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Status and loyalty in colonial Spanish America

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Status and loyalty in colonial Spanish America a social history of regular army officers in Venezuela, 1750-1810
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Miller, Gary Michael, 1947-
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English
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xiii, 265 leaves : ill., map ; 28 cm.

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Armies ( jstor )
Daughters ( jstor )
Dowries ( jstor )
Governors ( jstor )
Marriage ( jstor )
Militia ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
Soldiers ( jstor )
Sons ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- History -- UF
Heeresoffizier ( swd )
History -- Venezuela -- To 1810 ( lcsh )
History thesis Ph. D
History, Military -- Venezuela ( lcsh )
Venezuela ( swd )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1985.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-264).
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Also available online.
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Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Gary Michael Miller.

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University of Florida
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STATUS AND LOYALTY IN COLONIAL SPANISH AMERICA:
A SOCIAL HISTORY OF REGULAR ARMY OFFICERS
IN VENEZUELA, 1750-1810





By


GARY MICHAEL MILLER





















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1985














PREFACE



For more than a decade students of colonial Latin American history have increasingly turned from institutional history and biography to the analysis of economic data and to examinations of social groups. In the last category are studies on merchants, miners, slaves, bureaucrats, and elites. Rather than representing sharp breaks with the earlier institutional histories, however, these studies were a direct outgrowth and were based upon them. The investigation of groups was impossible without the pioneering work in institutional histories.

This study reflects this trend; prosopographical analysis of a "group" (regular army officers), based upon solid institutional histories of the Spanish army in the Indies. Prior to Lyle N. McAlister's pathbreaking The "Fuero Militar" in New Spain, 1764-1800 (Gainesville, 1957) only two works on the army in colonial Latin America had been published: Juan Beverina's, El virreinato de las provincias del R'o de La Plata, su organizaci'n militar (Buenos Aires, 1935) and Marla del Carmen Velazquez's El estado de guerra en Nueva Espafia, 1760-1808 (M~xico, 1950). Since then major studies have appeared concerning Peru, New Granada, and Mexico. In addition, many articles have ii










been published on local garrisons, fortifications, and military expenditures. Finally, the distinguished Venezuelan historian, Santiago Gerardo Su6rez, has compiled, edited, and overseen the publication of several volumes of documents concerning the colonial army of his country.

This work was inspired, in part, by the conclusions drawn from the major studies of the army as an institution. McAlister dealt with the relationship of the army to society in late colonial Mexico to explain the praetorian tradition that dominated much of that country's early national history. The central element of praetorian states was the central role played by the military in selecting and maintaining national leaders, without a corresponding sense of public authority or civic responsibility to the nation as a whole. He presented two reasons for this development: first, the fuero military (the special prerogative of soldiers to military justice and other special privileges) which allowed soldiers to perceive themselves and act as members of a privileged irresponsible corporation; and, second, the honors and prestige associated with military service which attracted criollos to the regular army and militia without a corresponding sense of civil responsibility.

McAlister's work inspired others, for the most part in the context of the expansion cf the army as a component iii











of the Bourbon Reforms. His praetorian tradition thesis was tested by Christon I. Archer in The Army in Bourbon Mexico (Albuquerque, 1977) who found that instead of creating an autonomous praetorian tradition military service was avoided by nearly everyone because only misery and hardship awaited those who served. Furthermore, he discovered that the reform of the army failed because of international conflicts which disrupted the empire and the inability of metropolitan authorities to understand fully Mexican society. Leon Campbell in The Military and Society in Peru, 1750-1810 (Philadelphia, 1978) also found that military reform was unsuccessful because of fiscal problems. Although some progress was made in creating trained militias, after their dismal performance against Tupac Amaru's forces the crown returned to reliance on regular forces. Since the militia was emphasized, no praetorian tradition emerged in Peru. The situation was similar in New Granada, according to the conclusions of Allan J. Kuethe in Military Reform and Society inNew Granada, 1773-1808 (Gainesville, 1978), who also found that economic problems plagued reform efforts. He did, however, find regional variations regarding the extent of the reforms and criollo participation in them. In Quito and Guayaquil, where military threats were greatest, he discovered the reforms were more successful and there was less civilian resistance to military reform and expansion.


iv










The works of McAlister, Archer, Campbell, and

Kuethe permit some conclusions about the military as an institution in the late colonial period. In response to the ease with which Great Britain captured Havana in 1762, Charles III and his advisors embarked on a series of reforms to improve the defense of the American colonies. These efforts, which accompanied fiscal and administrative centralization, focused on strengthening the regular army units stationed in ports and major interior cities and creation of ''disciplined" militias, trained and staffed by regular army --adres. Due to the tremendous cost of garrisoning sufficient numbers of regular units in the colonies, the backbone of defense was to be the reformed militias. The plan appeared sound, not only would the reorganization relieve the crown from sending peninsular units to the Indies in case of war with Great Britain, but the colonial forces could also provide internal security in case of rebellion. But the peninsular scheme did not live up to expectations when transferred overseas. Difficulties encountered in recruiting, training, discipline, health, and above all owing to international conflicts which diverted resources and disrupted international trade, made the colonial armies larger, but no more effective in 1810 than fifty years previously. The case was similar in Venezuela.


v










These studies also indicated that McAlisterts

thesis concerning the praetorian tradition may not have been as extensive as he believed, or at least it was not so in some cases (Mexico and Peru) and may have been elsewhere (New Granada). On the other hand his contention that many officers joined the reformed army for personal gain and increased status, without a corresponding sense of civic responsibility, may be a much more significant legacy of the colonial army. Many civilians and highranking officers after independence believed special military privileges detrimental to modernization. While the praetorian tradition may have been dormant in the nineteenth century when military officers had only a weak state to dominate, at least some aspects of the legacy may well be evident in contemporary Spanish America.

It appears that military reform took the same direction and had similar results in Venezuela as elsewhere. It seemed appropriate to focus on one segment of the army, a "group," and its relationship to society; that is, the Spanish regular army officer corps from the establishment of the first permanent battalion in Caracas in 1753 to the collapse of royal authority in 1810. Its purpose is (1) to provide a description of Venezuelan society in the late colonial period with particular emphasis on the officer corps; (2) to identify and analyze social changes in Venezuelan society during the sixty year period vi










with primary focus on the officer corps both in effecting these changes and how they were effected by them; (3) to trace the socioeconomic status of the officers and how it declined; and (4) to provide an additional basis for comparative study of the military and society in the Captaincy General of Venezuela and in New Spain, Peru, and New Granada.

The work relies heavily on prosopographical analysis. This method involves four steps: the identification of the officers who served from 1750 to 1810; the collection of biographical data on them from primary and secondary sources; compilation of individual biographies; and the construction of relevant common characteristics. Collective biography formed the base upon which an examination of the officers' career patterns, kinship ties, and material life was made.

Many people made this study possible. Spaniards, through their government's Instituto de Cooperacion Iberoamericano, awarded me a generous grant which allowed a year's research in their country. I am also greatly indebted to the staffs of the Archivo General de Indias, the Archivo Hist6rico Nacional, and the Archivo General de Simancas. Methodological inconsistencies were improved by discussions and correspondence with Professors John TePaske, John Lombardi, Allan Kuethe, and Susan Socolow. I am very grateful to Professor Claude Sturgill and Stephanie D'Hondt vii











for reading and commenting on the manuscript. Professor Thomas NI. Davies, Jr., was responsible for my initial interest in Latin American history; I owe him a special debt of gratitude for his continued support in this project and in other ways too numerous to mention. Finally, much of whatever is valuable in this work has both the intellectual and inspirational imprint of Professor Lyle N. McAlister, who through example and teaching has been a mentor in the true sense of the word.




































viii











TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

PREFACE ............................................. ii

LIST OF TABLES ...................................... xi

ABSTRACT ............................................ xii

I INTRODUCTION .................................. 1

Notes to Chapter I ......................... 8

II ARMY ADMINISTRATION AND REFORM ................ 9

Military Reforms Under Philip V ............ 10
The Establishment of the Caracas
Battalion .................................. 15
Militia Reorganization in Caracas .......... 19 Reform in Outlying Provinces ............... 24
Burdens of Military Expense ................ 36
Results and Evaluation ..................... 43
Notes to Chapter II ........................ 49

III OFFICER CAREER PATTERNS ....................... 60

The Officer Population ..................... 61
Sources .................................... 66
General Characteristics .................... 70
Recruitment ................................ 72
Cadets ............... :*-------* 75
Promotion of Non-commissioned Officers ..... 80 Direct Commission .......................... 81
Fuero Militar .............................. 83
Promotion .................................. 85
Salaries ................................... 97
Grievances and Abuses ...................... 103
Supplemental Income ........................ 106
Effects of Inflation ....................... 110
Conclusion ................................. 111
Notes to Chapter III ....................... 113

IV MARRIAGE, KINSHIP, AND WIVES' ROLES ........... 126

Regulations Concerning Marriage ............ 128
Application ................................ 131
Dowries .................................... 138
Kinship Patterns ........................... 143
Privileges and Duties of Officers' Wives... 158 Conditions of Marriage ..................... 159

ix










page

Widow and Orphan Pension Plan .............. 161
Other Entitlements ......................... 167
Property Rights ............................ 170
Work ....................................... 171
Conclusion ................................. 175
Notes to Chapter IV ........................ 176

V MATERIAL LIFE AND STATUS ...................... 186

Houses ..................................... 187
D iet ....................................... 195
Miscellaneous Spending ..................... 202
Social Status .............................. 208
Notes to Chapter V ......................... 215

VI EPILOGUE: OFFICERS AFTER 1810 ................ 222

Notes to Chapter VI ........................ 228

APPENDICES

I OFFICERS SERVING IN VENEZUELA, 1750-1810;
WITH YEARS ON ACTIVE DUTY IN THE CAPTAINCY
GENERAL, BOTH BEFORE AND AFTER RECEIVING
THEIR COMMISSIONS ............................. 230

II PENINSULARES AND EUROPEANS VERSUS CRILLOS;
REGULAR ARMY OFFICERS, 1750-1800 .............. 245

III BIRTHPLACES OF REGULAR OFFICERS SERVING IN VENEZUELA, 1750-1810 ........................... 246

IV ROUTE AND AGE OF COMMISSION, 1750-1810 ........ 247 V CAREER SPAN ................................... 248

VI OFFICER MARRIAGES ............................. 251

VII CARACAS ELITES ................................ 252

VIII OFFICERS ON ACTIVE DUTY IN CARACAS PROVINCE,
APRIL 1810 FOR WHOM ROLES IN THE WARS OF
INDEPENDENCE ARE KNOWN ........................ 254

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................ 257

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................. 265



x










LIST OF TABLES

Table page

2.1 Average Number of Infantry and Artillery Officers, Non-Commissioned Officer, and
Soldiers Receiving Monthly Pay, 1750-1810 .... 32

2.2 Birthplaces of Soldiers in the Caracas Battalion in 1775, 1786, and 1803 ............ 34

3.1 Selected Annual Salaries, 1800 ............... 99

4.1 Annual Pensions Awarded to Widows, Orphans, and Mothers of Army Officers in The Indies ... 163

5.1 Army Dietary for 3,000 Officers and Men in Puerto Cabello for Ninety Days, 1772 ......... 200


































xi















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to
the Graduate School of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



STATUS AND LOYALTY IN COLONIAL SPANISH AMERICA:
A SOCIAL HISTORY OF REGULAR ARMY OFFICERS
IN VENEZUELA, 1750-1810


By

Gary Michael Miller

August 1985



Chairman: Lyle N. McAlister Major Department: History


In reaction to external threats from the British and the Le'n Rebellion in the 1740s the regular Spanish army was expanded and reformed in Venezuela as an instrumentality of broader administrative reform. This initial reorganization was the vanguard of further centralization centered in Caracas. The peak of military expansion was in 1771 when disciplined militia units were created in Caracas Province. Once effective military command was installed in this primate city, the crown established the intendancy (1776), the captaincy general (1777), and the audiencia (1786).



xii










The reorganization and expansion of the regular army during the third quarter of the eighteenth century did not benefit the one group which was vital to its success, the officer corps. As members of a privileged corporation they were afforded the social status of poor nobles, while their salaries, kinship ties, and material life were representative of those of the economic middle sectors. But in the fact of international conflicts the expansion of Bourbon centralization failed to allow them tobe promoted at the rate they expected, to provide for their upward social mobility, or to pay them sufficiently to keep pace with the rising cost of living.

A prosopographical analysis of the career patterns of the 485 regular army officers who served in Venezuela from 1750 to 1810 led to the conclusion that they fought a rearguard action to maintain their socioeconomic status, and lost. The officers became radicados ("rooted") in Venezuelan society and their familial ties replaced the army as the key element in defining their socioeconomic status. In 1810 when local elites in Caracas began the process of separation from the metropolis the regular army officers followed the aspirations of those of similar status and with few exceptions turned against the Crown.







xiii















CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION



As was the case elsewhere in the Indies, Spaniards were initially attracted to Tierra Firme with the dream of extracting precious metals and exploiting the indigenous populations. Considerable excitement and promise gave way to disechantment when Venezuela was found to lack substantial deposits of gold or silver or a large cohesive indigenous civilization. Instead early adventurers discovered pearl producing areas near Margarita and Cubagua Islands and salt beds on the Araya Peninsula. Small mineral deposits near what became Caracas and Indians who could be enslaved and taken to Caribbean Islands provided further attraction to northern South America.

By the 1580s three distinct economic zones were

evident: Maracaibo, Caracas-La Buaira, and Cumana'. Area producers supplied local markets with subsistence crops, while also exporting wheat, cacao, tobacco, and hides to Mexico, New Granada, the Caribbean Islands, Spain, and Europe. Although geographically contingent, each region developed without substantial interaction with the others. Instead ties were stronger with areas that were not to become part of modern Venezuela, especially New Spain.


1







2

























Venezuela Major Regions
CO'.A








Venezuela Major Regions
5, Llanos e
6. Guayana


CLL.

Figure 1. Venezuela, Major Regions



Source: John V. Lombardi, People and Places in Colonial Venezuela (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), p. 8.







3


During the seventeenth century, however, the

economic growth of the region near Caracas outdistanced the other two as cacao became the main source of external income. Caracas was able to dominate the central region because within its jurisdiction were not only cacao plantations, but also wheat producing valleys. Grain was sold in Cartagena to supply the fleets and the profits were utilized to purchase African slaves to replace encomienda Indians. By dint of their wealth the largest cacao producers, the grades cacaos, held considerable power in local and provincial governments. 1

The administrative hierarchy was similar to the economic structure in that it was compartmentalized by province. In the early eighteenth century the political authorities in Maracaibo, Caracas, Cumana' (also known as Nueva Andalusia), and on Margarita Island were each directly responsible to the viceroy of New Granada in Bogotg. Supreme authority in each province was the governor and captain general, the first title for his civil and political functions and the latter for his role as commander in chief. As military chief he commanded forces garrisoned in the ports and the undisciplined militias which could be called up in case of an emergency. From the middle of the seventeenth century on regular forces were stationed in Maracaibo, La Guaira, Cumang, and on Margarita Island.







