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The political economy of food production : an example from an Aymara-speaking region of Peru

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Title:
The political economy of food production : an example from an Aymara-speaking region of Peru
Creator:
Painter, Michael David, 1954-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
x, 293 leaves : ill., maps ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Agricultural land ( jstor )
Agriculture ( jstor )
Capitalism ( jstor )
Coffee industry ( jstor )
Commercial production ( jstor )
Crops ( jstor )
Food ( jstor )
Labor ( jstor )
Planting ( jstor )
Potatoes ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF ( lcsh )
Food industry and trade -- Peru ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1981.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 285-292).
Additional Physical Form:
Also available online.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Michael David Painter.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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08434503 ( OCLC )
0028172836 ( ALEPH )

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THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FOOD PRODUCTION:
AN EXAMPLE FROM AN AYMARA-SPEAKING REGION OF PERU









By

MICHAEL DAVID PAINTER














A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY





UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1981


































Copyright 1981

by

Michael David Painter























To my mother and the memory of my father













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


A number of people and institutions contributed to the realization

of this study. The people of the district of Sarata shared freely of

their food, shelter, and knowledge of their home, and gave new meaning

to the concept of reciprocity. Special assistance was rendered by

Santiago Calli Apaza, Eustaquia Callo de L6pez, Lucia L6pez de Lima,

Javier Mamani Mamani, Gregoria Sarabia Blanco, Pedro Quispe Ticona,

Juan Ticona Collquehanca, Lucio Ticona Collquehuanca, and Abdon Ticona

Mamani.

I was also fortunate to have the opportunity to work with four

talented and dedicated research assistants from the district of Sarata.

The late John Wilfredo Apaza, formerly a student of agronomy at the

Universidad Nacional T6cnica del Altiplano, in Puno, provided techni-

cal information on agriculture both to me and to the people of Sarata.

His untimely death was one of the few sad experiences I had to suffer

while in the field. Yolanda L6pez Callo, currently Aymara Instructor

at the University of Florida, and Eva Mercado Vargas, a school teacher

in Sarata, transcribed and translated hours of recorded tapes contain-

ing extremely difficult linguistic material and oriented me to numerous

aspects of life in Sarata. Juan Lira Condori, a student of sociology

at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustfn, in Arequipa, conducted

marketing and consumption surveys, and shared information he had col-

lected on the effects of the Peruvian agrarian reform in Sarata.


iv








Institutional affiliation in Peru was provided by the Pontiffcia

Universidad Cato6ica del Peru, in Lima, and by the Universidad Nacional

Thcnica del Altiplano, in Puno. Carlos Aramburu and Alejandro Camino,

anthropology professors at the Universidad Cat6lica, shared their

extensive knowledge of Puno department and directed me to numerous use-

ful bibliographic sources. Victor Bustinza, Oscar Chaquilla, and

Eleodoro Chahuares, faculty members of the Universidad del Altiplano,

made university resources available and assisted me in gaining access

to government offices and agencies in Puno. Rodolfo Machicao, also a

faculty member at the Universidad del Altiplano and a native of Sarata,

allowed my wife and me to reside in his family's house while we were in

Sarata, provided extensive information on the district, and introduced

me to a number of helpful saratenos.

Ismael Cerruto and Jacinto Condori of the Ministerio de Agricul-

tura y Alimentaci6n provided extensive information on productive activi-

ties in Sarata. Eleodoro Aquise Jaen, director of the Puno office of

the Servicio Nacional de Meteorologfa e Hidrologfa, made available

climatic data on the region. Victor Villanueva, director of the

Organismo Regional de Planificaci6n in Puno, also collaborated with

my research efforts.

Valuable assistance and support while I was in the field was also

provided by Phil Blair, Lucy Briggs, Hector Martfnez, Benjamin Orlove,

and Peter White. The Sisters of Satin Joseph who administer the parish

of Sarata were uniformly kind, helpful, and supportive of my efforts.

The members of my doctoral committee have been unfailing in their

encouragement and support since I first arrived at the University of



v








Florida. Anthony Oliver-Smith has been an extremely capable and dedi-

cated advisor, as well as a constant source of new ideas. M.J.

Hardman-de-Bautista introduced me to the Aymara language and people,

and trained me in the linguistic field methods upon which I have relied

heavily. Charles Wagley has been an extremely loyal mentor whose

knowledge of anthropology in general and Latin America in particular is

exceeded only by his personal warmth and good humor. Chris Andrew has

advised me on matters related to agricultural economics and shared his

vast knowledge of issues in rural development. Paul Doughty has been a

friend and is a perpetual source of information on Peru and Peruvian

research.

No research would have been possible without financial support.

This was partially provided by a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship for Doc-

toral Research. The Inter-American Foundation was my major source of

funding through a Learning Fellowship for Social Change. Both members

of the staff and of the fellow selection committee of the Inter-

American Foundation have been a source of personal and intellectual

support.

Finally, my wife, Jane Collins, has been steadfast in her support

and guidance of my work at the same time that she was also engaged in

doctoral research and dissertation writing. She made the effort required

to pursue an advanced degree in anthropology not only possible, but a

pleasurable and rewarding experience.









vi










TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. . . . . . .... . . . . iv

ABSTRACT. ....... . . . . . . . . ....... ix

CHAPTER

I THE "PEASANT" WAY OF LIFE. . . . . . ... 1

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . 1
The Study of Peasant Economics .......... . 7
The Analysis of Modes of Production. . .. .. . 13
Modes of Production in the District of Sarata. ...... .. 18
Research Methods . . ... . . . . 21

II THE SARATA ENVIRONMENT . . . . .. .. . . . 23

Introduction . . . .... . . . . . 23
Physical Features . . . . . . . . . 24
Population and Institutions. . . .... . . 30
The Rural Communities of the District. . . . . ... 33
Social Stratification. . . . ... . . . .. 35
Economic Class . . . . . . . . . . 49
Subsistence Strategies and Capitalist Expansion. .... .58

III THE INTEGRATION OF SARATA INTO REGION AND NATION .... .61

Introduction . . . ... . . . . . 61
The Integration of Sarata. . . . . ... . . 62
Sarata and the Republic. ... .. ...... . . . 70
The Arrival of a Capitalist Economy. . . . .... 74
The Urban Growth of Juliaca. . . . ... . . 84
The District of Sarata and Urban Centers . . . .. 93
National Agrarian Policy and the Stagnation of the Agri-
cultural Economy . . .. . . . ..... . 95
National Agricultural Policy and the Regional Economy
of Sarata. . . . . . . . . . . . 112

IV THE PROCESSES OF PRODUCTION . .. . . . . .. 117

Introduction . . . . .... . . . . . . 117
Landholding Institutions . . . .. .. . . .. 117
Communities and Individuals . . . . .... 117
Labor Exchange. . . . ... . . . . 125
S.A.I.S. San Juan . . . . . . . . 130
Medianos Productores. . . . ...... . . 137



vii







Page

Subsistence Activities in Sarata . . . . . . 137
Subsistence and Non-Capitalist Production . . . 137
Potatoes and Minor Tubers . . . . . . .. 142
Broad Beans . . . . . . . . . . 150
Barley . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Forage Grains . . . . . . . . 155
quinoa and Kaniwa . . . . . . . 156
Vegetable Crops . . . . . . . . . 157
Corn . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Herding . . . . . . . . . . . 160
The Role of Subsistence Activities. . .. .. .165
The Capitalist Mode of Production.. . . . . 167
Capitalist and Non-Capitalist Production. . . ... 167
Wage Labor. . . . . . . . .... .. 169
Trade and Transport . . . . . . . . 174
Capitalists . . . . . . . .... .. 178
The Organization of Labor. . . . . . . . . 188

V HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN A PEASANT ECONOMY . . .. 190

Introduction . . . . . . . .... . . 190
A Sarata Household . . . . . . . .... . 191
Daily Activities . . . . . . . . . . 203
Labor Allocation . . . . . . . . . . 206
Household Agriculture . . . . . . . . . 214
Potatoes and Minor Tubers . . . . . . 214
Broad Beans and Peas . . . . . . ... 226
Barley and Wheat . . . . . . . . 233
Quinoa . . . . . . . . . . . 235
Forage Grains . . . . . . . . . . 236
Onions . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Livestock . . . . . . . . . . 239
Costs and Revenues of Subsistence Agriculture. .... .. 240
Coffee and Citrus Cultivation . . . . . ... 245
Trade and Commerce . . . . . . . . . 251
Household Expenses . . . . . . . .. .. 256

VI PEOPLE AND MODES OF PRODUCTION . . . . . .... 260

Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . .. 260
Policy Implications . . . .... ... ... .. 275
The District of Sarata in a Broader Perspective. . .. 278

APPENDIX

THE AYMARA PHONEMIC ALPHABET . . . . . ... 284

REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . . . . .. 293




viii








Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FOOD PRODUCTION:
AN EXAMPLE FROM AN AYMARA-SPEAKING REGION OF PERU

By

Michael David Painter

December 1981

Chairman: Anthony R. Oliver-Smith
Major Department: Anthropology

The Aymara of southern Peru have experienced the process of

capitalist expansion for a number of years. Aymara households partici-

pate in diverse capitalist activities while withholding their agricul-

tural production from the market. Food production is for subsistence

only. Households earn cash by participating in capitalist activities

which are scheduled so as not to conflict with subsistence activities.

This strategy protects the Aymara from becoming dependent upon any single

activity to provide the means of their subsistence.

Losing control over basic subsistence activities has historically

been associated with rural-urban migration in the region, and is one

reason that regional urban centers have experienced tremendous popula-

tion growth in recent years. There has been a corresponding growth in

the demand for food by these urban centers at the same time that rural

producers have become reluctant to sell food.

Economic diversification facilitates capitalist activities in

southern Peru because non-capitalist subsistence activities provide

part of the subsistence needs of the people who participate in capi-

talist activities. This reduces the cost of labor and reduces the amount


ix








of cash the population must control in order to provide a solvent de-

mand for manufactured goods. However, for the conditions which origi-

nally facilitated the growth of capitalist enterprises in the region

to continue, subsistence activities must also continue. This tends to

limit further capitalist expansion into the region.

The dependence of the capitalist mode of production upon non-

capitalist modes in order to expand, and the withdrawal of foodstuffs

from the marketplace at a time when urban demand is rapidly increasing

are two contradictory tendencies associated with the process of

modernization in southern Peru as well as in other areas of the world.

They are major features of modern peasant economies. They illustrate

that such an economy is not simply the product of market forces seek-

ing equilibrium, but are the result of broad social forces acting

within a particular historical process.



























x












CHAPTER I

THE "PEASANT" WAY OF LIFE



Introduction


The chill quiet of the town plaza of Saratal is broken shortly

after 1:00 a.m. by the drivers of nearly two dozen trucks and two buses,

who start their vehicles and begin idling their engines to warm them up

for the trip to Juliaca. Several of the trucks jockey for position at

the plaza exit, trying to guarantee .that they will be among the first

to leave, and thus have a full load of passengers. Within a few minutes

the sound of the revving of engines is joined by the cries of the

drivers' assistants, shouting their destination and trying to attract

passengers to their vehicles. A pall of exhaust fumes soon settles

over the plaza and softens the outlines of the people as they pass in

front of the headlights of the trucks. The men wear ponchos, cover

their heads with knitted stocking caps, and wrap their faces with

knitted scarves. The women are dressed in polleras, the large full

skirts worn over numerous petticoats, several layers of sweaters, and

blouses over which they wrap a shawl, and a derby hat. Many people

carry bundles on their backs which may contain everything from children



Sarata is a fictitious name for the district in which research for the
present work was conducted. The names of places within the district
as well as those of district residents have also been changed. Other
names, however, are cited correctly.



-1-




-2-


to food and blankets for the trip, to goods destined to be sold in

Juliaca.

The destination of nearly everyone this Monday morning is Juliaca,

which is a major distributive center for all of southern Peru. Its

weekly market is held every Monday and is the largest in the region

and a focal point of weekly commercial activity. A similar scene is

repeated virtually every morning in the Sarata plaza, as people attend

the various local markets or go to the provincial capital of Huancang,

or Juliaca on bureaucratic errands. The activity in the plaza on the

other mornings, however, is much reduced in comparison to Monday.

As she does every Monday morning, Petronia Quispe arrives in the

plaza around 1:30, in time to secure a good seat on the truck directly

behind the cab, for herself and four-month-old child she carries on

her back. She is also carrying a bundle, which contains a change of

clothes for the baby, a blanket to wrap themselves in during the pre-

dawn truck ride, and an inkuRa,2 or food-carrying cloth, containing

some boiled potatoes to eat on the way.

Petronia also has brought several nylon windbreakers and a trans-

istor radio in her bundle. These were purchased in a weekly market on

the Bolivian border last Saturday and Petronia will re-sell them in

Juliaca this morning. This is, of course, strictly illegal, and con-

stitutes a miniscule part of the well-publicized black market trade

between Peru and Bolivia. Between Sarata and Juliaca, the truck

Petronia is riding on will pass through four control points where it

may be searched thoroughly either by customs agents or members of the


2All Aymara words in this thesis are written according to the Yapita
phonemic alphabet, which is described in the Appendix.




-3-


Guardia Civil, the national police force. Usually, however, the

searches are only cursory and rarely create difficulties. The biggest

worry lies in the delays that the checkpoints sometimes provoke.

The truck in which Petronia Quispe is riding is owned by a person

who engages in contraband activity on a far larger scale. In fact,

either he, his wife, or a family member own over half the trucks leaving

Sarata this morning. Although originally from the same peasant com-

munity as Petronia, he has amassed a fortune that reputedly makes him

one of the richest men in southern Peru. He maintains a base in the

community by contributing generously to work projects and employing

people from there in his many enterprises. Petronia always travels in

one of his trucks because it is said that they are less likely to have

problems at the control points. Also, his sister is Petronia's god-

mother, or madrina, having sponsored Petronia at her baptism. Petronia

can thus count on the support of powerful friends should she ever en-

counter problems in Juliaca, or anywhere else in the department of Puno

for that matter.

Most of the trucks from Sarata will arrive in Juliaca between 5:00

and 6:00 a.m. The very last to leave will reach Juliaca by 6:30 a.m.

Upon arrival in Juliaca, the first thing Petronia will do is sell the

radio and the windbreakers to retail commercialists who work in the

city. That transaction completed, she will buy a large sack of onions

or carrots. After buying her produce, Petronia will store it in the

back of the truck, under the watchful eyes of the driver's assistant and

several fellow passegners while she does some shopping. Generally she

buys some fruit to take home to her family. Also, she will buy a large

sack of bread, which is of a better quality than that baked in Sarata.




-4-


By 10:00 a.m., Petronia and the other passengers will be back on the

truck and leaving Juliaca. Barring mechanical problems and depending

upon the condition of the road, they will be back in Sarata between

2:00 and 4:00 p.m.

On Wednesday, Petronia will take the produce she purchased in

Juliaca to a rural market in a high-altitude herding area of the dis-

trict of Sarata. Some of the vegetables will be sold there; however,

Petronia will be more interested in trading them with the women who

bring cheeses and wool to the market. These products are produced in

abundance in the herding area and are sold at a lower price than any-

where else in the district of Sarata. Petronia will add the wool to

her personal store and some will be used for the weaving and knitting

that she and her husband do, and the rest will be available for con-

version into cash on some later occasion.

The cheeses Petronia acquires on Wednesday will be taken to a

Saturday market near the Bolivian border. From shortly before sunrise

until about noon merchants such as Petronia conduct a lively trade with

their counterparts from Bolivia. Here, Petronia will sell her cheeses

to Bolivians who, because food prices are considerably higher in Bolivia

than in Peru, will pay a much higher price than she could receive in

Peru. From Bolivians who have come up from the valley of Chuma, she

will buy wayk'a, a variety of dried hot pepper, which she will sell in

the large Sunday market in the town of Sarata. She will also buy another

radio and perhaps some other manufactured goods from mechants that have

come to the border from La Paz. These will be taken to Juliaca next

Monday morning to underwrite the start of another business week.




-5-


When not attending to market business, Petronia works with her

husband, Santiago Huanca, in carrying out the household agricultural

activities. These include caring for their three cows, seven sheep,

and four pigs, and cultivating a small area of land which is divided

into many plots scattered over a wide area. Most of these plots are

located within their own community, although some of their landholdings

are also located in other areas of the district.

Although they work as a team on these activities, Petronia and

Santiago own their animals and land individually. The household has

four pigs, for example, which were purchased by Petronia with money

from her marketing, and they are her property. Santiago spends as much

time taking care of them as she does, but both the decision to buy and

how to dispose of the pigs are Petronia's. Likewise, Santiago in-

herited some irrigated land in another area of the district from his

mother, who is from a different community. He and Petronia work the

land together, but it belongs undisputably to Santiago. Productive

decisions are made with the interests of the entire household in mind,

but the principle of separate and individual ownership is basic.

Petronia and Santiago live about four kilometers outside of the

town of Sarata in a community near the edge of Lake Titicaca. It is

one of the most densely populated areas of the district and few house-

holds in the community own more land or animals than Petronia and

Santiago. There is virtually no irrigation in the community; however,

the combination of high population density and high agricultural pro-

ductivity is made possible by the annual flood plain of irregular width

which forms the shoreline of Lake Titicaca. Petronia and Santiago's

community, as well as several other communities in the district of




-6-


Sarata, controls substantial areas of this plain. Cultivation of this

flood plain is called milli and is made possible by the water that seeps

into the ground from the lake. This makes possible an early planting

and, as the increasing rains cause the level of the lake to rise, neces-

sitates an early harvest. Petronia and Santiago also plant and harvest

early in the agricultural season on a small plot of irrigated land, and,

in fact, realize three harvests a year from that plot. They also follow

a third agricultural schedule on the land where rainfall is the only

source of water.

On their lands, Santiago and Petronia cultivate potatoes and other

tubers, broad beans, quinoa, barley, corn, carrots, onions, cabbage, and

other vegetables, as well as a small amount of oats for the animals.

The yields they receive are considerably higher than the mean for the

department of Puno, and despite the small area of land they own, they

are normally able to provide quite comfortably for most of the household

food needs. The only foodstuffs regularly purchased are rice, noodles,

and sugar, which they cannot produce for themselves. Santiago and

Petronia would like to have a little more pasture land, which would

permit them to purchase some additional livestock. However, they are

not particularly interested in acquiring additional agricultural lands

for, as they point out, they already have all they can eat and providing

the labor necessary to cultivate more land would limit their freedom

to engage in other activities.

Like the people in most of the households of Sarata, Petronia and

Santiago rarely sell food they have produced themselves. For them,

agriculture has a single purpose, to produce food for the household.

The primary concern of the households is to assure themselves of a food




-7-


supply. Once that goal is achieved they can, and do, turn their atten-

tion to making money. However, one does not risk one's subsistence on

the chance to turn a monetary profit.



The Study of Peasant Economies


The present study will examine the economic system in which Petronia

and Santiago participate. This system is characterized by the co-

existence of productive activities belonging to capitalist and non-

capitalist modes of production, and individuals such as Petronia and

Santiago incorporate activities from both modes of production into their

survival strategies. It is the relationship between capitalist and

non-capitalist modes of production that is most characteristic of the

peasant economy of Sarata.

Use of the concept of modes of production has recently received

considerable attention in the literature of economic anthropology and

many investigators have found it useful in illuminating the issues

which lie behind the economic problems faced by many developing socie-

ties (Clammer 1978; Seddon 1978). However, the study of peasant socie-

ties has been characterized by a number of approaches, which have enjoyed

varying degrees of popularity at different times. The modes of produc-

tion approach is simply a recent chapter in a long history of theoretical

frameworks. Therefore, it may be helpful to briefly review some of the

problems peasant studies have faced in order to make explicit why the

mode of production model has been chosen.

Within the context of American anthropology, peasant studies have

traditionally fit into a broader context of the study of non-Western




-8-


economic systems in which individuals frequently manifest apparently

anomalous economic behavior. There has been a prolonged theoretical

dialogue on the utility of basic concepts of Western economics for

studying such non-Western and/or non-capitalist economic systems. One

group of writers, exemplified by Dalton (1968), Polanyi et al. (1957),

and Sahlins (1972) have claimed intellectual antecedents in the work of

Chayanov (1966) and they have argued that formal Western economic con-

cepts are not useful for analyzing non-Western societies. In their

view, within non-Western societies, economic activities are not a

separate realm, but are carried out in the context of kinship, politi-

cal and religious institutions, while Western economic science developed

as part and parcel of a specialized market economy. They have maintained

that Western economic science equates rationality with the allocation

of resources to maximize the production of desired goods, while most

non-Western societies do not seek to maximize production; and Western

economics assumes scarce means in relation to unlimited wants to be

universal, while it is, in fact, a peculiarity of the Western system.

Other writers, such as Burling (1968), Cook (1968), Herskovits

(1940), and Schneider (1974) have defended the applicability of Western

economic science to non-Western societies. They have argued that the

detractors of formal Western economic concepts confused economic analy-

sis with economic liberalism when they equated it with the growth of

the market economy and that the concept of maximization, in fact, refers

to satisfaction, which is culturally defined, and not to production.

Such writers have also held that there is indeed scarcity as long as

the means for engaging in productive activity are not unlimited and may

be employed in alternative uses, and as long as the obtaining of a goal

requires the expenditure of measurable effort.




-9-


Considerable effort has been expended in this discussion with

neither side able to delineate an objectively definable field of study.

On one hand, it is argued that economics has to do with the provision-

ing of society, but that the institutions which fill this role belong

to the domains of kinship, religion, or politics rather than economics.

On the other hand, economics may study the decision-making by which

scarce means are allocated among alternative uses. However, if means

and ends are defined broadly enough to be universally applicable, then

all human activity becomes the field of study (Godelier 1967; 1977).

Within this general context, the study of peasant societies has an

additional element of complexity which is not shared by the tribal or

primitive non-Western societies which have provided many of the examples

fueling the above discussion. As a group, peasants are not defined by

the internal structures of their own societies, but by their relation-

ships to larger, external societies. Hence, Redfield (1953:31) links

the rise of peasant societies to the rise of cities, and Kroeber

(1948:284) states that peasants are "part-societies with part-cultures"

which constitute a class segment of a larger population, and which live

in relation to market towns. The relationships that peasants have with

the larger populations are highly variable according to the technological,

environmental, and social situations of the peasants themselves, and

the type of domain exercised over them by the dominant urban-based

classes of the society (Wolf 1955; 1966).

In spite of great variability, peasants do share the experience of

being dominated by other strata in the larger populations to which they

belong. These strata exercise a prior claim over the production of

peasants. Sometimes this is over "surplus" production, and sometimes




-10-


it is over peasant labor power. They also share a number of institu-

tions which regulate the internal organization of peasant societies,

the social relations organizing their productive activities, and mini-

mize the damage that external domination can do them. These institutions

have traditionally functioned by preventing or limiting potentially dis-

ruptive external contacts by placing formal and informal sanctions upon

those who would make such contacts outside of specific, approved con-

texts. Protection institutions have also served to place limits on

both upward and downward individual mobility. Downward mobility has

been limited by spreading the costs and risks of an enterprise among

all the members of a community, while inter-personal obligations and

institutions of mutual aid and cooperative labor have served to limit

upward mobility by equalizing access to resources (Migdal 1974). Such

mechanisms frequently have functioned at the level of communities which

have been closed as much as possible to external forces (Wagley 1964).

In some cases, such communities have resembled a closed corporation

whose members hold enduring rights and duties (Wolf 1951; 1966), while

in others the closure of peasant society has occurred at the level of

large regional trading networks (Tax 1953).

During the present century, and particularly since World War II,

peasants have experienced a new force--that of capitalist expansion.

The expansion of capitalism into peasant areas has been motivated by

various factors according to the particular time and place. These have

included a need for raw materials, land, cheap labor power, and new

consumer markets. Where these factors have come together, the social

relations of production and the productive activities themselves that

existed prior to capitalist expansion into the region have generally




-11-


been drastically altered or eliminated (Bradby 1975). The mechanisms

by which traditional institutions have been transformed are numerous.

However, all have involved some combination of factors which increased

the expenses of peasant household and limited their opportunities for

earning an income. In some areas, for example, capitalist expansion

has stimulated rapid population growth, which has led to an unprecedented

fragmentation of landholdings and a reduction in a household's ability

to produce a marketable food surplus. In .other areas, manufactured

goods replaced local craft production and cut off what had been a source

of income for many households (Migdal 1974).

As capitalist expansion progressed, it was argued that the disrup-

tions caused to traditional productive activities were not unlike what

had occurred in the United States and Europe in the early days of capital-

ist growth and expansion in those countries. Some observers argued

that the changing peasant societies would eventually become capitalist

themselves and be in a position to share the fruits of capitalism en-

joyed by the populations of developed capitalist societies (Rostow

1961).

When such a course of events showed no signs of occurring, many

investigators began to search for what was "wrong" with peasant socie-

ties, which impeded the expected transformation. They sought the answer

to their questions in the cognitive grid of peasants, where they claimed

to have found "cultural factors" such as low empathy, a limited world

view, a lack of innovativeness, hostility, and fatalism which are shared

by peasants around the world and which cause them to resist and subvert

the transformation to capitalism (Bailey 1966; Banfield 1958; Foster

1967; Rogers 1969). Such was the anxiety to "blame the victims" for




-12-


the lack of success in transforming their societies to industrial

capitalist centers that explanations based upon normative judgements

by investigators regarding traits of personality and perception were

acceptable. Such traits were reported to apply to peasants in general

regardless of their particular cultural or historical backgrounds. The

experience of capitalist expansion into their areas, which is shared by

peasants around the world, and which may be directly observed in the

material condition of their lives, was ignored.

The counterpoint to the "cognitive grid" approach is the work of

Frank (1966; 1967; 1969). Frank argues that the explanation for the

problems associated with capitalist expansion, such as rapid population

growth, urban expansion, and poverty, are found entirely within the

capitalist economy. For him, non-capitalist production that peasants

may engage in either prior to or concurrent with capitalist expansion

is irrelevant. Capitalism is a world system hierarchically ordered into

metropoli and satellites. The satellites produce a surplus which is

extracted by the metropoli. Because the system is hierarchically ar-

ranged, what is a metropolis from one perspective, is a satellite from

another. Lima, for example, is the principal metropolis of Peru, but

in its position in relation to developed capitalist societies it is a

satellite. As a general principle, Frank's dependency model is intui-

tively appealing. However, the concepts of metropolis and satellite

frequently elude precise definition when applied to particular cases.

Also, by focusing exclusively upon his perception of the overriding

internal dynamic of capitalism, Frank's model reveals little about the

functioning of productive processes at a local level, or about the

links between the local level and the larger society.




-13-


Other writers have been more precise in their analyses. Amin (1974;

1977) argues that societies into which capitalism is penetrating cannot

follow a course of development similar to Western Europe and the United

States because the penetration occurs from the outside for the purpose

of extracting wealth. The key sectors of the economy which are trans-

formed as a result are those of export production and import consumption.

These grow in relation to one another, but the productive activities

in other areas of the society are not transformed.



The Analysis of Modes of Production


Marx himself suggests a different perspective on the growth of

capitalism in his discussion of the Asiatic mode of production (1959).

He emphasizes that in the Asiatic mode of production, certain precapi-

talist modes are more resistant to capitalist penetration than others

for reasons related to the internal organization of production. Recent

investigators have found this to be a starting point for a renewed

interest in studying the internal functioning of non-capitalist econ-

omies in different areas of the world. These studies differ, however,

from those which stimulated the discussions among economic anthropologists

regarding the usefulness of Western economic science for studying econ-

omic behavior in non-Western societies in that they focus upon produc-

tion rather than upon transaction and exchange and the institutions

which regulate them. In this perspective, distribution and exchange

are determined by the social relations among the people engaged in the

productive process. These social relations are, in turn, determined

by the initial access of producers to the goods, resources, and labor




-14-


which constitute the means of production (Godelier 1967; 1977; 1978a;

1978b; Meillassoux 1972; 1977).

The term "mode of production" is used here to refer to economic

activities that may be diverse in terms of the products that result

from them, but which share basic organizational characteristics that

order the social relations among the people involved in the economic

activity. The social relations that are observed between participants

in an economic activity are determined by their relative access to land,

labor, and capital, that is, the means necessary for production to

occur. In feudal Europe, for example, the organizing principle for

social relations was the rights and duties which defined the control of

different segments of the population over land. In modern capitalist

activities, the social relations between participants are ordered by

their access to capital. The most basic distinction is between workers

who sell their labor power for wages because they do not have access

to the other means of production, and capitalists who control land and

capital.

In any society, there are diverse economic activities which may

belong to different modes of production. The different modes of produc-

tion are not isolated from one another, but are linked in various ways.

A plowshare produced in a factory organized according to capitalist

social relations of production may be used in a family agricultural

enterprise which produces only for subsistence, for example. The two

modes of production are joined through the sphere of exchange, which

provides the mechanism for getting the plowshare from the foundry to

the farm. Likewise, a single individual may act both as a worker in

the foundry and as a food producer for the family. The two modes of




-15-


production are then linked in the coordination of their respective labor

requirements.

When two modes of production are linked in such a fashion, they

constitute a single economic system, which is often referred to as a

social formation. Because they are linked, conditions in one mode of

production may affect conditions in the other over time. Historically,

when one of the modes of production has been capitalist, it has tended

to expand, and capitalist social relations of production have replaced

social relations of the non-capitalist mode.

The relationship between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of

production is referred to as their articulation. Rey (1973:82-87)

states that the articulation of modes or production is a process in time,

which extends from when capitalist expansion first brings it into con-

tact with a non-capitalist mode of production in the sphere of exchange

and ends with the total disappearance of the non-capitalist mode of

production as all relations of production become capitalist.

By looking at the articulation of capitalist and non-capitalist

modes of production as a temporal process one is really looking at two

historical processes, that of the capitalist system itself and that of

the non-capitalist modes in the area where capitalist penetration is

occurring. This allows local productive processes to be examined in

relation to the larger region and nation, and can illuminate the ques-

tion of why capitalist expansion has not worked the transformation upon

non-capitalist areas that was once expected.

Briefly, the capitalist mode of production is attracted to an area

by the presence of non-capitalist modes of production and, once there,

it tends to depend upon their continued existence. This is because the




-16-


non-capitalist mode of production helps to pay the subsistence costs of

people being incorporated into the capitalist mode of production. For

example, a commercial agricultural enterprise which has only a seasonal

demand for labor does not have to pay its workers a wage which reflects

their yearly subsistence costs and those of their families if all or

part of the worker's subsistence requirements are met through subsistence

agriculture and other non-capitalist productive activities. It is the

non-capitalist mode of production which makes possible the "cheap labor"

which is a major attraction of such an enterprise. In reality, the

labor is not cheap, but its subsistence costs are subsidized by the

non-capitalist mode of production. This reduces the costs of production

for the capitalist enterprise and constitutes a transfer of value from

the non-capitalist mode of production to the capitalist mode of produc-

tion. Likewise, the presence of a non-capitalist mode of production

allows people with limited access to cash to consume more manufactured

goods than would otherwise be possible. Insofar as basic subsistence

needs are met by non-capitalist activities, limited cash resources may

be more freely spent for consumer goods than would otherwise be the

case.

Because the non-capitalist mode of production reduces the costs

involved in capitalist expansion by such means as subsidizing labor

costs or reducing the amount of cash income required for a population

to constitute a solvent demand for manufactured goods, it is in the

interests of the capitalist mode of production to co-exist with and

reinforce the non-capitalist mode of production. This, however, poses

a problem. The capitalist mode of production tends to expand and re-

place non-capitalist modes even though the non-capitalist modes provide





-17-


the conditions attractive to capital in the first place--conditions

upon which a particular enterprise may depend in order to realize a

profit on its production. The kinds of enterprises which are attracted

to enter such a relationship with a non-capitalist mode of production

are those which require labor only on a seasonal basis and which re-

quire unskilled labor that can be easily replaced when a worker leaves

to take care of subsistence tasks (Dupr6 and Rey 1978; Meillassoux

1972; 1977; Rey 1973).

The relationship between the two modes of production is presumed

to be hierarchical; that is, one is dominant over the other. In many

studies of modes of production, the concept of dominance is used impre-

cisely, referring simply to the mode of production that is most charac-

teristic of a social formation. In the United States, for example, one

can observe subsistence agriculture and craft industries in which the

social relations of production are not capitalist, although they are

invariably in some stage of articulation with the capitalist economy.

Few people would argue that the social formation resulting from this

articulation is not capitalist. However, in a society only recently

undergoing capitalist penetration, this is not necessarily true. When

one discusses a mode of production as being dominant or dependent, the

parameters which determined the classification must be specified.

Montoya (1980:25) discusses this problem as one of scale. He notes

that in Peru as a whole, the capitalist mode of production is dominant,

but in its articulation with developed nations on an international

level, Peruvian capitalism occupies a dependent position. At the same

time, in the countryside, there are many areas of small-scale agricul-

ture where non-capitalist relations of production dominate.




-18-


Various authors have used the concept of modes of production in

their analyses of particular societies, emphasizing different implica-

tions of the theory. Meillassoux (1964), for example, focused upon the

internal economic organization of the Gouro of the Ivory Coast of

Africa, which is characterized by a non-capitalist mode of production

based upon lineages in which the older men control access to the means

of production. Montoya (1980) examined the history of articulation

between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production for a major

economic network in Peru which includes the populations of Lima, Lomas,

Puquio, and Andahuyalas. Long and Richardson (1978) discuss the in-

formal sector of the economic system of the Mantaro Valley in Peru,

which is characterized by non-capitalist relations of production. They

note that the expansion of small capitalist enterprises in this region

usually implies a diversification rather than a specialization of

economic functions.



Modes of Production in the District of Sar:ta


The present work will apply the concept of modes of production to

the economic system of the district of Sarata, an Aymara-speaking dis-

trict of the department of Puno, Peru. Since prior to the arrival of

the Spanish in Peru, Sarata has been subjected to domination by external

political and economic interests. Capitalist penetration into Sarata

began near the end of the 19th century when the Southern Peruvian Rail-

way made the altiplano region an accessible market for manufactured

consumer goods.

Since that time the economic structure of the region has changed

several times along with changes in transportation networks, in the




-19-


relative importance of various urban centers, and in the driving forces

behind continued capitalist expansion. As these changes have occurred,

the peasants of Sarata have found their need for cash increasing. In

order to satisfy this need, modifications in traditional non-capitalist

subsistence strategies were made which placed them within the capitalist

mode of production. Long distance trading networks which had been

similar to those described by Tax (1953) in that the transactions had

been limited to members of the Native American social stratum, provided

the context for a shift to the transport of manufactured goods between

urban centers in Peru and Bolivia. Seasonal trading expeditions to

the valleys of the Peruvian coast became seasonal migrations in search

of wage labor opportunities, and the cultivation of tropical valleys

by saratenos in Bolivia preceded present-day production of cash crops

in Peru's Tambopata Valley.

The increased participation of saratenos in capitalist activities

has been marked by diversification rather than specialization, much as

was the case in the Mantaro Valley as observed by Long and Richardson

(1978). A single household in Sarata may well be involved in two or

more of the alternative activities belonging to the capitalist mode of

production. Care is taken, however, not to allow participation in the

capitalist mode to interfere with the production of basic foodstuffs for

household subsistence. History has taught saratenos that while parti-

cipation in the capitalist mode of production can be profitable, it is

also risky. People who became dependent upon capitalist activities to

supply basic subsistence needs also became vulnerable to the fluctuations

of the market economy which has forced many off of their lands and into

urban centers. Diversification of economic activities and maintenance




-20-


of control over basic subsistence needs are important means of reducing

such insecurities.

Within the district of Sarata, the time and intensity of partici-

pation in capitalist activities are determined by the demands made by

subsistence agriculture upon household labor resources. Participation

in capitalist activities occurs only after all possible steps have been

taken toward assuring the household of an adequate food supply. Although

the capitalist mode of production is dominant in Peru as a whole, the

non-capitalist mode of production remains dominant within Sarata. This

is so because the people of the district are unwilling to intensify their

participation in the capitalist economy at the cost of losing control

over the means of production of their own subsistence. As long as they

do this, it is possible to choose the nature of their participation in

the capitalist economy. They do not have to sell their labor in order

to eat. In his discussion of the stages of articulation between capi-

talist and non-capitalist modes of production, Rey (1973) notes that

agriculture is frequently the last economic activity in a society to

come under the domination of the capitalist mode of production. The

case of Sarata illustrates why this is so.

In Sarata, the non-capitalist mode of production has subsidized

capitalist activities in a variety of ways and continues to do so. In

turn, the capitalist mode of production reinforces the subsistence

sector of the Sarata economy. This reinforcement is related to the

development of capitalist activities which are compatible with the labor

requirements of subsistence agriculture. However, it is this selective

development of the capitalist economy that is responsible for much of

the instability which has produced massive migration to urban centers,




-21-


and which provides the incentive for saratenos to maintain control over

the means of their food production.

By examining the articulation between capitalist and non-capitalist

modes of production in Sarata, this work will attempt to examine the

effects of capitalist penetration on the economic system of the district.

It will also argue that, while sarateios have enjoyed more alternatives

in the economic activities available to them than have most peasant

societies, their response reflects a strategy that is not unique, and

which is instructive in understanding why Peru has not been transformed

into a developed capitalist society. This is not, however, merely a

theoretical exercise. In the case of Peru, the nature of the articula-

tion of modes of production is responsible for a critical shortage of

food in Peru's urban centers. In examining the process of capitalist

expansion into the district of Sarata, attention will be paid to both

the causes and possible solutions of this problem.



Research Methods


The research upon which the present work is based was carried out

from June through August of 1977 and from December 1979 through Decem-

ber 1980. Several data-gathering techniques were employed. The tradi-

tional anthropological approach of participant observation was used

extensively in order to determine the scheduling of capitalist and

non-capitalist productive activities and their respective requirements

in terms of labor and other resources. This included observing and

participating in most agricultural activities on the altiplano,

accompanying merchants as they went about their various endeavors, and




-22-


accompanying sarateio producers when they went to the Tambopata Valley

to harvest coffee and citrus.

Participant observation was supplemented with more structured re-

search techniques. Between December 1979 and December 1980, all of the

rural markets of Sarata were visited. All but one were visited on

various occasions. The number, age, and sex of vendors and buyers were

noted, inventories were made of the goods being bought and sold, and

the incidence of cash and barter transactions was noted.

Information on the history of Sarata and its relationship to the

larger regional and national societies was gathered through library re-

search. The archives of the Catholic church in Sarata also yielded much

information of historical value.

The Ministry of Agriculture provided information on population,

household size, the amount of land under cultivation and its allocation

among different crops, and on the size and composition of livestock

herds for each community in the district. Based upon this information,

key households were selected which represented major features in the

productive patterns of the district. Structured, open-ended interviews

were conducted with members of these households and some of these

individuals, in turn, provided additional information in unstructured

interviews.

Research with Aymara speakers was conducted in the Aymara language.

This eliminated the need for interpreters and reduced the number of

opportunities for the distortions that inevitably occur when information

is translated from Aymara into languages as structurally different from

it as Spanish or English.












CHAPTER II

THE SARATA ENVIRONMENT



Introduction


Capitalist expansion as it occurs around the world is affected by

a number of factors. Aspects of the physical environment determine or

constrain the productive activities which can be performed. Social

strata represent divisions in society based upon unequal access to

wealth generated by productive activities, and to political power. The

political structure into which a region is integrated facilitates govern-

ment control and the implementation of policies favorable to those

social strata whose interests the government serves. Local political

units, such as the peasant community, frequently serve to organize pro-

ductive activities within a region.

In the district of Sarata, the nature of capitalist penetration

into the local economy has been affected in various ways by particular

aspects of the physical environment, political organizations, and

social stratification of the region. The harshness of the altiplano

severely limits the possible range of productive activities. Since

prior to the arrival of the Spanish, Sarata has been dominated by ex-

ternal political organizations established for the purpose of extracting

wealth. The social stratification of the district reflects this pur-

pose. Local elites have consistently represented the interests of the




-23-




-24-


groups concerned with extracting wealth from Sarata, whether the wealth

was in the form of labor, minerals, or food.

Traditional elites were unable to control access to the productive

activities associated with capitalist expansion. These activities pro-

vided economic opportunities to social strata which had not formerly

enjoyed them. As members of these strata have acquired economic power

the traditional elites have lost it. Social divisions characteristic

of capitalist societies have begun to emerge. At the present time,

capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production co-exist in the dis-

trict of Sarata. The process of capitalist penetration has altered the

previously existing social relations of production. However, the nature

of capitalist penetration itself was also shaped by these prior pro-

ductive relationships, and it continues to reflect the productive

arrangements worked out over hundreds of years in the altiplano environ-

ment.



Physical Features


The district of Sarata is located on the northeastern shore of

Lake Titicaca in the Peruvian altiplano. It is a district of the prov-

ince of Huancane, department of Puno. The westernmost side of Sarata

is bounded by Lake Titicaca, which runs on an axis from northwest to

southeast, while its eastern boundary is the international border with

Bolivia. On the north and northwest, Sarata is bounded by other dis-

tricts of the province of Huancan6.

Within this area, the district of Sarata occupies approximately

700 square kilometers. About 50 kilometers separate the most distant




-25-


points on its longest axis, parallel to Lake Titicaca, and its width

averages about 15-20 kilometers. The town of Sarata, which is the

administrative center of the district, is located some kilometers south-

west of the geographic center, about four kilometers from the shores of

the lake (see Figures 2-1 and 2-2).

Two highways of packed earth and stone connect the town of Sarata

with the Bolivian border some 35 kilometers to the east. One route

follows the lakeshore, and was constructed in the mid-1960s, under the

first administration of Fernando Belaunde Terry. The journey to the

border by this route usually requires from two to four hours to com-

plete. The ether highway to the border passes inland from the lake.

It was reportedly constructed in the late 1940s and it is the fastest

route to the border from the town, requiring from 1.5 to three hours. Both

of these highways reunite in Bolivia and form a direct link with La Paz,about

eight hours from the border. There are, of course, also numerous

trails across the border which are frequently negotiated by people on

foot leading llamas or burros. Some are also negotiable by trucks.

To the west, Sarata is linked to the provincial capital of Huancan6

and the commercial center of Juliaca by an unpaved highway. The dis-

tance to Huancane is about 50 kilometers and Juliaca is slightly over

100 kilometers distant. The trip to Juliaca normally requires from

three to six hours.

In the past Sarata was joined by boat to other districts that border

Lake Titicaca. With the completion of a permanent highway link to

Juliaca, regular passenger and freight services by boat were halted

around 1940. However, one community in the district has a major boat-

building industry where wooden craft of various sizes are constructed.





-26-
















San J wan


'1


Aya riColat

STiticaca
\\ i i



















PERU 0
II \ ,
























0 kms so .
.--. _J ,Tiic c, \Lae






















Figure 2-1. The department of Puno
--- Major roads















880O 4200


lo luliaca /


-VIA





N '- 15 Ma---o-r rod



*
F igu 2 of S r-
E- "--. ---^^" n-'-",_ .. 7"--..-.BIIVI



Rural market sites




,.,\ 3 90I l,!'. a



Figure 2-2. The district of Sarata
Numbers indicate approximate elevation above sea level
Rural market sites
--- Major roads




-28-


These craft are purchased largely by households that live along the

lake, for whom fishing is an important activity. Some people who do

not fish also purchase the larger boats upon which they mount outboard

motors. These are used for commerce and link the lakeside communities

of Sarata with other communities around Lake Titicaca.

Sarata is commonly regarded as having a more agreeable climate than

other areas of the altiplano. The presence of peach, apple, and cherry

trees which annually bear fruit, the cultivation of corn, and the

raising of diverse vegetable crops both out-of-doors and in greenhouses,

set the district apart from many other areas around Lake Titicaca, and

are pointed to as evidence of generally warmer temperatures and more

abundant rainfall. Indeed, visitors to the area who are accustomed to

other areas of the altiplano are invariably impressed by the lush green

vegetation.

With regard to temperature, however, Sarata is not appreciably

different from other areas of the altiplano. During the six-year period

from 1975-1980, for example, the mean annual temperature of 8.50C in

Sarata was slightly lower than the mean annual temperature of 8.80C

recorded for the city of Puno. Also for the period 1975-1980, a mean

variation of 11.9C between the mean diurnal high and the mean nocturnal

low was recorded for Sarata, while in the city of Puno the mean varia-

tion was 11.40C.1


1Ing. Eleodoro Aquise Jaen, Chief of the Puno office of the Servicio
Nacional de Meteorologfa e Hidrologfa (SENAMHI) graciously gave access
to meteorological data for the department of Puno. The figures cited
in this paragraph are based upon data gathered by SENAMHI, but the
means themselves were calculated by the author.




-29-


On the other hand, Sarata does receive appreciably more rainfall

than the departmental mean.2 For the same six-year period of 1975-1980,

a mean annual rainfall of 933 mm was recorded, while the departmental

mean for the same period was 758 mm. This appears to be the most sig-

nificant climatic difference between Sarata and other areas of Puno

department.

In discussing the climate of Sarata a note of caution is in order,

for there is a great deal of variability within the district. In the

vicinity of the lakeshore, in addition to potatoes, barley, and guinoa,

one also finds broad beans, isanu (Tropaeolum tuberosum), apilla (Oxalis

crenata), and ulluku (Ullucus tuberosus), as well as corn, vegetable

crops, and fruit trees. As one moves to the north away from the lake,

the basic food crops tend to be reduced to potatoes and barley along

with relatively small amounts of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) and kaniwa

(Chenopodium pallidicaule). Oats, rye, and forage barley are also

raised to feed the larger numbers of animals encountered as one moves

toward the ever more sparsely populated regions away from the lake.

Finally, in the extreme northeastern corner of the district, not even

the "bitter potato," luk"i (Solanum andigenum), can be cultivated and

the subsistence base rests entirely upon large herds of sheep and al-

pacas. Collins (1981) divides the district of Sarata into ecological

zones on the basis of the complex of crops that form the subsistence

base.


2Rainfall in Puno department falls most abundantly in the montaia region
of the extreme north and most sparsely in the region of the Cordillera
Occidental in the extreme south, and the decrease from north to south
is fairly regular. The SENAMHI normally uses readings from the city
of Puno to represent a departmental mean.




-30-


This variation is commonly attributed locally to higher elevation,

which is associated with increased cold stress. In a general way this

is correct, especially when one compares the vicinity of the lake with

the extreme northeastern corner of the district. At the shore of Lake

Titicaca, the elevation is about 3812 meters above sea level, while in

the northeast, the elevation approaches 4300 meters above sea level.

The upward slope of the land as one moves away from the lake is very

gradual on the whole, however, and differences in elevation do not, by

themselves, account for the differences in the crop complexes that form

the subsistence bases in various areas of the district. In fact, beans

and the tubers ulluku, isahu, and apilla are often found in lakeside

areas which, due to an irregular landscape marked by high hills and

ridges, are as far above sea level as the "highlands" some distance

away, where these crops are not cultivated. Likewise, there are irri-

gated highland areas where broad beans are successfully cultivated. It

appears that much of the climatic variation within the district is a

function of the presence or absence of sufficient moisture in the form

of water in the ground and humidity in the air to protect plants from

the desiccating effects of the cold, dry winds blowing off the eastern

cordillera of the Andes.



Population and Institutions


The 1972 Peruvian census recorded a total population for the dis-

trict of Sarata of 20,220 people, of whom 1377 lived in the town of

Sarata and the rest lived in the countryside. Based upon the agricul-

tural census for the 1978-1979 growing season carried out by the




-31-


Ministerio de Agricultura y Alimentaci6n, the rural population of the

district was 21,331. The investigator estimated the 1980 population of

the town of Sarata to be in the area of 2000-2500 people. This would

place the total population of the district at about 23,000-24,000

people.

Based on a total population of 20,220 people, the mean population

density of the district is approximately 28.9 people per square kilometer,

while a total district population of 24,000 people would signify a mean

density of approximately 34.3 per square kilometer. The population is

not spread evenly throughout the district, but is concentrated in the

lakeside area, where population densities of from 200-250 people per

square kilometer are estimated. In contrast, in the extreme northeast

of the district, where herding is the subsistence base, the population

density is in the area of 15-20 people per square kilometer.

The town of Sarata is the administrative center of the district.

It is the home of a district governor who is appointed by the sub-

prefect of the province, and is the last link in the centralized chain

of command of the national government, extending outward from Lima. An

alcalde, or mayor, is the highest official of the municipal government.

The town is divided into five barrios, or neighborhoods, each of which

elects its own officials to represent the interests of the neighborhood.

Several of the professions are also represented in the district govern-

ment by unions, or sindicatos. These include the drivers' union or

sindicato de choferes, the small businessmen's union, or sindicato de

minoristas, the artisans' union, or sindicato de artesanos, the bakers'

union, or sindicato de panificadores, and the restaurant owners' union,

or sindicato de gerentes de restaurantes.




-32-


Also located in the town is a post of the Guardia Civil or national

police force and an office of the Policia de Investigaciones del Peru,

which is the national plain-clothes investigative police. A medical

post is located on the edge of town which is affiliated with the Ministry

of Health and an office of the Ministery of Agriculture provides infor-

mation and technical assistance to the cultivators and herders of the

district. Public education is available in the town from the levels of

kindergarten through secondary school. The Catholic Church has been an

institution in the town since 1608, when the first priest arrived.

Today the church is administered by North American nuns from the order

of the Sisters of St. Joseph, who also provide services in reiigious

education and rural health care. Services are performed by the Sisters

and a sacristan, who is from a community outside the town of Sarata.

The Adventists arrived in Sarata early in the 20th century, and most

of their work has been concentrated in the rural communities; however,

they have recently constructed a large temple in the town as well. The

Adventist church is completely run by native personnel.

The town is also a center for commerce in the district. It is the

site of a large Sunday market, which attracts between 700 and 1,000

vendors weekly, and a much smaller Thursday market. On other days of

the week, stores are the main distributors of beer, soft drinks, cocoa,

and food products such as noodles, rice, and sugar. Several mechanics

are kept busy maintaining the large number of trucks that operate out

of the town.

In the town of Sarata, one also finds such services as running

water, electricity from about 6:00-10:00 p.m. when the hydroelectric

generator is working properly, and a sewer system, which was in the




-33-


process of being installed in 1980. Traditionally, the town monopolized

such amenities and services, but, more recently, people in the rural

communities have become more organized and are acquiring these benefits

for themselves as well.



The Rural Communities of the District


The town of Sarata is surrounded by 36 communities which occupy

the bulk of the rural area of the district. Some of these are offi-

cially recognized by the national government as comunidades campesinas

while others have chosen to forego official recognition and are termed

parcialidades. Most of the communities which have opted for recognized

status have done so since 1960. There are examples of communities which

chose to become recognized both during and before the Agrarian Reform

of the government of Velasco Alvarado. Both communidades campesinas

and paracialidades are represented before the national government by a

teniente gobernador, who is appointed for each community to serve a

one-year term by the sub-prefect of the province in consultation with

the district governor. Internally, the communidades campesinas are

governed by a comite de vigilancia and a comiti de administracion in

accordance with the requirements of the national government. Parciali-

dades, on the other hand, exhibited several different models of internal

organization.

Until relatively recently, the district government was organized

on the basis of ayllu rather than community. Each of the current com-

munities composed a part of an ayllu. Sometimes the lands of communi-

ties belonging to a single ayllu were contiguous and sometimes they




-34-


were not. However, all of the ayllu did control land in the different

ecological zones of the district. In one case, a very large community

constituted an ayllu in and of itself. It is unclear upon what basis

the ayllu were organized in pre-Hispanic times; however, the Spanish

organized them into landholding institutions. Each ayllu had defined

territorial boundaries by the 17th century.

Prior to the emergence of the rural communities as political

institutions, the district government was composed of the governor of

the district and a teniente gobernador who was appointed to represent

each ayllu. This began to change in the 1950s as different parts of

the ayllu began to want their own tenientes gobernadores to represent

their interests in obtaining support for the construction of schools,

roads, and other facilities. From this time, the communities of Sarata

gradually acquired their own tenientes gobernadores and the ayllu lost

much of their importance, with the transition process ending in the

early 1970s. Presently, the ayllu is the basis of only a few political

or administrative functions, although they continue to be invoked by

specialists on ritual or ceremonial occasions as fundamental institu-

tions in district organization.

Prior to the agrarian reform of the Velasco government, in the

late 1960s and early 1970s, there were 12 privately owned farms, or

fundos, in the district of Sarata. One of these was owned by a man

whose daughters all belonged to the San Vicente de Paul order of nuns.

Upon his death, the fundo passed into the hands of the order, where it

remained until the agrarian reform. The other fundos were controlled

by members of four different families. Most of the fundo owners in

Sarata also had land holdings in other, neighboring districts as well.




-35-


As part of the Agrarian Reform, these holdings were expropriated and

adjudicated to form a S.A.I.S. (Sociedad Agraria de Intergs Social),

which is dedicated to the raising of sheep for wool. The S.A.I.S. is

under the direction of a manager who is rarely seen by the families

who work on the enterprise, and day-to-day management is carried out

largely by six officers and technicians who are members (socios) of the

S.A.I.S., and 35 technical and administrative employees who are not.

The families that were formerly tenant-laborers (colonos) on the fundos

now work for S.A.I.S. The adult male "head" of each household is a

socio who in theory has an equal vote in deciding how the enterprise

will be run with all other socios. The socios are permitted to maintain

subsistence plots to feed their families and to have their own herds

in return for performing labor on the S.A.I.S. The socios are in

theory paid a nominal sum of money for work performed for the S.A.I.S.;

however, their wives and children who are not socios, are also required

to work and are not paid.3



Social Stratification


The division between the town and the countryside in Sarata is the

basic social distinction recognized by the inhabitants of the district.

Since the town of Sarata was founded toward the end of the 16th century,

it has been the residence of a social elite which represented Spanish


3This and other information on the operation of the S.A.I.S. was gen-
erously shared with the author by Mr. Juan Lira Condori of the district
of Sarata while he was conducting research on the operation of the
S.A.I.S. for his tesis de bachiller in sociology at the Universidad
Nacional de San Agustfn inArequipa.




-36-


authority during the colonial period, and the authority of the Peruvian

governments that have ruled the country since the Wars of Independence.4

Although a product of the mixture of European and indigenous populations,

and speakers of both Aymara and Spanish, they orient their values toward

the European cultural heritage. The people who live in the countryside

are commonly regarded as the representatives of Peru's modern Native

American population. A tension exists between the two groups that has

been punctuated by violence at different times in the past.

Social stratification in Sarata will be discussed here on the basis

of a formal analysis of the features upon which residents base their

distinctions of social categories. The interviewing techniques of the

field linguist were employed in the elicitation of these features.

Analysis and presentation generally follow the methodologies of Good-

enough (1965) and Lounsbury (1964). Miracle (1976) has demonstrated

the utility of formal analysis as a tool for examining Aymara social

relations.

Rural inhabitants of Sarata commonly distinguish two social cate-

gories, jaqi, or "human being," and campesino, or "peasant," which are

used almost interchangeably to refer to themselves. Misti is a pejora-

tive term that, broadly defined, means someone who lives in the town.

Numerous features in addition to living either in the country or in

the town are said to distinguish campesinos from mistis, however. The

distinguishing features which are commonly cited are listed in Table

2-1. These include features related to dress, diet, work habits,

manners, and religion, among others.


4This and other historical information mentioned in the present chapter
will be discussed more fully in Chapter III.




-37-


The items included in Table 2-1 represent characteristics upon

which there was unanimous agreement by informants of various social and

economic positions as to their relevance in distinguishing the social

categories of campesinos and mistis. The features were not necessarily

volunteered spontaneously, however. For example, people who considered

themselves campesinos would frequently say that a misti is lazy. Fur-

ther elicitation regarding what campesinos regard as being lazy led to

the complex of features pertaining to the domain of work. In addition,

although the features presented in Table 2-1 were regarded as distinc-

tive by people of distinct social strata, the social significance

attached to the features by members of the respective strata varied

tremendously. A person cited by a campesino as being a "lazy misti,"

for example, might regard him or herself as a vecino del pueblo, or a

"leading citizen of the town" and refer to people from the countryside

as indios, which may literally be translated as "Indian" and is a

strong pejorative. The features belonging to the domain of work,

which to a person from the countryside would denote a "lazy misti,"

when referring to a person to-whom they do not apply, might also be

cited by a leading citizen of the town as denoting an "ambitious

Indian," when referring to a person to whom they do apply.

There is, however, a difficulty. Although the features listed in

Table 2-1 are agreed upon as distinguishing social categories, most of

them do not, in fact, have a strong behavioral correlate that may be

observed as making one group of people different from another. For

example, although all campesinos agreed that mistis live in the town,

they also agreed that there are numerous people living in the town who

do not behave like mistis in most other respects. By the same token,




-38-


Table 2-1

Features of Social Stratification


Features Campesino Vecino Domain


Works own fields + +
Sells labor + +
Hires labora +
Exchanges labor + +
Has maid + Work
Children herd + +
Walks to borderb +
Owns land in Tambopatac + +
Makes own poncho + +

Adventist + +
Catholic Religion
Sunday mass--morning +
Sunday mass--evening +

Speaks Spanish + + Language
Speaks Aymara + +

Lives in town +
Lives in community +
Carnaval-campo dance group + + Residence
Carnaval-town dance group +
Celebrates campo fiestas + +
Celebrates town fiestasd +

Wears ojotas or goes barefoot + +
Wears shoes + + Dress
Wears Pollera skirt + +

Family members killed in 1923 + +
Family members attacked com-
munities in 1923 + Human/non-human
Greets all people he/she knows + +
Does not greet everyone +

Shares food + +

Eats hot lunch (almuerzo) + Food
Eats cold lunch T(fambres_) + +

Spanish surname + + N
Elite surname +ames




-39-


Table 2-1

continued


aRefers to mink'a, which, in Sarata, designates the sale of one's labor
for money. A campesino may pay a worker; however, it is the right of
the workers to decide whether to exchange labor for labor or labor for
money. Mistis may offer no choice.
Refers to the willingness to walk long distances without transport.
The border with Bolivia was often cited as a place campesinos walk to
trade but mistis do not.
Coffee growing region in Tambopata Valley, Sandia province, Puno depart-
ment.
Campo fiestas include Candelaria, San Juan, and Santa Rosa de Lima.
Town fiestas include Santa Cruz and Exaltaci6n de la Cruz.




-40-


while leading citizens of the town agreed that indios live in the

countryside, they hastened to point out that numerous people live in

the town who certainly are not leading citizens.

This indicates that there is a town-dwelling population which does

not fit well into the campesino vs. misti distinction made by people

from the countryside or the vecino vs. indio distinction made by social-

ly elite town families. Saratehos do indeed recognize the existence of

a third social category, but do not have a name for it. This third

group constitutes an unmarked category.

When this unmarked category is included in Table 2-2 under the

heading of "town Aymara," the features elicited as distinguishing social

categories do have behavioral correlates. The categories of campesino

and vecino are clearly distinguished from one another with regard to

nearly all of the features listed. The "town Aymara" share some features

with the campesinos and some with the vecinos, but the total complex of

features which characterizes the town Aymara clearly shows it to be

distinct from either of the other two social categories.

Table 2-2 shows that only three of the features regarded as dis-

tinguishing the social strata of the population do not yield a contrast

when tested by direct observation. These are found in the domains of

surnames, dress, and language. Spanish surnames penetrated the country-

side of Sarata soon after the conquest, when many people adopted them

as well as given names for the purpose of baptism. There is evidence

that people did not have surnames in the European sense prior to the

time of the conquest. Parish baptismal records indicate that the in-

heritance of a surname did not follow a European pattern in Sarata until

the beginning of the 18th century, although it is not clear what the




-41-


Table 2-2

Distinguishing Features of Social Stratification

Town
Features Campesino Aymara Vecino Domain

Works own fields + +
Sells labor + +
Hires labor + +
Exchanges labor + +
Has maid + Work
Children herd + +
Walks to border +
Owns land in Tambopata + +
Makes own poncho + +

Adventist + +
Catholic
Sunday mass--morning + Religion
Sunday mass-evening + +

Speaks Spanish + + +
Speaks Aymara + + + Language

Lives in town + +
Lives in community +
Carnaval-campo dance group + +
Carnaval-town dance group + + Residence
Celebrates campo fiestas + +
Celebrates town fiestas + +

Wears ojotas or goes barefoot + +
Wears shoes + + + Dress
Wears pollera skirt (women) + + +

Family members killed in 1923 + +
Family members attacked com-
munities in 1923 + Human/
Greets all people he/she knows + + non-human
Does not greet everyone +

Shares food + +

Eats hot lunch (almuerzo) + +
Eats cold lunch (_fambr + + Food

Spanish surname + + +
Elite surname + Names




-42-


pattern of surname inheritance was. The decline of the Native American

population due to disease and forced labor as well as the massive re-

settlement of the population that occurred after the conquest also

facilitated the penetration of Spanish surnames into the Sarata country-

side. In later years, many people have found it to their economic and

social advantage to adopt Spanish surnames. It seems that Spanish sur-

names are identified with the misti/vecino stratum not because this

group has them and the other strata do not, but because Spanish sur-

names are used as a metonym representing a general orientation toward

Spanish values.

Clothing is another area which people agree varies according to

social category; however, at the present time, objectively defineable

clothing differences corresponding to social strata are minimal. In

fact, the only obvious difference is that someone belonging to the

vecino stratum will never wear ojotas, rubber tire sandals, or go bare-

footed. People from all social strata wear shoes at least part of the

time. Women from all social strata wear the full-cut pollera skirts and

derby hats. In the past, however, the campesino population was subject

to dress proscriptions which prohibited them from wearing shoes and

limited clothing items to those made from homespun wool. Campesino men

wore knee-length pants and a tunic-style shirt, while women wore polleras

and blouses, all made of bayeta, or homespun wool. Vecino men wore the

Western style of the period, while the women wore polleras and blouses

which were of finer fabrics than homespun wool.

Today, campesino men rarely wear short pants, although they fre-

quently wear homespun clothing while working in the fields. For con-

ducting business in town or attending a celebration, they will frequently




-43-


dress as "stylishly" as any vecino. Campesino women customarily wear

homespun polleras for field work and others of finer material in town

or on special occasions. There are also campesino women who wear

Western-style slacks and skirts. Vecino women may wear polleras,

though not of homespun wool, or Western skirts and slacks.

Dress proscriptions were imposed by the Spanish as a visual marker

of indio social status and they remained in effect for that same pur-

pose until the present century. In 1923, dress proscriptions were one

of the issues that contributed to an outbreak of violence between campe-

sinos and vecinos in Sarata and the surrounding region. In the wake of

that disturbance, dress proscriptions were less frequently observed and

enforced until they eventually fell into disuse. Although there are no

active restrictions on how campesinos dress today, there are vecinos

who continue to enjoy making snide remarks about people who they thini

dress too well for their station in life. The memory of dress restric-

tions causes people to agree that they are a marker of differences in

social status, although it is difficult to observe them functioning in

the present.

Language is also agreed to be a marker of social categories in

Sarata, and for some people, it continues to be an issue of tremendous

emotional impact. As was the case with dress proscriptions, it is dif-

ficult to objectively define differences in language use which correspond

to differences between social strata in the present, although in the

recent past, social strata were distinguished by very real language

differences. At the present time, most vecinos are bilingual in Spanish

and Aymara, although there are monolingual Aymara-speakers among the

women. Perhaps one-half of the campesinos are bilingual, with their




-44-


proficiency in Spanish varying from complete fluency to very poor con-

trol. Through the school system, increasing numbers of campesino

children are becoming proficient in Spanish.

In the past, campesinos were prohibited from speaking Spanish.

Some, of course, did, but the vecinos sanctioned the use of Spanish by

campesinos with violence and even death. Spanish was a monopoly of the

vecinos which assured them a mediating role between the campesinos and

the government, the legal system, or other interests from outside

Sarata. By maintaining a monopoly on the use of Spanish, the bilingual

vecinos assured themselves a monopoly on things such as legal or social

justice and economic opportunity. Since most of the vecino families of
5
Sarata do not appear to have been large landowners, this mediating

role was a principal source of economic wealth for many of them.

Thus, in the 1920s, when campesinos began establishing schools in

their communities for the purpose of learning to speak, read, and write

Spanish, it was an "insurrectionary act" that contributed directly to

the violence of 1923 mentioned above. Since this incident, the knowledge

of Spanish among campesinos has grown and their right to attend school

and obtain an education has been generally accepted, but this came only

at the cost of numerous campesino lives. Language, the means by which

the vecinos maintained their domination of the district, continued to

be regarded as a major factor distinguishing them from campesinos.


Vecino families did control much of the choice irrigated land aground
the town, as well as particularly valuable plots throughout the district.
Many campesinos claim that they still own more than their share of the
best irrigated land. However, these holdings were the vecino families'
"subsistence plots" and did not constitute haciendas. By and large,
the hacendado and vecino families of Sarata have not been composed of
the same people.




-45-


Although the features of surnames, dress, and language are not

clear markers of social status in the present, they do call attention

to some interesting features of sarateho social relations. For ex-

ample, the difference noted between male and female dress among the

vecinos, with the men wearing the style of the day and the women tend-

ing to favor pollera skirts, and the presence of monolingual Aymara

speakers among the vecino women, suggest that vecino women may have

closer ties with the non-elite social strata than one might anticipate.

Galdo (1962) has noted that in the nearby district of Vilquechico,

elite women tend to marry men from outside of the district and leave

to reside in other areas. Many elite men remain in Vilquechico and

marry women of lower social position. Participant observation in Sarata

confirmed that vecino males there also frequently marry women of lower

social standing.

The social strata of Sarata that have been defined on the basis of

the features listed in Tables 2-1 and 2-2 may be tested through parti-

cipant observation. Table 2-3 summarizes those features which most

frequently involve easily observable behavior that requires interaction

between individuals of distinct social strata. Interactions between

individuals in the respective social categories are listed in the left-

hand margin. The horizontal axis denotes particular kinds of inter-

actions. The first five interactions are drawn directly from Tables

2-1 and 2-2. Compadrazgo, or "godparenthood," and marriage are not

included in the list of features marking social differences, but are

included here as important interactions which may be observed directly.

Table 2-3 clearly shows that asymmetrical social behavior characterizes

the relations among members of the respective social strata of campesinos,










Table 2-3

Interactions Among Social Strata

Can Ask Shares Dance Invite to
Greets to Work Food Together House Compadrazgo Marriage

campesino campesino + + + + + + +

campesino + town Aymara + + + + + +

campesino + vecino + + +


town Aymara + campesino + + + + + +

town Aymara town Aymara + + + + + + +

town Aymara vecino + + + + +


vecino + campesino +

vecino + town Aymara + + +

vecino vecino + + + + + +





-47-


town Aymara, and vecinos defined by the features listed in Tables 2-1

and 2-2.

It is of interest that "town Aymara" is a locally recognized but

unlabelled social stratum. This has to do with the fact that the "town

Aymara" is a group that has emerged relatively recently. The struggle

over dress proscriptions, going to school, and learning Spanish was very

much a struggle over how people were going to earn a living in the

coming years. As campesinos began to free themselves from the domina-

tion of the vecinos, the economic base of the vecino social stratum

began to shrink. Particularly during the last twenty years, large num-

bers of vecinos have left Sarata, unable to remain in the town and

maintain an acceptable lifestyle. Many have opted for attending a

university and becoming a professional. These individuals now reside

with their families in diverse large urban centers which provide employ-

ment for people with professional training.

At the same time, campesinos dedicated themselves with a vengeance

to numerous jobs involving manual labor and direct participation in

commerce, jobs which, although they may have been lucrative, were con-

sidered inappropriate by most vecinos for people of their social posi-

tion. As the vecinos left town, their property has been acquired by

prosperous people from the countryside seeking easier access to trans-

port and storage facilities, the town high school, and amenities such

as running water and electric lighting at night. They added their

numbers to the small group of artisans and craft specialists that had

resided in the town to form a new social stratum in the town. While

the "town Aymara" lack the social status of the vecinos they certainly

far surpass them in terms of their present economic power.




-48-


These facts signify a breakdown in whatever correlation had pre-

viously existed between high social status and economic wealth. It is

interesting that wealth was not mentioned by people in Sarata as a marker

of social status. Indeed, the names of vecino families never come up

in discussions concerning who are the wealthiest families in the district.

Even campesinos who reside full time in the countryside may be actively

engaged in a lucrative economic activity. It is, in fact, difficult to

find a campesino in the district of Sarata who does not either own

outright or share an interest in a piece of property in the town for

the purpose of facilitating his or her negocio, or "business."

Although Sarata may be a particularly dramatic example, the weaken-

ing of the relationship between social status and economic class appears

to have occurred throughout the department of Puno. Bourricaud (1967),

for example, observed similar processes at work in and around the city

of Puno in the early 1950s. They prompted him to discuss at length the

differences among cholos, indios, and mestizos, as he labelled the social

strata he was observing, focusing upon the questions of which group

was "more Indian" and why.

The acquisition of wealth by members of the campesino and "town

Aymara" social strata of Sarata has placed them in diverse relationships

with the capitalist economy. Subsistence agriculture remains outside

the sphere of the capitalist mode of production. However, campesinos

and "town Aymara" are involved in activities which place them in the

roles of wage laborers, independent mercantilists, and the employers

of what are frequently large numbers of wage laborers. The class dif-

ferentiations of complex capitalist society cut across the lines of

social stratification recognized by saratenos.




-49-


Economic Class


Diversity is the most salient feature of economic activities in

Sarata, particularly among the campesino and "town Aymara" social

strata. During the course of a year, the members of a single nuclear

household may be involved in subsistence agriculture on their fields in

the district, wage labor in industrialized agriculture near the Peruvian

coast, a job in an urban area, the cultivation of cash crops such as

coffee and citrus in the tropical Tambopata Valley of Sandia province,

or in the smuggling of goods back and forth across the international

border with Bolivia. Many individuals are also trade specialists, such

as carpenters, artisans, or mechanics. This diversification of economic

activities may be seen as an extension of the traditional agricultural

practice of owning numerous small plots dispersed over a relatively

large area and of maximizing the diversity of varieties present for each

crop grown. This helps provide protection against localized frost and

hailstorms and reduce losses in the face of disease or blight, very

common phenomena in the insecure physical environment of the altiplano.

In the same way, the diversification of economic activities provides a

measure of protection in the face of an insecure social and economic

environment, which does afford opportunities, but over which individuals

can exert no control (Painter 1978; 1979). Such a diversified strategy

is made possible by a very flexible sexual division of labor, which

allows households to schedule the labor of their members to best ad-

vantage and to continue functioning as productive units despite pro-

longed absences by some members (Collins 1981).

The diversified economic strategy followed by households in Sarata

involves them both in capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production.




-50-


Subsistence agriculture belongs to the domain of non-capitalist produc-

tion. In this case, households own the means of production and do not

employ others to meet their labor needs. During peak periods of agri-

cultural activity, labor requirements that the household does not have

the resources to satisfy are met through exchange relationships with

other households that also require additional labor. The resulting

agricultural production is not sold, but is used by the household to

satisfy its own nutritional needs.

The practice of some specialized trade such as carpentry, in a

rural community, is another activity that does not involve the producer

in a capitalist mode of production as it has been defined here. The

person with the trade owns the means of production and does not normally

employ additional labor. If additional labor is needed, it is generally

provided either by family members or by the customer. Frequently, the

specialist works in order to reciprocate or insure labor services per-

formed by others in agricultural activities in the household fields.

A specialist carrying out a trade in a rural community of Sarata is

invariably a subsistence agriculturalist as well.

A specialist who goes to an urban area to sell a skill for wages

participates in the capitalist mode of production. Migration to urban

areas in search of wage labor is an economic option for both skilled

and unskilled laborers from Sarata. The majority of unskilled laborers

are drawn to the industrial agricultural enterprises in the Arequipa

area, as well as other sections of the Peruvian coast. A smaller number

is involved in mining. Carpenters and bricklayers often find employment

in the construction industry, which is also concentrated in the coastal

region. Most migration to urban areas is seasonal, with the migratory




-51-


periods being determined by slack periods in the Sarata agricultural

cycle.

Most urban migrants are men. People feel that women are not

treated with proper respect in the cities and that the jobs open to

them do not pay as well as the jobs that are given to men. When women

migrate to the cities in search of wage labor, the employment they

usually find is as domestic help. The women who migrate are usually

young and unmarried. Employment as a wage laborer is the clearest ex-

ample among the capitalist economic activities engaged in by the people

of Sarata of individuals owning none of the means of production and

selling their labor as a commodity.

Smuggling is an activity in which people may become involved in a

number of ways, and which takes a number of different forms. The most

constant flow of goods in recent years has consisted of small electrical

appliances such as tape recorders, radios, television sets, and type-

writers entering Peru from Bolivia. Manufactured foodstuffs such as

canned milk, sugar, noodles, and cooking oil, as well as wool, wool

products, and wool-bearing animals were the goods flowing in largest

quantities from the opposite direction. The profitability of ventures

involving these goods is created by the Bolivian policy of unrestricted,

low-tariff imports of manufactured goods and few controls on food prices

combined with high import duties on manufactured goods in Peru.6


6With the election of Fernando Beladnde Terry as president of Peru,
this situation began to change. Food prices, though still controlled,
have increased dramatically and import restrictions on manufactured
goods have been eased. This stimulated some reorientation in the
contraband trade, which was still in a period of flux in December
1980.




-52-


People who engage in smuggling as a source of cash income range

from individuals who buy passage on a truck to the border to go there

on foot and buy only a radio or two for later resale in Juliaca to

people who own trucks and employ numerous workers in their operations.

The large-scale smugglers, who are frequently from rural communities,

thus assume the role of capitalists in their own right, owning the means

of production, in this case transport facilities, and employing the

labor of others for wages. It is also the large-scale smugglers who,

by and large, provide the transportation for those operating on a much

smaller scale.

It may be argued that the small-scale smugglers are involved only

in simple mercantilist production, employing no one as they transport

goods from one area to another for the purpose of earning a profit.

However, the goods smuggled are all tied to international capitalist

enterprises, electronics firms, food processing, and distributing com-

panies, and the world wool market. The number of people and trucks

based in Sarata is greater than could be supported by locally generated

transport requirements. They reflect a local response to opportunity

created by economic phenomena characteristic of areas experiencing

capitalist penetration, increased demand for imported and processed

foodstuffs and for consumer goods. The Sarata smugglers bring the goods

together with the areas of most solvent demand, and their own financial

success depends upon being sensitive to changes in market conditions.

Thus, smuggling as it exists today is both a product of and a vehicle

for continued capitalist penetration of the region.

Smuggling is interesting because of the role women play in the

activity. Both men and women are smugglers; but locally, women are




-53-


regarded as being better at it than men. When a woman in a rural com-

munity becomes directly involved in earning cash as part of the house-

hold productive strategy, she most often begins a "business"(negocio)

in which at least petty smuggling plays a role. However, women are by

no means limited to the ranks of small-scale smuggling. They are the

owners of some of the larger enterprises as well, owning trucks and

employing male drivers. Smuggling is an activity pertaining to the

capitalist mode of production in which a woman may excel without having

to suffer the wage discrimination and decline in social status involved

in going to the cities.

The production of coffee and citrus fruit in the tropical Tambopata

Valley of Sandia province is another activity pertaining to the capital-

ist mode of production in which people from Sarata are involved. There

has been contact between these two regions at least since the Incaic

period; however, large numbers of people first became involved in coffee

and citrus production in the mid-1950s. Citrus fruit is marketed through

private entrepreneurs, being sold primarily in the altiplano region,

although some fruit is taken as far away as Lima. In the early years,

coffee was also marketed through private entrepreneurs who bulked the

production of numerous small-scale producers and sold it on the inter-

national market. Today this function is carried out by government-

established coffee cooperatives. Producers are prohibited by law from

selling their coffee anywhere except to the cooperatives, and to do

this a producer must be a member of a cooperative. The cooperatives

bulk the coffee and sell it on the international market, where most of

it is purchased by large companies for conversion into instant

coffee.




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The coffee and citrus are produced on small, privately owned plots.

The mean landholding in the area occupies 3.5 hectares and the median

is two hectares. A person acquires a plot of land by staking a claim to

an unoccupied or unutilized area, clearing it, and bringing it under

production. Land may also be obtained by purchasing it from another

individual or through inheritance. Not all of a person's landholdings

are dedicated to the production of coffee and citrus. Subsistence plots

are maintained so that producers may grow at least a part of their own

food.

During peak labor periods, particularly the harvest, labor is in-

variably in short supply. This need is generally satisfied by hiring

laborers to pick the coffee and citrus. They are paid a daily wage

determined by how much they are able to pick. A producer's home com-

munity is a primary source of this labor. Friends and relatives are

invited to work and earn some money. The offer to work is frequently

accepted because the daily wage for coffee picking is higher than for

most jobs available to unskilled workers--about $2.00-$4.00 per day.

In addition to their wages, a producer must provide laborers with

their meals and a place to sleep. For many, working as a laborer in the

coffee and citrus fields provides them with a means of learning the

techniques of tropical agriculture in anticipation of claiming their

own lands. The money earned working as laborers is a means by which

potential new producers may maintain themselves during the three to

seven year period between the planting of coffee and citrus trees and

the time they come into production. Producers who employ relatives and

neighbors as pickers will frequently work for them in the arduous task

of clearing new land.




-55-


The revenues which result from cash cropping in the tropical valley

are invested in the highland community. The migration to the area is

permanent insofar as someone owning land there will continue to go year

after year and the practice will be taken up by offspring who either

inherit the landholdings of their parents or have cleared new land-

holdings of their own. However, it is seasonal, with trips to the

tropical area being determined by the demands of the highland agricul-

tural cycle. The Tambopata Valley may thus be seen as a productive

zone of the highlands. Producers have very little interest in long-

term conservation efforts in the region. The steep slopes of the

hillsides rising up from the valley are badly eroded in many areas.

After a number of years productivity decreases due to a decline in soil

fertility. When this occurs, the response is simply to clear land

further down in the valley.

A single household will commonly participate in some combination

of these productive activities, or, in some cases, a household may be

involved in all of them. A household thus participates in both capi-

talistic and non-capitalist activities, and its class position may be

that of subsistence agriculturalists, of wage laborers, or of capitalist

entrepreneurs, depending upon when one chooses to look and upon which

activities attention is focused. The essence of the strategy is to

maintain all of the activities as viable alternatives and to utilize

them to best advantage according to the resources of the household and

the relative opportunities the different activities present at any

particular time.

The diversity of the activities that comprise a household's over-

all productive strategy tends to be less marked among higher social




-56-


status families. Among campesino families, all of the activities that

have been described here are possible ways of earning an income. In

addition, virtually every campesino community has produced people who

have received post-secondary school training and occupy "professional"

positions. Most of these people, of course, no longer live in their

communities because there is no employment there for them, although many

do maintain close contacts with their communities. A few campesinos,

however, have been certified as school teachers and have been assigned

to a school in their home communities, where they reside and work. Thus,

within the campesino communities one can also find "professionals"

participating in the productive strategy.

Members of the "town Aymara" group also participate in all of the

activities described, although they are more likely than the campesinos

to have a specialized trade. This tends to orient their productive

strategies. In many cases, for example, the desire to practice a trade

as an important source of cash income is what prompted a household to

take up residence in the town and be "town Aymara" rather than campe-

sinos in the first place.

Vecinos are the most limited social group in terms of the income-

generating activities in which they engage. Most vecino families own

land on which they grow food to satisfy a large part of their sub-

sistence needs; however, they do not realize the labor themselves.

Rather, they hire people from the lower social strata to do all the

manual labor for them. Many of the vecino families are involved in the

contraband trade across the Bolivian border. They use the social rela-

tions they have with the regional political, military, and police

authorities to minimize the legal difficulties they are likely to




-57-


encounter. Among the lower social strata, the people who run large

smuggling operations must rely on bribes to buy protection. This

generally works, but there are no guarantees that an official who

accepts a bribe not to interfere with a smuggling operation will not

accept a bigger bribe to enforce the law in a particular case. Petty

smugglers simply must hope they are not caught and associate themselves

as closely as possible with someone who is thought to be protected.

While the vecinos are involved in smuggling, they do not involve

themselves in the mechanics of exchanging money or transporting goods.

These tasks are carried out by people of the other social strata who

work for the vecinos in return for wages and help in dealing with legal

or bureaucratic problems and other favors. Vecinos do not engage in

trades such as carpentry, mechanics, or artisanry, and they will work

for wages only in the capacity of "professionals," accepting positions

as teachers or bureaucrats. Most of the vecinos in Sarata who have jobs

work as teachers and bureaucrats in the local school system. Although

such occupations carry with them professional status appropriate for

someone from a vecino family, they are not characterized by particularly

high salaries. This, combined with their limited participation in the

other major economic activities of Sarata and the zeal with which the

lower social strata have participated in them, means that there are

numerous non-vecino households which control more wealth than the

vecino households do. Vecinos do retain some prerogatives of their

social status. Most non-vecinos behave deferentially in their presence,

for example. However, economically they are losing ground to the other

social strata, and with the passage of time their numbers are declining

in Sarata, as many of them go elsewhere in search of more abundant

opportunities compatible with their social position.




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Subsistence Strategies and Capitalist Expansion


Compared to other areas of the Peruvian altiplano Sarata is an

area of abundance. Its climate contributes to greater agricultural

yields than are characteristic of most of the surrounding region. Its

long history of contact with distant regions of the Peruvian coast and

the tropical valleys on the eastern slopes of the Andes in Peru and

Bolivia, combined with a location on the international border between

these two countries, has presented the inhabitants of the area with al-

ternative courses of action that people in many areas experiencing

capitalist penetration have not enjoyed. In fact, capitalist penetra-

tion brought to Sarata not only increased needs for cash, but increased

opportunities for earning it, particularly in areas such as the produc-

tion of cash crops and in trade and transport. There were, and continue

to be, numerous unresolved conflicts and questions regarding the access

of these opportunities and the distribution of the wealth resulting

from them. In spite of these problems, saratehos have thus far been

very successful in comparison with many other rural Latin American

populations in dealing with the changing social and economic conditions

around them.

