence, loyalist refugees frequently chose not to return to their former homes. Some went to Canada, England, Bermuda, or Ireland, many joined British regiments, and "large numbers of loyalists began deserting their homes in the backcountry and going to east Florida.",66 Some stayed among the Creeks. James Walsh could not return to South Carolina when his




63 Thomas Jefferson to William Phillips, July 22, 1779, in Boyd, apers o
Thomas Jefferson, 3:46. Arthur Campbell to Thomas Jefferson, June 4, 1781, in Boyd, Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 6:80.
61 John Martin to Friends and Brothers [in the Creek Nation], January 11, 1782, in "Official Letters of Governor John Martin," 282.
65 Jerome J. Nadelhaft, The Disorders of War: The Revolution in South Carolina (Orono: University of Maine at Orono Press, 1981), 75-76, 80, 124; Cashin, "' But Brothers, It Is Our Land We are Talking About,"' 240-275; Ronald Hoffman, "The 'Disaffected' in the Revolutionary South," in Alfred F. Young, ed., TheAmerican Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1976), 273-318; Thomas P. Aber-nethy, The South in the New Nation, 1789-1819, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1961), 57; North Callahan, Flight From the Republic: The Tories of the American Revolution (Indianapolis IN: BobbsMerrill Company, 1967), 121; Gregory Nobles, "Breaking into the Backcountry: New Approaches to the Early American Frontier, 1750-1800," William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 46 (October 1989), 662; Kenneth Coleman, The American Revolution in Georgia, 1763-1789 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1958), 67, 239.
66 Olson, "Thomas Brown," 8.








88
44war crimes" made him known as "a despicable murdering swairnp Tory. ,67 Still others remained within Creek villages because they perceived futures as deerskin traders or because they had found Indian spouses. The prevalence of British loyalists among the southeastern Indians led John Chisholm to claim in 1797 that he could track down fifteen hundred Tories in the five southeastern Indian nationS.68 Swan estimated that three hundred white refugees could be found in the Creek Nation alone, and most of them "have been attached to the British in the late war, and of course have from loss of friends and property, or persecution, retained bitter resentments against the people of the United States. ,69 Some of the most notable fugitive British loyalists who remained in the Creek Confederacy after the war included: Timothy Barnard, William Augustus Bowles, Abram Mordecai, Samuel Mims, William McIntosh, George Wellbank, James Russell, and James
70
Walsh.

Many of the loyalists among the Creeks had deserted from military units and

entertained no hopes of continuing the fight. After Abram Mordecai deserted his post, he never looked back. His loyalty to the crown ended with his decision to take flight.71 In


67 Stiggins, "Historical Manuscript," 151.

Edward Price to Benjamin Hawkins, in Grant, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins; Henn', Southern Indians and Benjamin Hawkins, 26; Abernethy, The South in the New Nation, 1789-1819, 57, 174.
61 Swan, "Position and State of Manners," 263.

70 Brand, Deerskins & Duffels, 169; Mein, Unification of a Slave State, 93.

71 "FOUNDER OF THIS CITY: Sketch of Earliest Inhabitant of the Capital City-Pen Pictoryre of 'Old Mordecai' by Col. Pickett. --Something About the First Man Who Planted Cotton in Alabama," January 21, 1904, in Montgomery Evening Times, Pickett Manuscripts. Mordecai was not alone. See Alexander Semple to Samuel Elbert, May 18, 1785, Lockey Collection; Thomas Gage to Earl of Halifax, April 27, 1765, in Clarence Edwin Carter, ed., The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763-1775 2 volumes (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 1931), 1:56; Thomas Gage to Earl of Shelburne, August 31, 1767, in Carter, Correspondence of Gage,








89
fact, soldiers of all of the region's militaries deserted to the Greek Confederacy."2 An

anonymous English traveler recorded that white Indians "have found their way here from

different causes. Some of them are discharged soldiers, whose ties to kindred and home

have been much worn, if not entirely broken off," he wrote. "They would about as lief

marry an Indian woman and settle in the country, as to go back to the States." French,

Spanish, British and American officers noticed that soldiers easily found refuge among the

Indians.7 The loneliness of frontier posts often encouraged single soldiers to seek out the

companionship to be had in native villages. Because of this, each of the European military

contingents in the southeast actively forbade interracial contact--especially marriages-between soldiers and Indians.7