4


In order to promote further economic growth the crown granted a monopoly concession on Venezuelan trade to the Corpafia Guipuzcoana or Caracas Company in the eighteenth century. During the height of the Basque monopolistic enterprise's activities from the 1730s to the mid-1750s the Company transported and marketed Venezuelan cacao to Spain and supplied the colonists with European goods. In addition the Company's directors agreed to furnish African slaves, build warehouses and offices, and provide funds for defense and anti-contraband patrols.

The increase in trade and more efficient utilization of resources allowed the royal treasury in Caracas to pay the province's administrative costs. Prior to the arrival of the first company ship in 1731 the central province relied on a subsidy (situado) from New Spain. By the mid1730s the stipend was no longer necessary. in Caracas, although authorities in Maracaibo continued to depend on funds from Bogota and those in Cumana' on New Spain to pay a majority of their expenses. In the 1726 to 1731 period, that is, prior to when the Company began operations, 1,541,646 reales in duties were collected in La Guaira, the port of Caracas. During the next five years the amount nearly doubled. Royal authorities not only met all expenses in Caracas, but sent funds to Cumana', Margarita, and Trinidad. In addition, the Company funded the garrison at







5


Maracaibo and began construction of a fort at Puerto Cabello, which served as a base to combat illegal commerce and protect the embarkation of cacao grown in the province.2

The expansion of the 1730s and 1740s was in part at the expense of the Venezuelan cacao producers and merchants. The Company and its agents insured profit by dominating local producers who received less for their products and paid more for finished goods than they had prior to the monopoly's operations. The latter's assumption of the responsibilityU for coastal defense and administration came at too high a cost to offset losses by growers. The Company's desire for short- and middleterm profits and the crown's wish for a stable source of cacao and administrative revenues were put against the long established interests of the local producers and merchants.

In April 1749 Juan Francisco de Le6n, a grower from the hamlet of Panaquire in the Caucagua Valley east of Caracas, led a small band of locals from the middle levels of society to protest Company operations. To put down the rebellion the crown ordered two six-hundred-man battalions of the Spanish army to Caracas Province; the first in October 1749 under the leadership of Julia'n de Arriaga, 3and the other commanded by Felipe Ricardos which arrived two years later when the rebellion flared up again.4










Although the revolt's leaders were captured and punished, Ricardos correctly read the movement as indicative of widespread dissatisfaction with the Company and feared further trouble. Consequently, he urged the crown to assume some of its prerogatives including local administration and defense. In reaction to Ricardos' recommendation the crown in 1753 decided to station most of the 1,200 peninsular soldiers in the colony on a permanent basis. With these forces split evenly between Caracas, La Guaira, and Puerto Cabello, the focus of military administration shifted from Cumana' to Caracas Province.

The introduction of substantial numbers of peninsular army officers, as instrumentalities of broader administrative reform, foreshadowed an increase in royal attempts to regain control over the colony. By the 1750s locally born Spaniards dominated all aspects of colonial life, with the exception of those roles and positions with transatlantic ties, which were largely in peninsular hands. In Venezuela, and especially in and around Caracas, Americanborn Spaniards directed the economy, church, government, and intellectual life. They reinforced their control by kinship ties, inheritance, and economic influence. Their dominance was so pervasive that even the peninsular authorities who filled the highest bureaucratic and ecclesiastical positions depended upon them for rewards and wealth. 5 In order to administer the colony and control






7


these independent criollos the crown instituted a series of reforms. The first was the creation of the Caracas Battalion in 1753, followed by an intendancy in 1776, ten years later an audiencia, and in 1804 an archbishopric. The regular Spanish army served as the vanguard of administrative reform in Venezuela.

Initially the local elites welcomed the crown's expanded military presence as a bulwark against threats to the established order. Many of their daughters married the newly arrived peninsular officers and their sons eagerly joined the officers corps of the reformed militia. But during the last decades of the century many criollos began to resent the crown's efforts to administer their affairs. In addition, the officers became radicados ("rooted") in Venezuelan society and increasingly identified with the dissatisfied civilians. An analysis of the career patterns, kinship ties, and material and daily life of the 485 regular army officers who served in Venezuela from the date of the Leo'n Rebellion to the outbreak of the wars for independence in 1810 provides an opportunity to trace the relationship between the socioeconomic status of an important sector of society and its loyalty to the crown.







8


Notes to Chapter I


James Lockhart and Stuart B. Schwartz, Early Latin America: A History of Colonial Spanish America and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 282-287.
2Jer6nimo Martinez-Mendoza, Venezuela colonial; Investigaciones y noticias para el conocimiento de su historia (Caracas: Editorial Arte, 1965), pp. 149-150; and Roland D. Hussey, The Caracas Company, 1728-1784; A Study in the History of Spanish Monopolistic Trade
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934), pp. 87-88.
3"Tropa de los Regimentos de Infanteria de Zamora y Sevilla que se embarc6 ," Cartagena, October 4, 1749, Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Caracas, legajo 863-A (hereafter AGI CAR 863-A); and "Estado que comprenhende las plazas," Caracas, January 12, 1750, AGI CAR 863-A.
4"Noticia de los diez Piquetes que de los
Regimentos de Infanteria de la Guarniciin de Cidiz a la orden del Mariscal de Campo Don Felipe Ricardos," Cidiz, April 4, 1751, AGI CAR 864.

5Lockhart and Schwartz, Early Latin America, pp. 315-321.















CHAPTER II
ARMY ADMINISTRATION AND REFORM



The expansion and reorganization of the regular

army in Venezuela during the third quarter of the eighteenth century, as an instrumentality of broader administrative reform, was an extension of an ongoing plan to -strengthen Spanish defenses begun on the peninsula earlier in the century. Following the example of his grandfather, Louis XIV (1643-1714), Philip V (1700-1746) initiated imperial reorganization by tightening military administration and training, first in the regular army and then in the militia. Further centralization and reorganization, also based upon French models, followed in the wake of army reform.

During the 1740s British attacks on the Venezuelan

coastline and an internal rebellion of dissatisfied planters threatened Spanish control of the colony. In response to these threats, and not as a component of a preconceived empire-wide reform, Ferdinand VI (1746-1759) ordered the strengthening of the army in Caracas Province. The core of this improved force was reorganized peninsular units transferred to Venezuela from Spain. From this base, which anticipated the rise of Caracas to dominance over the outlying provinces, reorganization spread to Maracaibo,


9








10


Cumana', Guayana, Margarita Island, and Barinas. As on the peninsula the regular army was the vanguard of Bourbon centralization.



Military Reforms Under PhilipV


At the turn of the eighteenth century the Spanish crown could not have sent an army of occupation to Venezuela. For over a century Spain had lacked the finances and manpower to fight the wars its leaders had brought upon themselves. Policing the empire's backwater outposts was out of the question. An inefficient economic system, an antiquated social structure, and a complacent and ineffective administration, all under the leadership of the decaying Hapsburg dynasty, made Spain's position vis-a-vis other European powers far different than it had been only a century before. Spanish greatness during the sixteenth century had given way to political incompetence and imperial decay.

When Charles II died without an heir on November 1, 1700, many European powers went to war against France rather than allow his designated successor--Philip of Anjou, a Bourbon--accede the throne of Spain. The peace concluded at Utrecht in 1713 formalized the European balance-of-power that had emerged during the decline of Spain during the previous century. The British Empire










expanded, the Austrians received questionable prize (the Spanish Netherlands), and the Dutch were largely ignored. The Allied Powers allowed the loser, Louis XIV of France, to put his grandson, Philip, on the Spanish throne. For the next century the same international pressures would threaten Spain's security and push the new Bourbon dynasty to reverse the inertia of the previous century through dynamic royal initiative.

If Philip V (1701-1746) were to insure the survival of the empire it would have to be modernized by the crown as the centralizing power. The traditional political authorities, whether religious, familial, or ethnic, would have to be replaced by the secular national authority of the monarch. But centralization would not occur in a vacuum according to abstract political theory. Throughout the empire the systematization, rationalization, and centralization of political authority took place in response to external threats and demands. Wars and local rebellions made the crown more sensitive to security, leading to military reform on the peninsula under the new monarch. 1

Philip selected as a model his grandfather's army,

which had undergone a fundamental functional transformation during the seventeenth century. Louis XIV had created a national standing army to replace autonomous mercenary bands. The former was a permanent force of regular soldiers which could be utilized by the government to







12


attack enemies, defend territory, and enforce domestic objectives. That type of army emerged in Spain during the first decade of the eighteenth century. 2

Spanish military reform during the war focused on rationalizing organization and adopting better weapons. Rifle and bayonet replaced musket, harquebus, and pike to increase combat capability. The king also ordered the creation of a new tactical grouping, the brigade, and the transformation of infantry corps (tercios) and cavalry units troopss) into regiments as the basic organizational units. 3 Both tne artillery and engineer branches continued as distinct corps with their own command and staff structures. 4

The regiment was the basic unit of infantry organization and at full strength totaled approximately 1,200 men. In theory each regiment had two battalions of eight to twelve companies each. In practice this was rarely the case as a regiment usually had one battalion, making regiment synonymous with battalion. Its commander was a colonel, who was assisted by a major (sargento mayor). At full strength each company had seventy-seven enlisted men and three officers: a captain, lieutenant, and second lieutenant (subteniente).

Philip also reformed the Spanish militia. In 1734 he ordered them placed on a "disciplined" footing. This involved forming them into the same kind of units as in







13


the regular army, providing them with uniforms and arms, and assigning regular army officers to train them. 6

After reforming the regular forces and the militias of Spain, Philip V turned his attention to the Indies. There, as on the peninsula, military reorganization was undertaken in reaction to external threats and not as part of a preconceived plan. In the year of Philip's militia reforms (1734) the provinces that became Venezuela were open to attack, but not defenseless. A skeleton structure could be reformed to meet the imperatives of the eighteenth century. For two hundred years presidios had been constructed, been raised or crumbled from neglect, and subsequently rebuilt. The forts in Maracaibo, La Guaira, Cuman-a, Guayana, and on Margarita Island and their small garrisons would be the base upon which an expanded military presence would be built. 7

Two circumstances caused the king to focus his

attention on Venezuela: the successful activities of the Caracas Company and the British invasions of the colony in the late 1730s and early 1740s. Both the increased value of the area and the resulting rise in royal interest owed to the activities of the monopoly which began operations in the 1730s. Due to its operations the economy grew rapidly causing an increase in contraband trade, in the attractiveness of Venezuelan ports to foreign military forces, and in the threat of dissatisfied colonists to








14


rebel. To protect its investment and trade the Company absorbed the costs of defending Venezuela. 8

During the 1730s and 1740s the monopoly's profits increased, as did expenditures to defend them. To combat contrabandists the company built the Castillo of San Felipe in Puerto Cabello at a cost of 260,000 pesos. 9 From this new base and those in the fortified ports established earlier along the coast, the Company's ships patrolled the shoreline in search of illegal trade. Many of these ships carried infantrymen and were outfitted for war in case the English, Dutch, or French appeared. 10

British ships attacked Venezuelan fortifications six times between 1739 and 1743. The bombardment of La Guaira forced Spanish authorities to dispatch 300 men of the Victoria Regiment, a peninsular unit, to Caracas Province. Their arrival in 1740 marked the beginning of a three-decade period of increased attention to the military imperatives of the colony. Although intended to rotate with other peninsular units, the force did not depart for ten years. Nevertheless, at mid-century there was no unified army in the economy, but rather autonomous companies of soldiers (compafiias sueltas) stationed in Caracas, Maracaibo, Cumang, and on Margarita Island. All were under the command of the local governor and reported directly to the authorities in Bogotg or Madrid. 11







15


The Establishment of the Caracas Battalion


The outbreak of the Le6n Rebellion in 1749 demonstrated to the new monarch, Ferdinand VI (1746-1759), that while the colony might be able to defend itself against invasion, further reorganization was essential to maintain internal order. To put down the uprising Governor Diego Luis Castellanos appealed to royal authorities in 12
Cumang, Santo Domingo, and Spain for troops. Cumana, with the largest concentration of forces in the area, offered the best hope for relief. Governor Diego Tabares had over 400 men at his disposal, stationed at the large fort near Araya, the two fortresses in Cumana, and the 13
presidio near Guayana. The governor on Margarita Island 14
could not spare any of the 50 men garrisoned on the island, and the 161 soldiers posted in Maracaibo were too few to assist Caracas and protect the presidio in the town and 15
the two forts guarding the entrance to the bay. Consequently, small forces from Cumanl and Santo Dbmingo provided temporary assistance to Castellanos until reinforcements could arrive from Spain.16

The crown dispatched two battalion-sized forces of 600 men to stabilize the Province of Caracas. The first departed Cartegena on October 4, 1749, accompanied by the new governor, Julin de Arriaga. The majority of the troops were selected from the Regiments of Zamora, Sevilla,







16


and C6rdoba. 17A second 600-man force followed eighteen months later with Arriaga's replacement, Field Marshal Felipe Ricardos. 18These reinforcements, supplemented by remnants of the Victoria Regiment, brought the total number of regular army soldiers in the province to 1, 341. 19

By 1752 the rebellion was put down, causing royal authorities to evaluate the future of the regular army in the province. Two things were clear: first, Castellanos had overestimated the military threat; and, second, local resources were insufficient to maintain such a large force. While the units accompanying Arriaga and Ricardos no doubt contributed to the restoration of order, the grievances of Le6n and his followers could be addressed by administrative reforms. Furthermore, neither the Caracas Company nor the royal treasury could afford to support so many soldiers. Transportation and maintenance of these new forces between 1749 and 1753 cost nearly 400,000 pesos, 2 while revenues for the four year period preceding the rebellion were only 468,039 pesos 21Obviously this revenue imbalance could not long be continued.

Relying on the recommendations of Governor Ricardos, the crown decided to apply the army reforms enacted on the peninsula earlier in the century to Caracas Province. In October 1752 the army command ordered that a battalionsize force of 879 officers and enlisted men remain







17


garrisoned in the area. 22 The 500 surplus soldiers returned to Spain the following year.23 The decision

to maintain such a large force after the end of the threat of rebellion in and around Caracas reflected the latter's increased commercial importance vis-a-vis the other provinces. It represented the second stage of the shift begun with the building of the fort in Puerto Cabello and the garrisoning of the Victoria Regiment in the area for ten years. Whereas defense forces had earlier concentrated in Cunaml, they now shifted to Caracas.