The nature of Sarata's modus vivendi in the face of capitalist

penetration does raise profound and disturbing questions for those

concerned with problems of rural development, however. Regional urban

centers have grown tremendously in population, particularly in the past

40 years. These population increases have generated like increases in

urban food demand. Yet in a productive area such as Sarata, agricul-

tural production is strictly a subsistence activity. With the exception




-59-


of small quantities of cheeses and some vegetables such as tomatoes,

no food grown in Sarata is sold in response to urban food demands.

The maintenance of a non-capitalist, subsistence agriculture sector

in the household productive strategy can also tell us a lot about the

nature of capitalist expansion into the region. The participation of

the household in the diverse activities open to it is determined by its

ability to meet its basic subsistence needs through agriculture.

People come and go according to the demands agriculture places upon

their time and labor. The scheduling of other activities is tailored

to the agricultural cycle and not vice versa. This is because, although

diverse, economic options available to saratenos are very tenuous. They

may change radically or disappear altogether with a drop in the world

market price of coffee or a change in government policy regarding ex-

ports and imports. Maintaining different activities within the capital-

ist mode of production provides some insurance should an event which

caused a particular activity to no longer be a viable option occur.

Furthermore, a household which is careful to maintain control over the

production of its basic food needs also has some control over when and

where it will enter the capitalist sphere of production.

The centrality of subsistence agriculture to formulating household

economic strategies is also revealing with regard to the nature of

capitalist penetration. The economic activities which pertain to the

capitalist mode of production do not yield enough money and other re-

sources to maintain a household throughout the year. The capitalist

activities are either seasonal in their labor demands, or their legal

status makes them risky as full time employment to all but the most

large-scale participants. The enterprises associated with capitalist




-60-


penetration of Sarata depend upon the continued existence of a non-

capitalist mode of production to meet the subsistence needs of the

labor force they require.

The implications of these conditions for the development of the

region are numerous. This thesis will examine the productivities engaged

in by the household productive units of Sarata and analyze the ration-

ality of the overall productive strategy both from the perspective of

the household and from the perspective of the overall system in which

the household operates. This system is characterized by the articulation

of capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production. A peasant economy

such as found in Sarata is not simply the product of market forces

seeking equilibrium, but is the product of broad social forces within

the framework of a particular historical process. It is these forces

upon which the present work focuses its attention.











CHAPTER III

THE INTEGRATION OF SARATA INTO REGION AND NATION


Introduction


In order to understand the economic situation of Sarata, it is

necessary to look beyond the boundaries of the district. Such bound-

aries are both temporal and geographic. The contemporary strategies

employed by sarateno households have historical continuities with the

strategies observed by the earliest Europeans to write about the area.

Although the specific productive activities have changed dramatically

over time, households have been constant in their efforts to maintain

diversity in their economic interests. By involving themselves in

diverse economic activities, households have maintained flexibility for

responding to changing social, economic, and environmental conditions.

The district of Sarata has been dominated by outside interests

since the Incaic period, when state policies which affected its history

were formulated in Cuzco. During the viceroyalty, general policy

formulation took place at the Spanish court, with implementation being

the responsibility of officials in Lima. Since Peru became independent,

Lima has been the site of policy formulation by national elites and

international economic interests.

Within the regional economy, the city of Juliaca has exercised a

tremendous influence over Sarata and all of southern Peru. A product

of capitalist expansion into the altiplano via the construction of the


-61-




-62-


Southern Peruvian Railway at the end of the 19th century, Juliaca is

the transportation nexus for the entire region. It is now the major

center of capitalist expansion in Puno department. Merchants radiate

outward from it seeking to expand consumer markets and the accumulation

of capital within the city has stimulated the growth of numerous enter-

prizes.

One might argue that capitalist expansion into the Sarata region

was inevitable. However, the specific nature of this expansion cannot

be understood without reference to the goals and policies of those

groups which have held national power and international economic in-

terests. For districts in the altiplano, these policies constitute an

environmental factor as real and as uncertain as temperature and rain-

fall, and their productive decisions reflect their view of national

economic policy just as surely as they do their understanding of pro-

duction on the altiplano. For districts of the altiplano, these poli-

cies become reality, for better or worse in Juliaca. By understanding

this, we also understand what Sarata has in common with the rest of the

altiplano and, in a more general way, with the rest of the nation.



The Integration of Sarata


The term "integration" has commonly had two meanings when applied

to Native American populations in Latin America. One meaning refers to

the organization of these populations into a force for providing the

dominant groups or classes with labor, food, and other goods. It is

generally assumed that the dominant groups or classes have something to

offer in return, such as protection from extenal aggression, public




-63-


works, or salvation and enlightenment. It also tends to be assumed

that, over time, the presumed reciprocity of these relationships will

give rise to integration in the second sense. This refers to the forma-

tion of a polity composed of social groups or classes that, while they

may have divergent interests vis a vis their relationships with one

another, perceive it in their common interest to maintain and defend

the polity. There is ample documentation to show that Sarata has been

integrated into larger social, political, and economic structures at

least since the Incaic period. Integration in the second sense, how-

ever, has been tenuous.

The arrival of the Spanish in Sarata constituted an unprecedented

break with the past in the organization of production. The regional

chiefdoms of the altiplano, which only 60 years earlier had been brought

under the control of the Inca empire, were faced with new forms of

domination. During the years immediately after the conquest, the

principal interest of the new lords was in finding and appropriating as

much of the gold and silver of.the region as they could. The Spanish

lost no time in arriving in the gold mining centers in the valleys of

the Carabaya region. Prior to 1550, the town of San Juan del Oro had

been established as a major gold mining town, and by the end of the

16th century, the Carabaya region was reknowned throughout the Spanish

dominions as the major gold mining center of Peru (MaUrtua 1906:1,

185-186,329).

The obligations of saratenos to the Spaniards multiplied with the

discovery of silver in Potosi, in 1545. The people of the region were

tapped as a source of labor for the tremendous new mine. The labor tax,

or mit'a, of Potosi was greatly feared by the people of Sarata, as very




-64-


few of those who went as tributaries ever returned to their homes. This

was partly due to the cruel and dangerous working conditions of the

mine. However, simple economic reasons also prevented many people from

returning home. Entire households made the trip to the mine, so that a

family's fields often went uncultivated for the duration of their

tribute period. The animals and stored food that had been accumulated

over many years were depleted, since households had to take these pro-

visions to sustain themselves during their journey to Potosi and during

their period of labor. Numerous people who survived the forced labor

did not have sufficient provisions left to-make the long journey home

and pass a year in which there would be no harvest. Under these circum-

stances, many families settled in the valleys near Potosi, where land

was available for cultivation and where, as forasteros, or "outsiders,"

they could not be named for mit'a service again (Toledo 1975:355-356).

The memory of labor tribute remains with the people of Sarata to

the present day. The spot where the principal route to Bolivia passes

through the hills to leave the lakeside area and heads westward across

the altiplano is known as putusi punku, or the "gateway to Potosi."

According to legend, at putusi punku, people who were going to work in

the mines would perform a divination ceremony in which a guinea pig or a

rabbit would be released. If it squeaked or made a noise as it ran

away, the person who released it would return home safely. If the

animal fled in silence, the person was destined to die in the mines.

In 1573, an interview was carried out in the town of Carabuco, on

the northern shore of Lake Titicaca, with the caciques of the towns of

Guaycho, Carabuco, and Sarata. The interview was held so that the

Spanish authorities might gather information on the suggestion that the




-65-


people from these areas be sent exclusively to the gold mines of Cara-

baya to perform their labor services rather than to Potosi. It was

argued that the seasonal nature of the work in Carabaya mines would

allow laborers to maintain agricultural production on the altiplano

while they mined for gold. The authorities decided that the people of

this region should cease going to Potosf and return to Carabaya. Half

of their tribute obligation would be satisfied by the gold they mined

in the valleys and half by the food they produced. If it subsequently

proved to be feasible to increase gold production, the region's tribute

obligation in gold would be increased and the amount of food required

would be reduced (Relaciones Geogrdficas de Indias 1965:68-71).

Sarata and the surrounding areas were originally administered as

part of the encomienda system. People who were granted an encomienda

did not receive a title to an extension of land, but rather were given

the right of lordship to an area. This included the right to exact

tribute in the form of labor, goods, and services from the population

of the area defined in the encomienda. The encomendero was responsible,

in turn, for insuring that the subjugated population was treated fairly

as this was defined by law, for overseeing the religious education of

the population, and for providing for the defense of the area in the

name of the Crown of Castille.

The encomienda of Sarata was first granted to three men, Felipe

Gutierrez, Francisco de Carvajal, and a captain Soto. These men deter-

mined the early tribute obligations and how labor would be distributed

to fulfill them. The extent of the lands included in the different

encomienda grants of the region apparently changed several times, as

did the individuals charged with being encomenderos (Relaciones




-66-


Geogr6ficas de Indias 1965:68-69). By the period of 1578-1583, when a

list was compiled of the lords, officials, tributaries, and other people

in the region, Sarata had passed through the hands of the encomendera,

dona Marina Mungrrez Navarro, and had subsequently reverted to the

Crown (Madrtua 1906:1,188).

In 1565, the colonial authorities introduced the corregimientos de

indios as the basic administrative units of the Peruvian domains. Four

corregimientos were cut out of the region in which saratehos had been

engaging in their productive activities. These were the corregimientos

of Larecaja and Omasuyos in the territory that belongs to Bolivia today,

and the corregimientos of Paucarcolla and Carabaya in what is now Peru.

Saignes (1978) notes that the administrative units created artificial

divisions in what had been a single productive region.

More significant than the political reorganization was the demo-

graphic reorganization that the Spanish worked upon the region. The

most notable effect was the decline in the number of people. While the

altiplano region did not suffer the massive depopulation experienced by

areas such as the Peruvian coast, the decline was quite significant

nonetheless. Sgnchez-Albornoz (1978:34) estimates that the population

dropped by 60 percent between the eve of the conquest and 1693.

The order by the Viceroy Toledo, in 1571, that the Indians congre-

gate in villages, or reducciones, for the purpose of facilitating their

religious training and general administration dramatically altered the

land tenure pattern in the district. The concentration of the producers

in a settlement separated them from many of their dispersed productive

plots. Parish records found in the church of Sarata indicate that,

sometime prior to 1720, a second reduction town had been established




-67-


in the district, to the east and slightly north of the district capital.

This town was established on the site of some pre-Columbian ruins, and

later became a nucleated hacienda settlement. This second town may

have been established for the benefit of highland herders, whose alpaca

could not survive when brought into the lakeside area surrounding the

district capital.

The heavy Spanish tribute obligations brought about another major

demographic change in the Sarata region. Massive numbers of people left

their homelands to escape paying tribute in goods and labor. When they

moved to another province, they were classified as forasteros, or "out-

siders,"by the authorities and were not subject to the tribute. Sgnchez-

Albornoz (1978:60) notes that, in 1684, in the sixteen provinces subject

to the mit'a of Potosf plus the provinces of Cuzco and Arequipa, nearly

half of the population was classified as forastero. The forasteros

constituted up to 90 percent of the total population in some areas.

Evidence from Sarata is consistent with these findings. Church regis-

ters record the deaths of some 900 people in the district in the year

1720 as a result of a major epidemic that affected the area. Of these,

a full 30 percent were listed as forasteros.

Obviously the combined factors of population decline, forced re-

settlement of a significant portion of the population in urban centers,

and the movements of forasteros had a profound impact upon the poli-

tical, social, and economic institutions of Sarata in the wake of the

Spanish conquest. Unfortunately, the paucity of available information

makes the definition and evaluation of the particulars of this impact

extremely difficult.




-68-


Despite the designation of the town of Sarata as a reducci6n short-

ly after 1571, it is not entirely clear how large a portion of the

population actually lived there, or how long the people who actually

were reduced were forced to stay in the town. There were almost cer-

tainly problems in compelling the highland herders to reside in the

town. They required open pasture and a relatively cold and parasite-

free environment for their animals to thrive. As noted above, this may

have provided an impetus to establish a second reducci6n in the district

in an area that was characterized by an environment more suitable for

large herds of camelids. Cultivators would also have found the town a

very inconvenient place to reside and maintain production in their

widely dispersed fields.

The earliest surviving church records which are still kept in the

parish of Sarata date from the year 1692. These indicate that the bulk

of the population of Sarata held membership in one of twelve ayllu.

During the colonial period, the pre-Hispanic ayllu became a recognized

landholding unit with fixed geographical boundaries. Some of the ayllu

of Sarata were made up of contiguous expanses of land, while the lands

of other ayllu were dispersed and separated by distances of several

kilometers. The church records indicate to which ayllu individuals

belonged, but do not indicate where they resided. Residence in the

town would have posed a major inconvenience to cultivators trying to

manage an agricultural strategy based upon diversified landholdings,

particularly once the population of the district began to increase. It

is not clear, however, when the majority of the people returned to re-

side in the countryside as they do today.




-69-


Two social classes are recognized among the Sarata population in

the church records. The yndios were defined by their membership in an

ayllu. The other class is composed of the vecinos del pueblo. Vecinos

were so defined because their relationship to the Crown exempted them

from tribute obligations and gave them control over the labor of the

yndios. In spite of changes in the boundaries of the district, the

transformation of Peru from colony to republic, the subsequent suc-

cession of republican governments, and some major changes in the

economic base of the region, the ayllu has remained the basic Indian

economic and political institution in Sarata until the mid-1960s; and

the terms vecino and yndio (or campesino, in current usage) continue to

mark the basic social distinctions made by saratehos to the present

day.

Another institution which played a role in the integration of

sarateios into the economic aspirations of the dominant classes was

the hacienda. The earliest mention of the existence of haciendas in

Sarata in the parish records is in the first half of the 18th

century. The haciendas of Sarata were not particularly large in com-

parison with hacienda holdings in other areas of the Andes, although

most of the owners are reported to have held land in several of the

neighboring districts as well. The haciendas of Sarata were concen-

trated in the northeast of the district, which was the most important

herding zone. They maintained resident populations of laborers, and

made the first major introduction of sheep into the district.

In spite of these various institutions designed to integrate them

into Spanish colonial society by forcing them to be providers of gold,

food, and labor services, and despite the human costs that such





-70-


integration entailed, saratehos managed to cope with Spanish domination.

Lizarraga (1968:72) noted, in 1609, that the people of the Sarata area

were among the wealthiest Indians of the Viceroyalty of Peru, more

wealthy even than the Lupaqa, who lived on the opposite side of Lake

Titicaca. In addition to providing food as part of their tribute ob-

ligation and providing for their own subsistence, saratenos and other

people from the region sold fresh and salted fish in the markets of

Potosf and Cuzco. While fulfilling their mining obligations in the

valleys of Carabaya, they found opportunities to sell food, animals,

and clothing there (Maurtua 1906:1,216,329). Sarateios also partici-

pated in trading expeditions to the Peruvian coast, taking ch'uiu and

meats down, and bringing back wine, cane alcohol, and fruits (Bueno

1951).



Sarata and the Republic


The Wars of Independence ushered in, or were ushered in by, ideas

of economic liberalism. The relationship for many between political

freedom and the freedom to act unhindered in pursuing their economic

interests was clearly evidenced in the decrees of San Martin, of 1821,

in which he abolished Indian tribute and personal services and freed

the children of the slaves at the same time he declared Peru independent

of Spanish rule. In 1824, Bolivar declared Indians to be the individual

owners of the lands they occupied, with the right to sell their lands

or to alienate them as they chose. This revoked the Spanish colonial

policy of reserving lands as inalienable to Indian communities, and it

opened the way for the usurpation of Indian lands and the outright




-71-


disintegration of many Indian communities for nearly the next one

hundred years.

Not everyone felt that liberal economics would be in their in-

terests, however. San Martfn was also forced to promise large land

grants to his Peruvian generals to insure their loyalty. In 1826,

with Andres Santa Cruz as acting president, Indian tribute was re-

established, and, although the children of slaves had been freed in

1821, slavery was not abolished until 1854. Much of the anarchy that

characterized Peruvian political life from the Wars of Independence

through the War of the Pacific may be viewed as a struggle for power

between those sectors of the Peruvian elite who saw their economic in-

terests lying with the caste-like socioeconomic structure of the

colonial period and those who found the liberal economic policies taking

hold across Europe more to their liking. As first one constituency and

then the other gained the upper hand,issues such as personal tribute,

slavery, and community versus individual land ownership, disappeared

only to re-emerge with the ebb and flow of the political and military

tides.

There were foreign interests which played a major role in this con-

flict. English wool-exporting houses were present in Peru from early

in the 19th century and became a financially stable part of the econ-

omic landscape after the 1850s (Orlove 1977:46-47). Ram6n Castilla

initiated the exploitation of guano by foreign capitalists in 1840,

during the second presidential term of Agustin Gamarra. The construc-

tion of the railroads was initially contracted to a North American,

Henry Meiggs, and was taken over by the British-owned Peruvian Railway

Corporation after the War of the Pacific.




-72-


Foreign interests were crucial in two ways. First, they favored

policies that would leave their entrepreneurial skills unfettered.

This translated into a mobile labor force, free to go where it wished

in search of wage labor and not tied by bonds of personal or customary

obligation to a landlord or member of the local elite. Secondly, for

a number of reasons, Peru proved unable to stay out of debt to these

same foreign interests, and the national elites of the country were

forced to surrender whatever control they might otherwise have had over

the operation of foreign capital in Peru. This marked the beginning of

the loss of control by Peru's traditional agrarian elite over economic

opportunity in the nation.

The district of Sarata became a source of cannon fodder for the

various field marshalls, generals, and colonels who vied for political

control over what would eventually become Peru and Bolivia, and hammered

out the political boundaries between the two new nations. In this re-

gion, the question of whether or not there should be a tribute obliga-

tion imposed upon the Indians was largely academic, since the realities

of the local power structure were such that, law or no law, tribute

obligations to the landlords and vecino families in the town remained

in force (Vasquez 1976).

The first serious attempt to end this state of affairs came with

the unsuccessful insurrection led by Juan Bustamante in 1867. Bustamante

was a member of Puno's regional elite who had travelled widely in

Europe, attained the rank of colonel in the military service, and who

had represented Puno in the national parliament. In 1867, Bustamante

led an insurrection against the regional authorities in protest of their

abuses of the Indian population. The insurrection provoked considerable




-73-


alarm in the department of Puno and an immediate military response.

This response was directed by a colonel Andr6s Recharte, sub-prefect of

the province of Azangaro. The decisive confrontation between Busta-

mante and Recharte occurred on a plain just outside of the town of Pusi,

a district capital of Huancan6 province. Bustamante's poorly armed

force was defeated in a battle which took place on January 2, 1868. He

and many leaders of his force were taken prisoner. The prisoners were

summarily executed, and Recharte distinguished himself by the origin-

ality with which he carried out this task. Bustamante's subordinates

were herded into the kitchen of a Pusi family. The room was sealed and

the prisoners were suffocated with the smoke of burning ajf, or hot

peppers. Bustamante himself was hung up by the feet and decapitated

(Vasquez 1976:205-211).

The action at Pusi concluded, Recharte went to Sarata and other

nearby districts of Huancan6 which had supplied troops to Bustamante

and shown themselves to be of rebellious spirit. There, he joined

forces with local authorities and elites in a vigorous round of killing

and torturing of the inhabitants, the burning of their fields and the

theft of their animals so that they might be reminded of their proper

place in Peruvian society (Vasquez 1976). The impression he made upon

sarateios was such that they immortalized him in a "saying" reflecting

their experiences with political expression; "Let's not meet together

for any reason, or we will be whipped as in Recharte's time."1

The local landlords and elites were naturally delighted to find

someone who would so vigorously defend their interests. Official


Jani kunaru mitisihati. Ichartijamaraki asut'iyasismaw.




-74-


reaction was somewhat more subdued. Most officials were relieved to

have order restored, although many were discomfitted by Recharte's lack

of restraint. There were some initiatives to try to ameliorate the

conditions under which the rural population of the region lived. Others

argued that cruel treatment of Indians should be outlawed, but that per-

sonal tribute-was necessary to keep them occupied and out of trouble.

There was little overt recognition that the simple passing of legisla-

tion in Lima would not change conditions in Puno.2

Recharte's actions inspired some consternation in the circles of

people concerned with the viability of Peru as a nation-state. Without

official consultation with Peruvian authorities, Recharte asked the

Bolivian dictator, Melgarejo, to send troops to help quell the dis-

turbances lest they spread to Bolivia. Melgarejo lost little time in

complying with the request, and a force of some 500 infantry, 300

horses, and two artillery pieces arrived in Sarata from Bolivia around

April of 1867. Many members of the government saw this an an indication

of the fragility of Peruvian sovereignty over the region (Anonymous

1867; Vasquez 1976).



The Arrival of a Capitalist Economy


More significant changes began to affect Sarata and the entire

Puno region in 1876 with the completion of the Arequipa-Puno link of

the Southern Peruvian Railway. Arequipa had already been joined with

the port town of Mollendo. With the completion of the link to Puno, a

direct line of commerce was established between the Peruvian coast and


This problem was discussed by one contemporary, Antonio Riveros
(Vssquez 1976:326-335).




-75-


the Bolivian market network centered in La Paz. Goods which arrived in

Puno from the coast were transported across Lake Titicaca by steamship,

with Bolivian exports making the return trip. Bolivian traffic came to

account for one quarter of the freight hauled on the Southern Peruvian

Railway and gave it the highest ratio of tons of freight to kilometers

travelled in all of Peru (Dobyns and Doughty 1976:201).

One of the most important and best-documented effects of the con-

struction of the railway was the stimulus it provided to the exportation

of wool by bringing vast new areas into the range of agents acting on

behalf of the wool export houses. This was particularly true after the

Juliaca-Sicuani link was completed in 1897 (Appleby 1980; Hazen 1974;

Orlove 1977). New urban centers were created while others declined in

importance. Sicuani, for example, rose from obscurity to become a

major center for the bulking and exportation of wool. Juliaca increased

in population from 516 in 1876 to over 3000 in 1919, by which time it

was on its way to becoming the major commercial center in all of the

southern sierra region of Peru. Lampa, on the other hand, which had

previously been an important urban center, had not even doubled in

population by 1940 (Appleby 1976; 1980).

The growth of the wool economy was not by itself the crucial factor

shaping the economic growth of Sarata, however. Only in the far north-

eastern corner of the district did Aymara herders have large numbers of

alpaca, and raising sheep was largely confined to the haciendas. Most

of the freeholding communities of the district, where the bulk of the

population lived, were characterized by a mixed pattern of subsistence

cultivation and herding or, along the lakeshore, a pattern of almost

strictly subsistence cultivation. Wool played an important role in the

economy of only a small part of Sarata's population.




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The steamship connection from Puno to Bolivia, however, opened up

a number of towns on the shores of Lake Titicaca to commercial trans-

portation. These towns, one of which was Sarata, flourished as commer-

cial centers in their own right, through which passed both legal and

illegal goods that made up the international trade between Peru and

Bolivia (Appleby 1980). Items such as imported Scotch whiskey became

more abundant in Sarata than major urban centers of Peru.

Urban centers in the altiplano began to grow at an even more rapid

rate following the drop in wool prices at the end of World War I. Many

peasant producers were unable to continue to earn a minimum income

raising alpacas and were forced off their lands into the urban centers.

Haciendas responded to the increased economic pressures either by trying

to get rid of any "surplus" peon families, or by trying to expand their

landholdings so they could raise more sheep. The second course meant

that neighboring freeholding communities felt increased pressure on

their lands. Where haciendas were successful in their efforts to ex-

pand their boundaries, freeholding peasants were also forced into urban

centers to search for employment.

These events affected the district of Sarata in two important ways.

First, the growing urban centers placed increasing demands upon those

who remained in the countryside for food. Urban elites responded by

placing greater pressures upon the peasants to turn over larger por-

tions of their production at prices determined by the urban elites.

Secondly, the depressed economic conditions of the region in the wake

of the drop in wool prices meant that urban demand for food was solvent

only at depressed price levels. This made it necessary for the urban

elites who controlled most capitalist trade and transport to resist the




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entrance by outsiders into the domain of food marketing. Outsiders, of

course, meant the people in the rural communities who were becoming in-

creasingly desirous of benefitting from some of the changes they saw

occurring around them.

This period in the economic history of Sarata coincided with other

events occurring in the larger history of Peru, all of which served to

raise popular expectations and make sarateros less willing to live under

the social order that had existed from the colonial period. Among the

earliest of these was the arrival in the region of the Seventh Day Ad-

ventist Church, under whose auspices a school, the first of many Adven-

tist schools, was opened in Platerfa, on the southern shore of Lake

Titicaca, in 1909. The first full-time missionaries, Frederick and Ana

Stahl, arrived in the area in 1911. In the history of the Adventist

church on the altiplano, one witnesses the impact individuals may have

in a propitious historical moment. The success of the Adventists has

had profound long-term implications in the general social and economic

life of the region (Hazen 1974; Lewellen 1978).

After having instituted his work in the Plateria area, Frederick

Stahl began visiting communities in the province of Huancan4 around

1915. As on the other side of the lake, he and those associated with

him were subjected to persecution. He was not permitted to lodge in

the town and was given food and shelter by the people he was missionizing.

Numerous threats were made against him and he often was forced to travel

secretly from one community to another at night, guided by people from

the countryside. Stahl did not speak Aymara, and at that time vir-

tually no one outside of the town of Sarata spoke Spanish. The message

of the missionary was conveyed through an interpreter. In a lakeside




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community near the town, there was one man who knew Spanish. He pro-

vided Stahl with food and a place to stay and did the interpreting of

worship services and other meetings. For his efforts, he and his family

were attacked by people from the town and his animals were seized.

Similar treatment awaited anyone else who was associated with Stahl.

As Lewellen (1978) states, Stahl talked about considerably more

than religion and going to church on Saturday. He talked about estab-

lishing schools and health clinics, and helping people enjoy greater

prosperity. The schools in particular struck a responsive note among

the people. Informants in Sarata unanimously said that it was the pros-

pect of schools that most attracted people to the Adventists and that

the establishment of schools in the rural areas was their greatest

achievement. Even the staunchest of Catholics today say that it was

the Adventists who "awakened" Sarata by bringing education, and it is

they who are credited for the dramatic successes that many of the rural

people have since enjoyed in taking advantage of the new economic

opportunities.

The success enjoyed by another group, which arrived on the scene

at about the same time as the Adventists, also reflected the thirst

for education. In 1920, the Sociedad Pro Derecha Indigena was formed

in Lima. Within a few years, they had allegedly established 170 schools

in the province of Huancane. Townspeople throughout the province claimed

that these schools were in fact centers of subversion in which the

people were being incited to violence against the established order.

To support this charge, they said that there were more adults than

children attending the schools and claimed that many of the people

associated with them were anarchists. There was, in fact, a very high





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adult attendance at the schools, understandable given the tremendous

desire that existed to learn to speak, read, and write Spanish. During

the same period, two men from a community of the district who had pre-

viously attended a clandestine rural school held a large meeting of

peasants and it was decided to form a local chapter of the Tawantinsuyo

Society. A collection was taken up to send the two to Lima to gain an

audience with the president and solicit authorization to establish both

the town of Wancho and its school. They did speak with President Leguia

who authorized their project and, it is said, gave them a map of the

city to Lima to use as a guide for how to set up their new town

(Gallegos 1972).

Work on the new town, called Wancho-Lima, was begun immediately,

with the school and a church being the first buildings constructed.

Streets were laid out to correspond to the pattern of central Lima and

shops were constructed along them in which carpenters, hatmakers, tai-

lors, and other tradespeople practiced their trades. Committees in

charge of public sanitation were established and all of the people par-

ticipating in the project were obligated to live in the town rather than

in the countryside. It was prohibited to speak Aymara within the town

limits, a move that was intended both to reflect and reinforce the

initiative of the people toward literacy in Spanish, and a Wednesday

market was established to weaken the hold of the townspeople upon com-

merce. Finally, delegations were sent to the ayllu of the neighboring

districts, informing them that Wancho-Lima and not Huancane was now the

capital of the district of Huancane (Gallegos 1972).

The townspeople were naturally unsettled by these events and began

reporting that violent acts were being committed by the rural dwellers.




-80-


People in the countryside countered these accusations by charging the

ruling elite or gamonales with looting property, burning schools, and

with massacring Indians engaged in a peaceful meeting. The confronta-

tions began to escalate. Six thousand people were reported to have

surrounded the town of Huancane in March 1922, being dispersed only

after armed clashes. In July of 1922, tensions were eased when the

Prefect of the department came to inspect the situation. He was well

received by a large throng of Indians, who apparently thought he had

come to redistribute land. In late 1923, major disturbances occurred.

Indians had begun coming in from the countryside to perform military

exercises in the town plaza of Vilquechico, and in December, an attack

on the town failed because the people were armed and waiting. A march

was made on Huancane, but this also failed because heavy rains slowed

the progress of the insurgents. After this, troops were brought in and

punitive expeditions were launched against the rural communities

(Hazen 1974).

In Sarata, there are no reports of there having been overt military

activity directed at the town from the rural communities, although one

or more communities were reportedly very active in its support of

Wancho-Lima. The principal subversive activity seems to have been the

continued establishment of rural schools by the Adventists and a general

agitation by the communities for education. However, in July 1923,

townspeople attacked a group of people from two communities, on their

way to town to dance for a fiesta, and bludgeoned them to death. In

November 1923, the town received word that it was to be attacked by a

group from another community who intended to kill the members of the

principal families they found there. The women and children were




-81-


hidden in the church and a pre-emptive strike was led against the com-

munity by the mayor of the town.

Whatever the intent of the people in the rural community was with

regard to the town, they were apparently completely surprised by the

attack that was made upon them. Most of the people were caught unaware

in their houses and fields. Many men were killed on the spot, either

shot or bludgeoned to death. Women were beaten and scalded with boiling

water. A group of men was taken prisoner and led back to town, where

they were subjected to tortures such as crucifixion and being drawn

and quartered or peeled alive in the plaza. Those who were not yet

dead were drowned in a river which passes near the town. Their remains

were buried in a mass grave in the cemetery.

Similar attacks were made against other communities which were

centers of Adventist activities, all characterized by the killing of

large numbers of campesinos and the stealing of their livestock and

produce by the townspeople. Some campesinos eventually managed to make

their way to Lima, where they advised the government of what had been

happening. Troops were dispatched to restore order, arriving at

Sarata's dock on Lake Titicaca by steamship. An investigatory com-

mittee, headed by the Bishop of Puno, was appointed in 1925 by the

Patronatode la Raza Indigena, and that same year, it recommended that

a general amnesty be granted. This was done in 1928, although it did

not entirely halt the acts of repression that were occurring (Hazen

1974).

The significance of the 1923 violence lies primarily in the pro-

cesses that began in its wake. The Adventists continued with their

program of evangelization and education and, in the latter part of the




-82-


1920s, public education first appeared in the district. Campesinos

were permitted to attend school, although pressure was brought to bear

by the townspeople on public school teachers who were thought to spend

too much time with children from the countryside, and campesinos who

allowed education to alter their behavior in the presence of towns-

people were subject to physical abuse. By 1930, one could attend grades

one through three in Sarata. The school system in the district slowly

expanded over the years so that today all public education may be com-

pleted within the district.

The violence of 1923 also stimulated the government to attempt to

maintain more effective control over the area through extensions in the

road network and the establishment of an army barracks in the pro-

vincial capital of Huancan6, in 1940. The extension of the road network

coincided with a shift from rail and lacustrine transport to truck

transport. In Sarata, this appears to have begun around 1929, when the

first truck, driven by a member of the Sarata town elite, became the

first vehicle of its kind to reach the highland capital of the herding

district of Cojata (Appleby 1980). Since that time, the construction

and maintenance of roads that are passable by truck has been a major

concern among Sarata communities, and occupies a substantial portion of

the labor time dedicated to community activities.

The growth in truck traffic marked a decline in truck ridership

(Orlove 1977:149-151) as well as a decline in transport on Lake Titicaca.

As had been the case when the railroad line was constructed, the new

transport network created by the expanding road system made major urban

centers out of insignificant hamlets and turned bustling towns into

shadows of their former selves, depending upon where they happened to




-83-


be located in relation to the most important roads (Appleby 1976;

1980).

The growing terrestrial transportation network had some immediate

effects on Sarata. It decreased the time required to go back and forth

to Bolivia and increased the quantities of goods that could be carried

in either direction. The legal and illegal international trade that

had been actively carried out by parties from both countries for some

time became even livelier. The road network meant that seasonal trips

to Arequipa and the coastal valleys in search of wage labor became

easier, and that goods such as corn could be brought to Sarata in greater

quantities and at lower prices than in the past. Larger numbers of

people being involved in wage labor created a solvent demand for corn

and other imported goods. Seasonal trips in search of wage labor be-

came more frequent and long-distance trading expeditions began to de-

crease in number as people found it more feasible to earn wages and

purchase some of the goods they needed with cash.3

The growth of truck transport also oriented Sarata away from the

urban center of Puno and toward Juliaca. Prior to the advent of truck

transportation, Sarata's primary commercial links were by boat, across

the lake to the departmental capital of Puno. By the 1940s, regular

boat service to Sarata had been halted, leaving the district economy

with Juliaca as its major urban link.






3Such expeditions have not been eliminated completely. Although much
less frequent than "in the time of the fathers and grandfathers," long-
distance trading expeditions either to the coast or to the tropical
valleys of Peru and Bolivia still are common.




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The Urban Growth of Juliaca


The importance of Juliaca in the economic life of Sarata is diffi-

cult to overestimate. Some of the reasons for the economic preeminence

of Juliaca have already been mentioned. It is the rail nexus where

railroad lines coming from Cuzco and Arequipa join, and in turn are

linked to the market network of Bolivia either by steamship or by truck.

The highway network for all of southern Peru appears to radiate outward

from Juliaca. It is the major urban center for the provinces of Lampa,

Melgar, Azangaro, Huancan6, Ayaviri, Carabaya, and Sandia. The prin-

cipal roads in all of these provinces were constructed to connect them

with Juliaca. The highways which follow the shores of both sides of

Lake Titicaca, one going through the cities of Puno and Chucuito and

the other passing through the province of Huancand, also link Juliaca

with La Paz, Bolivia. This makes possible considerable international

trade and transport. Juliaca also has an airport from which depart

regularly scheduled flights to Lima, Arequipa, as well as to the gold

mining center of Puerto Maldonado.

As noted earlier, Juliaca began to acquire importance with the

construction of the railroad at the end of-the 19th century. The

collapse of wool prices at the end of World War I provided the city with

another spurt of growth as the resulting economic difficulties forced

people off the land and into the urban centers of the region. Between

1919 and 1940, the population of the city grew from 3000 to over 6000

people. By 1950, the city had grown to 9248 people. Then, during the

drought-ridden years of that decade, when crop failures occurred year

after year, Juliaca experienced a tremendous surge in population. By




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1960, the city had 20,403 inhabitants (Torres Juarez 1962:14-15,169).

The census of 1972 showed the city with a population of 38,475 inhabitants.

The recession of the 1970s provided the most recent impetus to the growth

of Juliaca. The urban population in 1980 was estimated at nearly 120,000

people, giving Juliaca a rate of population growth matched only by

Chimbote and Pucallpa in all the rest of Peru (Caretas 1980a:56). In

Juliaca, as in the other major urban centers of Puno department, urban

growth has been stimulated by economic development, such as improving

transportation facilities, for example. But, the periods of greatest

population growth have occurred when the region has found itself in

periods of economic crisis (Appleby 1980:43-44).

Size and population growth alone have not bestowed upon Juliaca

the importance it holds in the economic life of Sarata, for the city

is above all a commercial center. The province of San Roman, in which

Juliaca is the only urban center, contains 8.9 percent of the Economic-

ally Active Population (EAP) of the department of Puno. However, nearly

one-quarter of the EAP which engages in commercial activity resides in

Juliaca.4 The people who engage in commercial activity are generally

involved in one of four types of businesses. These include productores

detallistas, or producer retailers, agentes distribuidores, or dis-

tributors, mayoristas, or "jobbers," and minoristas, or retail mer-

chants. The different types of businesses, in turn, are assigned to



"The Commercial Activity of Goods is that economic activity consisting
of transferring goods from the producer to the consumer for their final
use; or their use in production; or in subsequent transfers that do
not involve processes of transformation, with the exception of packag-
ing, packing, plowing and fragmenting" (Velasquez Rodrlguez 1978:26
author's translation).




-86-


one of three "economic sectors," the public sector, the private sector,

and the social sector (Velasquez Rodrfguez 1978).

Juliaca boasts a number of businesses which contribute to making

it the dominant commercial center of the region. The Portland-type

cement, which is manufactured on the outskirts of the city, is marketed

throughout southern Peru and enjoys a near-monopoly position. Juliaca

is also the home of numerous textile manufacturers. These businesses

range in size from individual women knitting and weaving in their homes

to large industrial concerns. They use both locally produced sheep and

alpaca wool as well as imported synthetic wools. Many of the synthetic

products are for local use, while the products made from natural wools

are frequently sold in Bolivia, where prices are higher.

There are numerous distributers who supply the growing local

demand for manufactured goods. These include representatives of multi-

national electronics and small appliance firms. Some of the distribu-

tors sell products legally imported into Peru. Others handle merchan-

dise smuggled into Peru from Bolivia via Sarata and other districts

located near the border. Much of what is smuggled in is sold locally,

while a portion of the goods also finds its way to Lima, Cuzco, and

other cities not blessed with a nearby international border. The dis-

tinction between which entrepreneurs operate legally and which do not

is not a clear one, as many are involved in both legal and illegal

activities.

Juliaca is also the major food distribution center of the region.

Foodstuffs such as noodles, rice, wheat flour, evaporated milk, cooking

oil, and sugar, as well as fruits and vegetables grown in other areas,

and luxury foods are shipped to Juliaca for distribution throughout the




-87-


region. Fruits and vegetables are widely consumed, purchased largely

by small-scale entrepreneurs who sell them in the various rural markets.

Luxury food stuffs such as margarine are distributed less widely,

arriving only at those markets large enough to be frequented by people

with the money and desire to buy them. Products such as noodles, rice,

and sugar are-considered staple foods by the government, and their

prices are controlled so as to make them affordable to as wide a seg-

ment of the population as possible. As a result, a tremendous amount

of staple foods is shipped directly to Bolivia, where the absence of

food price controls means they command a considerably higher price.

As one might expect in a city whose growth has been closely linked

to the railroad and trucking industries, transport remains a major in-

dustry in Juliaca. Goods are shipped into the city for distribution

throughout southern Peru. Juliaca is also the major distribution point

for goods produced within the region and transported to other areas.

Principal among these products are wool from the high-altitude pastoral

areas and coffee, citrus fruit, and wood from the tropical eastern

valleys of the Andes. The railroad was built by foreigners and is run

by the state, so its contribution to the local economy lies primarily

in the goods it carries.

The trucking industry, however, has been a major source of capital

accumulation in the area, and it has served to make wealthy people out

of individuals who are not members of the traditional elites. Part of

the success of this group lay in smuggling and part in anticipating

areas that were about to develop profitable products for export, or in

anticipating local demands for goods imported into the region. Because

they were not members of an elite social class, these individuals were




-88-


not constrained by concepts of what sorts of work are appropriate for

members of a social elite. A number of sarateios may be counted among

this group of emerging economic elites and they serve as role models

for those who have ambitions of achieving upward economic mobility.

In spite of the presence of numerous large enterprises, Juliaca

is primarily a city of petty commercialists. Seventy-seven and one-half

percent of the businesses in Juliaca belong to minoristas (Velasquez

Rodriguez 1978:50). Minorista status is not, by itself, a good indicator

of the size of an enterprise. A number of Juliaca retail establishments

are quite large. However, street vendors and the people who rent spaces

in the city's markets are also minoristas. These are enterprises which

require a minimum of capital to establish. More than 67 percent of the

working capital of Juliaca businesses is controlled by the distribuidores

and mayoristas, while minoristas control only slightly in excess of 22

percent of the working capital. In addition, agentes distribuidores

and mayoristas account for over 69 percent of the total volume of legal

sales made in Juliaca, estimated to amount to about $500,000.00 a month

in 1977, while minoristas account for slightly less than 28 percent of

the total legal sales volume of the city. Perhaps by coincidence,

60 percent of the total legal sales volume of the city is also the pro-

portion controlled by 9.5 percent of the businesses in Juliaca

(Velasquez Rodrfguez 1978:76-77). These figures reflect the presence

of the numerous low-capital enterprises found in the ranks of Juliaca

minoristas.

Appleby's observation that the growth of urban centers in Puno is

more closely linked to periods of economic difficulties in which numer-

ous people are forced to leave their lands has been noted. The minorista




-89-


group is one whose ranks are made to swell by the influx of people.

The same economic difficulties which make it impossible to survive in

the countryside make it nearly equally impossible to find work in the

urban centers. Many seek a solution to unemployment in the establish-

ment of their own small businesses, hoping thereby to earn a subsistence

income.

During the periods of economic crisis noted above, when Juliaca

registered its most dramatic population increases, the pressures which

have contributed most to the displacement of rural households have been

related to three major factors. These have been patron withdrawal,

declining rural income, and increased demands by the urban center.

Patron withdrawal was a particularly significant factor in those areas

of the region dominated by wool-producing haciendas. These haciendas

responded to drops in wool prices, such as occurred in 1919, by trying

to expand their production and cut costs. Peasant families residing

on haciendas found themselves under pressure of increased exploitation,

while communities located on the edges of many estates found that their

lands were subject to loss as the haciendas sought to increase their

productive capacity by encroaching upon their lands (Appleby 1980).

Inflation has played a tremendous role in reducing rural incomes

in the Puno region, particularly in the 1970s. Overall consumer prices

in Peru rose at an annual rate of 44.7 percent in 1976, 32.4 percent in

1977, and 73.7 percent in 1978. Between 1976 and 1978, the annual in-

flation rate for food and services consumed primarily by the low-income

strata of the population reached as high as 137.2 percent (Portocarrero

1980:60-61). The effect of inflation during this period was compounded

by the steady devaluation of the sol in relation to the U.S. dollar and





-90-


other major world currencies. From 1970 through 1979, the official

exchange rate went from 38.7 to 250.1 soles to the dollar. By the end

of 1980, the value of the sol had dropped below 335 to the dollar. In

the department of Puno, rural producers reacted to inflation by putting

less of their own production up for sale and by consuming fewer manu-

factured goods. Inflation prompted a return to specialized production

and distribution within the rural society (Appleby 1979). However, the

increase in departmental urban populations in general and the astronomi-

cal increase of Juliaca in particular indicate that a large part of the

rural population was unable to cope with the economic crisis of the

1970s.

The demands made upon the rural areas of the region by urban cen-

ters have been many and varied through the course of the present century.

Urban centers have increased the quantity of goods reaching the rural

areas of the region. As the urban centers have grown, so have the

scales of their marketing networks extending into the countryside.

This has been a major force since the late 19th century, when the

railroad entered the region. The greatest initial impact of the rail-

road was not in the extraction of wool production, as producers tended

to rely upon traditional marketing procedures for some time. Rather,

the railroad permitted a tremendous increase in the quantity of manu-

factured goods reaching the altiplano for distribution in the country-

side. People began to enter vertical market relationships as a means

of acquiring the new goods (Appleby 1980).

Growing urban centers exerted an increasing demand upon the

countryside for food. Particularly during the first part of

the 20th century, this demand was manifested in coercive market




Full Text
Square meters of potatoes pi an ted (Y)
Figure 5-1. Production function for potato planting
/
/
/
/
/
Total Product
Average Product=-^-
Marginal Product =4^-
AX
Marginal Product
*
Average Product
7
Number of Workers (x)
-210-


CHAPTER IV
THE PROCESSES OF PRODUCTION
Introduction
The present chapter will examine the productive activities in which
the campesinos of Sarata participate. These include non-capitalist
activities, which are primarily linked to subsistence agriculture, and
capitalist activities, specifically wage labor in the cities, smuggling,
and the production of cash crops in the tropical Tambopata Valley.
Through a description of these activities, this chapter will examine how
they are interrelated within the household unit of production and how
-theyconstrain one another in terms of their respective labor require
ments. It will also examine how the household organizes itself internal
ly in order to carry out the diverse activities as well as the ties
that are formed with other households in order to have access to labor
at critical periods. Consideration will also be given to the level of
technology at which a particular activity is realized and the cost or
capital investment required to realize the activity at a particular
level of technology.
Landholding Institutions
Communities and Individuals
Before trying to describe the agricultural activities themselves,
it would be well to discuss some of the ground rules that help organize
-117-


-95-
agriculture and who do not have the specialized skills that would enable
them to earn a comfortable living in an urban area are able to take
advantage of commercial activities within their own district. A
minorista in Sarata enjoys the same advantages as in Juliaca. Only a
small capital investment is required and the work does not depend upon
finding a job. Working in Sarata offers the additional advantage that
if one is willing to accept the risks involved in handling illegal goods
the profit potential is relatively high. Sarateos own virtually all
transport facilities in the district. Also, sarateos are able to
carry on a business and maintain their lands at the same time. In
contrast to many Juliaca minoristas who took up their occupation because
they had lost their lands and found no other opportunity open to them,
sarateos enter business in order to keep their lands and improve their
style of life in the countryside. As they explain it, their fields
provide their food and their businesses provide the money for their
"vices" (vicios). It is the opportunity they have enjoyed for choosing
such a strategy that in many ways makes sarateos appear to constitute
an unusual case.
National Agrarian Policy and the Stagnation of the
Agricultural Economy
Agricultural development has been a stated national priority in
Peru for a number of years. However, there has been disagreement over
what constitutes development, with different economic interests having
divergent views on the subject. One may see the two major interest
groups in Peru as centering around growing urban classes on one hand
and a rural peasantry on the other. Such a confrontation of interests


-48-
These facts signify a breakdown in whatever correlation had pre
viously existed between high social status and economic wealth. It is
interesting that wealth was not mentioned by people in Sarata as a marker
of social status. Indeed, the names of vecino families never come up
in discussions concerning who are the wealthiest families in the district.
Even campesinos who reside full time in the countryside may be actively
engaged in a lucrative economic activity. It is, in fact, difficult to
find a campesino in the district of Sarata who does not either own
outright or share an interest in a piece of property in the town for
the purpose of facilitating his or her negocio, or "business."
Although Sarata may be a particularly dramatic example, the weaken
ing of the relationship between social status and economic class appears
to have occurred throughout the department of Puno. Bourricaud (1967),
for example, observed similar processes at work in and around the city
of Puno in the early 1950s. They prompted him to discuss at length the
differences among cholos, indios, and mestizos, as he labelled the social
strata he was observing, focusing upon the questions of which group
was "more Indian" and why.
The acquisition of wealth by members of the campesino and "town
Aymara" social strata of Sarata has placed them in diverse relationships
with the capitalist economy. Subsistence agriculture remains outside
the sphere of the capitalist mode of production. However, campesinos
and "town Aymara" are involved in activities which place them in the
roles of wage laborers, independent mercantilists, and the employers
of what are frequently large numbers of wage laborers. The class dif
ferentiations of complex capitalist society cut across the lines of
social stratification recognized by sarateos.


-207-
or, if the man is busy spinning or weaving, the woman will take care
of the livestock. There are general expectations that, all other things
being equal, some tasks, such as cooking, will be performed by the
woman, while others, such as breaking open fallow ground, will be
carried out by the man. Observation indicates, however, that, even
when such expectations do exist, over time, both men and women perform
all domestic tasks with such frequency that it is difficult to measure
any sex-related differences in the time spent on any particular activity.
Table 5-6 refers to days in which a person is at home and engaged
exclusively in non-capitalist activities. The number of days in which
both adults are so engaged is relatively small, however. For approxi
mately 150 days of every year, the man in the household under discussion
resides in the Tambopata Valley, involved in the cultivation of cash
crops. During much of the rest of the year, the woman works as a
merchant for several days each week, attending markets in the weekly
periodic cycle of the region. Although her work permits her to reside
at home, she must usually leave the house by midnight to be sure of
securing a place on one of the trucks going to her destination, and
does not return home until 4:00 or 5:00 the following afternoon. Such
a strategy provides a household with a cash income that satisfies most
of their basic needs; however, the success of the strategy depends
upon both the man and the woman being able to perform all of the
activities associated with managing and maintaining the household.
The agricultural cycle demands that particular activities be
carried out within a specific time frame. Potatoes must be planted
after the rainy season begins, but before it continues long enough to


-160-
marshaling the land, labor, and other resources necessary for the pro
duction of staple crops, potatoes, and minor tubers, broad beans, and
barley, and to a lesser extent quinoa and kaiwa. The production of
crops for sale or the production of luxury food crops such as vegetables
is carried out insofar as it does not interfere with staple food pro
duction. Crops such as onions and tomatoes which have acquired, or are
acquiring, importance as food crops and cash crops have done so because
they do not require the diversion of resources from the production of
food staples.
Herding
In addition to the cultivation of food crops, livestock raising is
an important component of the subsistence strategies of many Sarata
households. The specific role livestock raising plays varies from one
of the district's production zones to another. Near the lake, house
holds own very few head of livestock because the high population density
and intensive cultivation do not allow people much room for animal pro
duction. As one moves away from the lake, the number of livestock per
household increases as the restrictions on growing crops increase.
Collins (1981) has calculated that the mean number of sheep per house
hold increases from three in the lakeside area, to 16 in the area of
mixed agriculture and herding, to 57 in the herding zone of Sarata.
Likewise, the mean number of cattle per household increases from one to
two near the lake to three to four in the intermediate zone, and to 49
to 50 animals per household in the highland herding zone. As increas
ingly severe environmental constraints restrict the varieties of crops


CHAPTER VI
PEOPLE AND MODES OF PRODUCTION
Summary and Conclusions
The people living in the region of Sarata have dealt with outside
domination of their economy for hundreds of years. During the Incaic
period they labored in the tropical valleys of the present-day provinces
of Carabaya and Sandia, mining gold with which to pay their tribute
obligations to the Inca and to their local officials'. Through various
mechanisms, they maintained access to lands in these areas, and thus to
goods they could not produce themselves within the confines of the alti
plano.
The Spanish Conquest of South America marked the first contact of
sarateos with the capitalist economy. They mined gold in the tropical
valleys, silver in Potos, produced woolen goods in the highlands, and
grew food in all of their areas of arable land to satisfy their tribute
obligations to the new rulers. The relations of production which
organized these activities with Sarata and the other conquered regions
were not capitalist, but were based on differential rights and duties
related to access to land which gave the new rulers the right to command
the labor of Native Americans. However, the labor provided by sarateos
and Native Americans from other regions, particularly in the mines such
as Potos, provided Europe with wealth that would finance capitalist
accumulation and expansion in Europe for many years to come.
-260-


-63-
works, or salvation and enlightenment. It also tends to be assumed
that, over time, the presumed reciprocity of these relationships will
give rise to integration in the second sense. This refers to the forma
tion of a polity composed of social groups or classes that, while they
may have divergent interests vis a vis their relationships with one
another, perceive it in their common interest to maintain and defend
the polity. There is ample documentation to show that Sarata has been
integrated into larger social, political, and economic structures at
least since the Incaic period. Integration in the second sense, how
ever, has been tenuous.
The arrival of the Spanish in Sarata constituted an unprecedented
break with the past in the organization of production. The regional
chiefdoms of the altiplano, which only 60 years earlier had been brough
under the control of the Inca empire, were faced with new forms of
domination. During the years immediately after the conquest, the
principal interest of the new lords was in finding and appropriating as
much of the gold and silver of .the region as they could. The Spanish
lost no time in arriving in the gold mining centers in the valleys of
the Carabaya region. Prior to 1550, the town of San Juan del Oro had
been established as a major gold mining town, and by the end of the
16th century, the Carabaya region was reknowned throughout the Spanish
dominions as the major gold mining center of Peru (Madrtua 1906:1,
185-186,329).
The obligations of sarateos to the Spaniards multiplied with the
discovery of silver in Potos, in 1545. The people of the region were
tapped as a source of labor for the tremendous new mine. The labor tax
or mlt'a, of Potos was greatly feared by the people of Sarata, as very


-109-
entrepreneurs. Many are, however, and it is this group which possesses
the trucks and other means of moving produce from the countryside to
urban markets. This frequently requires the control of considerable
capital. Mayoristas are relatively few in number when compared with
the number of intermediarios and minoristas who depend upon them. For
this reason, they can effectively refuse to buy from or sell to those
individuals with whom they do not have smooth relationships. Mayoristas
also exercise considerable political and economic power, which allows
them to ignore or avoid official measures designed to restrict their
activities. Complaints against market abuses are frequent and occa
sionally result in government action to enforce the law. However, the
prosecution of mayoristas for violating the laws regarding food com
mercialization is extremely rare, since either out of fear of the
mayoristas or ignorance of the law, consumers and minoristas generally
do not protest their illegal activities (La Crnica 1980a; 1980b;
Esculies Larrabure et al_. 1977).
Peruvian agrarian policy is characterized by various contradic
tions which serve to defeat the purpose of increasing the availability
of inexpensive food to urban consumers. This failure, in turn, under
mines any arguments favoring the continuation of these policies which
do not benefit the majority of agriculturalists. First, those agri
cultural activities which have particularly benefitted from government
support frequently end up exporting a large part of tneir production
rather than selling it domestically. In 1978, exports of beans, frozen
chickens, potatoes, large-grain white corn, and frozen fish amounted to
more than $23,000,000.00. In late 1979 and early 1980, exports of
pork, chicken, wheat flour, noodles, eggs, cheese, and butter were


-270-
rudimentary social services were only carried out when coffee produc
tion was well-established as an important commercial activity. The
state was responsible for the initial construction of the major roads
passing through Sarata; however, most of the maintenance work on these
is done by the communities through which they pass, and there are
numerous unofficial roads which were built by saratenos themselves.
Finally, the fact that sarateos who work as wage laborers provide
their own subsistence through agriculture means that they can afford
to work on a seasonal basis and for low wages, further subsidizing
the capitalist economy.
On the other hand, the participation by households in both
capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production limits the possibil
ities for further capitalist expansion in the region. This is, in
part, due to the nature of the capitalist activities in which saratanos
participate. The cultivation of cash crops in the Tambopata Valley
and working for wages on the commercial agricultural enterprises of
the coast are seasonal enterprises. Although technological innova
tions might make them more capital intensive or permit increases in the
area of land under cultivation, the reality of the agricultural cycle
means that they will always provide only seasonal employment.
More important, however, is the fact that it is the households
of Sarata which maintain the social formation in which capitalist and
non-capitalist modes of production operate. This situation reflects
the households' response to the insecurities associated with capitalist
penetration into the area. Wage labor on the Peruvian coast, cash
cropping in the tropical valleys, and trade and transport all have,


-138-
Table 4-1
Hectares of Land in Principal Crops
S.A.I.S.
Medianos
Product Households Enterprise Productores Communities
Potatoes
(S. tuberosum)
Potatoes
154.00
36.40
12.00
582.00
(S. andiqenum)
113.00
10.25
16.00
223.00
Barley and Wheat
Broad Beans
38.00
0.00
6.00
440.00
and Peas
0.00
0.00
0.00
450.00
Minor Tubers
7.00
51.50
0.00
302.75
Quinoa and Kafiiwa
22.00
10.75
0.00
114.00
Forage Grains
54.00
0.00
35.00
276.00
Onions
0.00
0.00
0.00
9.00
TOTAL HECTARES
388.00
108.90
69.00
2,396.75
Table 4-2
Head of Major Livestock
Animal
S. A.
,I.S.
Medianos
Productores
Communities
Total
Household
Enterprise
Sheep
23,710
24,182
4829
36,585
89,356
Camel ids
2,990
469
571
5,457
9,487
Cattle
1,792
485
245
6,700
9,222
Pigs
408
-?-
39
2,678
3,125


-246-
The seasonal trips to the tropical valley to cultivate coffee
and citrus fruit causes the mart to be away from his home community of
Jat"a for two extended periods each year. These are the coffee harvest,
which runs from March through August, peaking in the months of May,
June, and July. It is for these peak months that the man is away from
home. If possible, he departs by mid-April, but frequently the labor
demands of the highland harvest season keep him at home longer. Without
fail, however, he is on his way by the first of May. Like most men in
Sarata, he returns near the end of July, trying to arrive home in time
for Fiestas Patrias, the festival celebrating the anniversary of Peruvian
independence on July 28. For households with relatively extensive
irrigated fields, the beginning of the planting season provides an
additional, even more compelling reason to come home. Thus, the dura
tion of the harvest period in the tropical valley is approximately
90 days.
The second extended absence is for the purpose of planting food
crops, weeding so that secondary growth does not take over the culti
vated areas, and sometimes clearing new land. This usually occurs
during the months of December and January and involves about 60 days
away from home. The man leaves as soon as possible after the planting
season, and returns for the festival of Candelaria the first week of
February. The end of this festival marks the beginning of harvest
activities in the lakeside area of Sarata.
The migratory pattern described for the household under discussion
here is common enough in Sarata that it may justifiably be called
"typical"; however, it is not the only pattern. Some variation is


-244-
plant cultivation. Households purchse young pigs every year, raise
them, and butcher them at an appropriate time. The cost is considered
very small compared to the trouble that is saved the household. Pig
lets cost about four dollars each, so a household buying two piglets
a year spends about eight dollars.
Cattle also represent a regular cash expenditure for the lakeside
households of Sarata, and they account for the only significant source
of cash income provided by subsistence agriculture. In the community
of Jat"a, cattle are the only animals which are regularly wormed,
three times a year. This represents an annual expense of about four
dollars per household. Cattle are sold in the livestock markets, which
are held twice a year in Sarata. A two-year-old cow may be sold for
about $180.00. In the case of a household which owns a cow capable of
producing a calf every year, this represents a relatively important
yearly source of income.
The restricted use of money in the subsistence mode of the Sarata
economy should not be regarded as evidence of isolation from the
capitalist economy, but of intimate contact with it. People are very
sensitive to price fluctuations in a wide variety of goods, and are
acutely aware of the effects of inflation. It is simply not good
business sense from the household perspective to tie the fortunes of
your food supply to a currency which is subject to rapid and sudden
declines in exchange value.


-11-
been drastically altered or eliminated (Bradby 1975). The mechanisms
by which traditional institutions have been transformed are numerous.
However, all have involved some combination of factors which increased
the expenses of peasant household and limited their opportunities for
earning an income. In some areas, for example, capitalist expansion
has. stimulated rapid population growth, which has led to an unprecedented
fragmentation of landholdings and a reduction in a household's ability
to produce a marketable food surplus. In other areas, manufactured
goods replaced local craft production and cut off what had been a source
of income for many households (Migdal 1974).
As capitalist expansion progressed, it was argued that the disrup
tions caused to traditional productive activities were not unlike what
had occurred in the United States and Europe in the early days of capital
ist growth and expansion in those countries. Some observers argued
that the changing peasant societies would eventually become capitalist
themselves and be in a position to share the fruits of capitalism en
joyed by the populations of developed capitalist societies (Rostow
1961).
When such a course of events showed no signs of occurring, many
investigators began to search for what was "wrong" with peasant socie
ties, which impeded the expected transformation. They sought the answer
to their questions in the cognitive grid of peasants, where they claimed
to have found "cultural factors" such as low empathy, a limited world
view, a lack of innovativeness, hostility, and fatalism which are shared
by peasants around the world and which cause them to resist and subvert
the transformation to capitalism (Bailey 1966; Banfield 1958; Foster
1967; Rogers 1969). Such was the anxiety to "blame the victims" for


-75-
the Bolivian market network centered in La Paz. Goods which arrived in
Puno from the coast were transported across Lake Titicaca by steamship,
with Bolivian exports making the return trip. Bolivian traffic came to
account for one quarter of the freight hauled on the Southern Peruvian
Railway and gave it the highest ratio of tons of freight to kilometers
travelled in all of Peru (Dobyns and Doughty 1976:201).
One of the most important and best-documented effects of the con
struction of the railway was the stimulus it provided to the exportation
of wool by bringing vast new areas into the range of agents acting on
behalf of the wool export houses. This was particularly true after the
Juliaca-Sicuani link was completed in 1397 (Appleby 1980; Hazen 1974;
Orlove 1977). New urban centers were created while others declined in
importance. Sicuani, for example, rose from obscurity to become a
major center for the bulking and exportation of wool. Juliaca increased
in population from 516 in 1876 to over 3000 in 1919, by which time it
was on its way to becoming the major commercial center in all of the
southern si erra region of Peru. Lampa, on the other hand, which had
previously been an important urban center, had not even doubled in
population by 1940 (Appleby 1976; 1980).
The growth of the wool economy was not by itself the crucial factor
shaping the economic growth of Sarata, however. Only in the far north
eastern corner of the district did Aymara herders have large numbers of
alpaca, and raising sheep was largely confined to the haciendas. Most
of the freeholding communities of the district, where the bulk of the
population lived, were characterized by a mixed pattern of subsistence
cultivation and herding or, along the lakeshore, a pattern of almost
strictly subsistence cultivation. Wool played an important role in the
economy of only a small part of Sarata's population.


-79-
adult attendance at the schools, understandable given the tremendous
desire that existed to learn to speak, read, and write Spanish. During
the same period, two men from a community of the district who had pre
viously attended a clandestine rural school held a large meeting of
peasants and it was decided to form a local chapter of the Tawantinsuyo
Society. A collection was taken up to send the two to Lima to gain an
audience with the president and solicit authorization to establish both
the town of Wancho and its school. They did speak with President Leguia
who authorized their project and, it is said, gave them a map of the
city to Lima to use as a guide for how to set up their new town
(Gallegos 1972).
Work on the new town, called Wancho-Lima, was begun immediately,
with the school and a church being the first buildings constructed.
Streets were laid out to correspond to the pattern of central Lima and
shops were constructed along them in which carpenters, hatmakers, tai
lors, and other tradespeople practiced their trades. Committees in
charge of public sanitation were established and all of the people par
ticipating in the project were obligated to live in the town rather than
in the countryside. It was prohibited to speak Aymara within the town
limits, a move that was intended both to reflect and reinforce the
initiative of the people toward literacy in Spanish, and a Wednesday
market was established to weaken the hold of the townspeople upon com
merce. Finally, delegations were sent to the ayl1u of the neighboring
districts, informing them that Wancho-Lima and not Huancan was now the
capital of the district of Huancan (Gallegos 1972).
The townspeople were naturally unsettled by these events and began
reporting that violent acts were being committed by the rural dwellers.


-38-
Table 2-1
Features of Social Stratification
Features
Campesino Vecino Dana in
Works own fields
+
-L
Sells labor
+
+
Hires labor9
+
Exchanges labor
+
+
Has maid
+
Children herd
+
+
Walks to borde.
+
Owns land in Tambopatac
+
+
Makes own poncho
+
+
Adventist + +
Catholic
Sunday mass--morning +
Sunday mass--eveninq+
Religion
Speaks Spanish + +
Speaks A.ymara++
Language
Lives in town +
Lives in community +
Carnaval-campo dance group + +
Carnaval-town dance group +
Celebrates campo fiestas + +
Celebrates town fiestas^ +
Residence
Wears ojotas or goes barefoot + +
Wears shoes + +
Wears pollera skirt++
Dress
Family members killed in 1923 + +
Family members attacked com
munities in 1923 +
Greets all people he/she knows + +
Does not greet everyone+
Shares food + +
Eats hot lunch (almuerzo) +
Eats cold lunch (fiambres)++
Human/non-human
Food
Spanish surname + +
Elite surname +
Names


-197-
involvement in different economic activities follow those of a number
of actual households observed by the author whose resource bases and
compositions correspond approximately to community means.
The mean household size in Jat"a is 4.5 people, with most house
holds consisting of simple nuclear families of parents and offspring.
The household to be discussed here has three children, one six years
)
old, one four years old, and one an infant less than a year old. The
children are cared for by their mother and father, bringing the total
household size to five people. A young household was decided upon
because young households are the ones which most urgently need to
accumulate resources to support their high expenses while raising
children at the same time they are constrained by the need to provide
care for children who, in turn, can contribute very little labor to
household productive activities.
This Jat"a household has about 1.1 hectares of land under culti
vation at any one time, the mean area for households in the community.
In Jat"a, and throughout the lakeside ecological zone, the area under
cultivation at any one time is approximately one-third of a household'
total holdings. This "rule of thumb" indicates that our household's
total landholdings amount to slightly more than three hectares.,
The pattern of land allocation in the case of the household under
discussion follows the pattern of Jat"a as a whole. The major crops
of Jat"a are listed in Table 5-4, along with the percentage of total
community lands they occupy, and the absolute land areas corresponding
to our household with 1.1 hectares, or 11,000 square meters, under cul
tivation.


REFERENCES
Agronoticias
1980 El proyecto ganadero de Madre de Dios y la farsa antisomocista.
Agronoticias 15-16:9.
Alvarez, Elena
1980 Poltica agraria y estancamiento de la agricultura, 1969-1977.
Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.
Amin, Samir
1974 Accumulation on a World Scale: A Critique of the Theory of
Underdevelopment. New York: Monthly Review Press.
1977 Imperialism and Unequal Development. New York: Monthly Review
Press.
Anonymous
1867 Algunas cuestiones sociales con motivo de los disturbios de
Huancan. Lima: J. M. Monterola.
Appleby, Gordon
1976 The Role of Urban Food Needs in Regional Development of Puno,
Peru. X Regional Analysis. Vol. 1. Carol A. Smith, ed. Pp. 147-
178. New York: Academic Press.
1979 The Consequences of Inflation on a Regional Marketing System,
Puno, Peru. Paper presented to the 78th Annual Meeting of the
American Anthropological Association, Cincinnati, Ohio.
1980 Markets and the Marketing System in the Southern Sierra. Paper
presented to the Symposium on Andean Peasant Economics and Pastor
al ism, Columbia, Missouri.
Bailey, Fred G.
1966 The Peasant View of the Bad Life. Advancement of Science 23:
399-409.
Banfield, Edward C.
1958 The Moral Basis of a Backward Society. New York: The Free
Press.
Bourricaud, Frangois
1967 Cambios en Puno. Mxico, D.F.: Instituo Indigenista Inter-
americano.
-285-


-8-
economic systems in which individuals frequently manifest apparently
anomalous economic behavior. There has been a prolonged theoretical
dialogue on the utility of basic concepts of Western economics for
studying such non-Western and/or non-capitalist economic systems. One
group of writers, exemplified by Dalton (1968), Polanyi et al. (1957),
and Sahlins (1972) have claimed intellectual antecedents in the work of
Chayanov (1966) and they have argued that formal Western economic con
cepts are not useful for analyzing non-Western societies. In their
view, within non-Western societies, economic activities are not a
separate realm, but are carried out in the context of kinship, politi
cal and religious institutions, while Western economic science developed
as part and parcel of a specialized market economy. They have maintained
that Western economic science equates rationality with the allocation
of resources to maximize the production of desired goods, while most
non-Western societies do not seek to maximize production; and Western
economics assumes scarce means in relation to unlimited wants to be
universal, while it is, in fact, a peculiarity of the Western system.
Other writers, such as Burling (1968), Cook (1968), Herskovits
(1940), and Schneider (1974) have defended the applicability of Western
economic science to non-Western societies. They have argued that the
detractors of formal Western economic concepts confused economic analy
sis with economic liberalism when they equated it with the growth of
the market economy and that the concept of maximization, in fact, refers
to satisfaction, which is culturally defined, and not to production.
Such writers have also held that there is indeed scarcity as long as
the means for engaging in productive activity are not unlimited and may
be employed in alternative uses, and as long as the obtaining of a goal
requires the expenditure of measurable effort.


CHAPTER I
THE "PEASANT" WAY OF LIFE
Introduction
The chill quiet of the town plaza of Sarata* is broken shortly
after 1:00 a.m. by the drivers of nearly two dozen trucks and two buses,
who start their vehicles and begin idling their engines to warm them up
for the trip to Juliaca. Several of the trucks jockey for position at
the plaza exit, trying to guarantee that they will be among the first
to leave, and thus have a full load of passengers. Within a few minutes
the sound of the revving of engines is joined by the cries of the
drivers' assistants, shouting their destination and trying to attract
passengers to their vehicles. A pall of exhaust fumes soon settles
over the plaza and softens the outlines of the people as they pass in
front of the headlights of the trucks. The men wear ponchos, cover
their heads with knitted stocking caps, and wrap their faces with
knitted scarves. The women are dressed in polleras, the large full
skirts worn over numerous petticoats, several layers of sweaters, and
blouses over which they wrap a shawl, and a derby hat. Many people
carry bundles on their backs which may contain everything from children
iSarata is a fictitious name for the district in which research for the
present work was conducted. The names of places within the district
as well as those of district residents have also been changed. Other
names, however, are cited correctly.
-1-


-70-
integration entailed, sarateos managed to cope with Spanish domination.
Lizarraga (1968:72) noted, in 1609, that the people of the Sarata area
were among the wealthiest Indians of the Viceroyalty of Peru, more
wealthy even than the Lupaqa, who lived on the opposite side of Lake
Titicaca. In addition to providing food as part of their tribute ob
ligation and providing for their own subsistence, sarateos and other
people from the region sold fresh and salted fish in the markets of
Potos and Cuzco. While fulfilling their mining obligations in the
valleys of Carabaya, they found opportunities to sell food, animals,
and clothing there (Maurtua 1906:1,216,329). Sarateos also partici
pated in trading expeditions to the Peruvian coast, taking ch'uu and
meats down, and bringing back wine, cane alcohol, and fruits (Bueno
1951).
Sarata and the Republic
The Wars of Independence ushered in, or were ushered in by, ideas
of economic liberalism. The relationship for many between political
freedom and the freedom to act unhindered in pursuing their economic
interests was clearly evidenced in the decrees of San Martin, of 1821,
in which he abolished Indian tribute and personal services and freed
the children of the slaves at the same time he declared Peru independent
of Spanish rule. In 1824, Bolivar declared Indians to be the individual
owners of the lands they occupied, with the right to sell their lands
or to alienate them as they chose. This revoked the Spanish colonial
policy of reserving lands as inalienable to Indian communities, and it
opened the way for the usurpation of Indian lands and the outright


-20-
of control over basic subsistence needs are important means of reducing
such insecurities.
Within the district of Sarata, the time and intensity of partici
pation in capitalist activities are determined by the demands made by
subsistence agriculture upon household labor resources. Participation
in capitalist activities occurs only after all possible steps have been
taken toward assuring the household of an adequate food supply. Although
the capitalist mode of production is dominant in Peru as a whole, the
non-capitalist mode of production remains dominant within Sarata. This
is so because the people of the district are unwilling to intensify their
participation in the capitalist economy at the cost of losing control
over the means of production of their own subsistence. As long as they
do this, it is possible to choose the nature of their participation in
the capitalist economy. They do not have to sell their labor in order
to eat. In his discussion of the stages of articulation between capi
talist and non-capitalist modes of production, Rey (1973) notes that
agriculture is frequently the last economic activity in a society to
come under the domination of the capitalist mode of production. The
case of Sarata illustrates why this is so.
In Sarata, the non-capitalist mode of production has subsidized
capitalist activities in a variety of ways and continues to do so. In
turn, the capitalist mode of production reinforces the subsistence
sector of the Sarata economy. This reinforcement is related to the
development of capitalist activities which are compatible with the labor
requirements of subsistence agriculture. However, it is this selective
development of the capitalist economy that is responsible for much of
the instability which has produced massive migration to urban centers,


-235-
smoothes the field. Such a team can plant wheat or barley at a rate of
about 1.75 hours per 500 square meters, and could thus plant the 1700
square meters of our hypothetical household in slightly less than six
hours. The total labor investment for grain planting for a household
comes to slightly less than 24 hours.
The harvest period for wheat and barley is usually from around
the last week of March to the last week of April. The harvest process
has several steps. Cutting the grain by hand with a scythe requires
about 20.4 total hours for 1700 meters of land. The threshing is then
accomplished by beating the heads of the stalks with sticks to release
the grain and then tossing the grain into the air to allow the wind to
carry away the chaff. In the case of our hypothetical household, this
involves about 14.2 total hours of labor. The grain is then transported
to the household compound. There it is dried in the sun, winnowed
again to further remove chaff from the grain and stored, a process
estimated to involve about 17 hours of labor. The total labor invest
ment in the wheat and barley harvest is thus approximately 51.6 hours,
for a return of about 124 kilograms of grain. Wheat and barley yields
in Sarata are about 730 kilograms per hectare, so we can expect that
a household with 1700 square meters of barley and wheat will harvest
about 124 kilograms. The labor requirements for wheat and barley cul
tivation are summarized in Table 5-10.
Quinoa
Small amounts of quinoa (Chenopodium, quinoa) are cultivated in the
lakeside area of Sarata. In Jat"a, about 4 percent of the land under


-166-
produced domestically. Of the purchased items, only sugar has come to
occupy the position of a staple upon which households feel they depend.
People also continue to satisfy their basic clothing needs through
these activities. The pol1era-style skirts worn by the women are made
from homespun wool woven and dyed by the men of the household. Pru-
chased pol1 eras of finer material are usually worn to town or for special
occasions, but those of humespun wool remain basic everyday wear. Men
frequently wear homespun pants and coats when around their home or
working in the fields. Homespun long underwear is worn everywhere, and
a number of men come to town in three piece suits they made themselves
made from alpaca wool. Most blankets and ponchos are made from natural
wools of local origin as are many of the caps, sweaters, and other gar
ments worn for warmth. Households in the lakeside communities which
do not produce enough wool to meet their own needs trade potatoes,
beans, and barley with households from highland communities that cannot
produce enough food to meet their own needs. In short, in spite of
extensive capitalist penetration the people of Sarata maintain a sub
sistence economy which, in fact, provides them with most of what they
need to subsist. At the most basic level, the people of Sarata have
maintained control of the means to assure their own biological repro
duction.
The capitalist economy is not to be denied, however, Sarateos
could do without most of the imported foods in their diet, but they
would not like it. Nor would they like having to do without manufactured
clothing. Trying to sell a tape recorder in Juliaca while dressed in
homespun clothing would make dealing with potential buyers considerably
more difficult. The need for cash extends far beyond the purchase of


-126-
Mink'a refers to exchanging one's labor for cash within the context
of traditional relations between the different social strata in Sarata.
It is different from capitalist wage labor in that the transaction is
not complete when a task has been performed and money is handed over to
the people who performed it. Mink'a is part of a larger on-going pattern
of social relations. It is most commonly associated with exchanges
between households of the vecino and campesino social strata in which
campesinos provide labor for a nominal sum of money to a particular
vecino family in exchange for services such as legal aid or the right
to graze livestock on the vecino family's pasture land. In the rural
communities, mink 'a may be practiced among campesinos. Every household
must provide labor to other households in order to have the right to
request labor services for itself, and mink'a fits into the general
pattern of exchange. In the rural communities, people who are asked
to work have the right to specify if they would prefer to work for
money, mink1 a, or for a repayment in kind at a later time, ayni.
The customary wage paid to mink'a laborers, in the area of $0.80
to$1.00 per day, is low compared to the wages paid in capitalist
activities. Also, at critical periods in the agricultural cycle, being
able to call on someone to repay a labor debt is a much more valuable
asset than cash. Therefore, unless they have an immediate and specific
need for cash, people generally prefer not to work for mink'a. Because
of rapid inflation, it is virtually impossible to find anyone who will
by choice engage in mink'a at the present time. Cash can lose value
from one day to the next in terms of the goods it will buy, but the
potential crop return on a day's labor remains constant. Because of
the relatively high return offered by wage labor in capitalist activities


-262-
alteration or intensification of some activity in which the household was
already involved. Some began selling part of their food surpluses rather
than trading for other goods. Others began to drive herds of cattle to La
Paz for sale as part of, or in place of, long-standing trading expedi
tions into Bolivia. Still others began to sell food and other goods
they carried to the Peruvian coast instead of trading them for the produce
of that region, or journeys to the coast were made to take advantage of the
growing opportunities for seasonal wage labor rather than to trade.
As in the past, however, prosperity depended upon the successful co
ordination of production for subsistence with other economic activities.
In the past, those who were able to cultivate their lands and meet
their tribute obligations by mining gold and growing, food in the tropi
cal valleys had more opportunities to prosper than did those who went to
Potos. Members of this latter group were unable to continue cultivat
ing their lands during their period of service. They lost control of
their own food production during their prolonged residence at the
distant mine, and, of those who survived the experience of forced labor,
many did not have the resources to return home and begin cultivation
anew. Likewise, with the penetration of the capitalist mode of produc
tion, those who were able to continue producing their own food while
participating in capitalist economic activities had the opportunity to
prosper. Those who lost control of their own food production either
because they spent too much time trying to earn cash and neglected
production for their own subsistence, or because they became dependent
upon sell ing the food that they would otherwise eat as a means of creating
exchange value, became vulnerable both to the economic fluctuation


CHAPTER V
HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN A PEASANT ECONOMY
Introduction
Having discussed the development of the regional economic system
of which Sarata is a part and discussed in general terms the strategy
by which sarateos deal with that economic system, attention can be
turned to the level of a particular household. It is at this level
that the capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production are joined
in the sphere of exchange in the transfer of value from the non
capitalist to the capitalist mode of production, and in the allocation
of labor so as to coordinate the production schedules of the respective
modes. By focusing upon a particular household it is possible to see
how sarateos attempt to make the diversified economic strategy
described in earlier chapters function in their interests.
The economic activities which coirmonly involve members of the
rural communities of Sarata are alternatives among which individual
households may choose in accordance with the constraints under which
they operate. The location of a household in the district is an
important constraining factor. The district of Sarata is characterized
by three distinct ecological zones. Each zone is characterized by a
different subsistence base, which, in turn, requires a different
productive schedule and, sometimes, different productive techniques.
-190-


-34-
were not. However, all of the ayllu did control land in the different
ecological zones of the district. In one case, a very large community
constituted an ayllu in and of itself. It is unclear upon what basis
the ayl 1 u were organized in pre-h'ispanic times; however, the Spanish
organized them into landholding institutions. Each ayl1u had defined
territorial boundaries by the 17th century.
Prior to the emergence of the rural communities as political
institutions, the district government was composed of the governor of
the district and a teniente gobernador who was appointed to represent
each avl1u. This began to change in the 1950s as different parts of
the ayl1u began to want their own tenientes gobernadores to represent
their interests in obtaining support for the construction of schools,
roads, and other facilities. From this time, the communities of Sarata
gradually acquired their own tenientes gobernadores and the ayl1u lost
much of their importance, with the transition process ending in the
early 1970s. Presently, the ayl1u is the basis of only a few political
or administrative functions, although they continue to be invoked by
specialists on ritual or ceremonial occasions as fundamental institu
tions in district organization.
Prior to the agrarian reform of the Velasco government, in the
late 1950s and early 1970s, there were 12 privately owned farms, or
fundos, in the district of Sarata. One of these was owned by a man
whose daughters all belonged to the San Vicente de Paul order of nuns.
Upon his death, the fundo passed into the hands of the order, where it
remained until the agrarian reform. The other fundos were controlled
by members of four different families. Most of the fundo owners in
Sarata also had land holdings in other, neighboring districts as well.