1: 149; Diego De Vegas to Arturo O'Neill, May 8, 1788, in Panton, Leslie, and Company Papers, University of West Florida, Pensacola; Arturo O'Neill to Estevan Miro, June 19, 1788, in Panton, Leslie, and Company Papers. Some revolutionary soldiers also fled to the Indian villages. Loyalists, however, had less options after the war. See Alexander McGillivray to Vicente Manuel de Zespedes, February 6, 1789, in Caughey, McGillivra of the Creeks, 22 1.
7Loomis, Scenes in the Indian Country, 201; "Schneiders report of His journey," in Samuel Cole Williams, ed., Early Travels in the Tennessee Country (Johnson City TN: Watuga Press, 1938), 246; Larry E. Ivers, British Drums on the Southern Frontier: The Military Colonization of Georgia, 1733-1749 (Chapel IHill: University of North Carolina Press, 1974), 25, 199; Louis Milfort, Memoirs; or, A Quick Glance at My Various Travels and My Sojourn in the Creek Nation ed., and trans., Ben C. McCary (Kennesaw GA: Continental Book Co., 1959, reprint 1802), 135.
7' Thomas Gage to Earl of Shelburne, August 31, 1767, in Carter, Correspondence of General Thomas Gage, 1: 149; Thomas Jones to John Lydes, September 18, 1740, in Lane, General Oglethorpe' s Georgia, 2:474; Congress at Pensacola, in Dunbar Rowland, ed., Mississippi Provincial Archives 1763-1766. English Dominion volume 1 (Nashville TN: Press of Brandon Printing Company, 1911), 193; Memoir of D'Artaguett to Pontchartrain on Present Condition of Louisiana, May 12, 1712, in Dunbar Rowland, and Albert Godfrey Sanders, eds., and trans., Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Dominion 3 volumes (Jackson: Press of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 1929), 2:60.

74Tmoh Pickering to William Eaton, November 26, 1795, in Eaton Collection, Huntington Library; Phillippe De Rigaud de Vaudreuil to Rouille, April 28, 1751, in Rowland and Sanders, Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Dominion, 5:71; Memoir








90
William Simory' s story illustrates the path that dozens of soldiers took to Creek citizenship. Simory fled to the Creek Nation to escape military service to the English crown. By 1772, he had found a position working for Robert Mackay, a prominent deerskin trader. His loyalty to his Creek family was clear: Simory reportedly stated that "as he had been formerly a Soldier to the great king and run away from him and would now live and die amongst [the Creeks]." Simory may have believed himself to be a Creek Indian, but the Crown tried to arrest him for treason anyway.75 Similarly, James McQueen deserted his military post and moved to the Creeks to avoid facing punishment for striking an officer.7 Spaniards stationed in la Florida found their way to the Creeks. Jim Henry had a Chehaw mother, but his father was a "Cuban Spaniard, and one of the deserters from St. Augustine."77

Just as the South's "uncivil war" sent thousands of refugees into the countryside, one of the South' s "uncivil" labor system sent thousands of disenchanted white Americans into flight. The system of indentures that employed poor, landless white Englishmen in the seventeenth-and early eighteenth centuries resembled African slavery in several regards. Indentured servants, although normally of Euro-American backgrounds and serving between five and seven years, faced much the same violence and limits on personal



of D' Artaguett to Pontchartrain on Present Condition of Lousiana, May 12, 1712, in Rowland and Sanders, Mississippi Provincial Archives. French Dominion, 5:60; Edward Price to Tench Frances, January 11, 1796, Records of the Creek Trading House, Microcopy-4, National Archives; Edward Price to Secretary of War, August 5, 1797, Records of the Creek Trading House; Edward Price to Secretary of War, November 26, 1798, Records of the Creek Trading House.
75 "Journal of David Taitt," cite 512, 527.

76 Thomas Simpson Woodward to E. Hanrick, December 9, 1857, in Woodward, Reminiscences,' 7-10.
77Toa Simpson Woodward to Albert James Pickett, April 25, 1858, in Woodward, Reminiscences, 45.








91

freedoms typical of slavery. Even after they received their freedom, a situation few

African-American slaves enjoyed, ex-indentured servants faced the limited opportunities of

colonial society. Indentured servitude provided a steady flow of migrants into the Creek
78
Nation.

Because of the oppressive nature of indentured servitude, the problem of runaways

and revolts plagued colonial society. In 1735, the red string affair "threw [Georgia] into

great confusion." Nearly fifty Euro-American servants distinguished by red strings tied

around their right wrists and assisted by local Creek Indians, threatened the colonial order.

Although quickly put down by Georgia authorities, the red string affair provided the means

for several dozen servants, mostly Irish immigrants, to escape their legal obligations.

Several found their way to the Creeks." Servants, however, did not always require

communal efforts to escape their bondage. William Stephens complained in the 1740s that







Winthrop D. Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1968); Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Russell Menard, "From Servants to Slaves: The Transformation of the Chesapeake Labor System," Southern Studies (Fall 1977), 371, 389; David W. Galenson, White Servitude in Colonial America: An Economic Analysis (New York, Cambridge University Press, 1981) 134, 139; David W. Galenson, "White Servitude and the Growth of Black Slavery in Colonial America," Journal of Economic Higo 41 (March 1981), 3947; Paul C. Palmer, "Servant into Slave: The Evolution of the Legal Status of the Negro Laborer in Colonial Virginia," South Atlantic Review 65 (Summer 1966), 355-370. For a summary of the debate over the chicken-and-egg relationship between the rise of racism and the origins of slavery, see: Alden T. Vaughan, "The Origins Debate: Slavery and Racism in Seventeenth-Century Virginia," in Alden T. Vaughan, Roots of American Racism: Essays on the Colonial Experience, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 136-174.
79 Samuel Quincy to Peter Gordon, March 3, 1735 in Lane, General Oglethorpe's Georgia, 1: 130-13 1.