In 1753 the crown ordered that the regular army

forces in the province remain permanently as the core of a new Caracas Battalion. The unit's regulations called for thirteen infantry companies of seventy men each, an artillery company of one hundred, and a cavalry squadron of thirty-five, all under the command of a general staff in Caracas. The battalion would garrison that city, La Guaira, and Puerto Cabello. All of the original officers and men were peninsulas with the exception of one pardo company in La Guaira which had been in service during the Le6n Rebellion. 24

During the remainder of the century metropolitan authorities made minor adjustments in the composition of the battalion. Owing to the inability to retain officers and the desertion of large numbers of soldiers, the crown







18


in 1759 ordered a reduction in the number of companies. 25 In 1767 the Santa F6 Battalion, which was part of a large force which had shipwrecked off the Brazilian coast on its way to Buenos Aires, sought refuge in La Guaira. 26 The next year, in response to repeated requests from Governor Jos6 Solano, the inspector general of the army of America, Alejandro O'Reilly, ordered these troops to merge with the depleted forces of the Caracas Battalion in order to bring the garrison back up to full strength. 27 On july 6, J-768, army authorities in Madrid issued new regulations to suDersede those of 1753 but did not substantially alter the structure instituted in the original orders. These regulations remained in effect until the end of the colonial period. 28

Both the 1753 and 1768 Regulations called for the

addition of a second battalion, but there were only enough financial resources and manpower to complete one. Nearly every governor and captain general of the province complained that the force could not adequately protect La Guaira,.Puerto Cabello, and Caracas and that the additional battalion should be formed, 29 Although the crown did order the number of infantry companies raised from eight to twelve in 1797 and the second battalion staffed in 1803, there werenever more than eleven companies of the regular army in Caracas Province. 30 In October 1805 Captain General








19


Manuel de Guevara informed Manuel de Godoy that the constantly undersized force had never been adequately supplied or trained. 31



Militia Reorgani--ation in Caracas


The prohibitive cost of garrisoning regular forces caused the crown to depend on militias as the backbone of external defense. As had been the case on the peninsula since 1734, the Madrid army command ordered the creation of disciplined militia units in Caracas Province in 1760. 32 Previously the militia consisted of several untrained companies which could be called up in an emergency. These had existed in Venezuela since settlement in the sixteenth century. 33 The most important difference between the previous companies and the new disciplined units was the assignment of regular army officers and non-commissioned officers for instruction and command. 34 The functions of the disciplined militias in Venezuela were to guard prisoners, capture fugitive slaves, pacify Indians, maintain order, and defend the coastline. 35

With the establishment of the Caracas Battalion complete, royal officials turned their attention to the militias in the province. Complying with the 1760 order Governor Jos6 Solano dispatched nine regular officers to enroll men residing in forty-four towns into militia units.







20


But because of the scarcity of officers, only two regular army officers were assigned permanently to the reformed units during the decade. 36

This initial reorganization was expanded in 1771 as part of the empire-wide reforms initiated by the inspector general of the army, Alejandro O'Reilly. In that year he ordered a tightening of the command structure to bring it further into line with peninsular militia units and assigned forty regular army officers to serve permanently with the citizen units. Following the reforms of the Cuban militias during the 1760s, O'Reilly ordered the formation of white and Pardo infantry battalions in Caracas, Valencia, and the Valles de Aragua. These disciplined units, which were enrolled during the summer of 1771, were under the command of a civilian colonel, who was assisted by a cadre of regular army officers, sergeants, and corporals. 37 In addition to these six infantry battalions, one white and one Pardo in each of the three population centers (Caracas, Valencia, and the Valles de Aragua), two white and three Pardo artillery companies were formed in La Guaira and Puerto Cabello. 38Command of these forces fell to the commandante de armas, a position created in the former in 1772 and the latter in 1776. 39

The command structure for the three blanco and three Pardo militia infantry battalions mirrored that of the Caracas Battalion. The only soldier!5 receiving monthly







21


pay, however, were members of the regular army assigned to the battalions. The major (sargento mayor), adjutants (ayudantes), and the lieutenants in the white battalions were regular army officers, as were the subinspectors and adjudants assigned to the pardo units. These officers were taken from extras after the reformation of the Caracas Battalion in 1768 and from the Regiment of Lombardi which had arrived from Spain in 1770 to reinforce the Caribbean ports. These postings doubled the number of regular army officers in Caracas Province. In July 1772 Captain General Jose' Carlos de Ag-Uero reported that the reform was complete and total militia forces in the province numbered 5,853 officers and men. 4

The first evaluation of the militia reorganization was submitted in 1784 by Captain General Manuel Gonza'lez. As in other areas of colonial administration, he believed the regulations were fine in theory but left much to be desired when put into practice. Strict adherence to the ordinances greatly damanged agriculture and commerce, and therefore the royal treasury. Due to the nature of their work, militiamen could not train one day a week as the regulations called for, because besides the laborers and artisans there were a large number working in tiendas, tabernas, and bodegas, and many working on ranches. These were essential tasks and when faced with militia duty or a







22


fine these men fled their workplaces to areas where there was no militia. 41

In any event, Gonz'lez continued, it was not worth the money. As things stood the defense of the area was poor and the entire province exposed to attack. If the defense of the province were to improve without damaging the treasury, he recommended two minor militia reforms. The first was to cut the time each militiaman was away from his work. After the initial training period, Gonz6lez believed it would be enough for the forces to train one day every other month, rather than weekly, and eight days once a year in December, which was most convenient for the growers. He concluded that if training was shortened, instruction could be handled by non-commissioned officers, for a savings of two-thirds of the 60,000 pesos annual outlay. 42 It took twelve years for the crown to respond, however; not until 1796 did it order the reduction of veteran cadres assigned to militia instruction and command. 43

Civilians also expressed reservations in 1784. With the exception of one group of growers the large landowners acquiesced in the reform of the militias and both they and their sons served in the officer corps. The exception stemmed from hostilities between two groups of hacendados in the Valles de Aragua. The owners of afiil plantations petitioned the crown to have their workers exempted from militia service. As in the evaluation of Captain General







23


Gonzalez, the growers maintained that military service took workers away from production. But their main complaint was that militia Colonel Juan Vicente Bolivar snared their laborers, but not his own. As if the harm to their haciendas was not enough, they concluded, the rights enjoyed by the militiamen through the fuero militar subverted the social, political, and moral order of society. 44

In 1799 Captain General Manuel Guevara voiced

similar complaints. He held that by making pardos militia officers the social order was subverted as they had heretofore only known whites as their superiors., The use of military uniforms and insignias by pardo militia office rs caused the castas to assume that people of their own class were equal to whites. While this appeared to be a small complaint, Guevara believed in time this minor problem would result in more serious confusion, leading to the destruction of civil harmony. He did, however, recommend that the pardo militias be maintained, but with white officers. 45

The final evaluation of the militia battalions came in January 1801 from the commander of the Caracas regular army battalion, Juan Manuel de Cajigal, in a report to military authorities in Madrid. He, too, believed the pardos unsuitable for military service, not because of their threat to the social order, but because they were unreliable. If the crown were to rely on white militiamen,







24


however, the economy would certainly fail as nearly all of them were mayordomos on sugar, cacao, and coffee haciendas. These whites could not supervise both the militias and agricultural production. He recommended that the crown disband the pardo units and raise another regular army battalion. Nevertheless, the disciplined militias raised in 1771 stayed in place until the end of the colonial period. 46



Reform in Outlying Provinces


The pattern of reorganization of the outlying

provinces followed that of Caracas Province- tightening of the administration of the regular companies, enrollment of militia companies, and assignment of regular cadres to command and instruct the militias. The most salient characteristic of this reorganization was the emergence of Caracas as the seat of army command for Venezuela. From the time of creation of the Caracas Battalion in 1753 the governor of the province was the de facto military commander of the area, although this fact was not confirmed formally until the establishment of the captaincy general in 1777. Army centralization, therefore, preceded administrative and fiscal reform centered in Caracas.

Reform of the army in Maracaibo began in the 1750s under Governor Francisco Javier Joreno de Mendoza and Colonel Antonio Guill; the latter dispatched by Felipe







25


Ricardos, the governor in Caracas. 47The three regular army companies in Maracaibo dated from 1681 and garrisoned the presidio in the port and Fort Zaparas and Fort San Carlos which protected the entrance to the city. After the receipt of the report by Colonel Guill, the crown approved new regulations in 1758 which more clearly defined salaries and command functions than previous directives. 48

The reorganization of the Maracaibo forces under an officer dispatched from Caracas was the first step toward control of the former by authorities in the latter. By 1765, when the -governor in Maracaibo reported the reorganization complete, two peninsular officers of the Caracas Battalion had been transferred to permanent duty in the western province. 49The trend toward centralization in Caracas was reinforced in 1781 when the crown ordered that

the local regulations be replaced by those of the Caracas Battalion. 50

Further militia reform began in the 1770s, following

the pattern established in Caracas. In 1777 the captain general in Caracas ordered the governor in Maracaibo to create a militia artillery company of pardos. Metropolitan authorities two years later directed the arming and equipping of nine militia companies, four each of blancos and

morenos, and one of blanco cavalry. Unlike the case in Caracas, these forces were not assigned veteran officers on a permanent basis until 1805, and only then to the white







26


companies. Command of the four regular army and ten militia companies fell to a commandante who also served as civil and military commander in the absence of the
51
governor.

During the last two decades before the wars of

independence there were minor alterations in the defense structure in Maracaibo. In 1791 the crown dispatched three regular officers to nearby Barinas on temporary assignment. Not until 1803, when Second Lieutenant Pedro Ponce took his post did Barinas have a permanent company. 57At the outbreak of the wars for independence seven years later there Were thirty-eight regular army soldiers on duty in Barinas. 58

Defense in the eastern provinces of Venezuela was

centered in Cumana'. Since the 1620s troops had garrisoned the Castillo de Araya, built to protect the nearby salt beds. By the middle of the eighteenth century there were also two small forts and a redoubt in the city of Cumana', a fort in Guayana, and two on Maragarita Island, all having permanent garrisons. There was also a small detachment of soldiers on Trinidad Island that rotated back, to Curna'~ every few months. Prior to the arrival of the forces under Arriaga and Ricardos at mid-century and the subsequent creation of a permanent battalion in Caracas, the eastern province of Cumana. with the large fort at Araya was the most fortified area of what would become modern Venezuela.







27


As in Caracas and Maracaibo military reform in Cumang. occurred in three phases: tightening of the administration of the regular companies, enrollment of militia companies, and assignment of regular army cadres to command and instruct the militias. In 1751 Governor Diego Tabares issued regulations, modeled on those of Santo Domingo, calling for a force of 409 officers and men, of which 246 were to garrison the fort at Araya, 104 in the presidio at Santo Tome in Guayana, and the remaining 59 in forts in the city of Oumana. In addition a few soldiers were assigned to protect tEhe Capuchino missions and Trinidad Island. 59The new orders were intended to tighten administration as in Maracaibo in 1758, and not to create a new force as was the case in Caracas in 1753.

The most important alteration in the defense system was the demolition of the Araya castillo in 1762 and the transfer of the officers and men to the Cuman'a garrisons. and the newly created comandancia in Guayana. Not only were the 246 soldiers transferred, but also the 1,092 men, women, and children who lived in the small pueblo near the fort. According to royal authorities such a large force was no longer necessary to protect the salt beds which had been invaded periodically during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries but were no longer threatened. 60







28


In July 1779 day-to-day command of the three

regular army companies was taken from the governor and given to a newly appointed commandante. The latter supervised the regular forces, the militia units, and the artillery company created the same year. As in Maracaibo he served as political and military leader in the province in case the governor was absent. The creation of the new command position, the artillery company, and the command and staff group were detailed in the Regulations of July 8, 1779. The latter, modeled upon the Caracas Battalion's 1768 regulations, pointed again to thle centralization underway since the 1740s.

Militia reorganization in Cumang. began at midcentury. During the 1750s, paralleling the reforms in Caracas, Governor Mateo Gual formed white and pardo militia companies in and around Cumang.. In December 1757 he reported a total force of 863 militiamen which could be called up in case of emergency. The urban units created by Gual in the 1750s were put on disciplined footing in 1779, although no regular army officers were assigned for their training until 1799. 63As was the case in Maracaibo, militia reform came late to Cuman6, and was not as pervasive as in Caracas. There was, however, one very important difference. From the date of their creation, the militias of Cumang, especially the pardos, were trained and saw action when the province was threatened. They were called to active







29


duty to aid Trinidad in the 1780s, in 1797 were dispatched to Guayana, during the next year to Carulpano, and off and on in Cumanl. itself. 64

In 1762 the crown ordered the separation of the province of Guayana from Cumang, making it directly subject to the Viceroyalty of New Granada. At the same time the citizens and soldiers were ordered to move from Santo Tom6 to Angostura, thirty-four leagues up the Orinoco River. In April the following year royal authorities approved the creation of three infantry companies in the new province to guard the Orinoco, garrison the forts in the old and new locations, to counter the Portuguese along the Negro River, protect the missions, and guard the Meta, Cazanare, and Barinas Rivers. The soldiers were transferred to the new force from the garrison at Santo Tome-, the escoltas guarding the missions of the Jesuits and Cominicans, and the old fort at Araya. 65

The posting of the three companies occurred in 1767 and there were no other major changes in the military organization in Guayana prior to independence. As in Maracaibo and Cumana' the post of comandante was created in 1774 to relieve the governor of responsibility for the day-to-day supervision of the three regular companies and the militias. 66An artillery company was added the next year. 67There was a militia force on paper, but only one regular army officer was ever assigned for its training. 69







30


As was the case in Maracaibo, military reform in Guayana was little and late and did not alter the basic system in place since mid-century.