-118-
production, those of land tenure. Land tenure among the campesinos is
based upon individual ownership of small plots of land. Both men and
women are landowners and both inherit lands from their parents, usually
upon marriage, and both men and women may purchase or trade land.
Theoretically, all children in a household inherit land equally; however,
it is generally accepted that the child who remains home to care for the
parents as they grow older will receive a larger inheritance, frequently
the parents' house. Frequently this role falls to the youngest off
spring.
The bestowing of land on the husband and wife at the time of
marriage by their respective parents is both the ceremonial and physi
cal constitution of a new household unit of production. It is recog
nition of full adult status with the rights and duties that implies in
Aymara society. It is also the passing along of the principal means of
production, land, marking the successful biological and social repro
duction of the household. The lands that one receives from one's
parents are not located in adjacent nor even necessarily nearby areas.
The different plots are small in size, frequently consisting of a single
furrow in a given place, and scattered over a wide area. This is to
maximize the diversity of crops thay may be grown on the land and
minimize the usually localized effects of frost and hail.
Through marriage, a man and woman and, soon, their children form a
new household unit of production and consumption. Household labor is
performed as a unit. However, the land as well as whatever movable
property each person brings to the marriage remain the property of that
person alone. There is no such thing as joint property, in land or
anything else, in marriage. If a woman brings a wiri, or footplow, to


-90-
other major world currencies. From 1970 through 1979, the official
exchange rate went from 38.7 to 250.1 soles to the dollar. By the end
of 1980, the value of the sol had dropped below 335 to the dollar. In
the department of Puno, rural producers reacted to inflation by putting
less of their own production up for sale and by consuming fewer manu
factured goods. Inflation prompted a return to specialized production
and distribution within the rural society (Appleby 1979). However, the
increase in departmental urban populations in general and the astronomi
cal increase of Juliaca in particular indicate that a large part of the
rural population was unable to cope with the economic crisis of the
1970s.
The demands made upon the rural areas of the region by urban cen
ters have been many and varied through the course of the present century.
Urban centers have increased the quantity of goods reaching the rural
areas of the region. As the urban centers have grown, so have the
scales of their marketing networks extending into the countryside.
This has been a major force since the late 19th century, when the
railroad entered the region. The greatest initial impact of the rail
road was not in the extraction of wool production, as producers tended
to rely upon traditional marketing procedures for some time. Rather,
the railroad permitted a tremendous increase in the quantity of manu
factured goods reaching the altiplano for distribution in the country
side. People began to enter vertical market relationships as a means
of acquiring the new goods (Appleby 1980).
Growing urban centers exerted an increasing demand upon the
countryside for food. Particularly during the first part of
the 20th century, this demand was manifested in coercive market


-255-
of household economic expansion. A commonly expressed ideal is that
as the children grow up and establish households of their own, the
subsistence requirements of the parent's household diminish and the
parents are able to return from capitalist economic activities. Cash
cropping in the Tambopata Valley and commercial activity are taken over
by the offspring who, if they honor their obligations, will provide
for their parents' cash needs in their old age.
It is not uncommon, however, for households to continue to expand
their activities in the capitalist economy. One step on this direction
would be to cease dealing in foodstuffs in the various market places and
begin selling a commodity which offers a greater profit margin. Selling
manufactured clothing is an option which has attracted many people in
the past, for example, whereas high-quality tennis shoes which are
manufactured in Peru are currently considered a good product for someone
interested in earning a greater profit.
Under favorable conditions, such a step might make even greater
economic growth possible. Just as our hypothetical household and the
household of the woman's brother collaborate in the cultivation of
coffee and citrus, it would not be unusual for them to pool their
resources in order to make a down payment on a truck. This would permit
the handling of larger quantities of goods, and hauling passengers
would provide the immediate cash necessary to provide incentives for
local authorities to allow this more conspicuous business to grow unim
peded. Another possible course of action would be to invest in property
in either Juliaca or the departmental capital of Puno and establish a
retail business. Obviously, most households do not expand their


-156-
because grain production is not the goal with these forage crops, the
timing of planting and harvesting activities is not critical and these
are "fitted around" the demands of the other activities.
Quinoa and Kaiwa
More significant are the Andean food grains quinoa, or jup"a in
Aymara (Chenopodium quinoa), and kaiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule).
Prior to the arrival of the Spanish, these were cultivated extensively
throughout the Andes. However, after the conquest these indigenous
cultigens rapidly lost ground to the barley introduced by the Spanish.
Barley offered the advantages of being easier to grind into flour and
of producing more grain in a given area. Barley is currently con
sidered to be more able to withstand hail than quinoa or kaiwa. Also*
barley offers more security, because if it should be ruined for human
consumption, it may be salvaged as forage for livestock. After a severe
hailstorm nothing is salvageable from quinoa and kaiwa plants.
In spite of the advantages offered by barley, however, quinoa and
kaiwa have never been entirely replaced, and today they occupy four to five
percent of the land under cultivation in the district of Sarata. Quinoa
and kaiwa rarely occupy plots of land of their own. Rather, the grains
are generally planted in conjunction with the major food crops, that
were described above. Quinoa and kaiwa are commonly planted on the
sloping sides of the ridges in plots of potatoes, minor tubers, or
beans, for example. In plots of barley or non-irrigated beans, where
elevated ridges are not employed, rows of quinoa or kaiwa may be al
ternated with the other crops or planted around the edges of the field


-226-
During the course of the present investigation, it was not pos
sible to accurately measure or estimate the actual number of hours
invested in freeze-drying. Thomas (1972:118) estimates that about 25
hours are required to perform the tasks necessary to freeze dry the
production of 500 square meters. Three hundred square meters of Solanum
andigenum and the production of 200 square meters of land planted in
Oxalis crenata are reasonable estimates of the portion of the harvest
of the lakeside zone destined for freeze-drying. Therefore, Thomas'
figure of 25 hours will be used here.
Broad Beans and Peas
In the community of Jat"a, broad beans (Vicia fava) and peas
occupy about one-third of the land under cultivation. This means that
our hypothetical household has about 3700 square meters in broad beans
and peas every year. Of this about 3400 square meters are devoted to
broad bean cultivation and about 300 square meters are planted in peas.
Broad beans are said to be the crop which makes best use of irrigated
land, yielding three harvests a year on lands which are watered through
out the year.
Irrigated land is unevenly distributed in the lakesize zone of
Sarata. Some communities have no irrigated lands within their bound
aries, while others, such as Jat"a, possess them in abundance. However,
because of the pattern of land tenure described in the preceding chap
ter, nearly every household in the lakeside zone has direct access to at
least a small parcel of irrigated land, and a non-random survey of


-272-
household economies, or that the insecurities of the capitalist mode
of production prompt people to avoid capitalist activities. On the
contrary, people feel that as long as they enjoy the freedom to decide
when and how to participate in capitalist activities, these should
be sought out and taken advantage of. Indeed, it was the penetration
of the capitalist mode of production which provided economic opportuni
ties outside of the control of the traditional regional elites and
allowed the Aymara of Sarata to accumulate sufficient wealth and
political power to begin to successfully challenge their dominance of
the region. However, the freedom to decide when and how to participate
in the capitalist mode of production is the result of sarateos main
taining control over their own food supply, and they know it. For
this reason sarateos do not participate in the activities which inter
fere with subsistence agriculture.
Neither does the dominance of the non-capitalist mode of produc
tion and the conscious isolation of food production from the capitalist
economy indicate a lack of knowledge or experience by sarateos with
regard to this mode of production. The reluctance to allow their food
supply to be controlled by the market economy goes beyond a simple
realization that one can earn more money growing coffee and citrus,
engaging in trade and transport and working as a seasonal wage laborer
than by growing and selling food. This is but one aspect of the prob
lem and it is also the least important aspect. Of greater significance
is the question of why sarateos do not seek or develop full-time
economic activities in the capitalist mode of production, increase their
net revenue, and purchase their food needs. In fact, some households


-122-
be accrued from recognized status. In many ways this made people more
reluctant to get involved than a more "low-key" approach might have.
The campesinos reasoned that if the government wanted the communities
to become recognized so badly it must have some motive other than their
interest in mind. This was coupled with the fact that because of the
lengthy bureaucratic process involved in achieving recognition, many of
the agrarian reform institutions charged with dealing with recognized
communities ceased to function before interested communities could com
plete the paperwork, as the agrarian reform entered its "second phase"
under the government of General Francisco Morales Bermudez. Also, on
at least one occasion, vecinos, who stood to lose lands which would
have been inside the boundaries of a community, physically prevented
agrarian reform officials from reaching the community.
Within this generalized pattern of individual land ownership among
peasant communities, there are cooperative activities. Some of the com
munities in the low-lying areas near Lake Titicaca have what are known
as suyu lands. These are individually owned plots which adjoin one
another. The rotation cycles have been coordinated so that all are
growing the same crop at the same time. In periods where labor inten
sive activities are required, the entire community works the land as
if it were a single unit, although all production belongs to the indi
vidual landowners. This approach relieves the insecurity often ex
perienced by households as they compete among themselves to secure their
additional labor needs. The entire community works together on the
suyu lands and everyone is guaranteed equal access to the labor.
In other communities suyu land refers to common pasture land.
During the periods of the rotation cycle in which crops are being


-249-
Many of the people who accept jobs as laborers are individuals who are
seeking to secure their first tropical lands. Working for someone
else allows them to learn the techniques of cultivation and provides
a means of supporting oneself while clearing land and waiting for the
coffee and citrus trees to begin to bear.
Labor is generally scarce during the height of the coffee harvest,
and, especially when coffee prices are high, wages are good by local
standards. During a good year, when coffee prices are high, three
dollars a day is not an uncommon wage for a laborer. However, the
unpleasant working conditions caused by the relatively high heat and
humidity of the valley compared with the highlands, numerous biting
insects, and an abundance of poisonous snakes prevail upon many poten
tial laborers to seek their wages elsewhere.
Based upon interviews with producers, two men working a three-
hectare plot would probably need to emply two laborers. If they were
dependable the laborers could be expected to work 60 days each. Thus,
the labor costs for the two households from Jat"a can be expected to
amount to about $360.00.
Producers complain about high maintenance costs. Although they
carry produce from their home communities with them when they travel
to the valley and maintain subsistence plots on their tropical lands,
they find they must purchase an inordinate amount of food in the
markets of San Juan del Oro and Yanamayo. These purchases usually
include meat and highland products such as potatoes. Potatoes do not
store well in the tropical region, so they must be purchased in
relatively small quantities to be consumed rather quickly. Meat must


-99-
States and 51 percent by the Development Financing Corporation (Cor
poracin Financiera de Desarrollo, or COFIDE) and Industries of Peru
(Industrias Peruanas, or INDUPERU), which represent Peruvian capital
(Peru Reports 1976c:3-4). The tractors produced by this enterprise
were not intended for Peru's small-scale agriculturalists. They would,
in fact, have been useless on their tiny plots scattered over wide
areas of very rough terrain. The example of the Andean Tractor Factory
illustrates that, while Peru talked about developing peasant agricul
ture, it put its money elsewhere.
The project which best symbolizes the.nature of the government
commitment to policies of peasant participation and national indepen
dence in the area of agriculture is the Majes project. This massive
effort extends over four provinces of the department of Arequipa and
involves major damming and rechanneling of the Apurimac, Coica, and
Siguas rivers for the purpose of constructing massive irrigation works.
The dams are intended to be the sites of hydroelectric plants which
will provide power for the region. Peasants from other areas are to
be resettled along the irrigation works. The plan calls for the con
struction of two new cities, which are projected to have respective
populations of 80,000 and 120,000 by the year 1995. The estimated
total cost of the project in 1976 was approximately $688,888,888.00.
Construction is being carried out by the Majes Consortium (MACON),
which is composed of private companies from the United Kingdom, Sweden,
Spain, Canada, and South Africa. As of April 1976, these private
foreign companies had invested approximately $119,844,444.00, while the
Peruvian state had invested $24,866,667.00 (Peru Reports 1976b:7-8)-
Although the rhetoric of the Peruvian agrarian reform emphasized


-139-
and animal goods which result from agricultural production may not
properly be referred to as commodities since they are not sold. Agri
culture is carried out for the purposes of producing use value. Because
there is a market economy in which agricultural goods may be sold at
cash prices, the goods produced in Sarata do potentially have a price.
However, agricultural goods are seldom sold. Among producers, agri
cultural goods are exchanged, usually for other agricultural goods or
for labor.
The present section will examine the process of agricultural pro
duction in Sarata as it relates to the goods produced in the area. The
means of production and the social relations of production which define
agriculture as non-capitalist will be examined in particular detail.
Not only are these factors important in considering agricultural produc
tion, but they are also very important in understanding the participa
tion of Sarata households in capitalist activities. These households
participate in agriculture for the purpose of producing their own food,
and the meeting of this objective takes precedence over any other
activity in which the household unit or any of its members may be in
volved. Stated in the simplest terms, the amount of time people have
for capitalism is determined by the amount of time required by their
household to meet its own food needs. This, in turn, is a factor of
the length of the growing season and the time or labor requirements of
the household's crops and livestock.
In the case of Sarata, the non-capitalist mode of production in
its concrete manifestation of subsistence agriculture is dominant be
cause the requirements of agriculture are what determine the nature
of a household's participation in capitalist activities. If forced to


-131-
extensive landholdings by these private owners, who also owned land in
other districts of the region. The fundos in Sarata varied somewhat in
size and were not necessarily contiguous, although they were concentrated
in the northeastern part of the district, an area characterized by a
mixed pattern of herding and agriculture.
All of the fundos had families of tenants, colonos, living on them,
who provided the labor for carrying out the different productive activi
ties. In return, they were given access to land for the purpose of
maintaining subsistence agricultural plots and their own herds of animals.
For their part the owners varied in their use of the fundos from main
taining them as strictly subsistence operations to efforts to construct
mechanized commercial farms. In some cases, the owners took an active
interest in the day-to-day administration of their fundos, while, in
others, they were absentee landlords, rarely, if ever, seen by the
colonos, or tenant laborers. In at least one case, the owner rented
his fundo to another individual to exploit as he pleased and keep what
ever profit was realized after paying the rent.
As part of the agrarian reform, these lands were expropriated from
their owners and joined under a single administration as a S.A.I.S.,
one of six administrative models used by the Peruvian government in
creating state-owned, cooperative enterprises. The area of S.A.I.S.
San Juan is impressive, although it is not among the larger institutions
of its kind created. Located entirely within the district of Sarata,
S.A.I.S. San Juan occupies approximately 304 of the 700 square kilometers
of land in the district, and in 1979, 1239 people were reported to live
on the cooperative.


-269-
labor resources. A household which has children old enough to take
responsibility for some of the subsistence activities has more time
to seek opportunities for earning cash, for example. The values and
goals of a particular household is a related factor. Many parents
"retire" from capitalist activities when their children are old enough
to take them over, dedicating their time and energy to home and
community. Others take advantage of their children growing up and
being able to help them to expand their interests in the capitalist
economy so that, over time, considerable wealth may be accumulated.
The basic rule for all households, however, is that one does not
entrust one's food supply to the vagaries of the capitalist market.
Selling food is unprofitable and purchasing it is dangerous of the
uncertainties of price and supply.
The effect of this strategy by sarateos has had two contradictory
influences upon capitalist expansion into the region. On one hand, it
has faci 1 itated the growth of a regional capitalist economy in several
ways. First, the income generated by participation in capitalist
productive activities allows Sarata to act as a relatively strong market
for manufactured goods imported into the region. In addition, the
adaptations of traditional subsistence-related activities into capi
talist activities has extended the capitalist mode of production into the
region at little or no cost to the national and international interests
to which the capitalist enterprises of Sarata are linked. Initiating
coffee and citrus production in the Tambopata Valley was realized with
no outside support. The extension of a road into the area, the estab
lishment of the system of coffee cooperatives, and the implementation of


-64-
few of those who went as tributaries ever returned to their homes. This
was partly due to the cruel and dangerous working conditions of the
mine. However, simple economic reasons also prevented many people from
returning home. Entire households made the trip to the mine, so that a
family's fields often went uncultivated for the duration of their
tribute period. The animals and stored food that had been accumulated
over many years were depleted, since households had to take these pro
visions to sustain themselves during their journey to Potos and during
their period of labor. Numerous people who survived the forced labor
did not have sufficient provisions left to make the long journey home
and pass a year in which there would be no harvest. Under these circum
stances, many families settled in the valleys near Potos, where land
was available for cultivation and where, as forasteros, or "outsiders,"
they could not be named for mit'a service again (Toledo 1975:355-356).
The memory of labor tribute remains with the people of Sarata to
the present day. The spot where the principal route to Bolivia passes
through the hills to leave the lakeside area and heads westward across
the al ti pi ano is known as putusi punku, or the "gateway to Potos."
According to legend, at putusi punku, people who were going to work in
the mines would perform a divination ceremony in which a guinea pig or a
rabbit would be released. If it squeaked or made a noise as it ran
away, the person who released it would return home safely. If the
animal fled in silence, the person was destined to die in the mines.
In 1573, an interview was carried out in the town of Carabuco, on
the northern shore of Lake Titicaca, with the caciques of the towns of
I
Guaycho, Carabuco, and Sarata. The interview was held so that the
Spanish authorities might gather information on the suggestion that the


Page
Subsistence Activities in Sarata 137
Subsistence and Non-Capitalist Production 137
Potatoes and Minor Tubers 142
Broad Beans ISO
Barley 153
Forage Grains 155
Qulnoa and Kalwa 156
Vegetable Crops 157
Corn. 159
Herding 160
The Role of Subsistence Activities 165
The Capitalist Mode of Production 167
Capitalist and Non-Capitalist Production 167
Wage Labor. 169
Trade and Transport 174
Capitalists 178
The Organization of Labor 188
V HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN A PEASANT ECONOMY 190
Introduction 190
A Sarata Household 191
Daily Activities 203
Labor Allocation 206
Household Agriculture 214
Potatoes and Minor Tubers 214
Broad Beans and Peas 226
Barley and Wheat 233
Qulnoa 235
Forage Grains 236
Onions 237
Livestock 239
Costs and Revenues of Subsistence Agriculture 240
Coffee and Citrus Cultivation 245
Trade and Commerce 251
Household Expenses 256
VI PEOPLE AND MODES OF PRODUCTION 260
Summary and Conclusions 260
Policy Implications. .... 275
The District of Sarata in a Broader Perspective 278
APPENDIX
THE AYMARA PHONEMIC ALPHABET 284
REFERENCES 285
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 293
vi i i


-254-
with a brand name that marks it as being of good quality costs about
$65.00. A radio of similar quality costs about $28.00. Since she must
conceal the machine on her person or among her possessions in order to
smuggle it to Juliaca, the woman must usually choose between either the
tape recorder or the radio. Thus, a reasonable estimate of her average
weekly expenditure for machines would be $46.50. If we assume that she
is able to work about 26 weeks out of every year, the annual cost of
working as a petty merchant for the woman in our hypothetical household
is about $1,898.00.
Against this, marketing offers the following revenues. The $15.00
worth of vegetables purchased each week may be sold for about $18.00.
The $5.00 worth of cheeses purchased on Wednesday may be easily resold
at the Bolivian border for $10.00. A tape recorder, purchased for
$65.00 at the Bolivian border may be resold in Juliaca for $78.00,
and a radio purchased at the border for $28.00 will bring $35.00 in
Juliaca. Machines can thus be counted on for about $56.50 per week
in revenue. Over 26 weeks, the gross revenue from these activities
amounts to about $2,197.00 in cash, plus varying quantities of wool
which are applied to household subsistence needs. The net revenue
resulting from the woman's market activity is thus $299.00.
Although already responsible for a significant portion of the
household budget, there are several directions in which the marketing
activities of the woman may expand to provide greater revenues. Some
expansion will occur "naturally" as the children grow and become
increasingly able to care for themselves and contribute their labor
to household economic activities. In most cases, this marks the limit


-214-
household must not only consider the number of hours of labor required
to accomplish a task such as potato harvesting, but it must organize
these inputs so that they are available during very particular periods
of time.
Another factor which a household must consider when calculating
its labor needs is repayment of workers. As noted, labor may be
acquired through either ayni or mink'a. Usually workers choose to work
under ayni, which means they must be repaid in labor. Thus, people
who come to work for a day on the lands of a household must be repaid
a day's work by an adult member of that household. During periods of
peak activity, most households need additional labor within a short
span of time. Repayment of labor obligations can be'disruptive if a
household does not plan carefully in terms of the opportunity cost of
its labor. For example, in the Jat"a household under discussion, it
would be highly preferable if the woman did not have to miss any major
market days performing labor services. Every effort would be made to
work out a "repayment schedule" that the man alone could pay back, or,
at least, would not require the woman to perform agricultural labor on
a market day. Such considerations require that households plan both
in terms of the number of workers they require and in terms of the
production schedules of people they might ask to work.
Household Agriculture
Potatoes and Minor Tubers
In Jat"a, the planting season begins in early August, shortly
after the new year begins for the Aymara. Potatoes are the earliest


-123-
cultivated a particular piece of land has individual owners. When it
enters the fallow period of the rotation cycle, however, anyone may
graze their animals on it until it is time to bring the land back under
cultivation once more.
Many communities have land which has been designated as belonging
to their school. The production of this land is often used as the basis
for lunches prepared for the students. Sometimes a vegetable crop that
can usually be sold at a relatively good profit, such as tomatoes, is
grown on school land and the proceeds are used for buying new school
equipment or expanding the facilities.
The different mechanics by which land is owned and utilized do not
constitute a smoothly operating structure. Disputes are common among
individual landowners. People frequently allege that one neighbor or
another is encroaching on their lands. At the first sign of disuse or
inattention by its owner, someone will attempt to appropriate a par
ticularly choice plot. If the community as a whole can be convinced
that an owner has been neglecting a plot, it may be decided to reassign
the plot to someone else. Activities that require the participation of
an entire community, or a large part of a community, frequently provide
the context for charges that one or another household is not contributing
its fair share to the community.
Such friction is a manifestation of an ongoing tension within
communities between collectivist or cooperativist tendencies on one
hand and very individualistic tendencies on the other. Communities
recognize from long experience the dangers of disunity in leaving them
vulnerable to external pressures, and they equally recognize the secu
rity and possible advantages to be gained by presenting a united front


-159-
slightly higher cost than they are produced on the Peruvian coast, and
that because of the shorter distance they could be transported to the
city of Juliaca more cheaply. Also, because the greenhouse tomatoes
are of higher quality--they are picked ripe instead of green and they
suffer less damage in transport--the Sarata greenhouse tomatoes command
a higher price. Prompted by this discovery, a number of households in
the communities participating in the greenhouse project have constructed
their own private greenhouses for the purpose of growing tomatoes for
sale. Initially, they sold their tomatoes in the Sunday market of
Sarata; however, because the price received in Juliaca is considerably
higher than in Sarata, this practice was soon abandoned in favor of
selling all of the tomatoes in the urban center.
Corn
Small quantities of corn are cultivated in Sarata in particularly
sheltered areas. Corn produced in Sarata plays a very small role in
household subsistence strategies; however, corn is a highly valued crop
since Sarata affords some of the few areas in the entire altiplano where
the corn will grow. The results are less than impressive by most
standards. The ears of corn rarely reach ten centimeters in length with
five centimeters being closer to the mean length. However, that even
this can be achieved in the altiplano marks the lands where corn is
grown as truly favored.
It should be borne in mind that agriculture is carried out with
the purpose of providing a household with food, and any function it has
beyond that is truly incidental. Therefore, priority is given to


-220-
fallow, where tubers of the genus Solanum are planted. In addition,
in households which have land in the Tambopata Valley, it is necessary
for someone, normally the man, to leave for the tropical zone by the
first of May, in order to be sure of arriving in time for the peak of
the coffee harvest. Therefore, an effort is made to harvest as much
as the progress of the season will allow by that date so as to minimize
the labor that the remaining spouse will have to expend alone later.
Again, ayni exchanges provide the means by which households meet
their labor requirements. The labor power provided by ayni tends to be
directed toward the harvest of the most productive fields, where the
amount of potatoes resulting from an hour of digging is greater. Mar
ginal fields tend to be harvested on a basis of when labor is available,
with the members of a household doing the work alone. This frequently
has the effect of further reducing the productivity of marginal areas
because part of the product is lost to spoilage or consumed by animals
before anyone gets around to harvesting them. Once the bulk of a house
hold's subsistence requirements have been assured, subsistence agricul
ture receives a lower priority in labor allocation as labor power is
focused toward capitalist activities.
The amount of ayni labor recruited is determined by the number of
people needed to completely harvest a particular area, or areas located
near one another in a single workday. In the potato harvest, the
related activities involved with getting the potatoes from the field to
the storage areas in the household compound are equally important as the
actual digging. Potatoes may not be left lying around a field once they


-101-
The period marked the beginning of a trend of gradual replacement of
sweet corn for human consumption by hard yellow corn for use in poultry
feed. Hybrid varieties of corn increased in importance, with seed
being imported from the United States. In spite of increasing amounts
of land being devoted to raising grain for poultry feed, the increase
was insufficient to feed the growing numbers of birds, and large-scale
feed grain imports from the United States were begun. North American
poultry companies established incubation and production houses in Peru,
and the United States Department of Agriculture aided in finding ex
ternal markets for poultry raised in Peru. The veterinary and related
supplies were purchased from companies outside of Peru (Gonzlez Vigil
et al_. 1980:145-286).
Since 1965, the exportation of live birds as well as processed
poultry has been a major source of income. The importation of grain
and chemical additives for poultry feed has been firmly established and
representatives of multinational enterprises have become increasingly
prominent in the milling of domestically produced grains destined for
animal and human consumption. Although overall poultry production in
creased dramatically, the increasing presence of foreign capital which
viewed profit maximization on an international scale, resulted in a
decreased availability of poultry products among the low-income groups
of the population that were supposed to have been the beneficiaries of
a developed poultry industry. This was in part because what would have
been reductions in price because of increased production were offset
by the increased use of imported capital inputs, and in part because
domestic consumers had to compete with the high-priced export market
(Gonzalez Vigil et al_. 1980:145-286).


-258-
Table 5-12
Annual Household Expenses
Goods Purchased
Quantity
Monthly Expenditure Yearly Expenditure
Constant Expenditures
Purchased Foodstuffs
Suaar
g
kilograms per month
$ 3.57
S 42.84
Rice
4
kiloorams per month
1.65
19.80
flood 1 es
2
ki1ograms per month
1 .07
12.84
Cooking oil
i
1iter per month
0.88
10.56
Cried fish Cispi)
5
kilograms per month
0.18
2.15
Fresh fish
2.35
34.20
Bread
1.40
16. SO
Carrots
1 .40
16.80
Cabbace
1.40
¡6.30
Frui t
0.30
9.60
Tona toes
1.50
18.00
SUBTOTAL
$16.70
$200.39
Food-Related Purchases
.'erosene
2
aallons per month
0.32
3.84
Coca
2.35
34.20
SUBTOTAL
S 3.17
$ 38.04
TOTAL CONSTANT EXPENDITURES
S19.87
S238.43
Occasional Expenditures
Cork-Related
Candy
S 5.58
Coca
10.74
Dried fish (sd)
1 .03
Cheese
5.36
SUBTOTAL
S 22.76
^estival-Related
See^
7 cases
31 .25
Coca
3.57
rlcohol
1 liter
0.72
Bread
3.57
SUBTOTAL
$ 39.11
Co trine
For adult male
2 pair pants
2 snirts
32.50
1 pair soccer-stvle shoes or 1 coat
For adult female
1 pollera skirt
2 blouses
1 hat
1 pair shoes
42.: 4
For children
Shoes
17. 6
SUBTOTAL
S 92.50
Connunity Projects
Contribution
1 bao of cement
7.14
Contribution
1 sheet of metal roofing
7.14
SUBTOTAL
$ 14.28
TOTAL OCCASIONAL EXPENDITURES
$168.65
TOTAL ANNUAL CASH EXPEN
iDITUP.ES TO MEET BASIC SUBSISTENCE NEEDS AND SOCIAL OBLIGATIONS
$407.03


Institutional affiliation in Peru was provided by the Pontificia
Universidad Catlica del Per, in Lima, and by the Universidad Nacional
Tcnica del Altiplano, in Puno. Carlos Arambur and Alejandro Camino,
anthropology professors at the Universidad Catlica, shared their
extensive knowledge of Puno department and directed me to numerous use
ful bibliographic sources. Victor Bustinza, Oscar Chaquilla, and
Eleodoro Chahuares, faculty members of the Universidad del Altiplano,
made university resources available and assisted me in gaining access
to government offices and agencies in Puno. Rodolfo Machi cao, also a
faculty member at the Universidad del Altiplano and a native of Sarata,
allowed my wife and me to reside in his family's house while we were in
Sarata, provided extensive information on the district, and introduced
me to a number of helpful saratanos.
Ismael Cerruto and Jacinto Condori of the Ministerio de Agricul
tura y Alimentacin provided extensive information on productive activi
ties in Sarata. Eleodoro Aquise Jaen, director of the Puno office of
the Servicio Nacional de Meteorologa e Hidrologa, made available
climatic data on the region. Victor Villanueva, director of the
Organismo Regional de Planificacin in Puno, also collaborated with
my research efforts.
Valuable assistance and support while I was in the field was also
provided by Phil Blair, Lucy Briggs, Hector Martinez, Benjamin Orlove,
and Peter White. The Sisters of Satin Joseph who administer the parish
of Sarata were uniformly kind, helpful, and supportive of my efforts.
The members of my doctoral committee have been unfailing in their
encouragement and support since I first arrived at the University of
v


-193-
Table 5-1
Population, Number of
in
Households, and Mean
Lakeside Communities
Household Size
Community
Population
Number
of Households
Mean Household Size
Jat"a
156
35
4.5
A
982
180
5.5
B
658
167
4.2
C
207
47
4.4
D
443
72
6.1
E
176
39
4.5
F
269
52
5.2
G
1325
275
4.8
H
258
51
5.1
I
555
97
5.7
J
785
94
8.3
K
128
31
4.1
L
392
94
4.2
M
216
42
5.1
N
403
93
4.3
0
346
84
4.2
P
520
100
5.2
Q
385
79
4.9
R
1485
300
4.9
S
408
76
5.4
T
144
28
5.1
Total
Population:
Total
10,241 Households:
2036
Lakeside
Area Mean: 5.03


-239-
Livestock
Households in the lakeside areas of Sarata maintain only small
numbers of livestock. This is primarily due to a lack of pasture
resulting from high population density and relatively productive land
which is more prized for growing crops than for providing grazing area
for animals. It will be recalled that our hypothetical household owns
11 head of livestock: six sheep, two pigs, a llama, and a cow with a
calf.
The biggest single labor expenditure for livestock is their
pasturing and feeding. This involves either driving the animals to and
from a pasture where they can graze, or, during the dry months, feeding
them a combination of reeds from Lake Titicaca and oats and forage
barley. This task is estimated to require about 60 hours per month,
all year long, for a total labor expenditure of about 720 hours annually.
Pasturing and feeding cattle are among the major factors limiting the
time available for field labor or community projects to 6.5 hours per
day.
The sheep are generally sheared in February, as is the llama
every second year. The labor expenditure is about five hours each
February. A sheep is butchered about once a year, usually near the
end of Kay. Some of the meat is consumed fresh, but most of it is
dried. The butchering itself requires about four hours. Cutting up
and drying the meat requires an additional three hours of labor, spread
over several days as the meat dries. Two pigs are kept to be butchered
during the course of the year. The pork is consumed fresh. Each


-161-
that may be cultivated and force a simplification of productive schedules,
it becomes increasingly difficult for households to maintain a sub
sistence strategy based upon crop diversity. At the same time, however,
conditions become more favorable for raising livestock as population
density decreases. Households control larger extensions of land, and
the labor demands of complex planting, harvesting, and weeding schedules
dec!ine.
Sheep are the most numerous herd animals in the district of Sarata.
In addition to the animals found on S.A.I.S. San Juan and the lands of
medianos productores, some 30,000 head are .owned by community members.
They provide households with wool and meat, which may either be con
sumed or sold. Like all herd animals, sheep require a certain amount
of day-to-day care in order to provide them pasture and water and to
protect them from predators. These activities constitute part of the
normal maintenance activities of a household. During certain months
of the year additional labor is required as the sheep pass through the
production cycle. The principal activities which require additional
labor are mating, lambing, weaning and the separation of pregnant fe
males from the herd, the shearing of wool, the butchering of animals
and meat preservation, the selling of animals, the castration of males,
and bathing and worming.
There are two periods of mating and lambing annually. Mating
occurs in late December and early January for births in June, and in
June for births in late November and early December. Lambs are weaned
from their mothers from three to four months after birth, usually in
the months of April and October. During these months, the females which
are pregnant as a result of the December to January or June matings are


-32-
Also located in the town is a post of the Guardia Civil or national
police force and an office of the Polica de Investigaciones del Per,
which is the national plain-clothes investigative police. A medical
post is located on the edge of town which is affiliated with the Ministry
of Health and an office of the Ministery of Agriculture provides infor
mation and technical assistance to the cultivators and herders of the
district. Public education is available in the town from the levels of
kindergarten through secondary school. The Catholic Church has been an
institution in the town since 1608, when the first priest arrived.
Today the church is administered by North American nuns from the order
of the Sisters of St. Joseph, who also provide services in religious
education and rural health care. Services are performed by the Sisters
and a sacristan, who is from a community outside the town of Sarata.
The Adventists arrived in Sarata early in the 20th century, and most
of their work has been concentrated in the rural communities; however,
they have recently constructed a large temple in the town as well. The
Adventist church is completely run by native personnel.
The town is also a center for commerce in the district. It is the
site of a large Sunday market, which attracts between 700 and 1,000
vendors weekly, and a much smaller Thursday market. On other days of
the week, stores are the main distributors of beer, soft drinks, cocoa,
and food products such as noodles, rice, and sugar. Several mechanics
are kept busy maintaining the large number of trucks that operate out
of the town.
In the town of Sarata, one also finds such services as running
water, electricity from about 6:00-10:00 p.m. when the hydroelectric
generator is working properly, and a sewer system, which was in the


-96-
is not unique to Peru, but has been observed in many Latin American
societies undergoing rapid social and technological change.
In Mexico, for example, with the exception of the Crdenas adminis
tration which held power between 1935 and 1940, post-revolutionary
government policy has generally been to favor urban industrial growth
at the expense of the countryside. Agriculture has been viewed and
evaluated in terms of its ability to support a growing urban population
bound to the urban industrial sector of the economy. Emphasis has been
placed upon keeping food prices low, and not upon improving the standard
of living of the peasantry which until recently constituted the majority
of the Mexican population. In order to keep urban food prices down,
large-scale producers were encouraged to replace labor inputs with in
puts of capital. The lack of economic opportunity in the countryside
forced large numbers of people into the urban areas, where they could
be used as a source of cheap labor (Hewitt de Alcantara 1976).
Peru also has favored urban interests over rural, at least since
1950. It has experienced exponential population growth in its urban
areas, stimulated at least in part by the lack of economic opportunity
in a depressed rural economy. It has emphasized maintaining low food
prices and has oriented agricultural production toward the production
of goods for urban consumption. Like Mexico, it has been unable to pro
duce enough to satisfy the demand of the expanding urban sector.
When the military government of Velasco Alvarado took power in
1968, it inherited an agricultural policy that emphasized the production
of industrial cash crops and food products for urban consumption. The
major industrial cash crops were cotton, sugar, and coffee, with milk
products, hard yellow corn, and brewer's barley growing in importance.


-230-
March or early April to be harvested the following September or October;
and a third planting in June, which is usually harvestable by late
November or early December. Although there is no rule that the June
planting must be smaller, there are pressures which tend to make it so.
The young bean plants appear during the coldest months of the year,
when the danger of damage by frost is greatest. In addition, in house
holds such as the one under discussion here, the male is generally away
in the Tambopata Valley, so less labor is available for planting.
Although smaller, this harvest arrives at an important time, for the
months of November and December are considered the lean months in
Sarata. The early crops are taken to the church and blessed as part of
the festivities surrounding the day of Santa Barbara' in December.
Although irrigation increases the productivity of the land by
raising yield potential and allowing more than one harvest to be
realized on a plot in a single year, it also increases the demand upon
household labor resources. First, cultivating irrigated land is simply
more time consuming. Planting and harvesting techniques are the same,
but weeds respond to irrigation the same as other plants and this task
requires more time. In addition repairs must be made on the elevated
rows upon which the beans are planted because the water passing through
the ditches tends to erode them. Some maintenance regularly occurs
during weeding, but the condition of the rows must be inspected regu
larly.
A more concentrated labor investment is required by the annual
community labor project, p"a,yna, for the purpose of repairing and main
taining the irrigation system. Each household is required to


-36-
authority during the colonial period, and the authority of the Peruvian
4
governments that have ruled the country since the Wars of Independence.
Although a product of the mixture of European and indigenous populations,
and speakers of both Aymara and Spanish, they orient their values toward
the European cultural heritage. The people who live in the countryside
are commonly regarded as the representatives of Peru's modern Native
American population. A tension exists between the two groups that has
been punctuated by violence at different times in the past.
Social stratification in Sarata will be discussed here on the basis
of a formal analysis of the features upon which residents base their
distinctions of social categories. The interviewing techniques of the
field linguist were employed in the elicitation of these features.
Analysis and presentation generally follow the methodologies of Good-
enough (1965) and Lounsbury (1964). Miracle (1976) has demonstrated
the utility of formal analysis as a tool for examining Aymara social
relations.
Rural inhabitants of Sarata commonly distinguish two social cate
gories, jaqi, or "human being," and campesino, or "peasant," which are
used almost interchangeably to refer to themselves. Misti is a pejora
tive term that, broadly defined, means someone who lives in the town.
Numerous features in addition to living either in the country or in
the town are said to distinguish campesinos from mistis, however. The
distinguishing features which are commonly cited are listed in Table
2-1. These include features related to dress, diet, work habits,
manners, and religion, among others.
4
This and other historical information mentioned in the present chapter
will be discussed more fully in Chapter III.


-186-
distributor in Juliaca upon which they are all dependent. There, the
coffee is bulked for international export.
The most common citrus fruits are oranges, tangerines, and limes.
These are picked prior to making a trip to town, where they are sold to
buyers. Usually, the fruit buyers are people who have businesses in
the towns of San Juan del Oro or Yanamayo. These buyers bulk the fruit
at their businesses and ship it out about once a week, also primarily
to the city of Juliaca. The arrangements by which citrus is marketed
are various. The buyers may be representatives of larger commercial
concerns in Juliaca who simply buy the fruit for these enterprises and
ship it out on company trucks. Buyers may act as middlemen in their
own right, in which case they may simply sell it to another independent
buyer from the highlands. These intermediary operations vary widely
in size, with some buyers owning their own trucks and others contracting
with independent drivers to haul the fruit out for them.
For producers, labor is the most constant and critical problem.
Once the coffee has matured, it should be picked immediately. Picking
is done completely by hand. A great deal of labor is frequently in
volved in the transport of coffee and citrus to the cooperatives or
buyers as well. Producers usually turn to members of their extended
family and to other community members in their search for laborers.
If this does not yield enough workers, producers must hire workers they
can find. Wages are high by local standards. Producers pay an average
of $2.00 to $3.00 a day to laborers, depending upon how much coffee
they pick. Producers also have the obligation of providing the people
working for them with meals and lodging.


-225-
Table 5-8
Estimated Tuber Yields for Lakeside Households
Tuber
Hectares Planted
Yield/Hectare
Kilograms
Harvested
Solanum tuberosum
0.25
6000
1500
Solanum andiqenum
0.03
5229
157
Oxalis crenata
0.13
6200
868
Ullucus tuberosus
0.01
3769
38
Tropaeolum tuberosum
0.01
4118
41
TOTAL YIELD
2604
The final activity related to tuber production which requires a
significant labor expenditure on the part of Sarata households is
freeze-drying, or the making of ch'uhu and tunta from the Solanum
andiqenum and of k"aya from Oxalis crenata. All of the Solanum andi-
genum production is treated in this way. The bitter enzyme which makes
it frost-resistant must be leached out through the freeze-drying process
before the tuber is edible. Because Oxalis crenata is not regarded as
being very storable, a significant portion of this tuber is freeze-
dried, with the fresh tubers being consumed during the cold months
immediately after harvest. The freeze-drying process, which was
described in the previous chapter, occurs over a period of many days
during the month of June, with households attempting to finish the
process by the festival of San Juan on June 24.


-71-
disintegration of many Indian communities for nearly the next one
hundred years.
Not everyone felt that liberal economics would be in their in
terests, however. San Martin was also forced to promise large land
grants to his Peruvian generals to insure their loyalty. In 1826,
with Andrs Santa Cruz as acting president, Indian tribute was re
established, and, although the children of slaves had been freed in
1821, slavery was not abolished until 1854. Much of the anarchy that
characterized Peruvian political life from the Wars of Independence
through the War of the Pacific may be viewed as a struggle for power
between those sectors of the Peruvian elite who saw their economic in
terests lying with the caste-like socioeconomic structure of the
colonial period and those who found the liberal economic policies taking
hold across Europe more to their liking. As first one constituency and
then the other gained the upper hand, issues such as personal tribute,
slavery, and community versus individual land ownership, disappeared
only to re-emerge with the ebb and flow of the political and military
tides.
There were foreign interests which played a major role in this con
flict. English wool-exporting houses were present in Peru from early
in the 19th century and became a financially stable part of the econ
omic landscape after the 1850s (Orlove 1977:46-47). Ramn Castilla
initiated the exploitation of guano by foreign capitalists in 1840,
during the second presidential term of Agustn Gamarra. The construc
tion of the railroads was initially contracted to a North American,
Henry Meiggs, and was taken over by the British-owned Peruvian Railway
Corporation after the War of the Pacific.


-7-
supply. Once that goal is achieved they can, and do, turn their atten
tion to making money. However, one does not risk one's subsistence on
the chance to turn a monetary profit.
The Study of Peasant Economies
The present study will examine the economic system in which Petronia
and Santiago participate. This system is characterized by the co
existence of productive activities belonging to capitalist and non
capitalist modes of production, and individuals such as Petronia and
Santiago incorporate activities from both modes of production into their
survival strategies. It is the relationship between capitalist and
non-capitalist modes of production that is most characteristic of the
peasant economy of Sarata.
Use of the concept of modes of production has recently received
considerable attention in the literature of economic anthropology and
many investigators have found it useful in illuminating the issues
which lie behind the economic problems faced by many developing socie
ties (Clammer 1978; Seddon 1978). However, the study of peasant socie
ties has been characterized by a number of approaches, which have enjoyed
varying degrees of popularity at different times. The modes of produc
tion approach is simply a recent chapter in a long history of theoretical
frameworks. Therefore, it may be helpful to briefly review some of the
problems peasant studies have faced in order to make explicit why the
mode of production model has been chosen.
Within the context of American anthropology, peasant studies have
traditionally fit into a broader context of the study of non-Western


-150-
feel that they are more susceptible to damage by nematodes while still
in the ground as well as more susceptible to spoilage when stored fresh.
The approximate yields of the minor tubers in Sarata are 6200 kilograms
per hectare for api 11a, 3800 kilograms per hectare for ul1uku, and 4100
kilograms per hectare for isau.
In the areas where they are cultivated, the minor tubers follow
potatoes in the rotation cycle. The furrows used the previous year for
growing potatoes can be re-used to cultivate the minor tubers. For this
reason, some care is taken to minimize the damage done to the furrows
when the potatoes are harvested so as to reduce the amount of labor
needed to prepare the field for planting the minor tubers the following
season. The technique used for planting the minor tubers is the same
as is used for planting potatoes. The labor time required for planting
the minor tubers is reduced somewhat, since aside from some rebuilding
of the furrows after potato harvest, little is done in the way of field
preparation. Unlike potatoes, the minor tubers receive no manure or
fertilizer. They receive two major weedings about midway through their
growth cycle and, at these times, the sides of the furrows are built up,
as is done with potatoes. The harvesting process is also similar to
that of potatoes. Api 11a is frequently freeze-dried using that same
process employed for making ch'uu from the potatoes. Freeze-dried
api11 a is called k"aya.
Broad Beans
In the relatively low-lying and well-watered areas of the district,
which tend to be concentrated near Lake Titicaca, the third crop in the


-153-
Barley
The fourth major component in the cropping system of Sarata is
barley. It is also usually the fourth crop in the rotation cycle.
Barley is grown in all of the agricultural zones of the district, and
it is an important element in the diet of both humans and livestock.
Barley provides humans with their main source of grain, and its resis
tance to cold allows it to be planted about anywhere that agriculture
may be practiced at all. It is susceptible to damage by hail, but even
the most heavily hail-damaged barley is salvageable as forage for live
stock. Forage barley is frequently planted as a cover crop on ground
that is being placed in fallow, along with oats and rye. Forage barley,
together with these other grains, is frequently relied upon to keep
livestock alive during the dry months when pasture grows scarce. In
the more extreme climatic zones of the district where there is no possi
bility that barley can survive to reach maturity, it is planted speci
fically as a forage crop. In the more protected areas of the district,
wheat may be substituted for barley in some fields; however, people are
generally cautious about doing this because a frost that will kill
wheat may not damage barley at all.
Barley is generally planted in areas that rely exclusively upon
rainfall. It is rarely, if ever, cultivated on irrigated land, although
some barley is planted in the mi 11i fields. It occupies from 15-20
percent of the cultivated area in the district of Sarata. The planting
season for barley begins in very early August and continues until the
end of September, with the moister areas being planted first and the
drier ones later. Grain yields of 700-800 kilograms per hectare are


-81-
hidden in the church and a pre-emptive strike was led against the com
munity by the mayor of the town.
Whatever the intent of the people in the rural community was with
regard to the town, they were apparently completely surprised by the
attack that was made upon them. Most of the people were caught unaware
in their houses and fields. Many men were killed on the spot, either
shot or bludgeoned to death. Women were beaten and scalded with boiling
water. A group of men was taken prisoner and led back to town, where
they were subjected to tortures such as crucifixion and being drawn
and quartered or peeled alive in the plaza. Those who were not yet
dead were drowned in a river which passes near the town. Their remains
were buried in a mass grave in the cemetery.
Similar attacks were made against other communities which were
centers of Adventist activities, all characterized by the killing of
large numbers of campesinos and the stealing of their livestock and
produce by the townspeople. Some campesinos eventually managed to make
their way to Lima, where they advised the government of what had been
happening. Troops were dispatched to restore order, arriving at
Sarata's dock on Lake Titicaca by steamship. An investigatory com
mittee, headed by the Bishop of Puno, was appointed in 1925 by the
Patronato de 1 a Raza Indgena, and that same year, it recommended that
a general amnesty be granted. This was done in 1928, although it did
not entirely halt the acts of repression that were occurring (Hazen
1974).
The significance of the 1923 violence lies primarily in the pro
cesses that began in its wake. The Adventists continued with their
program of evangelization and education and, in the latter part of the


-240-
pig butchering requires about five hours of labor. February is a
popular month to butcher a pig, in conjunction with either the Cande
laria or Carnaval festivals. The 14th of September festival is also
a popular pig-butchering occasion.
Lambing occurs twice a year, usually in June and December. Human
assistance is sometimes needed in the birth process and the mother and
offspring must be sheltered from cold and moisture. Prior to the birth
of the young, pregnant female sheep are often separated from the
other animals. Approximately six hours are required for these tasks,
with the time nearly equally distributed between June and December.
Calving occurs once a year, frequently in the month of June. A house
hold with only a single cow will occasionally pay a fee for the services
of someone's bull. More commonly, however, a cow is simply pastured
near a likely looking bull at the appropriate time of year. About four
hours are involved every year in assuring a cow's pregnancy and provid
ing assistance at the time of birth. The bulk of this labor expenditure
occurs in the month of June.
Costs and Revenues of Subsistence Agriculture
From the perspective of the people of Sarata, the most important
features of the subsistence activities described above are that they
generally provide an adequate food supply and that they cost the
household very little in the way of cash. Indeed, plant cultivation
usually involves no cash outlay. When crops are harvested, seed is
set aside for the next season of planting. Only two contingencies


-87-
region. Fruits and vegetables are widely consumed, purchased largely
by small-scale entrepreneurs who sell them in the various rural markets.
Luxury food stuffs such as margarine are distributed less widely,
arriving only at those markets large enough to be frequented by people
with the money and desire to buy them. Products such as noodles, rice,
and sugar are considered staple foods by the government, and their
prices are controlled so as to make them affordable to as wide a seg
ment of the population as possible. As a result, a tremendous amount
of staple foods is shipped directly to Bolivia, where the absence of
food price controls means they command a considerably higher price.
As one might expect in a city whose growth has been closely linked
to the railroad and trucking industries, transport remains a major in
dustry in Juliaca. Goods are shipped into the city for distribution
throughout southern Peru. Juliaca is also the major distribution point
for goods produced within the region and transported to other areas.
Principal among these products are wool from the high-altitude pastoral
areas and coffee, citrus fruit, and wood from the tropical eastern
valleys of the Andes. The railroad was built by foreigners and is run
by the state, so its contribution to the local economy lies primarily
in the goods it carries.
The trucking industry, however, has been a major source of capital
accumulation in the area, and it has served to make wealthy people out
of individuals who are not members of the traditional elites. Part of
the success of this group lay in smuggling and part in anticipating
areas that were about to develop profitable products for export, or in
anticipating local demands for goods imported into the region. Because
they were not members of an elite social class, these individuals were


-31-
Ministerio de Agricultura y Alimentacin, the rural population of the
district was 21,331. The investigator estimated the 1980 population of
the town of Sarata to be in the area of 2000-2500 people. This would
place the total population of the district at about 23,000-24,000
people.
Based on a total population of 20,220 people, the mean population
density of the district is approximately 28.9 people per square kilometer,
while a total district population of 24,000 people would signify a mean
density of approximately 34.3 per square kilometer. The population is
not spread evenly throughout the district, but is concentrated in the
lakeside area, where population densities of from 200-250 people per
square kilometer are estimated. In contrast, in the extreme northeast
of the district, where herding is the subsistence base, the population
density is in the area of 15-20 people per square kilometer.
The town of Sarata is the administrative center of the district.
It is the home of a district governor who is appointed by the sub
prefect of the province, and is the last link in the centralized chain
of command of the national government, extending outward from Lima. An
alcalde, or mayor, is the highest official of the municipal government.
The town is divided into five barrios, or neighborhoods, each of which
elects its own officials to represent the interests of the neighborhood.
Several of the professions are also represented in the district govern
ment by unions, or sindicatos. These include the drivers1 union or
sindicato de choferes, the small businessmen's union, or sindicato de
minoristas, the artisans' union, or sindicato de artesanos, the bakers'
union, or sindicato de panificadores, and the restaurant owners' union,
or sindicato de gerentes de restaurantes.


To my mother and the memory of my father


-245-
Coffee and Citrus Cultivation
The Jat"a household, like many households in Sarata, cultivates
land in the Tambopata Valley of Sandia Province in the department of
Puno. Several trucks make weekly trips between the town of Sarata
and this tropical valley, carrying cargoes of people, produce, and
messages between household members in the two regions. Trucks also
operate on a regular basis out of the provincial capital of Huancan
and the regional market center of Juliaca. If no obstacles or problems
are encountered, the trip out of the altiplano, across the eastern range
of the Andes and down the eastern valleys to the towns of San Juan del
Oro and Yanamayo can be made in 18 to 20 hours. The return, coming
back up the eastern slopes of the Andes, requires about 25 hours.
Problems occur almost as frequently as not, however. Mechanical
dfificulties often plague the trucks making the long journey over poor
roads. During the rainy season, landslides are common, and the trucks
must halt their journey while everyone works to clear the road. Large
landslides may halt traffic for several days. Trucks are backed up
in opposite directions and passengers work from both ends to clear
away the debris. It is not unusual for the edge of the roadbed itself
to give way beneath the weight of a truck in wet weather, sending dozens
of people over a precipice to their deaths at one time. Numerous
saratanos die on their way to and from the tropical valley every year
as a result of accidents of this sort. During dangerous periods,
efforts are made to reduce the risk by designating certain days for
going down into the valley and other days for coming out, so that
trucks do not have to meet one another on the narrow treacherous roads.


-18-
Various authors have used the concept of modes of production in
their analyses of particular societies, emphasizing different implica
tions of the theory. Meillassoux (1964), for example, focused upon the
internal economic organization of the Gouro of the Ivory Coast of
Africa, which is characterized by a non-capitalist mode of production
based upon lineages in which the older men control access to the means
of production. Montoya (1980) examined the history of articulation
between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production for a major
economic network in Peru which includes the populations of Lima, Lomas,
Puquio, and Andahuyalas. Long and Richardson (1978) discuss the in
formal sector of the economic system of the Mantaro Valley in Peru,
which is characterized by non-capitalist relations of production. They
note that the expansion of small capitalist enterprises in this region
usually implies a diversification rather than a specialization of
economic functions.
Modes of Production in the District of Sar?ta
The present work will apply the concept of modes of production to
the economic system of the district of Sarata, an Aymara-speaking dis
trict of the department of Puno, Peru. Since prior to the arrival of
the Spanish in Peru, Sarata has been subjected to domination by external
political and economic interests. Capitalist penetration into Sarata
began near the end of the 19th century when the Southern Peruvian Rail
way made the altiplano region an accessible market for manufactured
consumer goods.
Since that time the economic structure of the region has changed
several times along with changes in transportation networks, in the


-68-
Despite the designation of the town of Sarata as a reduccin short
ly after 1571, it is not entirely clear how large a portion of the
population actually lived there, or how long the people who actually
were reduced were forced to stay in the town. There were almost cer
tainly problems in compelling the highland herders to reside in the
town. They required open pasture and a relatively cold and parasite-
free environment for their animals to thrive. As noted above, this may
have provided an impetus to establish a second reduccin in the district
in an area that was characterized by an environment more suitable for
large herds of camel ids. Cultivators would also have found the town a
very inconvenient place to reside and maintain production in their
widely dispersed fields.
The earliest surviving church records which are still kept in the
parish of Sarata date from the year 1692. These indicate that the bulk
of the population of Sarata held membership in one of twelve ayllu.
During the colonial period, the pre-Hispanic ayllu became a recognized
landholding unit with fixed geographical boundaries. Some of the ayl 1 u
of Sarata were made up of contiguous expanses of land, while the lands
of other ayllu were dispersed and separated by distances of several
kilometers. The church records indicate to which ayl1u individuals
belonged, but do not indicate where they resided. Residence in the
town would have posed a major inconvenience to cultivators trying to
manage an agricultural strategy based upon diversified landholdings,
particularly once the population of the district began to increase. It
is not clear, however, when the majority of the people returned to re
side in the countryside as they do today.


-256-
commercial activities in such a fashion, either because they have no
real desire to invest the capital and take the risks, or because any
of a multitude of potentially unfavorable circumstances, such as having
to purchase food in the wake of a drought or having their goods confis
cated, prevent them from accumulating the capital necessary for such
expansion. Expansion into the capitalist economy by sarateno house
holds does occur frequently enough that Sarata is known throughout the
department for the large number of successful trucking and transpor
tation firms owned by people from its rural communities. Households
from the rural communities of Sarata also own the largest hardware
store and largest bookstore in the departmental capital, one of the
city's large hotels, the department's professional soccer team, and a
host of smaller businesses. In Juliaca, other "peasant" households own
restaurants and retail businesses, several large bus and truck companies
warehouses, and one of the city's largest garages for automotive and
truck repair. Virtually every one of these households continues to
have close ties with its home community, maintaining its lands and the
rights and obligations that accompany community membership, even if they
reside in the city for most of the year.
Household Expenses
Based on the information above, we can say that barring a poor
year in the tropical valley or bad luck in encounters with customs
officials on the altiplano, our hypothetical household can expect an
annual income of about $1,501.00. However, such information is useless
unless we also have an estimate of our household's cash expenses. To


-257-
this end, a series of consumption studies were administered to house
holds from areas throughout the district. Based upon these it was
possible to estimate the amount of cash expenditures a household such
as the one in Jat"a must make during the course of the year in order to
meet basic subsistence needs and social obligations.
The specific items purchased are presented in Table 5-12. There
are two basic categories of market expenditures made by our household.
The first of these involves constant expenses, and is composed entirely
of food not produced by the household and food-related expenses, such
as kerosene, which is used in limited contexts for cooking, and coca
leaves. The second category involves occasional expenses which may be
made at various times throughout the year. Some of these are work-
related and include the goods that households are expected to provide
those who come to exchange labor. Others are festival related and
involve the expenses that a household can expect to be obligated to
make for various celebrations such as saints' days and weddings. Still
other occasional expenses are made for clothing and as contributions
for community projects.
The total annual expenses for the Jat"a household are $407.08.
This means that after meeting what it considers to be the basic sub
sistence needs which it cannot produce itself, our hypothetical house
hold has $1,102.29 of what is essentially discretionary income. This
sum is not maintained as cash, but is immediately converted into some
sort of goods. These goods may take any of a number of forms. Common
choices include land, a new house or home improvements such as a sheet
metal roof to replace one of thatch, transistor radios, and portable


-231-
contribute five days, or about 32.5 hours, to this task during a week
agreed upon by the community, usually the last week of May. Households
which do not comply are obligated to make a monetary contribution equal
to the cost of employing someone for wages for five days. People from
other communities are expected to participate in the project if they
own irrigated land in Jat"a. Those who do not will lose their land.
With 2000 square meters of irrigated land, our household in Jat"a
produces enough broad beans and peas to feed its members, and to have a
surplus to trade in the rural markets of the district for goods such
as wool. Organizing planting and harvesting activities so as to real
ize three crops a year reduces periods of household dependency upon
stored food and distributes the necessary labor inputs through the
entire year. There are no firm rules which dictate how a household
must allocate its lands among the three crops, and different households
described different systems. However, there are pressures which tend
to influence decisions. Beans and peas planted in March or April must
survive the months of June, July, and August, when there is a danger
of frost even on irrigated lands. The same consideration applies to
beans planted in June. In addition, the June planting coincides with a
period of labor scarcity in many households. In households such as the
one under discussion, the man has left for the Tambopata Valley so that
the woman must take charge of the planting alone. Thus, in the case of
many households, the largest planting occurs in late July or early
August, with smaller ones occurring in late March or early April and
in June. In the case of the household in Jat"a the large planting
occupies a total of 1000 square meters or land area and each smaller
planting occupies 500 square meters.


-105-
The importance of expropriating the haciendas and reorganizing their
lands was, in any case, of greater significance rhetorically than
economically. Estates of larger than 50 hectares controlled only 14
percent of the irrigated crop lands and 13.2 percent of the non-irri-
gated crop lands in the sierra region of Peru at the time data for the
1972 census were collected. This compared to landholdings under five
hectares in area which controlled 50 percent of the irrigated crop lands
and 42 percent of non-irrigated crop lands. These small producers
also owned 58.2 percent of the cattle, 52.8 percent of the sheep, and
53.2 percent of the camel ids. The large estates owned only 13.1 per
cent of the cattle, 25.9 percent of the sheep, and 30.5 percent of the
camel ids (Alvarez 1980:36).
In fact, by 1969, the manorial estates or haciendas were already
in a period of rapid deciine. They were not a victim of the agrarian
reform, which only mercifully cut short the death throes of the insti
tution, but of the same agricultural policies discussed above that
favored the expansion of capital intensive enterprises with extensive
ties to international capital, and which produced primarily to satisfy
the urban consumer markets. As a result, the hacienda was unable to
bind a labor force to it for the purpose of extracting pre-capitalist
rents (Alvarez 1980:37).
The haciendas were converted into state-controlled cooperatives
which produced either goods for urban consumption or industrial export
crops. Labor is supplied by the former peons who formerly labored for
the hacienda owner and who, under the cooperative structure labor today
as members of the cooperatives. Since 1975, approximately two-thirds
of the credits authorized by the Banco Agrario del Per, which has


-111-
cases of evaporated milk, sugar, and wheat flour, in 1980, were the
result of industry pressures on the government to raise food prices.
These allegations were not conclusively proven; however, no one denies
the power of the companies involved to take such an action should they
choose to do so. The problem is officially recognized in the country's
new constitution, which became effective with the inauguration of
Belande on July 28, 1980. The constitution forbids the monopolistic or
oligopolistic control of basic foodstuffs; however, it appears doubtful
that the state has the power to enforce this provision (El Diario de
Marka 1980a; 1980b).
The second aspect of the problem of controlling multinational cor
porations which produce food is economic. The multinational enter
prises respond to international forces of supply and demand which do
not necessarily correspond to Peruvian food needs. In fact, in the
case of many of the processed foods produced by multinational companies,
it appears that domestic food needs are translated into solvent demand
only by virtue of state intervention.
The policies of price regulation as a means of maintaining imported
processed foodstuffs within the reach of a broad section of the urban
population have proven difficult to enforce. Although the government
establishes official prices for most foodstuffs and has what, on paper,
are stringent laws regulating the transport of food, it has been very
unsuccessful in keeping food from finding its way to those places where
prices are the highest. A great deal of this food is smuggled out of
the country, while, within Peru, for whatever reason, frequent food
shortages force those who can to pay premium black market prices for
goods. Low-income households thus find they cannot afford to buy food,


-44-
proficiency in Spanish varying from complete fluency to very poor con
trol. Through the school system, increasing numbers of campesino
children are becoming proficient in Spanish.
In the past, campesinos were prohibited from speaking Spanish.
Some, of course, did, but the vecinos sanctioned the use of Spanish by
campesinos with violence and even death. Spanish was a monopoly of the
vecinos which assured them a mediating role between the campesinos and
the government, the legal system, or other interests from outside
Sarata. By maintaining a monopoly on the use of Spanish, the bilingual
vecinos assured themselves a monopoly on things such as legal or social
justice and economic opportunity. Since most of the vecino families of
r~
Sarata do not appear to have been large landowners, this mediating
role was a principal source of economic wealth for many of them.
Thus, in the 1920s, when campesinos began establishing schools in
their communities for the purpose of learning to speak, read, and write
Spanish, it was an "insurrectionary act" that contributed directly to
the violence of 1923 mentioned above. Since this incident, the knowledge
of Spanish among campesinos has grown and their right to attend school
and obtain an education has been generally accepted, but this came only
at the cost of numerous campesino lives. Language, the means by which
the vecinos maintained their domination of the district, continued to
be regarded as a major factor distinguishing them from campesinos.
5
Vecino families did control much of the choice irrigated land aground
the town, as well as particularly valuable plots throughout the district.
Many campesinos claim that they still own more than their share of the
best irrigated land. However, these holdings were the vecino families'
"subsistence plots" and did not constitute haciendas. By and large,
the hacendado and vecino families of Sarata have not been composed of
the same people.


-97-
Food products for urban consumption include beans, rice, beef, pork,
poultry, milk, and corn. These are produced primarily in the industri
alized agricultural enterprises of the Peruvian coast. Cattle consti
tute something of an exception to this as many come from small-scale
highland producers; however, the target for future development as Peru's
major beef-producing region is the tropical selva region (Agronoticias
1980:9; Cubas Vinatea 1980:14-15,47).
Crops which have been staple food crops in Peru since the arrival
of the Spanish or before are considered by the government to have a
"restricted market," and their production has been in decline. These
restricted market crops include wheat, barley, yuca, sheep meat and wool,
and potatoes. The production of these goods is largely in the hands of
small-scale peasant agriculturalists. In spite of the "restricted
market" their products supply, peasant producers own most of the arable
land in the sierra region of the country. Land held by individuals
owning less than five hectares includes a larger area of the sierra
than any other category of land holding. In the highland region,
peasants own over half of the cattle, sheep, horses, and camel ids found
there. It has been argued that, regardless of what else one thinks
about the Peruvian agrarian reform, it made a fundamental mistake in
focusing upon the adjudication of large estate lands rather than trying
to improve production on the small holdings that comprise most of Peru's
agricultural land (Alvarez 1980:35-38).
The Peruvian agrarian reform had three major initial goals: to
take measures that would revitalize agricultural production; to inte
grate the rural population into the national economy; and to accomodate
agricultural policy to the government's industrialization plan. These


-103-
to urban consumers. Cattle raising is a popular choice for an agri
cultural enterprise in this region of the country, and capital has been
invested by national and international interests. One such enterprise,
Ganadera Amazonas, has bred a dual-purpose breed of cattle for intro
duction to the Amazon region. By crossing Brown Swiss males with Zebu
Nell ore females, the company has created an Amazon breed that is sup
posedly well-suited to life in the sel va and that is capable of being
both a milk and a meat producer. Ganadera Amazonas claims to own in
excess of 30,000 head of cattle and have over $5,000,000.00 of capital,
and employ over 600 workers. The company owns two livestock raising
centers in the department of Piura, and six in the sel va. It hopes to
foment colonization of the selva by producers who would raise its Amazon
breed of cattle (Cubas Vinatea 1980:14-15,47).
Another cattle raising scheme was being discussed in 1980 that
would involve the company Central American Services, a subsidiary of
British and Canadian banking interests, in an agreement with the Peru
vian government. Central American Services requested that the govern
ment cede to it 300,000 hectares of virgin forest in the department of
Madre de Dios, upon which it planned to maintain a herd of 240,000
cattle and establish a slaughterhouse and processing plant. Supporters
claim that the facility would satisfy 20 percent of Peru's demand for
beef, and create 5000 jobs in the region. The government appeared
certain to approve the plan and cede the requested lands to Central
American Services until allegations were made concerning the connections
of the company to business interests of the former Nicaraguan dictator
Anastasio Somoza. This politically sensitive issue prompted delays in
concluding the agreement (Agronoticias 1980:9).


-169-
suggests that capitalism does not necessarily set out immediately to
eliminate the other modes of production with which it comes in contact.
For the present, capitalist activities which established themselves in
the subsistence strategies of Sarata households throughout the course
of the present century appear to co-exist rather comfortably with non
capitalist economic activities. The description of economic activities
belonging to the capitalist mode of production which follows will high
light the mechanisms by which this co-existence is achieved (Figure 4-1).
Wage Labor
There are several common capitalist activities into which sarateos
enter as wage laborers. The most common example of this strategy is
for male members to spend several months each year working as laborers
on the large agricultural enterprises around the city of Arequipa and
in the river valleys of the southern Peruvian coast. Generally men
leave Sarata around the second or third week of November after the
planting season has ended. Most return in time for the fiesta of Car
naval which is immediately followed by a period of intensive agricul
tural labor beginning with the breaking open of land that has been in
the fallow state of the rotation cycle and ends with the harvesting
and storing of crops.
The wage received from the agricultural enterprises is around
$1.50-2.00 per day. Workers are responsible for paying their own trans
port costs. Provisions for workers vary somewhat from enterprise to
enterprise. Most provide rudimentary living accommodations, although
in some cases workers pay for lodging out of their wages. Workers must


-221-
have been dug, and the order in which the tasks involved with harvest
ing are accomplished is designed to minimize the time involved in
handling the new crops. The potatoes are carefully sorted as soon as
they are removed from the ground so that, except for those destined
for freeze-drying, they will not have to be handled individually again
until they are consumed. They are then carried to the household com
pound and stored.
Both potatoes and minor tubers are harvested with the same tech
niques, meaning that the total area that our Jat"a household will
harvest is 4400 square meters. The total time required for digging the
potatoes in this area is about 309 hours. Sorting involves about 35
hours of labor. Transport of the tuber harvest is estimated to involve
about 21 hours. Storage of the crop, including .preparation
of the recessed earthen bins requires an additional labor expenditure
of about 35 hours. Thus, the labor power required for our hypothetical
household to harvest its tuber crop is approximately 400 hours. The
tasks and requisite expenditures of labor power are summarized in
Table 5-7.
The amount of product which results from this labor expenditure
is very variable, depending upon soil and weather conditions as well
as productive decisions made by the household. As noted, in the best
fields, potato (Solanum tuberosum) production reaches as high as 7000
kilograms per hectare. However, over the district as a whole, the
reported mean yield is 5247 kilograms per hectare, indicating the
possible range of productivity. One factor partially responsible for
this has already been mentioned. Households which calculate that they


-182-
The coffee cooperatives were made the only legal mechanism for the
commercialization of coffee, and to sell coffee to a cooperative, a pro
ducer had to be a member. There have been numerous allegations of mis
management and corruption leveled at the cooperative system; but the
cooperatives have, since their establishment, paid producers consider
ably higher prices than they would have received from private entre
preneurs. Naturally, making the cooperatives the only legal purchasers
of coffee did not halt private speculation entirely. A lively black
market exists in the commodity. Private entrepreneurs continue to pay
a lower price than do cooperatives, but they pay on the spot in cash.
Long delays are frequently associated with receiving payment through
the cooperatives, a fact which is particularly irritating in periods
of rapid inflation.
The private interests have largely moved out of the transport of
coffee. Coffee speculators are commonly members of the coffee coopera
tives. They buy coffee from the producers and then resell it to the
cooperatives when they feel the maximum price has been reached. The
monopoly of the cooperatives on the transport of coffee out of the
valley and its subsequent marketing is quite effective.
Private entrepreneurs are quite active in the transport and
marketing of citrus fruits, peanuts, and other tropical products.
Returning to the valley, they bring meat, potatoes, and other highland
food staples. During the coffee and citrus harvest, the towns of
Yanahuaya, San Juan del Oro, and Yanamayo import considerable quanti
ties of food. Although the area is capable of producing a large
variety of food crops, producers prefer to dedicate their time to cash
crop production, which is, of course, the reason they have gone to the


-267-
that while it is difficult to earn money selling food they have produced
themselves, it is easy to earn money smuggling subsidized important
foodstuffs into countries where food prices are higher.
In response to this larger economic context in which they have
found themselves, the people of Sarata continue to rely upon an economic
strategy that focuses upon productive diversity and flexibility. Agri
culture has become almost exclusively a subsistence activity through
which households seek to either produce or acquire those goods essen
tial to their survival. In order to increase the chances of success
fully fulfilling this purpose, households rely on several subsistence
crops, each of which is, in turn, frequently characterized by numerous
varieties which are regularly planted and harvested.' This reduces the
risk of a particular crop being wiped out by a blight and allows
producers to take advantage of potentially useful properties such as
resistance to frost or drought, or greater storability. Scattered
landholdings reduce vulnerability to localized weather phenomena and
increase the access of households located in the different ecological
zones of Sarata to lands capable of supporting different agricultural
pursuits. Access to the necessary variety of subsistence products is
facilitated by redistributive mechanisms such as the weekly markets
in different rural areas of the district and direct trade between the
members of communities located in different ecological zones, which
occurs outside of the market place.
Once basic subsistence needs have been met through agricultural
activities related to the non-capitalist mode of production, sarateos
may turn to several capitalist activities in order to earn a cash


-263-
of the capitalist mode of production and to the climatic fluctuations
of the Andean environment.
The growth of cities in the altiplano has been the most dramatic
result of capitalist expansion into the region, and in it we observe
the vulnerability of those who, for whatever reason, were unable to
maintain control of their own food production. The urban centers of
the altiplano region nave gone through various stages of growth and
decline. At different times in the history of the region, major towns
and cities have withered into nothing more than large clusters of
empty buildings while heretofore insignificant hamlets grew into major
centers of wealth and economic power. The changing trends in urban
centers have been closely associated with changes in the regional trans
portation network.
Despite some changes in the particular centers of urban expansion,
the phenomenon of rapid urbanization itself has beeen a constant
feature of most of the present century, becoming particularly dramatic
since the 1940s. Urbanization is commonly associated with an increasing
demand for labor as more capitalist enterprises enter an area. However,
in the Peruvian al ti pi ano the periods of most rapid urban growth cor
respond to the periods of greatest economic hardship in the region.
Such periods of hardship may have been caused by the market conditions
of a particular product. This occurred after World War I, for example,
when a drop in wool prices forced large numbers of small-scale wool
producers out of business. Economic hardship may also have been the
result of environmental factors, such as the extended drought which
occurred during the 1950s, which virtually brought food production on


-2-
to food and blankets for the trip, to goods destined to be sold in
Juliaca.
The destination of nearly everyone this Monday morning is Juliaca,
which is a major distributive center for all of southern Peru. Its
weekly market is held every Monday and is the largest in the region
and a focal point of weekly commercial activity. A similar scene is
repeated virtually every morning in the Sarata plaza, as people attend
the various local markets or go to the provincial capital of Huancan,
or Juliaca on bureaucratic errands. The activity in the plaza on the
other mornings, however, is much reduced in comparison to Monday.
As she does every Monday morning, Petronia Quispe arrives in the
plaza around 1:30, in time to secure a good seat on the truck directly
behind the cab, for herself and four-month-old child she carries on
her back. She is also carrying a bundle, which contains a change of
clothes for the baby, a blanket to wrap themselves in during the pre-
2
dawn truck ride, and an inkuna, or food-carrying cloth, containing
some boiled potatoes to eat on the way.
Petronia also has brought several nylon windbreakers and a trans
istor radio in her bundle. These were purchased in a weekly market on
the Bolivian border last Saturday and Petronia will re-sell them in
Juliaca this morning. This is, of course, strictly illegal, and con
stitutes a miniscule part of the well-publicized black market trade
between Peru and Bolivia. Between Sarata and Juliaca, the truck
Petronia is riding on will pass through four control points where it
may be searched thoroughly either by customs agents or members of the
?
All Aymara words in this thesis are written according to the Yapita
phonemic alphabet, which is described in the Appendix.


-275-
see that by maintaining a diversified economic strategy in which sub
sistence agriculture occupies the central position they have the oppor
tunity to use capitalism to their advantage. Those who lose control
of their food supply have no protection against the fluctuations of
the capitalist economy.
Policy Implications
The situation described in the preceding pages has several impli
cations of relevance to those who may have a role in shaping future
development policies which will affect the district of Sarata and
surrounding regions, as well as to those whose development planning
may be directed toward other areas where some of the conditions
described for Sarata also prevail. Government policites which have
intended to provide inexpensive foodstuffs to urban dwellers have not
been successful, and they have discouraged domestic food production by
subsidizing imported foodstuffs. Sarata and other areas of the Peruvian
highlands are capable of contributing to domestic food needs if efforts
are made to alleviate the risks under which they must operate. Such
risks are natural, in the form of drought, hail, and frost, and they
are social in the form of fluctuating commodity prices, increasing
demands upon producers to have cash, and a currency which loses its
buying power because of inflation and monetary devaluation.
However, official policies have increased the insecurities asso
ciated with food production and consumption. Food production became a
purely subsistence activity and saratenos found other, more lucrative


-114-
ties. As has been indicated, an adaptive strategy has developed in
Sarata based upon the production of food for household consumption,
with virtually no food being produced for sale. Household cash needs
are most commonly satisfied through some combination of seasonal migra
tion to agricultural enterprises around Arequipa to find employment as
wage laborers, the seasonal cultivation of coffee and citrus in the
Tambopata Valley, and trade and transport across the international
border with Bolivia.
Sarateos have thus become involved in precisely those sectors of
the Peruvian economy whose growth and development government policy has
sought to foment. Numerous employment opportunities were generated with
the development of capitalist agricultural enterprises. Capitalist
enterprises are found throughout the coastal region, but the Majes
irrigation project and the growth of the milk industry with the sup
porting institutions they require have made Arequipa a magnet for
seasonal or occasional laborers from all over southern Peru.
Although the bringing of coffee-producing lands under production
has received little government support and the prices have varied over
time, coffee has presented sarateos with an opportunity to earn a pro
fit greater than could be realized in producing food crops. Because few
inputs are used, production costs for small producers are low. Also,
coffee production does not generally conflict with the labor demands of
subsistence food production. For these reasons, sarateos were willing
to initiate coffee production in spite of physical hardship and the low
prices offered by private entrepreneurs in the initial years of coffee
cultivation in the Tambopata Valley. The extension of a road farther
into the valley greatly facilitated the arduous task of getting coffee


-229-
Uni ike tubers, beans and peas are not harvested all at once; the
beans produced by a single plant become mature enough to harvest over a
period of several weeks. Thus, although the labor requirement for
harvesting an area of beans is relatively high, a household is usually
able to manage the task with its own labor resources. During the
harvest, plants are picked at intervals of from every three or four days
to once a week. The plants are also examined for insect pests and
signs of disease. Observations indicate that for 1700 square meters
of non-irrigated beans, this involves a labor expenditure of about 113
hours, with the yield being about 300 kilograms of beans.
Many of the beans and peas are consumed fresh as they are har
vested. A large portion of the harvest is dried and stored. The drying
process is very simple; the beans and peas are threshed and dried in
the sun. However, considerable handling is required because the beans
normally must be gathered up and spread out numerous times to prevent
their being dampened by rain storms which are still fairly frequent in
late March and in April, when the non-irrigated beans are harvested. A
rough estimate of the time involved in the threshing, handling, drying,
and storing of the beans harvested from the non-irrigated land of our
hypothetical household is 31 hours.
Cultivation of irrigated lands in Jat"a is organized so as to
harvest three crops of beans and peas each year. After planting, beans
and peas require from five to six months to become harvestable. Three
crops are realized by having three plantings: one in late July or early
August for harvest in late February and early March; another in late


-133-
to the number of head in excess of this figure the family owns. This
figure is expressed in terms of head of sheep and a series of calcula
tions has been established for converting all livestock to sheep-
equivalents. One cow is considered the equivalent of eight sheep, for
example. The socios complain that the S.A.I.S. is more restrictive than
were the former landlords with regard to its policy of attempting to
limit the number of sheep they may own. The S.A.I.S., on the other
hand, reports that individual families owned a total of 23,710 sheep in
1979, constituting nearly 50 percent of the total sheep on the enter
prise's land.
The S.A.I.S. cultivates some crops, specifically potatoes, oats,
quinoa, and kaiwa. However, it has very little interest in this sort
of activity. Only potatoes are sold in any quantity, while cereal
crops are dedicated to the feeding of the enterprise's livestock. It
is livestock raising and, more specifically, sheep raising, which con
stitutes the economic base of S.A.I.S. San Juan. As of 1979, the S.A.I.S.
reported owning 24,192 sheep, while for the three year period of 1976-
1978, it reported shearing over 20,000 sheep a year. Wool is sold
through state-owned cooperative wool marketing enterprises. Live
animals are sold in the local livestock market.
The herding, shearing, and general caring for the herds of sheep
is the primary occupation of the soci os who work on the S.A.I.S. Each
socio is given a flock of sheep to herd for three months. At the end
of that time, they are turned over to another socio to herd for three
more months before passing the flock over to a third socio and so on.
Ideally, the socios herd the animals in shifts, with each socio having
responsibility for a flock of sheep belonging to the S.A.I.S. for


Figure 5-2. Production function for potato harvesting
-213-


-281-
revenue to pay the subsistence costs of a household. In addition, it
is because subsistence needs are met by the non-capitalist mode of
production, a household can absorb the financial loss of having a
smuggled good confiscated, always a possibility because of the illegal
ity of the activity.
In the case of large-scale smugglers who employ other sarateos
to drive their trucks, or load and unload goods, the non-capitalist
mode of production allows them to pay wages which do not meet the sub
sistence costs of their employees. Moreover, because they and their
family members maintain all of their obligations in the community,
engaging in non-capitalist forms of reciprocity, they can count ori
community support when they come under pressure from the authorities.
One of the fascinating aspects of observing economic activities in
Sarata was the way in which trucks laden with goods and their owners
could simply disappear into the countryside when legal problems arose.
It has frequently been pointed out that the subsidy which activi
ties belonging to the capitalist mode of production receive from
activities belonging to non-capitalist modes of production represents
a transfer of value from one mode of production to the other. Capital
ist activities penetrate an area and then survive and grow there
because the subsistence costs of the population they wish to incorpor
ate are at least partially met by pre-existing non-capitalist activities.
The case of Sarata, however, illustrates another aspect of this
process and helps us understand why agriculture is one of the economic
activities most resistant to capitalist penetration. In Sarata, people
are anxious to acquire the goods that capitalism has to offer. However,


-106-
exclusive responsibility for financing national agricultural initiatives,
went to the associative enterprises. Most of these credits continued
to go to the modernized enterprises, with the reformed coastal enter
prises receiving two-thirds of the credits and those in the sel va region
receiving about one-fifth of the agricultural credits authorized by the
Banco Agrario. Reformed enterprises in the sierra received about one-
tenth of the agricultural credits (Alvarez 1980:71).
Thus, although the agrarian reform resulted in a more direct inter
vention by the state in agricultural enterprises, it reinforced rather
than changed existing patterns of investment and support. Agricul
tural credits went primarily to the more capital intensive reformed
enterprises located on the coast and in the sel va rather than to the
development of the formerly manorial estates of the sierra. After these
credits had been divided up, less than three percent have remained to
be apportioned among everything else (Alvarez 1980:70). The emphasis
of the military government may also be seen in public investment in
the agricultural sector. In 1978, 83 percent of the total budget for
agricultural investment amounting to about $157,000,000.00 went to the
development of natural resources and the bringing under cultivation of
new agricultural lands. Of this, 64 percent went to the Majes irri
gation project. Only 14 percent of the budget went to increasing and
improving existing productive capacity (Eguren 1980:41).
One reason that the military may have been reluctant to extend the
agrarian reform in a direction that would have made an improvement in
the standard of living of the majority of rural households is that a
conflict of the interests of the urban and rural populations is commonly
perceived to exist. It is a frequently expressed belief that measures


-162-
also separated from the rest of the flock. Shearing occurs primarily
in the month of February, with wool production per animal varying from
as low as two pounds in unimproved varieties to as much as eight pounds
in Andean-bred Corriedales. Most of the sheep that are slaughtered for
meat are killed in May. Some of the meat may be consumed fresh by
household members, but most is dried and stored as chal una. Butcher
ing and meat preserving are also reported to occur, to a lesser extent,
in the month of July. The Ministry of Agriculture recommends that
sheep be wormed, treated for internal parasites, three times a year,
in October, May, and July, and this recommendation is increasingly com
plied with by households which own larger herds upon which they depend
for a great part of their livelihood. Households in the lakeside zone
which have only a few animals upon which they depend'less heavily,
frequently show little interest in worming.
Cattle are the second most numerous livestock animals in Sarata.
In addition to the cattle found on S.A.I.S. San Juan and the lands of
the medianos productores, households living in recognized and non-
recognized communities own approximately 6,000 head of cattle. From
December through early May, cows are a source of milk. The rest of the
year, cattle are dry. Most of the milk that is produced is made into
cheese which is either consumed by the household itself or sold if a
surplus is produced. Bulls are used as draft animals, pulling a plow
during planting season and, sometimes, when land is taken out of fallow.
Cattle are seldom butchered for meat but are sold live from time to
time as a means of securing money. The bulk of the cattle sold in this
manner appear to be sold illegally across the border into Bolivia, where
prices are higher, although some are sold through the livestock markets


-45-
A1though the features of surnames, dress, and language are not
clear markers of social status in the present, they do call attention
to some interesting features of sarateo social relations. For ex
ample, the difference noted between male and female dress among the
vecinos, with the men wearing the style of the day and the women tend
ing to favor pollera skirts, and the presence of monolingual Aymara
speakers among the vecino women, suggest that vecino women may have
closer ties with the non-elite social strata than one might anticipate.
Galdo (1962) has noted that in the nearby district of Vilquechico,
elite women tend to marry men from outside of the district and leave
to reside in other areas. Many elite men remain in Vilquechico and
marry women of lower social position. Participant observation in Sarata
confirmed that vecino males there also frequently marry women of lower
social standing.
The social strata of Sarata that have been defined on the basis of
the features listed in Tables 2-1 and 2-2 may be tested through parti
cipant observation. Table 2-3 summarizes those features which most
frequently involve easily observable behavior that requires interaction
between individuals of distinct social strata. Interactions between
individuals in the respective social categories are listed in the left-
hand margin. The horizontal axis denotes particular kinds of inter
actions. The first five interactions are drawn directly from Tables
2-1 and 2-2. Compadrazgo, or "godparenthood," and marriage are not
included in the list of features marking social differences, but are
included here as important interactions which may be observed directly.
Table 2-3 clearly shows that asymmetrical social behavior characterizes
the relations among members of the respective social strata of campesinos,


-165-
Guinea pigs may be successfully raised if they are kept in an area
that is not subject to intense or prolonged cold. For this reason,
they tend to be found only in households in the lakeside region of the
district. Guinea pigs are frequently kept in pens in the household
kitchens so as to protect the animals from the cold. Rabbits are raised
in much the same way. Chicken eggs, rabbits, and guinea pigs all make
a contribution to the diets of the households which keep these animals.
However, because they command relatively high prices in the market,
these products are usually sold to townspeople in the Sunday market
in Sarata, contributing a small source of cash to the household.
Finally, it should be mentioned that burros are kept in many
households as beasts of burden. Although they produce no usable pro
duct, burros can carry up to 100 kilograms, walking all day over rough
terrain for several days. This is about twice what a llama can carry.
Burros require very little labor and may simply be pastured with a
household's herd animals.
The Role of Subsistence Activities
By means of some combination of the agricultural and herding
activities outlined above, households in Sarata manage to be relatively
successful in meeting their basic subsistence needs. Their crops and
animals provide them with enough food to maintain themselves through
the year and to preserve and store sufficient supplies to weather suc
cessive seasons of adverse weather and poor crops. Collins (1981) has esti
mated that seven to 12 percent of the caloric intake of rural households
in Sarata is composed of foodstuffs that have been purchased rather than


-283-
notorious for their instability. In Sarata, once capitalist penetra
tion was initiated, people recognized that their own self-interest lay
in preventing this penetration from reaching their system of food
production. They turned to their traditional strategies of diversifi
cation of activities to insure that this did not occur. As long as it
does not, they enjoy access to capitalist products and control of their
own subsistence.