92

many of Georgia s servants fled to South Carolina and to Indian lands from which there was little hope of returning them."

According to Creek oral tradition, these runaway servants became Indian

countrymen or fellow Creek Indians. Two villages, Broken Arrow and Big Springs, according to modem Creek Indians, began in the eighteenth century as communities of escaped indentured servants. Their inhabitants, mostly if not all male, married neighboring Creek women, and the villages gradually became incorporated within the Creek Confederacy. When the southeastern Indians were forcibly removed west of the Mississippi River in the nineteenth century, residents of both "white Indian towns" faced the Trail of Tears." This modem tradition recognizes the historical role that the Creek Confederacy served as a refuge for escaped servants."

Criminals from each of the neighboring European colonies comprise another group of Euro-Americans that found refuge in Creek villages. In 1771, Governor James Wright called Indian villages a "Kind of Asylum for Offenders who will fly from justice ... and in the Process of time (and Perhaps no great Distance) they will become formidable Enough, to Oppose His Majesty's Authority ... and throw everything into





80 February 24, 1743, in The Journal of William Stephens, 175; Proceedings of the President and Assistants, April 21, 1750, in Candler, et al., Colonial Records of GegrLia, 6:316-317.
81 Personal Communication, John Moore, University of Florida, 1995.

Oral traditions typically blend symbolic meanings with historical events, can are invented to suit new political or social needs, and necessarily change over time. The reliance on individual memories also raises questions of personal bias, omissions, and creative flourishes. Yet oral traditions, especially in the case of non-literate societies, provide appropriate starting points for ethrichistoncal analysis. Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as HisIM (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985).




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“A PECULIAR BREED OF WHITES”:
RACE, CULTURE AND IDENTITY IN THE CREEK CONFEDERACY
By
ANDREW KEVIN FRANK
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1998

Copyright 1998
by
Andrew Kevin Frank

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Just before I entered the University of Florida, a young historian warned me that
graduate school was an isolating and lonely experience. I have not found this to be the
case. In the six years since I received this warning, I have found countless people who
have offered a wide range of support. My debts are many and my complaints are few.
My academic debts begin with an extremely supportive committee. First on this list
is Bertram Wyatt-Brown. As an advisor and friend, he has always encouraged me to
follow my interests even when they deviated from his own. His intellectual support,
fortunate recruiting of a particular UMass graduate, and generous use of the Milbauer fund
have made my time in Gainesville rewarding on every level. One man, however, does not
make a committee. Without the prodding of John Moore, I would still be studying Bacon’s
Rebellion. My interest in the Creek Indians and Indian countrymen began during a routine
office visit, turned into a semester project, and then became somewhat more consuming.
Since then, our conversations and his advice have been invaluable. Louise Newman,
Thomas Gallant, and Jeffrey Adler have each forced me to think about my own questions,
assumptions, and conclusions. They have pushed me when I needed it, and pushed me
harder when I did not think I needed it. Finally, I own special thanks to Anita and Darrett
Rutman. I consider myself lucky for having known them and learned from them.
Over the past few years, several scholars have critiqued chapter drafts and have
talked me through my ideas. At conferences, seminars, and coffee shops, these fellow
historians have taken the isolation out of academics. My thanks extend to Edward Ayers,
Steven Bullock, Augustus Burns, Glenn Crothers, Stan Deaton, Michael Green, Marcus
iii

Harvey, Chris Koehler, Gary Kroll, Andy Moore, Jason Parker, Theda Perdue, Daniel
Usner, and Frankie White. My work has benefited from their insights. I would also like
to thank David Hackett Fischer and Philip Ethington for encouraging my interest in history
while it was still in its infancy.
I am also grateful to the staffs at the Alabama Department of Archives and History,
the Georgia Department of Archives and History, the Georgia Historical Society, the
Huntington Library, the Library of Congress, the Southern Baptist Historical Library, the
Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the University of Georgia, and, of course,
the P. K. Yonge Library at the University of Florida. In addition, Betty Convine, Barbara
Guyann, Linda Opper, and Kimberly Yokum—the office staff in the UF Department of
History—deserve special thanks.
The dissertation would not have been possible without the financial support from
various organizations. My graduate work has been supported by a Phillips Grant for
Native American History from American Philosophical Society, a Michael J. Kraus Grant
from the American Historical Association, a Mayers Fellowship from the Huntington
Library, a McLaughlin Dissertation Fellowship from the College of Liberal Arts and
Sciences at the University of Florida, an American History Scholarship Award from the
National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Florida, a Marjorie
Kinnan Rawlings Fellowship from University of Florida, a Grinter Fellowship from the
University of Florida, and a College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Fellowship from the
University of Florida. In addition, I have also benefited from various travel grants from
the University of Florida Department of History, the Richard J. Milbauer fund, and the
Graduate Student Council at the University of Florida. Funding support of a different kind
came from Amy Cavanaugh, Peter and Jennifer Hartog, Roger and Lynne Irvine, Frederick
Reynolds, and Pat Solley. Their couches, spare bedrooms, and company made research
trips not only productive, but fun.
IV