The smallest permanent force in colonial Venezuela was the company of infantrymen on Margarita Island, which was always under the supervision of the authorities in Caracas. The small detachment was split between the Castillo de Pampatar and the Castillo de Santa Rosa. The Regulations of April 6, 1680, called for a fifty-four man force commanded by the governor. As in Maracaibo and umana the force was in poor shape at mid-century and had not been paid for several years. 69 The only structural change for the regular army company was its placement on permanent "fixed" status in 1776, which meant assignment of peninsular officers and regular pay for the soldiers. 70

Militia companies were placed on disciplined footing when the regular army was changed to fixed status. A cadre of regular army officers and enlisted men.arrived the next year to instruct the militia force consisting of four white and four pardo infantry companies, a white artillery company, and a white cavalry company. As in Cumana, this original contingent was replaced in 1799 from officers assigned to the captaincy general from peninsular units. Since the forces on Margarita Island were directly subject to the captain general, reform was more complete than in Maracaibo, Cumang, or Guayana. 71







31


Until its loss to the British in 1797, there were also regular army and militia companies on Trinidad Island. Since 1734 the island had been under the jurisdiction of the province of Cumang, which sent a few enlisted men from its veteran units to protect the area. In 1760 Governor Felipe RemTrez of Caracas reported that there were ten regular army soldiers on the island to maintain order and protect the approximately two thousand inhabitants. 72 There was no fort or arms and primary defense responsibilities therefore fel'L to a 173-man militia force that could be called up in case of emergency. 73 In 1786 the crown ordered the creation of a permanent force of four hundred formed from units in Cumang, Caracas, Maracaibo, and Spain. 74 In 1790 the Consejo de Guerra in Madrid decided to add an artillery company, which would have brought the force to 450 men. 75 A review of the army records, however, reveals that the permanent force never exceeded 300 prior to the British attack and victory in February 1797. 76 Royal efforts to protect the eastern flank of Venezuela by stationing permanent companies on the island were too little and too late to combat British expansion in the Caribbean.

A review of the total forces in Venezuela during

the second half of the eighteenth century reveals several characteristics, which are detailed in Table 2:1. The number of regular army forces garrisoned there increased








32





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during the eighteenth century, with the turning point being 1753 with the creation of the Caracas Battalion. This new force doubled the number of men already assigned to the area and shifted the focus of military power to the future capital. From mid-century on the numbers increased slightly, reflecting the influx of peninsular officers and men assigned to command and instruct the reformed militias. Between forty and fifty percent of the soldiers receiving monthly salary served in the Province of 1-racas. The next lar-est concentrations were in Maracaibo and Cumana', followed by Guayana, and a small force on Margarita Island.

There was a wide variation between the composition of the regular forces in Caracas and in the outlying provinces. During the 1750 to 1810 period a majority of the officers and men serving in the Caracas Battalion were born in Europe, while elsewhere in Venezuela they were overwhelmingly criollos. All of the soldiers assigned to the Caracas Battalion in 1753 were Europeans, while at the end of the colonial period a little over half were born outside America. As indicated in Table 2:2 the
-high point of Americans serving in the ranks was reached during the 1780s, the only decade when non-Peninsulars outnumbered those born in Spain. The large numbers of soldiers from Andalusia and the Canary Islands reflects







34


Table 2:2. Birthplaces of Soldiers in the Caracas Battalion in 1775, 1786, and 1803.


Birthplace 1775 1786 1803

Andalucia 148 56 124
Levantea 32 19 18
Extremadura 27 6 6
New Castile 40 5 6
Old Castile 61 40 40
Aragon 33 8 8
Cataluna 17 9 22
Galicia 29 22 25
Zona Cantabricab 16 11 11
Navarra 2 4 0
Insularc 4 86 41
North Africa 2 1 0


Peninsulars 411 ( 70.1% 267 (40.8%) 301 ( 54.7%)
Other Europeans 102 (17.4%) 36 (5.5%) 23 ( 4.2%)
Americans 73 (12.5%) 352 (53.7%) 226 ( 41.1%)


Total 586 (100.0%) 655 (100.0%) 500 (100.0)


Source: Review of Troops, Caracas, February 28, 1771, AGI CAR 850; Review of Troops, Caracas, December 31, 1786, AGI CAR 851; and Review of Troops, Caracas, June 30, 1803, AGI CAR 857.
a The Levant includes Albacete, Alicante, Castellon de la Plana, Murcia, and Valencia. bzona Cantabrica includes Oviedo, Santander, Bilbao, Alava, San Sebastian, and Vitoria. CInsular includes the Canaries and the Balares.







35


the successful operation of recruiting efforts in those areas by staff officers of the Caracas Battalion. 78

Highest American participation in the ranks was in the forces assigned to Maracaibo and Margarita Island. We do not have information on soldiers' origins for either at the end of the colonial period, but the reviews for the 1770s and 1780s indicate a larger percentage of non-Europeans than in Caracas. In 1776, 1778, 1780, and 1782 ninety-five percent of the soldiers serving in .11aracaibo were Americans, and in 1786 eighty-nine percent. 79 The only breakdown located for the small force on Margarita Island was that of December 1786 which showed that ninety-five percent of the soldiers were born in the Indies. 80

The origin of the soldiers in Cuman6 and Guayana fell between the extremes of Caracas and Maracaibo. An examination of the Reviews of Troops for Cumana' showed that in 1777 nearly eighty-five percent of the soldiers were born in America, ten percent in Spain, and five percent in other European countries. 81 By 1802 the

percentage of Americans had fallen to seventy percent, Spaniards rose to thirteen percent, and there was a large increase of non-Spanish Europeans to seventeen percent. 82 In Guayana during the 1770s and 1780s approximately seventy percent of the soldiers were Americans and the remainder peninsulares and other Europeans. 83







36


With exception of a pardo company kept on active duty to perform menial tasks in La Guaira from 1750 to 1780, there were no pardo or black regular army companies in colonial Venezuela. It is logical to assume, however, that in the peripheral provinces--with their large percentage of criollo soldiers--many of the rank and file were castas. Both local and metropolitan authorities preferred whites, but it was difficult to retain them in the srie84While exact figures on desertions, deaths, and retirements -were difficult to establish "or enlisted men, there are statistics on a group of 101 European replacements who joined the Caracas Battalion in 1758. The group arrived on two ships, the first landing at La Guaira on December 4, 1757, and the second on May 25, 1758. After ten years only 40 of the 101 remained on active duty; 14 had died, 18 retired, and 29 had deserted. 85



Burdens of Military Expense


The increase in the numbers of soldiers assigned

permanently to Caracas Province, the reorganization of the companies stationed in the outlying provinces, and the assignment of regular army cadres to militia instruction and command increased expenditures for defense. Prior to the 1750s revenues were sufficient in Caracas Province to support the small garrisions at La Guaira and Puerto







37


Cabello, but not to maintain the occupation force sent from Spain to put down the Le6n Rebellion. To provide for these troops, which in 1753 became the core-of the new Caracas Battalion, the crown ordered an increase in the alcabala (sales tax) from two and one-half to five percent. 86As trade increased during the 1760s this income was sufficient to maintain the 800-man force. By the time of the new regulations in 1768 the treasury in Caracas was able to support not only the force in the capital city, but could also provide funds for the companies on Mlargarita Island and in CumanI. which depended on Caracas.

Expenditures in Caracas, La Guaira, and Puerto Cabello for the forces assigned to the province on a permanent basis peaked in the 1780s when they were more than twice the level of the 1740s. According to Santiago Gerardo Sugrez the total annual amount allotted to the defense of the province of Caracas in the mid-1740s was 150,000 pesos. 87Due to the creation of the Caracas Battalion and the assignment of cadres to militia instruction and command, defense expenditures rose to 258,656 pesos in 1771, to 197,362 in 1775, and 181,983 in 1778. These amounts were 89.5 percent of total royal expenditures in 1771, 68 percent in 1775, and 67.3 percent in 1778. 88Even with these added expenditures income exceeded expenses during the 1770s; in 1778, for instance, the surplus was 50,368 pesos. 89As the size of







38


the forces in the province remained approximately the same from 1771 to the end of the colonial era, the 1775 army expenditure figure of 197,362 pesos can be taken to be representative of total military outlays during peacetime and when no major construction projects were funded.

In addition to the approximately 200,000 peso annual outlay for salaries, pensions, medical care, and supplies in Caracas Province, substantial sums were spent on fortifications which at times doubled defense expenditures. The amount disbursed to improve the fortifications at La Guaira and Puerto Cabello varied widely, ranging from a low of 5,143 pesos in 1775, 90 to a high of 227,546 from July 1787 to June 1788. 91 Perhaps most representative of expenditures for fortifications in the province during peacetime was the five year period from 1776 to 1781 when the total for La Guaira and Puerto Cabello was 349,832 pesos, of which 124,699 were allotted to Puerto Cabello and the remainder to La Guaira. 92 The average for these years was 87,458 pesos. 93 Construction in the city of Caracas was for the most part limited to the barracks built for the Caracas Battalion in the Campo de la Santisima Trindad, completed in 1791. 94

The officers and men assigned to garrison the two forts on the island of Margarita were paid from funds sent from Caracas. The total cost called for in a Real C6dula of April 6, 1680, was 6,300 pesos, which included







39


the salaries of fifty soldiers, four officers, a chaplain, and a scribe. Added to this total was 2,062 pesos and 4 resales earned by the governor, making the total amount needed to finance the government at mid-century approximately 8,400 pesos. The money sent from Caracas arrived sporadically prior to the establishment of the intendency in 1777, and in 1751 the treasury on the island was in arrears 56,875 pesos; no one had been paid for five
95
years.

For most of the 1750s none of the officers or

soldiers received their salaries. When funds did arrive, they came from stopgap measures which called for the Caracas Company to supply them in specie and goods. For example, in 1760 an agreement between the authorities in Caracas and the company led to the latter's paying the forces on Margarita Island with 2,000 pesos in clothing, 2,000 in cacao, and 2,300 in specie. 96

After the administrative reforms of the 1770s

military expenditures increased and the troops were paid promptly. By establishing the intendency system the crown received more revenue and provided for regular payment of the troops. In the same year the assignment of regular army cadres to militia duty nearly doubled military expenditures, but with the improved fiscal administration even these added expenditures did not hinder regular payment. Prior to 1777 annual military outlays







40


were 6,300 pesos, in 1777 the amount rose to 11,691, 97 and in 1806 was 10,092. 98

Prior to the establishment of the captaincy general supervision of the companies in Maracaibo fell to the viceroy in Bogotg. In 1748 total military expenditures for the province were 36,670 pesos, the majority of which came from the treasury in the capital. 99Under the knife of Governor Francisco Javier Moreno de Mendoza the total fell to 19,154 pesos in 1754 by stopping repairs on the :forts and cutting provisions. 100 But new regulat-ions in 1758 and the establishment of a fourth company in 1781 increased expenditures three times. 11In 1784 military outlays were 65,163 pesos which were 68.1 percent of total expenditures in the province. 12From then on costs remained approximately the same until the end of the colonial era.10
The forces in Cumang. had considerable problems

receiving pay until the establishment of the intendancy. 104 By royal order issued in 1724 the cost of garrisoning the large fort at Araya and the three smaller ones in Cumang. was to be shared by New Spain and Caracas. Payment was sporadic and by mid-century authorities in New Spain suggested that their contribution be shifted to Caracas which the forces in Cumana. protected. Ingoring the Mexican protests, Cumang. Governor Diego Tabares in 1751 issued new regulations which put military expenditures







41


in the province at 57,485 pesos, of which 42,935 were to come from New Spain and the remainder from Caracas. 105

Payment problems continued until the crown

decided to abandon the fort at Araya and increase the size of the force in Guayana in 1762. 16The majority of the troops stationed in Araya moved to reinforce Guayana, which until 1781 was maintained by funds from Bogotg, therefore relieving New Spain from the responsibility of paying the troops from Cumang. Consequently, the treasury in Caracas was responsible for maintaining defense forces in CumanrL, both before and after the establishment of the intendency. In 1774 defense expenditures in Cumana' were 29,548 pesos, 107 and in 1802 were 32,254. 108

Costs increased most in Guayana, which the crown separated from the jurisdiction of Cumana. in 1762. 109 Previously the garrison in Santo Tomg consisted of a single company assigned from the force in Cuman6. 10In that year the crown ordered the new governor, Lieutenant Colonel Joaqu~n de Mendoza, to move the vecinos and the soldiers thirty-four leagues up the Orinoco River to Angostura. ilAt the same time a new permanent three company force was created, manned largely by soldiers previously assigned to Fort Araya. 12The move was necessary to protect the entrance to the river, while also slowing contranbandistas and Carib slave raiders. By the time of his departure in December 1766 Moreno had







42


supervised the construction of government buildings and over a hundred private dwellings. 13From 1767 on the cost of staff, the three infantry companies, and the artillery company remained approximately constant. Prior to the assignment of the permanent force in Angostura, spending approximated that of Margarita. Island, 10,000 pesos annually. 14In 1771 the amount rose to 36,882 pesos, 15and in 1787 was 43,234. 16The funds came from Bogota until 1781, when responsibility switched to Caracas. 117

The increased expenditures during the last haalf of the eighteenth century drained the royal treasury, erasing whatever advantage had been gained from the fiscal and administrative reforms of the 1770s. Normal army expenditures--salaries, pensions, medical care, and supplies--as well as construction costs depended on revenues received from taxes on commerce. In 1750 total military spending--excluding construction--for the provinces that would become modern Venezuela were approximately 227,000 pesos and by the end of the century nearly 376,000 pesos annually, which represented between twothirds and three-quarters of all royal expenditures. Since Spain was at war for most of the 1790 to 1810 period, however, the treasury in the captaincy general increasingly found itself unable to pay for even the normal defense expenditures, much less repair to the








43


forts along the coast. Not only were shipping and commerce disrupted, but militiamen were called to duty, leaving their essential tasks undone. In 1804 Captain General Manuel Guevara reported there was not a single real to pay the troops. 118



Results and Evaluation


The inability of the treasury to provide adequately for the defense of Venezuela leads one to question whether or not military reorganization had altered significantly military capabilities since the middle of the eighteenth century or whether the effort was merely an irresponsible flurry of activity--as a component of the Bourbon Reforms-that created a paper army. I have demonstrated that the military reforms of Philip V were applied piecemeal to Venezuela in response to local imperatives. Regular forces were strengthened, militias put on "disciplined" footing, military expenditures increased, and, when commerce prospered, the officers and men were paid promptly. To evaluate the effect of these reforms, however, we must first determine the army's function, both militarily and as an instrumentality of bureaucratic reform.