-89-
group is one whose ranks are made to swell by the influx of people.
The same economic difficulties which make it impossible to survive in
the countryside make it nearly equally impossible to find work in the
urban centers. Many seek a solution to unemployment in the establish
ment of their own small businesses, hoping thereby to earn a subsistence
income.
During the periods of economic crisis noted above, when Juliaca
registered its most dramatic population increases, the pressures which
have contributed most to the displacement of rural households have been
related to three major factors. These have been patron withdrawal,
declining rural income, and increased demands by the urban center.
Patron withdrawal was a particularly significant factor in those areas
of the region dominated by wool-producing haciendas. These haciendas
responded to drops in wool prices, such as occurred in 1919, by trying
to expand their production and cut costs. Peasant families residing
on haciendas found themselves under pressure of increased exploitation,
while communities located on the edges of many estates found that their
lands were subject to loss as the haciendas sought to increase their
productive capacity by encroaching upon their lands (Appleby 1980).
Inflation has played a tremendous role in reducing rural incomes
in the Puno region, particularly in the 1970s. Overall consumer prices
in Peru rose at an annual rate of 44.7 percent in 1976, 32.4 percent in
1977, and 73.7 percent in 1978. Between 1976 and 1978, the annual in
flation rate for food and services consumed primarily by the low-income
strata of the population reached as high as 137.2 percent (Portocarrero
1980:60-61). The effect of inflation during this period was compounded
by the steady devaluation of the sol in relation to the U.S. dollar and


-280-
the lakeside ecological zone while broad beans and minor tubers reach
the high-altitude areas. Products from all of the areas of Sarata
are sought by traders from the tropical valleys of Bolivia who bring
corn, hot peppers, dyes for wool and other products. Thus, the
redistributive function of the rural markets creates sufficient demand
to make following the rural market cycle worthwhile for comnercialists
and allows them to introduce products for sale, which would not other
wise be marketed in the district.
It will be remembered that smuggling also plays a large role in
the commercial life of Sarata. However, the redistributive function
discussed above and the smuggling function are separate aspects of
market activity. There are active rural markets in the district whose
locations and meeting times make them very inconvenient sites for
smuggling activities. One may thus deduce that it is the redistributive
function of the markets rather than a desire to smuggle which motivates
attendance.
In a different way from the legal commercial activities which per
tain to the capitalist mode of production, smuggling also depends upon
the existence of the non-capitalist mode of production. Smugglers are
intermediaries who help to expand the capitalist mode of production by
overcoming legal impediments to the flow of manufactured goods into
areas where there exists a solvent demand. In the case of small-scale
smugglers who do not own trucks, and this includes most of those
saratanos who smuggle, the existence of the non-capitalist mode of
production is important in two ways. First, as in the other capitalist
activities discussed here, small-scale smuggling does not produce enough


-279-
avail abl e to capitalist enterprises paying less-than-subsistence wages
because the basic subsistence needs of the workers' households are
met by the agricultural activities belonging to the non-capitalist mode
of production.
If coffee growers of the district of Sarata required a price for
their coffee that would pay the annual subsistence costs of themselves
and their households, they would not be able to sell any coffee. The
only way that producer households could support themselves with the
revenues generated by the products they sell would be to greatly
expand the areas they cultivate. This is not possible, however, because
there is not enough labor to harvest the areas currently under cultiva
tion. Again, the subsistence needs of producers and their households
are met by the non-capitalist agricultural activities carried out in
the highland communities. Subsistence agriculture thus subsidizes
production in one of Peru's major coffee-growing regions. If it did
not, the coffee from the Tambopata Valley could not be sold at a com
petitive price on international markets.
In the area of trade and transport, commercialists, whose activi
ties have been discussed, purchase foodstuffs and sell them in the rural
markets of Sarata. The people of Sarata purchase only a small portion
of their foodstuffs. In the rural markets, however, goods are both
bought and bartered, and the exchange values of the goods which are
bartered are calculated in terms of their relative prices in cash. A
major purpose of the rural markets of Sarata is to facilitate the
distribution of subsistence goods to the different ecological areas.
Through the markets, meat and wool move from the high-altitude areas to


-77-
entrance by outsiders into the domain of food marketing. Outsiders, of
course, meant the people in the rural communities who were becoming in
creasingly desirous of benefitting from some of the changes they saw
occurring around them.
This period in the economic history of Sarata coincided with other
events occurring in the larger history of Peru, all of which served to
raise popular expectations and make sarateos less willing to live under
the social order that had existed from the colonial period. Among the
earliest of these was the arrival in the region of the Seventh Day Ad
ventist Church, under whose auspices a school, the first of many Adven
tist schools, was opened in Platera, on the southern shore of Lake
Titicaca, in 1909. The first full-time missionaries, Frederick and Ana
Stahl, arrived in the area in 1911. In the history of the Adventist
church on the altiplano, one witnesses the impact individuals may have
in a propitious historical moment. The success of the Adventists has
had profound long-term implications in the general social and economic
life of the region (Hazen 1974; Lewellen 1978).
After having instituted his work in the Platera area, Frederick
Stahl began visiting communities in the province of Huancan around
1915. As on the other side of the lake, he and those associated with
him were subjected to persecution. He was not permitted to lodge in
the town and was given food and shelter by the people he was missionizing.
Numerous threats were made against him and he often was forced to travel
secretly from one community to another at night, guided by people from
the countryside. Stahl did not speak Aymara, and at that time vir
tually no one outside of the town of Sarata spoke Spanish. The message
of the missionary was conveyed through an interpreter. In a lakeside


-86-
one of three "economic sectors," the public sector, the private sector,
and the social sector (Velasquez Rodriguez 1978).
Juliaca boasts a number of businesses which contribute to making
it the dominant commercial center of the region. The Portland-type
cement, which is manufactured on the outskirts of the city, is marketed
throughout southern Peru and enjoys a near-monopoly position. Juliaca
is also the home of numerous textile manufacturers. These businesses
range in size from individual women knitting and weaving in their homes
to large industrial concerns. They use both locally produced sheep and
alpaca wool as well as imported synthetic wools. Many of the synthetic
products are for local use, while the products made from natural wools
are frequently sold in Bolivia, where prices are higher.
There are numerous distributers who supply the growing local
demand for manufactured goods. These include representatives of multi
national electronics and small appliance firms. Some of the distribu
tors sell products legally imported into Peru. Others handle merchan
dise smuggled into Peru from Bolivia via Sarata and other districts
located near the border. Much of what is smuggled in is sold locally,
while a portion of the goods also finds its way to Lima, Cuzco, and
other cities not blessed with a nearby international border. The dis
tinction between which entrepreneurs operate legally and which do not
is not a clear one, as many are involved in both legal and illegal
activities.
Juliaca is also the major food distribution center of the region.
Foodstuffs such as noodles, rice, wheat flour, evaporated milk, cooking
oil, and sugar, as well as fruits and vegetables grown in other areas,
and luxury foods are shipped to Juliaca for distribution throughout the


-35-
As part of the Agrarian Reform, these holdings were expropriated and
adjudicated to form a S.A.I.S. (Sociedad Agraria de Inters Social),
which is dedicated to the raising of sheep for wool. The S.A.I.S. is
under the direction of a manager who is rarely seen by the families
who work on the enterprise, and day-to-day management is carried out
largely by six officers and technicians who are members (socios) of the
S.A.I.S., and 35 technical and administrative employees who are not.
The families that were formerly tenant-laborers (colonos) on the fundos
now work for S.A.I.S. The adult male "head" of each household is a
socio who in theory has an equal vote in deciding how the enterprise
will be run with all other socios. The socios are permitted to maintain
subsistence plots to feed their families and to have their own herds
in return for performing labor on the S.A.I.S. The socios are in
theory paid a nominal sum of money for work performed for the S.A.I.S.;
however, their wives and children who are not socios, are also required
3
to work and are not paid.
Social Stratification
The division between the town and the countryside in Sarata is the
basic social distinction recognized by the inhabitants of the district.
Since the town of Sarata was founded toward the end of the 16th century,
it has been the residence of a social elite which represented Spanish
3
This and other information on the operation of the S.A.I.S. was gen
erously shared with the author by Mr. Juan Lira Condori of the district
of Sarata while he was conducting research on the operation of the
S.A.I.S. for his tesis de bachiller in sociology at the Universidad
Nacional de San Agustn in Arequipa.


Florida. Anthony Oliver-Smith has been an extremely capable and dedi
cated advisor, as well as a constant source of new ideas. M.J.
Hardman-de-Bautista introduced me to the Aymara language and people,
and trained me in the linguistic field methods upon which I have relied
heavily. Charles Wagley has been an extremely loyal mentor whose
knowledge of anthropology in general and Latin America in particular is
exceeded only by his personal warmth and good humor. Chris Andrew has
advised me on matters related to agricultural economics and shared his
vast knowledge of issues in rural development. Paul Doughty has been a
friend and is a perpetual source of information on Peru and Peruvian
research.
No research would have been possible without financial support.
This was partially provided by a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship for Doc
toral Research. The Inter-American Foundation was my major source of
funding through a Learning Fellowship for Social Change. Both members
of the staff and of the fellow selection committee of the Inter-
American Foundation have been a source of personal and intellectual
support.
Finally, my wife, Jane Collins, has been steadfast in her support
and guidance of my work at the same time that she was also engaged in
doctoral research and dissertation writing. She made the effort required
to pursue an advanced degree in anthropology not only possible, but a
pleasurable and rewarding experience.
vi


-19-
relative importance of various urban centers, and in the driving forces
behind continued capitalist expansion. As these changes have occurred,
the peasants of Sarata have found their need for cash increasing. In
order to satisfy this need, modifications in traditional non-capitalist
subsistence strategies were made which placed them within the capitalist
mode of production. Long distance trading networks which had been
similar to those described by Tax (1953) in that the transactions had
been limited to members of the Native American social stratum, provided
the context for a shift to the transport of manufactured goods between
urban centers in Peru and Bolivia. Seasonal trading expeditions to
*
the valleys of the Peruvian coast became seasonal migrations in search
of wage labor opportunities, and the cultivation of tropical valleys
by sarateos in Bolivia preceded present-day production of cash crops
in Peru's Tambopata Valley.
The increased participation of sarateos in capitalist activities
has been marked by diversification rather than specialization, much as
was the case in the Mantaro Valley as observed by Long and Richardson
(1978). A single household in Sarata may well be involved in two or
more of the alternative activities belonging to the capitalist mode of
production. Care is taken, however, not to allow participation in the
capitalist mode to interfere with the production of basic foodstuffs for
household subsistence. History has taught sarateos that while parti
cipation in the capitalist mode of production can be profitable, it is
also risky. People who became dependent upon capitalist activities to
supply basic subsistence needs also became vulnerable to the fluctuations
of the market economy which has forced many off of their lands and into
urban centers. Diversification of economic activities and maintenance


-10-
it is over peasant labor power. They also share a number of institu
tions which regulate the internal organization of peasant societies,
the social relations organizing their productive activities, and mini
mize the damage that external domination can do them. These institutions
have traditionally functioned by preventing or limiting potentially dis
ruptive external contacts by placing formal and informal sanctions upon
those who would make such contacts outside of specific, approved con
texts. Protection institutions have also served to place limits on
both upward and downward individual mobility. Downward mobility has
been limited by spreading the costs and risks of an enterprise among
all the members of a community, while inter-personal obligations and
institutions of mutual aid and cooperative labor have served to limit
upward mobility by equalizing access to resources (Migdal 1974). Such
mechanisms frequently have functioned at the level of communities which
have been closed as much as possible to external forces (Wagley 1964).
In some cases, such communities have resembled a closed corporation
whose members hold enduring rights and duties (Wolf 1951; 1966), while
in others the closure of peasant society has occurred at the level of
large regional trading networks (Tax 1953).
During the present century, and particularly since World War II,
peasants have experienced a new forcethat of capitalist expansion.
The expansion of capitalism into peasant areas has been motivated by
various factors according to the particular time and place. These have
included a need for raw materials, land, cheap labor power, and new
consumer markets. Where these factors have come together, the social
relations of production and the productive activities themselves that
existed prior to capitalist expansion into the region have generally


CHAPTER III
THE INTEGRATION OF SARATA INTO REGION AND NATION
Introduction
In order to understand the economic situation of Sarata, it is
necessary to look beyond the boundaries of the district. Such bound
aries are both temporal and geographic. The contemporary strategies
employed by sarateo households have historical continuities with the
strategies observed by the earliest Europeans to write about the area.
Although the specific productive activities have changed dramatically
over time, households have been constant in their efforts to maintain
diversity in their economic interests. By involving themselves in
diverse economic activities, households have maintained flexibility for
responding to changing social, economic, and environmental conditions.
The district of Sarata has been dominated by outside interests
since the Incaic period, when state policies which affected its history
were formulated in Cuzco. During the viceroyalty, general policy
formulation took place at the Spanish court, with implementation being
the responsibility of officials in Lima. Since Peru became independent,
Lima has been the site of policy formulation by national elites and
international economic interests.
Within the regional economy, the city of Juliaca has exercised a
tremendous influence over Sarata and all of southern Peru. A product
of capitalist expansion into the altiplano via the construction of the
-61-


-140-
dec i de between continuing agricultural production and becoming full
time participants in one or another capitalist activity, there is little
room for doubt that households in Sarata would opt for agriculture.
Having so flatly stated this, however, two caveats must be added.
First, to say that a non-capitalist mode of production is dominant is
not to deny the importance of capitalist activities in the overall pro
ductive strategy of Sarata households. It is not suggested that Sarata
is a place which has somehow defeated or otherwise turned back capitalist
expansion.
One of the most apparent manifestations of capitalist expansion is
the importance of money as a medium of exchange. This is because people
are involved in an increasing number of exchange relationships where
money is the only medium of exchange that is accepted. This is the
case in the purchase of imported foodstuffs such as sugar, rice, and
vegetable oil which comprise an increasingly large part of household
diets, as well as in activities such as paying taxes, or in the purchase
of cement for the construction of a community sheep bath. It is only
through participation in the capitalist mode of production that cash
may be acquired. In addition, the money earned through participation
in the capitalist mode of production provides an important "safety net"
for households in the event of a drought or other natural phenomenon
provoking a crisis in subsistence agriculture.
It should also be remembered that assigning the role of dominance
in the social formation reflects conditions as they were observed
during a particular period of time. If we accept the notion that
capitalism is essentially an expansive phenomenon, then we must assume
that a non-capitalist mode of production will not remain dominant


-218-
the season for weeding land and planting subsistence crops is over and
no coffee is harvested until the end of March. In addition, the end
of Carnaval marks the beginning of a period of intense agricultural
activity. Immediately after the festival begins the task of q"ullia,
or the opening of fallow land.
Q"ul1ia is one of the most physically demanding tasks of the
agricultural cycle, although it is less so in the lakeside zone than in
the other areas of the district. In Jat"a and many other communities
near the lake, the earth is broken open and turned over. As noted
above, the furrows for planting potatoes, the first crop in the rotation
cycle after the land has been taken out of fallow, are constructed
immediately prior to planting in Jat"a and other areas of the lakeside
zone. However, in other parts of the district, furrows are constructed
at the same time that the earth is turned.
Throughout the district, the basic work team is three people, two
cutting the sod and lifting the earth with wiri, or foot plows, while
a third person uses the hands to turn the pieces over. The expressed
ideal is that this team consists of two men, working with the wiri, and
a woman turning the earth. However, in fact, men and women perform both
the tasks of cutting and lifting the earth with the wiri and turning it
with the hands. In a few communities, one observes a large number of
all-male q"ull ira teams. In these communities, a very high percentage
of the households--over 90 percent--own land in the Tambopata Valley.
The men return in February for the festivals and organize themselves
to carry out the q"ul1ia, while the women replace them in the tropical
valleys in March to initiate the coffee harvest. In an area of the


-132-
When the fundos were expropriated, the "heads of households" of
the colono families became members or socios of the S.A.I.S.. This
meant that at the time of adjudication, in 1975, the S.A.I.S. had about
204 socios. Since that time, administrative and technical personnel
were brought in and the work force has increased, although the current
number of socios is not clear.
The socios elect delegates to represent them in a general assembly
of the S.A.I.S. Theoretically, the general assembly represents the
interests of all the socios, laborers and administrative and technical
personnel alike, which makes policy decisions concerning the adminis
tration of the enterprise. Each socio is paid a wage, with the amount
varying according to job classification. Unskilled laborers receive
the least money, while people with a trade specialty or relevant skill
receive more. Technicians and administrators receive the most money.
In theory, all are co-equal socios; however, the delegates to the
general assembly were persuaded that non-technical and non-administra-
tive personnel should forego their salaries for the first two years
following the establishment of the S.A.I.S., in the interest of getting
the enterprise started to a more fiscally sound beginning.
In addition to the salary earned by the socios, they and their
families are allowed to cultivate individual subsistence plots to meet
their own food needs. They are also allowed to maintain their own
private herds of animals on S.A.I.S. lands, although the enterprise
tries to limit the size of the familial herds, so they do not compete
with the herds of the S.A.I.S. for pasture land. The enterprise would
like to limit familial herds to about 40 head of sheep per household,
or the equivalent. Deductions are made from a socio1s salary according


-60-
penetration of Sarata depend upon the continued existence of a non
capitalist mode of production to meet the subsistence needs of the
labor force they require.
The implications of these conditions for the development of the
region are numerous. This thesis will examine the productivities engaged
in by the household productive units of Sarata and analyze the ration
ality of the overall productive strategy both from the perspective of
the household and from the perspective of the overall system in which
the household operates. This system is characterized by the articulation
of capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production. A peasant economy
such as found in Sarata is not simply the product of market forces
seeking equilibrium, but is the product of broad social forces within
the framework of a particular historical process. It is these forces
upon which the present work focuses its attention.


THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FOOD PRODUCTION:
AN EXAMPLE FROM AN AYMARA-SPEAKING REGION OF PERU
By
MICHAEL DAVID PAINTER
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1981

Copyright 1981
by
Michael David Painter

To my mother and the memory of my father

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A number of people and institutions contributed to the realization
of this study. The people of the district of Sarata shared freely of
their food, shelter, and knowledge of their home, and gave new meaning
to the concept of reciprocity. Special assistance was rendered by
Santiago Cal 1 i Apaza, Eustaquia Callo de Lopez, Luca Lpez de Lima,
Javier Mamani Mamani, Gregoria Sarabia Blanco, Pedro Quispe Ticona,
Juan Ticona Collquehanca, Lucio Ticona Collquehuanca, and Abdon Ticona
Mamani.
I was also fortunate to have the opportunity to work with four
talented and dedicated research assistants from the district of Sarata.
The late John WiIfredo Apaza, formerly a student of agronomy at the
Universidad Nacional Tcnica del Altiplano, in Puno, provided techni
cal information on agriculture both to me and to the people of Sarata.
His untimely death was one of the few sad experiences I had to suffer
while in the field. Yolanda Lpez Callo, currently Aymara Instructor
at the University of Florida, and Eva Mercado Vargas, a school teacher
in Sarata, transcribed and translated hours of recorded tapes contain
ing extremely difficult linguistic material and oriented me to numerous
aspects of life in Sarata. Juan Lira Condori, a student of sociology
at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustn, in Arequipa, conducted
marketing and consumption surveys, and shared information he had col
lected on the effects of the Peruvian agrarian reform in Sarata.

Institutional affiliation in Peru was provided by the Pontificia
Universidad Catlica del Per, in Lima, and by the Universidad Nacional
Tcnica del Altiplano, in Puno. Carlos Arambur and Alejandro Camino,
anthropology professors at the Universidad Catlica, shared their
extensive knowledge of Puno department and directed me to numerous use
ful bibliographic sources. Victor Bustinza, Oscar Chaquilla, and
Eleodoro Chahuares, faculty members of the Universidad del Altiplano,
made university resources available and assisted me in gaining access
to government offices and agencies in Puno. Rodolfo Machi cao, also a
faculty member at the Universidad del Altiplano and a native of Sarata,
allowed my wife and me to reside in his family's house while we were in
Sarata, provided extensive information on the district, and introduced
me to a number of helpful saratanos.
Ismael Cerruto and Jacinto Condori of the Ministerio de Agricul
tura y Alimentacin provided extensive information on productive activi
ties in Sarata. Eleodoro Aquise Jaen, director of the Puno office of
the Servicio Nacional de Meteorologa e Hidrologa, made available
climatic data on the region. Victor Villanueva, director of the
Organismo Regional de Planificacin in Puno, also collaborated with
my research efforts.
Valuable assistance and support while I was in the field was also
provided by Phil Blair, Lucy Briggs, Hector Martinez, Benjamin Orlove,
and Peter White. The Sisters of Satin Joseph who administer the parish
of Sarata were uniformly kind, helpful, and supportive of my efforts.
The members of my doctoral committee have been unfailing in their
encouragement and support since I first arrived at the University of
v

Florida. Anthony Oliver-Smith has been an extremely capable and dedi
cated advisor, as well as a constant source of new ideas. M.J.
Hardman-de-Bautista introduced me to the Aymara language and people,
and trained me in the linguistic field methods upon which I have relied
heavily. Charles Wagley has been an extremely loyal mentor whose
knowledge of anthropology in general and Latin America in particular is
exceeded only by his personal warmth and good humor. Chris Andrew has
advised me on matters related to agricultural economics and shared his
vast knowledge of issues in rural development. Paul Doughty has been a
friend and is a perpetual source of information on Peru and Peruvian
research.
No research would have been possible without financial support.
This was partially provided by a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship for Doc
toral Research. The Inter-American Foundation was my major source of
funding through a Learning Fellowship for Social Change. Both members
of the staff and of the fellow selection committee of the Inter-
American Foundation have been a source of personal and intellectual
support.
Finally, my wife, Jane Collins, has been steadfast in her support
and guidance of my work at the same time that she was also engaged in
doctoral research and dissertation writing. She made the effort required
to pursue an advanced degree in anthropology not only possible, but a
pleasurable and rewarding experience.
vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
ABSTRACT ix
CHAPTER
ITHE "PEASANT" WAY OF LIFE 1
Introduction .... i
The Study of Peasant Economics 7
The Analysis of Modes of Production 13
Modes of Production in the District of Sarata 18
Research Methods 21
IITHE SARATA ENVIRONMENT 23
Introduction 23
Physical Features 24
Population and Institutions 30
The Rural Communities of the District 33
Social Stratification 35
Economic Class 49
Subsistence Strategies and Capitalist Expansion 58
IIITHE INTEGRATION OF SARATA INTO REGION AND NATION 61
Introduction 61
The Integration of Sarata 62
Sarata and the Republic 70
The Arrival of a Capitalist Economy 74
The Urban Growth of Juliaca 84
The District of Sarata and Urban Centers 93
National Agrarian Policy and the Stagnation of the Agri
cultural Economy 95
National Agricultural Policy and the Regional Economy
of Sarata 112
IVTHE PROCESSES OF PRODUCTION 117
Introduction 117
Landholding Institutions 117
Communities and Individuals 117
Labor Exchange 125
S.A. I .S. San Juan 130
Medianos Productores 137

Page
Subsistence Activities in Sarata 137
Subsistence and Non-Capitalist Production 137
Potatoes and Minor Tubers 142
Broad Beans ISO
Barley 153
Forage Grains 155
Qulnoa and Kalwa 156
Vegetable Crops 157
Corn. 159
Herding 160
The Role of Subsistence Activities 165
The Capitalist Mode of Production 167
Capitalist and Non-Capitalist Production 167
Wage Labor. 169
Trade and Transport 174
Capitalists 178
The Organization of Labor 188
V HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN A PEASANT ECONOMY 190
Introduction 190
A Sarata Household 191
Daily Activities 203
Labor Allocation 206
Household Agriculture 214
Potatoes and Minor Tubers 214
Broad Beans and Peas 226
Barley and Wheat 233
Qulnoa 235
Forage Grains 236
Onions 237
Livestock 239
Costs and Revenues of Subsistence Agriculture 240
Coffee and Citrus Cultivation 245
Trade and Commerce 251
Household Expenses 256
VI PEOPLE AND MODES OF PRODUCTION 260
Summary and Conclusions 260
Policy Implications. .... 275
The District of Sarata in a Broader Perspective 278
APPENDIX
THE AYMARA PHONEMIC ALPHABET 284
REFERENCES 285
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 293
vi i i

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FOOD PRODUCTION:
AN EXAMPLE FROM AN AYMARA-SPEAKING REGION OF PERU
By
Michael David Painter
December 1981
Chairman: Anthony R. Oliver-Smith
Major Department: Anthropology
The Aymara of southern Peru have experienced the process of
capitalist expansion for a number of years. Aymara households partici
pate in diverse capitalist activities while withholding their agricul
tural production from the market. Food production is for subsistence
only. Households earn cash by participating in capitalist activities
which are scheduled so as not to conflict with subsistence activities.
This strategy protects the Aymara from becoming dependent upon any single
activity to provide the means of their subsistence.
Losing control over basic subsistence activities has historically
been associated with rural-urban migration in the region, and is one
reason that regional urban centers have experienced tremendous popula
tion growth in recent years. There has been a corresponding growth in
the demand for food by these urban centers at the same time that rural
producers have become reluctant to sell food.
Economic diversification facilitates capitalist activities in
southern Peru because non-capitalist subsistence activities provide
part of the subsistence needs of the people who participate in capi
talist activities. This reduces the cost of labor and reduces the amount

of cash the population must control in order to provide a solvent de
mand for manufactured goods. However, for the conditions which origi
nally facilitated the growth of capitalist enterprises in the region
to continue, subsistence activities must also continue. This tends to
limit further capitalist expansion into the region.
The dependence of the capitalist mode of production upon non
capitalist modes in order to expand, and the withdrawal of foodstuffs
from the marketplace at a time when urban demand is rapidly increasing
are two contradictory tendencies associated with the process of
modernization in southern Peru as well as in other areas of the world.
They are major features of modern peasant economies. They illustrate
that such an economy is not simply the product of market forces seek
ing equilibrium, but are the result of broad social forces acting
within a particular historical process.
x

CHAPTER I
THE "PEASANT" WAY OF LIFE
Introduction
The chill quiet of the town plaza of Sarata* is broken shortly
after 1:00 a.m. by the drivers of nearly two dozen trucks and two buses,
who start their vehicles and begin idling their engines to warm them up
for the trip to Juliaca. Several of the trucks jockey for position at
the plaza exit, trying to guarantee that they will be among the first
to leave, and thus have a full load of passengers. Within a few minutes
the sound of the revving of engines is joined by the cries of the
drivers' assistants, shouting their destination and trying to attract
passengers to their vehicles. A pall of exhaust fumes soon settles
over the plaza and softens the outlines of the people as they pass in
front of the headlights of the trucks. The men wear ponchos, cover
their heads with knitted stocking caps, and wrap their faces with
knitted scarves. The women are dressed in polleras, the large full
skirts worn over numerous petticoats, several layers of sweaters, and
blouses over which they wrap a shawl, and a derby hat. Many people
carry bundles on their backs which may contain everything from children
iSarata is a fictitious name for the district in which research for the
present work was conducted. The names of places within the district
as well as those of district residents have also been changed. Other
names, however, are cited correctly.
-1-

-2-
to food and blankets for the trip, to goods destined to be sold in
Juliaca.
The destination of nearly everyone this Monday morning is Juliaca,
which is a major distributive center for all of southern Peru. Its
weekly market is held every Monday and is the largest in the region
and a focal point of weekly commercial activity. A similar scene is
repeated virtually every morning in the Sarata plaza, as people attend
the various local markets or go to the provincial capital of Huancan,
or Juliaca on bureaucratic errands. The activity in the plaza on the
other mornings, however, is much reduced in comparison to Monday.
As she does every Monday morning, Petronia Quispe arrives in the
plaza around 1:30, in time to secure a good seat on the truck directly
behind the cab, for herself and four-month-old child she carries on
her back. She is also carrying a bundle, which contains a change of
clothes for the baby, a blanket to wrap themselves in during the pre-
2
dawn truck ride, and an inkuna, or food-carrying cloth, containing
some boiled potatoes to eat on the way.
Petronia also has brought several nylon windbreakers and a trans
istor radio in her bundle. These were purchased in a weekly market on
the Bolivian border last Saturday and Petronia will re-sell them in
Juliaca this morning. This is, of course, strictly illegal, and con
stitutes a miniscule part of the well-publicized black market trade
between Peru and Bolivia. Between Sarata and Juliaca, the truck
Petronia is riding on will pass through four control points where it
may be searched thoroughly either by customs agents or members of the
?
All Aymara words in this thesis are written according to the Yapita
phonemic alphabet, which is described in the Appendix.

-3-
Guardia Civil, the national police force. Usually, however, the
searches are only cursory and rarely create difficulties. The biggest
worry lies in the delays that the checkpoints sometimes provoke.
The truck in which Petronia Quispe is riding is owned by a person
who engages in contraband activity on a far larger scale. In fact,
either he, his wife, or a family member own over half the trucks leaving
Sarata this morning. Although originally from the same peasant com
munity as Petronia, he has amassed a fortune that reputedly makes him
one of the richest men in southern Peru. He maintains a base in the
community by contributing generously to work projects and employing
people from there in his many enterprises. Petronia always travels in
one of his trucks because it is said that they are less likely to have
problems at the control points. Also, his sister is Petronia's god
mother, or madrina, having sponsored Petronia at her baptism. Petronia
can thus count on the support of powerful friends should she ever en
counter problems in Juliaca, or anywhere else in the department of Puno
for that matter.
Most of the trucks from Sarata will arrive in Juliaca between 5:00
and 6:00 a.m. The very last to leave will reach Juliaca by 6:30 a.m.
Upon arrival in Juliaca, the first thing Petronia will do is sell the
radio and the windbreakers to retail commercialists who work in the
city. That transaction completed, she will buy a large sack of onions
or carrots. After buying her produce, Petronia will store it in the
back of the truck, under the watchful eyes of the driver's assistant and
several fellow passegners while she does some shopping. Generally she
buys some fruit to take home to her family. Also, she will buy a large
sack of bread, which is of a better quality than that baked in Sarata.

-4-
By 10:00 a.m., Petronia and the other passengers will be back on the
truck and leaving Juliaca. Barring mechanical problems and depending
upon the condition of the road, they will be back in Sarata between
2:00 and 4:00 p.m.
On Wednesday, Petronia will take the produce she purchased in
Juliaca to a rural market in a high-altitude herding area of the dis
trict of Sarata. Some of the vegetables will be sold there; however,
Petronia will be more interested in trading them with the women who
bring cheeses and wool to the market. These products are produced in
abundance in the herding area and are sold at a lower price than any
where else in the district of Sarata. Petronia will add the wool to
her personal store and some will be used for the weaving and knitting
that she and her husband do, and the rest will be available for con
version into cash on some later occasion.
The cheeses Petronia acquires on Wednesday will be taken to a
Saturday market near the Bolivian border. From shortly before sunrise
until about noon merchants such as Petronia conduct a lively trade with
their counterparts from Bolivia. Here, Petronia will sell her cheeses
to Bolivians who, because food prices are considerably higher in Bolivia
than in Peru, will pay a much higher price than she could receive in
Peru. From Bolivians who have come up from the valley of Chuma, she
will buy wayk'a, a variety of dried hot pepper, which she will sell in
the large Sunday market in the town of Sarata. She will also buy another
radio and perhaps some other manufactured goods from mechants that have
come to the border from La Paz. These will be taken to Juliaca next
Monday morning to underwrite the start of another business week.

-5-
When not attending to market business, Petronia works with her
husband, Santiago Husnca, in carrying out the household agricultural
activities. These include caring for their three cows, seven sheep,
and four pigs, and cultivating a small area of land which is divided
into many plots scattered over a wide area. Most of these plots are
located within their own community, although some of their landholdings
are also located in other areas of the district.
Although they work as a team on these activities, Petronia and
Santiago own their animals and land individually. The household has
four pigs, for example, which were purchased by Petronia with money
from her marketing, and they are her property. Santiago spends as much
time taking care of them as she does, but both the decision to buy and
how to dispose of the pigs are Petronia's. Likewise, Santiago in
herited some irrigated land in another area of the district from his
mother, who is from a different community. He and Petronia work the
land together, but it belongs undisputably to Santiago. Productive
decisions are made with the interests of the entire household in mind,
but the principle of separate and individual ownership is basic.
Petronia and Santiago live about four kilometers outside of the
town of Sarata in a community near the edge of Lake Titicaca. It is
one of the most densely populated areas of the district and few house
holds in the community own more land or animals than Petronia and
Santiago. There is virtually no irrigation in the community; however,
the combination of high population density and high agricultural pro
ductivity is made possible by the annual flood plain of irregular width
which forms the shoreline of Lake Titicaca. Petronia and Santiago's
community, as well as several other communities in the district of

-6-
Sarata, controls substantial areas of this plain. Cultivation of this
flood plain is called mill 1 and is made possible by the water that seeps
into the ground from the lake. This makes possible an early planting
and, as the increasing rains cause the level of the lake to rise, neces
sitates an early harvest. Petronia and Santiago also plant end harvest
early in the agricultural season on a small plot of irrigated land, and,
in fact, realize three harvests a year from that plot. They also follow
a third agricultural schedule on the land where rainfall is the only
source of water.
On their lands, Santiago and Petronia cultivate potatoes and other
tubers, broad beans, quinoa, barley, corn, carrots, onions, cabbage, and
other vegetables, as well as a small amount of oats for the animals.
The yields they receive are considerably higher than the mean for the
department of Puno, and despite the small area of land they own, they
are normally able to provide quite comfortably for most of the household
food needs. The only foodstuffs regularly purchased are rice, noodles,
and sugar, which they cannot produce for themselves. Santiago and
Petronia would like to have a little more pasture land, which would
permit them to purchase some additional livestock. However, they are
not particularly interested in acquiring additional agricultural lands
for, as they point out, they already have all they can eat and providing
the labor necessary to cultivate more land would limit their freedom
to engage in other activities.
Like the people in most of the households of Sarata, Petronia and
Santiago rarely sell food they have produced themselves. For them,
agriculture has a single purpose, to produce food for the household.
The primary concern of the households is to assure themselves of a food

-7-
supply. Once that goal is achieved they can, and do, turn their atten
tion to making money. However, one does not risk one's subsistence on
the chance to turn a monetary profit.
The Study of Peasant Economies
The present study will examine the economic system in which Petronia
and Santiago participate. This system is characterized by the co
existence of productive activities belonging to capitalist and non
capitalist modes of production, and individuals such as Petronia and
Santiago incorporate activities from both modes of production into their
survival strategies. It is the relationship between capitalist and
non-capitalist modes of production that is most characteristic of the
peasant economy of Sarata.
Use of the concept of modes of production has recently received
considerable attention in the literature of economic anthropology and
many investigators have found it useful in illuminating the issues
which lie behind the economic problems faced by many developing socie
ties (Clammer 1978; Seddon 1978). However, the study of peasant socie
ties has been characterized by a number of approaches, which have enjoyed
varying degrees of popularity at different times. The modes of produc
tion approach is simply a recent chapter in a long history of theoretical
frameworks. Therefore, it may be helpful to briefly review some of the
problems peasant studies have faced in order to make explicit why the
mode of production model has been chosen.
Within the context of American anthropology, peasant studies have
traditionally fit into a broader context of the study of non-Western

-8-
economic systems in which individuals frequently manifest apparently
anomalous economic behavior. There has been a prolonged theoretical
dialogue on the utility of basic concepts of Western economics for
studying such non-Western and/or non-capitalist economic systems. One
group of writers, exemplified by Dalton (1968), Polanyi et al. (1957),
and Sahlins (1972) have claimed intellectual antecedents in the work of
Chayanov (1966) and they have argued that formal Western economic con
cepts are not useful for analyzing non-Western societies. In their
view, within non-Western societies, economic activities are not a
separate realm, but are carried out in the context of kinship, politi
cal and religious institutions, while Western economic science developed
as part and parcel of a specialized market economy. They have maintained
that Western economic science equates rationality with the allocation
of resources to maximize the production of desired goods, while most
non-Western societies do not seek to maximize production; and Western
economics assumes scarce means in relation to unlimited wants to be
universal, while it is, in fact, a peculiarity of the Western system.
Other writers, such as Burling (1968), Cook (1968), Herskovits
(1940), and Schneider (1974) have defended the applicability of Western
economic science to non-Western societies. They have argued that the
detractors of formal Western economic concepts confused economic analy
sis with economic liberalism when they equated it with the growth of
the market economy and that the concept of maximization, in fact, refers
to satisfaction, which is culturally defined, and not to production.
Such writers have also held that there is indeed scarcity as long as
the means for engaging in productive activity are not unlimited and may
be employed in alternative uses, and as long as the obtaining of a goal
requires the expenditure of measurable effort.

-9-
Considerable effort has been expended in this discussion with
neither side able to delineate an objectively definable field of study.
On one hand, it is argued that economics has to do with the provision
ing of society, but that the institutions which fill this role belong
to the domains of kinship, religion, or politics rather than economics.
On the other hand, economics may study the decision-making by which
scarce means are allocated among alternative uses. However, if means
and ends are defined broadly enough to be universally applicable, then
all human activity becomes the field of study (Godelier 1967; 1977).
Within this general context, the study of peasant societies has an
additional element of complexity which is not shared by the tribal or
primitive non-Western societies which have provided many of the examples
fueling the above discussion. As a group, peasants are not defined by
the internal structures of their own societies, but by their relation
ships to larger, external societies. Hence, Redfield (1953:31) links
the rise of peasant societies to the rise of cities, and Kroeber
(1948:284) states that peasants are "part-societies with part-cultures"
which constitute a class segment of a larger population, and which live
in relation to market towns. The relationships that peasants have with
the larger populations are highly variable according to the technological,
environmental, and social situations of the peasants themselves, and
the type of domain exercised over them by the dominant urban-based
classes of the society (Wolf 1955; 1966).
In spite of great variability, peasants do share the experience of
being dominated by other strata in the larger populations to which they
belong. These strata exercise a prior claim over the production of
peasants. Sometimes this is over "surplus" production, and sometimes

-10-
it is over peasant labor power. They also share a number of institu
tions which regulate the internal organization of peasant societies,
the social relations organizing their productive activities, and mini
mize the damage that external domination can do them. These institutions
have traditionally functioned by preventing or limiting potentially dis
ruptive external contacts by placing formal and informal sanctions upon
those who would make such contacts outside of specific, approved con
texts. Protection institutions have also served to place limits on
both upward and downward individual mobility. Downward mobility has
been limited by spreading the costs and risks of an enterprise among
all the members of a community, while inter-personal obligations and
institutions of mutual aid and cooperative labor have served to limit
upward mobility by equalizing access to resources (Migdal 1974). Such
mechanisms frequently have functioned at the level of communities which
have been closed as much as possible to external forces (Wagley 1964).
In some cases, such communities have resembled a closed corporation
whose members hold enduring rights and duties (Wolf 1951; 1966), while
in others the closure of peasant society has occurred at the level of
large regional trading networks (Tax 1953).
During the present century, and particularly since World War II,
peasants have experienced a new forcethat of capitalist expansion.
The expansion of capitalism into peasant areas has been motivated by
various factors according to the particular time and place. These have
included a need for raw materials, land, cheap labor power, and new
consumer markets. Where these factors have come together, the social
relations of production and the productive activities themselves that
existed prior to capitalist expansion into the region have generally

-11-
been drastically altered or eliminated (Bradby 1975). The mechanisms
by which traditional institutions have been transformed are numerous.
However, all have involved some combination of factors which increased
the expenses of peasant household and limited their opportunities for
earning an income. In some areas, for example, capitalist expansion
has. stimulated rapid population growth, which has led to an unprecedented
fragmentation of landholdings and a reduction in a household's ability
to produce a marketable food surplus. In other areas, manufactured
goods replaced local craft production and cut off what had been a source
of income for many households (Migdal 1974).
As capitalist expansion progressed, it was argued that the disrup
tions caused to traditional productive activities were not unlike what
had occurred in the United States and Europe in the early days of capital
ist growth and expansion in those countries. Some observers argued
that the changing peasant societies would eventually become capitalist
themselves and be in a position to share the fruits of capitalism en
joyed by the populations of developed capitalist societies (Rostow
1961).
When such a course of events showed no signs of occurring, many
investigators began to search for what was "wrong" with peasant socie
ties, which impeded the expected transformation. They sought the answer
to their questions in the cognitive grid of peasants, where they claimed
to have found "cultural factors" such as low empathy, a limited world
view, a lack of innovativeness, hostility, and fatalism which are shared
by peasants around the world and which cause them to resist and subvert
the transformation to capitalism (Bailey 1966; Banfield 1958; Foster
1967; Rogers 1969). Such was the anxiety to "blame the victims" for

-12-
the lack of success in transforming their societies to industrial
capitalist centers that explanations based upon normative judgements
by investigators regarding traits of personality and perception were
acceptable. Such traits were reported to apply to peasants in general
regardless of their particular cultural or historical backgrounds. The
experience of capitalist expansion into their areas, which is shared by
peasants around the world, and which may be directly observed in the
material condition of their lives, was ignored.
The counterpoint to the "cognitive grid" approach is the work of
Frank (1966; 1967; 196S). Frank argues that the explanation for the
problems associated with capitalist expansion, such as rapid population
growth, urban expansion, and poverty, are found entirely within the
capitalist economy. For him, non-capitalist production that peasants
may engage in either prior to or concurrent with capitalist expansion
is irrelevant. Capitalism is a world system hierarchically ordered into
metrpoli and satellites. The satellites produce a surplus which is
extracted by the metrpoli. Because the system is hierarchically ar
ranged, what is a metropolis from one perspective, is a satellite from
another. Lima, for example, is the principal metropolis of Peru, but
in its position in relation to developed capitalist societies it is a
satellite. As a general principle, Frank's dependency model is intui
tively appealing. However, the concepts of metropolis and satellite
frequently elude precise definition when applied to particular cases.
Also, by focusing exclusively upon his perception of the overriding
internal dynamic of capitalism, Frank's model reveals little about the
functioning of productive processes at a local level, or about the
links between the local level and the larger society.

-13-
Other writers have been more precise in their analyses. Amin (1974;
1977) argues that societies into which capitalism is penetrating cannot
follow a course of development similar to Western Europe and the United
States because the penetration occurs from the outside for the purpose
of extracting wealth. The key sectors of the economy which are trans
formed as a result are those of export production and import consumption.
These grow in relation to one another, but the productive activities
in other areas of the society are not transformed.
The Analysis of Modes of Production
Marx himself suggests a different perspective on the growth of
capitalism in his discussion of the Asiatic mode of production (1959).
He emphasizes that in the Asiatic mode of production, certain precapi
talist modes are more resistant to capitalist penetration than others
for reasons related to the internal organization of production. Recent
investigators have found this to be a starting point for a renewed
interest in studying the internal functioning of non-capitalist econ
omies in different areas of the world. These studies differ, however,
from those which stimulated the discussions among economic anthropologists
regarding the usefulness of Western economic science for studying econ
omic behavior in non-Western societies in that they focus upon produc
tion rather than upon transaction and exchange and the institutions
which regulate them. In this perspective, distribution and exchange
are determined by the social relations among the people engaged in the
productive process. These social relations are, in turn, determined
by the initial access of producers to the goods, resources, and labor

-14-
which constitute the means of production (Godelier 1S67; 1977; 1978a;
1978b; MeiHassoux 1972; 1977).
The term "mode of production" is used here to refer to economic
activities that may be diverse in terms of the products that result
from them, but which share basic organizational characteristics that
order the social relations among the people involved in the economic
activity. The social relations that are observed between participants
in an economic activity are determined by their relative access to land,
labor, and capital, that is, the means necessary for production to
occur. In feudal Europe, for example, the organizing principle for
social relations was the rights and duties which defined the control of
different segments of the population over land. In modern capitalist
activities, the social relations between participants are ordered by
their access to capital. The most basic distinction is between workers
who sell their labor power for wages because they do not have access
to the other means of production, and capitalists who control land and
capital.
In any society, there are diverse economic activities which may
belong to different modes of production. The different modes of produc
tion are not isolated from one another, but are linked in various ways.
A plowshare produced in a factory organized according to capitalist
social relations of production may be used in a family agricultural
enterprise which produces only for subsistence, for example. The two
modes of production are joined through the sphere of exchange, which
provides the mechanism for getting the plowshare from the foundry to
the farm. Likewise, a single individual may act both as a worker in
the foundry and as a food producer for the family. The two modes of

-15-
production are then linked in the coordination of their respective labor
requirements.
When two modes of production are linked in such a fashion, they
constitute a single economic system, which is often referred to as a
social formation. Because they are linked, conditions in one mode of
production may affect conditions in the other over time. Historically,
when one of the modes of production has been capitalist, it has tended
to expand, and capitalist social relations of production have replaced
social relations of the non-capitalist mode.
The relationship between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of
production is referred to as their articulation. Rey (1973:82-87)
states that the articulation of modes or production is a process in time,
which extends from when capitalist expansion first brings it into con
tact with a non-capitalist mode of production in the sphere of exchange
and ends with the total disappearance of the non-capitalist mode of
production as all relations of production become capitalist.
By looking at the articulation of capitalist and non-capitalist
modes of production as a temporal process one is really looking at two
historical processes, that of the capitalist system itself and that of
the non-capitalist modes in the area where capitalist penetration is
occurring. This allows local productive processes to be examined in
relation to the larger region and nation, and can illuminate the ques
tion of why capitalist expansion has not worked the transformation upon
non-capitalist areas that was once expected.
Briefly, the capitalist mode of production is attracted to an area
by the presence of non-capitalist modes of production and, once there,
it tends to depend upon their continued existence. This is because the

-16-
non-capitalist mode of production helps to pay the subsistence costs of
people being incorporated into the capitalist mode of production. For
example, a commercial agricultural enterprise which has only a seasonal
demand for labor does not have to pay its workers a wage which reflects
their yearly subsistence costs and those of their families if all or
part of the worker's subsistence requirements are met through subsistence
agriculture and other non-capitalist productive activities. It is the
non-capitalist mode of production which makes possible the "cheap labor"
which is a major attraction of such an enterprise. In reality, the
labor is not cheap, but its subsistence costs are subsidized by the
non-capitalist mode of production. This reduces the costs of production
for the capitalist enterprise and constitutes a transfer of value from
the non-capitalist mode of production to the capitalist mode of produc
tion. Likewise, the presence of a non-capitalist mode of production
allows people with limited access to cash to consume more manufactured
goods than would otherwise be possible. Insofar as basic subsistence
needs are met by non-capitalist activities, limited cash resources may
be more freely spent for consumer goods than would otherwise be the
case.
Because the non-capitalist mode of production reduces the costs
involved in capitalist expansion by such means as subsidizing labor
costs or reducing the amount of cash income required for a population
to constitute a solvent demand for manufactured goods, it is in the
interests of the capitalist mode of production to co-exist with and
reinforce the non-capitalist mode of production. This, however, poses
a problem. The capitalist mode of production tends to expand and re
place non-capitalist modes even though the non-capitalist modes provide

-17-
the conditions attractive to capital in the first place--conditions
upon which a particular enterprise may depend in order to realize a
profit on its production. The kinds of enterprises which are attracted
to enter such a relationship with a non-capitalist mode of production
are those which require labor only on a seasonal basis arid which re
quire unskilled labor that can be easily replaced when a worker leaves
to take care of subsistence tasks (Dupre and Rey 1978; Meillassoux
1972; 1977; Rey 1973).
The relationship between the two modes of production is presumed
to be hierarchical; that is, one is dominant over the other. In many
studies cf modes of production, the concept of dominance is used impre
cisely, referring simply to the mode of production that is most charac
teristic of a social formation. In the United States, for example, one
can observe subsistence agriculture and craft industries in which the
social relations of production are not capitalist, although they are
invariably in some stage of articulation with the capitalist economy.
Few people would argue that the social formation resulting from this
articulation is not capitalist. However, in a society only recently
undergoing capitalist penetration, this is not necessarily true. When
one discusses a mode of production as being dominant or dependent, the
parameters which determined the classification must be specified.
Montoya (1980:25) discusses this problem as one of scale. He notes
that in Peru as a whole, the capitalist mode of production is dominant,
but in its articulation with developed nations on an international
level, Peruvian capitalism occupies a dependent position. At the same
time, in the countryside, there are many areas of small-scale agricul
ture where non-capitalist relations of production dominate.

-18-
Various authors have used the concept of modes of production in
their analyses of particular societies, emphasizing different implica
tions of the theory. Meillassoux (1964), for example, focused upon the
internal economic organization of the Gouro of the Ivory Coast of
Africa, which is characterized by a non-capitalist mode of production
based upon lineages in which the older men control access to the means
of production. Montoya (1980) examined the history of articulation
between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production for a major
economic network in Peru which includes the populations of Lima, Lomas,
Puquio, and Andahuyalas. Long and Richardson (1978) discuss the in
formal sector of the economic system of the Mantaro Valley in Peru,
which is characterized by non-capitalist relations of production. They
note that the expansion of small capitalist enterprises in this region
usually implies a diversification rather than a specialization of
economic functions.
Modes of Production in the District of Sar?ta
The present work will apply the concept of modes of production to
the economic system of the district of Sarata, an Aymara-speaking dis
trict of the department of Puno, Peru. Since prior to the arrival of
the Spanish in Peru, Sarata has been subjected to domination by external
political and economic interests. Capitalist penetration into Sarata
began near the end of the 19th century when the Southern Peruvian Rail
way made the altiplano region an accessible market for manufactured
consumer goods.
Since that time the economic structure of the region has changed
several times along with changes in transportation networks, in the

-19-
relative importance of various urban centers, and in the driving forces
behind continued capitalist expansion. As these changes have occurred,
the peasants of Sarata have found their need for cash increasing. In
order to satisfy this need, modifications in traditional non-capitalist
subsistence strategies were made which placed them within the capitalist
mode of production. Long distance trading networks which had been
similar to those described by Tax (1953) in that the transactions had
been limited to members of the Native American social stratum, provided
the context for a shift to the transport of manufactured goods between
urban centers in Peru and Bolivia. Seasonal trading expeditions to
*
the valleys of the Peruvian coast became seasonal migrations in search
of wage labor opportunities, and the cultivation of tropical valleys
by sarateos in Bolivia preceded present-day production of cash crops
in Peru's Tambopata Valley.
The increased participation of sarateos in capitalist activities
has been marked by diversification rather than specialization, much as
was the case in the Mantaro Valley as observed by Long and Richardson
(1978). A single household in Sarata may well be involved in two or
more of the alternative activities belonging to the capitalist mode of
production. Care is taken, however, not to allow participation in the
capitalist mode to interfere with the production of basic foodstuffs for
household subsistence. History has taught sarateos that while parti
cipation in the capitalist mode of production can be profitable, it is
also risky. People who became dependent upon capitalist activities to
supply basic subsistence needs also became vulnerable to the fluctuations
of the market economy which has forced many off of their lands and into
urban centers. Diversification of economic activities and maintenance

-20-
of control over basic subsistence needs are important means of reducing
such insecurities.
Within the district of Sarata, the time and intensity of partici
pation in capitalist activities are determined by the demands made by
subsistence agriculture upon household labor resources. Participation
in capitalist activities occurs only after all possible steps have been
taken toward assuring the household of an adequate food supply. Although
the capitalist mode of production is dominant in Peru as a whole, the
non-capitalist mode of production remains dominant within Sarata. This
is so because the people of the district are unwilling to intensify their
participation in the capitalist economy at the cost of losing control
over the means of production of their own subsistence. As long as they
do this, it is possible to choose the nature of their participation in
the capitalist economy. They do not have to sell their labor in order
to eat. In his discussion of the stages of articulation between capi
talist and non-capitalist modes of production, Rey (1973) notes that
agriculture is frequently the last economic activity in a society to
come under the domination of the capitalist mode of production. The
case of Sarata illustrates why this is so.
In Sarata, the non-capitalist mode of production has subsidized
capitalist activities in a variety of ways and continues to do so. In
turn, the capitalist mode of production reinforces the subsistence
sector of the Sarata economy. This reinforcement is related to the
development of capitalist activities which are compatible with the labor
requirements of subsistence agriculture. However, it is this selective
development of the capitalist economy that is responsible for much of
the instability which has produced massive migration to urban centers,

-21-
and which provides the incentive for sarateos to maintain control over
the means of their food production.
By examining the articulation between capitalist and non-capitalist
modes of production in Sarata, this work will attempt to examine the
effects of capitalist penetration on the economic system of the district.
It will also argue that, while sarateos have enjoyed more alternatives
in the economic activities available to them than have most peasant
societies, their response reflects a strategy that is not unique, and
which is instructive in understanding why Peru has not been transformed
into a developed capitalist society. This is not, however, merely a
theoretical exercise. In the case of Peru, the nature of the articula
tion of modes of production is responsible for a critical shortage of
food in Perus urban centers. In examining the process of capitalist
expansion into the district of Sarata, attention will be paid to both
the causes and possible solutions of this problem.
Research Methods
The research upon which the present work is based was carried out
from June through August of 1977 and from December 1979 through Decem
ber 1980. Several data-gathering techniques were employed. The tradi
tional anthropological approach of participant observation was used
extensively in order to determine the scheduling of capitalist and
non-capitalist productive activities and their respective requirements
in terms of labor and other resources. This included observing and
participating in most agricultural activities on the altiplano,
accompanying merchants as they went about their various endeavors, and

-22-
accompanying sarateo producers when they went to the Tambopata Valley
to harvest coffee and citrus.
Participant observation was supplemented with more structured re
search techniques. Between December 1979 and December 1980, all of the
rural markets of Sarata were visited. All but one were visited on
various occasions. The number, age, and sex of vendors and buyers were
noted, inventories were made of the goods being bought and sold, and
the incidence of cash and barter transactions was noted.
Information on the history of Sarata and its relationship to the
larger regional and national societies was gathered through library re
search. The archives of the Catholic church in Sarata also yielded much
information of historical value.
The Ministry of Agriculture provided information on population,
household size, the amount of land under cultivation and its allocation
among different crops, and on the size and composition of livestock
herds for each community in the district. Based upon this information,
key households were selected which represented major features in the
productive patterns of the district. Structured, open-ended interviews
were conducted with members of these households and some of these
individuals, in turn, provided additional information in unstructured
interviews.
Research with Aymara speakers was conducted in the Aymara language.
This eliminated the need for interpreters and reduced the number of
opportunities for the distortions that inevitably occur when information
is translated from Aymara into languages as structurally different from
it as Spanish or English.

CHAPTER II
THE SARATA ENVIRONMENT
Introduction
Capitalist expansion as it occurs around the world is affected by
a number of factors. Aspects of the physical environment determine or
constrain the productive activities which can be performed. Social
strata represent divisions in society based upon unequal access to
wealth generated by productive activities, and to political power. The
political structure into which a region is integrated facilitates govern
ment control and the implementation of policies favorable to those
social strata whose interests the government serves. Local political
units, such as the peasant community, frequently serve to organize pro
ductive activities within a region.
In the district of Sarata, the nature of capitalist penetration
into the local economy has been affected in various ways by particular
aspects of the physical environment, political organizations, and
social stratification of the region. The harshness of the altiplano
severely limits the possible range of productive activities. Since
prior to the arrival of the Spanish, Sarata has been dominated by ex
ternal political organizations established for the purpose of extracting
wealth. The social stratification of the district reflects this pur
pose. Local elites have consistently represented the interests of the
-23-

-24-
groups concerned with extracting wealth from Sarata, whether the wealth
was in the form of labor, minerals, or food.
Traditional elites were unable to control access to the productive
activities associated with capitalist expansion. These activities pro
vided economic opportunities to social strata which had not formerly
enjoyed them. As members of these strata have acquired economic power
the traditional elites have lost it. Social divisions characteristic
of capitalist societies have begun to emerge. At the present time,
capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production co-exist in the dis
trict of Sarata. The process of capitalist penetration has altered the
previously existing social relations of production. However, the nature
of capitalist penetration itself was also shaped by these prior pro
ductive relationships, and it continues to reflect the productive
arrangements worked out over hundreds of years in the altiplano environ
ment.
Physical Features
The district of Sarata is located on the northeastern shore of
Lake Titicaca in the Peruvian altiplano. It is a district of the prov
ince of Huancan, department of Puno. The westernmost side of Sarata
is bounded by Lake Titicaca, which runs on an axis from northwest to
southeast, while its eastern boundary is the international border with
Bolivia. On the north and northwest, Sarata is bounded by other dis
tricts of the province of Huancan.
Within this area, the district of Sarata occupies approximately
700 square kilometers. About 50 kilometers separate the most distant

-25-
points on its longest axis, parallel to Lake Titicaca, and its width
averages about 15-20 kilometers. The town of Sarata, which is the
administrative center of the district, is located some kilometers south
west of the geographic center, about four kilometers from the shores of
the lake (see Figures 2-1 and 2-2).
Two highways of packed earth and stone connect the town of Sarata
with the Bolivian border some 35 kilometers to the east. One route
follows the lakeshore, and was constructed in the mid-1960s, under the
first administration of Fernando Belaunde Terry. The journey to the
border by this route usually requires from two to four hours to com
plete. The other highway to the border passes inland from the lake.
It was reportedly constructed in the late 1940s and it is the fastest
route to the border from the town, requiring from 1.5 to three hours. Both
of these highways reunite in Bolivia and form a direct link with La Paz,about
eight hours from the border. There are, of course, also numerous
trails across the border which are frequently negotiated by people on
foot leading llamas or burros. Some are also negotiable by trucks.
To the west, Sarata is linked to the provincial capital of Ruancan
and the commercial center of Juliaca by an unpaved highway. The dis
tance to Huancan is about 50 kilometers and Juliaca is slightly over
100 kilometers distant. The trip to Juliaca normally requires from
three to six hours.
In the past Sarata was joined by boat to other districts that border
Lake Titicaca. With the completion of a permanent highway link to
Juliaca, regular passenger and freight services by boat were halted
around 1940. However, one community in the district has a major boat
building industry where wooden craft of various sizes are constructed.

-26-
Figure 2-1. The department of Puno
Major roads

Figure 2-2. The district of Sarata
Numbers indicate approximate elevation above sea level
Rural market sites
Major roads

-28-
These craft are purchased largely by households that live along the
lake, for whom fishing is an important activity. Some people who do
not fish also purchase the larger boats upon which they mount outboard
motors. These are used for commerce and link the lakeside communities
of Sarata with other communities around Lake Titicaca.
Sarata is commonly regarded as having a more agreeable climate than
other areas of the altiplano. The presence of peach, apple, and cherry
trees which annually bear fruit, the cultivation of corn, and the
raising of diverse vegetable crops both out-of-dors and in greenhouses,
set the district apart from many other areas around Lake Titicaca, and
are pointed to as evidence of generally warmer temperatures and more
abundant rainfall. Indeed, visitors to the area who are accustomed to
other areas of the altiplano are invariably impressed by the lush green
vegetation.
With regard to temperature, however, Sarata is not appreciably
different from other areas of the altiplano. During the six-year period
from 1975-1980, for example, the mean annual temperature of 8.5C in
Sarata was slightly lower than the mean annual temperature of 8.8C
recorded for the city of Puno. Also for the period 1975-1980, a mean
variation of 11.9C between the mean diurnal high and the mean nocturnal
low was recorded for Sarata, while in the city of Puno the mean varia
tion was 11.4C.1
*Ing. Eleodoro Aquise Jaen, Chief of the Puno office of the Servicio
Nacional de Meteorologa e Hidrologa (SENAMHI) graciously gave access
to meteorological data for the department of Puno. The figures cited
in this paragraph are based upon data gathered by SENAMHI, but the
means themselves were calculated by the author.

-29-
On the other hand, Sarata does receive appreciably more rainfall
?
than the departmental mean. For the same six-year period of 1975-1980,
a mean annual rainfall of 933 mm was recorded, while the departmental
mean for the same period was 758 mm. This appears to be the most sig
nificant climatic difference between Sarata and other areas of Puno
department.
In discussing the climate of Sarata a note of caution is in order,
for there is a great deal of variabi 11 ty within the district. In the
vicinity of the lakeshore, in addition to potatoes, barley, and guinea,
one also finds broad beans, isau (Tropaeoium tuberosum), api 11 a (Oxalis
crenata), and ulluku (Dllucus tuberosos), as well as corn, vegetable
crops, and fruit trees. As one moves to the north away from the lake,
the basic food crops tend to be reduced to potatoes and barley along
with relatively small amounts of quinoa (Chenopodium guinea) and kaiwa
(Chenopodium pal 1idlcaule). Oats, rye, and forage barley are also
raised to feed the larger numbers of animals encountered as one moves
toward the ever more sparsely populated regions away from the lake.
Finally, in the extreme northeastern corner of the district, not even
the "bitter potato," luk"i (Solanum andigenum), can be cultivated and
the subsistence base rests entirely upon large herds of sheep and al
pacas. Collins (1981) divides the district of Sarata into ecological
zones on the basis of the complex of crops that form the subsistence
base.
2
Rainfall in Puno department falls most abundantly in the montaa region
of the extreme north and most sparsely in the region of the Cordillera
Occidental in the extreme south, and the decrease from north to south
is fairly regular. The SENAMHI normally uses readings from the city
of Puno to represent a departmental mean.

-30-
This variation is commonly attributed locally to higher elevation,
which is associated with increased cold stress. In a general way this
is correct, especially when one compares the vicinity of the lake with
the extreme northeastern corner of the district. At the shore of Lake
Titicaca, the elevation is about 3812 meters above sea level, while in
the northeast, the elevation approaches 4300 meters above sea level.
The upward slope of the land as one moves away from the lake is very
gradual on the whole, however, and differences in elevation do not, by
themselves, account for the differences in the crop complexes that form
the subsistence bases in various areas of the district. In fact, beans
and the tubers ulluku, isau, and api 11a are often found in lakeside
areas which, due to an irregular landscape marked by high hills and
ridges, are as far above sea level as the "highlands'1 some distance
away, where these crops are not cultivated. Likewise, there are irri
gated highland areas where broad beans are successfully cultivated. It
appears that much of the climatic variation within the district is a
function of the presence or absence of sufficient moisture in the form
of water in the ground and humidity in the air to protect plants from
the desiccating effects of the cold, dry winds blowing off the eastern
cordillera of the Andes.
Population and institutions
The 1972 Peruvian census recorded a total population for the dis
trict of Sarata of 20,220 people, of whom 1377 lived in the town of
Sarata and the rest lived in the countryside. Based upon the agricul
tural census for the 1978-1979 growing season carried out by the

-31-
Ministerio de Agricultura y Alimentacin, the rural population of the
district was 21,331. The investigator estimated the 1980 population of
the town of Sarata to be in the area of 2000-2500 people. This would
place the total population of the district at about 23,000-24,000
people.
Based on a total population of 20,220 people, the mean population
density of the district is approximately 28.9 people per square kilometer,
while a total district population of 24,000 people would signify a mean
density of approximately 34.3 per square kilometer. The population is
not spread evenly throughout the district, but is concentrated in the
lakeside area, where population densities of from 200-250 people per
square kilometer are estimated. In contrast, in the extreme northeast
of the district, where herding is the subsistence base, the population
density is in the area of 15-20 people per square kilometer.
The town of Sarata is the administrative center of the district.
It is the home of a district governor who is appointed by the sub
prefect of the province, and is the last link in the centralized chain
of command of the national government, extending outward from Lima. An
alcalde, or mayor, is the highest official of the municipal government.
The town is divided into five barrios, or neighborhoods, each of which
elects its own officials to represent the interests of the neighborhood.
Several of the professions are also represented in the district govern
ment by unions, or sindicatos. These include the drivers1 union or
sindicato de choferes, the small businessmen's union, or sindicato de
minoristas, the artisans' union, or sindicato de artesanos, the bakers'
union, or sindicato de panificadores, and the restaurant owners' union,
or sindicato de gerentes de restaurantes.

-32-
Also located in the town is a post of the Guardia Civil or national
police force and an office of the Polica de Investigaciones del Per,
which is the national plain-clothes investigative police. A medical
post is located on the edge of town which is affiliated with the Ministry
of Health and an office of the Ministery of Agriculture provides infor
mation and technical assistance to the cultivators and herders of the
district. Public education is available in the town from the levels of
kindergarten through secondary school. The Catholic Church has been an
institution in the town since 1608, when the first priest arrived.
Today the church is administered by North American nuns from the order
of the Sisters of St. Joseph, who also provide services in religious
education and rural health care. Services are performed by the Sisters
and a sacristan, who is from a community outside the town of Sarata.
The Adventists arrived in Sarata early in the 20th century, and most
of their work has been concentrated in the rural communities; however,
they have recently constructed a large temple in the town as well. The
Adventist church is completely run by native personnel.
The town is also a center for commerce in the district. It is the
site of a large Sunday market, which attracts between 700 and 1,000
vendors weekly, and a much smaller Thursday market. On other days of
the week, stores are the main distributors of beer, soft drinks, cocoa,
and food products such as noodles, rice, and sugar. Several mechanics
are kept busy maintaining the large number of trucks that operate out
of the town.
In the town of Sarata, one also finds such services as running
water, electricity from about 6:00-10:00 p.m. when the hydroelectric
generator is working properly, and a sewer system, which was in the

-33-
process of being installed in 1980. Traditionally, the town monopolized
such amenities and services, but, more recently, people in the rural
communities have become more organized and are acquiring these benefits
for themselves as well.
The Rural Communities of the District
The town of Sarata is surrounded by 35 communities which occupy
the bulk of the rural area of the district. Some of these are offi
cially recognized by the national government as comunidades campesinas
while others have chosen to forego official recognition and are termed
parcialidades. Most of the communities which have opted for recognized
status have done so since 1960. There are examples of communities which
chose to become recognized both during and before the Agrarian Reform
of the government of Velasco Alvarado. Both communidades campesinas
and paracialidades are represented before the national government by a
teniente gobernador, who is appointed for each community to serve a
one-year term by the sub-prefect of the province in consultation with
the district governor. Internally, the communidades campesinas are
governed by a comit de vigilancia and a comit de administracin in
accordance with the requirements of the national government. Parcial 1-
dades. on the other hand, exhibited several different models of internal
organization.
Until relatively recently, the district government was organized
on the basis of ayl1u rather than community. Each of the current com
munities composed a part of an ayl1u. Sometimes the lands of communi
ties belonging to a single ayllu were contiguous and sometimes they

-34-
were not. However, all of the ayllu did control land in the different
ecological zones of the district. In one case, a very large community
constituted an ayllu in and of itself. It is unclear upon what basis
the ayl 1 u were organized in pre-h'ispanic times; however, the Spanish
organized them into landholding institutions. Each ayl1u had defined
territorial boundaries by the 17th century.
Prior to the emergence of the rural communities as political
institutions, the district government was composed of the governor of
the district and a teniente gobernador who was appointed to represent
each avl1u. This began to change in the 1950s as different parts of
the ayl1u began to want their own tenientes gobernadores to represent
their interests in obtaining support for the construction of schools,
roads, and other facilities. From this time, the communities of Sarata
gradually acquired their own tenientes gobernadores and the ayl1u lost
much of their importance, with the transition process ending in the
early 1970s. Presently, the ayl1u is the basis of only a few political
or administrative functions, although they continue to be invoked by
specialists on ritual or ceremonial occasions as fundamental institu
tions in district organization.
Prior to the agrarian reform of the Velasco government, in the
late 1950s and early 1970s, there were 12 privately owned farms, or
fundos, in the district of Sarata. One of these was owned by a man
whose daughters all belonged to the San Vicente de Paul order of nuns.
Upon his death, the fundo passed into the hands of the order, where it
remained until the agrarian reform. The other fundos were controlled
by members of four different families. Most of the fundo owners in
Sarata also had land holdings in other, neighboring districts as well.

-35-
As part of the Agrarian Reform, these holdings were expropriated and
adjudicated to form a S.A.I.S. (Sociedad Agraria de Inters Social),
which is dedicated to the raising of sheep for wool. The S.A.I.S. is
under the direction of a manager who is rarely seen by the families
who work on the enterprise, and day-to-day management is carried out
largely by six officers and technicians who are members (socios) of the
S.A.I.S., and 35 technical and administrative employees who are not.
The families that were formerly tenant-laborers (colonos) on the fundos
now work for S.A.I.S. The adult male "head" of each household is a
socio who in theory has an equal vote in deciding how the enterprise
will be run with all other socios. The socios are permitted to maintain
subsistence plots to feed their families and to have their own herds
in return for performing labor on the S.A.I.S. The socios are in
theory paid a nominal sum of money for work performed for the S.A.I.S.;
however, their wives and children who are not socios, are also required
3
to work and are not paid.
Social Stratification
The division between the town and the countryside in Sarata is the
basic social distinction recognized by the inhabitants of the district.
Since the town of Sarata was founded toward the end of the 16th century,
it has been the residence of a social elite which represented Spanish
3
This and other information on the operation of the S.A.I.S. was gen
erously shared with the author by Mr. Juan Lira Condori of the district
of Sarata while he was conducting research on the operation of the
S.A.I.S. for his tesis de bachiller in sociology at the Universidad
Nacional de San Agustn in Arequipa.

-36-
authority during the colonial period, and the authority of the Peruvian
4
governments that have ruled the country since the Wars of Independence.
Although a product of the mixture of European and indigenous populations,
and speakers of both Aymara and Spanish, they orient their values toward
the European cultural heritage. The people who live in the countryside
are commonly regarded as the representatives of Peru's modern Native
American population. A tension exists between the two groups that has
been punctuated by violence at different times in the past.
Social stratification in Sarata will be discussed here on the basis
of a formal analysis of the features upon which residents base their
distinctions of social categories. The interviewing techniques of the
field linguist were employed in the elicitation of these features.
Analysis and presentation generally follow the methodologies of Good-
enough (1965) and Lounsbury (1964). Miracle (1976) has demonstrated
the utility of formal analysis as a tool for examining Aymara social
relations.
Rural inhabitants of Sarata commonly distinguish two social cate
gories, jaqi, or "human being," and campesino, or "peasant," which are
used almost interchangeably to refer to themselves. Misti is a pejora
tive term that, broadly defined, means someone who lives in the town.
Numerous features in addition to living either in the country or in
the town are said to distinguish campesinos from mistis, however. The
distinguishing features which are commonly cited are listed in Table
2-1. These include features related to dress, diet, work habits,
manners, and religion, among others.
4
This and other historical information mentioned in the present chapter
will be discussed more fully in Chapter III.

-37-
The items included in Table 2-1 represent characteristics upon
which there was unanimous agreement by informants of various social and
economic positions as to their relevance in distinguishing the social
categories of campesinos and mistis. The features were not necessarily
volunteered spontaneously, however. For example, people who considered
themselves campesinos would frequently say that a misti is lazy. Fur
ther elicitation regarding what campesinos regard as being lazy led to
the complex of features pertaining to the domain of work. In addition,
although the features presented in Table 2-1 were regarded as distinc
tive by people of distinct social strata, the social significance
attached to the features by members of the respective strata varied
tremendously. A person cited by a campesino as being a "lazy misti,"
for example, might regard him or herself as a vecino del pueblo, or a
"leading citizen of the town" and refer to people from the countryside
as indios, which may literally be translated as "Indian" and is a
strong pejorative. The features belonging to the domain of work,
which to a person from the countryside would denote a "lazy misti,"
when referring to a person to whom they do not apply, might also be
cited by a leading citizen of the town as denoting an "ambitious
Indian," when referring to a person to whom they do apply.
There is, however, a difficulty. Although the features listed in
Table 2-1 are agreed upon as distinguishing social categories, most of
them do not, in fact, have a strong behavioral correlate that may be
observed as making one group of people different from another. For
example, although all campesinos agreed that mistis live in the town,
they also agreed that there are numerous people living in the town who
do not behave like mistis in most other respects. By the same token,

-38-
Table 2-1
Features of Social Stratification
Features
Campesino Vecino Dana in
Works own fields
+
-L
Sells labor
+
+
Hires labor9
+
Exchanges labor
+
+
Has maid
+
Children herd
+
+
Walks to borde.
+
Owns land in Tambopatac
+
+
Makes own poncho
+
+
Adventist + +
Catholic
Sunday mass--morning +
Sunday mass--eveninq+
Religion
Speaks Spanish + +
Speaks A.ymara++
Language
Lives in town +
Lives in community +
Carnaval-campo dance group + +
Carnaval-town dance group +
Celebrates campo fiestas + +
Celebrates town fiestas^ +
Residence
Wears ojotas or goes barefoot + +
Wears shoes + +
Wears pollera skirt++
Dress
Family members killed in 1923 + +
Family members attacked com
munities in 1923 +
Greets all people he/she knows + +
Does not greet everyone+
Shares food + +
Eats hot lunch (almuerzo) +
Eats cold lunch (fiambres)++
Human/non-human
Food
Spanish surname + +
Elite surname +
Names

-39-
Table 2-1
continued
aRefers to minka, which, in Sarata, designates the sale of one's labor
for money. A campesino may pay a worker; however, it is the right of
the workers to decide whether to exchange labor for labor or labor for
money. Hist is may offer no choice.
^Refers to the willingness to walk long distances without transport.
The border with Bolivia was often cited as a place campesinos walk to
trade but mistis do not.
Q
Coffee growing region in Tambopata Valley, Sandia province, Puno depart
ment.
^Campo fiestas include Candelaria, San Juan, and Santa Rosa de Lima.
Town fiestas include Santa Cruz and Exaltacin de la Cruz.

-40-
while leading citizens of the town agreed that indios live in the
countryside, they hastened to point out that numerous people live in
the town who certainly are not leading citizens.
This indicates that there is a town-dwelling population which does
not fit well into the campesino vs. misti distinction made by people
from the countryside or the vecino vs. indio distinction made by social
ly elite town families. Sarateos do indeed recognize the existence of
a third social category, but do not have a name for it. This third
group constitutes an unmarked category.
When this unmarked category is included in Table 2-2 under the
heading of "town Aymara," the features elicited as distinguishing social
categories do have behavioral correlates. The categories of campesino
and vecino are clearly distinguished from one another with regard to
nearly all of the features listed. The "town Aymara" share some features
with the campesinos and some with the vecinos, but the total complex of
features which characterizes the town Aymara clearly shows it to be
distinct from either of the other two social categories.
Table 2-2 shows that only three of the features regarded as dis
tinguishing the social strata of the population do not yield a contrast
when tested by direct observation. These are found in the domains of
surnames, dress, and language. Spanish surnames penetrated the country
side of Sarata soon after the conquest, when many people adopted them
as well as given names for the purpose of baptism. There is evidence
that people did not have surnames in the European sense prior to the
time of the conquest. Parish baptismal records indicate that the in
heritance of a surname did not follow a European pattern in Sarata until
the beginning of the 18th century, although it is not clear what the

-41-
Table 2-2
Distinguishing Features of Social Stratification
Features
Town
Campesino Aymara Vecino
Doma in
Works own fields
Sells labor
Hires labor
Exchanges labor
Has maid
Children herd
Walks to border
Owns land in Tambopata
Makes own poncho
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Work
Adventist + +
Catholic
Sunday massmorning +
Sunday ma ss-even i ng++
Religion
Speaks Spanish + + +
Speaks Aymara + + +
Language
i ves in
Lives in community
Carnaval-campo dance group
Carnaval-town dance group
Celebrates campo fiestas
Celebrates town fiestas
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Residence
Wears ojotas or goes barefoot + +
Wears shoes + + +
Wears pol1 era skirt (women) + + +
Dress
Family members killed in 1923
Family members attacked com
munities in 1923
Greets all people he/she knows
Does not greet everyone
+
+
+
+
+
+
Human/
non-human
Shares food
+
Eats hot lunch (almuerzo)
+
+
Eats cold lunch (fiambres)
+
+
Food
Spanish surname + + +
Elite surname +
Names

-42-
pattern cf surname inheritance was. The decline of the Native American
population due to disease and forced labor as well as the massive re
settlement of the population that occurred after the conquest also
facilitated the penetration of Spanish surnames into the Sarata country
side. In later years, many people have found it to their economic and
social advantage to adopt Spanish surnames. It seems that Spanish sur
names are identified with the misti/vecino stratum not because this
group has them and the other strata do not, but because Spanish sur
names are used as a metonym representing a general orientation toward
Spanish values.
Clothing is another area which people agree varies according to
social category; however, at the present time, objectively defineable
clothing differences corresponding to social strata are minimal. In
fact, the only obvious difference is that someone belonging to the
vecino stratum will never wear ojotas, rubber tire sandals, or go bare
footed. People from all social strata wear shoes at least part of the
time. Women from all social strata wear the full-cut pol1 era skirts and
derby hats. In the past, however, the campesino population was subject
to dress proscriptions which prohibited them from wearing shoes and
limited clothing items to those made from homespun wool. Campesino men
wore knee-length pants and a tunic-style shirt, while women wore polleras
and blouses, all made of bayeta, or homespun wool. Vecino men wore the
Western style of the period, while the women wore pol1 eras and blouses
which were of finer fabrics than homespun wool.
Today, campesino men rarely wear short pants, although they fre
quently wear homespun clothing while working in the fields. For con
ducting business in town or attending a celebration, they will frequently

-43-
dress as "stylishly" as any vecino. Campesino women customarily wear
homespun polleras for field work and others of finer material in town
or on special occasions. There are also campesino women who wear
Western-style slacks and skirts. Vecino women may wear polleras,
though not of homespun wool, or Western skirts and slacks.
Dress proscriptions were imposed by the Spanish as a visual marker
of indio social status and they remained in effect for that same pur
pose until the present century. In 1923, dress proscriptions were one
of the issues that contributed to an outbreak of violence between campe
sinos and vecinos in Sarata and the surrounding region. In the wake of
that disturbance, dress proscriptions were less frequently observed and
enforced until they eventually fell into disuse. Although there are no
active restrictions on how campesinos dress today, there are vecinos
who continue to enjoy making snide remarks about people who they thin!-
dress too well for their station in life. The memory of dress restric
tions causes people to agree that they are a marker of differences in
social status, although it is difficult to observe them functioning in
the present.
Language is also agreed to be a marker of social categories in
Sarata, and for some people, it continues to be an issue of tremendous
emotional impact. As was the case with dress proscriptions, it is dif
ficult to objectively define differences in language use which correspond
to differences between social strata in the present, although in the
recent past, social strata were distinguished by very real language
differences. At the present time, most vecinos are bilingual in Spanish
and Aymara, although there are monolingual Aymara-speakers among the
women. Perhaps one-half of the campesinos are bilingual, with their

-44-
proficiency in Spanish varying from complete fluency to very poor con
trol. Through the school system, increasing numbers of campesino
children are becoming proficient in Spanish.
In the past, campesinos were prohibited from speaking Spanish.
Some, of course, did, but the vecinos sanctioned the use of Spanish by
campesinos with violence and even death. Spanish was a monopoly of the
vecinos which assured them a mediating role between the campesinos and
the government, the legal system, or other interests from outside
Sarata. By maintaining a monopoly on the use of Spanish, the bilingual
vecinos assured themselves a monopoly on things such as legal or social
justice and economic opportunity. Since most of the vecino families of
r~
Sarata do not appear to have been large landowners, this mediating
role was a principal source of economic wealth for many of them.
Thus, in the 1920s, when campesinos began establishing schools in
their communities for the purpose of learning to speak, read, and write
Spanish, it was an "insurrectionary act" that contributed directly to
the violence of 1923 mentioned above. Since this incident, the knowledge
of Spanish among campesinos has grown and their right to attend school
and obtain an education has been generally accepted, but this came only
at the cost of numerous campesino lives. Language, the means by which
the vecinos maintained their domination of the district, continued to
be regarded as a major factor distinguishing them from campesinos.
5
Vecino families did control much of the choice irrigated land aground
the town, as well as particularly valuable plots throughout the district.
Many campesinos claim that they still own more than their share of the
best irrigated land. However, these holdings were the vecino families'
"subsistence plots" and did not constitute haciendas. By and large,
the hacendado and vecino families of Sarata have not been composed of
the same people.