My greatest thanks go out to my family. Howard and Marilyn Tendrich have been
wonderful in-laws. They have been supportive, even as I swore that gainful employment
was years away. I love them and my brother-in-law, Jon, and I consider it an honor to be
part of the Seitlin and Tendrich clans. My brother, Gary, and sister-in-law, Gail, have
constantly reminded me of the important things in life, giving me some needed perspective
when the walls seemed to be crumbling down. Gary’s advice, even when offered
unknowingly, has always been invaluable. My mom and dad have encouraged me to be a
historian for longer than they realize. For nearly three decades they have taught me to
follow my dreams and follow my heart. They have encouraged me, nurtured me, and
loved me. I could have never accomplished this project without their support. My love for
them is boundless. My greatest thanks go out to my wife, Lisa. She has been everything
to me: my closest friend, most critical colleague, greatest fan club, and most perfect
partner. She believed I could accomplish this project long before I did, and I hope the final
result reflects her optimism. I love her everything.
v

TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS in
ABSTRACT vii
INTRODUCTION: THE “INDIAN COUNTRYMAN” AND THE “CREEK-
AMERICAN” ON THE SOUTHERN MIDDLE GROUND 1
CHAPTERS
1 THE INVITATION WITHIN: ETHNIC OUTSIDERS IN THE CREEK
CONFEDERACY 23
2 “THIS ASYLUM OF LIBERTY”: FUGITIVES, REFUGEES, AND
TRADERS AMONG THE CREEK NATION 61
3 APPEARANCE, CULTURE, AND KIN: CREATING MUTABLE
IDENTITIES ON THE SOUTHERN MIDDLE-GROUND 101
4 SOUTHERNER AND CREEK; WHITEMAN AND INDIAN: ETHNIC
OPTIONS ON THE SOUTHERN MIDDLE-GROUND 137
5 CHILDREN OF THE MIDDLE GROUND: THE OPPORTUNITIES
OF BICULTURALISM AND DUAL IDENTITIES 178
6 COMPOUNDED LEGITIMACY: WILLIAM MCINTOSH’S MIDDLE-
GROUND AUTHORITY 214
EPILOGUE: THE FINAL ETHNIC OPTION: DUAL IDENTITIES AND THE
ERA OF FORCED RELOCATION 249
BIBLIOGRAPHY 268
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 325
vi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
“A PECULIAR BREED OF WHITES”:
RACE, CULTURE AND IDENTITY IN THE CREEK CONFEDERACY
By
Andrew Kevin Frank
August 1998
Chairman: Bertram Wyatt-Brown
Major Department: History
In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, certain individuals lived as both
Creek Indians and white Southerners. During this period, these two ethnic and cultural
identities existed as contestable and mutable entities that had permeable boundaries.
Consequently, on the southern middle ground, hundreds of Euro-American men entered
Creek villages in what is now Alabama, Georgia, and Florida. By intermarrying with
Creek women, these men obtained new homes, families, obligations, occupations, and
identities. In the process, however, they maintained many of their ties to American society.
In the years that followed, these Indian countrymen and their bicultural Creek-American
children disproportionately entered the historical record. Creek-Americans, reared to
understand and live among two cultures, possessed the essential attributes for participating
on the southern middle ground. They spoke multiple languages and instinctively
understood the non-spoken implications of the actions and words used by Americans and
Indians. These and other skills provided them countless opportunities to profit on the
southern middle ground. Creek-Americans became prominent Creek political leaders and
warriors, played central roles in the lucrative deerskin trade, built inns and taverns to cater
vii

to the needs of Euro-American travelers, frequently moved between colonial American and
Native communities, and served both Euro-American and Creek officials as interpreters,
assistants and travel escorts. Creek-Americans could safely move between these worlds
because both white society and Indian society claimed Creek-Americans as their own. This
ability to live simultaneously as white Southerners and Creek Indians disappeared during
the 1820s and 1830s when Indian removal destroyed the southern middle ground. Creek-
Americans, who often defined themselves by their ability to move seamlessly between
Creek and American societies, lost this ability when the geographic space that they
occupied disappeared. At this historical moment, Creek-Americans had to decide between
their two ethnic and cultural identities.