The regular army and militias in Venezuela developed three military functions: to serve as a reserve force in case of an emergency elsewhere in the Caribbean basin, to







44


defend Venezuelan ports and frontiers, and to put down internal rebellions. Spain, a second rate power caught up in British-French hegemonic struggles, was at war for a third of the 1750 to 1810 period. Neither the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), which Spain joined on the side of the French in 1762, nor the War of the American Revolution (1775-1783), during which Spain declared war on Great Britain in 1779, directly involved the army of Venezuela. 119

The captaincy general provided reinforcements to

Santo Domingo during the war between the coalition headed by Great Britain and revolutionary France from 1793 to 1795. In response to repeated pleas from authorities on Espafiola who feared French attack, Captain General Pedro Carbonell in July 1793 ordered three companies of the Caracas Battalion to the island. This force, joined by two militia companies and forty artillerymen, departed Puerto Cabello at the end of the year. 10A review of officers' service records showed the 540-man force sailed in the armada of Gabriel de Aristizabal and disembarked on Santo Domingo in October 1795. Parts of the combined force remained on the island until July 1799. 121

These forces saw action in the attacks on Bayajg., Crozel, Yaques-1, San Miguel, and elsewhere, beginning in 1795. When the commander of the Venezuelan contingent, Colonel Juan de Casas, readied the majority of his force for its return to Caracas in December 1797 the number of







45


men under his command was approximately the same as had departed four years earlier. 12This indicated light casualties, although exact numbers have not been located. One confirmed dead was Lieutenant Manuel Dalmaces who expired after accidently shooting himself. 13Of the nearly five hundred regular army officers who served from 1750 to 1810 in what became Venezuela he was the only one to die from other than natural causes while engaging an enemy.

During this same sixty year period, enemy forces

attacked the Venezuelan coastline only during the 1796 to 1808 war against Great Britain. No doubt in part due to the strengthening of the army in the major ports, the British in 1801 four times chose the undefended city of Caru'pano, near Cumang., as the point of disembarkation. Due to its isolated location the first line of defense was the militia, commanded by Adjudant Julia'n Izquierdo, a regular army officer assigned to instruct the citizensoldiers. 14By all accounts he conducted himself well and won high praise from authorities in Caracas and Madrid, resulting in his promotion to captain. 15He was the only regular army officer of the five hundred who served from 1750 to 1810 who was wounded in battle.

In addition both the regular army and the militias were called upon to put down internal rebellions. In all but one case the immediate threat was controlled by the







46


militia and the regular forces served in support. This was the case in both of the major instances of widespread dissatisfaction, that of the Comuneros de los Andes in 1781 and that of black slaves and freedmen led by Jos6 Leonardo Chirino and Josg Caridad Gonz.lez in Coro in 1795. Both were localized uprisings in which the army's function was to insure neither became more widespread.126

The exception to this pattern was the revolutionary conspiracy in 1797 led by Juan Bautista Picornell, Jose Marfa Espafia, and Manuel Gual, a retired regular army captain. 127 In many respects this movement had characteristics common to a modern coup d'etat. In alliance with a number of civilian authorities a cabal of military officers, supported by several hundred soldiers, was to rise against the government and declare a republic. The plot was exposed in July 1797, implicating, in addition to the three leaders, engineer lieutenants Patricio Roman and Juan Lartigue de Conde, Captain Manuel Ayala of the Caracas Battalion, and scores of non-commissioned officers and soldiers.128 Apprehension and arrest of the conspirators was the responsibility of the regular army and militiamen under the command of Captain Jaime Moreno, a regular army officer assigned to Maracaibo.129

In addition to its three military functions, the regular army provided other services to the government. In conjunction with ships of the Guipuzcoa Company, troops








47


fought an unsuccessful battle to.contain the widespread contraband trade. 130 Soldiers in Maracaibo and Guayana protected settlements against real and imagined Indian threats. 131 During the 1750s and 1760s much of the force in Cuman6 participated in the Boundary Commission formed to determine the frontier with Brazil. 132 At various times the army founded towns, constructed public and private buildings, built roads, enforced quarantines and tax payments, and provided important police functions such as the expulsion of the Jesuits. 133

't was through these non-military functions that the regular army in colonial Venezuela had its greatest impact. During the last half of the eighteenth century the forces in the captaincy general served as the most important arm of an expanding bureaucracy. On the heels of military reform and centralization came the establishment of the intendency (1776), the captaincy general (1777), the audiencia (1786), and the bishopric (1804). From isolated autonomous units reporting directly to Madrid, the forces in Maracaibo, Cumana, Guayana, and on Margarita Island were brought under the administrative control of authorities in Caracas.

By all accounts, therefore, the military consequences of the Bourbon Reforms as applied to Venezuela must be considered a qualified success. During the 1790s when Venezuelan forces were involved in wars, the captaincy







48


general's regular army units and militias reinforced Santo Domingo and protected the coastline. When the British attacked Venezuela at the turn of the century they did so far from the population centers, no doubt due, in part, to the presence of regular army companies in the ports and major cities. Furthermore, although periodic rebellions caused considerable consternation among royal officials and criollo elites, none of the uprisings we re widespread. Nevertheless, it was difficult to determine whether the increase in the number of officers and soldiers during the last half of the century deterred Spain's enemies or intimidated potential rebels.

The case is less clouded when evaluating the expansion of the army as an instrumentality of expanded administrative reform. Soldier-administrators served as transitional bureaucrats in regions previously outside effective royal administration. Small squads of peninsular regular army soldiers, dispatched from their garrison in Caracas, represented the authority of the Spanish crown in the fringe areas of the empire. If the intendancy and captaincy general were the administrative base upon which modern Venezuela was built, then the reformed army, as their precursor, was an integral part of that foundation.







49


Notes to Chapter II


Jorge I. Dominguez, Insurrection or Loyalty: The Breakdown of the Spanish American Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), pp. 69-74.
2John Childs, Armies and Warfare in Europe, 16481789 (London: Manchester University Press,1982), pp. 41-42.
3Twelve to fifteen companies made up a tercio, which was commanded by a maestre de campo.
4Henry Kamen, The War of the Succession in Spain
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1969), pp. 61-62; Joaquin de Sotto y Montes, "Organizaci6n militar espafiola de la Casa Bourb6n (Siglo XVIII)," Revista de Historia Militar 22 (1967):113-177; and Aureliano Alvarez-Coque and Juan de Castro, Historia militar, 2nd ed. (Toledo: Escuela Tipogrifica y Encuadernaci6n, 1929), p. 129.

5Juan Marchena Fernindez, "El ejercito de America:
el component humano," Revista de Historia Militar 51 (1981): 119-121.
6
Lyle N. McAlister, "The Reorganization of the Army of New Spain, 1763-1766," Hispanic American Historical Review 33 (February 1953):4; and Allan J. Kuethe, Military Reform and Society in New Granada, 1773-1808 (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1978), p. 9; and Sotto y Montes, "Organizaci6n militar," p. 140.

7Jer6nimo Martinez-Mendoza, Venezuela colonial: Investigaciones para el conocimiento de su historia
(Caracas: Editorial Arte, 1965), pp. 231-240.
8Ibid.; and Santiago Gerardo Suarez, comp., Las
instituciones militares venezolanas del periodo hispanico en los archivos (Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1969), p. xxv.
9Martinez-Mendoza, Venezuela colonial, pp. 149-150.
10
1Ibid.

1Martinez-Mendoza, Venezuela colonial, pp. 147-149.

12Suirez, Instituciones, p. lxx.






50



13Memorial of Diego Tabares, Cumana, April 4, 1750, AGI CAR 876; and Review of Troops, Cumant, May 22, 1754, AGI CAR 862.

14Review of Troops, Margarita, July 1, 1749, AGI CAR 876.
15Review of Troops, Maracaibo, January 1, 1749 to April 30, 1751, AGI CAR 876.
16Suarez, Instituciones, p.lxx; and Service Record of Antonio de Sucre y Pardo, Cumani, December 1783, AGI CAR 850.
17
17"Tropa de los Regimentos de Infanteria de Zamora y Sevilla se embarco .," Cartagena, October 4, 1749, AGI CAR 863-A; and "Estado que comprehende las plazas," Caracas, January 12, 1750, AGI CAR 863-A.

18"Noticia de los diez Piquetes quedo los Regimentos de Infanteria de la Guarnicion de Cadiz a la orden del Mariscal de Campo Don Felipe Ricardos," Cadiz, April 4, 1751, AGI CAR 864. All secondary sources put Arriaga's forces at 1,100 and Ricardos' at 200, but a careful examination of the ship's registers indicated a fairly even split of 600 men each.
19"Estado de la Gente efectiva que existen en esta Provincia," Caracas, March 31, 1752, AGI CAR 864.
20Suarez, Instituciones, p. lxx.

21Eduardo Arcila Frias, Economla colonial de
Venezuela (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica, 1946), p. 242.
22Suarez, Instituciones, p. lxxii.

23"Relacidn de la gente van en el navio San Fernando," Caracas, October 15, 1752, AGI CAR 864; Felipe Ricardos to the Marques de Ensefiada, Caracas, August 16, 1753, AGI CAR 77; and Ricardos to Ensefiada, Caracas, November 1, 1753, AGI CAR 77.
24Ensefada to Ricardos, Madrid, February 15, 1753,
in Santiago Gerardo Suarez, Las fuerzas armadas Venezolanas en la colonia (Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1979), pp. 95-97; Ensefiada to Ricardos, Madrid, February 26, 1754, ibid., pp. 98-100; and "Reglamento para el Batallion fixo, de Caracas, Piquenta de Cavalleria, y Demas Tropas de la Dotaci6n que debe quarneze la Provincia de Venezuela, en los Castillos, Fuertes y demas Destinos de su Jurisdici6n," Caracas, July 1, 1753, AGI CAR 883.







51


25Sugrez, Instituciones, pp. lxxiii-lxxiv.

26Memorial of Atanacio Varcada, La Guaira, February 27, 1767, AGI CAR 866; Jos6 Solano to Juliin de Arriaga, Caracas, February 14, 1767, AGI CAR 866; Francisco Arce to Juan Gregorio Munian, La Guaira, April 10, 1767, AGI CAR 847; and Memorial of Juan Burguillos, Caracas, December 28, 1787, AGI CAR 111.
27Alejandro O'Reilly to Arriaga, Madrid, March 26,
1768, AGI CAR 866; and Solano to Arriaga, Caracas, April 24, 1769, AGI CAR 866.
28"Relaci6n de las clases, y numero de plazas de que se compone un Regimento de Infanteria, y Reglamento del haber mensual que deberan gozar los oficiales, y demas individuos de Aquello Cuerpo, que extaviesen empleados en la Governaci6n de Caracas," Madrid, July 6, 1768, AGI CAR 847.
29
29Manuel de Guevara Vasconcelos to Generalissimo
Principe de la Paz, Caracas, October 15, 1804, AGI CAR 104; Guevara to Principe, Caracas, October 1, 1805, AGI CAR 848; and Sugrez, Instituciones, pp. lxxviii-lxxix.

30Review of Troops, Caracas, June 30, 1803, AGI CAR 857; and Sugrez, Instituciones, p. lxxix.

31Guevara to Principe de la Paz, Caracas, October 1, 1805, AGI CAR 848.
32Suirez, Instituciones, pp. xxxv-xxxvii; Sugrez,
Fuerzas, p. 129; and Santos Rodulfo Cortes, "Las milicias de Pardos de Venezuela durante el periodo hispinico," Memoria del Tercer Congreso Venezolano de Historia (1977), 3 vols. (Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1979): III:9-87.
33Robert James Ferry, "Cacao and Kindred: Transformations of Economy and Society in Colonial Caracas," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1980, p. 83.
34Jose Antonio Caballero to Miguel Cayetano Soler, San Ildefonso, August 17, 1806, AGI CAR 848.
35Cortis, "Milicias de Pardos," III:52-53.

36Solano to Arriaga, Caracas, November 12, 1764, AGI CAR 866.







52


37"Relaci6n de los Individuos que en consequencia de la resolucion de S.M. de 26 de junio, y 1 de julio del presente ano a fin de reglar, y formalizar los cuerpos de milicias de Blancos, Pardos, y companias sueltas en esta Provincia de Venezuela," Caracas, October 12, 1771, AGI CAR 81.
38Ibid.

39"Patentes de Comandantes de las Armas," La Guaira and Puerto Cabello, 1772-1802, AGI CAR 843; and Jose Carlos de Agiero to Arriaga, CAracas, June 30, 1774, AGI CAR 82.
40"Estado general que manifiesta la fuerza de oficiales y tropa .," Caracas, July 14, 1772, AGI CAR 81.
41"Reflexiones sobre las milicias," Caracas, December 31, 1784, in Manuel Gonzalez to Jos6 de Gilvez, Caracas, August 20, 1785, AGI CAR 87.
42Ibid.

43
43Caballero to Cayetano Soler, Aranjuez, January 24, 1804, AGI CAR 846; Jose de Limonta, Libro de la Raz6n General de la Real Hacienda del Departamento de Caracas
(1806) (Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1962), pp. 286-287; and Suarez, Instituciones, pp. 148-149.
44Memorial of Domingo de Irisarri, Sim6n de Aguirre, Juan Jose de Michelena, Miguel Ignacio de Berrondo, Ramon de Zubimendi, Santiago de Michelena, Jos6 Ignacio de Sorondo, Jos6 Ignacio de Oronoz, Manuel de Puerto, Ignacio de Aguirre, Manuel de Arbide, Manuel Aguirre, Bernardo de Echagaray, Juan Jos6 Untain, Antonio Iribarren, Ignacio Sagarzazri, Sebastian Manuel de Betgui, and Jos6 Antonio de Aguirre, Maracay, September 28, 1784, AGI CAR 478.

45Manuel de Guevara to Minister of War, Caracas, July 13, 1801, AGI CAR 99.
46Juan Manuel de Cajigal to Minister of War, Caracas, January 22, 1801, AGI CAR 99.
47Ricardos to Arriaga, Caracas, February 24, 1756, AGI CAR 864; and Francisco Javier Moreno de Mendoza to Arriaga, Maracaibo, October 4, 1759, AGI CAR 862.
48"Reglamento para el regimen y gobierno de
las tres Companias de Infanterla de la dotaci6n de Maracaibo," Madrid, October 6, 1758, AGI CAR 862.







53


49Ricardos to Arriaga, Caracas, July 3, 1756, AGI CAR 864.
50Sugrez, Instituciones, pp. lxxv and 76.

51Luis de Unzaga y Amizaga to G61vez, Caracas,
February 28, 1782, AGI CAR 85; Gonztlez to Galvez, Caracas, July 21, 1783, AGI CAR 86; and Fernando Miyares to Antonio Cornel, Maracaibo, November 3, 1800, AGI CAR 99.
52Miyares to Caballero, Maracaibo, February 22, 1802, AGI CAR 101.
53Review of Troops, Maracaibo, 1793 and 1794, AGI CAR 852 and 856.

54Juan Guillelmi to Galvez, Caracas, May 31, 1787,
AGI CAR 90; and Minister of War to Secretary of the Despacho de Hacienda, El Palacio, July 4, 1805, AGI CAR 846.
55
5Guillelmi to Gdlvez, Caracas, July 24, 1786, AGI
CAR 882; and Miyares to G61vez, Barinas, September 24, 1786, AGI CAR 846.