-45-
A1though the features of surnames, dress, and language are not
clear markers of social status in the present, they do call attention
to some interesting features of sarateo social relations. For ex
ample, the difference noted between male and female dress among the
vecinos, with the men wearing the style of the day and the women tend
ing to favor pollera skirts, and the presence of monolingual Aymara
speakers among the vecino women, suggest that vecino women may have
closer ties with the non-elite social strata than one might anticipate.
Galdo (1962) has noted that in the nearby district of Vilquechico,
elite women tend to marry men from outside of the district and leave
to reside in other areas. Many elite men remain in Vilquechico and
marry women of lower social position. Participant observation in Sarata
confirmed that vecino males there also frequently marry women of lower
social standing.
The social strata of Sarata that have been defined on the basis of
the features listed in Tables 2-1 and 2-2 may be tested through parti
cipant observation. Table 2-3 summarizes those features which most
frequently involve easily observable behavior that requires interaction
between individuals of distinct social strata. Interactions between
individuals in the respective social categories are listed in the left-
hand margin. The horizontal axis denotes particular kinds of inter
actions. The first five interactions are drawn directly from Tables
2-1 and 2-2. Compadrazgo, or "godparenthood," and marriage are not
included in the list of features marking social differences, but are
included here as important interactions which may be observed directly.
Table 2-3 clearly shows that asymmetrical social behavior characterizes
the relations among members of the respective social strata of campesinos,

Table 2-3
Interactions Among Social Strata
Greets
Can Ask
to Work
Shares
Food
Dance
Together
Invite to
House
Compadrazgo
Marriage
campesino -> campesino
4"
+
4*
+
+
+
+
campesino -* town Aymara
+
+
+
+
4-
4-
campesino -> vecino
+
+
+
town A.ymara -> campesino
+
+
+
+
+
town Aymara -> town Aymara
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
town A.ymara > vecino
+
4*
+
+
vecino -> campesino
+
vecino -* town A.ymara
+
+
4*
vecino -* vecino
+
+
+
+
+
!-
-46-

-47-
town Aymara, and vecinos defined by the features listed in Tables 2-1
and 2-2.
It is of interest that "town Aymara" is a locally recognized but
unlabelled social stratum. This has to do with the fact that the "town
Aymara" is a group that has emerged relatively recently. The struggle
over dress proscriptions, going to school, and learning Spanish was very
much a struggle over how people were going to earn a living in the
coming years. As campesinos began to free themselves from the domina
tion of the vecinos, the economic base of the vecino social stratum
began to shrink. Particularly during the last twenty years, large num
bers of vecinos have left Sarata, unable to remain in the town and
maintain an acceptable lifestyle. Many have opted for attending a
university and becoming a professional. These individuals now reside
with their families in diverse large urban centers which provide employ
ment for people with professional training.
At the same time, campesinos dedicated themselves with a vengeance
to numerous jobs involving manual labor and direct participation in
commerce, jobs which, although they may have been lucrative, were con
sidered inappropriate by most vecinos for people of their social posi
tion. As the vecinos left town, their property has been acquired by
prosperous people from the countryside seeking easier access to trans
port and storage facilities, the town high school, and amenities such
as running water and electric lighting at night. They added their
numbers to the small group of artisans and craft specialists that had
resided in the town to form a new social stratum in the town. While
the "town Aymara" lack the social status of the vecinos they certainly
far surpass them in terms of their present economic power.

-48-
These facts signify a breakdown in whatever correlation had pre
viously existed between high social status and economic wealth. It is
interesting that wealth was not mentioned by people in Sarata as a marker
of social status. Indeed, the names of vecino families never come up
in discussions concerning who are the wealthiest families in the district.
Even campesinos who reside full time in the countryside may be actively
engaged in a lucrative economic activity. It is, in fact, difficult to
find a campesino in the district of Sarata who does not either own
outright or share an interest in a piece of property in the town for
the purpose of facilitating his or her negocio, or "business."
Although Sarata may be a particularly dramatic example, the weaken
ing of the relationship between social status and economic class appears
to have occurred throughout the department of Puno. Bourricaud (1967),
for example, observed similar processes at work in and around the city
of Puno in the early 1950s. They prompted him to discuss at length the
differences among cholos, indios, and mestizos, as he labelled the social
strata he was observing, focusing upon the questions of which group
was "more Indian" and why.
The acquisition of wealth by members of the campesino and "town
Aymara" social strata of Sarata has placed them in diverse relationships
with the capitalist economy. Subsistence agriculture remains outside
the sphere of the capitalist mode of production. However, campesinos
and "town Aymara" are involved in activities which place them in the
roles of wage laborers, independent mercantilists, and the employers
of what are frequently large numbers of wage laborers. The class dif
ferentiations of complex capitalist society cut across the lines of
social stratification recognized by sarateos.

-49-
Economic Class
Diversity is the most salient feature of economic activities in
Sarata, particularly among the campesino and "town Aymara" social
strata. During the course of a year, the members of a single nuclear
household may be involved in subsistence agriculture on their fields in
the district, wage labor in industrialized agriculture near the Peruvian
coast, a job in an urban area, the cultivation of cash crops such as
coffee and citrus in the tropical Tambopata Valley of Sandia province,
or in the smuggling of goods back and forth across the international
border with Bolivia. Many individuals are also trade specialists, such
as carpenters, artisans, or mechanics. This diversification of economic
activities may be seen as an extension of the traditional agricultural
practice of owning numerous small plots dispersed over a relatively
large area and of maximizing the diversity of varieties present for each
crop grown. This helps provide protection against localized frost and
hailstorms and reduce losses in the face of disease or blight, very
common phenomena in the insecure physical environment of the altiplano.
In the same way, the diversification of economic activities provides a
measure of protection in the face of an insecure social and economic
environment, which does afford opportunities, but over which individuals
can exert no control (Painter 1978; 1979). Such a diversified strategy
is made possible by a very flexible sexual division of labor, which
allows households to schedule the labor of their members to best ad
vantage and to continue functioning as productive units despite pro
longed absences by some members (Collins 1981).
The diversified economic strategy followed by households in Sarata
involves them both in capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production.

-50-
Subsistence agriculture belongs to the domain of non-capitalist produc
tion. In this case, households own the means of production and do not
employ others to meet their labor needs. During peak periods of agri
cultural activity, labor requirements that the household does not have
the resources to satisfy are met through exchange relationships with
other households that also require additional labor. The resulting
agricultural production is not sold, but is used by the household to
satisfy its own nutritional needs.
The practice of some specialized trade such as carpentry, in a
rural community, is another activity that does not involve the producer
in a capitalist mode of production as it has been defined here. The
person with the trade owns the means of production and does not normally
employ additional labor. If additional labor is needed, it is generally
provided either by family members or by the customer. Frequently, the
specialist works in order to reciprocate or insure labor services per
formed by others in agricultural activities in the household fields.
A specialist carrying out a trade in a rural community of Sarata is
invariably a subsistence agriculturalist as well.
A specialist who goes to an urban area to sell a skill for wages
participates in the capitalist mode of production. Migration to urban
areas in search of wage labor is an economic option for both skilled
and unskilled laborers from Sarata. The majority of unskilled laborers
are drawn to the industrial agricultural enterprises in the Arequipa
area, as well as other sections of the Peruvian coast. A smaller number
is involved in mining. Carpenters and bricklayers often find employment
in the construction industry, which is also concentrated in the coastal
region. Most migration to urban areas is seasonal, with the migratory

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periods being determined by slack periods in the Sarata agricultural
cycle.
Most urban migrants are men. People feel that women are not
treated with proper respect in the cities and that the jobs open to
them do not pay as well as the jobs that are given to men. When women
migrate to the cities in search of wage labor, the employment they
usually find is as domestic help. The women who migrate are usually
young and unmarried. Employment as a wage laborer is the clearest ex
ample among the capitalist economic activities engaged in by the people
of Sarata of individuals owning none of the means of production and
selling their labor as a commodity.
Smuggling is an activity in which people may become involved in a
number of ways, and which takes a number of different forms. The most
constant flow of goods in recent years has consisted of small electrical
appliances such as tape recorders, radios, television sets, and type
writers entering Peru from Bolivia. Manufactured foodstuffs such as
canned milk, sugar, noodles, and cooking oil, as well as wool, wool
products, and wool-bearing animals were the goods flowing in largest
quantities from the opposite direction. The profitability of ventures
involving these goods is created by the Bolivian policy of unrestricted,
low-tariff imports of manufactured goods and few controls on food prices
combined with high import duties on manufactured goods in Peru.^
^With the election of Fernando Belande Terry as president of Peru,
this situation began to change. Food prices, though still controlled,
have increased dramatically and import restrictions on manufactured
goods have been eased. This stimulated some reorientation in the
contraband trade, which was still in a period of flux in December
1980.

-52-
People who engage in smuggling as a source of cash income range
from individuals who buy passage on a truck to the border to go there
on foot and buy only a radio or two for later resale in Juliaca to
people who own trucks and employ numerous workers in their operations.
The large-scale smugglers, who are frequently from rural communities,
thus assume the role of capitalists in their own right, owning the means
of production, in this case transport facilities, and employing the
labor of others for wages. It is also the large-scale smugglers who,
by and large, provide the transportation for those operating on a much
smaller scale.
It may be argued that the small-scale smugglers are involved only
in simple mercantilist production, employing no one as they transport
goods from one area to another for the purpose of earning a profit.
However, the goods smuggled are all tied to international capitalist
enterprises, electronics firms, food processing, and distributing com
panies, and the world wool market. The number of people and trucks
based in Sarata is greater than could be supported by locally generated
transport requirements. They reflect a local response to opportunity
created by economic phenomena characteristic of areas experiencing
capitalist penetration, increased demand for imported and processed
foodstuffs and for consumer goods. The Sarata smugglers bring the goods
together with the areas of most solvent demand, and their own financial
success depends upon being sensitive to changes in market conditions.
Thus, smuggling as it exists today is both a product of and a vehicle
for continued capitalist penetration of the region.
Smuggling is interesting because of the role women play in the
activity. Both men and women are smugglers; but locally, women are

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regarded as being better at it than men. When a woman in a rural com
munity becomes directly involved in earning cash as part of the house
hold productive strategy, she most often begins a "business"(negocio)
in which at least petty smuggling plays a role. However, women are by
no means limited to the ranks of small-scale smuggling. They are the
owners of some of the larger enterprises as well, owning trucks and
employing male drivers. Smuggling is an activity pertaining to the
capitalist mode of production in which a woman may excel without having
to suffer the wage discrimination and decline in social status involved
in going to the cities.
The production of coffee and citrus fruit in the tropical Tambopata
Valley of Sandia province is another activity pertaining to the capital
ist mode of production in which people from Sarata are involved. There
has been contact between these two regions at least since the Incaic
period; however, large numbers of people first became involved in coffee
and citrus production in the mid-1950s. Citrus fruit is marketed through
private entrepreneurs, being sold primarily in the altiplano region,
although some fruit is taken as far away as Lima. In the early years,
coffee was also marketed through private entrepreneurs who bulked the
production of numerous small-scale producers and sold it on the inter
national market. Today this function is carried out by government-
established coffee cooperatives. Producers are prohibited by law from
selling their coffee anywhere except to the cooperatives, and to do
this a producer must be a member of a cooperative. The cooperatives
bulk the coffee and sell it on the international market, where most of
it is purchased by large companies for conversion into instant
coffee.

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The coffee and citrus are produced on small, privately owned plots.
The mean landholding in the area occupies 3.5 hectares and the median
is two hectares. A person acquires a plot of land by staking a claim to
an unoccupied or unutilized area, clearing it, and bringing it under
production. Land may also be obtained by purchasing it from another
individual or through inheritance. Not ail of a person's landholdings
are dedicated to the production of coffee and citrus. Subsistence plots
are maintained so that producers may grow at least a part of their own
food.
During peak labor periods, particularly the harvest, labor is in
variably in short supply. This need is generally satisfied by hiring
laborers to pick the coffee and citrus. They are paid a daily wage
determined by how much they are able to pick. A producer's home com
munity is a primary source of this labor. Friends and relatives are
invited to work and earn some money. The offer to work is frequently
accepted because the daily wage for coffee picking is higher than for
most jobs available to unskilled workers--about $2.00-$4.00 per day.
In addition to their wages, a producer must provide laborers with
their meals and a place to sleep. For many, working as a laborer in the
coffee and citrus fields provides them with a means of learning the
techniques of tropical agriculture in anticipation of claiming their
own lands. The money earned working as laborers is a means by which
potential new producers may maintain themselves during the three to
seven year period between the planting of coffee and citrus trees and
the time they come into production. Producers who employ relatives and
neighbors as pickers will frequently work for them in the arduous task
of clearing new land.

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The revenues which result from cash cropping in the tropical valley
are invested in the highland community. The migration to the area is
permanent insofar as someone owning land there will continue to go year
after year and the practice will be taken up by offspring who either
inherit the landholdings of their parents or have cleared new land-
holdings of their own. However, it is seasonal, with trips to the
tropical area being determined by the demands of the highland agricul
tural cycle. The Tambopata Valley may thus be seen as a productive
zone of the highlands. Producers have very little interest in long
term conservation efforts in the region. The steep slopes of the
hillsides rising up from the valley are badly eroded in many areas.
After a number of years productivity decreases due to a decline in soil
fertility. When this occurs, the response is simply to clear land
further down in the valley.
A single household will commonly participate in some combination
of these productive activities, or, in some cases, a household may be
involved in all of them. A household thus participates in both capi
talistic and non-capitalist activities, and its class position may be
that of subsistence agriculturalists, of wage laborers, or of capitalist
entrepreneurs, depending upon when one chooses to look and upon which
activities attention is focused. The essence of the strategy is to
maintain all of the activities as viable alternatives and to utilize
them to best advantage according to the resources of the household and
the relative opportunities the different activities present at any
particular time.
The diversity of the activities that comprise a households over
all productive strategy tends to be less marked among higher social

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status families. Among campesino families, all of the activities that
have been described here are possible ways of earning an income. In
addition, virtually every campesino community has produced people who
have received post-secondary school training and occupy "professional"
positions. Most of these people, of course, no longer live in their
communities because there is no employment there for them, although many
do maintain close contacts with their communities. A few campesinos,
however, have been certified as school teachers and have been assigned
to a school in their home communities, where they reside and work. Thus,
within the campesino communities one can also find "professionals"
participating in the productive strategy.
Members of the "town Aymara" group also participate in all of the
activities described, although they are more likely than the campesinos
to have a specialized trade. This tends to orient their productive
strategies. In many cases, for example, the desire to practice a trade
as an important source of cash income is what prompted a household to
take up residence in the town and be "town Aymara" rather than campe
sinos in the first place.
Vecinos are the most limited social group in terms of the income
generating activities in which they engage. Most vecino families own
land on which they grow food to satisfy a large part of their sub
sistence needs; however, they do not realize the labor themselves.
Rather, they hire people from the lower social strata to do all the
manual labor for them. Many of the vecino families are involved in the
contraband trade across the Bolivian border. They use the social rela
tions they have with the regional political, military, and police
authorities to minimize the legal difficulties they are likely to

-57-
encounter. Among the lower social strata, the people who run large
smuggling operations must rely on bribes to buy protection. This
generally works, but there are no guarantees that an official who
accepts a bribe not to interfere with a smuggling operation will not
accept a bigger bribe to enforce the law in a particular case. Petty
smugglers simply must hope they are not caught and associate themselves
as closely as possible with someone who is thought to be protected.
While the vecinos are involved in smuggling, they do not involve
themselves in the mechanics of exchanging money or transporting goods.
These tasks are carried out by people of the other social strata who
work for the vecinos in return for wages and help in dealing with legal
or bureaucratic problems and other favors. Vecinos do not engage in
trades such as carpentry, mechanics, or artisanry, and they will work
for wages only in the capacity of "professionals," accepting positions
as teachers or bureaucrats. Most of the vecinos in Sarata who have jobs
work as teachers and bureaucrats in the local school system. Although
such occupations carry with them professional status appropriate for
someone from a vecino family, they are not characterized by particularly
high salaries. This, combined with their limited participation in the
other major economic activities of Sarata and the zeal with which the
lower social strata have participated in them, means that there are
numerous non-vecino households which control more wealth than the
vecino households do. Vecinos do retain some prerogatives of their
social status. Most non-veclnos behave deferentially in their presence,
for example. However, economically they are losing ground to the other
social strata, and with the passage of time their numbers are declining
in Sarata, as many of them go elsewhere in search of more abundant
opportunities compatible with their social position.

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Subsistence Strategies and Capitalist Expansion
Compared to other areas of the Peruvian altiplano Sarata is an
area of abundance. Its climate contributes to greater agricultural
yields than are characteristic of most of the surrounding region. Its
long history of contact with distant regions of the Peruvian coast and
the tropical valleys on the eastern slopes of the Andes in Peru and
Bolivia, combined with a location on the international border between
these two countries, has presented the inhabitants of the area with al
ternative courses of action that people in many areas experiencing
capitalist penetration have not enjoyed. In fact, capitalist penetra
tion brought to Sarata not only increased needs for cash, but increased
opportunities for earning it, particularly in areas such as the produc
tion of cash crops and in trade and transport. There were, and continue
to be, numerous unresolved conflicts and questions regarding the access
of these opportunities and the distribution of the wealth resulting
from them. In spite of these problems, sarateos have thus far been
very successful in comparison with many other rural Latin American
populations in dealing with the changing social and economic conditions
around them.
The nature of Sarata's modus vivendi in the face of capitalist
penetration does raise profound and disturbing questions for those
concerned with problems of rural development, however. Regional urban
centers have grown tremendously in population, particularly in the past
40 years. These population increases have generated like increases in
urban food demand. Yet in a productive area such as Sarata, agricul
tural production is strictly a subsistence activity. With the exception

-59-
of small quantities of cheeses and some vegetables such as tomatoes,
no food grown in Sarata is sold in response to urban food demands.
The maintenance of a non-capitalist, subsistence agriculture sector
in the household productive strategy can also tell us a lot about the
nature of capitalist expansion into the region. The participation of
the household in the diverse activities open to it is determined by its
ability to meet its basic subsistence needs through agriculture.
People come and go according to the demands agriculture places upon
their time and labor. The scheduling of other activities is tailored
to the agricultural cycle and not vice versa. This is because, although
diverse, economic options available to sarateos are very tenuous. They
may change radically or disappear altogether with a drop in the world
market price of coffee or a change in government policy regarding ex
ports and imports. Maintaining different activities within the capital
ist mode of production provides some insurance should an event which
caused a particular activity to no longer be a viable option occur.
Furthermore, a household which is careful to maintain control over the
production of its basic food needs also has some control over when and
where it will enter the capitalist sphere of production.
The centrality of subsistence agriculture to formulating household
economic strategies is also revealing with regard to the nature of
capitalist penetration. The economic activities which pertain to the
capitalist mode of production do not yield enough money and other re
sources to maintain a household throughout the year. The capitalist
activities are either seasonal in their labor demands, or their legal
status makes them risky as full time employment to all but the most
large-scale participants. The enterprises associated with capitalist

-60-
penetration of Sarata depend upon the continued existence of a non
capitalist mode of production to meet the subsistence needs of the
labor force they require.
The implications of these conditions for the development of the
region are numerous. This thesis will examine the productivities engaged
in by the household productive units of Sarata and analyze the ration
ality of the overall productive strategy both from the perspective of
the household and from the perspective of the overall system in which
the household operates. This system is characterized by the articulation
of capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production. A peasant economy
such as found in Sarata is not simply the product of market forces
seeking equilibrium, but is the product of broad social forces within
the framework of a particular historical process. It is these forces
upon which the present work focuses its attention.

CHAPTER III
THE INTEGRATION OF SARATA INTO REGION AND NATION
Introduction
In order to understand the economic situation of Sarata, it is
necessary to look beyond the boundaries of the district. Such bound
aries are both temporal and geographic. The contemporary strategies
employed by sarateo households have historical continuities with the
strategies observed by the earliest Europeans to write about the area.
Although the specific productive activities have changed dramatically
over time, households have been constant in their efforts to maintain
diversity in their economic interests. By involving themselves in
diverse economic activities, households have maintained flexibility for
responding to changing social, economic, and environmental conditions.
The district of Sarata has been dominated by outside interests
since the Incaic period, when state policies which affected its history
were formulated in Cuzco. During the viceroyalty, general policy
formulation took place at the Spanish court, with implementation being
the responsibility of officials in Lima. Since Peru became independent,
Lima has been the site of policy formulation by national elites and
international economic interests.
Within the regional economy, the city of Juliaca has exercised a
tremendous influence over Sarata and all of southern Peru. A product
of capitalist expansion into the altiplano via the construction of the
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-62-
Southern Peruvian Railway at the end of the 19th century, Juliaca is
the transportation nexus for the entire region. It is now the major
center of capitalist expansion in Puno department. Merchants radiate
outward from it seeking to expand consumer markets and the accumulation
of capital within the city has stimulated the growth of numerous enter-
prizes.
One might argue that capitalist expansion into the Sarata region
was inevitable. However, the specific nature of this expansion cannot
be understood without reference to the goals and policies of those
groups which have held national power and international economic in
terests. For districts in the altiplano, these policies constitute an
environmental factor as real and as uncertain as temperature and rain
fall, and their productive decisions reflect their view of national
economic policy just as surely as they do their understanding of pro
duction on the altiplano. For districts of the altiplano, these poli
cies become reality, for better or worse in Juliaca. By understanding
this, we also understand what Sarata has in common with the rest of the
altiplano and, in a more general way, with the rest of the nation.
The Integration of Sarata
The term "integration" has commonly had two meanings when applied
to Native American populations in Latin America. One meaning refers to
the organization of these populations into a force for providing the
dominant groups or classes with labor, food, and other goods. It is
generally assumed that the dominant groups or classes have something to
offer in return, such as protection from extenal aggression, public

-63-
works, or salvation and enlightenment. It also tends to be assumed
that, over time, the presumed reciprocity of these relationships will
give rise to integration in the second sense. This refers to the forma
tion of a polity composed of social groups or classes that, while they
may have divergent interests vis a vis their relationships with one
another, perceive it in their common interest to maintain and defend
the polity. There is ample documentation to show that Sarata has been
integrated into larger social, political, and economic structures at
least since the Incaic period. Integration in the second sense, how
ever, has been tenuous.
The arrival of the Spanish in Sarata constituted an unprecedented
break with the past in the organization of production. The regional
chiefdoms of the altiplano, which only 60 years earlier had been brough
under the control of the Inca empire, were faced with new forms of
domination. During the years immediately after the conquest, the
principal interest of the new lords was in finding and appropriating as
much of the gold and silver of .the region as they could. The Spanish
lost no time in arriving in the gold mining centers in the valleys of
the Carabaya region. Prior to 1550, the town of San Juan del Oro had
been established as a major gold mining town, and by the end of the
16th century, the Carabaya region was reknowned throughout the Spanish
dominions as the major gold mining center of Peru (Madrtua 1906:1,
185-186,329).
The obligations of sarateos to the Spaniards multiplied with the
discovery of silver in Potos, in 1545. The people of the region were
tapped as a source of labor for the tremendous new mine. The labor tax
or mlt'a, of Potos was greatly feared by the people of Sarata, as very

-64-
few of those who went as tributaries ever returned to their homes. This
was partly due to the cruel and dangerous working conditions of the
mine. However, simple economic reasons also prevented many people from
returning home. Entire households made the trip to the mine, so that a
family's fields often went uncultivated for the duration of their
tribute period. The animals and stored food that had been accumulated
over many years were depleted, since households had to take these pro
visions to sustain themselves during their journey to Potos and during
their period of labor. Numerous people who survived the forced labor
did not have sufficient provisions left to make the long journey home
and pass a year in which there would be no harvest. Under these circum
stances, many families settled in the valleys near Potos, where land
was available for cultivation and where, as forasteros, or "outsiders,"
they could not be named for mit'a service again (Toledo 1975:355-356).
The memory of labor tribute remains with the people of Sarata to
the present day. The spot where the principal route to Bolivia passes
through the hills to leave the lakeside area and heads westward across
the al ti pi ano is known as putusi punku, or the "gateway to Potos."
According to legend, at putusi punku, people who were going to work in
the mines would perform a divination ceremony in which a guinea pig or a
rabbit would be released. If it squeaked or made a noise as it ran
away, the person who released it would return home safely. If the
animal fled in silence, the person was destined to die in the mines.
In 1573, an interview was carried out in the town of Carabuco, on
the northern shore of Lake Titicaca, with the caciques of the towns of
I
Guaycho, Carabuco, and Sarata. The interview was held so that the
Spanish authorities might gather information on the suggestion that the

-65-
people from these areas be sent exclusively to the gold mines of Cara-
baya to perform their labor services rather than to Potos. It was
argued that the seasonal nature of the work in Carabaya mines would
allow laborers to maintain agricultural production on the altiplano
while they mined for gold. The authorities decided that the people of
this region should cease going to Potos and return to Carabaya. Half
of their tribute obligation would be satisfied by the gold they mined
in the valleys and half by the food they produced. If it subsequently
proved to be feasible to increase gold production, the region's tribute
obligation in gold would be increased and the amount of food required
would be reduced (Relaciones Geogrficas de Indias 1965:68-71).
Sarata and the surrounding areas were originally administered as
part of the encomienda system. People who were granted an encomienda
did not receive a title to an extension of land, but rather were given
the right of lordship to an area. This included the right to exact
tribute in the form of labor, goods, and services from the population
of the area defined in the encomienda. The encomendero was responsible,
in turn, for insuring that the subjugated population was treated fairly
as this was defined by law, for overseeing the religious education of
the population, and for providing for the defense of the area in the
name of the Crown of Castille.
The encomienda of Sarata was first granted to three men, Felipe
Gutierrez, Francisco de Carvajal, and a captain Soto. These men deter
mined the early tribute obligations and how labor would be distributed
to fulfill them. The extent of the lands included in the different
encomienda grants of the region apparently changed several times, as
did the individuals charged with being encomenderos (Relaciones

-66-
Geoqrficas de Indias 1965:68-69). By the period of 1578-1583, when a
list was compiled of the lords, officials, tributaries, and other people
in the region, Sarata had passed through the hands of the encomendera,
doa Marina Munrrez Navarro, and had subsequently reverted to the
Crown (Maurtua 1906:1,188).
In 1565, the colonial authorities introduced the corregimientos de
indi os as the basic administrative units of the Peruvian domains. Four
corregimientos were cut out of the region in which sarateos had been
engaging in their productive activities. These were the corregimientos
of Larecaja and Omasuyos in the territory that belongs to Bolivia today,
and the corregimientos of Paucarcolla and Carabaya in what is now Peru.
Saignes (1978) notes that the administrative units created artificial
divisions in what had been a single productive region.
More significant than the political reorganization was the demo
graphic reorganization that the Spanish worked upon the region. The
most notable effect was the decline in the number of people. While the
al tipi ano region did not suffer the massive depopulation experienced by
areas such as the Peruvian coast, the decline was quite significant
nonetheless. Snchez-Albornoz (1978:34) estimates that the population
dropped by 60 percent between the eve of the conquest and 1693.
The order by the Viceroy Toledo, in 1571, that the Indians congre
gate in villages, or reducciones, for the purpose of facilitating their
religious training and general administration dramatically altered the
land tenure pattern in the district. The concentration of the producers
in a settlement separated them from many of their dispersed productive
plots. Parish records found in the church of Sarata indicate that,
sometime prior to 1720, a second reduction town had been established

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in the district, to the east and slightly north of the district capital.
This town was established on the site of some pre-Columbian ruins, and
later became a nucleated hacienda settlement. This second town may
have been established for the benefit of highland herders, whose alpaca
could not survive when brought into the lakeside area surrounding the
district capital.
The heavy Spanish tribute obligations brought about another major
demographic change in the Sarata region. Massive numbers of people left
their homelands to escape paying tribute in goods and labor. When they
moved to another province, they were classified as forasteros, or "out
siders," by the authorities and were not subject to the tribute. Snchez-
Albornoz (1978:60) notes that, in 1684, in the sixteen provinces subject
to the mit'a of Potos plus the provinces of Cuzco and Arequipa, nearly
half of the population was classified as forastero. The forasteros
constituted up to 90 percent of the total population in some areas.
Evidence from Sarata is consistent with these findings. Church regis
ters record the deaths of some 900 people in the district in the year
1720 as a result of a major epidemic that affected the area. Of these,
a full 30 percent were listed as forasteros.
Obviously the combined factors of population decline, forced re
settlement of a significant portion of the population in urban centers,
and the movements of forasteros had a profound impact upon the poli
tical, social, and economic institutions of Sarata in the wake of the
Spanish conquest. Unfortunately, the paucity of available information
makes the definition and evaluation of the particulars of this impact
extremely difficult.

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Despite the designation of the town of Sarata as a reduccin short
ly after 1571, it is not entirely clear how large a portion of the
population actually lived there, or how long the people who actually
were reduced were forced to stay in the town. There were almost cer
tainly problems in compelling the highland herders to reside in the
town. They required open pasture and a relatively cold and parasite-
free environment for their animals to thrive. As noted above, this may
have provided an impetus to establish a second reduccin in the district
in an area that was characterized by an environment more suitable for
large herds of camel ids. Cultivators would also have found the town a
very inconvenient place to reside and maintain production in their
widely dispersed fields.
The earliest surviving church records which are still kept in the
parish of Sarata date from the year 1692. These indicate that the bulk
of the population of Sarata held membership in one of twelve ayllu.
During the colonial period, the pre-Hispanic ayllu became a recognized
landholding unit with fixed geographical boundaries. Some of the ayl 1 u
of Sarata were made up of contiguous expanses of land, while the lands
of other ayllu were dispersed and separated by distances of several
kilometers. The church records indicate to which ayl1u individuals
belonged, but do not indicate where they resided. Residence in the
town would have posed a major inconvenience to cultivators trying to
manage an agricultural strategy based upon diversified landholdings,
particularly once the population of the district began to increase. It
is not clear, however, when the majority of the people returned to re
side in the countryside as they do today.

-69-
Two social classes are recognized among the Sarata population in
the church records. The yndios were defined by their membership in an
ayl1u. The other class is composed of the vecinos del pueblo. Vecinos
were so defined because their relationship to the Crown exempted them
from tribute obligations and gave them control over the labor of the
yndios. In spite of changes in the boundaries of the district, the
transformation of Peru from colony to republic, the subsequent suc
cession of republican governments, and some major changes in the
economic base of the region, the ayl1u has remained the basic Indian
economic and political institution in Sarata until the mid-1960s; and
the terms vecino and yndio (or campesino, in current usage) continue to
mark the basic social distinctions made by sarateos to the present
day.
Another institution which played a role in the integration of
sarateos into the economic aspirations of the dominant classes was
the hacienda. The earliest mention of the existence of haciendas in
Sarata in the parish records is in the first half of the 18th
century. The haciendas of Sarata were not particularly large in com
parison with hacienda holdings in other areas of the Andes, although
most of the owners are reported to have held land in several of the
neighboring districts as well. The haciendas of Sarata were concen
trated in the northeast of the district, which was the most important
herding zone. They maintained resident populations of laborers, and
made the first major introduction of sheep into the district.
In spite of these various institutions designed to integrate them
into Spanish colonial society by forcing them to be providers of gold,
food, and labor services, and despite the human costs that such

-70-
integration entailed, sarateos managed to cope with Spanish domination.
Lizarraga (1968:72) noted, in 1609, that the people of the Sarata area
were among the wealthiest Indians of the Viceroyalty of Peru, more
wealthy even than the Lupaqa, who lived on the opposite side of Lake
Titicaca. In addition to providing food as part of their tribute ob
ligation and providing for their own subsistence, sarateos and other
people from the region sold fresh and salted fish in the markets of
Potos and Cuzco. While fulfilling their mining obligations in the
valleys of Carabaya, they found opportunities to sell food, animals,
and clothing there (Maurtua 1906:1,216,329). Sarateos also partici
pated in trading expeditions to the Peruvian coast, taking ch'uu and
meats down, and bringing back wine, cane alcohol, and fruits (Bueno
1951).
Sarata and the Republic
The Wars of Independence ushered in, or were ushered in by, ideas
of economic liberalism. The relationship for many between political
freedom and the freedom to act unhindered in pursuing their economic
interests was clearly evidenced in the decrees of San Martin, of 1821,
in which he abolished Indian tribute and personal services and freed
the children of the slaves at the same time he declared Peru independent
of Spanish rule. In 1824, Bolivar declared Indians to be the individual
owners of the lands they occupied, with the right to sell their lands
or to alienate them as they chose. This revoked the Spanish colonial
policy of reserving lands as inalienable to Indian communities, and it
opened the way for the usurpation of Indian lands and the outright

-71-
disintegration of many Indian communities for nearly the next one
hundred years.
Not everyone felt that liberal economics would be in their in
terests, however. San Martin was also forced to promise large land
grants to his Peruvian generals to insure their loyalty. In 1826,
with Andrs Santa Cruz as acting president, Indian tribute was re
established, and, although the children of slaves had been freed in
1821, slavery was not abolished until 1854. Much of the anarchy that
characterized Peruvian political life from the Wars of Independence
through the War of the Pacific may be viewed as a struggle for power
between those sectors of the Peruvian elite who saw their economic in
terests lying with the caste-like socioeconomic structure of the
colonial period and those who found the liberal economic policies taking
hold across Europe more to their liking. As first one constituency and
then the other gained the upper hand, issues such as personal tribute,
slavery, and community versus individual land ownership, disappeared
only to re-emerge with the ebb and flow of the political and military
tides.
There were foreign interests which played a major role in this con
flict. English wool-exporting houses were present in Peru from early
in the 19th century and became a financially stable part of the econ
omic landscape after the 1850s (Orlove 1977:46-47). Ramn Castilla
initiated the exploitation of guano by foreign capitalists in 1840,
during the second presidential term of Agustn Gamarra. The construc
tion of the railroads was initially contracted to a North American,
Henry Meiggs, and was taken over by the British-owned Peruvian Railway
Corporation after the War of the Pacific.

-72-
Foreign interests were crucial in two ways. First, they favored
policies that would leave their entrepreneurial skills unfettered.
This translated into a mobile labor force, free to go where it wished
in search of wage labor and not tied by bonds of personal or customary
obligation to a landlord or member of the local elite. Secondly, for
a number of reasons, Peru proved unable to stay out of debt to these
same foreign interests, and the national elites of the country were
forced to surrender whatever control they might otherwise have had over
the operation of foreign capital in Peru. This marked the beginning of
the loss of control by Peru's traditional agrarian elite over economic
opportunity in the nation.
The district of Sarata became a source of cannon fodder for the
various field marshalls, generals, and colonels who vied for political
control over what would eventually become Peru and Bolivia, and hammered
out the political boundaries between the two new nations. In this re
gion, the question of whether or not there should be a tribute obliga
tion imposed upon the Indians was largely academic, since the realities
of the local power structure were such that, law or no law, tribute
obligations to the landlords and vecino families in the town remained
in force (Vsquez 1976).
The first serious attempt to end this state of affairs came with
the unsuccessful insurrection led by Juan Bustamante in 1867. Bustamante
was a member of Puno's regional elite who had travelled widely in
Europe, attained the rank of colonel in the military service, and who
had represented Puno in the national parliament. In 1867, Bustamante
led an insurrection against the regional authorities in protest of their
abuses of the Indian population. The insurrection provoked considerable

-73-
alarm in the department of Pono and an imnediate military response.
This response was directed by a colonel Andres Recharte, sub-prefect of
the province of Azngaro. The decisive confrontation between Busta
mante and Recharte occurred on a plain just outside of the town of Pusi,
a district capital of Huancan province. Bustamante's poorly armed
force was defeated in a battle which took place on January 2, 1|68. He
and many leaders of his force were taken prisoner. The prisoners were
summarily executed, and Recharte distinguished himself by the origin
ality with which he carried out this task. Bustamante's subordinates
were herded into the kitchen of a Pusi family. The room was sealed and
the prisoners were suffocated with the smoke of burning aj, or hot
peppers. Bustamante himself was hung up by the feet and decapitated
(Vsquez 1976:205-211).
The action at Pusi concluded, Recharte went to Sarata and other
nearby districts of Huancan which had supplied troops to Bustamante
and shown themselves to be of rebellious spirit. There, he joined
forces with local authorities and elites in a vigorous round of killing
and torturing of the inhabitants, the burning of their fields and the
theft of their animals so that they might be reminded of their proper
place in Peruvian society (Vsquez 1976). The impression he made upon
sarateos was such that they immortalized him in a "saying" reflecting
their experiences with political expression; "Let's not meet together
for any reason, or we will be whipped as in Recharte's time."*
The local landlords and elites were naturally delighted to find
someone who would so vigorously defend their interests. Official
*Jani kunaru mitisiati. Ichartijamaraki asut'ivasismaw.

-74-
reaction was somewhat more subdued. Most officials were relieved to
have order restored, although many were discomfitted by Rechartes lack
of restraint. There were some initiatives to try to ameliorate the
conditions under which the rural population of the region lived. Others
argued that cruel treatment of Indians should be outlawed, but that per
sonal tribute was necessary to keep them occupied and out of trouble.
There was little overt recognition that the simple passing of legisla-
2
tion in Lima would not change conditions in Puno.
Recharte's actions inspired some consternation in the circles of
people concerned with the viability of Peru as a nation-state. Without
official consultation with Peruvian authorities, Recharte asked the
Bolivian dictator, Melgarejo, to send troops to help quell the dis
turbances lest they spread to Bolivia. Melgarejo lost little time in
complying with the request, and a force of some 500 infantry, 300
horses, and two artillery pieces arrived in Sarata from Bolivia around
April of 1867. Many members of the government saw this an an indication
of the fragility of Peruvian sovereignty over the region (Anonymous
1867; Vsquez 1976).
The Arrival of a Capitalist Economy
More significant changes began to affect Sarata and the entire
Puno region in 1876 with the completion of the Arequipa-Puno link of
the Southern Peruvian Railway. Arequipa had already been joined with
the port town of Moliendo. With the completion of the link to Puno, a
direct line of commerce was established between the Peruvian coast and
2
This problem was discussed by one contemporary, Antonio Riveros
(Vsquez 1976:326-335).

-75-
the Bolivian market network centered in La Paz. Goods which arrived in
Puno from the coast were transported across Lake Titicaca by steamship,
with Bolivian exports making the return trip. Bolivian traffic came to
account for one quarter of the freight hauled on the Southern Peruvian
Railway and gave it the highest ratio of tons of freight to kilometers
travelled in all of Peru (Dobyns and Doughty 1976:201).
One of the most important and best-documented effects of the con
struction of the railway was the stimulus it provided to the exportation
of wool by bringing vast new areas into the range of agents acting on
behalf of the wool export houses. This was particularly true after the
Juliaca-Sicuani link was completed in 1397 (Appleby 1980; Hazen 1974;
Orlove 1977). New urban centers were created while others declined in
importance. Sicuani, for example, rose from obscurity to become a
major center for the bulking and exportation of wool. Juliaca increased
in population from 516 in 1876 to over 3000 in 1919, by which time it
was on its way to becoming the major commercial center in all of the
southern si erra region of Peru. Lampa, on the other hand, which had
previously been an important urban center, had not even doubled in
population by 1940 (Appleby 1976; 1980).
The growth of the wool economy was not by itself the crucial factor
shaping the economic growth of Sarata, however. Only in the far north
eastern corner of the district did Aymara herders have large numbers of
alpaca, and raising sheep was largely confined to the haciendas. Most
of the freeholding communities of the district, where the bulk of the
population lived, were characterized by a mixed pattern of subsistence
cultivation and herding or, along the lakeshore, a pattern of almost
strictly subsistence cultivation. Wool played an important role in the
economy of only a small part of Sarata's population.

-76-
The steamship connection from Puno to Bolivia, however, opened up
a number of towns on the shores of Lake Titicaca to commercial trans
portation. These towns, one of which was Sarata, flourished as commer
cial centers in their own right, through which passed both legal and
illegal goods that made up the international trade between Peru and
Bolivia (Appleby 1980). Items such as imported Scotch whiskey became
more abundant in Sarata than major urban centers of Peru.
Urban centers in the altiplano began to grow at an even more rapid
rate following the drop in wool prices at the end of World War I. Many
peasant producers were unable to continue to earn a minimum income
raising alpacas and were forced off their lands into the urban centers.
Haciendas responded to the increased economic pressures either by trying
to get rid of any "surplus" peon families, or by trying to expand their
landholdings so they could raise more sheep. The second course meant
that neighboring freeholding communities felt increased pressure on
their lands. Where haciendas were successful in their efforts to ex
pand their boundaries, freeholding peasants were also forced into urban
centers to search for employment.
These events affected the district of Sarata in two important ways.
First, the growing urban centers placed increasing demands upon those
who remained in the countryside for food. Urban elites responded by
placing greater pressures upon the peasants to turn over larger por
tions of their production at prices determined by the urban elites.
Secondly, the depressed economic conditions of the region in the wake
of the drop in wool prices meant that urban demand for food was solvent
only at depressed price levels. This made it necessary for the urban
elites who controlled most capitalist trade and transport to resist the

-77-
entrance by outsiders into the domain of food marketing. Outsiders, of
course, meant the people in the rural communities who were becoming in
creasingly desirous of benefitting from some of the changes they saw
occurring around them.
This period in the economic history of Sarata coincided with other
events occurring in the larger history of Peru, all of which served to
raise popular expectations and make sarateos less willing to live under
the social order that had existed from the colonial period. Among the
earliest of these was the arrival in the region of the Seventh Day Ad
ventist Church, under whose auspices a school, the first of many Adven
tist schools, was opened in Platera, on the southern shore of Lake
Titicaca, in 1909. The first full-time missionaries, Frederick and Ana
Stahl, arrived in the area in 1911. In the history of the Adventist
church on the altiplano, one witnesses the impact individuals may have
in a propitious historical moment. The success of the Adventists has
had profound long-term implications in the general social and economic
life of the region (Hazen 1974; Lewellen 1978).
After having instituted his work in the Platera area, Frederick
Stahl began visiting communities in the province of Huancan around
1915. As on the other side of the lake, he and those associated with
him were subjected to persecution. He was not permitted to lodge in
the town and was given food and shelter by the people he was missionizing.
Numerous threats were made against him and he often was forced to travel
secretly from one community to another at night, guided by people from
the countryside. Stahl did not speak Aymara, and at that time vir
tually no one outside of the town of Sarata spoke Spanish. The message
of the missionary was conveyed through an interpreter. In a lakeside

-78-
community near the town, there was one man who knew Spanish. He pro
vided Stahl with food and a place to stay and did the interpreting of
worship services and other meetings. For his efforts, he and his family
were attacked by people from the town and his animals were seized.
Similar treatment awaited anyone else who was associated with Stahl.
As Lewellen (1978) states, Stahl talked about considerably more
than religion and going to church on Saturday. He talked about estab
lishing schools and health clinics, and helping people enjoy greater
prosperity. The schools in particular struck a responsive note among
the people. Informants in Sarata unanimously said that it was the pros
pect of schools that most attracted people to the Adventists and that
the establishment of schools in the rural areas was their greatest
achievement. Even the staunchest of Catholics today say that it was
the Adventists who "awakened" Sarata by bringing education, and it is
they who are credited for the dramatic successes that many of the rural
people have since enjoyed in taking advantage of the new economic
opportunities.
The success enjoyed by another group, which arrived on the scene
at about the same time as the Adventists, also reflected the thirst
for education. In 1920, the Sociedad Pro Derecha Indgena was formed
in Lima. Within a few years, they had allegedly established 170 schools
in the province of Huancan. Townspeople throughout the province claimed
that these schools were in fact centers of subversion in which the
people were being incited to violence against the established order.
To support this charge, they said that there were more adults than
children attending the schools and claimed that many of the people
associated with them were anarchists. There was, in fact, a very high

-79-
adult attendance at the schools, understandable given the tremendous
desire that existed to learn to speak, read, and write Spanish. During
the same period, two men from a community of the district who had pre
viously attended a clandestine rural school held a large meeting of
peasants and it was decided to form a local chapter of the Tawantinsuyo
Society. A collection was taken up to send the two to Lima to gain an
audience with the president and solicit authorization to establish both
the town of Wancho and its school. They did speak with President Leguia
who authorized their project and, it is said, gave them a map of the
city to Lima to use as a guide for how to set up their new town
(Gallegos 1972).
Work on the new town, called Wancho-Lima, was begun immediately,
with the school and a church being the first buildings constructed.
Streets were laid out to correspond to the pattern of central Lima and
shops were constructed along them in which carpenters, hatmakers, tai
lors, and other tradespeople practiced their trades. Committees in
charge of public sanitation were established and all of the people par
ticipating in the project were obligated to live in the town rather than
in the countryside. It was prohibited to speak Aymara within the town
limits, a move that was intended both to reflect and reinforce the
initiative of the people toward literacy in Spanish, and a Wednesday
market was established to weaken the hold of the townspeople upon com
merce. Finally, delegations were sent to the ayl1u of the neighboring
districts, informing them that Wancho-Lima and not Huancan was now the
capital of the district of Huancan (Gallegos 1972).
The townspeople were naturally unsettled by these events and began
reporting that violent acts were being committed by the rural dwellers.

-80-
People in the countryside countered these accusations by charging the
ruling elite or gamonales with looting property, burning schools, and
with massacring Indians engaged in a peaceful meeting. The confronta
tions began to escalate. Six thousand people were reported to have
surrounded the town of Huancan in March 1922, being dispersed only
after armed clashes. In July of 1922, tensions were eased when the
Prefect of the department came to inspect the situation. He was well
received by a large throng of Indians, who apparently thought he had
come to redistribute land. In late 1923, major disturbances occurred.
Indians had begun coming in from the countryside to perform military
exercises in the town plaza of Vilquechico, and in December, an attack
on the town failed because the people were armed and waiting. A march
was made on Huancan, but this also failed because heavy rains slowed
the progress of the insurgents. After this, troops were brought in and
punitive expeditions were launched against the rural communities
(Hazen 1974).
In Sarata, there are no reports of there having been overt military
activity directed at the town from the rural communities, although one
or more communities were reportedly very active in its support of
Wancho-Lima. The principal subversive activity seems to have been the
continued establishment of rural schools by the Adventists and a general
agitation by the communities for education. However, in July 1923,
townspeople attacked a group of people from two communities, on their
way to town to dance for a fiesta, and bludgeoned them to death. In
November 1923, the town received word that it was to be attacked by a
group from another community who intended to kill the members of the
principal families they found there. The women and children were

-81-
hidden in the church and a pre-emptive strike was led against the com
munity by the mayor of the town.
Whatever the intent of the people in the rural community was with
regard to the town, they were apparently completely surprised by the
attack that was made upon them. Most of the people were caught unaware
in their houses and fields. Many men were killed on the spot, either
shot or bludgeoned to death. Women were beaten and scalded with boiling
water. A group of men was taken prisoner and led back to town, where
they were subjected to tortures such as crucifixion and being drawn
and quartered or peeled alive in the plaza. Those who were not yet
dead were drowned in a river which passes near the town. Their remains
were buried in a mass grave in the cemetery.
Similar attacks were made against other communities which were
centers of Adventist activities, all characterized by the killing of
large numbers of campesinos and the stealing of their livestock and
produce by the townspeople. Some campesinos eventually managed to make
their way to Lima, where they advised the government of what had been
happening. Troops were dispatched to restore order, arriving at
Sarata's dock on Lake Titicaca by steamship. An investigatory com
mittee, headed by the Bishop of Puno, was appointed in 1925 by the
Patronato de 1 a Raza Indgena, and that same year, it recommended that
a general amnesty be granted. This was done in 1928, although it did
not entirely halt the acts of repression that were occurring (Hazen
1974).
The significance of the 1923 violence lies primarily in the pro
cesses that began in its wake. The Adventists continued with their
program of evangelization and education and, in the latter part of the

-82-
1920s, public education first appeared in the district. Campesinos
were permitted to attend school, although pressure was brought to bear
by the townspeople on public school teachers who were thought to spend
too much time with children from the countryside, and campesinos who
allowed education to alter their behavior in the presence of towns
people were subject to physical abuse. By 1930, one could attend grades
one through three in Sarata. The school system in the district slowly
expanded over the years so that today all public education may be com
pleted within the district.
The violence of 1923 also stimulated the government to attempt to
maintain more effective control over the area through extensions in the
road network and the establishment of an army barracks in the pro
vincial capital of Huancan, in 1940. The extension of the road network
coincided with a shift from rail and lacustrine transport to truck
transport. In Sarata, this appears to have begun around 1929, when the
first truck, driven by a member of the Sarata town elite, became the
first vehicle of its kind to reach the highland capital of the herding
district of Cojata (Appleby 1980). Since that time, the construction
and maintenance of roads that are passable by truck has been a major
concern among Sarata communities, and occupies a substantial portion of
the labor time dedicated to community activities.
The growth in truck traffic marked a decline in truck ridership
(Orlove 1977:149-151) as well as a decline in transport on Lake Titicaca.
As had been the case when the railroad line was constructed, the new
transport network created by the expanding road system made major urban
centers out of insignificant hamlets and turned bustling towns into
shadows of their former selves, depending upon where they happened to

-83-
be located in relation to the most important roads (Appleby 1976;
1980).
The growing terrestrial transportation network had some immediate
effects on Sarata. It decreased the time required to go back and forth
to Bolivia and increased the quantities of goods that could be carried
in either direction. The legal and illegal international trade that
had been actively carried out by parties from both countries for some
time became even livelier. The road network meant that seasonal trips
to Arequipa and the coastal valleys in search of wage labor became
easier, and that goods such as corn could be brought to Sarata in greater
quantities and at lower prices than in the past. Larger numbers of
people being involved in wage labor created a solvent demand for corn
and other imported goods. Seasonal trips in search of wage labor be
came more frequent and long-distance trading expeditions began to de
crease in number as people found it more feasible to earn wages and
3
purchase some of the goods they needed with cash.
The growth of truck transport also oriented Sarata away from the
urban center of Puno and toward Juliaca. Prior to the advent of truck
transportation, Sarata's primary commercial links were by boat, across
the lake to the departmental capital of Puno. By the 1940s, regular
boat service to Sarata had been halted, leaving the district economy
with Juliaca as its major urban link.
3
Such expeditions have not been eliminated completely. Although much
less frequent than "in the time of the fathers and grandfathers," long
distance trading expeditions either to the coast or to the tropical
valleys of Peru and Bolivia still are common.

-84-
The Urban Growth of Juliaca
The importance of Juliaca in the economic life of Sarata is diffi
cult to overestimate. Some of the reasons for the economic preeminence
of Juliaca have already been mentioned. It is the rail nexus where
railroad lines coming from Cuzco and Arequipa join, and in turn are
linked to the market network of Bolivia either by steamship or by truck.
The highway network for all of southern Peru appears to radiate outward
from Juliaca. It is the major urban center for the provinces of Lampa,
Melgar, Azngaro, Huancan, Ayaviri, Carabaya, and Sandia. The prin
cipal roads in all of these provinces were constructed to connect them
with Juliaca. The highways which follow the shores of both sides of
Lake Titicaca, one going through the cities of Puno and Chucuito and
the other passing through the province of Huancan, also link Juliaca
with La Paz, Bolivia. This makes possible considerable international
trade and transport. Juliaca also has an airport from which depart
regularly scheduled flights to Lima, Arequipa, as well as to the gold
mining center of Puerto Maldonado.
As noted earlier, Juliaca began to acquire importance with the
construction of the railroad at the end of the 19th century. The
collapse of wool prices at the end of World War I provided the city with
another spurt of growth as the resulting economic difficulties forced
people off the land and into the urban centers of the region. Between
1919 and 1940, the population of the city grew from 3000 to over 6000
people. By 1950, the city had grown to 9248 people. Then, during the
drought-ridden years of that decade, when crop failures occurred year
after year, Juliaca experienced a tremendous surge in population. By

-85-
1960, the city had 20,403 inhabitants (Torres Juarez 1962:14-15,169).
The census of 1972 showed the city with a population of 38,475 inhabitants.
The recession of the 1970s provided the most recent impetus to the growth
of Juliaca. The urban population in 1980 was estimated at nearly 120,000
people, giving Juliaca a rate of population growth matched only by
Chimbte and Pucallpa in all the rest of Peru (Caretas 1980a:56). In
Juliaca, as in the other major urban centers of Puno department, urban
growth has been stimulated by economic development, such as improving
transportation facilities, for example. But, the periods of greatest
population growth have occurred when the region has found itself in
periods of economic crisis (Appleby 1980:43-44).
Size and population growth alone have not bestowed upon Juliaca
the importance it holds in the economic life of Sarata, for the city
is above all a commercial center. The province of San Romn, in which
Juliaca is the only urban center, contains 8.9 percent of the Economic
ally Active Population (EAP) of the department of Puno. However, nearly
one-quarter of the EAP which engages in commercial activity resides in
4
Juliaca. The people who engage in commercial activity are generally
involved in one of four types of businesses. These include productores
detal 1 istas, or producer retailers, agentes distribuidores, or dis
tributors, mayoristas, or "jobbers," and minoristas, or retail mer
chants. The different types of businesses, in turn, are assigned to
4
"The Commercial Activity of Goods is that economic activity consisting
of transferring goods from the producer to the consumer for their final
use; or their use in production; or in subsequent transfers that do
not involve processes of transformation, with the exception of packag
ing, packing, plowing and fragmenting" (Velasquez Rodriguez' 1978:26
author's translation).

-86-
one of three "economic sectors," the public sector, the private sector,
and the social sector (Velasquez Rodriguez 1978).
Juliaca boasts a number of businesses which contribute to making
it the dominant commercial center of the region. The Portland-type
cement, which is manufactured on the outskirts of the city, is marketed
throughout southern Peru and enjoys a near-monopoly position. Juliaca
is also the home of numerous textile manufacturers. These businesses
range in size from individual women knitting and weaving in their homes
to large industrial concerns. They use both locally produced sheep and
alpaca wool as well as imported synthetic wools. Many of the synthetic
products are for local use, while the products made from natural wools
are frequently sold in Bolivia, where prices are higher.
There are numerous distributers who supply the growing local
demand for manufactured goods. These include representatives of multi
national electronics and small appliance firms. Some of the distribu
tors sell products legally imported into Peru. Others handle merchan
dise smuggled into Peru from Bolivia via Sarata and other districts
located near the border. Much of what is smuggled in is sold locally,
while a portion of the goods also finds its way to Lima, Cuzco, and
other cities not blessed with a nearby international border. The dis
tinction between which entrepreneurs operate legally and which do not
is not a clear one, as many are involved in both legal and illegal
activities.
Juliaca is also the major food distribution center of the region.
Foodstuffs such as noodles, rice, wheat flour, evaporated milk, cooking
oil, and sugar, as well as fruits and vegetables grown in other areas,
and luxury foods are shipped to Juliaca for distribution throughout the

-87-
region. Fruits and vegetables are widely consumed, purchased largely
by small-scale entrepreneurs who sell them in the various rural markets.
Luxury food stuffs such as margarine are distributed less widely,
arriving only at those markets large enough to be frequented by people
with the money and desire to buy them. Products such as noodles, rice,
and sugar are considered staple foods by the government, and their
prices are controlled so as to make them affordable to as wide a seg
ment of the population as possible. As a result, a tremendous amount
of staple foods is shipped directly to Bolivia, where the absence of
food price controls means they command a considerably higher price.
As one might expect in a city whose growth has been closely linked
to the railroad and trucking industries, transport remains a major in
dustry in Juliaca. Goods are shipped into the city for distribution
throughout southern Peru. Juliaca is also the major distribution point
for goods produced within the region and transported to other areas.
Principal among these products are wool from the high-altitude pastoral
areas and coffee, citrus fruit, and wood from the tropical eastern
valleys of the Andes. The railroad was built by foreigners and is run
by the state, so its contribution to the local economy lies primarily
in the goods it carries.
The trucking industry, however, has been a major source of capital
accumulation in the area, and it has served to make wealthy people out
of individuals who are not members of the traditional elites. Part of
the success of this group lay in smuggling and part in anticipating
areas that were about to develop profitable products for export, or in
anticipating local demands for goods imported into the region. Because
they were not members of an elite social class, these individuals were

-88-
not constrained by concepts of what sorts of work are appropriate for
members of a social elite. A number of sarateos may be counted among
this group of emerging economic elites and they serve as role models
for those who have ambitions of achieving upward economic mobility.
In spite of the presence of numerous large enterprises, Juliaca
is primarily a city of petty commercialists. Seventy-seven and one-half
percent of the businesses in Juliaca belong to minoristas (Velasquez
Rodriguez 1978:50). Minorista status is not, by itself, a good indicator
of the size of an enterprise. A number of Juliaca retail establishments
are quite large. However, street vendors and the people who rent spaces
in the city's markets are also minoristas. These are enterprises which
require a minimum of capital to establish. More than 67 percent of the
working capital of Juliaca businesses is controlled by the distribuidores
and mayoristas, while minoristas control only slightly in excess of 22
percent of the working capital. In addition, agentes distribuidores
and mayoristas account for over 69 percent of the total volume of legal
sales made in Juliaca, estimated to amount to about $500,000.00 a month
in 1977, while minoristas account for slightly less than 28 percent of
the total legal sales volume of the city. Perhaps by coincidence,
60 percent of the total legal sales volume of the city is also the pro
portion controlled by 9.5 percent of the businesses in Juliaca
(Velasquez Rodriguez 1978:76-77). These figures reflect the presence
of the numerous low-capital enterprises found in the ranks of Juliaca
minoristas.
Appleby's observation that the growth of urban centers in Puno is
more closely linked to periods of economic difficulties in which numer
ous people are forced to leave their lands has been noted. The minorista

-89-
group is one whose ranks are made to swell by the influx of people.
The same economic difficulties which make it impossible to survive in
the countryside make it nearly equally impossible to find work in the
urban centers. Many seek a solution to unemployment in the establish
ment of their own small businesses, hoping thereby to earn a subsistence
income.
During the periods of economic crisis noted above, when Juliaca
registered its most dramatic population increases, the pressures which
have contributed most to the displacement of rural households have been
related to three major factors. These have been patron withdrawal,
declining rural income, and increased demands by the urban center.
Patron withdrawal was a particularly significant factor in those areas
of the region dominated by wool-producing haciendas. These haciendas
responded to drops in wool prices, such as occurred in 1919, by trying
to expand their production and cut costs. Peasant families residing
on haciendas found themselves under pressure of increased exploitation,
while communities located on the edges of many estates found that their
lands were subject to loss as the haciendas sought to increase their
productive capacity by encroaching upon their lands (Appleby 1980).
Inflation has played a tremendous role in reducing rural incomes
in the Puno region, particularly in the 1970s. Overall consumer prices
in Peru rose at an annual rate of 44.7 percent in 1976, 32.4 percent in
1977, and 73.7 percent in 1978. Between 1976 and 1978, the annual in
flation rate for food and services consumed primarily by the low-income
strata of the population reached as high as 137.2 percent (Portocarrero
1980:60-61). The effect of inflation during this period was compounded
by the steady devaluation of the sol in relation to the U.S. dollar and

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other major world currencies. From 1970 through 1979, the official
exchange rate went from 38.7 to 250.1 soles to the dollar. By the end
of 1980, the value of the sol had dropped below 335 to the dollar. In
the department of Puno, rural producers reacted to inflation by putting
less of their own production up for sale and by consuming fewer manu
factured goods. Inflation prompted a return to specialized production
and distribution within the rural society (Appleby 1979). However, the
increase in departmental urban populations in general and the astronomi
cal increase of Juliaca in particular indicate that a large part of the
rural population was unable to cope with the economic crisis of the
1970s.
The demands made upon the rural areas of the region by urban cen
ters have been many and varied through the course of the present century.
Urban centers have increased the quantity of goods reaching the rural
areas of the region. As the urban centers have grown, so have the
scales of their marketing networks extending into the countryside.
This has been a major force since the late 19th century, when the
railroad entered the region. The greatest initial impact of the rail
road was not in the extraction of wool production, as producers tended
to rely upon traditional marketing procedures for some time. Rather,
the railroad permitted a tremendous increase in the quantity of manu
factured goods reaching the altiplano for distribution in the country
side. People began to enter vertical market relationships as a means
of acquiring the new goods (Appleby 1980).
Growing urban centers exerted an increasing demand upon the
countryside for food. Particularly during the first part of
the 20th century, this demand was manifested in coercive market

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relationships controlled by the urban centers. Rural producers were
compelled to sell to determined individuals at determined prices.
Failure to comply was sanctioned by violence. After 1940, however, an
increase in the number of rural markets gave producers more options
regarding when and where to sell their goods, and stimulated competi
tion among the urban merchants (Appleby 1976).
In Peru, some foods, such as beans, rice, beef, and poultry, are
consumed primarily in cities, while others, such as potatoes, barley,
and sheep meat, are consumed in rural areas. Since 1950, the food
products consumed in urban areas have enjoyed relatively rapid increases
in production, although these have not been sufficient to keep pace
with urban population growth. Domestic production of these products
occurs primarily in commercialized enterprises such as those in the
Arequipa area, with the difference between domestic production and urban
demand being made up through food imports. In order to keep food prices
down for the more politically visible urban population, government sub
sidies and price controls have been applied to these products. This
has stimulated a decline in the production of the traditional Peruvian
staple crops which are consumed in rural areas because these cannot
compete in the marketplace with the artificially cheap foodstuffs
destined for urban consumption (Alvarez 1980).
This pressure has made life in the countryside around Juliaca
more difficult in different ways. The marketing of surplus food pro
duction as a means of earning income has lost its viability as an option
for rural producers. In areas of the region where the selling of food
surpluses was an important activity, households have been forced to
seek other means of earning money or to abandon the countryside

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altogether as the profit to be had shrank with each passing year. In
addition, because urban foodstuffs are artificially cheap, many rural
households began to make up shortfalls in their own subsistence produc
tion by purchasing these rather than relying upon traditional exchange
relationships to acquire needed food. Some households were even moved
to replace some of their own production with purchased foodstuffs, and
thus free more of their time for other wage-earning activities. For
many, this increased dependence upon purchased foodstuffs proved counter
productive because, although the prices of urban foods have been kept
artificially low, they are also among the goods most subject to infla
tion. Many rural families found that their low cash incomes did not
allow them to "keep up" with rapidly increasing food prices. Households
which had become dependent upon these purchased foodstuffs frequently
found that they too had to abandon their lands and take up urban
residence.
These are some of the ways that pressures have been brought to bear
on rural households which have compelled many of them to move from the
countryside into urban centers such as Juliaca. As noted earlier, the
same factors which caused people to leave the rural areas in search of
permanent urban employment also made such employment extremely scarce,
and becoming a mlnorista was often the last resort for people who could
find no other occupation.
Ironically, these people who are among the principal victims of
the conditions associated with capitalist expansion, being forced off
the land and unable to find a job, become the principal agents of fur
ther capitalist expansion into the rural economies of the region. Goods
arriving in Juliaca by truck or train are sold to the minoristas, who

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in turn convey their wares to the countryside, following the weekly
market cycle for a part of the region to which Juliaca is the major
urban center. As their numbers grow, the livelihood of the minoristas
depends upon making a larger part of the rural population dependent
upon manufactured goods and purchased foodstuffs. This increasing
dependence, combined with the poor economic opportunities available in
the rural areas, insures that the number of families leaving the country
side will continue to be great. Many of these people will also find
that their only occupational alternative will be to join the ranks of
the minoristas, increasing competition among the urban merchants and
intensifying their efforts to sell more goods in the rural areas.
The District of Sarata and Urban Centers
Sarateos have adapted to capitalist penetration in several ways.
As has been noted, they have a long history of high mobility over a
broad geographic area, which has given them flexibility in responding
to changing conditions. In addition to being forced to go to Potos as
tributaries, for example, they discerned the opportunities for economic
gain there and began carrying food to the mines to sell. They used the
periods of obligatory mita labor in the gold mines of Carabaya as an
opportunity to conduct trade with the settlements in these tropical
valleys (Martua 1906:1,216,329). During the present century, forced
conscription to fight in the Chaco War and the restrictions upon land
ownership by foreigners that were part of the Bolivian agrarian reform
made it difficult for sarateos to maintain their landholdings in the
Larecaja valley region of Bolivia. Sarateos then undertook the

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cultivation of the steep and narrow Tambopata Valley in Peru (Kuczynski-
Godard 1945; Martinez 1969). Several of Sarata's older merchants of
today got their start in business in the 1930s and 1940s, driving herds
of cattle to La Paz and bringing back colorful manufactured fabrics,
popular for making women's pollera skirts. They have re-oriented their
businesses according to changing economic conditions. Today, they sell
clothes and hardware in the rural markets of the district, carry food
stuffs which have been imported by Peru to Bolivia, and bring radios
and tape recorders back to Peru.
Sarata also has enjoyed an advantage over other areas because of
its location. It forms part of the economic hinterland serviced by two
major urban centers, Juliaca and La Paz, and it controls one of the
major routes by which the two cities have access to one another. The
development of the two urban centers has been shaped by diverse forces
as the political struggles of the elite groups in the respective
countries manifested themselves in different ways. This has often
resulted in there being something of a complementarity between the two
cities, each one being able to supply goods that were relatively scarce
in the country of the other. Located between the two cities near the
international border, people from the Sarata region have been in a
position to exert considerable influence over the trade that resulted.
They control access to the border and their cooperation is needed for
the efficient transport of goods. This is particularly true when the
commerce is illegal and the transfer of goods across the border involves
both risk and high profitability.
For this reason, Sarata has its own sizeable merchant class.
People who find themselves unable to earn a subsistence income through

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agriculture and who do not have the specialized skills that would enable
them to earn a comfortable living in an urban area are able to take
advantage of commercial activities within their own district. A
minorista in Sarata enjoys the same advantages as in Juliaca. Only a
small capital investment is required and the work does not depend upon
finding a job. Working in Sarata offers the additional advantage that
if one is willing to accept the risks involved in handling illegal goods
the profit potential is relatively high. Sarateos own virtually all
transport facilities in the district. Also, sarateos are able to
carry on a business and maintain their lands at the same time. In
contrast to many Juliaca minoristas who took up their occupation because
they had lost their lands and found no other opportunity open to them,
sarateos enter business in order to keep their lands and improve their
style of life in the countryside. As they explain it, their fields
provide their food and their businesses provide the money for their
"vices" (vicios). It is the opportunity they have enjoyed for choosing
such a strategy that in many ways makes sarateos appear to constitute
an unusual case.
National Agrarian Policy and the Stagnation of the
Agricultural Economy
Agricultural development has been a stated national priority in
Peru for a number of years. However, there has been disagreement over
what constitutes development, with different economic interests having
divergent views on the subject. One may see the two major interest
groups in Peru as centering around growing urban classes on one hand
and a rural peasantry on the other. Such a confrontation of interests

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is not unique to Peru, but has been observed in many Latin American
societies undergoing rapid social and technological change.
In Mexico, for example, with the exception of the Crdenas adminis
tration which held power between 1935 and 1940, post-revolutionary
government policy has generally been to favor urban industrial growth
at the expense of the countryside. Agriculture has been viewed and
evaluated in terms of its ability to support a growing urban population
bound to the urban industrial sector of the economy. Emphasis has been
placed upon keeping food prices low, and not upon improving the standard
of living of the peasantry which until recently constituted the majority
of the Mexican population. In order to keep urban food prices down,
large-scale producers were encouraged to replace labor inputs with in
puts of capital. The lack of economic opportunity in the countryside
forced large numbers of people into the urban areas, where they could
be used as a source of cheap labor (Hewitt de Alcantara 1976).
Peru also has favored urban interests over rural, at least since
1950. It has experienced exponential population growth in its urban
areas, stimulated at least in part by the lack of economic opportunity
in a depressed rural economy. It has emphasized maintaining low food
prices and has oriented agricultural production toward the production
of goods for urban consumption. Like Mexico, it has been unable to pro
duce enough to satisfy the demand of the expanding urban sector.
When the military government of Velasco Alvarado took power in
1968, it inherited an agricultural policy that emphasized the production
of industrial cash crops and food products for urban consumption. The
major industrial cash crops were cotton, sugar, and coffee, with milk
products, hard yellow corn, and brewer's barley growing in importance.

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Food products for urban consumption include beans, rice, beef, pork,
poultry, milk, and corn. These are produced primarily in the industri
alized agricultural enterprises of the Peruvian coast. Cattle consti
tute something of an exception to this as many come from small-scale
highland producers; however, the target for future development as Peru's
major beef-producing region is the tropical selva region (Agronoticias
1980:9; Cubas Vinatea 1980:14-15,47).
Crops which have been staple food crops in Peru since the arrival
of the Spanish or before are considered by the government to have a
"restricted market," and their production has been in decline. These
restricted market crops include wheat, barley, yuca, sheep meat and wool,
and potatoes. The production of these goods is largely in the hands of
small-scale peasant agriculturalists. In spite of the "restricted
market" their products supply, peasant producers own most of the arable
land in the sierra region of the country. Land held by individuals
owning less than five hectares includes a larger area of the sierra
than any other category of land holding. In the highland region,
peasants own over half of the cattle, sheep, horses, and camel ids found
there. It has been argued that, regardless of what else one thinks
about the Peruvian agrarian reform, it made a fundamental mistake in
focusing upon the adjudication of large estate lands rather than trying
to improve production on the small holdings that comprise most of Peru's
agricultural land (Alvarez 1980:35-38).
The Peruvian agrarian reform had three major initial goals: to
take measures that would revitalize agricultural production; to inte
grate the rural population into the national economy; and to accomodate
agricultural policy to the government's industrialization plan. These

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goals were, in fact, contradictory. As noted, since 1950, agricultural
production had been increasing in the areas of cash crops for export
and food crops for direct urban consumption at the expense of the tra
ditional staples considered to have a "restricted market." To have
generally revitalized agricultural production throughout Peru as opposed
to trying to stimulate production in particular sectors would have
necessitated investments in rural development and forced a postponement
of major efforts at industrialization. There was no significant develop
ment effort aimed at smallholders. Their integration was viewed only
in terms of their ability to provide cheap labor and small quantities
of food, or in terms of the problems they caused when large numbers of
them made their way to the cities (Alvarez 1980).
The peasant remained the centerpiece of the government's rhetoric
concerning the agrarian reform. In 1976, for example, the head of the
Ministerio de Alimentacin, General Rafael Hoyos Rubio, demanded that
the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations direct
more of its efforts to improving the condition of the peasant popula
tions in developing countries. Peru was, in turn, praised by the FAO
for its efforts in promoting peasant participation in agricultural
development. General Hoyos also emphasized that agricultural develop
ment was. a national security concern, both internally and throughout
the continent. He stated that food is too vital a resource in develop
ing nations for them to become dependent upon foreign sources in order
to feed themselves (Peru Reports 1976a:5).
Almost simultaneously, however, Peru announced the opening of the
Andean Tractor Factory (Fbrica de Tractores Andinos, S.A.), 49 percent
of which is owned by the Massey Ferguson Tractor Company of the United

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States and 51 percent by the Development Financing Corporation (Cor
poracin Financiera de Desarrollo, or COFIDE) and Industries of Peru
(Industrias Peruanas, or INDUPERU), which represent Peruvian capital
(Peru Reports 1976c:3-4). The tractors produced by this enterprise
were not intended for Peru's small-scale agriculturalists. They would,
in fact, have been useless on their tiny plots scattered over wide
areas of very rough terrain. The example of the Andean Tractor Factory
illustrates that, while Peru talked about developing peasant agricul
ture, it put its money elsewhere.
The project which best symbolizes the.nature of the government
commitment to policies of peasant participation and national indepen
dence in the area of agriculture is the Majes project. This massive
effort extends over four provinces of the department of Arequipa and
involves major damming and rechanneling of the Apurimac, Coica, and
Siguas rivers for the purpose of constructing massive irrigation works.
The dams are intended to be the sites of hydroelectric plants which
will provide power for the region. Peasants from other areas are to
be resettled along the irrigation works. The plan calls for the con
struction of two new cities, which are projected to have respective
populations of 80,000 and 120,000 by the year 1995. The estimated
total cost of the project in 1976 was approximately $688,888,888.00.
Construction is being carried out by the Majes Consortium (MACON),
which is composed of private companies from the United Kingdom, Sweden,
Spain, Canada, and South Africa. As of April 1976, these private
foreign companies had invested approximately $119,844,444.00, while the
Peruvian state had invested $24,866,667.00 (Peru Reports 1976b:7-8)-
Although the rhetoric of the Peruvian agrarian reform emphasized

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nationalism and peasant participation in the process of food production,
the reality was that it simply continued past policies of favoring
capital intensive agricultural projects for the production of export
crops and foods for urban consumption, in which foreign interests play
a major role.
Another area of rapid growth which also illustrates where succes
sive governments have placed their priorities with regard to agricul
tural development is the Peruvian poultry industry. The poultry indus
try has gone through four distinct phases in the course of the present
century. Until around 1935, poultry was produced primarily on a small
scale by households as part of a diversified subsistence strategy, with
most of the fowl produced being consumed for subsistence purposes. The
only links to the international economy came through companies in the
United States, which were the sole importers of live birds, a role they
were permitted to fill without paying import duties from 1915 through
1920. After 1935, poultry production became a small-scale commercial
enterprise, supplying a growing urban market in the coastal cities.
The period was characterized by increased importation of pedigreed fowl
from the United States, Chile, and Canada, and by the beginnings of
concentrated feeding preparations based upon domestically produced
wheat and cotton derivatives, which were manufactured by both national
and multinational concerns that had previously been involved primarily
in the production of cattle feed (Gonzlez Vigil et_ al_. 1980:145-286).
During the 1950s and early 1960s, the industry continued to expand
rapidly, encouraged by government policies which had as a goal the
establishment of poultry as a principal source of meat protein in urban
areas that would be affordable to a broad segment of the population.

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The period marked the beginning of a trend of gradual replacement of
sweet corn for human consumption by hard yellow corn for use in poultry
feed. Hybrid varieties of corn increased in importance, with seed
being imported from the United States. In spite of increasing amounts
of land being devoted to raising grain for poultry feed, the increase
was insufficient to feed the growing numbers of birds, and large-scale
feed grain imports from the United States were begun. North American
poultry companies established incubation and production houses in Peru,
and the United States Department of Agriculture aided in finding ex
ternal markets for poultry raised in Peru. The veterinary and related
supplies were purchased from companies outside of Peru (Gonzlez Vigil
et al_. 1980:145-286).
Since 1965, the exportation of live birds as well as processed
poultry has been a major source of income. The importation of grain
and chemical additives for poultry feed has been firmly established and
representatives of multinational enterprises have become increasingly
prominent in the milling of domestically produced grains destined for
animal and human consumption. Although overall poultry production in
creased dramatically, the increasing presence of foreign capital which
viewed profit maximization on an international scale, resulted in a
decreased availability of poultry products among the low-income groups
of the population that were supposed to have been the beneficiaries of
a developed poultry industry. This was in part because what would have
been reductions in price because of increased production were offset
by the increased use of imported capital inputs, and in part because
domestic consumers had to compete with the high-priced export market
(Gonzalez Vigil et al_. 1980:145-286).

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A sizeable milk industry has developed in Peru, stimulated by
government policy and the initiatives of two multinational corporations.
Perulac, whose center of production is the northern city of Cajamarca,
is controlled by the Swiss-owned Nestle company, while Leche Gloria,
which is produced in Arequipa, is a subsidiary of the United States-
based company,- Carnation. Production is largely limited to unreconsti
tuted fresh milk and evaporated milk, but both are produced in large
quantities and evaporated milk has become the basic food for nursing
children in urban areas of the country. Milk production has been in
creased through initiatives aimed at small .and medium-sized producers.
These have included improving the breeding stock through artificial
insemination, improving pastures, and subsidizing a balanced feed for
the animals. However, producers have found their opportunities for
profit limited by the fact that, in the respective areas, the two large
companies are the only buyers for milk. In addition, increases in milk
production have not kept up with the increasing demand that has been
created, so large quantities of powdered milk and milk fats have to be
imported for recombination in Peru. Also imported are the cans for the
evaporated milk. Transport costs from these two cities to the rest of
the country are also extremely high. Since the government has committed
itself to subsidizing milk to keep the price within the reach of urban
consumers, the import and transport costs are largely absorbed by the
national treasury (Samaniego 1980:220-221).
Peru's selva region has also been an object of attention for
agricultural entrepreneurs and planners, and like the enterprises dis
cussed above, large-scale capital intensive ventures are justified
with a promise that they will increase the supply of food available

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to urban consumers. Cattle raising is a popular choice for an agri
cultural enterprise in this region of the country, and capital has been
invested by national and international interests. One such enterprise,
Ganadera Amazonas, has bred a dual-purpose breed of cattle for intro
duction to the Amazon region. By crossing Brown Swiss males with Zebu
Nell ore females, the company has created an Amazon breed that is sup
posedly well-suited to life in the sel va and that is capable of being
both a milk and a meat producer. Ganadera Amazonas claims to own in
excess of 30,000 head of cattle and have over $5,000,000.00 of capital,
and employ over 600 workers. The company owns two livestock raising
centers in the department of Piura, and six in the sel va. It hopes to
foment colonization of the selva by producers who would raise its Amazon
breed of cattle (Cubas Vinatea 1980:14-15,47).
Another cattle raising scheme was being discussed in 1980 that
would involve the company Central American Services, a subsidiary of
British and Canadian banking interests, in an agreement with the Peru
vian government. Central American Services requested that the govern
ment cede to it 300,000 hectares of virgin forest in the department of
Madre de Dios, upon which it planned to maintain a herd of 240,000
cattle and establish a slaughterhouse and processing plant. Supporters
claim that the facility would satisfy 20 percent of Peru's demand for
beef, and create 5000 jobs in the region. The government appeared
certain to approve the plan and cede the requested lands to Central
American Services until allegations were made concerning the connections
of the company to business interests of the former Nicaraguan dictator
Anastasio Somoza. This politically sensitive issue prompted delays in
concluding the agreement (Agronoticias 1980:9).

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The government has favored an agricultural policy geared to sup
plying food as cheaply as possible to the expanding urban centers of
Peru, located primarily in the coastal regions of the country. Small
producers who occupy the bulk of Peru's agricultural land in the sierra
region have been left to do the best they can, either producing goods
with a "restricted market" or becoming integrated as workers or colon
ists in the grandiose projects such as those described above, which
official policy has favored. Urban growth has been viewed as inevitable
if not actually desirable, and the agricultural policies which have
prevailed in Peru have made this a self-fulfilling prophecy. Rapid
modernization of urban areas at the same time that the overall rural
economy is neglected inevitably results in numerous people abaondoning
the countryside, either forced out by a lack of opportunity or being
drawn to the areas where most economic activity has been stimulated.
The emphasis placed upon producing goods for urban consumption at
the expense of economic development for vast areas of the countryside
is a long-standing policy. The agrarian reform carried out on a limited
scale during the first administration of Belande and the massive effort
of the military government of Velasco Alvarado did nothing to reverse
this. Despite a tremendous amount of publicity by the government with
regard to how the agrarian reform would improve the standard of living
of the Peruvian peasantry, the main thrust of the reform in the areas
characterized by peasant agriculture was in the reorganization of
hacienda lands. This was not followed by the political and technical
support that would have raised rural incomes (Alvarez 1980; Caretas
1980b).