INTRODUCTION:
THE “INDIAN COUNTRYMAN” AND THE “CREEK-AMERICAN” ON THE
SOUTHERN MIDDLE-GROUND
A single phenomenon stands at the center of this study. In the eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries, hundreds of Euro-Americans entered Creek villages, married Native-
American women, and had “mixed race” children. These white husbands and fathers did
not disappear into the obscurity of their new Native communities. Instead, they and
especially their children, disproportionately entered the historical record. They became
prominent Creek political leaders and warriors, served Euro-American and Creek officials
as interpreters, assistants, and travel escorts, played central roles in the lucrative deerskin
trade, and frequently traveled between colonial and Native society. Their intercultural
families bridged the gap that separated American society from Indian society, and they
literally enabled the southern middle ground to exist. This dissertation examines this
phenomenon by asking the basic historical questions of how and why it came to be and by
illuminating some of its historical implications.
The intercultural phenomenon betrays one of the underlying thrusts of modem
ethnohistorical scholarship: that nothing could be so incompatible as Native Americans and
European colonists. The Native and the Newcomer, described as cultural and biological
opposites by many scholars and depicted in constant conflict by others, exist as a polarized
pair in many recent monographs. Cultural misunderstandings could not be avoided in the
eighteenth century, scholars explain, because the two societies so directly contradicted one
another. Peoples who could not understand each other could not coexist. The resulting
catastrophes of this cultural clash has shaped the rhetoric of recent scholarship. The
1

language of genocide, conquest, and invasion fill the monographs on early American-
Indian relations. Not only did Natives and Newcomers represent distinct cultures, recent
scholarship proclaims that American colonists aggressively imposed intrusive and hostile
policies.1
This historiographical emphasis has a important point. Indeed, much of the history
of Indian-white relations is lamentable. European-introduced diseases decimated vibrant
American Indian communities. European guns intensified pre-contact tensions and
intertribal warfare. Treaties negotiated in bad faith by European colonists were obeyed
with even less fidelity by Euro-American officials in following years. Christian
missionaries insulted more than they enlightened. Similarly, the arrival of Euro-American
Newcomers often meant the arrival of new enemies. Throughout the Americas, the
meeting of European and Native cultures irrefutably accompanied revolutionary
demographic, environmental, social, economic, and cultural disruptions.2 Their contact
1 Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of
Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Joel Wayne Martin, Sacred Revolt:
The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New World (Boston MA: Beacon Press, 1991), 70-84,
107-108, 83; James Axtell, “The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial
North America,” in James Axtell, The European and the Indian (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1981), 39-86; James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of
Cultures in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Jerald T.
Milanich, Florida Indians and the Invasion from Europe (Gainesville: University Press of
Florida, 1995); David E. Stannard, “The Consequences of Contact: Toward an
Interdisciplinary Theory of Native Responses to Biological and Cultural Invasion,” in
David Hurst Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences volume 3 The Spanish Borderlands
in Pan-American Perspective (Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990),
3:519-540; Calvin Martin, “The Metaphysics of Indian Hating,” in Calvin Martin, ed., The
American Indian and the Problem of History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987),
3-26; Michael Rogin, “Indian Extinction, American Regeneration,” Journal of Ethnic
Studies 2 (Spring 1974), 93-104; Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in
Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1990); Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., Ecological Imperialism and the Biological Expansion
of Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Bruce G. Trigger, Natives and
Newcomers: Canada’s‘Heroic Age’ Reconsidered (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1985).
2 Dorothy V. Jones, License for Empire: Colonialism by Treaty in Early America
(Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Wilcomb E. Washburn, Red Man’s

3
and interaction literally created what historian Colin G. Colloway recently termed “New
Worlds for All.”3
Yet, underneath this incompatibility and hostility lay a vastly different reality-the
other recent trend within Native-American historiography—one where Native Americans
Land / White Man’s Law (New York: Scribner, 1971); Grace M. Schwartzman and Susan
K. Barnard, “A Trail of Broken Promises: Georgians and Muscogee/Creek Treaties, 1796-
1826,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 75 (Winter 1991), 697-718; Alfred W. Crosby, Jr.,
The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport CT:
Greenwood Press, 1972); Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A
Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); Henry F.
Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in
Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983); Ian K. Steele,
Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); Neal
Salisbury, “Red Puritans: The ‘ Praying Indians’ of Massachusetts Bay and John Eliot,”
William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 31 (January 1974), 27-54; P. Richard Metcalf,
“Who Should Rule at Home? Native American Politics and Indian-White Relations,”
Journal of American History 61 (December 1974), 651-665; Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr.,
Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian
Response, 1787-1862 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965); Clara Sue
Kidwell, Choctaws and Missionaries, 1818-Í918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press, 1995); Clyde A. Milner, With Good Intentions: Quaker Work Among the Pawnees,
Otos, and Omahas in the 1870s (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1982); Anthony F. C.
Wallace, The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York: Vintage Books, 1969); Bernard
Sheehan, The Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973); Francis Paul Prucha, American
Indian Treaties: The History of A Political Anomaly (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1994); Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Settling With The Indians: The Meeting of
English and Indian Cultures in America, 1580-1640 (Totoaw NJ: Rowman and Littlefield,
1980); James P. Ronda, ‘“We Are Well as We Are’: An Indian Critique of Seventeenth-
Century Christian Missions,” William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 34 (January 1977),
66-82; Timothy Silver, A New Face on the Countryside: Indians, Colonists, and Slaves in
South Atlantic Forests, 1500-1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990);
Carolyn Merchant, Ecological Revolutions: Nature, Gender, and Science in New England
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989); William Cronon, Changes in the
Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang,
1983); Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur
Trade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978).
3 Collin G. Calloway, New Worlds For All: Indians. Europeans, and the Remaking
of Early America (Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); James Merrell,
The Indians New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors From European Contact through
the Era of Removal (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1989); James Axtell, The Indians
New South: Cultural Change in the Colonial Southeast (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1997); Martin, Sacred Revolt; James Axtell, Beyond 1492: Encounters in
Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).