56Caballero to Cayetano Soler, San Lorenzo, December 2, 1801, AGI CAR 846.
57Caballero to Cayetano Soler, San Ildefonso, August 20, 1804, AGI CAR 846.
58
58Estado que manifesto la tropa que queda guarnicion en esta provincia de Guayana en esta fecha con expression de los destinos en que se halla," Guayana, March 1, 1809, in U.S..Congress, Senate, Report of the Special Commission Appointed by the President January 4, 1896, to Examine and Report Upon the True Divisional Line Between the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana, Doc. 91, 55th Congress, 2nd Session, 2 parts (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1898): II:671.
59"Nuevo Reglamento, Establecimiento para la Paga y servicio de las tropas, que Guarnecen, la Real Fuerza de Araya, los Castillos de San Antonio de la Eminencia, Santa Maria de la Cabeza, Reducto de la Candelaria de esta cuidad, la Bateria, y el Fuerto de Santa Cathaline de la voca del Rio, Marina, y Puerto Principal de ella," Cumani, December 1, 1751, AGI CAR 862; and Review of Troops, Cumang, May 22, 1754, AGI CAR 862.
60Jos6 Diguja Villagomez to Arriaga, Cumani, November 1, 1762, AGI CAR 878.







54


61,
61"Reglamento para el Estado Mayor de la Plaza y
Tropa veterana de la Gobernaci6n de Cumant," Madrid, July 8, 1779, AGI CAR 847.
62Memorial of Mateo Gual, Cumang, December 18, 1757, in Suirez, Fuerzas, pp. 101-128.
63Review of Troops, Cumang, 1800 and 1802, AGI CAR 857.
64Memorial of Francisco Figuera, Fernando Arismendi,
Diego Gordon, Matias Vellorin, Juan Antonio Martinez Ramirez, and Joaquin de la Torre, Cumant, October 30, 1804, AGI CAR 414.
65,
65"Papeles que comprehenden la Real Facultad de formar cuatro Companias para el Orinoco, "Ciudad Real de Orinoco, March 8, 1765, AGI CAR 878; and Francisco Alejandro Vargas. "Las governaciones de Venezuela y el problema de su defensa exterior durante los siglos XVII y XVIII,"' Memoria del Primer Congreso Venezolano de Historia (Caracas: Academia Nacional de Historia, 1972), 11:350-351.

66Alejandro O'Reilly to Madrid,
November 17, 1774, AGI CAR 869; and Manuel Gonzalez to GaIlvez, Caracas, October 25, 1783, AGI CAR 86.
67Nombramiento of Josg Miller, El Pardo, March 2, 1775, AGI CAR 869.
68Monteplo Account Records, Guayana, December 31, 1801, AGI CAR 139.
69Review of Troops, Margarita, July 1, 1749, AGI CAR 876; and Joaquin Moreno de Mendoza to the Marques de Ensefiada, Asunci6n, September 6, 1751, AGI CAR 142.
70Gonzilez to G6lvez, Caracas, July 21, 1783, AGI CAR 86.
71Ibid.; Review of Troops, Margarita, December 31, 1786, AGI CAR 90; and Review of Troops, Margarita, January to December 1799, AGI CAR 856.
72Felipe Remirez to Arriaga, Caracas, July 10, 1760, AGI CAR 862.
73
73Jacinto de San Juan to Arriaga, Puerto de Espafia, July 1, 1760, AGI CAR 862; and Review of Troops, Puerto de Espafia, April 23, 1762, AGI CAR 878.







55


74"Reglamento para el estado y Tropa Veterana de la Isla de Trinidad de Barlovento," San Lorenzo, November 6, 1786, AGI CAR 847.
75Jesse A. Noel, Trinidad, Provincia de Venezuela (Caracas: Academia Nacional de Historia, 1972), pp. 338-339.
76Review of Troops, Puerto de Espafia, February 10, 1797, AGI CAR 859.
77There were in addition from five to ten engineers in Venezuela, but they were directly under the supervision of authorities in Madrid and had no combat role. See "Lista de los Individuos que componen el Real Cuerpo de Ingenieros," Madrid, 1791, AGS GM 5837.
78Luis J. Ramos, "Los seis primeros anos de la
bandera de recluta establecida en Sevilla por el Batallin Veterano de Caracas (1785-1791)," Memorial del Tercer Congreso Venezolano de Historia (1977), 3 vols. (Caracas: Academia Nacional de Historia, 1979), 11:555-612; and Suarez, Instituciones, p. lxxviii.

79Review of Troops, Maracaibo, August 20, 1776, AGI CAR 880; ibid., July 24, 1778, AGI CAR 880; ibid., June 10, 1780, AGI CAR 880; ibid., December 31, 1782, AGI CAR 882; and ibid., December 31, 1786, AGI CAR 90.
80Review of Troops, Margarita, December 31, 1786, AGI CAR 90.
81Review of Troops, Cumani, December 31, 1777, AGI CAR 850.
82
82Review of Troops, Cumana, December 31, 1802, AGI CAR 857.
83Review of Troops, Guayana, November 30, 1771, AGI CAR 138; ibid., December 31, 1772, AGI CAR 869; and ibid., December 31, 1786, AGI CAR 90.
84
84Agiero to Arriaga, Caracas, April 12, 1775, AGI
CAR 83; and Miguel Marmion to Guillemi, Guayana, September 28, 1787, AGI CAR 111; and Guevara to Minister of War, Caracas, July 13, 1810, AGI CAR 99.
85Review of Troops, Caracas, September 30, 1765, and July 31, 1767, AGI CAR 866.
86Limonta, Libro de la -Razin General, p. 31.






56


87Sugrez, Instituciones, p. lxix.

88"Estado que manifiesta la Renta de las Caxas de la Provincia de Venezuela en un ano regular, sin incluir algunos Ramos accidentales, y sus Penciones del mismo modo," Caracas, July 8, 1772, AGI CAR 81; "Estado general de los Caudales que por todos Ramos pertenecieron a S.M. en el ano proximo pasado de 1775 y de sus Pensiones," Caracas, August 31, 1777, AGI CAR 84; and "Extracto del 'Libro Comun y General de la Tesoreria de Ejercito y Real Hacienda de Caracas de los anos 1777 y 1778,'" in Mario Briceno-Iragorry, comp., Origenes de la Hacienda en Venezuela (Documentos Ineditos de la Epoca Colonial) (Caracas: Imprenta Nacional, 1942), pp. 187-208.
89Ibid.

90"Estado general de los Caudales (1775)," Caracas, August 31, 1777, AGI CAR 84.
91Guillelmi to Antonio Valdes, Caracas, February 26, 1788, and July 31, 1788, AGI CAR 112.
92Jos6 de Abalos to Gilvez, Caracas, September 25, 1781, in SuIrez, Instituciones, p. 425.
93Juan Manuel Zapatero, Historia de las Fortificaciones de Puerto Cabello (Caracas: Banco Central de Venezuela, 1977), p. 156.
94Guillelmi to Conde del Campo de Alange, Caracas, January 23, 1791, in Sugrez, Instituciones, p. 425.
95
95"Estado de las plazas que hay para la Guarnicion de los Castillos San Carlos Borromeo del Puerto Principal de Pampatar y Santa Rosa de la Eminencia de esta ciudad," Joaquin Moreno de Mendoza, La Asuncion, September 6, 1751, AGI CAR 142.
96Alonso del Rio y Castro to Arriaga, Margarita, 'September 20, 1759, and March 26, 1760, AGI CAR 862.
97"Relacion que manifiesta los sueldos .," por Jos6 de Matos and Diego Espeso Nifiez, Asunci6n, July 28, 1777, AGI CAR 869.
98Limonta, Libro de la Raz6n, pp. 283-284.

99"Estado de la gente efectiva con expresion de las cantidades que persivieren por razon de sus sueldos," Maracaibo, n.d. (1748), AGI CAR 146.
100"Razon individual de los gastos de 1748 hasta 1754," Maracaibo, n.d. (1754), AGI CAR 145.







57


101Reglamento, Madrid, October 6, 1758, AGI CAR 862.

102"Informe sobre el estado de la Provincia de
Maracaibo (1784)," Caracas, January 24, 1785, in Boletfn del Archivo Nacional 29 (January 1943): 253-254. Between 1780 and 1784, 21,047 pesos and li reales were spent on fortifications in Maracaibo. See Rail Tomas L6pez Rivero, Fortificaciones de Maracaibo; Siglos XVII y XVIII (Maracaibo: Universidad de Zuelia, 1968), p. 113.
103Limonta, Libro de la Raz6n, pp. 280-281.
104
In 1639, 30,000 ducados were sent from Peru to pay the 300 men in Cumang. See Real Cedula, Madrid, September 23, 1639, in Sugrez, Instituciones, p. 86.
105Memorial of Diego Tabares, Cumani, April 4, 1750,
AGI CAR 876; Nuevo Reglamento, CumanS, December 1, 1751, AGI CAR 862; and Tabares to Marques de Ensefiada, Cumang, May 2, 1752, AGI CAR 862.
106Mateo Gual to Arriaga, Cumani, February 25, 1755, AGI CAR 862; and Gual to Arriaga, Cumana, August 12, 1756, AGI CAR 862.
107Records of the Real Caja, Cumani, September 30, 1774, to August 31, 1775, AGI CAR 128.
108Reviews of Troops, Cumani, January to December 1802, AGI CAR 857.
109Suirez, Instituciones, pp. lxxvi-lxxvii.
110
0"Notas para la mas pronta comprehension de el Mapa General de la Gobernaci6n de Cumani que dirige a S.M. su Gobernador el Colonel Don Joseph Digujia Villagomez," Ano de 1761, AGI CAR 201.
lFrancisco Alejandro Vargas, "Las governaciones de Venezuela y el problema de su defensa exterior durante los siglos XVII y XVIII," Memoria del Primer Congreso Venezolano de Historia, 3 vols. (Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1972), II:350-351.
112"Papeles comprehenden la Real Facultad de formar cuatro companias para el Orinoco," Ciudad Real de Orinoco, March 8, 1765, AGI CAR 878; and Suarez, Instituciones, pp. lxxvi-lxxvii.







58


113Auto of Joachin Moreno, Nueva Ciudad de Guayana
Angostura, December 4, 1766, AGI CAR 866; and Inventario of Manuel Centurion, Angostura, December 28, 1766, AGI CAR 866.
14"Mapa General," Cumana, 1761, AGI CAR 201.

115Relaci6n of Francisco de Amarategui, Santo Tome, August 17, 1771, AGI CAR 137.
116"Relacion del Ingreso y las pensiones," Guayana, August 7, 1788, AGI CAR 136.
117Abalos to Secretary of State, Caracas, September 23, 1781, in Suirez, Instituciones, p. 453.
118Manuel Guevara to Minister of War, Caracas, October 15, 1804, AGI CAR 104.
119Remfrez to Arriaga, Caracas, April 13, 1763, AGI CAR 865; and Unzaga to G~lvez, Caracas, August 14, 1779, AGI CAR 85.
120Pedro Carbonell to Alange, Caracas, July 31, 1793, AGI CAR 94; and Service Record of Juan de Casas, Caracas, December 1805, AGI CAR 98.
121
Ibid., and Memorial of Ayudante Miguel Negrete, Valencia, July 1, 1800, AGI CAR 98.
122Review of Troops, Caracas, January to December 1794, AGI CAR 854; Joaquin Garcia to Principe de la Paz, Santo Domingo, October 21, 1795, in Emilio Garcia Demorzi, comp., Cesi6n de Santo Domingo a Francia (Diudad Trujillo: Impresa Dominicana, 1958), pp. 12-14; and Eleazar C6rdovaBello, La independencia de Haiti y su influencia en Hispanoamerica (Caracas: Instituto Panamericano de Geograffa e Historia, 1967), p. 65.

123Memorial of Maria Merced Ponte, Caracas, May 1, 1800, AGI CAR 96.
124Caballero to Cayetano Soler, Caracas, July 17, 1802, AGI CAR 846; and B. Tavera-Acosta, Historia de Caripano, 2 vols. (Caracas: Casa de Especialiadades, 1930), I:83-89.
125Service Record of Julian de Izquerido, Caracas, December 1808, in Hojas militares, 3 vols. (Caracas: Imprenta Nacional, 1940-1950), II:114-116.







59

126GonzR1ez to G9lvez, Caracas, March 19, 1785,
AGI CAR 873; ibid., June 20, 1785, AGI CAR 88, and J.L. Salcedo-Bastardo, Historia fundamental de Venezuela, 7th ed. (Caracas: Fundaci6n Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho, 1977), pp. 191-197.
127See Casto Gulencio L6pez, Juan Bautista Picornell y la conspiraci6n de Gual y Espafia (Caracas: Ediciones Nueva Cddiz, 1955).
128Ibid., and Pedro Carbonel et al., to Juan Manuel de Alvarez, Caracas, August 23, 1797, AGI Estado 58.
129
129Memorial of Jaime Moreno, La Victoria, January 27, 1802, AGI CAR 75.
130Ricardos to Marquis de la Ensefiada, Caracas, March 1, 1752, AOGI CAR 75.

131Memorial of Antonio Barreto, Caracas, December 9,
1784, AGI CAR 87; and Service Record of Jos' Antonio Luzardo, Maracaibo, December 1786, AGI CAR 851.
132Ricardos to Arriaga, Caracas, March 18, 1755, AGI CAR 78; and Review of Troops, Cumana, February 28, 1758, AGI CAR 862.
133Memorial of Antonio Barreto, Caracas, December 9, 1784, AGI CAR 87.














CHAPTER III
OFFICER CAREER PATTERNS



The prosopographical analysis of the career patterns of the regular army officers who served on permanent duty in the geographical area included in modern Venezuela from 1750 to 1810 involved four steps. The first was to determine who was to be included in the population. For this study a regular army officer is a career soldier above the rank of sergeant who received a monthly salary whether the militias were mobilized or not and whose primary function was military as opposed to bureaucratic. While many served as cadres in the white and pardo militias, most were assigned to regular army companies. After determining the population, primary sources such as financial records, personnel files, and correspondence were searched for career and biographical data. Secondary materials were utilized to supplement this information. Finally, the results were analyzed in order to determine common characteristics. The result was a "collective biography" of the 485 regular army officers--a population, not a sample--who served in Venezuela during the last sixty years of Spanish rule in the colony.