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The importance of expropriating the haciendas and reorganizing their
lands was, in any case, of greater significance rhetorically than
economically. Estates of larger than 50 hectares controlled only 14
percent of the irrigated crop lands and 13.2 percent of the non-irri-
gated crop lands in the sierra region of Peru at the time data for the
1972 census were collected. This compared to landholdings under five
hectares in area which controlled 50 percent of the irrigated crop lands
and 42 percent of non-irrigated crop lands. These small producers
also owned 58.2 percent of the cattle, 52.8 percent of the sheep, and
53.2 percent of the camel ids. The large estates owned only 13.1 per
cent of the cattle, 25.9 percent of the sheep, and 30.5 percent of the
camel ids (Alvarez 1980:36).
In fact, by 1969, the manorial estates or haciendas were already
in a period of rapid deciine. They were not a victim of the agrarian
reform, which only mercifully cut short the death throes of the insti
tution, but of the same agricultural policies discussed above that
favored the expansion of capital intensive enterprises with extensive
ties to international capital, and which produced primarily to satisfy
the urban consumer markets. As a result, the hacienda was unable to
bind a labor force to it for the purpose of extracting pre-capitalist
rents (Alvarez 1980:37).
The haciendas were converted into state-controlled cooperatives
which produced either goods for urban consumption or industrial export
crops. Labor is supplied by the former peons who formerly labored for
the hacienda owner and who, under the cooperative structure labor today
as members of the cooperatives. Since 1975, approximately two-thirds
of the credits authorized by the Banco Agrario del Per, which has

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exclusive responsibility for financing national agricultural initiatives,
went to the associative enterprises. Most of these credits continued
to go to the modernized enterprises, with the reformed coastal enter
prises receiving two-thirds of the credits and those in the sel va region
receiving about one-fifth of the agricultural credits authorized by the
Banco Agrario. Reformed enterprises in the sierra received about one-
tenth of the agricultural credits (Alvarez 1980:71).
Thus, although the agrarian reform resulted in a more direct inter
vention by the state in agricultural enterprises, it reinforced rather
than changed existing patterns of investment and support. Agricul
tural credits went primarily to the more capital intensive reformed
enterprises located on the coast and in the sel va rather than to the
development of the formerly manorial estates of the sierra. After these
credits had been divided up, less than three percent have remained to
be apportioned among everything else (Alvarez 1980:70). The emphasis
of the military government may also be seen in public investment in
the agricultural sector. In 1978, 83 percent of the total budget for
agricultural investment amounting to about $157,000,000.00 went to the
development of natural resources and the bringing under cultivation of
new agricultural lands. Of this, 64 percent went to the Majes irri
gation project. Only 14 percent of the budget went to increasing and
improving existing productive capacity (Eguren 1980:41).
One reason that the military may have been reluctant to extend the
agrarian reform in a direction that would have made an improvement in
the standard of living of the majority of rural households is that a
conflict of the interests of the urban and rural populations is commonly
perceived to exist. It is a frequently expressed belief that measures

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which would raise rural income by increasing the price small-scale pro
ducers receive for their agricultural produce and, thus, encourage them
to produce and sell more food, would raise prices in the urban areas.
Aside from the humanitarian problem of raising the price that a popula
tion must pay for food when a large number of its members are well
below minimum nutritional standards, there is a political risk in allow
ing food prices to rise. Massive disturbances by the politically
highly visible urban population could seriously destabilize the
government.
Rural and urban incomes are not so directly linked, however.
Figueroa (1979; 1980) calculates that a doubling of the prices paid to
producers of food would result in a maximum increase of 18 percent in
food prices for the poorest urban families. Thus, while there is a
conflict of interest between urban and rural populations in Peru, it is
not of such a scale as to prevent an accomodation that would allow
rural incomes to increase. Urban and rural income levels are not so
linked that a change in one automatically implies a change in the
other. An increase in rural incomes does not mean a proportional de
crease in urban incomes as a result of increased expenditures for food.
On the other hand, an increase in what urban dwellers must pay for food
does not necessarily imply a corresponding increase in rural incomes.
A principal cause for the weakness of the relationship between
the price received by the rural producer and the urban consumer is the
food marketing structure in Peru. On the average, the price received
by a producer is about one-half that paid by the urban consumer. This
is in large part because food produced by small-scale agriculturalists
must usually pass through at least three levels of merchants before

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being purchased by an urban consumer. These include intermediarios or
acopiadores who purchase small quantities of a product from a number of
individual producers and perform a preliminary bulking function, and
the minoristas, who make the final retail sales to consumers. Fre
quently, these individuals have relatively small-scale enterprises and
control little capital (Esculies Larrabure et aj_. 1977; Rubio Correa
1977). As noted in the discussion of the urban growth of Juliaca,
minoristas are frequently former small-scale producers who have left
the countryside. In Puno markets, the same individuals often act as
minoristas, selling manufactured goods to rural consumers, and as
intermediarios, purchasing agricultural products to carry back to
the city.
The intermediarios tend to have an advantage in their market rela
tions with producers because their purchasing activities are subject
to no control or supervision. Also because there are normally rela
tively few intermediarios in relation to the number of producers wishing
to sell, producers are frequently placed in a position of competing with
one another to sell at a price the intermediarios will accept. Minor
istas who are selling food to consumers in urban markets, however, are
subject to official regulation and supervision of varying strictness.
They must also compete with one another for the trade of consumers.
This severely limits their economic opportunities.
Both intermediarios and minoristas, however, find themselves at a
decided disadvantage before the ma.yoristas, who perform the role of
bulking the purchases of a number of intermediarios, transporting the
food to the urban markets of consumption, and selling it to numerous
minoristas for sale to consumers. Not all mayoristas are large-scale

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entrepreneurs. Many are, however, and it is this group which possesses
the trucks and other means of moving produce from the countryside to
urban markets. This frequently requires the control of considerable
capital. Mayoristas are relatively few in number when compared with
the number of intermediarios and minoristas who depend upon them. For
this reason, they can effectively refuse to buy from or sell to those
individuals with whom they do not have smooth relationships. Mayoristas
also exercise considerable political and economic power, which allows
them to ignore or avoid official measures designed to restrict their
activities. Complaints against market abuses are frequent and occa
sionally result in government action to enforce the law. However, the
prosecution of mayoristas for violating the laws regarding food com
mercialization is extremely rare, since either out of fear of the
mayoristas or ignorance of the law, consumers and minoristas generally
do not protest their illegal activities (La Crnica 1980a; 1980b;
Esculies Larrabure et al_. 1977).
Peruvian agrarian policy is characterized by various contradic
tions which serve to defeat the purpose of increasing the availability
of inexpensive food to urban consumers. This failure, in turn, under
mines any arguments favoring the continuation of these policies which
do not benefit the majority of agriculturalists. First, those agri
cultural activities which have particularly benefitted from government
support frequently end up exporting a large part of tneir production
rather than selling it domestically. In 1978, exports of beans, frozen
chickens, potatoes, large-grain white corn, and frozen fish amounted to
more than $23,000,000.00. In late 1979 and early 1980, exports of
pork, chicken, wheat flour, noodles, eggs, cheese, and butter were

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authorized (Eguren 1980:41). Many of these goods are basic items in
the market basket of the urban consumer which are simultaneously imported
by the government to satisfy the urban demand that domestic production
does not satisfy. These imports have been subsidized at considerable
expense by the government so that they are affordable to a large segment
of the urban population.
However, the fiscal restraints imposed upon Peru by international
financial institutions as a result of the nation's high foreign debt
make it necessary to raise food prices. The government has tried to
justify the raising of prices for processed foods on the grounds that
they were trying to stimulate domestic production. However, the raising
of prices has resulted in a decline in consumption so that domestic
producers found that there was no market for their goods at the new
prices (Alvarez 1980:49). Thus, not only do food prices rise, but the
goal of maintaining political stability is defeated because decrees
raising food prices focus popular discontent directly on the govern
ment. The tendency for food prices to rise is intensified because so
much food is imported. This must be paid for in a "hard" currency,
usually dollars, in relation to which Peruvian currency has been losing
value steadily during most of the 1970s.
The large amount of food production in the hands of foreign or
multinational concerns presents a problem of control. This has two
aspects. One relates to the question of politics. Because the pro
duction of basic foodstuffs is concentrated in the hands of only a few
companies, these have the power to create shortages of basic food pro
ducts in order to insure favorable treatment from the government. It
has been alleged that shortages, such as those which occurred in the

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cases of evaporated milk, sugar, and wheat flour, in 1980, were the
result of industry pressures on the government to raise food prices.
These allegations were not conclusively proven; however, no one denies
the power of the companies involved to take such an action should they
choose to do so. The problem is officially recognized in the country's
new constitution, which became effective with the inauguration of
Belande on July 28, 1980. The constitution forbids the monopolistic or
oligopolistic control of basic foodstuffs; however, it appears doubtful
that the state has the power to enforce this provision (El Diario de
Marka 1980a; 1980b).
The second aspect of the problem of controlling multinational cor
porations which produce food is economic. The multinational enter
prises respond to international forces of supply and demand which do
not necessarily correspond to Peruvian food needs. In fact, in the
case of many of the processed foods produced by multinational companies,
it appears that domestic food needs are translated into solvent demand
only by virtue of state intervention.
The policies of price regulation as a means of maintaining imported
processed foodstuffs within the reach of a broad section of the urban
population have proven difficult to enforce. Although the government
establishes official prices for most foodstuffs and has what, on paper,
are stringent laws regulating the transport of food, it has been very
unsuccessful in keeping food from finding its way to those places where
prices are the highest. A great deal of this food is smuggled out of
the country, while, within Peru, for whatever reason, frequent food
shortages force those who can to pay premium black market prices for
goods. Low-income households thus find they cannot afford to buy food,

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even though the price is controlled. In addition, the smuggling of
food out of the country constitutes a drain that must be made up with
even more imports if the government wishes to head off popular dis
content caused by a lack of food for the urban consumers.
National Agricultural Policy and the Regional
Economy of Sarata
Although urban growth since the 1940s and 1950s has generally been
most dramatic in the coastal cities of Peru, major urban growth was
also taking place in highland cities such as Puno and Juliaca. The
course of this growth in Juliaca, the major urban center to which Sarata
is joined, has already been described. The growth of cities in Puno
department and the economic conditions generated in this largely rural
highland department by government agricultural policies have profoundly
influenced food production and marketing practices by the small-scale
producers there.
Prior to 1940, traditional social relations rather than forces of
supply and demand determined how much food rural producers would offer
for sale and at what price. Urban dwellers used coercive behavior to
extract food from the countryside, a practice which made producers re
luctant to sell, and which, in turn, intensified the coercive efforts
of the urban merchants. Because they were the only purveyors of food,
these merchants were able to prevail upon local authorities to dis
courage intrusions from outsiders by imposing fines. This kept to a
minimum the competition among merchants which might have created condi
tions that would have encouraged producers to freely sell their food
products. The local markets of the region were characterized by problems

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of insufficient supply as a result of conditions they had themselves
created (Appleby 1976).
This pattern of local markets extracting food surpluses for the
respective towns could only continue as long as the urban population
was relatively small, and the markets were controlled by members of the
elite social class. As the urban population grew as a result of the
factors discussed in the present chapter, it outstripped the ability of
the local markets to supply foodstuffs by traditional means and it made
the control of the markets by the elites increasingly difficult. These
events were accompanied by the establishment of rural markets with
locations and meeting times that provided producers with choices re
garding when and where to sell their food. This transformed the various
markets of the pre-1940 period into a regional marketing system in the
decades following 1940 (Appleby 1976).
The development of a regional market system signified the increas
ing responsiveness of producers to economic factors which transcended
their relationships with local urban elites. Producers began to feel
the effects of government economic policies and the expansion plans of
multinational economic enterprises drawn up in executive board rooms in
the United States, Western Europe, or Japan just as tangibly as they
had felt the efforts of local elites to extract a surplus from them in
the past. Puno producers during the 1970s, for example, responded to
inflation by offering less of their food products for sale, and seeking
to obtain a higher return on their labor through other activities.
The response of sarateos indicates that they have been very closely
attuned to the changing economic conditions fostered by government policy
and the expansion of capitalist enterprises with strong international

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ties. As has been indicated, an adaptive strategy has developed in
Sarata based upon the production of food for household consumption,
with virtually no food being produced for sale. Household cash needs
are most commonly satisfied through some combination of seasonal migra
tion to agricultural enterprises around Arequipa to find employment as
wage laborers, the seasonal cultivation of coffee and citrus in the
Tambopata Valley, and trade and transport across the international
border with Bolivia.
Sarateos have thus become involved in precisely those sectors of
the Peruvian economy whose growth and development government policy has
sought to foment. Numerous employment opportunities were generated with
the development of capitalist agricultural enterprises. Capitalist
enterprises are found throughout the coastal region, but the Majes
irrigation project and the growth of the milk industry with the sup
porting institutions they require have made Arequipa a magnet for
seasonal or occasional laborers from all over southern Peru.
Although the bringing of coffee-producing lands under production
has received little government support and the prices have varied over
time, coffee has presented sarateos with an opportunity to earn a pro
fit greater than could be realized in producing food crops. Because few
inputs are used, production costs for small producers are low. Also,
coffee production does not generally conflict with the labor demands of
subsistence food production. For these reasons, sarateos were willing
to initiate coffee production in spite of physical hardship and the low
prices offered by private entrepreneurs in the initial years of coffee
cultivation in the Tambopata Valley. The extension of a road farther
into the valley greatly facilitated the arduous task of getting coffee

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from the field to points where it could be shipped to market, and the
establishment of state-controlled coffee cooperatives increased the
price producers could hope to receive. For these reasons, coffee has
been an attractive money-earning activity for many sarateos, in spite
of the fact that, as Alvarez (1980:19) notes, the opportunities for
profit were limited somewhat by government controls on the domestic
price of coffee to consumers.
Smuggling on the scale presently observed in the district is a
direct response to government agricultural policies. By converting Peru
into an enclave for artificially cheap processed foodstuffs whose dis
tribution was controlled by a relatively few politically powerful entre
preneurs invited the smuggling of foodstuffs into other countries.
Efforts to control the flow of products to those areas where prices
were highest by passing laws regulating their transport was naive at
best. Sarateos have been able to take advantage of their location on
the border with Bolivia to act as agents of those directing the inter
national flow of goods, some acting so skillfully as to become control
ling forces of the trade in their own right.
Sarateos were able to find relatively profitable alternatives to
selling their food produce with market prices depressed by government
policies which were designed to provision urban populations with cheap
food produced either by domestic capitalist enterprises or imported ones.
The relative success of sarateos should not be allowed to overshadow
the fact that millions of other rural dwellers have left their lands
and moved permanently to urban areas, either pushed off because prices
were so low that households could not support themselves selling their
food production, or drawn to those areas where the trappings of

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development, roads, industry, and public services, were most apparent.
The migration into these areas has outstripped the ability of government
and industry to provide cheap food and employment. The per capita food
production of goods for urban consumption has declined steadily since
1969 (Alvarez 1980:20-22), and in cities such as Juliaca the greatest
part of the population growth is accounted for by people working in
commerce as impoverished retail merchants (Velasquez Rodriguez 1978).
At the same time, the production of traditional staples in the rural
areas has been experiencing an annual per capita decline because food
production has become increasingly unprofitable. Policies which have
shaped the recent course of Peruvian development have relegated food
production to the status of a subsistence activity.

CHAPTER IV
THE PROCESSES OF PRODUCTION
Introduction
The present chapter will examine the productive activities in which
the campesinos of Sarata participate. These include non-capitalist
activities, which are primarily linked to subsistence agriculture, and
capitalist activities, specifically wage labor in the cities, smuggling,
and the production of cash crops in the tropical Tambopata Valley.
Through a description of these activities, this chapter will examine how
they are interrelated within the household unit of production and how
-theyconstrain one another in terms of their respective labor require
ments. It will also examine how the household organizes itself internal
ly in order to carry out the diverse activities as well as the ties
that are formed with other households in order to have access to labor
at critical periods. Consideration will also be given to the level of
technology at which a particular activity is realized and the cost or
capital investment required to realize the activity at a particular
level of technology.
Landholding Institutions
Communities and Individuals
Before trying to describe the agricultural activities themselves,
it would be well to discuss some of the ground rules that help organize
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production, those of land tenure. Land tenure among the campesinos is
based upon individual ownership of small plots of land. Both men and
women are landowners and both inherit lands from their parents, usually
upon marriage, and both men and women may purchase or trade land.
Theoretically, all children in a household inherit land equally; however,
it is generally accepted that the child who remains home to care for the
parents as they grow older will receive a larger inheritance, frequently
the parents' house. Frequently this role falls to the youngest off
spring.
The bestowing of land on the husband and wife at the time of
marriage by their respective parents is both the ceremonial and physi
cal constitution of a new household unit of production. It is recog
nition of full adult status with the rights and duties that implies in
Aymara society. It is also the passing along of the principal means of
production, land, marking the successful biological and social repro
duction of the household. The lands that one receives from one's
parents are not located in adjacent nor even necessarily nearby areas.
The different plots are small in size, frequently consisting of a single
furrow in a given place, and scattered over a wide area. This is to
maximize the diversity of crops thay may be grown on the land and
minimize the usually localized effects of frost and hail.
Through marriage, a man and woman and, soon, their children form a
new household unit of production and consumption. Household labor is
performed as a unit. However, the land as well as whatever movable
property each person brings to the marriage remain the property of that
person alone. There is no such thing as joint property, in land or
anything else, in marriage. If a woman brings a wiri, or footplow, to

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the marriage her husband may use it in performing household labor, but
the wiri continues to belong to the woman alone. The same is true of
land. A person will normally work together with the spouse in cultivating
all land, but the responsibility and power of ownership remains with
the person who brought the land into the household, and the production
of that land belongs to the owner. Normally, decisions regarding their
property are made by the husband and wife in consultation for the over
all good of the household, but ultimately the decision of what to do
lies with the person who owns the means of production in question in a
particular case.
Although a household begins on the basis of lands inherited from
parents, there are various ways in which it may increase or modify its
landholdings. One of these is through purchase. Either a man or a
woman may purchase land. Purchase is most frequently associated with
land in or around the town. Many people buy property in town to make
it easier to have access to transport facilities if they have some sort
of business, or to make it easier for their children to attend the high
school in town, which is generally believed to be better than those
located in the countryside. Land is often purchased from vecino
families moving out of Sarata. The agricultural land of the vecinos is
frequently located just outside of the town limits and includes some
of the choicest irrigated plots in the district.
Landholdings may be modified through uraqipur turkasia, or land
exchange. These most frequently occur with other campesinos, and the
most frequently cited reason for doing it is to rid oneself of lands
that are inconveniently far away from one's home and acquire others
which are closer. Thus, a person may have distant lands that are close

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to the home of someone who, in turn, owns distant lands located near the
home of the first person. If the lands are judged to be of equal value
the people may simply trade them.
Individuals and households function within the institutional frame
work of a community. This is, in fact, a relatively recent phenomenon.
What the institutions responsible for the political ordering of house
holds were and how they functioned prior to the arrival of the Spanish
can really only be guessed at due to the massive reorganization of the
region in the wake of the conquest which changed social and political
institutions radically. The Spanish organized the district of Sarata on
the basis of the ayl1u. Each ayl1u had certain areas of land assigned
to it. In some cases these were contiguous and in other cases they
were not. Households were identified on the basis of belonging to an
ayllu. The district of Sarata contained twelve ayl1u. This continued
until approximately the mid-to-late 1950s,when areas of the ayllu,
particularly those which did not border any other part of their ayl1u,
began to seek recognition in their own right as communities. This was
done primarily to become eligible for their own public school. The
process of communities replacing ayl1u as the primary institutional
affiliation of households required a number of years. By the mid-
1960s, the ayl1u were still considered to be the organizing institution
of the countryside. Today, very few activities are organized by ayllu,
although everyone knows to which ayl1u their community belongs, and
which are the other communities forming part of their ayllu.
The present-day communities of Sarata are of two types, recognized
comunidades campesinas, which were known as comunidades indgenas prior
to the agrarian reform carried out by the government of General Juan

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Velasco Alvarado, and non-recognized parcialidades. Recognition is a
status conferred by the national government in which the community is
legally a corporate landholding unit. Although within the community land
may be seen as belonging to an individual, individuals may not legally
sell any part of the community's lands. Nor is an individual supposed
to own land outside of one's own recognized community. This is dis
couraged either through the outright prohibition of owning land in a
recognized community, or by taxing property that may be legally bought
and sold by individuals. These restrictions were enacted in order to
protect the communities from losing their lands and being broken up by
pressure being placed on individuals to sell their land,and to make it
difficult for someone to become an absentee landlord. However, they do
not take into account the adaptation by the people to the physical
environment through the diversification and dispersal of their land-
holdings, and the restrictions are honored more in the breach than in
their observance.
Most of the communities in Sarata are not, in fact, recognized.
The majority of the communities which are recognized seem to be those
which were among the first to separate from the ayllu. Achieving
recognition was one of the steps taken in order to gain a community
school. However, non-recognized communities were also able to secure
their own schools and the incentive for becoming recognized was lessened.
Surprisingly, few of Sarata's recognized communities achieved recog
nition under the agrarian reform of Velasco although it was this effort
that brought the institution of recognized communities international
fame. This was in part due to the tremendous public relations campaign
that the government sponsored to make people aware of the benefits to

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be accrued from recognized status. In many ways this made people more
reluctant to get involved than a more "low-key" approach might have.
The campesinos reasoned that if the government wanted the communities
to become recognized so badly it must have some motive other than their
interest in mind. This was coupled with the fact that because of the
lengthy bureaucratic process involved in achieving recognition, many of
the agrarian reform institutions charged with dealing with recognized
communities ceased to function before interested communities could com
plete the paperwork, as the agrarian reform entered its "second phase"
under the government of General Francisco Morales Bermudez. Also, on
at least one occasion, vecinos, who stood to lose lands which would
have been inside the boundaries of a community, physically prevented
agrarian reform officials from reaching the community.
Within this generalized pattern of individual land ownership among
peasant communities, there are cooperative activities. Some of the com
munities in the low-lying areas near Lake Titicaca have what are known
as suyu lands. These are individually owned plots which adjoin one
another. The rotation cycles have been coordinated so that all are
growing the same crop at the same time. In periods where labor inten
sive activities are required, the entire community works the land as
if it were a single unit, although all production belongs to the indi
vidual landowners. This approach relieves the insecurity often ex
perienced by households as they compete among themselves to secure their
additional labor needs. The entire community works together on the
suyu lands and everyone is guaranteed equal access to the labor.
In other communities suyu land refers to common pasture land.
During the periods of the rotation cycle in which crops are being

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cultivated a particular piece of land has individual owners. When it
enters the fallow period of the rotation cycle, however, anyone may
graze their animals on it until it is time to bring the land back under
cultivation once more.
Many communities have land which has been designated as belonging
to their school. The production of this land is often used as the basis
for lunches prepared for the students. Sometimes a vegetable crop that
can usually be sold at a relatively good profit, such as tomatoes, is
grown on school land and the proceeds are used for buying new school
equipment or expanding the facilities.
The different mechanics by which land is owned and utilized do not
constitute a smoothly operating structure. Disputes are common among
individual landowners. People frequently allege that one neighbor or
another is encroaching on their lands. At the first sign of disuse or
inattention by its owner, someone will attempt to appropriate a par
ticularly choice plot. If the community as a whole can be convinced
that an owner has been neglecting a plot, it may be decided to reassign
the plot to someone else. Activities that require the participation of
an entire community, or a large part of a community, frequently provide
the context for charges that one or another household is not contributing
its fair share to the community.
Such friction is a manifestation of an ongoing tension within
communities between collectivist or cooperativist tendencies on one
hand and very individualistic tendencies on the other. Communities
recognize from long experience the dangers of disunity in leaving them
vulnerable to external pressures, and they equally recognize the secu
rity and possible advantages to be gained by presenting a united front

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to all non-members. Rarely does a community meeting pass without the
participants exhorting one another to put the interests of the community
above their personal interests or desires for gain, with reference to
such things as accepting a civic office or contributing labor to a
community project. However, no one behaves in that way or really ex
pects that anyone else will. Community decisions are made on the basis
of a unanimous concensus on a question, and a concensus must be built
on every issue that comes up by convincing all of the households that
a particular course of action is in its interest as a household. This
means that the decision-making process is usually a painfully long one
from the point of view of a Western observer, and sometimes it appears
that opportunities are missed because of indecision. It also means that
a course of action, once agreed upon, will be pursued very implacably.
The tension between tendencies toward collective and individual action
may be one reason that observers of Andean communities have differed
widely among themselves in the characterizations they have made along
these lines. The ethos of communities in Sarata is certainly very much
a product of the issue facing them at a particular moment.
More importantly for purposes of the present analysis, the case-
by-case acting out of individualistic and cooperative tendencies within
communities is very revealing of an important characteristic shared by
all, recognized and non-recognized alike. The communities are but
agrupations of household productive units, each of which is relatively
undifferentiated from its neighbor. The individual households are what
control all of the means of agricultural production, while the social
relations of production are constituted among the individual members
within a household and by bilateral relations that each household

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constructs and maintains with other households. As noted earlier,
these inter-household relationships are not confined to the boundaries
of a community even in such cases as the buying and selling of land,
in spite of the fact that, in the case of recognized communities, indi
vidual land transactions are illegal, and it is the community which has
been legally constituted as a landholding entity. Even in recognized
communities, de facto control of land remains in the hands of individuals
joined in household units of production. Because it does not control
any of the means of production, the community is largely an institution
of political convenience. Productive units larger than a single house
hold are, of course, formed all the time; but, they are a product of
the concensus among household units and not of any over-arching com
munity organization. Because they have no organic links to the means
of production, neither do the communities have any power as institu
tions.
Labor Exchange
There are four basic labor organizing and allocating institutions
which operate in Sarata which organize labor on a scale larger than
that of the household. These are mink'a, wak"i, ayni, and p"ayna. All
four institutions are products of the non-capitalist mode of production,
and they have been performing their role of labor orbanization since
well before the time that capitalism began to make inroads into the
Sarata economy. In the present, these institutions allow households
to participate simultaneously in capitalist and non-capitalist modes
of production.

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Mink'a refers to exchanging one's labor for cash within the context
of traditional relations between the different social strata in Sarata.
It is different from capitalist wage labor in that the transaction is
not complete when a task has been performed and money is handed over to
the people who performed it. Mink'a is part of a larger on-going pattern
of social relations. It is most commonly associated with exchanges
between households of the vecino and campesino social strata in which
campesinos provide labor for a nominal sum of money to a particular
vecino family in exchange for services such as legal aid or the right
to graze livestock on the vecino family's pasture land. In the rural
communities, mink 'a may be practiced among campesinos. Every household
must provide labor to other households in order to have the right to
request labor services for itself, and mink'a fits into the general
pattern of exchange. In the rural communities, people who are asked
to work have the right to specify if they would prefer to work for
money, mink1 a, or for a repayment in kind at a later time, ayni.
The customary wage paid to mink'a laborers, in the area of $0.80
to$1.00 per day, is low compared to the wages paid in capitalist
activities. Also, at critical periods in the agricultural cycle, being
able to call on someone to repay a labor debt is a much more valuable
asset than cash. Therefore, unless they have an immediate and specific
need for cash, people generally prefer not to work for mink'a. Because
of rapid inflation, it is virtually impossible to find anyone who will
by choice engage in mink'a at the present time. Cash can lose value
from one day to the next in terms of the goods it will buy, but the
potential crop return on a day's labor remains constant. Because of
the relatively high return offered by wage labor in capitalist activities

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and the inflationary pressure generated by capitalist penetration,
mink'a appears to be declining in importance.
The institution of wak"i reflects the importance placed upon the
time required to carry out the different economic activities. As has
been indicated, the agricultural cycle has certain periods of high labor
requirements during planting and harvesting seasons. These periods
alternate with relatively slack periods during which households are
free to engage in capitalist activities. During periods of peak activity
in the agricultural cycle, the household may lack the necessary labor
resources to perform a task within the required time frame. The insti
tutions by which labor is bought and sold or exchanged under iscussion
here embody ways of dealing with this problem. In addition to the
environmental constraints which force that certain tasks must be carried
out within certain time limits, participation in the capitalist mode
of production adds another pressure; less time required to fill basic
subsistence needs means that more time is available for capitalist
activities.
Wak"i provides a means for both reducing the amount of time re
quired for subsistence activities and for maintaining the access one
has to different ecological zones. The practice of exchanging fields
of equal value so that both parties acquire land close to their homes
(uraqipur turkasia) has been discussed. This reflects the increasing
unwillingness of people to spend large amounts of time walking to and
from distant fields. The disadvantage, of course, is that by sacri
ficing a distant field to gain another closer to home, one is frequently
sacrificing the productive diversity of fields located in different
ecological zones.

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Wak"i offers a solution to this problem. Basically, wak"i resembles
sharecropping arrangements found in the United States and elsewhere,
with the exception that, in Sarata, the parties which enter a wak"i
relationship are social equals. In wak"i, one party provides the land,
and another provides the labor. Inputs are provided by mutual agree
ment, and the crop that results from this collaboration is divided
evenly by the two parties. This allows a person to maintain access to
the produce of a distant ecological zone without having to make the
large investment in time getting to and from the zone. In addition,
wak"i does not necessarily imply a loss of .food because of having to
divide the crop. A person might provide the land in the case of a field
far from home, and also agree to provide labor on someone else's field
located nearby and thus receive one-half the harvest from two different
fields rather than the entire harvest from a single field.
Ayni is the primary institution by which a household marshals the
labor resources necessary to perform tasks that have labor requirements
which the members of the family cannot perform by themselves. Ayni is
the balanced exchange of goods or, more to the point of the present
discussion, labor which is carried out between households. If one
household gives another a sack of potatoes, the household that received
the potatoes is expected to make a reciprocal gesture of comparable
value at some unspecified future time. Likewise, if an adult member
of one household performs a day's labor for another household, the
latter household owes the former one day of adult labor.
During peak agricultural periods, ayni is the institution that
allows households to assemble work parties sufficiently large to carry
out tasks with dispatch. If a household finds itself short-handed

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because of a member being absent, it may call upon other households to
provide the necessary laborers on the basis of the ayni relationship.
Given the present level of technology, most households do not have suf
ficient labor to carry out many agricultural tasks within the time frame
that environmental constraints demand. The desire and need to earn
cash creates another pressure toward completing agricultural tasks as
quickly as possible without placing the household food supply in
jeopardy. Households must thus depend upon one another to be success
ful in their basic subsistence activities.
P"ayna is the institution by which communities, or sectors of
communities, marshal labor for the carrying out of a project for the
common good. Such projects include the building of a sheep bath, school,
or community center, or repairs to a road or an irrigation system.
Sometimes households have the choice of providing labor or of making a
financial contribution toward the provision of food for those who do
work. Since the initiation of a community project depends upon a pre
vious consensus by all involved, few people try to avoid participation,
and those who do are usually responsive to gentle reminders of their
obligations.
P"ayna sometimes refers also to work projects directed by govern
ment authorities, to which communities are required to supply a certain
number of laborers for a specified period of time. Failure to comply
means payment of a fine or spending some time in jail. In the past,
this was called mit'a. Attitudes regarding these projects vary. Some
times, there is general agreement that a project needs to be done, that
it will be of benefit to all concerned, and that without the coercive
power of the government the communities would not be able to organize

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on a scale necessary to see the project completed. On the other hand,
one recent government-sponsored p"ayna involved forcing highland herding
communities to spend several days constructing a new boat dock in a
small bay of Lake Titicaca. In this case, the highlanders came grudging
ly, and responded to exhortations to work harder by the district governor
by walking off the job en masse.
The problem which faces the institution of p"ayna, however, is that
with increasing involvement in the capitalist economy, people are less
willing to devote time to community projects. A household must expect
a concrete return on its contribution to become involved, and with in
creasingly diverse involvement in the capitalist economy households
perceive their interests as lying along increasingly diverse pathways.
Ironically, those projects which generally continue to elicit a con
census among households, building schools and maintaining roads, for
example, are also directly linked to capitalist penetration into the
district.
S.A.I.S. San Juan
In addition to the peasant communities, there are other agrarian
institutions which operate under distinct systems of land tenure. One
of these is the S.A.I.S. (Sociedad Agraria de Inters Social) San Juan,
a product of the Peruvian agrarian reform. Prior to the agrarian re
form, the land which currently comprises S.A.I.S. San Juan belonged to
twelve different fundos, or "farms." Eleven of these were owned by
individuals representing four different families, while one belonged
to an order of nuns. The fundos in Sarata constituted parts of more

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extensive landholdings by these private owners, who also owned land in
other districts of the region. The fundos in Sarata varied somewhat in
size and were not necessarily contiguous, although they were concentrated
in the northeastern part of the district, an area characterized by a
mixed pattern of herding and agriculture.
All of the fundos had families of tenants, colonos, living on them,
who provided the labor for carrying out the different productive activi
ties. In return, they were given access to land for the purpose of
maintaining subsistence agricultural plots and their own herds of animals.
For their part the owners varied in their use of the fundos from main
taining them as strictly subsistence operations to efforts to construct
mechanized commercial farms. In some cases, the owners took an active
interest in the day-to-day administration of their fundos, while, in
others, they were absentee landlords, rarely, if ever, seen by the
colonos, or tenant laborers. In at least one case, the owner rented
his fundo to another individual to exploit as he pleased and keep what
ever profit was realized after paying the rent.
As part of the agrarian reform, these lands were expropriated from
their owners and joined under a single administration as a S.A.I.S.,
one of six administrative models used by the Peruvian government in
creating state-owned, cooperative enterprises. The area of S.A.I.S.
San Juan is impressive, although it is not among the larger institutions
of its kind created. Located entirely within the district of Sarata,
S.A.I.S. San Juan occupies approximately 304 of the 700 square kilometers
of land in the district, and in 1979, 1239 people were reported to live
on the cooperative.

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When the fundos were expropriated, the "heads of households" of
the colono families became members or socios of the S.A.I.S.. This
meant that at the time of adjudication, in 1975, the S.A.I.S. had about
204 socios. Since that time, administrative and technical personnel
were brought in and the work force has increased, although the current
number of socios is not clear.
The socios elect delegates to represent them in a general assembly
of the S.A.I.S. Theoretically, the general assembly represents the
interests of all the socios, laborers and administrative and technical
personnel alike, which makes policy decisions concerning the adminis
tration of the enterprise. Each socio is paid a wage, with the amount
varying according to job classification. Unskilled laborers receive
the least money, while people with a trade specialty or relevant skill
receive more. Technicians and administrators receive the most money.
In theory, all are co-equal socios; however, the delegates to the
general assembly were persuaded that non-technical and non-administra-
tive personnel should forego their salaries for the first two years
following the establishment of the S.A.I.S., in the interest of getting
the enterprise started to a more fiscally sound beginning.
In addition to the salary earned by the socios, they and their
families are allowed to cultivate individual subsistence plots to meet
their own food needs. They are also allowed to maintain their own
private herds of animals on S.A.I.S. lands, although the enterprise
tries to limit the size of the familial herds, so they do not compete
with the herds of the S.A.I.S. for pasture land. The enterprise would
like to limit familial herds to about 40 head of sheep per household,
or the equivalent. Deductions are made from a socio1s salary according

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to the number of head in excess of this figure the family owns. This
figure is expressed in terms of head of sheep and a series of calcula
tions has been established for converting all livestock to sheep-
equivalents. One cow is considered the equivalent of eight sheep, for
example. The socios complain that the S.A.I.S. is more restrictive than
were the former landlords with regard to its policy of attempting to
limit the number of sheep they may own. The S.A.I.S., on the other
hand, reports that individual families owned a total of 23,710 sheep in
1979, constituting nearly 50 percent of the total sheep on the enter
prise's land.
The S.A.I.S. cultivates some crops, specifically potatoes, oats,
quinoa, and kaiwa. However, it has very little interest in this sort
of activity. Only potatoes are sold in any quantity, while cereal
crops are dedicated to the feeding of the enterprise's livestock. It
is livestock raising and, more specifically, sheep raising, which con
stitutes the economic base of S.A.I.S. San Juan. As of 1979, the S.A.I.S.
reported owning 24,192 sheep, while for the three year period of 1976-
1978, it reported shearing over 20,000 sheep a year. Wool is sold
through state-owned cooperative wool marketing enterprises. Live
animals are sold in the local livestock market.
The herding, shearing, and general caring for the herds of sheep
is the primary occupation of the soci os who work on the S.A.I.S. Each
socio is given a flock of sheep to herd for three months. At the end
of that time, they are turned over to another socio to herd for three
more months before passing the flock over to a third socio and so on.
Ideally, the socios herd the animals in shifts, with each socio having
responsibility for a flock of sheep belonging to the S.A.I.S. for

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one-quart er of the year. The socios coordinate the cultivation of
household lands and individual herds with work done for the enterprise
as best they can. In theory, they are free to organize their time and
resources as they see fit. The basic rules are that if an animal is
lost, the herder is responsible, and if it dies, the herder must make
a report on the cause of death to the administration.
In addition to herding, the socio provides the labor needed to
supervise mating and birth of the animals, as well as worming and shear
ing. There are not enough socios to meet all of the labor requirements
at peak periods of activity, and the socios must call upon family members
to assist them at those times. Regardless of how many family members
help, however, only the socios are paid. This is a source of irrita
tion among the workers because, in addition to the fact of unremunerated
labor, family members are diverted from tasks on the household plots
and with the individually owned herds, and children must be taken out
of school. The S.A.I.S. administrators see the conflict between work
done for the enterprise and work done by households for themselves as
a problem inherent in the labor force which reduces the productivity
of the enterprise. At the same time, however, they concede that the
wage paid to socios, ranging roughly from $0.80 to $1.00^ a day depending
upon one's job, is far from a subsistence salary, and it is the existence
of the household production which allows the families to work for the
S.A.I .S. at all.
In spite of this, the administration of S.A.I.S. San Juan claims
that one of the major obstacles to productivity which it must overcome
Unless specifically stated otherwise, all references to currency are
presented in U.S. dollar equivalents.

-135-
is an excess of labor. Some people would like to find a way to reduce
the number of socios and increase mechanization. The S.A.I.S. already
has one tractor and a desire to buy two more has been expressed, in the
interest of increased efficiency. However, the tractor that the enter
prise now has is used only 800 hours per year, or about 89 of the nine
hour work days the enterprise indicates should be normal for the socios.
The expenditure required for two additional tractors is justified on
the grounds that most of the work requiring a tractor occurs during
barbecho, the plowing of land that has been in the fallow period of the
rotation cycle, and that this could be accomplished more quickly with
more tractors. Other equipment currently owned by the S.A.I.S. San
Juan includes veterinary equipment, although there is no veterinarian,
a harvester, a generator motor, two Dodge trucks, and a Jeep.
The S.A.I.S. has been experiencing difficulties. Socios report
that S.A.I.S. San Juan has borrowed between 8 and 15 million soles each
year of its operation from the Banco Agrario del Per for the purpose
of purchasing livestock, equipment, and paying salaries. Thus far,
the enterprise has not been able to begin repaying any of this money.
As a result of the financial difficulties, the workers on the
S.A.I.S. were not paid all of the salary that was owed them, even though
they had already foregone wages for two years. Children of some of the
socios who had studied at the university in Puno urged their parents
to organize and demand the money that was owed to them. Some actions
in this direction were apparently taken, to which the S.A.I.S. adminis
tration responded by "chasing away" the students and prohibiting uni
versity students from being socios. However, the socios report that
they received the money that was owed to them soon after that, and that
they have been paid on time since the incident.

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In spite of its tremendous area and the large amount of govern
ment support it has received, the impact of S.A.I.S. San Juan on the
district has been very small. Although the S.A.I.S. occupies nearly
half the district, it is very sparsely populated, with only about five
percent of the people of Sarata living there. For those who do live
on S.A.I.S. San Juan the question of whether or not their standard of
living has improved under the enterprise appears to be very much a func
tion of which fundo they lived on prior to the agrarian reform. The
people who lived on the fundos where the conditions were the worst in
terms of the restrictions on household agriculture and herding, mone
tary remuneration of the colonos, and labor obligation tend to be
those who are least critical. On the other hand, the colonos on some
of the fundos had larger herds of animals, were paid a higher wage,
and had more access to technical advice, fertilizers, etc., through
the former landowners than they presently enjoy under the S.A.I.S..
For the rest of the district the impact of S.A.I.S. San Juan has
also been negligible. The enterprise sells its wool directly to the
state-owned wool marketing concerns, transporting the wool on its own
trucks driven by its own socios. It carries out its other activities
in isolation from the rest of the district as well. The only contact
occurs between individual socios and relatives who do not live on the
S.A.I.S. Neither the socios nor people living outside of the enter
prise customarily speak of S.A.I.S. San Juan, but of one or another of
the fundos from which it was formed. For the people of Sarata, S.A.I.S
San Juan as an institution is very much of a non-entity.

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Medianos Productores
Within the district of Sarata, there are also three privately
owned "middle-sized farms" (medianos productores), which were allowed
to remain in private hands by agrarian reform officials. Ostensibly,
the justification for these is that the medianos productores are making
efficient use of inputs and that to tamper with them would reduce rather
than increase productivity. All three of the medianos productores are
engaged primarily in raising sheep for wool, although they also raise
other animals and cultivate both forage and food crops. Families live
on these enterprises, providing labor as paid employees and cultivating
their own subsistence plots and maintaining small herds of their own.
Like the S.A.I.S., the impact of the medianos productores on the dis
trict is minimal as all of their commercial ties, both for buying and
selling, by-pass local institutions and go directly to the regional
urban center of Juliaca, where they are linked directly to regional
and extra-regional market networks.
Subsistence Activities in Sarata
Subsistence and Non-Capitalist Production
Except for the efforts at commercial wool production being made by
S.A.I.S. San Juan and the medianos productores, agriculture in Sarata
is a non-capitalist activity. Agriculture is non-capitalist because the
producers of agricultural goods own all of the means of production.
Agriculture is not characterized by workers alienated from the produc
tive process selling their labor for wages. Furthermore, the plant

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Table 4-1
Hectares of Land in Principal Crops
S.A.I.S.
Medianos
Product Households Enterprise Productores Communities
Potatoes
(S. tuberosum)
Potatoes
154.00
36.40
12.00
582.00
(S. andiqenum)
113.00
10.25
16.00
223.00
Barley and Wheat
Broad Beans
38.00
0.00
6.00
440.00
and Peas
0.00
0.00
0.00
450.00
Minor Tubers
7.00
51.50
0.00
302.75
Quinoa and Kafiiwa
22.00
10.75
0.00
114.00
Forage Grains
54.00
0.00
35.00
276.00
Onions
0.00
0.00
0.00
9.00
TOTAL HECTARES
388.00
108.90
69.00
2,396.75
Table 4-2
Head of Major Livestock
Animal
S. A.
,I.S.
Medianos
Productores
Communities
Total
Household
Enterprise
Sheep
23,710
24,182
4829
36,585
89,356
Camel ids
2,990
469
571
5,457
9,487
Cattle
1,792
485
245
6,700
9,222
Pigs
408
-?-
39
2,678
3,125

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and animal goods which result from agricultural production may not
properly be referred to as commodities since they are not sold. Agri
culture is carried out for the purposes of producing use value. Because
there is a market economy in which agricultural goods may be sold at
cash prices, the goods produced in Sarata do potentially have a price.
However, agricultural goods are seldom sold. Among producers, agri
cultural goods are exchanged, usually for other agricultural goods or
for labor.
The present section will examine the process of agricultural pro
duction in Sarata as it relates to the goods produced in the area. The
means of production and the social relations of production which define
agriculture as non-capitalist will be examined in particular detail.
Not only are these factors important in considering agricultural produc
tion, but they are also very important in understanding the participa
tion of Sarata households in capitalist activities. These households
participate in agriculture for the purpose of producing their own food,
and the meeting of this objective takes precedence over any other
activity in which the household unit or any of its members may be in
volved. Stated in the simplest terms, the amount of time people have
for capitalism is determined by the amount of time required by their
household to meet its own food needs. This, in turn, is a factor of
the length of the growing season and the time or labor requirements of
the household's crops and livestock.
In the case of Sarata, the non-capitalist mode of production in
its concrete manifestation of subsistence agriculture is dominant be
cause the requirements of agriculture are what determine the nature
of a household's participation in capitalist activities. If forced to

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dec i de between continuing agricultural production and becoming full
time participants in one or another capitalist activity, there is little
room for doubt that households in Sarata would opt for agriculture.
Having so flatly stated this, however, two caveats must be added.
First, to say that a non-capitalist mode of production is dominant is
not to deny the importance of capitalist activities in the overall pro
ductive strategy of Sarata households. It is not suggested that Sarata
is a place which has somehow defeated or otherwise turned back capitalist
expansion.
One of the most apparent manifestations of capitalist expansion is
the importance of money as a medium of exchange. This is because people
are involved in an increasing number of exchange relationships where
money is the only medium of exchange that is accepted. This is the
case in the purchase of imported foodstuffs such as sugar, rice, and
vegetable oil which comprise an increasingly large part of household
diets, as well as in activities such as paying taxes, or in the purchase
of cement for the construction of a community sheep bath. It is only
through participation in the capitalist mode of production that cash
may be acquired. In addition, the money earned through participation
in the capitalist mode of production provides an important "safety net"
for households in the event of a drought or other natural phenomenon
provoking a crisis in subsistence agriculture.
It should also be remembered that assigning the role of dominance
in the social formation reflects conditions as they were observed
during a particular period of time. If we accept the notion that
capitalism is essentially an expansive phenomenon, then we must assume
that a non-capitalist mode of production will not remain dominant

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forever. While noting that, in the initial stages of capitalist pene
tration, the non-capitalist mode of production which has previously
existed in an area may be re-informed, Rey (1973) is explicit in saying
that it will ultimately be supplanted and replaced by a capitalist mode
of production.
The second caveat is that the case of Sarata is not being presented
as describing any situation except that of Sarata. Indeed, Sarata is
unusual in that historical and geographical particularities have be
stowed upon its population the luxury of maintaining agriculture as a
strictly subsistence activity located outside of the capitalist mode of
production. This is possible because of the wide variety of capitalist
activities in which they may choose to participate. Populations in
other regions of the Andes frequently do not have the options that the
people of Sarata enjoy. On the other hand, the fact that so many
capitalist options have presented themselves without establishing
captialism as the dominant mode of production is revealing both in
terns of the sorts of enterprises that are attracted to the frontier
of capitalist expansion and what factors draw them there.
By examining in detail the non-capitalist and capitalist produc
tive processes operating in Sarata, the present chapter will attempt
to draw attention to the dynamic relationship that exists between the
distinct modes of production over time. It will discuss the contra
dictory nature of this articulation and, hopefully, provide a basis
for discussing the implications of Sarata for broader questions regard
ing capitalist expansion and national development.

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Potatoes and Minor Tubers
Potatoes, specifically papa dulce (Solanum tuberosum) and papa
amarga (Solanum andiqenum) are the most important crops grown in Sarata
Potatoes are planted on 1100 hectares, or 39 percent of the 2817.75 hec
tares of land under cultivation in the district during the 1978-1979
growing season. The two species are found in complementary distribu
tion, with papa dulce being cultivated in the more temperate areas of
the district and papa amarga growing in the more frigid areas, or those
that are particularly susceptible to frost and hail.
Papa dulce is the preferred species, occupying about 748 hectares
or slightly over 25 percent of the cultivated area in the district.
Within the species of papa dulce are numerous varieties. Same twenty-
four varieties are commonly recognized and cultivated by people in
Sarata. The differences among some of the varieties are quite striking
Colors vary to include white, yellow, red, black, and purple, with the
colors characterizing the peel of some varieties and the flesh of
others. Differences are also noted in flavor, texture, and cooking
properties. The different varieties also have distinct properties with
regard to the length of their growing seasons, their ability to grow
in particularly wet or dry soil, and how well they can be stored. The
mean yield for papa dulce in the district of Sarata is around 5500
kilograms per hectare, although yields of over 6000 kilograms per hec
tare are common, and in more favored areas of the district, yields of
7000 kilograms per hectare are achieved. The district-wide mean yield
is reduced by localized frost and hail damage, which occurs every year.
Papa amarga is cultivated on about 352 hectares of the district,
or about 14 percent of the crop 1 and of Sarata. Most of the land is

143-
located in areas where the climate is too extreme for papa dulce, or
about any other crop, for that matter. Because of its resistance to
cold, frost, and hail, papa amarga may be grown as high as 4200-4300
meters above sea level, where no other food crop can survive. The mean
yield for the district is about 5200 kilograms per hectare. Thus, the
advantage of this tuber is that it allows agriculture to be practiced
some 300-400 meters above sea level higher than would be possible with
out it. At lower elevations, it is a food crop that may be grown on
land that is particlarly subject to frost damage. The disadvantage of
papa amarga is that it cannot be consumed fresh, but must be freeze-
dried, thus leaching out the bitter flavor, before it may be eaten.
Potatoes, either fresh or freeze-dried, are the central element
of the diets of people in Sarata. They are eaten in one form or another
at every meal. In fact, it is the presence or absence of potatoes
that determines whether or not the food one is eating constitutes a
meal. Potatoes are often used as a metonym to refer to all food.
The importance of potatoes is reflected in its position in the
overall agricultural strategy pursued by the people of Sarata. Pota
toes are the first crop to be sown on land after it is taken out of
fallow. They benefit from being planted in the newly formed surcos.
They are also the only crop that normally receives fertilizer, either
in the form of manure or chemicals.
Potato planting begins in August and continues through the first
week of November in the district of Sarata. The earliest potatoes are
planted in what are called mi 11i fields. These are flat plains located
on the edge of Lake Titicaca which are kept moist by water seeping into
the ground from the lake. The harvest from the mil 1i fields is usually

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real i zed by the first week of December. Something of a race occurs
in the fields located nearest the edge of the lake, as people allow the
potatoes to grow as large as possible before the waters, which are rising
from the increasing rainfall, force them to either harvest their crops
or allow them to be inundated in the fields.
The exact amount of milli land cultivated varies somewhat from year
to year because annual variations in rainfall cause slight variations
in the level of the water along the shore and in where mil 1i cultivation
is possible. More dramatic changes in mi 11i cultivation occur over
longer periods of time during which the water level may vary be several
feet. Although the cycles in which the water level of the lake varies
are several years long, the changes in the shape of the shoreline may
occur very suddenly. From one year to the next, fields may be left
"high and dry" or completely flooded depending upon rainfall. Despite
this measure of insecurity, milli lands are among the most coveted in
the district because the early harvest they allow reduces the amount
of time that a household must rely upon stored foods.
In addition to the mi 11i lands, some potatoes are planted on
irrigated land. This option, however, is rarely utilized as people
prefer to save their irrigated lands for the cultivation of broad beans
(Vicia fava), which will yield up to three harvests a year under favor
able conditions. Thus, most potato fields rely strictly upon rainfall
for moisture. In these fields the time of planting is determined by a
number of factors. Among them, enough rain must have fallen to have
softened the earth, which becomes extremely hard during the dry season,
but not so much as to make it soggy and heavy. Additionally, the rains
must be sufficiently consistent to indicate that the rainy season is

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real ly arriving and there is little danger of a sudden frost. These
conditions occur at different times in different areas of the district,
so that the planting of potatoes on fields that are not irrigated be
gins in August and continues through the first week of November.
The long planting season also assures people of an extended har
vest season. Since potato planting and potato harvesting are both labor
intensive activities, the problem facing households of being able to
marshal sufficient labor at a particular time is alleviated. Labor
inputs may be spread out over a longer period.
The first step necessary to plant potatoes is the breaking open
of the sod and turning over of the earth (q"ullia). Potatoes are
planted in raised furrows, each of which is about 45-50 centimeters
high and 40 centimeters wide at the top. A group of three to seven
furrows which run parallel to one another are joined at one end by a
perpendicular row to form a simi. In areas located farther from the
lake, the breaking open and turning of the soil and the construction
of the furrows constitutes a single operation and are carried out
together as the q"ul1 ina. This activity begins the week after Carnaval
in late February, continuing through March and, frequently, well into
April. Near the lake, q"ul1 i a begins at the same time, but includes
only the breaking open and turning of the earth. This, combined with
generally smaller landholdings means that q"ul 1 i a ends earlier than in
the other zone, usually by the end of March. In the lakeside areas,
furrow construction is a separate task which immediately precedes the
actual sowing of potatoes.
The basic team required for q"ul 1 ia is three adults, ideally, it
includes two men with foot plows or wirl to cut the sod loose and lift

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it, a woman to turn the earth over. Men are generally considered better
at foot plowing than women; but women can, and frequently do, plow when
the situation demands. In areas where the construction of furrows is
done as part of q"ullia, the earth is built up to form the furrows as
it is turned over. In areas where building furrows is a separate opera
tion, an identical three person team builds the already turned earth
into furrows. Progress is very slow in the task. A three person team
working quickly can break open and turn the soil and build furrows at
an approximate work rate of one masa (750 square meters) per six to
seven hour work day.
Once the furrows have been constructed, the earth is ready for the
application of fertilizer. Usually, this is manure gathered from the
2
household's livestock corrals. The manure is spread on the tops of
the furrows prior to planting. Manure is carried to the fields on
burros or on the backs of people.
Another activity which is preliminary to the planting itself is a
final sorting of the seed. Potatoes undergo one sorting immediately
after harvesting. At this time, rotten or damaged potatoes are set
aside for immediate consumption, as are the potatoes which will be
freeze-dried. Potatoes which will be kept and consumed fresh and seed
potatoes are stored. Immediately prior to planting, the seed potatoes
are inspected. Rotten or damaged potatoes are discarded, and the sprouts
which have appeared on the potatoes are pulled off.
2
According to the local Ministry of Agriculture officials, the use of
chemical fertilizers by producers in Sarata is increasing. However,
chemical fertilizers were used in none of the potato plantings ob
served during the course of the present investigation.

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Once the furrows have been constructed, the manure spread, and the
seed sorted and prepared, the actual planting begins. The basic potato
planting team consists of three people. One person opens holes in the
tops of the furrows with the foot plow while a second person inserts
one potato in each hole. The potatoes are covered when the foot plow
blade is removed and the earth is allowed to fall back on top of them.
The third person follows behind the first two with a short-handled hoe
or lijwana, breaking up dirt clods and smoothing the tops and sides of
the furrows. The potatoes are planted 20-30 centimeters apart and
from 5-10 centimeters deep with the eyes turned upward.
The potato planting team is normally composed only of adults.
Children do not usually participate directly. The division of labor
for the activity is extremely flexible. If both women and men are
available, a man will usually open the earth with the foot plot while
a woman inserts the potatoes. However, if no men are present, a woman
will do the foot plowing, while, in the absence of women a man will
insert the potatoes. Either a man or a woman may break the dirt clods
and smooth the rows.
Once planted, potatoes require five to eight months to become har-
vestable. In the meantime, the cultivators will give them two major
weedings and, each time, build up the sides of the furrows, replacing
soil that has been eroded by rainstorms and covering up the root systems,
which frequently begin to protrude from the sides of the furrows as
the plants grow. Potatoes to be harvested in April or May receive the
first weeding and row reinforcement in late November or early December
and the second in the month of January. Potatoes grown on mi 11i lands,
which are planted in August and harvested in December usually receive

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one weeding, sometimes in late October, but usually in November after
the planting season has ended.
As noted above, mi 11i potatoes are harvested in December; however,
the bulk of the potato harvest occurs in April and May. Potato har
vesting involves a number of tasks. The potato plants are cut off even
with the ground after they have finished blooming and are fed to the
animals. It was observed that people require considerably longer to
harvest potatoes on their own land than they do when they have been
hired as wage laborers to harvest for someone else. On their own lands,
extreme care is taken not to leave any potatoes in the field and to
damage as few potatoes as possible. On the other hand, when working
for someone who has hired them for money rather than entering into a
labor exchange agreement, the object of the harvesters is to finish as
quickly as possible and return to their own fields. Little care is
taken not to damage potatoes because the only remuneration beyond the
cash wage will come in the form of a sack of damaged potatoes.
People dig the potatoes individually. Each person, an adult male
or female, begins at the end of a furrow with a round basket and a
short-handled hoe. The earth is knocked away from the sides of the
furrows for a distance of two to three meters ahead of the harvester.
Then, beginning at the end of a row, the earth on top is knocked away
and the exposed potatoes are gathered up and placed in the basket.
Harvesting always begins at the exposed ends of the short parallel rows
which form a simi and progresses toward the long perpendicular row which
joins them. When this is reached, each person is responsible for har
vesting the potatoes immediately to either side of the end of the row
he or she has been digging.

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The dug potatoes are carried to the edge of the field where they
are immediately sorted according to how they will be used. The sorting
is usually done by one or more older women. Men then load the sorted
potatoes into sacks which are carried to the home and stored.
Potatoes are freeze-dried into ch'uu or tunta in June. June is
the preferred month for the task because it is the coldest month of the
year, with the most nights of the subfreezing temperatures necessary
to freeze the potatoes. The freeze-drying of potatoes begins early in
the month after harvesting is completed and is ideally finished by the
fiesta of San Juan (June 23). The exact amount of time required to
freeze-dry potatoes depends upon which process is used. For making
tunta, the potatoes are frozen,then soaked in a stream for two weeks,
then frozen again, peeled, and dried in the sun. To make ch'unu, the
potatoes are spread on a layer of straw on the ground for one or two
nights when the temperatures will be subfreezing, and then peeled and
dried in the sun for a few days. Processed in such a fashion, freeze-
dried potatoes may be kept for up to ten years, and large quantities of
them are kept in storage by every household as insurance against a year
of crop failure.
The so-called "minor" tubers, apilla (Oxalis crenata), isau
(Tropaeolum tuberosum), and ul1uku (Ullucus tuberosus), follow a culti
vation schedule similar to that of potatoes. They are planted, weeded,
and harvested during the same time periods as potatoes. The minor tubers
are found less widely distributed throughout the district than are pota
toes, however. This is primarily because they are less resistant to
frost and hail, and thus may be grown with relative security only in
areas where less extreme conditions tend to prevail. Many people also

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feel that they are more susceptible to damage by nematodes while still
in the ground as well as more susceptible to spoilage when stored fresh.
The approximate yields of the minor tubers in Sarata are 6200 kilograms
per hectare for api 11a, 3800 kilograms per hectare for ul1uku, and 4100
kilograms per hectare for isau.
In the areas where they are cultivated, the minor tubers follow
potatoes in the rotation cycle. The furrows used the previous year for
growing potatoes can be re-used to cultivate the minor tubers. For this
reason, some care is taken to minimize the damage done to the furrows
when the potatoes are harvested so as to reduce the amount of labor
needed to prepare the field for planting the minor tubers the following
season. The technique used for planting the minor tubers is the same
as is used for planting potatoes. The labor time required for planting
the minor tubers is reduced somewhat, since aside from some rebuilding
of the furrows after potato harvest, little is done in the way of field
preparation. Unlike potatoes, the minor tubers receive no manure or
fertilizer. They receive two major weedings about midway through their
growth cycle and, at these times, the sides of the furrows are built up,
as is done with potatoes. The harvesting process is also similar to
that of potatoes. Api 11a is frequently freeze-dried using that same
process employed for making ch'uu from the potatoes. Freeze-dried
api11 a is called k"aya.
Broad Beans
In the relatively low-lying and well-watered areas of the district,
which tend to be concentrated near Lake Titicaca, the third crop in the

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agricultural rotation cycle is broad beans. Like the minor tubers,
broad beans cannot be cultivated in much of the district because they
do not have the necessary resistance to frost and hail. In addition,
broad beans require considerable amounts of water in order to thrive.
They are thus confined to areas of the district that receive abundant
rainfall, or where some form of irrigation is available.
In those areas characterized by year-round irrigation, three har
vests of broad beans may be realized in every year. This means that
broad beans play a very important role in reducing the amount of time
many families are dependent upon stored foodstuffs. It also means that
irrigated lands planted in broad beans are frequently not included in
the rotation cycle. Rather, beans are planted there year after year.
Where three crops of beans each year are sown, the planting seasons
are the months of March and April, the month of June, and the months
of July and August. Sometimes, the June planting is omitted and only
two harvests are realized annually. In areas that are not irrigated,
one crop a year is realized, and this is planted in August. In the
crop zone of Sarata where beans are planted, nearly one-third of the
land under cultivation is planted in beans. However, it is difficult
to judge the importance of beans in the diet based on this figure with
out knowing the specific characteristics of each bean field with regard
to how many harvests it yields. The yield for broad beans is about
1500-2000 kilograms per hectare (Verliat 1978).
In irrigated areas, broad beans are planted on elevated furrows
varying from 30-50 centimeters in width and arranged similarly to those
described for potatoes. The beans are planted 10-15 centimeters apart
at a depth of about seven centimeters. A furrow will have two or three

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rows of beans planted on top of it, depending upon the width of the
elevated area. The actual planting technique for the beans is similar
to potatoes although bean planting requires less preliminary labor for
field preparation. As is the case with potatoes, the basic bean planting
team consists of three people, one to open the earth with the wiri, one
to insert the beans, and one to break up the dirt clods and smooth the
earth. Irrigated lands, as noted, are not placed in fallow, nor are
they generally planted in any crops except beans. Therefore, time-
consuming tasks such as breaking sod and removing stones are not re
quired. The most labor-intensive task is the annual maintenance required
by the irrigation system.
Broad beans require six to seven months to reach sufficient maturity
to produce harvestable beans. Unlike other crops, however, beans are
not all harvested at the same time. Rather, beans will be picked once
or twice a week for one or even two months before the crop is exhausted.
This is because once the plant is mature the beans do not reach an edible
size all at the same time.
Once picked, broad beans require some processing. Those which are
to be consumed fresh must be hulled and then the skins must be removed.
When the beans are used in soups, the skins are removed prior to cook
ing. When boiled beans are served alone, the beans are boiled in the
skins. Broad beans may also be dried and stored. The beans are shelled
and spread in the sun for several days to dry and then stored in sacks.
These dried beans may be boiled and eaten or the skins, which dry hard
in the sun, may be cracked off and the bean inside consumed.

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Barley
The fourth major component in the cropping system of Sarata is
barley. It is also usually the fourth crop in the rotation cycle.
Barley is grown in all of the agricultural zones of the district, and
it is an important element in the diet of both humans and livestock.
Barley provides humans with their main source of grain, and its resis
tance to cold allows it to be planted about anywhere that agriculture
may be practiced at all. It is susceptible to damage by hail, but even
the most heavily hail-damaged barley is salvageable as forage for live
stock. Forage barley is frequently planted as a cover crop on ground
that is being placed in fallow, along with oats and rye. Forage barley,
together with these other grains, is frequently relied upon to keep
livestock alive during the dry months when pasture grows scarce. In
the more extreme climatic zones of the district where there is no possi
bility that barley can survive to reach maturity, it is planted speci
fically as a forage crop. In the more protected areas of the district,
wheat may be substituted for barley in some fields; however, people are
generally cautious about doing this because a frost that will kill
wheat may not damage barley at all.
Barley is generally planted in areas that rely exclusively upon
rainfall. It is rarely, if ever, cultivated on irrigated land, although
some barley is planted in the mi 11i fields. It occupies from 15-20
percent of the cultivated area in the district of Sarata. The planting
season for barley begins in very early August and continues until the
end of September, with the moister areas being planted first and the
drier ones later. Grain yields of 700-800 kilograms per hectare are

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normal, while forage barley yields in the neighborhood of 9500 kilograms
per hectare.
Distinct techniques for planting barley are employed in the dif
ferent ecological zones of the district. In the areas near the lake,
planting is done entirely with human labor. In mil 1i fields or areas
where the soil is particularly moist, the basic work team consists of
three people: one to open a shallow furrow with the foot plow (wiri),
one to sow the seed, and one to break up dirt clods and smooth the
earth.
In other areas near the lake, where the soil is drier, a metal-
tipped wooden plow is used instead of a wiri. Here the basic planting
team consists of five people: two to pull the plow, one to guide it,
one to plant the seed in the shallow furrow left by the plow, and one
to break up the dirt clods and smooth the earth. The pulling of the
plow is one of the most arduous of the agricultural tasks; however, where
the topsoil is shallow enough and dry enough to permit this technique,
the work progresses considerably faster than when a wiri is used. In
the areas that are more distant from the lake, the barley fields are
larger than in the lakeside areas, and there is more livestock. In
this area, the plow is pulled by a pair of bulls. This means that the
planting team consists of four people. The rate at which the grain can
be planted is about the same as when the plow is pulled by people, but
the work is considerably less fatiguing for the participants, and the
effort may be sustained for the longer periods of time necessary to
complete the planting of the larger fields.
After planting, barley requires no large labor expenditure until
it is harvested. Barley planted in mi 11i fields may be harvested as

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earl y as December or January, but the bulk of the crop is harvested in
March and April. The barley is cut by hand with short-handled sickles.
The grain is knocked loose by beating the barley with a stock on a
large, flat area of ground. The straw is bound up and saved for a
number of uses ranging from feeding it to livestock or using it for
roofing a house or an outbuilding. The grain is transported to the
household compound, where it is sun-dried and winnowed before being
stored. The stored grain is later ground as it is needed for consump
tion by the household.
Forage Grains
Potatoes and the minor tubers, broad beans, and'barley are the most
important crops grown in Sarata. The exact proportions of these crops
will vary according to the area of the district where a particular
household lives and the locations of its various small landholdings.
However, in the district as a whole, these crops occupy in excess of
75 percent of the land under cultivation and are the central elements
in the household diets. However, there are numerous other crops which
play important roles in the agricultural strategies of Sarata house
holds. Among these are the forage grains, oats, rye, and forage bar
ley, which have already been mentioned. The forage grains are most
important in the areas further from the lake, where there are more
animals, and agriculture is more difficult because of a climate that is
somewhat harsher than that characteristic of the lakeside zone. In
this area, forage crops are very important because, as noted, pasture
for livestock becomes extremely scarce during the dry months. However,

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because grain production is not the goal with these forage crops, the
timing of planting and harvesting activities is not critical and these
are "fitted around" the demands of the other activities.
Quinoa and Kaiwa
More significant are the Andean food grains quinoa, or jup"a in
Aymara (Chenopodium quinoa), and kaiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule).
Prior to the arrival of the Spanish, these were cultivated extensively
throughout the Andes. However, after the conquest these indigenous
cultigens rapidly lost ground to the barley introduced by the Spanish.
Barley offered the advantages of being easier to grind into flour and
of producing more grain in a given area. Barley is currently con
sidered to be more able to withstand hail than quinoa or kaiwa. Also*
barley offers more security, because if it should be ruined for human
consumption, it may be salvaged as forage for livestock. After a severe
hailstorm nothing is salvageable from quinoa and kaiwa plants.
In spite of the advantages offered by barley, however, quinoa and
kaiwa have never been entirely replaced, and today they occupy four to five
percent of the land under cultivation in the district of Sarata. Quinoa
and kaiwa rarely occupy plots of land of their own. Rather, the grains
are generally planted in conjunction with the major food crops, that
were described above. Quinoa and kaiwa are commonly planted on the
sloping sides of the ridges in plots of potatoes, minor tubers, or
beans, for example. In plots of barley or non-irrigated beans, where
elevated ridges are not employed, rows of quinoa or kaiwa may be al
ternated with the other crops or planted around the edges of the field

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as a border. In many cases, the planting of quinoa or kaiwa may be
a very casual activity. Seeds are frequently simply sprinkled on the
edges of the ridges after potatoes have been planted in an area. Thus
the labor demands made by quinoa and kaiwa during the planting season
of September and October are minimal and easily accomodated to the
other activities.
The harvest season for quinoa and kaiwa is late March and the
first weeks of April. Harvesting includes picking the grains, thresh
ing them, as well as transport and storage. Although this demands a
more concentrated labor expenditure than planting, the labor require
ments of quinoa and kaiwa harvesting are not great. There are few
households in the lakeside area which have as much as a total of 500
square meters of land planted in these grains although quinoa and
kaniwa increase in importance as one moves away from the lake. Yields
for quinoa average slightly over 400 kilograms per hectare in Sarata
while kaiwa yields about 560 kilograms per hectare. Thus the quanti
ties of these grains that a household handles during a year are quite
smal1.
Vegetable Crops
Vegetable crops have been slowly but steadily increasing in impor
tance for a number of years, although vegetable production is largely
confined to the lakeside region where the climate is more amenable.
The initial interest in vegetable production was stimulated by the
Seventh Day Adventist Church whose missionaries advocated vegetable
production both for the purposes of improving general nutritional

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standards and as a means by which people could compensate for religious
restrictions on meat consumption. As a result of these efforts,
spinach, lettuce, cabbage, carrots, radishes, garlic, turnips, beets,
and, above all, onions, are today found in plots cultivated by both
Adventist and Catholic households throughout the lakeside zone of the
district, where the climate is mild enough to permit their survival.
Onions, in particular, are a vegetable crop for which nearly everyone
has acquired a taste, and some households earn small amounts of cash by
selling onions and other vegetables in the Sunday market to people from
areas of the district where they will not grow. In fact, local vege
table production is insufficient to supply local demand, primarily
because of the extremely restricted area in which vegetable production
is possible. The demand for vegetables is high enough that a number of
women buy them every week in the city of Juliaca and bring them back to
Sarata to sell in the Sunday market in the town and the rural markets
which occur in the district during the week.
In recent years, there have been efforts by the government to
encourage vegetable production in Sarata. Some communities were pro
vided with materials and instructions for constructing simple green
houses made with sheets of clear plastic fastened over a framework of
wooden slats. The people were charged with experimenting with different
crops to see what they could grow successfully and economically in the
greenhouses, with the produce to be used in the preparation of lunches
for the school children. A wide variety of crops, including corn, squash,
hot peppers, watermelons, and tomatoes have been grown in the green
houses, although only tomatoes have thus far shown economic promise.
It was found that tomatoes could be grown in the greenhouses at only a

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slightly higher cost than they are produced on the Peruvian coast, and
that because of the shorter distance they could be transported to the
city of Juliaca more cheaply. Also, because the greenhouse tomatoes
are of higher quality--they are picked ripe instead of green and they
suffer less damage in transport--the Sarata greenhouse tomatoes command
a higher price. Prompted by this discovery, a number of households in
the communities participating in the greenhouse project have constructed
their own private greenhouses for the purpose of growing tomatoes for
sale. Initially, they sold their tomatoes in the Sunday market of
Sarata; however, because the price received in Juliaca is considerably
higher than in Sarata, this practice was soon abandoned in favor of
selling all of the tomatoes in the urban center.
Corn
Small quantities of corn are cultivated in Sarata in particularly
sheltered areas. Corn produced in Sarata plays a very small role in
household subsistence strategies; however, corn is a highly valued crop
since Sarata affords some of the few areas in the entire altiplano where
the corn will grow. The results are less than impressive by most
standards. The ears of corn rarely reach ten centimeters in length with
five centimeters being closer to the mean length. However, that even
this can be achieved in the altiplano marks the lands where corn is
grown as truly favored.
It should be borne in mind that agriculture is carried out with
the purpose of providing a household with food, and any function it has
beyond that is truly incidental. Therefore, priority is given to

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marshaling the land, labor, and other resources necessary for the pro
duction of staple crops, potatoes, and minor tubers, broad beans, and
barley, and to a lesser extent quinoa and kaiwa. The production of
crops for sale or the production of luxury food crops such as vegetables
is carried out insofar as it does not interfere with staple food pro
duction. Crops such as onions and tomatoes which have acquired, or are
acquiring, importance as food crops and cash crops have done so because
they do not require the diversion of resources from the production of
food staples.
Herding
In addition to the cultivation of food crops, livestock raising is
an important component of the subsistence strategies of many Sarata
households. The specific role livestock raising plays varies from one
of the district's production zones to another. Near the lake, house
holds own very few head of livestock because the high population density
and intensive cultivation do not allow people much room for animal pro
duction. As one moves away from the lake, the number of livestock per
household increases as the restrictions on growing crops increase.
Collins (1981) has calculated that the mean number of sheep per house
hold increases from three in the lakeside area, to 16 in the area of
mixed agriculture and herding, to 57 in the herding zone of Sarata.
Likewise, the mean number of cattle per household increases from one to
two near the lake to three to four in the intermediate zone, and to 49
to 50 animals per household in the highland herding zone. As increas
ingly severe environmental constraints restrict the varieties of crops

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that may be cultivated and force a simplification of productive schedules,
it becomes increasingly difficult for households to maintain a sub
sistence strategy based upon crop diversity. At the same time, however,
conditions become more favorable for raising livestock as population
density decreases. Households control larger extensions of land, and
the labor demands of complex planting, harvesting, and weeding schedules
dec!ine.
Sheep are the most numerous herd animals in the district of Sarata.
In addition to the animals found on S.A.I.S. San Juan and the lands of
medianos productores, some 30,000 head are .owned by community members.
They provide households with wool and meat, which may either be con
sumed or sold. Like all herd animals, sheep require a certain amount
of day-to-day care in order to provide them pasture and water and to
protect them from predators. These activities constitute part of the
normal maintenance activities of a household. During certain months
of the year additional labor is required as the sheep pass through the
production cycle. The principal activities which require additional
labor are mating, lambing, weaning and the separation of pregnant fe
males from the herd, the shearing of wool, the butchering of animals
and meat preservation, the selling of animals, the castration of males,
and bathing and worming.
There are two periods of mating and lambing annually. Mating
occurs in late December and early January for births in June, and in
June for births in late November and early December. Lambs are weaned
from their mothers from three to four months after birth, usually in
the months of April and October. During these months, the females which
are pregnant as a result of the December to January or June matings are

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also separated from the rest of the flock. Shearing occurs primarily
in the month of February, with wool production per animal varying from
as low as two pounds in unimproved varieties to as much as eight pounds
in Andean-bred Corriedales. Most of the sheep that are slaughtered for
meat are killed in May. Some of the meat may be consumed fresh by
household members, but most is dried and stored as chal una. Butcher
ing and meat preserving are also reported to occur, to a lesser extent,
in the month of July. The Ministry of Agriculture recommends that
sheep be wormed, treated for internal parasites, three times a year,
in October, May, and July, and this recommendation is increasingly com
plied with by households which own larger herds upon which they depend
for a great part of their livelihood. Households in the lakeside zone
which have only a few animals upon which they depend'less heavily,
frequently show little interest in worming.
Cattle are the second most numerous livestock animals in Sarata.
In addition to the cattle found on S.A.I.S. San Juan and the lands of
the medianos productores, households living in recognized and non-
recognized communities own approximately 6,000 head of cattle. From
December through early May, cows are a source of milk. The rest of the
year, cattle are dry. Most of the milk that is produced is made into
cheese which is either consumed by the household itself or sold if a
surplus is produced. Bulls are used as draft animals, pulling a plow
during planting season and, sometimes, when land is taken out of fallow.
Cattle are seldom butchered for meat but are sold live from time to
time as a means of securing money. The bulk of the cattle sold in this
manner appear to be sold illegally across the border into Bolivia, where
prices are higher, although some are sold through the livestock markets

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held in Sarata during the fiesta of Candelaria during the first week of
February and the Exaltacin de la Cruz fiesta which is celebrated during
the week of September 14. Large weekly cattle markets are held in the
provincial capital of Huancan, some 50 kilometers from the town of
Sarata, and in the district capital of Taraco, about 75 kilometers
distant. People reportedly used to drive cattle to these markets for
sale, but they no longer do, saying it is too far to go for the price
one receives.
There are two principal periods for calving. The first and most
important period is the month of January with calves resulting from the
mating of the preceding April. A mating period of smaller proportions
occurs around the month of June which results in some calves being born
in March of the following year. The weaning periods which then follow
usually occur in the months of February and September. In July, males
not destined to function as stud bulls are castrated, while August is
usually the month when cattle are vaccinated.
There are relatively few camelids in Sarata, although large herds
are found in the high-altitude areas of the district which are the most
distant from Lake Titicaca. The camelids found in the district of
Sarata are the domesticated llama (Lama glama) and alpaca (Lama pacos).
The wild vi cua (Lama vicugna) is reported to have been sighted in the
district as late as the mid-1970s, but because of intense pressure from
poachers, these have either been driven away or killed, and none have
been spotted for several years. Camelids are reported to have composed
a large portion of Sarata herds in the past; however, it is said that
low prices paid for wool during the agrarian reform prompted large
numbers of alpacas and llamas to either be sold into Bolivia or slaugh
tered for meat.

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The mating of camel ids begins in October and continues through
March. The camel id mating requires considerable intervention on the
part of herders as males and females must be repeatedly brought together
and separated (Custred 1977:67-68). In or around July, pregnant females
are separated from the rest of the herd. Most young are born in
December and January, with weaning taking place the following September.
Like sheep, camel ids are usually sheared in February.
Many Sarata households also own pigs, with an average household
having one or two. Pigs are fed human food scraps and pasture and are
allowed to attain a weight of 30-50 kilograms before being butchered.
Pork is consumed fresh, and the butchering of a pig occurs once or twice
a year to mark the celebration of a major fiesta or an important house
hold event such as a wedding or housebuilding. Pork is a high-status
meat that is much favored. However, because pigs are not herd animals
and are very troublesome to care for, their numbers are fewer than
sheep, cattle, or camel ids. Only about 2700 are to be found in all
the communities of Sarata. In addition, pigs have difficulty surviving
at higher elevations or areas of extreme cold, where they are very sub
ject to heart failure and exposure.
Small livestock commonly found in Sarata includes chickens, guinea
pigs, and rabbits. Most households have two or three chickens for the
purpose of laying eggs. However, eggs seldom hatch at the altitude of
Sarata, and all chickens must be brought to the area live from lower
elevations. Chickens usually stay in the living compounds, but they
are rarely confined to coops. Consequently, children spend a lot of
time searching the nooks and crannies of the living compounds for
eggs.

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Guinea pigs may be successfully raised if they are kept in an area
that is not subject to intense or prolonged cold. For this reason,
they tend to be found only in households in the lakeside region of the
district. Guinea pigs are frequently kept in pens in the household
kitchens so as to protect the animals from the cold. Rabbits are raised
in much the same way. Chicken eggs, rabbits, and guinea pigs all make
a contribution to the diets of the households which keep these animals.
However, because they command relatively high prices in the market,
these products are usually sold to townspeople in the Sunday market
in Sarata, contributing a small source of cash to the household.
Finally, it should be mentioned that burros are kept in many
households as beasts of burden. Although they produce no usable pro
duct, burros can carry up to 100 kilograms, walking all day over rough
terrain for several days. This is about twice what a llama can carry.
Burros require very little labor and may simply be pastured with a
household's herd animals.
The Role of Subsistence Activities
By means of some combination of the agricultural and herding
activities outlined above, households in Sarata manage to be relatively
successful in meeting their basic subsistence needs. Their crops and
animals provide them with enough food to maintain themselves through
the year and to preserve and store sufficient supplies to weather suc
cessive seasons of adverse weather and poor crops. Collins (1981) has esti
mated that seven to 12 percent of the caloric intake of rural households
in Sarata is composed of foodstuffs that have been purchased rather than

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produced domestically. Of the purchased items, only sugar has come to
occupy the position of a staple upon which households feel they depend.
People also continue to satisfy their basic clothing needs through
these activities. The pol1era-style skirts worn by the women are made
from homespun wool woven and dyed by the men of the household. Pru-
chased pol1 eras of finer material are usually worn to town or for special
occasions, but those of humespun wool remain basic everyday wear. Men
frequently wear homespun pants and coats when around their home or
working in the fields. Homespun long underwear is worn everywhere, and
a number of men come to town in three piece suits they made themselves
made from alpaca wool. Most blankets and ponchos are made from natural
wools of local origin as are many of the caps, sweaters, and other gar
ments worn for warmth. Households in the lakeside communities which
do not produce enough wool to meet their own needs trade potatoes,
beans, and barley with households from highland communities that cannot
produce enough food to meet their own needs. In short, in spite of
extensive capitalist penetration the people of Sarata maintain a sub
sistence economy which, in fact, provides them with most of what they
need to subsist. At the most basic level, the people of Sarata have
maintained control of the means to assure their own biological repro
duction.
The capitalist economy is not to be denied, however, Sarateos
could do without most of the imported foods in their diet, but they
would not like it. Nor would they like having to do without manufactured
clothing. Trying to sell a tape recorder in Juliaca while dressed in
homespun clothing would make dealing with potential buyers considerably
more difficult. The need for cash extends far beyond the purchase of

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luxury items, however, to include purchasing school supplies and uni
forms for children or helping support a son or daughter attending a
university. A sheet metal roof on one's house frees untold labor hours
that would otherwise be tied up in maintenance activities. Ac ommunity
must spend money for cement in order to construct a sheep bath that will
allow members to rid their animals of external parasites that decrease
wool production. A barley blight which began half a continent away
destroyed the greater part of the district's grain crops in 1980.
Fungicides and resistant seed were available for the following year's
planting to those who could pay for them. .
The Capitalist Mode of Production
Capitalist and Non-Capitalist Production
The capitalist economy at once contributes to the creation of needs
such as those noted above and offers the prospect of a means of satis
fying them. The means most commonly available to the people of Sarata
have been enumerated previously. They include wage labor in the cities
and on the coast of Peru, the production of coffee and citrus fruit in
the Tambopata Valley of Sandia province, and taking advantage of the
opportunities for trade and transport afforded by the proximity of the
Bolivian border. It is through engaging in these activities that
people seek to satisfy the cash needs that agricultural and herding
activities do not meet. In so doing, they become participants in the
capitalist mode of production with diverse relationships to capital
ranging from workers to capitalists in their own right. In a capitalist

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mode of production, capitalists seek to invest to expand their enter
prise, while the needs and wants of workers cause them to seek more
wages. In a case such as Sarata, there are two somewhat contradictory
paths which efforts to control more money may follow. One is to
strengthen one's ties to the capitalist economy. A capitalist may in
tensify the utilization .of capital, for example, or workers may sell a
larger percentage of their labor power. The other possible path is to
attempt to increase one's discretionary spending power by maintaining
or increasing the satisfaction of basic subsistence needs outside of
the capitalist economy, through the activities outlined in the preceding
sections of this chapter. This signifies the placing of an absolute
limit upon one's degree of participation in the capitalist economy
simply because time spent engaging in activities that pertain to one
mode of production is lost to potential activities in the other mode
of production.
Sarateos have committed themselves to neither of these two paths
but have attempted to maintain a foot upon each of them. Ever cognizant
of the need for money as well as of the economic opportunities capitalism
may bestow upon certain individuals, they are willing, and even anxious,
to expand their participation in the capitalist mode of production.
On the other hand, they are also aware that maintaining control of the
means of their own food production gives them the advantage of greater
flexibility in the capitalist mode of production. They do not have to
work simply because someone will hire them. They can pick and choose
their opportunities.
This situation tells us something of the perspicacity with which
the people of Sarata view their own economic position. However, it also

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suggests that capitalism does not necessarily set out immediately to
eliminate the other modes of production with which it comes in contact.
For the present, capitalist activities which established themselves in
the subsistence strategies of Sarata households throughout the course
of the present century appear to co-exist rather comfortably with non
capitalist economic activities. The description of economic activities
belonging to the capitalist mode of production which follows will high
light the mechanisms by which this co-existence is achieved (Figure 4-1).
Wage Labor
There are several common capitalist activities into which sarateos
enter as wage laborers. The most common example of this strategy is
for male members to spend several months each year working as laborers
on the large agricultural enterprises around the city of Arequipa and
in the river valleys of the southern Peruvian coast. Generally men
leave Sarata around the second or third week of November after the
planting season has ended. Most return in time for the fiesta of Car
naval which is immediately followed by a period of intensive agricul
tural labor beginning with the breaking open of land that has been in
the fallow state of the rotation cycle and ends with the harvesting
and storing of crops.
The wage received from the agricultural enterprises is around
$1.50-2.00 per day. Workers are responsible for paying their own trans
port costs. Provisions for workers vary somewhat from enterprise to
enterprise. Most provide rudimentary living accommodations, although
in some cases workers pay for lodging out of their wages. Workers must

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Figure 4-1. Simplified production schedule of the district of Sarata

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provide their own meals and, since they are limited in what they can
carry with them, they must buy most of their food. Frequently, such
purchases are made at a store owned by the enterprise.
The agricultural enterprises carry out no recruiting campaign for
workers in Sarata. Enough people need a job that this is unnecessary.
Men tend to work for the same enterprise year after year, or, if they
are going to ask for work at a place for the first time, they go where
a friend or relative has been working for enough time to be known by
foremen and managers. These practices not only help make sure that one
does not find himself alone among strangers, but are necessary because
simply going to look for work does not guarantee finding it. The
agricultural enterprises employ large numbers of people, but hiring
practices are highly personalistic.
Agricultural wage labor as described above is not the most common
form of wage labor because of high pay or good working conditions, but
because it is compatible with a long-term household productive strategy
centered around subsistence agriculture. The peak labor demand of the
large enterprises coincides roughly with a relatively slack period in
the agricultural cycle at home. This allows men to go in search of
employment without leaving their wives short of labor for managing the
household enterprise. Women are, in fact, considered more adept at
activities such as picking, but, because someone has to remain at home
to manage the household enterprise, and because the large agricultural
enterprises pay women less than men, men are the ones who go to the
coast.
Women do leave home to work as wage laborers. However, because in
most cases, women command lower wages than men and because they are

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more restricted in the employment opportunities open to them, this tends
to be an activity in which they engage early in life, while they are
still living with parents and prior to marriage. In these cases, if
enough people are living at home to satisfy household labor needs,
women may seek employment in the cities as domestic servants or secre
taries in order to supplement the household income. The cities to which
they most frequently travel are Juliaca, Puno, Arequipa, and La Paz,
Bolivia. Domestic employment demands that a woman's absence from the
household be longer than seasonal. Many women work in the city for
one or two years, then return home to marry. This is what most parents
who have daughters working in the city say they hope they will do;
but for a variety of reasons, many women never return to Sarata.
Many sarateos also go to work on a long-term basis for the large
construction, mining, and fishing industries located in southern Peru.
The state-owned fishing industry as well as some of the private com
panies which control construction and mining industries pay what are
considered high wages, from around $2.50 to $5.00 a day, depending
upon an employee's job. They may also provide substantial fringe bene
fits such as free housing and medical care for workers and their
families and free school supplies for children. Families who work in
these areas usually move to the employment area to take advantage of
such benefits, leaving their lands entrusted to relatives to work for
them and returning to Sarata only for brief vacation periods. Many plan
to return to Sarata upon their retirement. These is a steady flow of
traffic between households that are residing in the coastal towns and
relatives remaining in Sarata. People from the highlands use their
relatives' homes as bases from which to look for work and take with

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them highland foodstuffs. People residing on the coast provide coastal
products to those charged with caring for their property and defending
their interests in the highland community.
A smaller number of sarateos have gone to work in the gold mines
of the department of Madre de Dios around the city of Puerto Maldonado.
This area produced on the order of seven metric tons of gold in 1979
and is currently in the midst of a gold rush (Carrasco 1980). However,
there is a tremendous amount of violence associated with the region as
a result of the struggle between numerous mining companies of widely
varying size and technological sophistication to gain or maintain con
trol of claims. The violence is heightened by massive gold smuggling
operations with strong international ties which carry most of the gold
mined to Bolivia and Brazil. Carrasco (1980) reports that, of the
seven metric tons of gold mined in Madre de Dios in 1979, 2.1 metric
tons were purchased by the Banco Minero del Per and that the remaining
4.9 metric tons were smuggled out of Peru into the countries mentioned.
Stories of the murders, mutilations, and disappearances which result
from these sorts of activities combined with the fact that many of the
people who have returned to Sarata from the gold mines have arrived
home suffering from uta (leishmaniasis) and other disabling diseases,
have dampened much of the potential enthusiasm for getting involved
with the enterprises in this area.
The selling of labor to enterprises which are frequently linked
to international business interests is one of the roles that sarateos
fill within the capitalist mode of production. Because of the distance
from home and the demands of the agricultural cycle in Sarata, the
participation of households in wage earning activities is limited.