4
and Europeans found common ground and mutually agreeable alliances. Along with the
lamentable, lay uncountable compromises, shared decisions, and inter-cultural bonds. At
times, Native Americans and European colonists fought cultural and military battles, but
this was not always the case.4 The cultural divide which separated Creek Indians from the
Euro-American settlers that they encountered in the long eighteenth century frequently
blurred. In what is now Georgia, Alabama and Florida, certain individuals could be both
Indian and White, Creek and Southerner, and Native and Newcomer. The gap between
these two perceived polarities was permeable, always in motion, and never a rigidly
defined barrier.
Marriage and family, because they united Creek and American individuals and
societies, helped conflate these ethnic identities. Relationships between partners of
different cultural backgrounds demanded constant compromises, but the accompanying
difficulties did not completely prevent intermarriages between Creeks and Euro-Americans.
Between 1700 and 1830, several hundred white Euro-American colonists and settlers
married Creek Indians and had bicultural children. Creeks and Americans frequently
disagreed over the identities of these individuals, whether they be the Anglo husbands or
their “mixed” children.5 As a result, during the long eighteenth century the southeastern
4 Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great
Lakes Region. 1650-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Merrell,
Indians New World; Daniel H. Usner, Jr., Indians Settlers and Slaves in a Frontier
Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley before 1783 (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1992); Margaret Connell Szasz, “Introduction,” in Margaret Connell
Szasz, ed., Between Indian and White Worlds: The Cultural Broker (Norman: University
of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 3-20; Daniel K. Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples
of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1992); Daniel K. Richter, “Cultural Brokers and Intercultural
Politics: New York-Iroquois Relations, 1664-1701,” Journal of American History 75 (June
1988), 40-67.
3 Both Creeks and Americans considered the Native wives of Indian countrymen to
be Creeks. Americans considered the marriages to be intermarriages, and Creeks continued
to recognize the Native wives as clanned members and residents. Kathryn Holland E.
Braund, “Guardians of Tradition and Handmaidens to Change: Women’s Roles in Creek

5
seaboard of North America contained thousands of residents who could be classified as
both Creek Indians and Euro-Americans. Commonly called “halfbreeds,” “mixed-bloods,”
“mestizos,” and “Indian countrymen,” these individuals did more than embody two
cultures. They linked together the history of Creeks and Americans, as they helped forge
compromises and bridge the cultural divide in the region. In essence, they created, or at
least enabled, a middle ground to exist in the region.6
Recent historians have been rather attentive to the topics of interracial marriage and
sexual relations. This attention, especially in studies of the American South, has primarily
focused on black-Indian and white-black mixing. The logical third leg of this triangle—
Indian-white sexual relations—has not obtained the same attention. The central focus on
African-American slavery and the presumed biracial nature of the South has directed
historical interest away from the Southeastern Indians. In addition, the study of the
colonial South has always taken a secondary position to studies of the antebellum and
postbellum eras. Thus, most historians of race focus on the era when white Southerners
had already “solved” the “Indian problem” and found themselves coping with the
subsequent “Negro problems.”7 Several scholars have looked at Indian-white mixture only
Economic and Social Life During the Eighteenth Century,” American Indian Quarterly 14
(Summer 1990), 239-258.
6 Richard White introduced ethnohistorians with the term “middle ground” in 1991.
The middle ground is not merely the geographic place where cultures and societies meet. It
is a process by which they mutually interact with each other, pursue their separate and
common interests, and create a shared experience. See White, The Middle Ground, ix-xvi,
141-143.
7 For examples of prominent studies of race in the South which exclude or minimize
the presence of Native Americans, see Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and
Mulattoes in the United States (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995);
Winthrop Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro: 1550-1812
(New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1969); A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., In the Matter of
Color: Race and the American Legal Process (New York: Oxford University Press,
1978), 40; George Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race: Historical Perspectives on
Slavery, Racism, and Social Inequality (Middletown CT: Wesleyan University Press,
1988).