60







61


The Officer Population


The defense of Venezuela during the late colonial period was the responsibility of three components of the Spanish army: the regular (veterano) units of infantry and artillery stationed in the ports and Caracas; the militias scattered throughout the captaincy general; and rotating peninsular battalions. In practice the first line of defense was the militia which was the only sector to engage in combat in Venezuela from the middle of the eighteenth century on, although some units of the regular army served in Santo Domingo during the 1790s. The regular army-whether in Maracaibo, Puerto Cabello, La Guaira, Cumang, or on Margarita Island--served as supervisors of the citizen soldiers and as their reinforcement. If the threat was perceived in Madrid to be too great for local forces, reinforcements were dispatched from the peninsula. Officers resident in Venezuela, therefore, served either in a regular unit or in the command structure of the militias.

Anyone sworn to defend the realm, whether regular army or militia, had an assigned rank from field marshal (mariscal de campo) to common soldier (soldado). According to his standing he was either part of the officer corps or the enlisted ranks. Each of these was further divided into two sectors: enlisted men were either non-commissioned officers (sergeants and corporals) or soldiers, while officers either had general or field rank (field marshal,







62

brigadier, colonel, and lieutenant colonel), commanded a company (captain), or belonged to the officer proletariat (lieutenant, adjudant, and second lieutenant). Comparable ranks in the Corps of Engineers were Director (Brigadier), Jefe (Colonel), Segundo (Lieutenant Colonel), Ordinario (Captain), Extraordinario (Lieutenant), and Ayudante or Delineador (Second Lieutenant). 1

Officers were assigned functions that may or may not have corresponded to their rank. If they were members of zhe officer prolecariaz or company commanders, then more likely than not they served as second lieutenantLs, lieutenants, or captains in a regular army infantry or artillery company. Some, however, were posted to staff (Plana Mayor and Estado Mayor), positions, which were functions, not ranks (the Plana Mayor was the staff of officers and enlisted men of a battalion who were not assigned to a company, such as the colonel, major, adjudant, standard bearers, surgeon, chaplain, and drummers. The Estado Mayor, on the other hand, was the staff of officers responsible for reporting to higher levels of command. In Venezuela the same officers served in both groups.). Under normal circumstances the captain with the most time in grade served as the battalion major, while the lieutenant with the longest service occupied the adjudant slot. They would therefore be next in line for promotion to lieutenant colonel and captain respectively, and their salaries were approximately midway between their current and anticipated rank..







63


Prior to the establishment of the captaincy general in 1777, the provincial governors were in charge of the day to day operations of the companies assigned to their areas. They were assisted by castellanos, the senior captains in the largest fort in the provincial ports. During the late 1770s and 1780s army authorities in Spain appointed commanders (comandantes) to command the regular units and the newly organized disciplined militias in each of the provincial capitals as well as in Puerto Cabello and La Guaira.- In the mid-17190s commanders were also posted to Coro and Barinas. 3The exception was the colonel of the Caracas Battalion who in addition to his military responsibilities served as the king's lieutenant (teniente del rey). In this capacity he assumed the captain general's civil and military functions in the latter's absence. 4 So, while the governors and later captain generals were all military officers, the highest strictly military posts were the colonel of the Caracas Battalion and the commanders in the provinces and the ports of La Guaira and Puerto Cabello.

After those serving in command positions in regular army companies, the largest group of officers assigned to permanent slots in Venezuela consisted of those supervising and instructing the disciplined militia units. In Venezuela there were two groups of militias, whites and pardos, divided according to social category and assimilation







64


rather than along strictly racial lines. Each had a white regular army cadre of officers and non-commissioned officers assigned to instruct them at weekly--or more often monthly--musters. These officers were almost exclusively peninsualres.

Officer titles varied slightly in white and pardo militias. In the white units they were: (1) the militia major, a regular army lieutenant colonel or captain;

(2) the militia first adjudant, a regular army lieutenant; and (3) the militia lieutenants (tenientes veteranos), whose regular army rank ranged from lieutenant to Captain. Regular army officers assigned to the pardo units were:

(1) the sub-inspector, a regular army lieutenant; and

(2) the adjudants, regular army second lieutenants. These officers received monthly pay whether the militia were activated or not and were subject to the same supervision by local and metropolitan command groups and entitled to the same prerogatives as those in the regular army. From 1797 the sub-inspectors in the pardo units were called commanders and regular army lieutenants in the white militias adjudants. 5In military records these men are referred to by either title.

Most of the militia officers were not, therefore, members of the regular army. The colonels, captains, and second lieutenants were also civilians who received no salary unless mobilized. In 1797 the regular army







65


lieutenants assigned to each white company were eliminated as too costly, and replaced by a lesser number of officers, from then on called adjudants. Consequently, an officer with the rank of lieutenant in a white militia unit prior to 1797 was a regular army officer, and from then on was not. In the pardo militias on the other hand, there were no regular army lieutenants assigned to the individual companies as in the white units, only a sub-inspector-commander beginning in 1797--for the entire unit and two to four adjudants per battalion. What distinguished regular army officers from militia officers, in both the white and pardo units, was that they were career soldiers who received a salary whether the companies were mobilized or not.

The definition of an army officer as one who received monthly pay, who was historically known as an officer, and whose primary vocational function was defense of the realm, leaves some men out of the officer population who are often included by historians. Army commissions (nonbramientos, patentes, and tfiulos) assigning officer to new posts, included a provision that they were not to be assessed a media anata (a payment of one-half the annual income from a revenue producing post) because their functions were purely military. However, governors and captain generals, who had civil functions and therefore paid the media anata, were not included in the Venezuelan army documents as part







66

of the officer population, although all were officers before assignment and continued to use their military ranks.

Soldiers below the rank of second lieutenant were not considered soldiers. Neither first nor second sergeants were officers. They were known as sub-oficiales and were not entitled to be addressed as "Don," as were officers. Nor were cadets who were on training status and earned the salary of a common soldier. 6The other groups excluded from the documents of the Spani sh army in colonial Venezuela were those temporarily assig-ned to the area on boundary commissions, in transit to other posts, or in the Regiments of Lombardi or La Reina who were temporarily sent to strengthen defenses and then departed as a unit. Officers who remained in Venezuela and entered permanent units were of course part of the officer population.



Sources


The supervision of the lives and careers of army officers generated records detailing their careers in Venezuela. From the date of their enlistment until their death they were under the command of local and metropolitan authorities which necessitated voluminous correspondence and documentation. Those utilized to determine the names of all officers serving on permanent duty from 1750 to







67


1810 fall into three broad categories: documents relating to salary, individual service records, and general correspondence.

The extracts of the monthly reviews (Extractors de revistas) of the regular army were the documents utilized by royal officials to determine how much salary was due each soldier. As summaries of official pay records they were compiled under the supervision of the local treasury officials responsible for disbursement and the adjudant in the provinces or the major in Caracas. Prior to the cr-eation of the captaincy general they were forwarded to Bogota. or--more often--Spain, and after 1777 to the metropolis via Caracas. 7A completed review provided treasury officials and the army command with several categories of information. Most important to this study were the names of the officers assigned and their location if on special assignment or leave. The names of the surgeon, chaplain, cadets, and first sergeants were also usually incorporated. The total number of enlisted men and their overall fitness was noted. Periodically, the birthplaces of the soldiers-by province--was included. Finally, a separate section detailed all alterations from the previous month including transfers, promotions, desertions, and deaths.

Another kind of pay record that could be utilized to trace an officer's career was that of the discounts withheld and credited to the Widow and Orphans Pension







68


Plan (Monteplo militar). 8Since every officer had a percentage of his pay retained, whether married or not, his name, gross salary, and the amount deducted were detailed. In addition, if a pension were paid to his survivors, their names were included, often with the name and date of death of their husband or father. As in the monthly reviews all promotions, transfers, retirements, and deaths were recorded as they affected the officer's salary. 9

The official date of promotion was of special importance to the of-ficer and tresurv officials because the officer could not receive the pay increase until the document granting the promotion (nombramiento, patente, tftulo) arrived in Venezuela. Included in these documents were the name and rank of the officer, the date of the posting, his previous assignment, the name of the man he was replacing, and the reason for the latter's departure. 10

Confirmation of the information gathered from the

documents relating to officer pay, as well as biographical and career data, were obtained from the individual service records (hojas de servicio). A complete example included the officer's promotion record, each previous post, combat experience, and an evaluation by the local commander. Biographical data included name, age, place of birth, marital status, general health, and social status (calidad). If the latter, however, noted on the service records were







69


to be believed, most of the officers changed status often during their careers, sometimes within a few months. Others improved or declined dramatically when transferred.

Due to the apparent significance of these entries, some representative examples were illustrative of their unreliability. Captain Jose' Bosi, who entered the army as a common soldier, was listed as a "low status white"' (llana) in 1767 while serving in the Caracas Battalion, and as a noble four years later by the adjudant in Guayana." Captain Pedro Roo, a native of the Canary Islands, plunged from a listing of noble in 1767, to 'good" (buena) in 17714, and to "known" (conocida) in 1786. 12The Marque's de MIijares and Jose' Antonio Bolivar, by any standard two of the wealthiest and most socially significant members of caraquefia society, were listed on their militia service records as "notable" (notaria) while in the same year in Cumana. all officers and cadets were given the status noble. 13Curiously, all the service records from 1760 to 1800 in the latter province listed the officers and cadets as nobles. If any comparisons could be made it was only between officers stationed in the same place at the same time. To compare social derivation of those in Cumana. with those in Caracas, or officers in Maracaibo with their brothers in Guayana was unproductive. But to go one step further and analyze the calidad listed in the service records for all viceroyalties and captaincy generals in







70


America as if they were completed using common criteria, as one historian has done, is absurd. 14

Gaps in the documentation relating to pay and service records were filled by general correspondence and miscellaneous documents transmitted between officials in Venezuela and those in Spain. If an officer died in route from Spain to Venezuela or was delayed by war and therefore never appeared on other documents he could be accounted for on passenger lists or in correspondence generated f1rom his 'Last post in order to complete lais
15
finance records. As they were under the direct supervision of authorities of their respective corps in Spain, documents concerning engineers and artillery officers were often separate from those of the bulk of the soldiers who were in the infantry. 16 An audit of the Widow and Orphan Pension Plan by outside authorities from Spain included a list of every officer who died while receiving a salary in Caracas Province from 1761 to 1793, 17



General Characteristics


A total of 485 army officers were found to have

served in the territory that became modern Venezuela from 1750 to 1810, and are listed in Appendix I by the province of assignment, with the years they were carried on the monthly reviews. By far the greatest number served in Caracas (315), followed by Cuman'a (73), Guayana (53),







71


Maracaibo (47), and on Margarita Island (21). A total of 24 officers transferred within Venezuela and were listed in both provincial rosters with appropriate years, but were only counted once for statistical purposes; for a total of 485 (509 minus 24 equals 485).

The survey of these primary sources produced a

variety of prosopographical data relating to the officers. Of the 485 officers, peninsulares and other Europeans outnumbered criollos two to one, although there was a larger percentage of American-born officers in 1300 than in 1750. Nevertheless, at no time were there more criollos than peninsualres and other Europeans in the regular army officer corps. Birthplaces in Europe and America are recorded in Appendices II and III. There were, however, considerable variations from province to province. In Caracas there were more than three times as many Eruopeans as Americans, and on Margarita Island twice as many. In Cumang and Guayana, on the other hand, criollos and Europeans were roughly even, while in Maracaibo twice as many criollos served. Generally, from 1750 to 1810 there were always more European officers in Caracas, while in the peripheral provinces there were roughly equal numbers of each. In Venezuela the regular army officer corps did not become progressively "Americanized" during the eighteenth century.








72


The documents also revealed characteristics relating to the officers' military careers. Those who died, retired, or transferred prior to 1810 spent an average of twenty years in Venezuela in army service, while the average length of an army career was thirty-two years. Over eighty percent ended their service in the officer proletariat..(second lieutenants, 23.6 percent; lieutenants, 27.5 percent; and captains, 31.0 percent), while those above the rank of captain accounted for the remainder (majors, 5.2 percent; lieutenant colonels, 6.6 percent; colonels,

4.3 percent; brigadiers, 0.9 percent; and mariscal de campos, 0.4 percent). This data is recorded in Appendix

V .

Of the 166 officers who died from 1750 to 1810, both while on active duty and on retired status, there was life span data on 159--112 Europeans and 47 criollos. The average age at death was 53.3 years, while Europeans outlived Americans by an average of four years, 54.5 to 50.4 years. Life span was longest in Maracaibo (56.0 years) and shortest in Guayana (47.3 years). 18



Recruitment


There were four routes by which a man could receive a commission in the army: by serving as a cadet, by promotion from sergeant, directly from civilian life, or through exemplary militia service. For those occupying officer








73

posts during the last half of the eighteenth century in Venezuela more than half were commissioned after holding the rank of cadet, approximately one-third were previously non-commissioned officers, and the remainder split between direct commissions and those of former militia officers. The average age at commission was 28.8 years, with that of former cadets being 24.9 years and former non-commissioned officers 35.8. 19

All of the officers serving in the regular army were considered white (blanco), with the exception of two pardos

wvho were serving prior to the arrival of Arriaga and Ricardos at mid-century. Being classified a white criollo on a military record did not signify racial purity. According to Captain General Manuel de Guevara's report in 1801, lower class whites at some time had their blood mixed with that of a lower casta. 20The two exceptions were Captain Agust~n Francisco de Ochoa and Second Lieutenant Francisco

Josg Rondon who served in a regular army company of pardos in La Guaira. They were paid half the salary of white officers. In 1780 the army command in Madrid ordered the elimination of the company and the two officers were assigned to militia units without pay or benefits. 21

As the total number of European officers was twice that of criollos, most who served in Venezuela transferred from units stationed in Spain. Actual posting was either as individuals or collectively from units sent to reinforce







74

the area. Most Europeans who served in the captaincy general initially arrived with Arriaga and Ricardos in 1749 and 1751 to put down the Le6n Rebellion, with the Santa F4 Battalion in 1767, which was blown off course to La Guaira after setting out from La Corufla for Buenos Aires, and officers of the Lombardi Regiment which landed in Venezuela from Miz in 1770. The forces arriving at mid-century and in 1767 staffed the Caracas Battalion, while most of the officers posted for militia instruction came with the Lombardi Regiment. Assignments to the staffs and companies in Maracaibo, Cumani, Guayana, and Kargarita Island were made individually, at times from officers in Spain, but usually from those serving in Caracas. 22

Officers who transferred to Venezuela were subject to a variety of regulations concerning their movements. The few who married in Spain, mostly engineers, were required to bring their wives with them. 23 Nearly all who came were single and utilized Company or navy ships, but for those with a family the move could be expensive. In 1772 Lieutenant Diego Ufano borrowed 800 pesos to transport and settle his family in La Guaira. This represented sixteen months salary at his new post. 24 After initially allowing anyone who wanted to return to Spain to do so, in 1757 the crown ordered that only in extreme emergencies could officers return before fifteen years service in the Indies. 25 At the end of this period the officer could have







75


his way paid back to Spain by the crown. 26 Very few accepted the offer, however, as they had by then established ties to the colony and because of the great cost of transporting their families which was their own responsibility.