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In addition, the seasonal demand for agricultural labor means that most
households would not be able to devote much more time to wage labor
even if they could distribute their labor resources in a way that would
permit them to do so.
Trade and Transport
A capitalist activity which may be practiced year-round by house
holds residing in their home communities is the transport of goods
across the international border with Bolivia. As was noted in Chapter
II, trade links with Bolivia have existed from pre-Hispanic times.
Since the 19th century large herds of livestock have been driven to La
Paz and sold there by people from Sarata. The increasing importance of
the international border in recent times, as the two nations have in
vested greater effort in controlling who and what crosses it, has in
creased both the risks and the potential profits for maintaining these
commercial links. The effect has also been heightened as goods pro
duced by multinational capitalist enterprises have come to form the
major portion of the goods moving along these three trade routes.
One of the bases of the continued contraband trade are foodstuffs
which are transported from Peru and resold in Bolivia. For the reasons
described in Chapter II, food is artificially cheap in Peru as a result
of government subsidies. Because food is not subsidized in Bolivia,
prices are considerably higher. This allows Peruvian food to be sold
at a considerable profit in Bolivia. On the other hand, during the
period of military government in Peru, high tariffs were placed on such
imported goods as radios, televisions, home appliances, and whiskey in

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an effort to stimulate domestic industries and discourage Peruvians
from buying imported goods and contributing to the nation's trade
deficit. Bolivia allows free entry of such products. This creates
opportunities for considerable profit for people who smuggle such goods
into Peru.
As has been noted, there is considerable variation in the scale
of the different smuggling operations. Those which are truly capitalist
enterprises in their own right, owning all of the means of production
necessary for carrying out the activity and hiring workers, will be
discussed presently. Attention will first.be given to the petty mer
cantilists who rely upon the trucks of others for transportation, hire
no employees, and have no direct ties with the enterprises which manu
facture or import the goods they carry. Although they do not embody
capitalist relations of production in and of themselves, but consist
simply of individuals performing a mercantilist function, these opera
tions act as agents of capitalist enterprises that are international in
the scope of their operations. They serve a distributive function for
those enterprises, allowing them to circumvent obstacles to their pro
ducts raised by national political interests.
Although smuggling tends to attract the interest of observers,
smuggled goods are but a fraction of those handled by small-scale com
mercial ists. The other goods commonly handled by commercialists may
link them to other enterprises characterized by diverse relations of
production. One important function of these enterprises is the purchase
of fruits, vegetables, and corn in the city of Juliaca for resale in the
Sunday market of the town of Sarata and the rural markets which meet
throughout the region during the rest of the week. The fruits and

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vegetables come primarily from large enterprises on the coast which hire
workers to meet their seasonal labor needs while the corn comes from pro
ducers both in the area of Arequipa and in the more temperate valleys
of Cuzco.
These products may be resold in the Sarata markets, or they may be
traded for goods of local origin. In the markets located in the high
elevations, products which are frequently available include meats and
cheeses as well as wool. Meat is primarily sheep meat, and it is either
sold by the piece in the Sarata market on Sunday or is used to help feed
the commercialist's household. Cheeses are readily available only in
the months of relatively abundant rainfall. They may either be resold
to people from the town or to people from the lakeside communities who
own few animals, or they are sometimes sold in Juliaca and, on occasion,
in Arequipa. Wool may be purchased either loose or still attached to
the hide of a slaughtered animal. Commercialists may use the wool to
help satisfy the demand of their own household, or the small quantities
they receive may be kept and accumulated over time, since wool may be
readily converted to cash or to other goods should a need arise.
From markets located near the border, the commercialists bring back
dried hot peppers (wayk'a) and corn cultivated by small-scale producers
in the valleys of Bolivia. These are traded by the Bolivians for meat,
cheese, and woolen products from the highland areas and dried ispi (a
variety of small fish) from Lake Titicaca. Most of the valley products
are resold or traded by the commercialists within the district of
Sarata.
Some commercialists have specialties other than agricultural pro
ducts. One of the most common is the marketing of manufactured clothing

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and shoes. Several commercialists specialize in hardware, items such
as hammers, nails, batteries, and replacement parts for kerosene stoves.
Such goods are purchased periodically in the city of Juliaca and then
sold in the various markets in the district of Sarata.
Although most commercialists do participate in smuggling, these
small-scale entrepreneurs, who do not own the transport facilities upon
which they depend, are able to engage in this activity only when regular
ly scheduled border markets afford them the opportunity. Illegal trans
actions constitute a small portion of a weeks business. Within the
sphere of legal transactions, we may also observe that the commercial -
ists are linked to a broad range of producers representing an equally
broad range of production relationships. The preferred brand of bat
teries sold, for example, is the Peruvian affiliate of a multinational
corporation based in the United States. Some clothing items are
imported from manufacturers in Asia, while some clothing and most shoes
are produced by Peruvian enterprises. Commercialists dealing in agri
cultural products are tied to large capitalist enterprises located on
the Peruvian coast, the same ones that employ laborers from Sarata, as
well as to the non-capitalist agricultural production carried out by
households within the district.
Men may be commercialists, and actually form the majority of those
who specialize in hardware. Overall, however, women dominate the
small-scale mercantile activities of Sarata. Various factors account
for this. Women are generally considered to be superior to men in
business activities, generally being better managers and shrewder in
bargaining than men. Also, there is a general recognition that, in
controlling for smuggled goods, police officials frequently underestimate

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women. The most important factor, however, is that men tend to leave
the area to work as laborers in much greater numbers than women because
of the discrimination women experience in urban areas. Commercialist
activities allow the women to live at home and perform the necessary
maintenance activities in the fields and with the animals in addition
to attending the markets around the district. If additional labor is
required at home, a woman can simply decide not to attend a particular
market and, instead, dedicate herself to household subsistence activi
ties.
Capitalists
The transport and commercialization of goods is'not the exclusive
domain of petty entrepreneurs, however. There are also some sizeable
transport companies which employ numerous people. These enterprises
transport goods and the petty commercialists and their wares to the
city, the border, and different markets in the region. In addition to
simply running several trucks to the different markets, these commer
cial enterprises may also include garages where vehicles are maintained
and repaired and warehouses where goods are stored. They may also be
closely linked to import-export businesses in Peru and Bolivia, as well
as various retail outlets. In addition to truck drivers and their
helpers and laborers to load and unload cargo, such enterprises employ
mechanics, accountants, secretaries, clerks, and administrative person
nel. Their operations may extend over all of southern Peru and include
Bolivia and Chile as well. Unlike the petty commercialists, who engage
in smuggling almost coincidentally with their other mercantile

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activities, these enterprises accumulated the capital necessary to grow
to their present size by means of this illegal activity, although they
are also involved in activities which are legitimate.
Interestingly, the individuals who own the large-scale enterprises
which dominate the commercial activity of the area are from rural areas
of the district, and although many of their businesses are located in
Juliaca, Puno, Arequipa, or La Paz, Bolivia, Sarata remains an important
base for their operations. Business is conducted in Sarata, trucks
and goods to be shipped are kept there, and preference is given to
people from the rural communities of the district as employees. In
addition, the owners make an effort to satisfy all of the obligations
they have as members of a rural community. Their agricultural lands
are maintained, by relatives if not by themselves, contributions are
made for community projects, and reciprocal relations with other com
munity members are maintained.
Men and women are both represented among the owners of Sarata's
large-scale commercial concerns. In fact, this sort of economic activity
offers almost unique opportunities to women. Although subject to diverse
forms of discrimination in the urban centers where much of the capital
ist economy of Peru is concentrated, this is not the case in Sarata,
and potential female entrepreneurs have no more difficulty accumulating
capital in a business based in Sarata than do men.
Although these peasants-cum-entrepreneurs are extremely colorful
figures who are indicative of the economic opportunities that have be
come available in Sarata during the past 20 to 30 years, and in spite
of the fact that their role in the economy of the region is undoubtedly
a major one, they are not representative of the population of the

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district as a whole. The most common way in which sarateos partici
pate as capitalists in the capitalist mode of production is through the
cultivation of coffee and citrus fruits in the Tambopata Valley of
Sandia province.
Movement of people from Sarata into this area began in earnest in
the 1930s and 1940s. It was greatly accelerated in the 1950s as a re
sult of the Bolivian agrarian reform which forced many people from
Sarata to give up lands in the Bolivian valleys, which they had owned
or rented prior to that time and by several years of severe drought
which afflicted the altiplano area at that .time (Martinez 1969). Today,
the Tambopata Valley is one of Peru's most important coffee-producing
regions, and it also produces significant quantities of oranges as well
as other fruits. Every year a large part of the population of Sarata
migrates to lands it owns in the valley and households maintain members
both there and on the altiplano. In some communities as much as 90
percent of the households participate in this activity. Overall, it
appears to involve in the area of 33 percent of the households in the
district.
Most sarateos who go to the Tambopata Valley own land there.
Since 1946, the area has been affected by a law which made its lands
available for ownership to people wishing to establish a claim to a
piece of property and make it produce. Although they had to endure
considerable bureaucratic bungling and abuses, the majority of people
did take advantage of the mechanism provided to acquire legal title to
their lands.
Acquiring legal title to their land has generally been among the
least of the worries of the people going to cultivate in the area. For

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many years the road into the valley ended in the provincial capital of
Sandia, and cultivators had to walk three days or more to reach their
lands in the vicinity of the towns of Yanahuaya and San Juan del Oro.
Of course, all production had to be carried back out the same way. Those
who could find mules available and were willing to pay the price hauled
their coffee to Sandia on muleback. Most people, however, carried the
coffee out themselves, making several trips between their lands and
Sandia, each person carrying 25-30 kilograms of coffee each trip. Many
people died as they lost their footing on the treacherous paths of the
narrow valley and fell over cliffs and into ravines. Others were re
portedly attacked and killed by animals.
The producers were met in Sandia by agents of the few enterprises
who controlled transport into the valley. These entrepreneurs were able
to dictate what price producers would receive as there were no other
means of getting coffee to market. The transport of coffee provided
the basis for several people of relatively humble social origin to be
come quite wealthy. The position of producers began to improve somewhat
as the transport industry in Puno began to grow and foster some compe
tition among the coffee entrepreneurs at the same time that a road
that would support truck traffic was slowly extended from Sandia to
San Juan del Oro. This road, however, was only completed in 1969. By
that time the first Belaunde administration had established a system of
coffee cooperatives as a part of its agrarian reform program. Although
the private entrepreneurs fought very hard to try to prevent the coffee
cooperatives from being successful, these soon put an end to most of
the private conmercialization of coffee.

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The coffee cooperatives were made the only legal mechanism for the
commercialization of coffee, and to sell coffee to a cooperative, a pro
ducer had to be a member. There have been numerous allegations of mis
management and corruption leveled at the cooperative system; but the
cooperatives have, since their establishment, paid producers consider
ably higher prices than they would have received from private entre
preneurs. Naturally, making the cooperatives the only legal purchasers
of coffee did not halt private speculation entirely. A lively black
market exists in the commodity. Private entrepreneurs continue to pay
a lower price than do cooperatives, but they pay on the spot in cash.
Long delays are frequently associated with receiving payment through
the cooperatives, a fact which is particularly irritating in periods
of rapid inflation.
The private interests have largely moved out of the transport of
coffee. Coffee speculators are commonly members of the coffee coopera
tives. They buy coffee from the producers and then resell it to the
cooperatives when they feel the maximum price has been reached. The
monopoly of the cooperatives on the transport of coffee out of the
valley and its subsequent marketing is quite effective.
Private entrepreneurs are quite active in the transport and
marketing of citrus fruits, peanuts, and other tropical products.
Returning to the valley, they bring meat, potatoes, and other highland
food staples. During the coffee and citrus harvest, the towns of
Yanahuaya, San Juan del Oro, and Yanamayo import considerable quanti
ties of food. Although the area is capable of producing a large
variety of food crops, producers prefer to dedicate their time to cash
crop production, which is, of course, the reason they have gone to the

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valley in the first place. In addition, highlanders admit that they
have not developed a liking for many of the food crops of the valley,
and, although the food brought down from the highlands is expensive, it
gives them the strength to do the hard work.
In the area of transporting food, citrus, and people, competition
is keen among the privately owned trucks and those of the cooperatives.
As in the highland trade and transport businesses there are two sorts
of entrepreneurs, those who own all of the necessary means of produc
tion, principally trucks, and those who rely upon the trucks of others
to carry them back and forth. This 1atter-category includes a number of
producers, who become involved in entrepreneurial activities in addi
tion to producing coffee and citrus once they have found a means for
satisfying their agricultural labor requirements.
Sarateo households which own land in the Tambopata Valley find it
necessary to have members in the area during two periods of the year.
The first of these is as soon as possible after the major labor demands
of the altiplano planting season have been met. This usually means
that someone goes to the valley in October or November. This is the
period for planting whatever corn, yuca (Manihot utilissima) and other
subsistence crops that are to be consumed by household members working
there. Weeding and maintenance activities are carried out on existing
fields and slashing and burning operations are realized on new land
that is to be brought under cultivation. Depending upon the tasks,
household members may stay in the valley until near the end of February,
returning to the highlands to attend the Carnaval festivities and then
to help with the task of q"ullifta, or the bringing of land out of fallow,
and the harvesting of highland crops.

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Some coffee is harvested as early as the month of March, although
the harvest does not reach its peak until June or early July. The
strategies adopted by households depend upon their individual situations,
particularly with regard to how much labor they have available to
allocate to the respective highland and valley fields. In some cases,
it is possible for a woman to go to the tropical valley region and
initiate the coffee harvest, leaving her husband to carry out the
q"ul1ina. The woman then returns to take charge of the bulk of the
highland harvesting and the man returns to the tropical valley. In
other cases, a household may not be able to send any members to Tambo-
pata until the month of May, when the q"ulli a and much of the harvest
has been completed. Labor allocation is sometimes easier when several
households own a single piece of land together. Households to which
brothers and sisters belong may do this, for example, and the house
holds then coordinate their labor allocations as if they were a single
unit.
Different factors contribute to determining the strategies of
household labor allocation. One important factor in determining the
labor allocation strategy of a household is its size, and, specifically,
the number of adult laborers who are members. A person is generally
considered able to work as an adult around the age of fifteen.
Also of importance are the ties of kinship which link one house
hold to another. The organization of affines is one of the most highly
elaborated aspects of the Aymara kinship system. The number and type
of affinal and other kinship ties possessed by a household determines
for whom it is obligated to work and who is obligated to work for it.
Kinship organization also determines whether or not labor obligations
are reciprocal (Collins 1981).

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Households located in areas that are not adjacent to the lake tend
to own more animals and thus have less discretion over how to allocate
their labor. Large herds also require larger amounts of labor to take
care of daily maintenance activities. Households which depend heavily
upon livestock in their basic subsistence strategies are more con
strained in the options they have available for cultivating in the
tropical valley.
Once some of a household's members have returned to the tropical
valley region for the coffee and citrus harvest, several tasks must be
performed. The most labor intensive activities associated with the
coffee harvest are picking and processing. The outer hull and pulp
must be removed from the beans. This is accomplished either by means
of a mechanical, manually powered huller, or despulpadora, or it is
accomplished by placing the beans in a burlap sack in a river and
allowing the action of the water, together with some decomposition, to
remove the hulls. The beans are then sun-dried and transported to the
cooperatives.
Transport remains a big problem for producers. The road now ex
tends through the towns of San Juan del Oro and Yanamayo, to a point
about five kilometers below the latter. The coffee cooperatives have
their offices in one or the other of these tow towns. However, the
producers' lands are located as much as a four-day walk in any direction
from the road. For many, getting the coffee to the road where it may
be picked up by a truck is as difficult as in the days when the harvest
had to be carried to Sandia. The cooperatives ship the coffee that
their members bring to them about once a week. The trucks of all of
the different cooperatives carry their loads to a single central

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distributor in Juliaca upon which they are all dependent. There, the
coffee is bulked for international export.
The most common citrus fruits are oranges, tangerines, and limes.
These are picked prior to making a trip to town, where they are sold to
buyers. Usually, the fruit buyers are people who have businesses in
the towns of San Juan del Oro or Yanamayo. These buyers bulk the fruit
at their businesses and ship it out about once a week, also primarily
to the city of Juliaca. The arrangements by which citrus is marketed
are various. The buyers may be representatives of larger commercial
concerns in Juliaca who simply buy the fruit for these enterprises and
ship it out on company trucks. Buyers may act as middlemen in their
own right, in which case they may simply sell it to another independent
buyer from the highlands. These intermediary operations vary widely
in size, with some buyers owning their own trucks and others contracting
with independent drivers to haul the fruit out for them.
For producers, labor is the most constant and critical problem.
Once the coffee has matured, it should be picked immediately. Picking
is done completely by hand. A great deal of labor is frequently in
volved in the transport of coffee and citrus to the cooperatives or
buyers as well. Producers usually turn to members of their extended
family and to other community members in their search for laborers.
If this does not yield enough workers, producers must hire workers they
can find. Wages are high by local standards. Producers pay an average
of $2.00 to $3.00 a day to laborers, depending upon how much coffee
they pick. Producers also have the obligation of providing the people
working for them with meals and lodging.

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Sometimes it is also necessary to provide laborers with additional
incentives. People who go to the valley to work as laborers frequently
do so with the idea of acquiring their own parcels of land, or they
work to earn money to support themselves while they wait for recently
acquired land to come into production. Producers must sometimes agree
to perform some labor on the land of such a person in order to induce
them to work.
Producers of coffee and citrus are in an interesting position with
regard to the capitalist economy. On one hand, they are certainly
capitalists themselves, controling the means necessary to produce coffee
and citrus fruit and paying wages for labor power. On the other hand,
coffee and citrus really have no exchange value until they have been
transporte! out of the Tambopata Valley. Transactions which take place
in the valley are really based upon the potential exchange value once
the products have arrived where there is a market for them. If we
accept that production is the creation of value, then the production
process for these commodities is not complete until they have been
transported to market. Whatever use value that coffee and citrus have
in and of themselves for producers is certainly minimal. As has been
described, producers do not control transport facilities. From this
perspective, landowners in the Tambopata Valley do not control the
means of production at all. Rather, they are simply the agents of
larger entities, for which they perform the services of acquiring,
clearing and maintaining land, providing their own labor and marshaling
that of others, and accepting many of the economic risks inherent in
producing a commodity whose price is determined by world market
forces.

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The Organization of Labor
The capitalist and non-capitalist activities which have been de
scribed in this chapter constitute the principal bases of the present
economy of Sarata. As has been noted, households rely upon the non
capitalist subsistence agriculture and herding activities to provide
the basic food and fiber resources essential to their survival. Capital
ist activities provide a means for satisfying the increasing needs for
cash.
Members of a single household may occupy positions in the capitalist
economy ranging from worker to independent entrepreneur to capitalist.
Obviously, all households do not participate in all of the activities
described here. There is, however, a conscious household subsistence
strategy which leads households to diversify their participation in
economic activities among the available options to the extent that their
labor resources will permit.
This approach allows households to increase their security against
circumstances that could potentially threaten their survival. By
maintaining control over their own basic food production, households
are not compelled to sell their labor power in order to secure the
minimum conditions for their own survival. However, should there be
an agricultural disaster precipitated by drought or blight, for example,
participation in capitalist activities means that the households would
not be caught completely without funds for the purchase of food or new
seed stocks. From the point of view of the capitalist enterprises,
such a diversified strategy means that the wages they pay do not have
to equal the subsistence costs of their workers' households.

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For households to attempt such a diversification strategy certain
conditions must be met. First, there must be some sort of complementary
distribution of the productive activities that constitute a household's
economic options. That is, the timing and location of the activities
must be such that participation in one does not preclude participation
in others. Secondly, for the subsistence sector to be maintained out
side of the realm of the capitalist mode of production, it must be
capable of meeting the basic subsistence needs of the population without
depending upon subsidies from the capitalist market system. Thirdly,
household units must be able to organize the labor they have available
and allocate it in such a way that appropriate members will be where
particular economic activities are taking place when they are needed.
The fact that there is money to be made growing coffee in the Tambo-
pata Valley has no economic significance to households in Sarata if
they cannot place members in the area during critical periods for a
sufficient length of time.
These conditions are met in the case of Sarata. Capitalist economic
activities have developed in coordination with non-capitalist activities
related to subsistence. Subsistence agriculture does provide most of
the basic needs of the population without large subsidies from the
capitalist economy. Households organize themselves so as to partici
pate in activities that demand that they be far from home for prolonged
periods. This allows a strategy of economic diversification to be
followed in which sarateos seek to take advantage of the opportunities
offered by the capitalist economy without becoming dependent upon it.

CHAPTER V
HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN A PEASANT ECONOMY
Introduction
Having discussed the development of the regional economic system
of which Sarata is a part and discussed in general terms the strategy
by which sarateos deal with that economic system, attention can be
turned to the level of a particular household. It is at this level
that the capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production are joined
in the sphere of exchange in the transfer of value from the non
capitalist to the capitalist mode of production, and in the allocation
of labor so as to coordinate the production schedules of the respective
modes. By focusing upon a particular household it is possible to see
how sarateos attempt to make the diversified economic strategy
described in earlier chapters function in their interests.
The economic activities which coirmonly involve members of the
rural communities of Sarata are alternatives among which individual
households may choose in accordance with the constraints under which
they operate. The location of a household in the district is an
important constraining factor. The district of Sarata is characterized
by three distinct ecological zones. Each zone is characterized by a
different subsistence base, which, in turn, requires a different
productive schedule and, sometimes, different productive techniques.
-190-

-191-
Labor availability is also extremely important. Households attempt to
assure production of enough food for their own subsistence before
turning their attention to capitalist activities. Those which have
children of an age to contribute to agricultural tasks are freer to
seek out opportunities within the capitalist mode of production, and
they enjoy greater flexibility in coordinating activities in the
respective modes.
A Sarata Household
The household to be discussed belongs to the community of Jat"a,
which is located in the lakeside ecological zone of Sarata. The
decision to focus upon the lakeside zone is based upon ease of presen
tation. Households within the lakeside zone have fewer head of live
stock than households in other areas of the district. Their small
herds require less attention than do the larger herds found elsewhere.
This increases the flexibility which the individual household has for
participating in capitalist and non-capitalist activities. Households
which are located farther from Lake Titicaca and have herds of animals
of sufficient size to require large amounts of daily attention must
enter into complex reciprocal relationships with other households in
order to pursue a diversified economic strategy.
A comparison of how households in different ecological zones
organize in order to pursue a diversified economic strategy would be
very interesting. However, it is beyond the scope of the present work.
The goal of this discussion is to present the revenues and costs
associated with different economic activities and examine the factors

-192-
which constrain a household in allocating its time and resources. This
can be done most clearly using as an example a household from the
lakeside zone of Sarata.
Jat"a is one of a number of communities in the lakeside zone of
Sarata. It shares with the other communities an agricultural sub
sistence base of broad beans, potatoes and minor tubers, and barley. It
also shares the characteristics of having households which own small
herds of livestock that do not require large amounts of year-round
attention by adults. Thus, each household is relatively independent in
pursuing its economic interests. In spite of the general similarities,
a large number of differences may be observed between Jat"a and other
lakeside communities. Table 5-1 compares the lakeside communities of
Sarata in terms of their respective populations, the number of house
holds, and the mean household size of each community. These same
communities are compared in Table 5-2 in terms of the areas of land
per household which are dedicated to the cultivation of the major crops
of the lakeside zone in a particular year. The number of head per
household of the most important livestock in the lakeside communities
is compared in Table 5-3.
Because there are significant differences between communities
within the lakeside zone of Sarata, no attempt has been made to con
struct a composite household representative of the entire zone. Such
a composite would represent "average" characteristics of the entire
zone but would not be a realistic portrait of any of it. Within Jat"a,
the agricultural resource base for the household to be discussed con
forms generally to mean values for the community. Patterns of

-193-
Table 5-1
Population, Number of
in
Households, and Mean
Lakeside Communities
Household Size
Community
Population
Number
of Households
Mean Household Size
Jat"a
156
35
4.5
A
982
180
5.5
B
658
167
4.2
C
207
47
4.4
D
443
72
6.1
E
176
39
4.5
F
269
52
5.2
G
1325
275
4.8
H
258
51
5.1
I
555
97
5.7
J
785
94
8.3
K
128
31
4.1
L
392
94
4.2
M
216
42
5.1
N
403
93
4.3
0
346
84
4.2
P
520
100
5.2
Q
385
79
4.9
R
1485
300
4.9
S
408
76
5.4
T
144
28
5.1
Total
Population:
Total
10,241 Households:
2036
Lakeside
Area Mean: 5.03

Table 5-2
Square Meters per Household of Land under Cultivation
in Lakeside Communities
Community
Potatoes
(S. tuberosum)
Potatoes
(S. andiqenum)
Beans
Barley
Wheat
Minor
Tubers
Peas
Forage
Grains
Quinoa
Kaiwa
Jat"a
2571.4
285.7
3428.6
1428.6
285.7
1714.3
285.7
571.4
428.6
0
A
1444.4
0
1500.0
777.8
55.6
1319.4
166.7
277.8
222.2
0
B
1437.1
0
185.6
1377.2
0
1541.9
59.9
239.5
179.6
0
C
3829.8
0
2340.4
851.1
0
3670.2
212.8
212.7
531 .9
0
D
2083.3
0
1111.1
833.3
138.9
972.2
138.9
277.8
208.3
0
E
2051.3
0
1538.5
1025.6
0
2628.2
256.4
1025.6
256.4
0
F
2115.4
0
1346.2
576.9
0
5288.5
576.9
961.5
288.5
0
G
1018.2
218.2
1018.2
545.4
36.4
154.5
0
400.0
163.6
0
H
1764.7
0
980.4
784.3
0
1078.4
392.2
980.4
294.1
0
I
1546.4
0
2268.0
1855.7
0
567.0
206.2
824.7
206.2
0
J
2340.4
0
2021.3
1702.1
106.4
824.5
212.8
638.3
266.0
0
K
5806.5
0
2903.2
3225.8
0
2258.1
645.2
1612.9
967.7
0
-194-

Table 5-2
continued
Community
Potatoes
(S. tuberosum)
Potatoes
(S. andigenum)
Beans
Barley
Wheat
Mi nor
Tubers
Peas
Forage
Grains
Quinoa
Kaiwa
L
1276.6
0
1383.0
638.3
106.4
1436.2
106.4
425.5
425.5
0
M
1904.8
0
3809.5
952.4
0
1309.5
238.1
476.2
357.1
0
N
1290.3
322.6
2580.6
967.7
107.5
1451.6
107.5
537.6
322.6
0
0
1666.7
0
2023.8
1428.6
0
1488.1
357.1
595.2
535.7
0
P
2000.0
0
1400.0
1100.0
0
1425.0
300.0
500.0
350.0
0
Q
2658.2
0
1898.7
2151 .9
0
1645.6
506.3
1012.7
443.0
0
R
1500.0
33.3
2766.7
1133.3
66.7
1100.0
200.0
400.0
266.7
0
S
1710.5
526.3
789.5
1315.8
0
2730.3
263.2
921 .1
592.1
0
T
2500.0
0
714.3
1428.6
0
2053.6
0
357.1
357.1
0
-195-

-196-
Table 5-3
Head of Livestock per Household
in Lakeside Cormiunities
Community
Sheep
Cattle
Pigs
Camel ids
Jat"a
6.1
1.0
2.4
1.1
A
4.6
1.2
0.6
0.1
B
3.4
1.1
0.5
0.1
C
11.2
1.3
0.5
1.1
D
4.4
0.8
0.6
0.1
E
5.4
1.0
0.7
0.4
F
4.5
1.2
0.8
0.6
G
7.9
1.5
0.2
0.3
H
4.3
0.9
0.5
0.7
I
4.6
1.0
1.2
0.3
J
2.1
1.1
0.5
0.4
K
9.1
1.6
1.3
0.3
L
5.7
1.7
0.8
0.1
M
4.8
1.9
0.6
0.7
N
4.4
1.6
0.7
0.8
0
6.7
0.7
1.3
1.2
P
6.8
0.6
2.4
0.8
Q
10.5
0.9
0.8
2.2
R
4.6
1.0
1.4
0.6
S
8.9
1.1
1.4
1.8
T
7.2
1.1
1.8
1.4

-197-
involvement in different economic activities follow those of a number
of actual households observed by the author whose resource bases and
compositions correspond approximately to community means.
The mean household size in Jat"a is 4.5 people, with most house
holds consisting of simple nuclear families of parents and offspring.
The household to be discussed here has three children, one six years
)
old, one four years old, and one an infant less than a year old. The
children are cared for by their mother and father, bringing the total
household size to five people. A young household was decided upon
because young households are the ones which most urgently need to
accumulate resources to support their high expenses while raising
children at the same time they are constrained by the need to provide
care for children who, in turn, can contribute very little labor to
household productive activities.
This Jat"a household has about 1.1 hectares of land under culti
vation at any one time, the mean area for households in the community.
In Jat"a, and throughout the lakeside ecological zone, the area under
cultivation at any one time is approximately one-third of a household'
total holdings. This "rule of thumb" indicates that our household's
total landholdings amount to slightly more than three hectares.,
The pattern of land allocation in the case of the household under
discussion follows the pattern of Jat"a as a whole. The major crops
of Jat"a are listed in Table 5-4, along with the percentage of total
community lands they occupy, and the absolute land areas corresponding
to our household with 1.1 hectares, or 11,000 square meters, under cul
tivation.

Table 5-4
Land Allocation among Different Crops in Jat"a
Approximate Area
Approximate Percentage Cultivated by
of Land Area Hypothetical Household
Crop in Community of Jat"a (in Hectares)
Broad beans (Vicia fava)
31.0
0.34
Potatoes (Solanum tuberosum)
23.0
0.25
Oca/Apilla (Oxalis cfenata)
13.0
0.14
Barleyfor grain
13.0
0.14
Quinoa/jup"a (Chenopodium quinoa)
3.8
0.03
Potatoes (S, andiqenum, S. curtilobaum)
2.6
0.03
Peas
2.6
0.03
Wheat--for grain
2.6
0.03
Oats--for forage
2.6
0.03
Barley--for forage
2.6
0.03
Isanu (Tropaeolum tuberosum)
1.3
0.01
-198-

Table 5-4
continued
Crop
Approximate Percentage
of Land Area
in Community of Jat"a
Approximate Area
Cultivated by
Hypothetical Household
(in Hectares)
Olluco/ulluku
(Ullucus tuberosus)
1.3
0.010
Onions
0.6
0.007
Total
100.0
1.087a
aRounding error of 1 percent or 0.0118 has.
-199-

-200-
These crops may be grouped into four major components of the
rotation cycle. In the order in which they are sown in the rotation
cycle, these are potatoes, the minor tubers--including api 1 la, isanu,
and ulluku--broad beans and peas, and the cereals for human consumption,
barley and wheat. On non-irrigated lands, these are normally sown on
the same plot in consecutive seasons. Large areas of the lakeside
zone of Sarata, however, are irrigated. The tendency is to plant broad
beans and peas on the irrigated lands year after year. The relatively
large area of irrigated land in Jat"a is reflected in the fact that
broad beans occupy the largest portion of the crop lands. As the amount
of irrigated land decreases, potatoes come to occupy a greater part of
the land under cultivation.
In Jat"a, the mean number of livestock owned per household is 10.6
head. These usually include sheep, pigs, llamas, and cattle. In the
lakesize ecological zone, these small herds of livestock are maintained
primarily by feeding them totora rushes, which grow in the water, along
the shores of Lake Titicaca, and forage grains. Our household owns
11 head of livestock, including six sheep, two pigs, a llama, a cow,
and her calf. How this compares to Jat"a as a whole is illustrated in
Table 5-5.
Sheep are the major wool-producing animals in the lakeside zone.
Sheep require less pasture than do camel ids in an area where grazing
land is very scarce. Also, sheep may be shorn every year as compared
to every other year in the case of camel ids, and females can produce
offspring ata rate of nearly two per year, providing families with
their basic source of meat and small amounts of occasional supplemen
tary income through the sale of an animal.

-201-
Table 5-9
Livestock Owned by Households in Jat"a
Animal
Number in Community
Mean Number per Household
Cattle
35
1.0
Llamas
38
1.1
Pigs
83
2.4
Sheep
212
6.1
Because they are difficult to herd, pigs are a nuisance. Owners
are constantly trying to keep pigs out of their own or a neighbor's
cultivated fields. Howerver, pork is a highly prized meat and pigs are
kept for consumption on special occasions. Most lakeside households
butcher and consume one or two pigs every year. Pigs which have been
consumed are usually replaced through purchase, as few households feel
that they have the time or the surplus food necessary to raise an
entire litter themselves.
Llamas are the predominant beasts of burden in the lakeside zone
of Sarata. Unlike alpacas, they survive well there and are even
capable of descending comfortably into the tropical valleys on trading
expeditions. Llamas cannot carry as much as a burro; 50 kilograms is
close to the maximum. However, llamas do not eat as much as burros,
an important consideration in the pasture-scarce lakeside zone, and
they have the added advantage of producing hair that may be shorn and
woven.

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Of all their livestock, cattle are the animals which come the
closest to functioning as a "bank" or reserve fund for the inhabitants
of the lakeside zone. During the rainy months, they provide milk,
which is processed into cheese.. These are either consumed by the
household or sold as a source of supplementary income. Cattle are also
important because they can be sold for relatively large sums of money at
the livestock markets, which are held in February and September in
Sarata. This is, in fact, the only activity related to food production
that yields a substantial profit for lakeside households.
In addition to engaging in subsistence agriculture, this Jat"a
household engages in two capitalist activities: the wife works as a
merchant and the husband cultivates land in the Tambopata Valley. Based
upon information provided by the tenientes gobernadores of the communi
ties of Sarata, it is estimated that about 30 percent of the households
in the district own land in the Tambopata Valley. The percentage of
the population in the lakeside zone which owns tropical lands is some
what higher than in the district as a whole. However, there is tremen
dous variation from one community to another. In some, more than 90
percent of the households own land in the Tambopata Valley, while, in
others, none of the households own land there. In the community of
Jat"a participation in the cultivation of tropical cash crops is rather
high, with slightly more than 50 percent of the households of the
cormiunity owning land in the Tambopata Valley.
A large number of women in the lakeside zone own businesses. In
fact, most appear to be at least occasional merchants. The contribution
made to household income by commercial activities carried out in Juliaca,

-203-
at the Bolivian border and in the rural marketplaces of the district
varies widely. This variation is partly explained by access to trans
port facilities. The women who live in communities which are con
veniently located in relation to the town of Sarata, or who live in
communities which have truck-owning members, are the ones who partici
pate most frequently in market activities. Jat"a borders the town of
Sarata and counts several truck owners among its members, so market
participation among the women is high.
Daily Activities
Observations indicated that Aymara households are engaged in
productive activities for about 15 hours out of every day. Households
observed and interviewed are normally awake by 4:00 a.m. At this time,
a dung fire is built in an earthen oven, and water is put on to boil.
The entire household frequently gathers about the fire, taking advantage
of the warmth it offers and aiding in food preparation. The largest
meal of the day is usually consumed in the morning and food is prepared
at this time for consumption throughout the day. The cooking of the
morning meal itself only begins after everyone has been served their
herb tea and bread.
Morning is a time for performing maintenance activities, personal
grooming, repairing tools, spinning and weaving, and bringing water to
the household compound. Morning is also a good time for listening to
the radio, as distinct stations in Lima and La Paz may be received as
clearly, and many broadcast news and other items of interest in the
Aymara language at this time.

-204-
Breakfast is usually consumed around 8:00 a.m., and although a
great deal of work may have been accomplished prior to this time, most
of it is confined to the household compound. Animals are frequently
not taken out to graze until nearly 9:00 a.m. This means that it is
nearly 9:30 or 10:00 a.m. before people are able to arrive at a work
site. Tasks which may be accomplished within the household compound
are emphasized early in the morning because the Aymara recognize a
category of diseases related to cold stress, which may be contracted by
getting the feet wet. Therefore, tasks which involve walking through
grassy pasture areas of fields are avoided until the sun has dried the
earth of whatever moisture that accumulated the night before and warmed
the air enough that there is no danger of getting a chill.
If a household is performing tasks which require only the labor of
its own members, such as cutting wood for fuel or repairing the
numerous stone fences, the day's work regimen is fairly informal.
People intersperse work with short breaks to eat or chew coca and change
tasks as they desire. However, if a task involves ayni exchanges of
labor with other households, such as in planting, harvesting or opening
fallow land, the work day is fairly strictly regulated. After about 1.5
hours of work a break of about 15 minutes is taken, during which the
household organizing the task is responsible for providing a substantial
snack for all who have come to work, coca for the workers who chew it
and candy for those who do not. In the case of a community project,
people consume provisions they have brought themselves for the purpose.
This break is followed by 1.5 to 2.0 hours of labor, at which time a
large meal is consumed and workers rest for from 45 minutes to an hour.

-205-
Another 1.5 to 2.0 hours of work is followed by a second 15-minute
break similar to the one in the morning, after which work continues
until around 5:00 p.m. The workday must end early enough to allow
people sufficient time to collect herd animals that may have been left
tied some distance away and return home before dark.
An evening meal is prepared, usually leftovers from the large
morning meal, and the household members may spend some time in spinning
or weaving, or some maintenance activity. However, since very simple
kerosene lamps and the dung fire are the only sources of light, smoke
and fumes, and poor light quality limit the amount of time that may be
dedicated to this. Once the sun has set, the night grows cold very
quickly. This provides an added impetus for people to go to bed early,
although they frequently remain awake for some time, talking and
listening to the radio.
Based upon such a routine, it was calculated that most adult
household members spend about 15 hours every day awake and engaged in
some sort of productive activity. Of this, field labor or community
work projects occupy only about 6.5 hours. The length of this period
is limited by the time required to perform maintenance activities, and
the need to schedule work so that the most strenuous tasks are performed
during the warmest part of the day. The number of adults that can be
produced to work such a 6.5 hour period at one time is the critical
factor in determining household labor resources. The activities
which are performed during the remaining 8.5 working hours, such as
herding livestock or bringing them food, cooking, eating, and performing
maintenance tasks are equally essential; but, they do not require

-206-
coordination with other households in producing a specified number of
workers to carry out a particular task for a specified period of time.
Table 5-6 summarizes how the 15 hours of a normal day might be accounted
for by an adult member of a household.
Table 5-6
Hours per Day Dedicated to Subsistence Tasks
by Adult in Lakeside Household
Activity
Approximate
Hours/Day
Approximate
Percentage of
Productive Time
Cultivation or Work Project
6.5
43.3
Food Preparation
3.0
20.0
Work Breaks and Eating away
from Home Compound
1.5
10.0
Livestock Related
2.0
13.3
Miscellaneous Maintenance
2.0
13.3
Total
15.0 Hours
99.9
Labor Allocation
It is of interest that these figures do not change very much
regardless of whether the adult household member observed is male or
female. This is indicative of the flexibility of the sexual division of
labor, which permits adult men and women to be interchangeable in per
forming most household activities. If, for example, in the morning
the woman becomes involved in tending to the children, the man will cook;

-207-
or, if the man is busy spinning or weaving, the woman will take care
of the livestock. There are general expectations that, all other things
being equal, some tasks, such as cooking, will be performed by the
woman, while others, such as breaking open fallow ground, will be
carried out by the man. Observation indicates, however, that, even
when such expectations do exist, over time, both men and women perform
all domestic tasks with such frequency that it is difficult to measure
any sex-related differences in the time spent on any particular activity.
Table 5-6 refers to days in which a person is at home and engaged
exclusively in non-capitalist activities. The number of days in which
both adults are so engaged is relatively small, however. For approxi
mately 150 days of every year, the man in the household under discussion
resides in the Tambopata Valley, involved in the cultivation of cash
crops. During much of the rest of the year, the woman works as a
merchant for several days each week, attending markets in the weekly
periodic cycle of the region. Although her work permits her to reside
at home, she must usually leave the house by midnight to be sure of
securing a place on one of the trucks going to her destination, and
does not return home until 4:00 or 5:00 the following afternoon. Such
a strategy provides a household with a cash income that satisfies most
of their basic needs; however, the success of the strategy depends
upon both the man and the woman being able to perform all of the
activities associated with managing and maintaining the household.
The agricultural cycle demands that particular activities be
carried out within a specific time frame. Potatoes must be planted
after the rainy season begins, but before it continues long enough to

-208-
make the ground soggy, for example. Likewise, potatoes must be
harvested after they are mature, but before they are eaten by nematodes
or ruined by frost. Within this sort of time frame, labor allocation
is further constrained by the need to perform maintenance activities
which leave only about 6.5 hours per day for field labor. The need to
earn cash through participation in capitalist economic activities
provides a further incentive to realize tasks related to subsistence
agriculture with dispatch. In addition, the existing techniques of
cultivation frequently require more workers than many households can
provide themselves. Therefore, in order to complete subsistence activ
ities within the necessary time frame and acquire the number of people
necessary to form productive teams, the exchange mechanisms of mink'a
and ayni are relied upon to bring the appropriate number of people to
perform a particular task.
Many labor-intensive activities are carried out in teams and
households are very aware of the marginal utility of labor in these
cases. For example, the basic potato planting team consists of three
people: one person to open the earth with a wiri, or foot plow, one
person to insert the seed potatoes, and a third person to break up any
dirt clods and smooth the rows. Such a three-person team can sow a
potato field measuring approximately 1000 square meters in a 6.5-hour
workday. This represents a total labor investment of 19.5 hours in
planting a 1000 square meter field and implies a rate of progress of
154 square meters per hour for the three-person team. If only two
people were working, one opening the earth and one inserting the seed,
no new ground could be planted after 4.3 hours of work because it would

-209-
be necessary for the two-person team to spend over one hour each
breaking dirt clods and smoothing the soil. With two people planting,
slightly over 660 square meters could be sown in 6.5 hours. If we
assume that the field produces at a rate of 7000 kilograms per hectare,
then the product of a day of work would be about 700 kilograms of
potatoes, as opposed to slightly over 460 kilograms for two people.
The marginal product resulting from a couple bringing in a third adult
to help plant potatoes is thus equal to the average product (Figure 5-1).
If the household were to acquire the services of two additional
workers bringing the total number of workers in the field to four, the
marginal utility of the second person would be zero in relation to the
planting process itself. A person cannot plant potatoes alone and
there is no need to have more than one person following the pair open
ing the earth and inserting potatoes in order to break up dirt clods.
If an additional worker were brought in, it would be for the purpose
of performing some activity related to the planting, such as spreading
manure ahead of the planters or sorting seed potatoes.
If the household were to bring in a third worker, this would
result in an increase in the marginal product resulting from their
labor. As shown above, a two-person team can sow about 660 square
meters of potatoes in a 6.5-hour workday. A fourth worker would mean
that the household commanded the labor power of two complete planting
teams, theoretically capable of planting 2000 square meters of potatoes
in a 6.5-hour workday.
In other cases, it is not necessary to calculate the number of
additional workers needed to form the appropriate number of teams.

Square meters of potatoes pi an ted (Y)
Figure 5-1. Production function for potato planting
/
/
/
/
/
Total Product
Average Product=-^-
Marginal Product =4^-
AX
Marginal Product
*
Average Product
7
Number of Workers (x)
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-211-
The tasks related to the potato harvest, for example, may be performed
by individuals, each of whom, up to a point, contributes labor that
has marginal utility to the production process. In such a case, the
appropriate amount of labor is determined by the number of people
required to perform the task in a specified period of time.
If a household were going to harvest 500 square meters of potatoes,
it could expect to receive a yield of approximately 350 kilograms or
a productive plot of land. In addition to simply digging the potatoes,
they must be transported to the home compound and stored because potatoes
left outside during the night could be frozen during the night or
consumed by livestock. The difficulty of recruiting workers during the
busy harvest season is another reason that, once begun, the complete
process of harvesting all 350 kilograms of potatoes should be completed
within a 6.5-hour workday.
The labor requirement for digging 350 kilograms of potatoes is
about 35 hours. Approximately four hours of labor is required to sort
350 kilograms of potatoes. If we assume that the household has avail
able sufficient beasts of burden to carry 100 kilograms of the harvest
to the home compound on each trip, three trips would be required. If
we further assume that each round trip requires approximately one hour,
then transport of the 350 kilogram harvest would require an additional
three hours. Thus, harvesting 350 kilograms of potatoes from 500 square
meters of land may be reasonably expected to require 42 hours of labor.
This means that to accomplish the task in a single day, a household
with two adult members would have to decide whether to invite four or

-212-
five additional laborers. This decision would depend in part upon who
were the individuals being asked to work. Some people are harder
workers than others. It would also depend upon the husband and wife's
calculations of how many days of labor they are in a position to repay.
The production function for harvesting potatoes is illustrated in
Figure 5-2. The relationship of total product (TP) to labor is almost
perfectly linear. The average product (AP) or the average amount of
potatoes produced by each hour of labor, rises to slightly above seven
kilograms and remains stable until 350 kilograms have been harvested.
Marginal product (MP), or the amount of additional production resulting
from each additional unit of labor, is at about five kilograms for the
first 6.5 hours of labor, rises to slightly above eight kilograms for
the second 6.5 hours, and remains steady until between the sixth and
seventh units of 6.5 hours, or to about 42 hours of labor; MP becomes
less than AP with the addition of a seventh worker, representing a
final 6.5 hours of labor, and reaches zero.
Thus, households do attempt to use labor inputs as efficiently as
they can. However, the period of time in which an activity such as
potato harvesting may be real ized is brief. Absolute constraints are im
posed by the physical enviroment. As noted, potatoes must be harvested
after they are mature and before they are frozen or ruined by nematodes. Rain
may further restrict the number of days available for harvesting.
Efforts must also be made to schedule activities so they do not inter
fere with cash-earning activities in the capitalist mode of production.
Furthermore, the techniques of production require that tasks be defined
in terms of what may be accomplished in a single day. Therefore, a

Figure 5-2. Production function for potato harvesting
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-214-
household must not only consider the number of hours of labor required
to accomplish a task such as potato harvesting, but it must organize
these inputs so that they are available during very particular periods
of time.
Another factor which a household must consider when calculating
its labor needs is repayment of workers. As noted, labor may be
acquired through either ayni or mink'a. Usually workers choose to work
under ayni, which means they must be repaid in labor. Thus, people
who come to work for a day on the lands of a household must be repaid
a day's work by an adult member of that household. During periods of
peak activity, most households need additional labor within a short
span of time. Repayment of labor obligations can be'disruptive if a
household does not plan carefully in terms of the opportunity cost of
its labor. For example, in the Jat"a household under discussion, it
would be highly preferable if the woman did not have to miss any major
market days performing labor services. Every effort would be made to
work out a "repayment schedule" that the man alone could pay back, or,
at least, would not require the woman to perform agricultural labor on
a market day. Such considerations require that households plan both
in terms of the number of workers they require and in terms of the
production schedules of people they might ask to work.
Household Agriculture
Potatoes and Minor Tubers
In Jat"a, the planting season begins in early August, shortly
after the new year begins for the Aymara. Potatoes are the earliest

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crop planted. Since they are also the first crop in the rotation cycle,
considerable preparation is necessary to make the fields ready for
planting. Preliminary preparation includes stone removal, construction
of raised furrows, and transporting and spreading manure. The most
difficult of the preliminary tasks is furrow construction. It requires
a three-person team to furrow efficiently. Such a team can furrow at a
rate of about 217 square meters an hour, completing slightly more than
1800 square meters in a 6.5-hour day if the small plots to be furrowed
are close enough together so that time is not lost walking from one
plot to another. Depending upon the distance between plots and weather
conditions, the 2800 square meters to be planted in potatoes by our
Jat"a household can be furrowed in two or three days, embodying nearly
39 hours of labor when completed.
Manure is transported to the potato fields and spread immediately
prior to planting. Most households accomplish this task without
bringing in additional laborers. Manure is transported to the fields
in 100-kilogram flour sacks. The contents of a 100-kilogram flour sack
are approximately sufficient to manure an area of 50 square meters.
The 2800 square meters of our household thus require about 56 sacks
of manure. It is assumed that this household borrowed additional beasts
of burden so as to be able to transport two sacks of manure per trip.
Opportunistic observation indicated than an average round trip from
house to field and back, including loading the manure sacks, may be
said to require about one hour in the lakeside zone. Thus, in this
case, manure transport would require approximately 28 hours of labor.
On the basis of participant observation, it is estimated that, once

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transported to the fields, approximately 19 additional hours of labor
are required to spread it over 2800 square meters.
The minor tubers, api 11a (Oxalis crenata), isanu (Tropaeolum
tuberosum) and ul1uku (Ullucus tuberosus) are planted during the same
period as potatoes. However, they do not require the extensive field
preparation prior to planting that potatoes do. The minor tubers follow
potatoes in the crop rotation cycle, occupying the same land that
potatoes did the previous year. The furrows used for potatoes are re
used for the minor tubers, with little or no repair being done. Manure
is not applied to the minor tubers.
All tubers account for slightly over 41 percent of the land under
cultivation in any one year in the community of Jat"a. In the case of
our household this represents about 0.44 hectares or 4400 square meters
of land. The actual planting technique is the same for all tubers and,
as described above, embodies about 19.5 hours of labor per 1000 square
meters of area. This means that about 86 hours of labor are required
by our hypothetical household to plant 4400 square meters of tubers
after all field preparations have been accomplished.
In the community of Jat"a, the labor requirements for field prepa
ration and planting tubers are greatest in the months of September and
October. About two-thirds of the time required for these activities
is spent in September and October. This amounts to over 115 hours of
labor. About one-quarter of the labor or approximately 43 hours is
expended during the month of August, when potatoes are planted in the
areas with moist soils. Less than 10 percent of the labor, or about 14
hours, is expended in activities related to potato planting in early

-217-
November. This is related to the planting of a few rows of "bitter
potatoes" (Solanum andigenum) in an area exposed to extreme climatic
conditions.
Once planted, tubers receive two weedings, at which time the sides
of the furrows in which they are planted are reinforced. This requires
considerable labor. In Jat"a, it was estimated that the task required
nearly one hour for every 100 square meters to be weeded and have the
furrows reinforced, although this rate varies widely depending upon
the condition of the soil in a particular plot and how much erosion
has occurred as a result of rainfall. This rate would mean that
approximately 44 hours are required to accomplish each weeding and
furrow rebuilding in the case of our hypothetical household, or a total
labor expenditure of 88 hours.
The weeding and furrow rebuilding may be accomplished by a person
working alone. Also, the task may be accomplished within a relatively
long time span. The earliest potatoes sown are ready for weeding by
the end of November, and, although the bulk of the work is done in
December and January, a household may not finish until February. The
rainfall, which is frequently heavy during these months, limits the
time that may be dedicated to weeding. Women frequently do this work
alone for, in households such as the one under discussion, the man
generally spends December and January in the Tambopata Valley.
February is a month which sees most men who have gone to the
Tambopata Valley return, either in time for the Candelaria festival at
the beginning of the month or for Carnaval at the end. In the montaa,

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the season for weeding land and planting subsistence crops is over and
no coffee is harvested until the end of March. In addition, the end
of Carnaval marks the beginning of a period of intense agricultural
activity. Immediately after the festival begins the task of q"ullia,
or the opening of fallow land.
Q"ul1ia is one of the most physically demanding tasks of the
agricultural cycle, although it is less so in the lakeside zone than in
the other areas of the district. In Jat"a and many other communities
near the lake, the earth is broken open and turned over. As noted
above, the furrows for planting potatoes, the first crop in the rotation
cycle after the land has been taken out of fallow, are constructed
immediately prior to planting in Jat"a and other areas of the lakeside
zone. However, in other parts of the district, furrows are constructed
at the same time that the earth is turned.
Throughout the district, the basic work team is three people, two
cutting the sod and lifting the earth with wiri, or foot plows, while
a third person uses the hands to turn the pieces over. The expressed
ideal is that this team consists of two men, working with the wiri, and
a woman turning the earth. However, in fact, men and women perform both
the tasks of cutting and lifting the earth with the wiri and turning it
with the hands. In a few communities, one observes a large number of
all-male q"ull ira teams. In these communities, a very high percentage
of the households--over 90 percent--own land in the Tambopata Valley.
The men return in February for the festivals and organize themselves
to carry out the q"ul1ia, while the women replace them in the tropical
valleys in March to initiate the coffee harvest. In an area of the

-219-
district where the men have a tradition of making extended commercial
expeditions one observes teams composed exclusively of women performing
q"ullina.
In Jat"a and most communities near the lake, however, the man and
woman of a household utilize ayni relationships to acquire the necessary
labor for q"ull i a. This task cannot be performed by fewer than three
people. In Jat"a, most people bring between 2500 and 3000 square meters
of land out of fallow every year. This represents approximately one-
quarter of the land under cultivation in any year, and about the same
amount of land goes into fallow annually. The household under discus
sion performs q"ul 1 i a on 2800 square meters of land. Breaking open
this much land, without constructing furrows at the same time requires
approximately 38 hours of labor, or slightly over two work days for the
three-person team.
The harvest of the potatoes and minor tubers begins in April and
continues into May in the lakeside area of Sarata. All of the tasks
involved in potato harvesting may be accomplished by a person working
alone, and the total number of hours involved changes little regardless
of whether the work is accomplished by one person or a group. However,
a group can greatly reduce the number of work days required to complete
the task. This may be important because some varieties of tubers have
a tendency to rot very quickly when left in the ground too long. The
minor tubers are particularly susceptible to damage by nematodes once
they reach maturity. This appears to be because there is a higher
concentration of works in the land experiencing a second consecutive
year of tuber cultivation than in land that has just been removed from

-220-
fallow, where tubers of the genus Solanum are planted. In addition,
in households which have land in the Tambopata Valley, it is necessary
for someone, normally the man, to leave for the tropical zone by the
first of May, in order to be sure of arriving in time for the peak of
the coffee harvest. Therefore, an effort is made to harvest as much
as the progress of the season will allow by that date so as to minimize
the labor that the remaining spouse will have to expend alone later.
Again, ayni exchanges provide the means by which households meet
their labor requirements. The labor power provided by ayni tends to be
directed toward the harvest of the most productive fields, where the
amount of potatoes resulting from an hour of digging is greater. Mar
ginal fields tend to be harvested on a basis of when labor is available,
with the members of a household doing the work alone. This frequently
has the effect of further reducing the productivity of marginal areas
because part of the product is lost to spoilage or consumed by animals
before anyone gets around to harvesting them. Once the bulk of a house
hold's subsistence requirements have been assured, subsistence agricul
ture receives a lower priority in labor allocation as labor power is
focused toward capitalist activities.
The amount of ayni labor recruited is determined by the number of
people needed to completely harvest a particular area, or areas located
near one another in a single workday. In the potato harvest, the
related activities involved with getting the potatoes from the field to
the storage areas in the household compound are equally important as the
actual digging. Potatoes may not be left lying around a field once they

-221-
have been dug, and the order in which the tasks involved with harvest
ing are accomplished is designed to minimize the time involved in
handling the new crops. The potatoes are carefully sorted as soon as
they are removed from the ground so that, except for those destined
for freeze-drying, they will not have to be handled individually again
until they are consumed. They are then carried to the household com
pound and stored.
Both potatoes and minor tubers are harvested with the same tech
niques, meaning that the total area that our Jat"a household will
harvest is 4400 square meters. The total time required for digging the
potatoes in this area is about 309 hours. Sorting involves about 35
hours of labor. Transport of the tuber harvest is estimated to involve
about 21 hours. Storage of the crop, including .preparation
of the recessed earthen bins requires an additional labor expenditure
of about 35 hours. Thus, the labor power required for our hypothetical
household to harvest its tuber crop is approximately 400 hours. The
tasks and requisite expenditures of labor power are summarized in
Table 5-7.
The amount of product which results from this labor expenditure
is very variable, depending upon soil and weather conditions as well
as productive decisions made by the household. As noted, in the best
fields, potato (Solanum tuberosum) production reaches as high as 7000
kilograms per hectare. However, over the district as a whole, the
reported mean yield is 5247 kilograms per hectare, indicating the
possible range of productivity. One factor partially responsible for
this has already been mentioned. Households which calculate that they

Table 5-7
Labor Inputs Required for Cultivation
of Potatoes and Minor Tubers
Task Approximate Duration Hours
Planting August 7-November 7a
Making furrows 39
Transporting
manure 28
Spreading manure 19
Transporting seed 16
Planting 86
188 SUBTOTAL
Weeding and Furrow
Reinforcement
First November 21-December 14 44
Second January 44
88 SUBTOTAL
Opening Fallow Lands
(for following yearj March 38
-222-

Table 5-7
continued
Task
Approximate Duration
Hours
Harvesting
April 1-May 30
Digging
309
Sorting
35
Transport
21
Storage
35
400 SUBTOTAL
714 TOTAL LABOR EXPENDITURE
aDates, of course, are approximate and vary from household to household. Dates are included in
order to give an idea of how labor inputs are distributed in each month.
-223-

-224-
are meeting their basic food needs with the production of their best
fields assign a lower priority to harvesting marginal ones if they per
ceive a more profitable activity to which they may dedicate their
labor. Thus, their lower productivity of marginal lands is accentuated
by losses of harvest to nematodes and frost.
In the lakeside ecological zone, it is not unreasonable to assume
a mean yield of 6000 kilograms per hectare for Solanum tuberosum. Thus,
our hypothetical household could expect to harvest 1500 kilograms of
Solanum tuberosum. Solanum andiqenum is planted only on more marginal
lands subject to extreme temperatures, so it may be assumed that the
district-wide mean of 5229 kilograms per hectare more accurately re
flects its productivity than does the mean for Solanum tuberosum.
This indicates that our hypothetical household can expect to harvest
about 157 kilograms of Solanum andiqenum. The minor tubers are planted
exclusively in the more temperate areas of the lakeside ecological zone.
This allows us to be relatively confident that the district-wide mean
yields for the minor tubers are not unreasonable for calculating the
harvest per hectare in Sarata, so that our household can expect about
868 kilograms to be harvested. Mean yields of 3769 kilograms per
hectare for ulluku (Ullucus tuberosus) and 4118 kilograms per hectare
of isau (Tropaeolum tuberosum) permit us to estimate harvests of 38
and 41 kilograms, respectively, of these tubers by our hypothetical
household. We may thus estimate a total tuber harvest of 2604 kilograms
for the household being described. This information is summarized in
Table 5-8.

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Table 5-8
Estimated Tuber Yields for Lakeside Households
Tuber
Hectares Planted
Yield/Hectare
Kilograms
Harvested
Solanum tuberosum
0.25
6000
1500
Solanum andiqenum
0.03
5229
157
Oxalis crenata
0.13
6200
868
Ullucus tuberosus
0.01
3769
38
Tropaeolum tuberosum
0.01
4118
41
TOTAL YIELD
2604
The final activity related to tuber production which requires a
significant labor expenditure on the part of Sarata households is
freeze-drying, or the making of ch'uhu and tunta from the Solanum
andiqenum and of k"aya from Oxalis crenata. All of the Solanum andi-
genum production is treated in this way. The bitter enzyme which makes
it frost-resistant must be leached out through the freeze-drying process
before the tuber is edible. Because Oxalis crenata is not regarded as
being very storable, a significant portion of this tuber is freeze-
dried, with the fresh tubers being consumed during the cold months
immediately after harvest. The freeze-drying process, which was
described in the previous chapter, occurs over a period of many days
during the month of June, with households attempting to finish the
process by the festival of San Juan on June 24.

-226-
During the course of the present investigation, it was not pos
sible to accurately measure or estimate the actual number of hours
invested in freeze-drying. Thomas (1972:118) estimates that about 25
hours are required to perform the tasks necessary to freeze dry the
production of 500 square meters. Three hundred square meters of Solanum
andigenum and the production of 200 square meters of land planted in
Oxalis crenata are reasonable estimates of the portion of the harvest
of the lakeside zone destined for freeze-drying. Therefore, Thomas'
figure of 25 hours will be used here.
Broad Beans and Peas
In the community of Jat"a, broad beans (Vicia fava) and peas
occupy about one-third of the land under cultivation. This means that
our hypothetical household has about 3700 square meters in broad beans
and peas every year. Of this about 3400 square meters are devoted to
broad bean cultivation and about 300 square meters are planted in peas.
Broad beans are said to be the crop which makes best use of irrigated
land, yielding three harvests a year on lands which are watered through
out the year.
Irrigated land is unevenly distributed in the lakesize zone of
Sarata. Some communities have no irrigated lands within their bound
aries, while others, such as Jat"a, possess them in abundance. However,
because of the pattern of land tenure described in the preceding chap
ter, nearly every household in the lakeside zone has direct access to at
least a small parcel of irrigated land, and a non-random survey of

-227-
campesinos indicated that the majority of households in the district
have such access. It was not, apparently, by coincidence that the
reduccin which became the town of Sarata was placed on a hill in the
center of an area where a significant part of the irrigated land is
concentrated. Vecino families in the town own substantial parcels of
the most desirable property to the present day, although the campesinos
are using their cash earnings to purchase this land as the vecino fami
lies abandon the area.
Of the 3700 square meters the household under discussion has
planted in broad beans and peas, about 2000 are irrigated, with the
remaining 1700 square meters relying upon rainfall or moisture. This
latter area follows the minor tubers in the crop rotation cycle, but
the irrigated land is planted in broad beans and peas year after year.
Bean planting on land that is not irrigated occurs primarily in the
month of September. There is little preliminary field preparation;
broad beans and peas customarily receive no manure or other fertilizer,
and after having been cultivated for two consecutive years, the bean
fields usually contain little foreign matter which needs to be removed.
In some cases, the furrows in which the tubers were planted are rebuilt,
while in others they are not. Such furrows are most commonly observed
in those fields which, although dependent upon rainfall for moisture,
do not drain easily and contain considerable standing water once the
rains begin in earnest. Whatever preliminary field preparations are
required in the non-irrigated areas, they are usually carried out by
household members themselves in the course of their other activities.
Planting beans requires considerably less time than tubers. The
basic planting team is the same, consisting of three people. One person

-228-
opens the earth with a wiri, one person inserts the seed, and a third
person follows behind breaking the dirt clods. Such a three-person
team progresses at about the same rate as a potato planting team,
covering about 1000 square meters in a 6.5-hour work day. Thus, 1000
square meters of beans and peas embody about 19.5,hours of labor expended
and slightly more than 33 hours are required for our hypothetical house
hold to plant 1700 square meters of land in broad beans. Only about
40 kilograms of seed are required to seed 1700 square meters of land
in beans, so even the transport of this input is less time consuming.
Although the general strategy of owning dispersed lands holds true
for broad beans and peas as for other crops, the area of the district
in which this crop may be successfully cultivated is restricted to the
more temperate areas of the lakeside zone of Sarata. Marginal areas
which do yield some potato production will not support broad beans
and peas or the minor tubers. This accounts for why the area of land
taken out of fallow each year is considerably greater than eventually
comes to be planted in broad beans and minor tubers. It also increases
the possibilities for households accustomed to working together having
the bulk of their lands located in adjacent, or nearby areas. This
makes it easier for households to work together, cultivating a large
area of land as a single unit although parcels of it belong to numerous
individuals.
Broad beans planted in September are weeded once, in January or
between the festivals of Candelaria and Carnaval in February. This
weeding requires about 40 minutes of labor to complete every 100 square
meters, so that the 1700 square meters of our hypothetical household
represents about 11 to 11.5 hours of labor invested in weeding.

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Uni ike tubers, beans and peas are not harvested all at once; the
beans produced by a single plant become mature enough to harvest over a
period of several weeks. Thus, although the labor requirement for
harvesting an area of beans is relatively high, a household is usually
able to manage the task with its own labor resources. During the
harvest, plants are picked at intervals of from every three or four days
to once a week. The plants are also examined for insect pests and
signs of disease. Observations indicate that for 1700 square meters
of non-irrigated beans, this involves a labor expenditure of about 113
hours, with the yield being about 300 kilograms of beans.
Many of the beans and peas are consumed fresh as they are har
vested. A large portion of the harvest is dried and stored. The drying
process is very simple; the beans and peas are threshed and dried in
the sun. However, considerable handling is required because the beans
normally must be gathered up and spread out numerous times to prevent
their being dampened by rain storms which are still fairly frequent in
late March and in April, when the non-irrigated beans are harvested. A
rough estimate of the time involved in the threshing, handling, drying,
and storing of the beans harvested from the non-irrigated land of our
hypothetical household is 31 hours.
Cultivation of irrigated lands in Jat"a is organized so as to
harvest three crops of beans and peas each year. After planting, beans
and peas require from five to six months to become harvestable. Three
crops are realized by having three plantings: one in late July or early
August for harvest in late February and early March; another in late

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March or early April to be harvested the following September or October;
and a third planting in June, which is usually harvestable by late
November or early December. Although there is no rule that the June
planting must be smaller, there are pressures which tend to make it so.
The young bean plants appear during the coldest months of the year,
when the danger of damage by frost is greatest. In addition, in house
holds such as the one under discussion here, the male is generally away
in the Tambopata Valley, so less labor is available for planting.
Although smaller, this harvest arrives at an important time, for the
months of November and December are considered the lean months in
Sarata. The early crops are taken to the church and blessed as part of
the festivities surrounding the day of Santa Barbara' in December.
Although irrigation increases the productivity of the land by
raising yield potential and allowing more than one harvest to be
realized on a plot in a single year, it also increases the demand upon
household labor resources. First, cultivating irrigated land is simply
more time consuming. Planting and harvesting techniques are the same,
but weeds respond to irrigation the same as other plants and this task
requires more time. In addition repairs must be made on the elevated
rows upon which the beans are planted because the water passing through
the ditches tends to erode them. Some maintenance regularly occurs
during weeding, but the condition of the rows must be inspected regu
larly.
A more concentrated labor investment is required by the annual
community labor project, p"a,yna, for the purpose of repairing and main
taining the irrigation system. Each household is required to

-231-
contribute five days, or about 32.5 hours, to this task during a week
agreed upon by the community, usually the last week of May. Households
which do not comply are obligated to make a monetary contribution equal
to the cost of employing someone for wages for five days. People from
other communities are expected to participate in the project if they
own irrigated land in Jat"a. Those who do not will lose their land.
With 2000 square meters of irrigated land, our household in Jat"a
produces enough broad beans and peas to feed its members, and to have a
surplus to trade in the rural markets of the district for goods such
as wool. Organizing planting and harvesting activities so as to real
ize three crops a year reduces periods of household dependency upon
stored food and distributes the necessary labor inputs through the
entire year. There are no firm rules which dictate how a household
must allocate its lands among the three crops, and different households
described different systems. However, there are pressures which tend
to influence decisions. Beans and peas planted in March or April must
survive the months of June, July, and August, when there is a danger
of frost even on irrigated lands. The same consideration applies to
beans planted in June. In addition, the June planting coincides with a
period of labor scarcity in many households. In households such as the
one under discussion, the man has left for the Tambopata Valley so that
the woman must take charge of the planting alone. Thus, in the case of
many households, the largest planting occurs in late July or early
August, with smaller ones occurring in late March or early April and
in June. In the case of the household in Jat"a the large planting
occupies a total of 1000 square meters or land area and each smaller
planting occupies 500 square meters.

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Planting follows the same procedure on both irrigated and non-
irrigated fields. Thus, a three-person team can plant 1000 square
meters in a single 6.5-hour work day, investing 19.5 hours in the task.
A three-person team can accomplish the second and third plantings in a
half-day each, with each of the smaller plantings embodying 9.75 hours
of labor.
Weeding requires somewhat more time in the irrigated fields than
in the non-irrigated ones, because weeds thrive in the moist fertile
soil just as do the beans. In addition, weeding activities frequently
include repairs to the elevated rows, which may be eroded by the action
of the irrigation water. Weeding for the first planting occurs in late
November or early December, in late June or early July for the second
planting, and in September for the third planting. Weeding irrigated
fields is estimated to progress at an approximate average rate of one
hour per 100 square meters. This results in a ten-hour labor expendi
ture for the 1000 square meters of the first planting and about five
hours each for the two plantings of 500 square meters.
Irrigated lands yield larger harvests than do non-irrigated lands,
about 2000 kilograms per hectare. Thus, the first planting may be
expected to produce a harvest of about 200 kilograms, with the smaller
harvests amounting to about 100 kilograms each. Nearly 74 hours are
estimated to be necessary to harvest the large crop, while the small
crops require about 37 hours each to harvest. The time involved in
transporting, shelling, drying, and storing the crop is estimated to be
19 hours in the case of the first harvest, and about 14 hours for each
of the smaller harvests. The estimated labor expenditures made by our

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hypo theti cal household in broad bean cultivation are summarized in
Table 5-9.
Barley and Wheat
Barley and wheat are planted as food grains, and occupy about 16
percent of the crop land in Jat"a at any one time, or about 1700 square
meters of land in the case of our hypothetical household. Of this
1700 square meters, 1400 are planted in barley and about 300 are planted
in wheat. Wheat will not grow in most of the district of Sarata, and
even in temperate areas, such as the community of Jat"a, wheat may be
successfully cultivated only in sheltered areas. Barley, on the other
hand, is very resistant to the stresses of the high altitude environment.
Outside of the lakeside zone of the district, where broad beans and
minor tubers will not grow, barley occupies a much larger percentage of
the land area under cultivation than it does in Jat"a.
Planting barley and wheat for human consumption occurs in late
August or early September in the lakeside zone of Sarata. This does
not require a large amount of time, but many people describe grain
planting as the most arduous agricultural task. The earth is plowed
using a wooden plow with a small metal-tipped blade which produces
shallow furrows. In other parts of the district, this plow is drawn
by a pair of bullocks; however, households in the lakeside zone do
not have sufficient pasture to support such livestock and the plow is
usually drawn by two people. A third person guides the plow and the
planting team is completed by a fourth person who does the seeding and

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Table 5-9
Labor Inputs Required for Cultivation of Broad Beans and Peas
Task
Approximate Duration
Hours
Planting
First planting (irrigated)
Late July-August
19.50
Non-irrigated planting
September
33.00
Second planting
Late March-April
9.75
Third planting (irrigated)
June
9.75
Weeding
SUBTOTAL
72.00
Of irrigated beans from
first planting
November-December
10.00
Of non-irrigated beans
January-February
11.00
Of irrigated beans from
second planting
Of irrigated beans from
June-July
5.00
third planting
September
5.00
SUBTOTAL
31.00
Harvest and Storage
Harvest of first irrigated
planting
Transport and storage of
February-March
74.00
first irrigated planting
Harvest of non-irrigated
19.00
planting
Transport and storage of
Late March-April
113.00
non-irrigated planting
Harvest of second irrigated
31.00
planting
Transport and storage of
September-October
37.00
second irrigated planting
Harvest of third irrigated
14.00
planting
Transport and storage of
November-December
37.00
third irrigated planting
14.00
SUBTOTAL
342.00
Maintenance of Irrigation Works
Late May
32.50
TOTAL 477.50

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smoothes the field. Such a team can plant wheat or barley at a rate of
about 1.75 hours per 500 square meters, and could thus plant the 1700
square meters of our hypothetical household in slightly less than six
hours. The total labor investment for grain planting for a household
comes to slightly less than 24 hours.
The harvest period for wheat and barley is usually from around
the last week of March to the last week of April. The harvest process
has several steps. Cutting the grain by hand with a scythe requires
about 20.4 total hours for 1700 meters of land. The threshing is then
accomplished by beating the heads of the stalks with sticks to release
the grain and then tossing the grain into the air to allow the wind to
carry away the chaff. In the case of our hypothetical household, this
involves about 14.2 total hours of labor. The grain is then transported
to the household compound. There it is dried in the sun, winnowed
again to further remove chaff from the grain and stored, a process
estimated to involve about 17 hours of labor. The total labor invest
ment in the wheat and barley harvest is thus approximately 51.6 hours,
for a return of about 124 kilograms of grain. Wheat and barley yields
in Sarata are about 730 kilograms per hectare, so we can expect that
a household with 1700 square meters of barley and wheat will harvest
about 124 kilograms. The labor requirements for wheat and barley cul
tivation are summarized in Table 5-10.
Quinoa
Small amounts of quinoa (Chenopodium, quinoa) are cultivated in the
lakeside area of Sarata. In Jat"a, about 4 percent of the land under

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cultivation is planted in quinoa, amounting to about 400 square meters
of area in the case of our hypothetical household. All of the quinoa
in Jat"a is planted in fields where either tubers or beans are the
n
primary crop. Quinoa is planted along the edges of elevated rows and
sometimes as a border around a plot of land. The quinoa helps hold the
earth on the sides of the rows. Also, planted in this fashion and
around the borders of a plot, the large plants act as a windbreak and
aid in protecting the main crops.
Planted in this fashion, the labor requirements for sowing quinoa
are met with the planting of the tubers and beans. Seeds are simply
sprinkled over the freshly tilled earth. Harvesting quinoa, however,
is disproportionately time consuming. This usually occurs in March and
April, and, for the harvesting of 400 square meters of quinoa, requires
more than 32 hours to pick and thresh the grain. With an approximate
yield of 404 kilograms per hectare, this labor investment is for a
yield of slightly more than 16 kilograms of quinoa.
Forage Grains
Small areas of land are planted in forage grains to be used as
livestock feed in the lakeside area of Sarata. In the community of
Jat"a, this amounts to slightly more than 5 percent of the total area
of land under cultivation in a given year. In the case of the house
hold in Jat"a, this amounts to about 600 square meters of area. Forage
barley and oats are planted in approximately equal quantities, usually
in the months of August and September. The task is accomplished by a

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four- person team, which uses the same technique for planting the forage
grains as it does to plant food grains, and approximately eight hours
of total labor are required to sow the 600 square meters.
The forage grains are cut and transported to the household com
pound to be dried in March or April. The dried barley and oats are
then fed to the livestock during the dry months when the pastures are
unable to support the animals. This requires about 13 hours of labor.
Forage grains thus require a total labor investment of about 21 hours.
Onions
The Ministry of Agriculture estimates that there are ten hectares
of land planted in onions in the district of Sarata. All ten hectares
are found among the approximately 1600 hectares of land under cultiva
tion in any year in the lakeside area of the district. In the community
of Jat"a, the mean area of land planted in onions per household is
approximately 70 square meters. Households use some of these onions
to season their own food, and sell or trade some in the rural markets
of the district. Onions are usually planted close to the household
compound because, since they can be sold or traded easily for wool,
onions are occasionally stolen.
Observations indicate that approximately two hours of labor are
required to prepare the soil, using a hand plow, or wiri, and sow the
onion seed. Onions are usually planted in the month of September.
They may then be harvested from January through April as needed. Both
harvesting and occasionally weeding are done when time is available.

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The 70-square-meter plot yields about 75 kilograms of onions, and
these activities are estimated to involve about five hours of labor.
The labor requirements for onions are summarized in Table 5-10.
Table 5-10
Labor Inputs Required for Cultivation of Barley,
Wheat Quinoa, Forage Grains, and Onions
Crop
Activity
Approximate Duration
Hours
Food Grains
(wheat, barley)
Planting
August-September
24.0
Harvesting
March-Apri1
Cutting
Threshing and
20.4
initial winnowing
Transport, drying,
14.2
second winnowing,
and storage
17.0
SUBTOTAL
75.60
Quinoa
Planting
August-September

Picking and threshing
March-Apri1
32.00
SUBTOTAL
32.00
Forage Grains
(forage barley,
oats)
Planting
Harvesting
August-September
8.00
Cutting
Transport!' ng
Drying
13.00
SUBTOTAL
21 .00
Onions
Planting
Harvesting, weeding,
September
2.00
and pulling
January-April
5.00
SUBTOTAL
7.00
TOTAL
135.60

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Livestock
Households in the lakeside areas of Sarata maintain only small
numbers of livestock. This is primarily due to a lack of pasture
resulting from high population density and relatively productive land
which is more prized for growing crops than for providing grazing area
for animals. It will be recalled that our hypothetical household owns
11 head of livestock: six sheep, two pigs, a llama, and a cow with a
calf.
The biggest single labor expenditure for livestock is their
pasturing and feeding. This involves either driving the animals to and
from a pasture where they can graze, or, during the dry months, feeding
them a combination of reeds from Lake Titicaca and oats and forage
barley. This task is estimated to require about 60 hours per month,
all year long, for a total labor expenditure of about 720 hours annually.
Pasturing and feeding cattle are among the major factors limiting the
time available for field labor or community projects to 6.5 hours per
day.
The sheep are generally sheared in February, as is the llama
every second year. The labor expenditure is about five hours each
February. A sheep is butchered about once a year, usually near the
end of Kay. Some of the meat is consumed fresh, but most of it is
dried. The butchering itself requires about four hours. Cutting up
and drying the meat requires an additional three hours of labor, spread
over several days as the meat dries. Two pigs are kept to be butchered
during the course of the year. The pork is consumed fresh. Each

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pig butchering requires about five hours of labor. February is a
popular month to butcher a pig, in conjunction with either the Cande
laria or Carnaval festivals. The 14th of September festival is also
a popular pig-butchering occasion.
Lambing occurs twice a year, usually in June and December. Human
assistance is sometimes needed in the birth process and the mother and
offspring must be sheltered from cold and moisture. Prior to the birth
of the young, pregnant female sheep are often separated from the
other animals. Approximately six hours are required for these tasks,
with the time nearly equally distributed between June and December.
Calving occurs once a year, frequently in the month of June. A house
hold with only a single cow will occasionally pay a fee for the services
of someone's bull. More commonly, however, a cow is simply pastured
near a likely looking bull at the appropriate time of year. About four
hours are involved every year in assuring a cow's pregnancy and provid
ing assistance at the time of birth. The bulk of this labor expenditure
occurs in the month of June.
Costs and Revenues of Subsistence Agriculture
From the perspective of the people of Sarata, the most important
features of the subsistence activities described above are that they
generally provide an adequate food supply and that they cost the
household very little in the way of cash. Indeed, plant cultivation
usually involves no cash outlay. When crops are harvested, seed is
set aside for the next season of planting. Only two contingencies

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force people to purchase seed. One is a succession of poor growing
seasons, caused either by weather conditions or plant blight, which
deplete stored provisions and force people to eat what they have set
aside for seed. Also, a household will occasionally get itself in a
position of being obligated to supply good for several major social
functions, such as weddings and festivals, in a single agricultural
year, which may also force it to consume seed.
When a household requires the services of additional laborers,
workers may specify whether they are to be repaid with cash (mink'a)
or with labor (a.yni). Very few specify the former. The agricultural
tasks described in the previous sections of this chapter require more
than 2000 hours to complete. Averaged over a year, this does not seem
a great expenditure, but during critical periods in the agricultural
cycle, labor is scarce and much more valuable than money. The labor
requirements of the agricultural tasks discussed in this chapter are
summarized in Table 5-11.
Subsistence agriculture may provide small amounts of revenue for
households. If a surplus of broad beans is produced, these are fre
quently taken to market. Most commonly, they are exchanged for other
goods. It was mentioned, for example, that the woman in the Jat"a
household being discussed exchanges broad beans in the rural markets
of the district for wool, which is in short supply in the lakeside
area of Sarata. She might also sell the beans, but only if the house
hold had a specific need for cash.
Even in the lakeside area of Sarata, where there are relatively
few animals, money plays a larger role in livestock raising than in

Table 5-11
Summary of Monthly Labor Requirements of Subsistence Agriculture
Activity
Aug.
Sep.
Oct.
Nov.
Dec. Jan.
Feb.
Mar.
Apr.
May
Jun.
Jul.
Tuber planting
45.0
63.0
62.0
15.0
Bean planting
14.5
33.0
2.50
7.25
9.75
5.0
Barley and wheat planting
6.0
18.0
Forage grain planting
4.0
4.0
Onion planting
2.0
Tuber weeding
11.0
33.0 44.00
Bean weeding
5.0
5.0
5.0 5.50
5.50
2.50
2.5
Tuber harvest
200.00
200.00
Bean Harvest
25.5
25.5
25.5
25.5
31.00
98.00
108.00
Barley and wheat harvest
18.00
33.60
Forage grain harvest
6.50
6.50
Quinoa harvest
16.00
16.00
Onion harvest
1.25
1.25
1.25
1.25
-242-

Table 5-11
continued
Activity
Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul.
Taking land out of fallow
38.00
Irrigation system maintenance
32.5
Freeze-drying tubers
25.00
Shearing sheep
5.00
Butching (sheep and pigs)
5.0 5.00 7.0
Lanibi ng
3.0 3.0
Calving
4.00
TOTAL
69.5 155.5 87.5 56.5 66.5 50.75 47.75 180.25 372.60 242.5 41.25 7.5
-243-

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plant cultivation. Households purchse young pigs every year, raise
them, and butcher them at an appropriate time. The cost is considered
very small compared to the trouble that is saved the household. Pig
lets cost about four dollars each, so a household buying two piglets
a year spends about eight dollars.
Cattle also represent a regular cash expenditure for the lakeside
households of Sarata, and they account for the only significant source
of cash income provided by subsistence agriculture. In the community
of Jat"a, cattle are the only animals which are regularly wormed,
three times a year. This represents an annual expense of about four
dollars per household. Cattle are sold in the livestock markets, which
are held twice a year in Sarata. A two-year-old cow may be sold for
about $180.00. In the case of a household which owns a cow capable of
producing a calf every year, this represents a relatively important
yearly source of income.
The restricted use of money in the subsistence mode of the Sarata
economy should not be regarded as evidence of isolation from the
capitalist economy, but of intimate contact with it. People are very
sensitive to price fluctuations in a wide variety of goods, and are
acutely aware of the effects of inflation. It is simply not good
business sense from the household perspective to tie the fortunes of
your food supply to a currency which is subject to rapid and sudden
declines in exchange value.