6
to “confirm” and “explain” nineteenth-century proclamations that, unlike in the French and
Spanish colonies, Indian-white mixture rarely occurred in the English dominion. In several
cases, these scholars have begun their studies with the “knowledge” that intermixing did
not occur and thus have tried to explain this under-pursued opportunity. Therefore, there
are several studies about the forces which prevented the phenomenon of Indian-white
mixing in the colonial southeast-normally a result of anti-Indian sentiment and
demographic factors—and none of the phenomenon itself.8
Gary Nash’s recent Presidential Address to the Organization of American
Historians typifies the historiography of intermarriage rather well. In the process of
showing the pervasiveness of miscegenation in American history, Nash quickly dismisses
the presence of Indian-white sexual relations in colonial America. Nash introduces his
chronology with the John Rolfe-Pocahontas marriage, but asserts that this represented a
lost opportunity in American history. Instead, Nash focuses on the “hidden history” of
interracial sex between non-white culture groups (Asians, Africans, Hispanics, and
Indians) and between white Americans and African Americans.9 Nash acknowledges that
prominent Virginians such as Robert Beverly, William Byrd and Patrick Henry advocated
8 William Christie MacLeod, The American Indian Frontier (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1928); Wilbur R. Jacobs, “British-Colonial Attitudes and Policies Toward the
Indian in the American Colonies,” in Howard Peckham and Charles Gibson, eds.,
Attitudes of Colonial Powers Toward the American Indian (Salt Lake City: University of
Utah Press, 1969), 81-106; Gary B. Nash, “The Image of the Indian in the Southern
Colonial Mind,” William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 29 (August 1972), 197-230;
Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian From
Columbus to the Present (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978); David D. Smits, ‘“Squaw
Men,’ ‘Half-Breeds,’ and Amalgamators: Late Nineteenth-Century Anglo-American
Attitudes Toward Indian-White Race-Mixing,” American Indian Culture and Research
Journal 15 (3: 1991), 29-61; Herbert Moller, “Sex Composition and Correlated Culture
Patterns of Colonial America,” William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 2 (April 1945), 133;
Theda Perdue, “Columbus Meets Pocahontas in the American South,” Southern Cultures 3
(Spring 1997), 4-21.
9 Gary B. Nash, “The Hidden History of Mestizo America,” Journal of American
History 82 (December 1995), 941-964.

7
promoting intermarriage with neighboring Indians as a means of creating peace between the
cultures, and mentions that Sam Houston married a Cherokee woman. Nevertheless, Nash
insists that “prejudice and violence blocked the way toward what might have become a
mixed-race American republic.”10 Despite his intentions, Nash implies that the history of
mestizo America is one where Natives and Euro-American Newcomers hardly met.11 This
dissertation explicitly states otherwise, as it illuminates the underexplored world of white-
Indian mixture.
Eighteenth-century observers—and to a lesser extent modern-day ethnohistorians—
used various terms to describe “white men who turned Indian” or “took squaw wives.”
“Indian countrymen,” sometimes called “white Indians,” normally signified individuals
with European genealogies and Indian residences and ethnic identities. Historically,
eighteenth-century Americans reserved the term “white Indians” for adopted captives in
New England and the Great Lakes Region. This term was rarely employed in the
southeast.12 The same was not the case for “Indian countrymen,” as it was widely used to
10 Nash, “Hidden History,” 945.
11 In earlier writings, Nash is more explicit in his denial of Indian-white
intermarriage. “The general lack of red-white sexual intermingling forecast the overall
failure of two cultures to merge. The amalgamation of Indians and whites never proceeded
very far in eighteenth-century America because Indians were seldom eager to trade their
culture for one which they found inferior and because the colonists found the Indians
useful only as trappers of furs, consumers of European trade goods, and military allies.”
See Gary B. Nash, Red, White, and Black: The Peoples of Early America (Englewood
Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974, reprint 1982), 278.
12 Southerners rarely used the term “white Indians” in large part because the term
seems to have implied coercion rather than choice. In the southeast, the captivity
experience that proliferated in the northeast was a rare occasion. This will be treated more
fully in chapter two. For the literature on “white Indians” and the meanings of the term see:
June Namias, White Captives: Gender and Ethnicity on the American Frontier (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James Axtell, “The White Indians of Colonial
America,” in Axtell, European and the Indian, 168-206; Erwin Ackerknecht, ‘“White
Indians’: Psychological and Physiological Peculiarities of White Children Abducted and
Reared by North American Indians,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 15 (January
1944), 15-36; ; John Demos, The Unredeemed Captive: A Family Story From Early
America (New York: Vintage Books, 1994); Christopher Castiglia, Bound and Determined:

8
describe those colonists who voluntarily chose to live among the Indians. While “white
Indians” frequently signified “unredeemed captives” in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, the term “Indian countrymen” implied individuals who made voluntary decisions
to become Natives.13
Captivity, Culture-Crossing, and White Womanhood from Mary Rowlandson to Patty
Hearst (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996); A. Irving Hallowell, “American
Indians, White and Black: The Phenomenon of Transculturalization,” in Raymond D.
Fogelson, ed., Contributions to Anthropology: Selected Papers of A. Irving Hallowell
(Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 498-529; J. Norman Heard, White Into
Red: A Study of the Assimilation of White Person Captures by Indians (Metuchen NJ:
Scarecrow Press, 1973); Edward Countryman, Americans: A Collision of Histories (New
York: Hill and Wang, 1996). The term “white Indian” has also been used in contexts
where Americans “dressed” the part of Indians as forms of disguise and as symbolic
speech. Rachel N. Klein, Unification of a Slave State: The Rise of the Planter Class in the
South Carolina Backcounty, 1760-1818 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1990), 93-94; Alan Taylor, Liberty Men and the Great Proprietors: The Revolutionary
Settlement on the Maine Frontier, 1760-1820 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1990), 181-207.
13 The term “Indian countryman” has been employed by eighteenth-century Euro-
American diplomats, nineteenth-century observers, and modem scholars. The implications
of the term adhere to the Creek’s perception of the individuals who came to live among
them. See Benjamin Hawkins, “A Sketch of the Creek Country in the years 1789 and
1799,” in C. L. Grant, ed., Letters, Journals and Writings of Beniamin Hawkins 2
volumes (Savannah GA: Beehive Press, 1980), 316; Edward Price to Benjamin Hawkins,
January 1, 1799, Records of the Creek Trading House, 1795-1816, Microcopy-4, National
Archives; Jonathan Halsted to J. Mason, March 10, 1808, Records of the Creek Trading
House, 1795-1816; Alexander McGillivray to Benjamin James, August 10, 1792, in John
Walton Caughey, McGillivray of the Creeks (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1938), 334; Albert James Pickett, History of Alabama and Incidentally of Georgia and
Mississippi, from the Earliest Period (Charleston SC: Walker and James, 1851), ix, 124,
143; Thomas Simpson Woodward to E. Hanrick, December 9, 1857, in Thomas Simpson
Woodward, Woodward’s Reminiscences of the Creek, or Muscogee Indians, Contained in
Letters to Friends in Georgia and Alabama (Montgomery AL: Barrett and Wimbish, 1859),
8; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, “The Creek Indians, Blacks and Slavery,” Journal of
Southern History 57 (November 1991), 601-636; Moller, “Sex Composition and
Correlated Culture Patterns of Colonial America,” 133; Florette Henri, The Southern
Indians and Beniamin Hawkins, 1796-1816 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1986), 26; William G. McLoughlin, “Experiment in Cherokee Citizenship, 1817-1829,” in
William G. McLoughlin, The Cherokee Ghost Dance: Essays on the Southeastern Indians
1789-1861 (Macon GA: Mercer University Press, 1984), 158; Michael D. Green, Politics
of Indian Removal: Creek Government and Society in Crisis (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 1980); J. Leitch Wright, Jr., Creeks and Seminóles: The Destruction and
Regeneration of the Muscogulge People (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986).

9
Eighteenth-century sources do not provide an accurate lexicon to describe
individuals of mixed cultures or lineages in the southeast. This dissertation will employ the
term “Creek-American” to refer to the children of intermarriages between Creek Indians and
Euro-Americans. Although this term was not used in the eighteenth-century, the English
terms that fill the eighteenth-century historical records-“halfbreed,” “half-Indian,” “half-
blood,” and “mixed-blood,”—contain modem implications that counter their original
meanings. Unlike in the eighteenth century, each of these terms now imply biological
attributes and genetic percentages, and in some instances they also imply levels of
acculturation and political loyalty and have derogatory overtones. English-speaking
eighteenth-century Americans usually used “half-breed” and “mixed-blood” as general
terms for individuals of mixed background. Furthering the imprecision of these terms,
their meanings greatly differ across time and place, and they often include those of Indian,
European, and African descent.14 For these reasons, the terms will only be used in
quotations.
The non-English terms for mixed individuals used in the eighteenth century contain
obstacles of their own. The problems with the term “mestizo” parallel those of “half-
14 Jack D. Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the
Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Urbanna: University of Illinois Press, 1993), especially,
233-234; Jennifer S. H. Brown, “Linguistic Solitudes and Changing Social Conditions,”
in Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the
Third North American Fur Trade Conference (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1980), 147-
159; Jacqueline Peterson, “Ethnogenesis: The Settlement and Growth of a ‘New People’ in
the Great Lakes Region, 1702-1815,” American Indian Culture and Research Journal 6 (2:
1982), 25; W. David Baird, “Are there ‘Real’ Indians in Oklahoma? Historical Perceptions
of the Five Civilized Tribes,” Chronicles of Oklahoma 68 (Spring 1990), 20; M. Annette
Jaines, “American Racism: The Impact on American-Indian Identity and Survival,” in
Steven Gregory and Roger Sanjek, eds., Race (New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University
Press, 1994), 41-61; Withrop D. Jordan, “American Chiaroscuro: the Status and Definition
of Mulattoes in the British Colonies,” William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series 19 (April
1962), 185-186; William T. Hagan, “Full Blood, Mixed Blood, Generic, and Ersatz: The
Problem of Indian Identity,” Arizona and the West 27 (Winter 1985), 309-326; Theda
Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change, 1700-1835 (Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 1998), 81-83, 143.

10
breed.” Toa non-native speaker this term may appear innocuous, but th