Cadets


Nearly sixty percent of the officers serving in Venezuela began their careers as cadets. A boy could initiate his service as young as twelve years old, although he normally did so at sixteen. 27 Some, however, waited until their twenties. After swearing allegiance to the crown he was assigned to a regular army company for train-ing or to a battalion academy for officer's sons. Both methods were utilized in Caracas, but in the peripheral provinces cadets had no opportunity for formal study.

In the eighteenth century formal military education

was not essential for officers. Weapons were uncomplicated, tactics straight forward, and leadership was an a priori fact of birth for members of the lower nobility who became officers. 28 Nevertheless in Caracas Province cadets were separated from the regular battalion to learn basic skills. The first Academy of Mathematics began operation in 1761 in La Guaira under the direction of artillery Captain Manuel Centuri'n. Among the subjects taught were arithmetic, geometry, algebra, hydraulics, fortification, and principles







76


of artillery. The coursework was in imitation of the Royal Artillery Corps school in Caidiz. There was no record of the Academy after 1766 when Centuri6n took over as governor in Guayana, and only three of the original fifteen students became army officers in Venezuela. 29In 1771 the commander of the port, Mateo Gual, reported that his sons, Manuel and Josg Ignacio, had to study mathematics and fortification on their own because there was no longer an academy. 30

A similar school in Caracas was 'Less transitory.

In 1764 under -the direction of the commander of thle Caracas Battalion, Colonel Nicola.s Castro, Sr., cadets were assigned to a formal study program. 31Actual instruction was under the direction of a second lieutenant. 32The curriculum was less ambitious than that at La Guaira and included mathematics, campaigning, and obligations of command. 33 Whether or not a cadet was awarded a commission depended on an opening in one of the companies, not on completion of coursework or after a predetermined period of study. From 1750 to 1790 there were thirty-six criollo cadets commissioned in the Caracas Battalion. The average age they became cadets was sixteen and they became second lieutenatns after an average of seven and one half years. 3

Given the average age that all cadets in the captaincy general received their commissions--twenty-five years--it was not surprising to have found some who married prior to








77


commission. But by doing so the future officer greatly hindered his opportunities for future promotion as it was official policy to deny them commissions. In February 1771 Captain Jos6 Mufioz of Maracaibo forwarded the captain general his recommendations for a vacant second lieutenant post. His first choice was Cadet Francisco Lizarz~bal and the second, Cadet Guillermo Roo. Both were descendents of army officers, had good records, and were criollos. As was generally the case, no changes were made in the recommendation by the local governor or the captain general. When Inspector General O'Reilly received the list in Mladrid, however, he ordered that Lizarz-bal be passed over for Roo because the latter was not married and therefore better 35
suited for royal service.

Some married cadets remained in service anyway

claiming they had obtained the governor's permission to marry and were therefore exempt from the general rule. One example was that of Nicolas de Betancurt of Cumana' who spent twenty-two years as a cadet before promotion to second lieutenant. He became a cadet in 1759 and in 1766 married Manuela L6pez de Puente, the daughter of a regular army lieutenant. He received a special license to marry from governor Mateo Gual, but did not obtain permission from army authorities in Spain. Due to this formality 36
Betancurt spent two decades as a cadet. Pedro Marquez de Valenzuela, also of Cumang, became a cadet in 1758 at the







78


age of seventeen and in 1771 married Ana Maria de Alcala, the daughter of the royal treasurer. He did not receive his commission until 1781 after serving as a cadet for over twenty-three years. 3
While it was nearly impossible to determine the

social origins of many of the peninsular officers who began their careers as cadets, the criollos were overwhelmingly sons of army officers. The next largest group were those whose fathers were royal officials serving in Venezuela. From 1750 to 1790 thirty-six criollos were promoted to regular army second lieutenant positions in C-aracas Province. Of these, thirty-four were previously cadets, one was promoted from the ranks, and the other had served as an officer in the militia. Of the thirty-six, twenty-four were sons of military officers, four were sons of royal officials, and the origins of the other eight could not be determined. 38

With the exceptions of Pedro and Antonio Sua'rez de Urbina, sons of elite families did not serve in the Caracas Battalion, although some were cadets and then left the army. Among the latter were Juan Bernardo Aristiguieta, Josg Tovar, and Ger6nimo and Jos6 Ignacio Uzt~riz y Tovar. 39 Instead, the most wealthy caraquefio families sent their sons to Spain if they wished an army career. Sons of the Marques del Toro, the wealthiest man in the captaincy general, sent four sons to serve in the armed forces in







79

Spain, three in the royal guards and one in the navy.40 Miguel Pacheco Mijares, son of the Conde de San Xavier, served in the same corps.41 When Pacheco returned to Venezuela in 1784 he did not serve in the regular army, instead choosing to command a militia battalion while supervising the family holdings.42 The most famous example, although he was not of the same social class as Toro or Pacheco Mijares, was Francisco Miranda, the "Great Precursor." All evidence indicated that while service in Venezuela was not the career choice of elite sons, one in Spain was an accepted vocation.

The backgrounds of officers in the peripheral provinces were similar to those of Caracas. In both Cumana' and Maracaibo two-thirds of the criollo officers who served as cadets prior to receiving commissions were sons of army officers. All those stationed in the frontier garrison in Guayana and one-half of those on Margarita Island were sons of officers. None of the American-born cadets were sons of sergeants when they entered the army, although a few were sons of officers who rose through the ranks.

Captain Pedro Marquez de Valenzuela served in both Cumana. and Maricabo and was representative of the criollo cadets who became officers in Venezuela. His father, Licendiado Pedro Marquez, served as an alcade and fiel ejecutor, and when Cadet Marqu~z entered the army in 1758







80


he owned three slaves, some small homes, and a three fanega (1 fanega = 1.73 acres = 0.7 hectares) banana hacienda in the Tarabacoa Valley. In comparison his fatherTs cousin, Antonio Marqu~z, also served as an alcalde but had ten slaves, a larger house measuring 21 varas (1 vara = approximately 33 inches or .836 meters) in width, a 2,000 tree cacao hacienda near the coast, a one and a half fanega sugar cane hacienda, and a sugar mill. None of his sons became army officers. The wealthiest man in the province was Diego Antoino de Alcala, who had sixteen slaves, a house that measured 30 varas in width, and a 12,000 tree cacao hacienda in the Carico Valley; with a total net worth of over 100,000 pesos. As was the case in Caracas, the sons of wealthy families such as that of Alcalg did not serve in the local regular army, but unlike those in the capital there was no evidence they enlisted in Spain.44



Promotion of Non-commissioned Officers


The second route by which regular army commissions were filled--approximately one-third of all officers in Venezuela--was by promotion of sergeants. With very few exceptions, and these all in the peripheral provinces, only peninsulars rose through the ranks to the post of second lieutenant. They learned their trade on the job. On the average they were ten years older than cadets when







81


they received their commissions, 35.8 years compared with 24.9. 45

Although the regulations forbade the promotion of a sergeant if he were married, many who were became officers. The only consideration was the social status of his wife. A married sergeant nominated for an officer's commission had to prove that his wife was of the proper social derivation (calidad). In 1800 Sergeant Jos6 Vicente Almarza was promoted to lieutenant. Upon investigation, however, authorities found that his wife was the daughter of a drummer in the militia. The promotion was then rescinded because the members of the army command believed that any man who would marry a woman of such a status was clearly not officer material. 46 According to Captain General Guevara, the promotion shoulder denied because, "Although (Almarza) has merit, he offered little hope of becoming a good officer, because by marrying someone of a low status he would ruin the decency of military service and the concept of honor which would in turn erode the respect of the nobility." 47



Direct Commissions


Approximately six percent of the officers who

served in Venezuela were recipients of direct commissions. They were granted commissions for exemplary action during wartime. The best known officer in this category was Juan







82


de Casas who as commander of the Caracas Battalion was acting captain general from 1807 to 1809. Born in Valencia del Cid, he found himself in New Spain during the Seven Years' War and at his own expense outfitted a militia company when Spain declared war on England in 1762. Ten years later he was named a lieutenant in the Caracas Battalion, as major commanded the Venezuelan forces sent to Santo Domingo in 1793, and was rewarded with a colonelcy in 1804. He retired in February 1810, two months before the initiation of the wars for independence. 48

Unlike the cases of New Spain and New Granada commissions were not sold in Venezuela. 49 The only serious proposal to do so was made in 1773 by Governor Josg AgUero in order to build barracks in Caracas and La Guaira. The plan called for the creation of four new companies to supplement the Caracas Battalion. The cost of a captaincy was to have been 5,000 pesos, a lieutenancy 3,000, and a second lieutenancy 2,000, raising a total of 40,000 pesos. Inspector General O'Reilly's reason for denying the request was that it would have been prejudicial to the battalion's officers who were more deserving of the promotions. 50

During times of war several militia officers asked for direct regular army commissions, among them members of the Venezuelan elite. This was especially evident in 1793 at the initiation of hostilities with France. Among







83

them were the Marques de Solorzano, the colonel of the white Caracas militia who in his application put his net worth at over 500,000 pesos.51 Santiago de Ponte y Mijares, 52
militia cavalry commander in Caracas, and Jose Ignacio de Ustgriz, a captain in the cavalry militia, asked for direct commissions in the regular army.53 Two notable examples from the last decade of the colonial era were those of Juan Bautista Arismendi of Margarita who later became one of the most famous Venezuelan generals during the wars for independence,54 and that of the Marquis de Toro, who in 1808 asked for a colonelcy in the Caracas
55
Battalion. None of these militia officers received commissions in the regular army. Reasons for the denials could not be determined.



Fuero Militar


Once entering the regular army--whether as an

enlisted man, cadet, or by direct commission--an officer's legal status separated him from ordinary royal jurisdiction by granting him the fuero de guerra militar, often referred to as the fuero militar. The regulations governing the fuero militar, built on two centuries of precedent, were codified in the Ordenanzas de S.M. para el regimen, disciplina, subordinacion y servicio de sus exercitos

(1768). This code placed an officer, his nuclear family, and domestic servants and slaves under military jurisdiction







84


in certain criminal and civil cases. The ordinances are not explicit as to whether persons possessing the fuero were entitled to bring suit against someone under the authority of another fuero--for example a priest or merchant--or whether they were only entitled to military jurisdiction as defendants. In Venezuela, however, it appears that officers claiming jurisdiction under the fuero militar did so only as defendants. In addition the wills and testaments of regular army officers were probated and adjudicated by military tribunals. 56

The exclusion of certain cases from milii ary

jurisdiction and workings of the army court system tended to make the influence of the fuero militar less pervasive than it first appears. Public interest cases such as those dealing with entailed estates, mercantile law, public office, and sedition fell under the dominion of ordinary royal jurisdiction. In addition, the court of first instance for non-military cases was the captain general in Caracas who as president of the audiencia would no doubt have been directly involved in any significant litigation whether the defendant were an army officer or not. Appeals were heard by the Consejo Supremo de Guerra, the highest military tribunal in Spain, and in exceptional cases by the crown. Purely military cases such as desertion, insubordination, dereliction of duty, and criminal acts against another member of the army, were







85

heard by courts-martial of general officers (Consejos de guerra de oficiales generales). No action against a regular army officer could be adjudicated without approval from Spain. Although the effect of the fuero militar does not appear to have been as important to the recruitment and status of regular army officers as it was for enlisted men and militia members, judgement by one's peers and the review available by authorities in Spain did provide a certain measure of protection from civil authorities while also allowing the army to discipline its soldiers without~ civilian interference. 5



Promotion


General Criteria


Once receiving a commission an officer's professional advancement was measured by promotion to more responsible positions. To be advanced th ere had to be a vacancy. This occurred in Venezuela by the creation of new posts, such as the instructorships of the militias, or by the death, retirement, or transfer of the incumbent. The normal method was to promote the officer with the most senority. 58

The local military authorities initiated the process by making an interim promotion, justifying their actions in writing, and forwarding the information to their superiors in Spain for approval. 59Whenever a vacancy occurred for a







86


lieutenancy the captain made three recommendations in order of preference. For a captain or major the local commander made the recommendations, but the captain general made the selection. Choosing a new commander was the responsiblity of the captain general. 60For a position above the rank of captain the recommendation of the captain general was made according to his personal preference and not senority. Oftentimes the captain general would pass over a captain because he believed him unsuitable. Only rarely did the metropolitan authorities alter local recommendat ions. 61

A favorable combat record and having ancestors in

the army could provide advantageous if the captain general had personal knowledge of either fact. In 1784 Lieutenant Jaime Moreno was recommended for captain in Maracaibo over officers with more time in grade because his father was a Field Marshal who had served in Venezuela. 62For a vacant c aptaincy in the Caracas Battalion Lieutenant Diego L6pez was preferred over two more senior lieutenants because he had wartime service in Italy. 63Due to extensive combat on Santo Domingo against the French and leading militia troops to hold off the British at Carlipano near Cumana', Julil.n Izquierdo rose from sergeant to lieutenant colonel in seven years. 6

The rare officer who caught the attention of the

captain general could advance quickly even without combat







87


experience. The most notable example was Fernando Miyares, a favorite of the first captain general of Venezuela, Luis de Unzaga (1777-1782). In September 1778 the crown approved Captain Miyares' transfer from Puerto Rico to the Caracas Battalion. Although a native of Cuba, he had ties to the caraquefio elite through his wife, In~s Mancebo y Quiroga. Authorities in Madrid gave him special permission to serve as Unzaga's secretary, although royal orders issued in 1774 and 1776 expressly forbade army officers from holding administrative posts while on active duty. Miyares' first assignment was to arrange and index all royal expedients in Caracas, beginning with those of September 1572.65

In February 1783 Intendant Jos4 de Abalos appealed to the minister of the Indies to remove Miyares from his secretarial post on the grounds that he was doing everything in his power to disrupt the introduction of the intendancy system. The captain was especially troublesome in Abalos' efforts to introduce the Estanco de Tobaco. In addition the intendant reported Miyares to be vain, obstinate, and extravagant, which he believed to be poor traits for a secretary or an officer. Unzaga's replacement, Manuel Gonzalez, contravened the indendant's efforts and Miyares retained his position. In 1786 he became the commander in Barinas, was promoted to the governorship in Maracaibo during the 1790s, and reached the post of captain general during the wars for independence.66




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