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Coffee and Citrus Cultivation
The Jat"a household, like many households in Sarata, cultivates
land in the Tambopata Valley of Sandia Province in the department of
Puno. Several trucks make weekly trips between the town of Sarata
and this tropical valley, carrying cargoes of people, produce, and
messages between household members in the two regions. Trucks also
operate on a regular basis out of the provincial capital of Huancan
and the regional market center of Juliaca. If no obstacles or problems
are encountered, the trip out of the altiplano, across the eastern range
of the Andes and down the eastern valleys to the towns of San Juan del
Oro and Yanamayo can be made in 18 to 20 hours. The return, coming
back up the eastern slopes of the Andes, requires about 25 hours.
Problems occur almost as frequently as not, however. Mechanical
dfificulties often plague the trucks making the long journey over poor
roads. During the rainy season, landslides are common, and the trucks
must halt their journey while everyone works to clear the road. Large
landslides may halt traffic for several days. Trucks are backed up
in opposite directions and passengers work from both ends to clear
away the debris. It is not unusual for the edge of the roadbed itself
to give way beneath the weight of a truck in wet weather, sending dozens
of people over a precipice to their deaths at one time. Numerous
saratanos die on their way to and from the tropical valley every year
as a result of accidents of this sort. During dangerous periods,
efforts are made to reduce the risk by designating certain days for
going down into the valley and other days for coming out, so that
trucks do not have to meet one another on the narrow treacherous roads.

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The seasonal trips to the tropical valley to cultivate coffee
and citrus fruit causes the mart to be away from his home community of
Jat"a for two extended periods each year. These are the coffee harvest,
which runs from March through August, peaking in the months of May,
June, and July. It is for these peak months that the man is away from
home. If possible, he departs by mid-April, but frequently the labor
demands of the highland harvest season keep him at home longer. Without
fail, however, he is on his way by the first of May. Like most men in
Sarata, he returns near the end of July, trying to arrive home in time
for Fiestas Patrias, the festival celebrating the anniversary of Peruvian
independence on July 28. For households with relatively extensive
irrigated fields, the beginning of the planting season provides an
additional, even more compelling reason to come home. Thus, the dura
tion of the harvest period in the tropical valley is approximately
90 days.
The second extended absence is for the purpose of planting food
crops, weeding so that secondary growth does not take over the culti
vated areas, and sometimes clearing new land. This usually occurs
during the months of December and January and involves about 60 days
away from home. The man leaves as soon as possible after the planting
season, and returns for the festival of Candelaria the first week of
February. The end of this festival marks the beginning of harvest
activities in the lakeside area of Sarata.
The migratory pattern described for the household under discussion
here is common enough in Sarata that it may justifiably be called
"typical"; however, it is not the only pattern. Some variation is

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caused by the different production schedules in the respective eco
logical areas of Sarata. Within the lakeside area, there are some
communities which have less cultivable land per capita than does the
community of Jat"a because of rocky, irregular terrain. The smaller
highland land base decreases the time required to carry out agricul
tural tasks and increases the importance of tropical valley production
in these households' survival strategies. In these cases, households
commonly maintain members in the tropical valley throughout the year.
This allows them to maintain larger landholdings in the valley and
takes some of the demand off of highland food resources, since sub
sistence plots are maintained in the valley in addition to areas
devoted to cash crops. In these households, husbands and wives often
alternate with one another in spending time in the valley and in the
highlands
The area cultivated by our hypothetical household in the Tambopata
Valley measures three hectares, and is about a four-hour 'walk from
the road. It is cultivated jointly by the man of our household and
his wife's brother. The woman and her brother inherited the land
equally from their father, who was the one who initially staked out the
claim and cleared the area. The woman does not go to the valley in
the case of the Jat"a household because they have two small children
and and infant, and it is considered more convenient that she be the
one who remains on the altiplano to care for them. The revenues are
divided equally between the two households.
Cash crop cultivation involves more capital inputs than sub
sistence agriculture on the altiplano, although every effort is made

-248-
to reduce production costs. For example, the present investigation was
not able to locate a single grower who had purchased coffee or citrus
seedlings. Seedlings were either obtained from kin and neighbors
who owned nearby lands or from abandoned fields from higher in the
valley. Citrus trees are frequently grown from seed.
No money is spent for fertilizer of any kind. Only a token fee
is charged for claiming new lands farther down the valley, so an area
is simply cultivated until it loses its fertility and then abandoned.
In the meantime, new lands are being cleared and brought under cultiva
tion so there is no decline in production. Producers say that 30
years is about the maximum an area can be used to produce coffee, from
the time the land is cleared until it is no longer regarded as worth
the effort to harvest the crop.
Very few producers use any pesticides or fungicides, although this
situation is beginning to change because of growing problems with
coffee rust. The coffee cooperatives are urging producers to spray
their trees in order to control this blight, but, thus far, most pro
ducers are opting in favor of planting more trees in different areas
and trying to "stay ahead" of the rust. Even among the producers who
do spray their trees the practice was irregular enough that it was not
possible to arrive at a reliable estimate of the amount of money spent
on spraying.
The largest single expense incurred by producers in the tropical
valleys is for labor. All labor is paid in cash in this area, although
producers do seek to induce first relatives and then fellow community
members into working for them before resorting to employing strangers.

-249-
Many of the people who accept jobs as laborers are individuals who are
seeking to secure their first tropical lands. Working for someone
else allows them to learn the techniques of cultivation and provides
a means of supporting oneself while clearing land and waiting for the
coffee and citrus trees to begin to bear.
Labor is generally scarce during the height of the coffee harvest,
and, especially when coffee prices are high, wages are good by local
standards. During a good year, when coffee prices are high, three
dollars a day is not an uncommon wage for a laborer. However, the
unpleasant working conditions caused by the relatively high heat and
humidity of the valley compared with the highlands, numerous biting
insects, and an abundance of poisonous snakes prevail upon many poten
tial laborers to seek their wages elsewhere.
Based upon interviews with producers, two men working a three-
hectare plot would probably need to emply two laborers. If they were
dependable the laborers could be expected to work 60 days each. Thus,
the labor costs for the two households from Jat"a can be expected to
amount to about $360.00.
Producers complain about high maintenance costs. Although they
carry produce from their home communities with them when they travel
to the valley and maintain subsistence plots on their tropical lands,
they find they must purchase an inordinate amount of food in the
markets of San Juan del Oro and Yanamayo. These purchases usually
include meat and highland products such as potatoes. Potatoes do not
store well in the tropical region, so they must be purchased in
relatively small quantities to be consumed rather quickly. Meat must

-250-
be purchased because only those households which have members living
there throughout the year maintain livestock in the valley. A number
of sarateiios have found that they can earn money by taking highland
produce and meat to the Tambopata Valley and selling them to producers.
Coffee and citrus producers spend around $50,000 per year on food pur
chased in the tropical valley.
Transportation to and from the Tambopata Valley is also a major
expenditure. For each person, a round trip costs about $10.00, so in
the case of our hypothetical household the man incurs yearly expenses
of $20.00 making two trips per year. His wife's brother also makes
two trips per year, bringing the total transportation costs to $40.00.
Of the three hectares which these two households work in common,
approximately 0.5 hectares, or 5000 square meters, is planted in citrus
fruit, primarily oranges. About 0.25 hectares, or 2500 square meters,
are either planted in subsistence crops such as corn and yuca, or sweet
manioc, or are uncu!tivable. The remaining 2.25 hectares or 22,500
square meters, are planted in coffee. Coffee yields average around
900 kilograms per hectare through most of the Tambopata Valley. With
such a yield one can expect to harvest about 2025 kilograms of coffee
in a season, or about 40.5 quintales (50 kilogram sacks). During the
1980 season, producers were receiving about $65.00 a quintal. Thus,
the man from our hypothetical household and his wife's brother could
expect to receive about $2,632.50 for their coffee crop.
Orange yields in the region average slightly less than 13,200
kilograms per hectare, so that a 500-square-meter grove could be ex
pected to produce about 6600 kilograms of fruit. Of these, about

-251-
6350 kilograms of oranges are sold during the course of the
harvest. The price paid to producers in the Tambopata Valley for
oranges is about 3.5 cents per kilogram. The revenue from 6350 kilo
grams of oranges is thus about $222.25.
The total gross revenue from coffee and citrus production is about
$2,854.75. From this must be subtracted the labor, maintenance, and
transportation costs mentioned above, which total approximately $450.00.
This leaves a net revenue of about $2,404.75 for a season of work in
the Tambopata Valley. This revenue is divided equally between the
hypothetical household we have been discussing and the household of the
wife's brother, providing each with a yearly income of about $1,202
from the production activities which require each of them to be in the
tropical valley about 150 days of each year.
Trade and Commerce
In addition to the cash income provided by the work of the man cn
his wife's land in the Tambopata Valley, a household may also earn money
through the mercantile activities of the wife. In the case of the Jat"a
household being discussed the earnings from this activity are small at
present. Because their children are small, the woman is generally
restricted to the home in the absence of her husband. There, she cares
for the children, performs the general maintenance activities necessary
to keep the household functioning, and organizes all agricultural tasks.
Within a few years, the older children will be able to care for the
younger and assume responsibility for some of the routine daily

-252-
maintenance chores, such as pasturing and watering the livestock and
gathering manure and wood for fuel. This will allow the woman more
freedom to leave home and participate in the periodic market cycle of
the region.
At present, the woman of the Jat"a household participates in the
market cycle during about 26 of the 52 weeks of the year, or about six
months out of every year. Generally her marketing activities are
greatly curtailed during the months of May through July and December
through January, when her husband is in the Tambopata Valley, for the
reasons cited above. From August through November and in February
and March, she is largely free to participate fully in the market cycle.
Although both she and her husband are present in thehighland community
in April, this is the period in which agricultural activities place
the greatest demands upon the labor resources of the household and
come close to pushing them to an absolute limit, so, again, market
participation is curtailed. Obviously, these periods of expansion and
curtailment of market activity are more relative than absolute. A
merchant may not simply engage and disengage from the market cycle in
the way that one might turn on or off an electric light. This would
be disruptive to the personal contacts which must be built up over time
and are essential if one is to be a successful merchant. In any case,
circumstances arise throughout the year which may permit or prevent a
merchant from attending a market which are independent of any calcula
tion of a household's customarily available labor resources.
The market schedule normally followed by women in positions simi
lar to the woman of the Jat"a household involves attending four markets

-253-
each week. These include the tremendous Monday market in Juliaca.
There she sells any goods she might have brought from the border and
purchases vegetables for sale or trade in the other markets during the
week. On Wednesday she attends one of the larger rural markets held in
the district of Sarata every week. There she sells some of her vege
tables for cash and trades others for wool, which she and her husband
spin and weave to make clothing and blankets for the household. If she
has a surplus, whatever vegetables she has bought in Juliaca are
supplemented with broad beans and onions from the household fields
when these products are in season. While at the Wednesday market, she
also frequently purchases cheeses, which are very inexpensive because
the market is held in a herding area and the people own large herds
of alpaca, sheep, and cattle. On Saturday, she attends another rural
market located on the Bolivian border. She continues selling vegetable
and trading them for wool. She also sells the cheeses purchased on
Wednesday to Bolivian merchants for a handsome profit, or she may
trade them to people from the tropical valleys of Bolivia for wayk'a,
or dried hot peppers, and corn. Finally, she will purchase a radio or
tape recorder to resell the following Monday In Juliaca. On Sunday,
she attends the large Sarata market, selling or trading for wool any
vegetables she has left along with any products from the tropical
valleys she may have acquired at the time.
Various operating costs are involved with following the market
cycle. Transportation, purchasing passage for one's bundle and oneself
on a truck, costs about $6,50 per week. A large sack of vegetables in
the Juliaca market costs about $15.00. At the border a tape recorder

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with a brand name that marks it as being of good quality costs about
$65.00. A radio of similar quality costs about $28.00. Since she must
conceal the machine on her person or among her possessions in order to
smuggle it to Juliaca, the woman must usually choose between either the
tape recorder or the radio. Thus, a reasonable estimate of her average
weekly expenditure for machines would be $46.50. If we assume that she
is able to work about 26 weeks out of every year, the annual cost of
working as a petty merchant for the woman in our hypothetical household
is about $1,898.00.
Against this, marketing offers the following revenues. The $15.00
worth of vegetables purchased each week may be sold for about $18.00.
The $5.00 worth of cheeses purchased on Wednesday may be easily resold
at the Bolivian border for $10.00. A tape recorder, purchased for
$65.00 at the Bolivian border may be resold in Juliaca for $78.00,
and a radio purchased at the border for $28.00 will bring $35.00 in
Juliaca. Machines can thus be counted on for about $56.50 per week
in revenue. Over 26 weeks, the gross revenue from these activities
amounts to about $2,197.00 in cash, plus varying quantities of wool
which are applied to household subsistence needs. The net revenue
resulting from the woman's market activity is thus $299.00.
Although already responsible for a significant portion of the
household budget, there are several directions in which the marketing
activities of the woman may expand to provide greater revenues. Some
expansion will occur "naturally" as the children grow and become
increasingly able to care for themselves and contribute their labor
to household economic activities. In most cases, this marks the limit

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of household economic expansion. A commonly expressed ideal is that
as the children grow up and establish households of their own, the
subsistence requirements of the parent's household diminish and the
parents are able to return from capitalist economic activities. Cash
cropping in the Tambopata Valley and commercial activity are taken over
by the offspring who, if they honor their obligations, will provide
for their parents' cash needs in their old age.
It is not uncommon, however, for households to continue to expand
their activities in the capitalist economy. One step on this direction
would be to cease dealing in foodstuffs in the various market places and
begin selling a commodity which offers a greater profit margin. Selling
manufactured clothing is an option which has attracted many people in
the past, for example, whereas high-quality tennis shoes which are
manufactured in Peru are currently considered a good product for someone
interested in earning a greater profit.
Under favorable conditions, such a step might make even greater
economic growth possible. Just as our hypothetical household and the
household of the woman's brother collaborate in the cultivation of
coffee and citrus, it would not be unusual for them to pool their
resources in order to make a down payment on a truck. This would permit
the handling of larger quantities of goods, and hauling passengers
would provide the immediate cash necessary to provide incentives for
local authorities to allow this more conspicuous business to grow unim
peded. Another possible course of action would be to invest in property
in either Juliaca or the departmental capital of Puno and establish a
retail business. Obviously, most households do not expand their

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commercial activities in such a fashion, either because they have no
real desire to invest the capital and take the risks, or because any
of a multitude of potentially unfavorable circumstances, such as having
to purchase food in the wake of a drought or having their goods confis
cated, prevent them from accumulating the capital necessary for such
expansion. Expansion into the capitalist economy by sarateno house
holds does occur frequently enough that Sarata is known throughout the
department for the large number of successful trucking and transpor
tation firms owned by people from its rural communities. Households
from the rural communities of Sarata also own the largest hardware
store and largest bookstore in the departmental capital, one of the
city's large hotels, the department's professional soccer team, and a
host of smaller businesses. In Juliaca, other "peasant" households own
restaurants and retail businesses, several large bus and truck companies
warehouses, and one of the city's largest garages for automotive and
truck repair. Virtually every one of these households continues to
have close ties with its home community, maintaining its lands and the
rights and obligations that accompany community membership, even if they
reside in the city for most of the year.
Household Expenses
Based on the information above, we can say that barring a poor
year in the tropical valley or bad luck in encounters with customs
officials on the altiplano, our hypothetical household can expect an
annual income of about $1,501.00. However, such information is useless
unless we also have an estimate of our household's cash expenses. To

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this end, a series of consumption studies were administered to house
holds from areas throughout the district. Based upon these it was
possible to estimate the amount of cash expenditures a household such
as the one in Jat"a must make during the course of the year in order to
meet basic subsistence needs and social obligations.
The specific items purchased are presented in Table 5-12. There
are two basic categories of market expenditures made by our household.
The first of these involves constant expenses, and is composed entirely
of food not produced by the household and food-related expenses, such
as kerosene, which is used in limited contexts for cooking, and coca
leaves. The second category involves occasional expenses which may be
made at various times throughout the year. Some of these are work-
related and include the goods that households are expected to provide
those who come to exchange labor. Others are festival related and
involve the expenses that a household can expect to be obligated to
make for various celebrations such as saints' days and weddings. Still
other occasional expenses are made for clothing and as contributions
for community projects.
The total annual expenses for the Jat"a household are $407.08.
This means that after meeting what it considers to be the basic sub
sistence needs which it cannot produce itself, our hypothetical house
hold has $1,102.29 of what is essentially discretionary income. This
sum is not maintained as cash, but is immediately converted into some
sort of goods. These goods may take any of a number of forms. Common
choices include land, a new house or home improvements such as a sheet
metal roof to replace one of thatch, transistor radios, and portable

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Table 5-12
Annual Household Expenses
Goods Purchased
Quantity
Monthly Expenditure Yearly Expenditure
Constant Expenditures
Purchased Foodstuffs
Suaar
g
kilograms per month
$ 3.57
S 42.84
Rice
4
kiloorams per month
1.65
19.80
flood 1 es
2
ki1ograms per month
1 .07
12.84
Cooking oil
i
1iter per month
0.88
10.56
Cried fish Cispi)
5
kilograms per month
0.18
2.15
Fresh fish
2.35
34.20
Bread
1.40
16. SO
Carrots
1 .40
16.80
Cabbace
1.40
¡6.30
Frui t
0.30
9.60
Tona toes
1.50
18.00
SUBTOTAL
$16.70
$200.39
Food-Related Purchases
.'erosene
2
aallons per month
0.32
3.84
Coca
2.35
34.20
SUBTOTAL
S 3.17
$ 38.04
TOTAL CONSTANT EXPENDITURES
S19.87
S238.43
Occasional Expenditures
Cork-Related
Candy
S 5.58
Coca
10.74
Dried fish (sd)
1 .03
Cheese
5.36
SUBTOTAL
S 22.76
^estival-Related
See^
7 cases
31 .25
Coca
3.57
rlcohol
1 liter
0.72
Bread
3.57
SUBTOTAL
$ 39.11
Co trine
For adult male
2 pair pants
2 snirts
32.50
1 pair soccer-stvle shoes or 1 coat
For adult female
1 pollera skirt
2 blouses
1 hat
1 pair shoes
42.: 4
For children
Shoes
17. 6
SUBTOTAL
S 92.50
Connunity Projects
Contribution
1 bao of cement
7.14
Contribution
1 sheet of metal roofing
7.14
SUBTOTAL
$ 14.28
TOTAL OCCASIONAL EXPENDITURES
$168.65
TOTAL ANNUAL CASH EXPEN
iDITUP.ES TO MEET BASIC SUBSISTENCE NEEDS AND SOCIAL OBLIGATIONS
$407.03

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tape recorders, or additional manufactured clothing. As mentioned
earlier, in some cases the money may be invested in expanding one of
a household's capitalist enterprises. From the perspective of the
household, however, it is essential that the money be converted into
some form of goods as quickly as possible because the high rate of
inflation and the devaluations of the currency that have characterized
the Peruvian economy throughout the 1950s and appear destined to con
tinue into the 1980s literally penalize households for every day they
delay.

CHAPTER VI
PEOPLE AND MODES OF PRODUCTION
Summary and Conclusions
The people living in the region of Sarata have dealt with outside
domination of their economy for hundreds of years. During the Incaic
period they labored in the tropical valleys of the present-day provinces
of Carabaya and Sandia, mining gold with which to pay their tribute
obligations to the Inca and to their local officials'. Through various
mechanisms, they maintained access to lands in these areas, and thus to
goods they could not produce themselves within the confines of the alti
plano.
The Spanish Conquest of South America marked the first contact of
sarateos with the capitalist economy. They mined gold in the tropical
valleys, silver in Potos, produced woolen goods in the highlands, and
grew food in all of their areas of arable land to satisfy their tribute
obligations to the new rulers. The relations of production which
organized these activities with Sarata and the other conquered regions
were not capitalist, but were based on differential rights and duties
related to access to land which gave the new rulers the right to command
the labor of Native Americans. However, the labor provided by sarateos
and Native Americans from other regions, particularly in the mines such
as Potos, provided Europe with wealth that would finance capitalist
accumulation and expansion in Europe for many years to come.
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-261-
At the same time, and independently of their tribute obligations,
sarateos produced food in the tropical valleys and in the highlands
along with clothing and other goods which they carried to the Peruvian
coast, Cuzco, La Paz, and Potos to sell or trade. The possibility of
carrying out such activities undoubtedly motivated the forceful appeal
of the kuraka of Sarata and others of the region that they be exempted
from providing labor to the mine of Potos and be allowed instead to
pay their tribute in gold and food products from the tropical valleys.
This, they noted, they could do during months when they were not
occupied with agriculture on the altiplano. This effort to coordinate
their obligations to those dominating the regional economy with their
own subsistence needs was apparently successful. In 1609, the friar
Lizarraga commented upon the rich Indians of Sarata, and noted the
diversity of products from different regions to which they had access.
The capitalist mode of production did not make any major penetra
tions of the Sarata region until the end of the 19th century, when the
Southern Peruvian Railway was constructed. The initial impact of this
event had less to do with more efficient extraction of a product, pri
marily wool at this time, or with gaining access to cheap sources of
labor, than it did with the opening up of a new market of consumers
to manufactured goods. The people of Sarata and other regions of the
altiplano were anxious to acquire the manufactured goods being brought
into southern Peru. The initial stimulus for direct participation in
the capitalist mode of production was the need to acquire the means
of constituting a solvent demand for these goods.
The ways in which households sought to transform their acquisi
tive desires into solvent demand varied. Generally this involved the

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alteration or intensification of some activity in which the household was
already involved. Some began selling part of their food surpluses rather
than trading for other goods. Others began to drive herds of cattle to La
Paz for sale as part of, or in place of, long-standing trading expedi
tions into Bolivia. Still others began to sell food and other goods
they carried to the Peruvian coast instead of trading them for the produce
of that region, or journeys to the coast were made to take advantage of the
growing opportunities for seasonal wage labor rather than to trade.
As in the past, however, prosperity depended upon the successful co
ordination of production for subsistence with other economic activities.
In the past, those who were able to cultivate their lands and meet
their tribute obligations by mining gold and growing, food in the tropi
cal valleys had more opportunities to prosper than did those who went to
Potos. Members of this latter group were unable to continue cultivat
ing their lands during their period of service. They lost control of
their own food production during their prolonged residence at the
distant mine, and, of those who survived the experience of forced labor,
many did not have the resources to return home and begin cultivation
anew. Likewise, with the penetration of the capitalist mode of produc
tion, those who were able to continue producing their own food while
participating in capitalist economic activities had the opportunity to
prosper. Those who lost control of their own food production either
because they spent too much time trying to earn cash and neglected
production for their own subsistence, or because they became dependent
upon sell ing the food that they would otherwise eat as a means of creating
exchange value, became vulnerable both to the economic fluctuation

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of the capitalist mode of production and to the climatic fluctuations
of the Andean environment.
The growth of cities in the altiplano has been the most dramatic
result of capitalist expansion into the region, and in it we observe
the vulnerability of those who, for whatever reason, were unable to
maintain control of their own food production. The urban centers of
the altiplano region nave gone through various stages of growth and
decline. At different times in the history of the region, major towns
and cities have withered into nothing more than large clusters of
empty buildings while heretofore insignificant hamlets grew into major
centers of wealth and economic power. The changing trends in urban
centers have been closely associated with changes in the regional trans
portation network.
Despite some changes in the particular centers of urban expansion,
the phenomenon of rapid urbanization itself has beeen a constant
feature of most of the present century, becoming particularly dramatic
since the 1940s. Urbanization is commonly associated with an increasing
demand for labor as more capitalist enterprises enter an area. However,
in the Peruvian al ti pi ano the periods of most rapid urban growth cor
respond to the periods of greatest economic hardship in the region.
Such periods of hardship may have been caused by the market conditions
of a particular product. This occurred after World War I, for example,
when a drop in wool prices forced large numbers of small-scale wool
producers out of business. Economic hardship may also have been the
result of environmental factors, such as the extended drought which
occurred during the 1950s, which virtually brought food production on

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the altiplano to a halt. In all cases, however, those who made their
ways to urban centers were those who tied the fortunes of their sub
sistence to the fortunes of the capitalist economy. Their numbers
included wool producers who had come to rely upon the cash received
from selling their wool to purchase subsistence goods rather than main
taining some trade relationships with agricultural zones as a means of
obtaining food, and who found themselves unable to balance their
accounts when wool prices declined suddenly.
When agriculture is practiced as a subsistence activity on the
altiplano, food which is not immediately consumed by households may be
stored as a provision against droughts and other natural disasters which
periodically reduce production. A large number of agriculturalists
responded to capitalist penetration, however, by selling increasingly
large portions of their food "surpluses" as a means of earning an in
come. Many such households were among the masses of migrants to urban
areas, having seen their income disappear when drought made agriculture
impossible at the same time it made households need more money than
before to purchase food. Such households had sold food they would
have otherwise preserved and stored. Capitalist expansion had caused
these households to abandon traditional mechanisms for dealing with
natural adversity and they paid dearly for it.
Rapid urbanization in association with periods of economic hard
ship carried with it two very important consequences for the economic
development of the al ti pi ano. First, the urban centers could absorb
only a very few of the people migrating to them into the work force of
wage laborers, so the largest part of the new arrivals to the cities

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became self-employed petty merchants. The search for new consumer
markets was the driving force behind capitalist penetration into the
a11i piano and the response to economic difficulties has been to extend
capitalist penetration ever farther into the countryside by intensify
ing the competition among the petty merchants who form the last link
in the chain of purveyors of manufactured goods, during periods when
rural consumers have had the least money to spend for these goods.
Secondly, rapid population growth has increased the food requirements
of urban centers, with the sectors of the population most responsible
for the population increases being those least able to pay. This has
been compounded by the reluctance of the rural producers to sell
significant quantities of food precisely because of the vulnerable
position in which food sales may place them.
The phenomenon of rapid urban growth, particularly since the 1940s,
has been characteristic of many areas of Peru. That this phenomenon
has occurred during approximately the same time period that major
features of present Peruvian food and agricultural policy were being
developed is not entirely coincidental. Because of rapid urban popu
lation growth, government policies have emphasized maintaining low food
prices and have oriented agriculture toward the production of goods for
urban consumption. However, these policies have generally failed to
satisfy urban food needs and have provided rural dwellers with addi
tional reasons for not relying upon food production as a source of
income.
The reasons for the failure of government food policies are
various and interrelated. First, projects aimed at increasing food

- 266-
production for urban consumption were concentrated near established urban
centers, primarily in Peru's coastal region, in order to be closer to
urban markets and to have easy access to infrastructure such as roads,
electricity, and social services. The result was to concentrate these
features in a relatively small area of the county. This attracted even
greater numbers of people to the urban areas, increasing urban food
requirements and taxing the existing infrastructure to near collapse.
Secondly, much of the capital for projects intended to increase
domestic food production has been international in origin, and, thus,
outside of Peruvian control. Because Peru has emphasized maintaining
low food prices through price controls and subsidizing imports and
because of the very low solvent demand represented by a large portion
of the urban masses, companies which have invested in producing a food
product on an industrial scale are attracted to more lucrative inter
national markets. Thus, the production resulting from certain develop
ment initiatives, such as poultry, for example, is exported rather than
being used to feed Peruvians.
Thirdly, Peru has sought to satisfy urban food needs which are
left unmet by domestic production through subsidizing the importation
of foodstuffs. Combined with official controls, this artificially
depresses food prices. Peruvian food producers, particularly those
operating on a small-scale, have not been able to compete with imported
foodstuffs. Insofar as the rural population has been dependent upon
the sale of food as a source of cash income this has depressed the
rural economy, pushing more people out of the countryside and into the
cities. Also, the populations of areas such as Sarata have learned

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that while it is difficult to earn money selling food they have produced
themselves, it is easy to earn money smuggling subsidized important
foodstuffs into countries where food prices are higher.
In response to this larger economic context in which they have
found themselves, the people of Sarata continue to rely upon an economic
strategy that focuses upon productive diversity and flexibility. Agri
culture has become almost exclusively a subsistence activity through
which households seek to either produce or acquire those goods essen
tial to their survival. In order to increase the chances of success
fully fulfilling this purpose, households rely on several subsistence
crops, each of which is, in turn, frequently characterized by numerous
varieties which are regularly planted and harvested.' This reduces the
risk of a particular crop being wiped out by a blight and allows
producers to take advantage of potentially useful properties such as
resistance to frost or drought, or greater storability. Scattered
landholdings reduce vulnerability to localized weather phenomena and
increase the access of households located in the different ecological
zones of Sarata to lands capable of supporting different agricultural
pursuits. Access to the necessary variety of subsistence products is
facilitated by redistributive mechanisms such as the weekly markets
in different rural areas of the district and direct trade between the
members of communities located in different ecological zones, which
occurs outside of the market place.
Once basic subsistence needs have been met through agricultural
activities related to the non-capitalist mode of production, sarateos
may turn to several capitalist activities in order to earn a cash

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income. The three principal capitalist activities in which sarateos
are involved have been described. They include working as wage laborers
on large commercial agricultural enterprises, the transport and commer
cialization of manufactured goods, and the cultivation of coffee and
citrus fruit in the Tambopata Valley of Sandia Province.
These capitalist activities have a direct relationship with the
diversified strategies described above which have been employed by
people from the Sarata region since prior to the Spanish Conquest.
Just as gold from those valleys paid their tribute obligations to the
Inca and Spanish overlords, today, coffee provides the revenue many
need to pay the costs of a capitalist economy. Likewise, the extended
trading expeditions which were commented upon by the early Spanish
chroniclers were adapted to meet the demands of the capitalist mode of
production. Cash transactions replaced barter, and households who had
formerly gone to trade in areas such as the Peruvian coast began to
send members to look for wage labor.
The way in which subsistence agriculture and the capitalist activi
ties are coordinated with one another varies from one area of the
district to another and from household to household. Over the district
as a whole, some variation is introduced by the different agricultural
schedules which must be followed in the ecological zones. Household
level variation is primarily a function of labor availability. A
minimum amount of labor is required to carry out subsistence agricul
ture, and households do not engage in capitalist activities until they
have completed the subsistence activities related to food production.
The degree of involvement in the capitalist economy is determined by

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labor resources. A household which has children old enough to take
responsibility for some of the subsistence activities has more time
to seek opportunities for earning cash, for example. The values and
goals of a particular household is a related factor. Many parents
"retire" from capitalist activities when their children are old enough
to take them over, dedicating their time and energy to home and
community. Others take advantage of their children growing up and
being able to help them to expand their interests in the capitalist
economy so that, over time, considerable wealth may be accumulated.
The basic rule for all households, however, is that one does not
entrust one's food supply to the vagaries of the capitalist market.
Selling food is unprofitable and purchasing it is dangerous of the
uncertainties of price and supply.
The effect of this strategy by sarateos has had two contradictory
influences upon capitalist expansion into the region. On one hand, it
has faci 1 itated the growth of a regional capitalist economy in several
ways. First, the income generated by participation in capitalist
productive activities allows Sarata to act as a relatively strong market
for manufactured goods imported into the region. In addition, the
adaptations of traditional subsistence-related activities into capi
talist activities has extended the capitalist mode of production into the
region at little or no cost to the national and international interests
to which the capitalist enterprises of Sarata are linked. Initiating
coffee and citrus production in the Tambopata Valley was realized with
no outside support. The extension of a road into the area, the estab
lishment of the system of coffee cooperatives, and the implementation of

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rudimentary social services were only carried out when coffee produc
tion was well-established as an important commercial activity. The
state was responsible for the initial construction of the major roads
passing through Sarata; however, most of the maintenance work on these
is done by the communities through which they pass, and there are
numerous unofficial roads which were built by saratenos themselves.
Finally, the fact that sarateos who work as wage laborers provide
their own subsistence through agriculture means that they can afford
to work on a seasonal basis and for low wages, further subsidizing
the capitalist economy.
On the other hand, the participation by households in both
capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production limits the possibil
ities for further capitalist expansion in the region. This is, in
part, due to the nature of the capitalist activities in which saratanos
participate. The cultivation of cash crops in the Tambopata Valley
and working for wages on the commercial agricultural enterprises of
the coast are seasonal enterprises. Although technological innova
tions might make them more capital intensive or permit increases in the
area of land under cultivation, the reality of the agricultural cycle
means that they will always provide only seasonal employment.
More important, however, is the fact that it is the households
of Sarata which maintain the social formation in which capitalist and
non-capitalist modes of production operate. This situation reflects
the households' response to the insecurities associated with capitalist
penetration into the area. Wage labor on the Peruvian coast, cash
cropping in the tropical valleys, and trade and transport all have,

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from the point of view of sarateos, basic continuities with past,
non-capitalist economic activities in which they viere involved. The
most important of these continuities is that they may be coordinated
with the agricultural calendar of the altiplano so as to maintain a
diversified productive strategy. This is why they were adopted by
sarateos as cash-earning activities.
Households select among the three capitalist alternatives based
upon their perception of labor scarcity. This labor scarcity is not
absolute, but refers to the need to carry out particular agricultural
activities such as planting and harvesting within a limited period of
time. At different times during the year the labor demands of agricul
tural activities may approach or exceed the labor resources of a house
hold, either because the number of person-hours required to carry out
the task is high or because the activity must be performed by a team
which is larger than the number of adult household members available
to perform it. These situations are handled by labor exchange mechan
isms which allow a household to muster the number of workers it needs
at one time and repay the day of labor provided by each worker with
a day of labor for each of them on another date. Within this context,
the amount of time a household has available for capitalist activities
is determined by how much of its time is occupied by producing food.
Because the labor requirements for non-capitalist, subsistence agri
culture determine the level of participation of capitalist activities
within the Sarata economy, the non-capitalist mode of production is
dominant.
The dominance of the non-capitalist mode of production does not
imply that capitalist productive activities are unimportant to sarateo

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household economies, or that the insecurities of the capitalist mode
of production prompt people to avoid capitalist activities. On the
contrary, people feel that as long as they enjoy the freedom to decide
when and how to participate in capitalist activities, these should
be sought out and taken advantage of. Indeed, it was the penetration
of the capitalist mode of production which provided economic opportuni
ties outside of the control of the traditional regional elites and
allowed the Aymara of Sarata to accumulate sufficient wealth and
political power to begin to successfully challenge their dominance of
the region. However, the freedom to decide when and how to participate
in the capitalist mode of production is the result of sarateos main
taining control over their own food supply, and they know it. For
this reason sarateos do not participate in the activities which inter
fere with subsistence agriculture.
Neither does the dominance of the non-capitalist mode of produc
tion and the conscious isolation of food production from the capitalist
economy indicate a lack of knowledge or experience by sarateos with
regard to this mode of production. The reluctance to allow their food
supply to be controlled by the market economy goes beyond a simple
realization that one can earn more money growing coffee and citrus,
engaging in trade and transport and working as a seasonal wage laborer
than by growing and selling food. This is but one aspect of the prob
lem and it is also the least important aspect. Of greater significance
is the question of why sarateos do not seek or develop full-time
economic activities in the capitalist mode of production, increase their
net revenue, and purchase their food needs. In fact, some households

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have experimented with decreasing their agricultural production to
allow more time for capitalist activities. Some have tried going to
the tropical valleys earlier and staying longer so they can harvest
the coffee which ripens before and after the peak harvest months.
Other coffee growers go to the valleys with their spouses so as not to
have to hire as many laborers and thus to reduce costs. Wage laborers
have extended their stays on the coast or expanded their trade and
transport activities at the expesne of some food production. The con
sensus is that none of these alternatives produce sufficient revenues
to allow one to have gained any advantage once food shortfalls have
been made up through purchase.
This still is not, however, the most important obstacle to fuller
participation in the capitalist mode of production at the expense
of subsistence agriculture. All remuneration for participation in
capitalist activities comes in the form of money; acquiring access to
money for the purpose of purchasing manufactured goods is the primary
motive for participating in capitalist production in the first place.
However, the high Peruvian inflation rate and frequent devaluations
of Peruvian currency in relation to other currencies force people to
convert their money into goods as quickly as possible. Most of this
money is converted into consumer products and home improvements aimed
at bettering the living conditions of the household. Any "savings"
are converted into goods that are easily convertible, non-perishable,
and which tend to hold their value in comparison to money. A popular
choice is wool, for although subject to price fluctuations it is
considered more stable than money, and may be used to fill another basic

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subsistence need, clothing, should the need arise. Food is difficult
to fit into a strategy which emphasizes rapid conversion of money into
goods. In spite of price controls, foodstuffs have undergone dramatic
price increases througout the country, and because of widespread
smuggling, are frequently only available at black market prices. This
means that the money necessary to buy a determined amount of food today
will almost certainly be insufficient in the future. Because of diffi
culties in transport and storage, it is impractical for rural dwellers
to purchase large quantities of food in order to "stay ahead" of price
increases.
Saratehos do not allow the capitalist mode of production to become
dominant because they are so intimately acquainted with it. The forces
which make the selling and purchasing of food such an unprofitable
proposition could easily have a similar effect on any of the capitalist
activities in which they are involved. It is for this reason that
households such as the one discussed in Chapter V do not rely only on
coffee production or on trade and transport for a cash income. Although
this household earns only a relatively small portion of its income from
trade and transport at present, for example, should coffee production
cease to be profitable, the household could intensify its trade and
transport activities. Food, on the other hand, is different. As long
as a household has its own food to eat and to trade for wool to make
clothing it can weather about any disaster related to its capitalist
activities without its survival being threatened. It is not mere
sentimentality which motivates even wealthy saratehos to maintain their
lands and to continue to honor their community obligations. Saratehos

-275-
see that by maintaining a diversified economic strategy in which sub
sistence agriculture occupies the central position they have the oppor
tunity to use capitalism to their advantage. Those who lose control
of their food supply have no protection against the fluctuations of
the capitalist economy.
Policy Implications
The situation described in the preceding pages has several impli
cations of relevance to those who may have a role in shaping future
development policies which will affect the district of Sarata and
surrounding regions, as well as to those whose development planning
may be directed toward other areas where some of the conditions
described for Sarata also prevail. Government policites which have
intended to provide inexpensive foodstuffs to urban dwellers have not
been successful, and they have discouraged domestic food production by
subsidizing imported foodstuffs. Sarata and other areas of the Peruvian
highlands are capable of contributing to domestic food needs if efforts
are made to alleviate the risks under which they must operate. Such
risks are natural, in the form of drought, hail, and frost, and they
are social in the form of fluctuating commodity prices, increasing
demands upon producers to have cash, and a currency which loses its
buying power because of inflation and monetary devaluation.
However, official policies have increased the insecurities asso
ciated with food production and consumption. Food production became a
purely subsistence activity and saratenos found other, more lucrative

-276-
means of earning money. Because their reluctance to deal with food
as a capitalist commodity is based as much upon the risk and insecurity
associated with it as with simple factors of cost and price, persuading
agriculturalists to supply more of their food production to Peru's
growing urban centers is not simply a matter of making agriculture a
profitable commercial activity. Food would need to be profitable at a
level comparable to coffee production or transport as a prerequisite to
any effort intended to persuade agriculturalists to produce and sell
larger surpluses. Also important would be a restructuring of the entire
food marketing and distribution system so as to encourage more competi
tion among food commercialists and improve the bargaining position of
the numerous small-scale producers.
The point which has been emphasized repeatedly is that the guiding
principle behind the economic strategies of saratano households is the
maintenance of diversity in productive activities. By pursuing diverse
productive activities sarateos protect themselves from the severe
misfortunes that might beset any particular activity. Such a strategy
permitted sarateos to adapt to the catastrophic changes wrought by the
Spanish Conquest and to respond with relative success to the challenges
posed by capitalist expansion into the region. Any changes which
appear to threaten the diversity of their economic strategy will be
resolutely resisted by sarateos.
Because the central and most crucial element of this strategy of
economic diversification is the maintenance of food production as a
subsistence activity, agriculturalists in Sarata are not particularly
interested in technical innovations designed to increase yields. During

-277-
most seasons, the majority of households meet their own basic sub
sistence requirements at a minimal cash cost. The cash income provided
by capitalist activities helps to reduce the impact of seasons when
this is not the case. In seasons when crop yields are insufficient,
the cause is usually drought, frost, or hail, or a combination of these
adversities to which technological innovations offer no solution. Inno
vations for increasing yields will be met with a particularly acute
lack of interest if they require increased cash expenditure or labor
inputs in order for their benefits to be realized.
As has been noted, the key consideration in determining how much
time a household will dedicate to capitalist economic activities is the
amount of time required to carry out the tasks of subsistence agricul
ture so that, barring a natural disaster, the household is assured of
having enough to eat. Technical innovations which would reduce the
amount of time required to realize subsistence activities so that more
time would be available for earning money would be warmly received. If
there were agreement that new techniques or technologies would indeed
allow them to reduce labor inputs for subsistence agriculture, sarateos
would be more than willing to invest money and resources in them. One
innovation about which a number of people specifically asked during
the course of the present investigation, for example, was the introduc
tion of garden tillers.
Within the capitalist mode of production, the most obvious area
for innovation is in the cash-cropping operations in the Tambopata
Valley. Producers are interested in increasing the profitability of
citrus production and other products besides coffee. They note that for

-278-
much of the year, valley products are unavailable on the altiplano
and then, during the period of harvest in the valley, the market becomes
glutted forcing the prices down. The members of several of the coffee
cooperatives have formed unofficial committees to investigate ways of
either storing the products themselves or converting fruits to canned
juice so that they would have a product that could be sold throughout
the year at a relatively stable price. Assistance in this area would be
well received.
The District of Sarata in a Broader Perspective
The case of the district of Sarata described in the present work
illustrates several points regarding the interaction between capitalist
and non-capitalist modes of production when these come into contact
in areas of capitalist expansion. It also illustrates how the economic
decisions made by sarateo households shape, and are shaped by, particu
lar features of capitalist expansion.
In the example provided by Sarata, we see that all of the capital
ist activities are subsidized in some way by the non-capitalist mode
of production. In the case of wage labor in commercial agricultural
enterprises in the coastal region, the demand for labor is seasonal
and the wages of a worker cover the costs of subsistence while residing
on the coast with some money left to take home for the household. These
wages do not even approach the amount of money that would be needed to
support a household throughout the year. Such an enterprise could not
pay a subsistence wage and afford to continue functioning. Labor is

-279-
avail abl e to capitalist enterprises paying less-than-subsistence wages
because the basic subsistence needs of the workers' households are
met by the agricultural activities belonging to the non-capitalist mode
of production.
If coffee growers of the district of Sarata required a price for
their coffee that would pay the annual subsistence costs of themselves
and their households, they would not be able to sell any coffee. The
only way that producer households could support themselves with the
revenues generated by the products they sell would be to greatly
expand the areas they cultivate. This is not possible, however, because
there is not enough labor to harvest the areas currently under cultiva
tion. Again, the subsistence needs of producers and their households
are met by the non-capitalist agricultural activities carried out in
the highland communities. Subsistence agriculture thus subsidizes
production in one of Peru's major coffee-growing regions. If it did
not, the coffee from the Tambopata Valley could not be sold at a com
petitive price on international markets.
In the area of trade and transport, commercialists, whose activi
ties have been discussed, purchase foodstuffs and sell them in the rural
markets of Sarata. The people of Sarata purchase only a small portion
of their foodstuffs. In the rural markets, however, goods are both
bought and bartered, and the exchange values of the goods which are
bartered are calculated in terms of their relative prices in cash. A
major purpose of the rural markets of Sarata is to facilitate the
distribution of subsistence goods to the different ecological areas.
Through the markets, meat and wool move from the high-altitude areas to

-280-
the lakeside ecological zone while broad beans and minor tubers reach
the high-altitude areas. Products from all of the areas of Sarata
are sought by traders from the tropical valleys of Bolivia who bring
corn, hot peppers, dyes for wool and other products. Thus, the
redistributive function of the rural markets creates sufficient demand
to make following the rural market cycle worthwhile for comnercialists
and allows them to introduce products for sale, which would not other
wise be marketed in the district.
It will be remembered that smuggling also plays a large role in
the commercial life of Sarata. However, the redistributive function
discussed above and the smuggling function are separate aspects of
market activity. There are active rural markets in the district whose
locations and meeting times make them very inconvenient sites for
smuggling activities. One may thus deduce that it is the redistributive
function of the markets rather than a desire to smuggle which motivates
attendance.
In a different way from the legal commercial activities which per
tain to the capitalist mode of production, smuggling also depends upon
the existence of the non-capitalist mode of production. Smugglers are
intermediaries who help to expand the capitalist mode of production by
overcoming legal impediments to the flow of manufactured goods into
areas where there exists a solvent demand. In the case of small-scale
smugglers who do not own trucks, and this includes most of those
saratanos who smuggle, the existence of the non-capitalist mode of
production is important in two ways. First, as in the other capitalist
activities discussed here, small-scale smuggling does not produce enough

-281-
revenue to pay the subsistence costs of a household. In addition, it
is because subsistence needs are met by the non-capitalist mode of
production, a household can absorb the financial loss of having a
smuggled good confiscated, always a possibility because of the illegal
ity of the activity.
In the case of large-scale smugglers who employ other sarateos
to drive their trucks, or load and unload goods, the non-capitalist
mode of production allows them to pay wages which do not meet the sub
sistence costs of their employees. Moreover, because they and their
family members maintain all of their obligations in the community,
engaging in non-capitalist forms of reciprocity, they can count ori
community support when they come under pressure from the authorities.
One of the fascinating aspects of observing economic activities in
Sarata was the way in which trucks laden with goods and their owners
could simply disappear into the countryside when legal problems arose.
It has frequently been pointed out that the subsidy which activi
ties belonging to the capitalist mode of production receive from
activities belonging to non-capitalist modes of production represents
a transfer of value from one mode of production to the other. Capital
ist activities penetrate an area and then survive and grow there
because the subsistence costs of the population they wish to incorpor
ate are at least partially met by pre-existing non-capitalist activities.
The case of Sarata, however, illustrates another aspect of this
process and helps us understand why agriculture is one of the economic
activities most resistant to capitalist penetration. In Sarata, people
are anxious to acquire the goods that capitalism has to offer. However,

-282-
they realize that the people least able to acquire these goods are
those who depend upon the capitalist mode of production to pay their
subsistence costs. As has been noted, by maintaining control over land
and their own food production, saratenos maintain some autonomy for
choosing the conditions under which they will participate in the
capitalist mode of production. Because most of their subsistence needs
are met by non-capitalist activities the revenues generated by capital
ism may be used to better their standard of living not just to keep
them alive. By keeping their subsistence activities outside of the
capitalist mode of production, saratenos protect themselves from the
insecurities of the capitalist market.
The activities of seasonal wage labor, cash cropping, and trade
and transport did not impose themselves upon saratenos, but were
selected by them because they were compatible with the demands of sub
sistence agriculture. Capitalism imposed itself insofar as people
needed, or wanted very badly, increasing quantities of cash in order
to maintain an acceptable standard of living. However, saratenos
themselves selected how this cash would be earned, on the basis of which
activities posed the least threat to their control of their own sub
sistence.
Sarata is different from other frontiers of capitalist expansion
because its traditional non-capitalist mode of production included
diverse activities which could be adapted to the requirements of a
capitalist mode of production. In most areas where capitalism is
expanding, these alternatives are not available and people are forced
to become dependent on "frontier" capitalist enterprises which are

-283-
notorious for their instability. In Sarata, once capitalist penetra
tion was initiated, people recognized that their own self-interest lay
in preventing this penetration from reaching their system of food
production. They turned to their traditional strategies of diversifi
cation of activities to insure that this did not occur. As long as it
does not, they enjoy access to capitalist products and control of their
own subsistence.

APPENDIX
THE AYMARA PHONETIC ALPHABET
The spelling of all Aymara words used in this paper is in accord
anee with the Aymara Phonemic Alphabet developed by Juan de Dios
Yapita M., Director, Instituto Nacional de Estudios Lingsticos
(National Institute of
Moya 1981).
Consonants: p
P"
P'
Linguistic Studies),
t ch k
t" ch" k"
t1 ch1 k1
j
s
1 11
La Paz, Bolivia (Yapita
x
m n n
w r y
Vowels: i u
a
Vowel lengthening: Aspiration: Glottalization:
q: voiceless post-velar stop
j: pharyngeal or velar fricative
x: post-velar fricative
11,n: values comparable to Spanish
-284-

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Michael Painter was born in Woodstock, Virgina, on August 26, 1954,
and he lived there until 1972, when he began his studies at the Univer
sity of Virginia. He received a B.A. in Latin American studies from
the University of Virginia in May 1976 and began graduate study at
the University of Florida the following September. In March 1978, he
received an M.A. in anthropology with a Certificate in Latin American
studies from the University of Florida. Principal interests include
economic anthropology, anthropological linguistics, and problems related
to agriculture and food production. In addition to his doctoral
research in Peru, he has conducted field research in Mexico, Bolivia, and
Chile.
-293-

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
f-fe
01iver-Snnth, Chairman
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy. -> ..

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a;dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Charles Wag ley 2 y
Graduate Research Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Chris 0. Andrew
Professor of Food and Resource Economics
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department
of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the
Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the require
ments for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December 1981
Dean for Graduate Studies and Research
/



-40-
while leading citizens of the town agreed that indios live in the
countryside, they hastened to point out that numerous people live in
the town who certainly are not leading citizens.
This indicates that there is a town-dwelling population which does
not fit well into the campesino vs. misti distinction made by people
from the countryside or the vecino vs. indio distinction made by social
ly elite town families. Sarateos do indeed recognize the existence of
a third social category, but do not have a name for it. This third
group constitutes an unmarked category.
When this unmarked category is included in Table 2-2 under the
heading of "town Aymara," the features elicited as distinguishing social
categories do have behavioral correlates. The categories of campesino
and vecino are clearly distinguished from one another with regard to
nearly all of the features listed. The "town Aymara" share some features
with the campesinos and some with the vecinos, but the total complex of
features which characterizes the town Aymara clearly shows it to be
distinct from either of the other two social categories.
Table 2-2 shows that only three of the features regarded as dis
tinguishing the social strata of the population do not yield a contrast
when tested by direct observation. These are found in the domains of
surnames, dress, and language. Spanish surnames penetrated the country
side of Sarata soon after the conquest, when many people adopted them
as well as given names for the purpose of baptism. There is evidence
that people did not have surnames in the European sense prior to the
time of the conquest. Parish baptismal records indicate that the in
heritance of a surname did not follow a European pattern in Sarata until
the beginning of the 18th century, although it is not clear what the


-192-
which constrain a household in allocating its time and resources. This
can be done most clearly using as an example a household from the
lakeside zone of Sarata.
Jat"a is one of a number of communities in the lakeside zone of
Sarata. It shares with the other communities an agricultural sub
sistence base of broad beans, potatoes and minor tubers, and barley. It
also shares the characteristics of having households which own small
herds of livestock that do not require large amounts of year-round
attention by adults. Thus, each household is relatively independent in
pursuing its economic interests. In spite of the general similarities,
a large number of differences may be observed between Jat"a and other
lakeside communities. Table 5-1 compares the lakeside communities of
Sarata in terms of their respective populations, the number of house
holds, and the mean household size of each community. These same
communities are compared in Table 5-2 in terms of the areas of land
per household which are dedicated to the cultivation of the major crops
of the lakeside zone in a particular year. The number of head per
household of the most important livestock in the lakeside communities
is compared in Table 5-3.
Because there are significant differences between communities
within the lakeside zone of Sarata, no attempt has been made to con
struct a composite household representative of the entire zone. Such
a composite would represent "average" characteristics of the entire
zone but would not be a realistic portrait of any of it. Within Jat"a,
the agricultural resource base for the household to be discussed con
forms generally to mean values for the community. Patterns of


-39-
Table 2-1
continued
aRefers to minka, which, in Sarata, designates the sale of one's labor
for money. A campesino may pay a worker; however, it is the right of
the workers to decide whether to exchange labor for labor or labor for
money. Hist is may offer no choice.
^Refers to the willingness to walk long distances without transport.
The border with Bolivia was often cited as a place campesinos walk to
trade but mistis do not.
Q
Coffee growing region in Tambopata Valley, Sandia province, Puno depart
ment.
^Campo fiestas include Candelaria, San Juan, and Santa Rosa de Lima.
Town fiestas include Santa Cruz and Exaltacin de la Cruz.


-41-
Table 2-2
Distinguishing Features of Social Stratification
Features
Town
Campesino Aymara Vecino
Doma in
Works own fields
Sells labor
Hires labor
Exchanges labor
Has maid
Children herd
Walks to border
Owns land in Tambopata
Makes own poncho
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Work
Adventist + +
Catholic
Sunday massmorning +
Sunday ma ss-even i ng++
Religion
Speaks Spanish + + +
Speaks Aymara + + +
Language
i ves in
Lives in community
Carnaval-campo dance group
Carnaval-town dance group
Celebrates campo fiestas
Celebrates town fiestas
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Residence
Wears ojotas or goes barefoot + +
Wears shoes + + +
Wears pol1 era skirt (women) + + +
Dress
Family members killed in 1923
Family members attacked com
munities in 1923
Greets all people he/she knows
Does not greet everyone
+
+
+
+
+
+
Human/
non-human
Shares food
+
Eats hot lunch (almuerzo)
+
+
Eats cold lunch (fiambres)
+
+
Food
Spanish surname + + +
Elite surname +
Names


-253-
each week. These include the tremendous Monday market in Juliaca.
There she sells any goods she might have brought from the border and
purchases vegetables for sale or trade in the other markets during the
week. On Wednesday she attends one of the larger rural markets held in
the district of Sarata every week. There she sells some of her vege
tables for cash and trades others for wool, which she and her husband
spin and weave to make clothing and blankets for the household. If she
has a surplus, whatever vegetables she has bought in Juliaca are
supplemented with broad beans and onions from the household fields
when these products are in season. While at the Wednesday market, she
also frequently purchases cheeses, which are very inexpensive because
the market is held in a herding area and the people own large herds
of alpaca, sheep, and cattle. On Saturday, she attends another rural
market located on the Bolivian border. She continues selling vegetable
and trading them for wool. She also sells the cheeses purchased on
Wednesday to Bolivian merchants for a handsome profit, or she may
trade them to people from the tropical valleys of Bolivia for wayk'a,
or dried hot peppers, and corn. Finally, she will purchase a radio or
tape recorder to resell the following Monday In Juliaca. On Sunday,
she attends the large Sarata market, selling or trading for wool any
vegetables she has left along with any products from the tropical
valleys she may have acquired at the time.
Various operating costs are involved with following the market
cycle. Transportation, purchasing passage for one's bundle and oneself
on a truck, costs about $6,50 per week. A large sack of vegetables in
the Juliaca market costs about $15.00. At the border a tape recorder


-178-
women. The most important factor, however, is that men tend to leave
the area to work as laborers in much greater numbers than women because
of the discrimination women experience in urban areas. Commercialist
activities allow the women to live at home and perform the necessary
maintenance activities in the fields and with the animals in addition
to attending the markets around the district. If additional labor is
required at home, a woman can simply decide not to attend a particular
market and, instead, dedicate herself to household subsistence activi
ties.
Capitalists
The transport and commercialization of goods is'not the exclusive
domain of petty entrepreneurs, however. There are also some sizeable
transport companies which employ numerous people. These enterprises
transport goods and the petty commercialists and their wares to the
city, the border, and different markets in the region. In addition to
simply running several trucks to the different markets, these commer
cial enterprises may also include garages where vehicles are maintained
and repaired and warehouses where goods are stored. They may also be
closely linked to import-export businesses in Peru and Bolivia, as well
as various retail outlets. In addition to truck drivers and their
helpers and laborers to load and unload cargo, such enterprises employ
mechanics, accountants, secretaries, clerks, and administrative person
nel. Their operations may extend over all of southern Peru and include
Bolivia and Chile as well. Unlike the petty commercialists, who engage
in smuggling almost coincidentally with their other mercantile


-112-
even though the price is controlled. In addition, the smuggling of
food out of the country constitutes a drain that must be made up with
even more imports if the government wishes to head off popular dis
content caused by a lack of food for the urban consumers.
National Agricultural Policy and the Regional
Economy of Sarata
Although urban growth since the 1940s and 1950s has generally been
most dramatic in the coastal cities of Peru, major urban growth was
also taking place in highland cities such as Puno and Juliaca. The
course of this growth in Juliaca, the major urban center to which Sarata
is joined, has already been described. The growth of cities in Puno
department and the economic conditions generated in this largely rural
highland department by government agricultural policies have profoundly
influenced food production and marketing practices by the small-scale
producers there.
Prior to 1940, traditional social relations rather than forces of
supply and demand determined how much food rural producers would offer
for sale and at what price. Urban dwellers used coercive behavior to
extract food from the countryside, a practice which made producers re
luctant to sell, and which, in turn, intensified the coercive efforts
of the urban merchants. Because they were the only purveyors of food,
these merchants were able to prevail upon local authorities to dis
courage intrusions from outsiders by imposing fines. This kept to a
minimum the competition among merchants which might have created condi
tions that would have encouraged producers to freely sell their food
products. The local markets of the region were characterized by problems


-15-
production are then linked in the coordination of their respective labor
requirements.
When two modes of production are linked in such a fashion, they
constitute a single economic system, which is often referred to as a
social formation. Because they are linked, conditions in one mode of
production may affect conditions in the other over time. Historically,
when one of the modes of production has been capitalist, it has tended
to expand, and capitalist social relations of production have replaced
social relations of the non-capitalist mode.
The relationship between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of
production is referred to as their articulation. Rey (1973:82-87)
states that the articulation of modes or production is a process in time,
which extends from when capitalist expansion first brings it into con
tact with a non-capitalist mode of production in the sphere of exchange
and ends with the total disappearance of the non-capitalist mode of
production as all relations of production become capitalist.
By looking at the articulation of capitalist and non-capitalist
modes of production as a temporal process one is really looking at two
historical processes, that of the capitalist system itself and that of
the non-capitalist modes in the area where capitalist penetration is
occurring. This allows local productive processes to be examined in
relation to the larger region and nation, and can illuminate the ques
tion of why capitalist expansion has not worked the transformation upon
non-capitalist areas that was once expected.
Briefly, the capitalist mode of production is attracted to an area
by the presence of non-capitalist modes of production and, once there,
it tends to depend upon their continued existence. This is because the


-47-
town Aymara, and vecinos defined by the features listed in Tables 2-1
and 2-2.
It is of interest that "town Aymara" is a locally recognized but
unlabelled social stratum. This has to do with the fact that the "town
Aymara" is a group that has emerged relatively recently. The struggle
over dress proscriptions, going to school, and learning Spanish was very
much a struggle over how people were going to earn a living in the
coming years. As campesinos began to free themselves from the domina
tion of the vecinos, the economic base of the vecino social stratum
began to shrink. Particularly during the last twenty years, large num
bers of vecinos have left Sarata, unable to remain in the town and
maintain an acceptable lifestyle. Many have opted for attending a
university and becoming a professional. These individuals now reside
with their families in diverse large urban centers which provide employ
ment for people with professional training.
At the same time, campesinos dedicated themselves with a vengeance
to numerous jobs involving manual labor and direct participation in
commerce, jobs which, although they may have been lucrative, were con
sidered inappropriate by most vecinos for people of their social posi
tion. As the vecinos left town, their property has been acquired by
prosperous people from the countryside seeking easier access to trans
port and storage facilities, the town high school, and amenities such
as running water and electric lighting at night. They added their
numbers to the small group of artisans and craft specialists that had
resided in the town to form a new social stratum in the town. While
the "town Aymara" lack the social status of the vecinos they certainly
far surpass them in terms of their present economic power.


-43-
dress as "stylishly" as any vecino. Campesino women customarily wear
homespun polleras for field work and others of finer material in town
or on special occasions. There are also campesino women who wear
Western-style slacks and skirts. Vecino women may wear polleras,
though not of homespun wool, or Western skirts and slacks.
Dress proscriptions were imposed by the Spanish as a visual marker
of indio social status and they remained in effect for that same pur
pose until the present century. In 1923, dress proscriptions were one
of the issues that contributed to an outbreak of violence between campe
sinos and vecinos in Sarata and the surrounding region. In the wake of
that disturbance, dress proscriptions were less frequently observed and
enforced until they eventually fell into disuse. Although there are no
active restrictions on how campesinos dress today, there are vecinos
who continue to enjoy making snide remarks about people who they thin!-
dress too well for their station in life. The memory of dress restric
tions causes people to agree that they are a marker of differences in
social status, although it is difficult to observe them functioning in
the present.
Language is also agreed to be a marker of social categories in
Sarata, and for some people, it continues to be an issue of tremendous
emotional impact. As was the case with dress proscriptions, it is dif
ficult to objectively define differences in language use which correspond
to differences between social strata in the present, although in the
recent past, social strata were distinguished by very real language
differences. At the present time, most vecinos are bilingual in Spanish
and Aymara, although there are monolingual Aymara-speakers among the
women. Perhaps one-half of the campesinos are bilingual, with their


-274-
subsistence need, clothing, should the need arise. Food is difficult
to fit into a strategy which emphasizes rapid conversion of money into
goods. In spite of price controls, foodstuffs have undergone dramatic
price increases througout the country, and because of widespread
smuggling, are frequently only available at black market prices. This
means that the money necessary to buy a determined amount of food today
will almost certainly be insufficient in the future. Because of diffi
culties in transport and storage, it is impractical for rural dwellers
to purchase large quantities of food in order to "stay ahead" of price
increases.
Saratehos do not allow the capitalist mode of production to become
dominant because they are so intimately acquainted with it. The forces
which make the selling and purchasing of food such an unprofitable
proposition could easily have a similar effect on any of the capitalist
activities in which they are involved. It is for this reason that
households such as the one discussed in Chapter V do not rely only on
coffee production or on trade and transport for a cash income. Although
this household earns only a relatively small portion of its income from
trade and transport at present, for example, should coffee production
cease to be profitable, the household could intensify its trade and
transport activities. Food, on the other hand, is different. As long
as a household has its own food to eat and to trade for wool to make
clothing it can weather about any disaster related to its capitalist
activities without its survival being threatened. It is not mere
sentimentality which motivates even wealthy saratehos to maintain their
lands and to continue to honor their community obligations. Saratehos


-247-
caused by the different production schedules in the respective eco
logical areas of Sarata. Within the lakeside area, there are some
communities which have less cultivable land per capita than does the
community of Jat"a because of rocky, irregular terrain. The smaller
highland land base decreases the time required to carry out agricul
tural tasks and increases the importance of tropical valley production
in these households' survival strategies. In these cases, households
commonly maintain members in the tropical valley throughout the year.
This allows them to maintain larger landholdings in the valley and
takes some of the demand off of highland food resources, since sub
sistence plots are maintained in the valley in addition to areas
devoted to cash crops. In these households, husbands and wives often
alternate with one another in spending time in the valley and in the
highlands
The area cultivated by our hypothetical household in the Tambopata
Valley measures three hectares, and is about a four-hour 'walk from
the road. It is cultivated jointly by the man of our household and
his wife's brother. The woman and her brother inherited the land
equally from their father, who was the one who initially staked out the
claim and cleared the area. The woman does not go to the valley in
the case of the Jat"a household because they have two small children
and and infant, and it is considered more convenient that she be the
one who remains on the altiplano to care for them. The revenues are
divided equally between the two households.
Cash crop cultivation involves more capital inputs than sub
sistence agriculture on the altiplano, although every effort is made


-84-
The Urban Growth of Juliaca
The importance of Juliaca in the economic life of Sarata is diffi
cult to overestimate. Some of the reasons for the economic preeminence
of Juliaca have already been mentioned. It is the rail nexus where
railroad lines coming from Cuzco and Arequipa join, and in turn are
linked to the market network of Bolivia either by steamship or by truck.
The highway network for all of southern Peru appears to radiate outward
from Juliaca. It is the major urban center for the provinces of Lampa,
Melgar, Azngaro, Huancan, Ayaviri, Carabaya, and Sandia. The prin
cipal roads in all of these provinces were constructed to connect them
with Juliaca. The highways which follow the shores of both sides of
Lake Titicaca, one going through the cities of Puno and Chucuito and
the other passing through the province of Huancan, also link Juliaca
with La Paz, Bolivia. This makes possible considerable international
trade and transport. Juliaca also has an airport from which depart
regularly scheduled flights to Lima, Arequipa, as well as to the gold
mining center of Puerto Maldonado.
As noted earlier, Juliaca began to acquire importance with the
construction of the railroad at the end of the 19th century. The
collapse of wool prices at the end of World War I provided the city with
another spurt of growth as the resulting economic difficulties forced
people off the land and into the urban centers of the region. Between
1919 and 1940, the population of the city grew from 3000 to over 6000
people. By 1950, the city had grown to 9248 people. Then, during the
drought-ridden years of that decade, when crop failures occurred year
after year, Juliaca experienced a tremendous surge in population. By


-17-
the conditions attractive to capital in the first place--conditions
upon which a particular enterprise may depend in order to realize a
profit on its production. The kinds of enterprises which are attracted
to enter such a relationship with a non-capitalist mode of production
are those which require labor only on a seasonal basis arid which re
quire unskilled labor that can be easily replaced when a worker leaves
to take care of subsistence tasks (Dupre and Rey 1978; Meillassoux
1972; 1977; Rey 1973).
The relationship between the two modes of production is presumed
to be hierarchical; that is, one is dominant over the other. In many
studies cf modes of production, the concept of dominance is used impre
cisely, referring simply to the mode of production that is most charac
teristic of a social formation. In the United States, for example, one
can observe subsistence agriculture and craft industries in which the
social relations of production are not capitalist, although they are
invariably in some stage of articulation with the capitalist economy.
Few people would argue that the social formation resulting from this
articulation is not capitalist. However, in a society only recently
undergoing capitalist penetration, this is not necessarily true. When
one discusses a mode of production as being dominant or dependent, the
parameters which determined the classification must be specified.
Montoya (1980:25) discusses this problem as one of scale. He notes
that in Peru as a whole, the capitalist mode of production is dominant,
but in its articulation with developed nations on an international
level, Peruvian capitalism occupies a dependent position. At the same
time, in the countryside, there are many areas of small-scale agricul
ture where non-capitalist relations of production dominate.


-100-
nationalism and peasant participation in the process of food production,
the reality was that it simply continued past policies of favoring
capital intensive agricultural projects for the production of export
crops and foods for urban consumption, in which foreign interests play
a major role.
Another area of rapid growth which also illustrates where succes
sive governments have placed their priorities with regard to agricul
tural development is the Peruvian poultry industry. The poultry indus
try has gone through four distinct phases in the course of the present
century. Until around 1935, poultry was produced primarily on a small
scale by households as part of a diversified subsistence strategy, with
most of the fowl produced being consumed for subsistence purposes. The
only links to the international economy came through companies in the
United States, which were the sole importers of live birds, a role they
were permitted to fill without paying import duties from 1915 through
1920. After 1935, poultry production became a small-scale commercial
enterprise, supplying a growing urban market in the coastal cities.
The period was characterized by increased importation of pedigreed fowl
from the United States, Chile, and Canada, and by the beginnings of
concentrated feeding preparations based upon domestically produced
wheat and cotton derivatives, which were manufactured by both national
and multinational concerns that had previously been involved primarily
in the production of cattle feed (Gonzlez Vigil et_ al_. 1980:145-286).
During the 1950s and early 1960s, the industry continued to expand
rapidly, encouraged by government policies which had as a goal the
establishment of poultry as a principal source of meat protein in urban
areas that would be affordable to a broad segment of the population.


-212-
five additional laborers. This decision would depend in part upon who
were the individuals being asked to work. Some people are harder
workers than others. It would also depend upon the husband and wife's
calculations of how many days of labor they are in a position to repay.
The production function for harvesting potatoes is illustrated in
Figure 5-2. The relationship of total product (TP) to labor is almost
perfectly linear. The average product (AP) or the average amount of
potatoes produced by each hour of labor, rises to slightly above seven
kilograms and remains stable until 350 kilograms have been harvested.
Marginal product (MP), or the amount of additional production resulting
from each additional unit of labor, is at about five kilograms for the
first 6.5 hours of labor, rises to slightly above eight kilograms for
the second 6.5 hours, and remains steady until between the sixth and
seventh units of 6.5 hours, or to about 42 hours of labor; MP becomes
less than AP with the addition of a seventh worker, representing a
final 6.5 hours of labor, and reaches zero.
Thus, households do attempt to use labor inputs as efficiently as
they can. However, the period of time in which an activity such as
potato harvesting may be real ized is brief. Absolute constraints are im
posed by the physical enviroment. As noted, potatoes must be harvested
after they are mature and before they are frozen or ruined by nematodes. Rain
may further restrict the number of days available for harvesting.
Efforts must also be made to schedule activities so they do not inter
fere with cash-earning activities in the capitalist mode of production.
Furthermore, the techniques of production require that tasks be defined
in terms of what may be accomplished in a single day. Therefore, a


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-196-
Table 5-3
Head of Livestock per Household
in Lakeside Cormiunities
Community
Sheep
Cattle
Pigs
Camel ids
Jat"a
6.1
1.0
2.4
1.1
A
4.6
1.2
0.6
0.1
B
3.4
1.1
0.5
0.1
C
11.2
1.3
0.5
1.1
D
4.4
0.8
0.6
0.1
E
5.4
1.0
0.7
0.4
F
4.5
1.2
0.8
0.6
G
7.9
1.5
0.2
0.3
H
4.3
0.9
0.5
0.7
I
4.6
1.0
1.2
0.3
J
2.1
1.1
0.5
0.4
K
9.1
1.6
1.3
0.3
L
5.7
1.7
0.8
0.1
M
4.8
1.9
0.6
0.7
N
4.4
1.6
0.7
0.8
0
6.7
0.7
1.3
1.2
P
6.8
0.6
2.4
0.8
Q
10.5
0.9
0.8
2.2
R
4.6
1.0
1.4
0.6
S
8.9
1.1
1.4
1.8
T
7.2
1.1
1.8
1.4


-157-
as a border. In many cases, the planting of quinoa or kaiwa may be
a very casual activity. Seeds are frequently simply sprinkled on the
edges of the ridges after potatoes have been planted in an area. Thus
the labor demands made by quinoa and kaiwa during the planting season
of September and October are minimal and easily accomodated to the
other activities.
The harvest season for quinoa and kaiwa is late March and the
first weeks of April. Harvesting includes picking the grains, thresh
ing them, as well as transport and storage. Although this demands a
more concentrated labor expenditure than planting, the labor require
ments of quinoa and kaiwa harvesting are not great. There are few
households in the lakeside area which have as much as a total of 500
square meters of land planted in these grains although quinoa and
kaniwa increase in importance as one moves away from the lake. Yields
for quinoa average slightly over 400 kilograms per hectare in Sarata
while kaiwa yields about 560 kilograms per hectare. Thus the quanti
ties of these grains that a household handles during a year are quite
smal1.
Vegetable Crops
Vegetable crops have been slowly but steadily increasing in impor
tance for a number of years, although vegetable production is largely
confined to the lakeside region where the climate is more amenable.
The initial interest in vegetable production was stimulated by the
Seventh Day Adventist Church whose missionaries advocated vegetable
production both for the purposes of improving general nutritional


-102-
A sizeable milk industry has developed in Peru, stimulated by
government policy and the initiatives of two multinational corporations.
Perulac, whose center of production is the northern city of Cajamarca,
is controlled by the Swiss-owned Nestle company, while Leche Gloria,
which is produced in Arequipa, is a subsidiary of the United States-
based company,- Carnation. Production is largely limited to unreconsti
tuted fresh milk and evaporated milk, but both are produced in large
quantities and evaporated milk has become the basic food for nursing
children in urban areas of the country. Milk production has been in
creased through initiatives aimed at small .and medium-sized producers.
These have included improving the breeding stock through artificial
insemination, improving pastures, and subsidizing a balanced feed for
the animals. However, producers have found their opportunities for
profit limited by the fact that, in the respective areas, the two large
companies are the only buyers for milk. In addition, increases in milk
production have not kept up with the increasing demand that has been
created, so large quantities of powdered milk and milk fats have to be
imported for recombination in Peru. Also imported are the cans for the
evaporated milk. Transport costs from these two cities to the rest of
the country are also extremely high. Since the government has committed
itself to subsidizing milk to keep the price within the reach of urban
consumers, the import and transport costs are largely absorbed by the
national treasury (Samaniego 1980:220-221).
Peru's selva region has also been an object of attention for
agricultural entrepreneurs and planners, and like the enterprises dis
cussed above, large-scale capital intensive ventures are justified
with a promise that they will increase the supply of food available


-158-
standards and as a means by which people could compensate for religious
restrictions on meat consumption. As a result of these efforts,
spinach, lettuce, cabbage, carrots, radishes, garlic, turnips, beets,
and, above all, onions, are today found in plots cultivated by both
Adventist and Catholic households throughout the lakeside zone of the
district, where the climate is mild enough to permit their survival.
Onions, in particular, are a vegetable crop for which nearly everyone
has acquired a taste, and some households earn small amounts of cash by
selling onions and other vegetables in the Sunday market to people from
areas of the district where they will not grow. In fact, local vege
table production is insufficient to supply local demand, primarily
because of the extremely restricted area in which vegetable production
is possible. The demand for vegetables is high enough that a number of
women buy them every week in the city of Juliaca and bring them back to
Sarata to sell in the Sunday market in the town and the rural markets
which occur in the district during the week.
In recent years, there have been efforts by the government to
encourage vegetable production in Sarata. Some communities were pro
vided with materials and instructions for constructing simple green
houses made with sheets of clear plastic fastened over a framework of
wooden slats. The people were charged with experimenting with different
crops to see what they could grow successfully and economically in the
greenhouses, with the produce to be used in the preparation of lunches
for the school children. A wide variety of crops, including corn, squash,
hot peppers, watermelons, and tomatoes have been grown in the green
houses, although only tomatoes have thus far shown economic promise.
It was found that tomatoes could be grown in the greenhouses at only a


-3-
Guardia Civil, the national police force. Usually, however, the
searches are only cursory and rarely create difficulties. The biggest
worry lies in the delays that the checkpoints sometimes provoke.
The truck in which Petronia Quispe is riding is owned by a person
who engages in contraband activity on a far larger scale. In fact,
either he, his wife, or a family member own over half the trucks leaving
Sarata this morning. Although originally from the same peasant com
munity as Petronia, he has amassed a fortune that reputedly makes him
one of the richest men in southern Peru. He maintains a base in the
community by contributing generously to work projects and employing
people from there in his many enterprises. Petronia always travels in
one of his trucks because it is said that they are less likely to have
problems at the control points. Also, his sister is Petronia's god
mother, or madrina, having sponsored Petronia at her baptism. Petronia
can thus count on the support of powerful friends should she ever en
counter problems in Juliaca, or anywhere else in the department of Puno
for that matter.
Most of the trucks from Sarata will arrive in Juliaca between 5:00
and 6:00 a.m. The very last to leave will reach Juliaca by 6:30 a.m.
Upon arrival in Juliaca, the first thing Petronia will do is sell the
radio and the windbreakers to retail commercialists who work in the
city. That transaction completed, she will buy a large sack of onions
or carrots. After buying her produce, Petronia will store it in the
back of the truck, under the watchful eyes of the driver's assistant and
several fellow passegners while she does some shopping. Generally she
buys some fruit to take home to her family. Also, she will buy a large
sack of bread, which is of a better quality than that baked in Sarata.


-278-
much of the year, valley products are unavailable on the altiplano
and then, during the period of harvest in the valley, the market becomes
glutted forcing the prices down. The members of several of the coffee
cooperatives have formed unofficial committees to investigate ways of
either storing the products themselves or converting fruits to canned
juice so that they would have a product that could be sold throughout
the year at a relatively stable price. Assistance in this area would be
well received.
The District of Sarata in a Broader Perspective
The case of the district of Sarata described in the present work
illustrates several points regarding the interaction between capitalist
and non-capitalist modes of production when these come into contact
in areas of capitalist expansion. It also illustrates how the economic
decisions made by sarateo households shape, and are shaped by, particu
lar features of capitalist expansion.
In the example provided by Sarata, we see that all of the capital
ist activities are subsidized in some way by the non-capitalist mode
of production. In the case of wage labor in commercial agricultural
enterprises in the coastal region, the demand for labor is seasonal
and the wages of a worker cover the costs of subsistence while residing
on the coast with some money left to take home for the household. These
wages do not even approach the amount of money that would be needed to
support a household throughout the year. Such an enterprise could not
pay a subsistence wage and afford to continue functioning. Labor is


-134-
one-quart er of the year. The socios coordinate the cultivation of
household lands and individual herds with work done for the enterprise
as best they can. In theory, they are free to organize their time and
resources as they see fit. The basic rules are that if an animal is
lost, the herder is responsible, and if it dies, the herder must make
a report on the cause of death to the administration.
In addition to herding, the socio provides the labor needed to
supervise mating and birth of the animals, as well as worming and shear
ing. There are not enough socios to meet all of the labor requirements
at peak periods of activity, and the socios must call upon family members
to assist them at those times. Regardless of how many family members
help, however, only the socios are paid. This is a source of irrita
tion among the workers because, in addition to the fact of unremunerated
labor, family members are diverted from tasks on the household plots
and with the individually owned herds, and children must be taken out
of school. The S.A.I.S. administrators see the conflict between work
done for the enterprise and work done by households for themselves as
a problem inherent in the labor force which reduces the productivity
of the enterprise. At the same time, however, they concede that the
wage paid to socios, ranging roughly from $0.80 to $1.00^ a day depending
upon one's job, is far from a subsistence salary, and it is the existence
of the household production which allows the families to work for the
S.A.I .S. at all.
In spite of this, the administration of S.A.I.S. San Juan claims
that one of the major obstacles to productivity which it must overcome
Unless specifically stated otherwise, all references to currency are
presented in U.S. dollar equivalents.


-175-
an effort to stimulate domestic industries and discourage Peruvians
from buying imported goods and contributing to the nation's trade
deficit. Bolivia allows free entry of such products. This creates
opportunities for considerable profit for people who smuggle such goods
into Peru.
As has been noted, there is considerable variation in the scale
of the different smuggling operations. Those which are truly capitalist
enterprises in their own right, owning all of the means of production
necessary for carrying out the activity and hiring workers, will be
discussed presently. Attention will first.be given to the petty mer
cantilists who rely upon the trucks of others for transportation, hire
no employees, and have no direct ties with the enterprises which manu
facture or import the goods they carry. Although they do not embody
capitalist relations of production in and of themselves, but consist
simply of individuals performing a mercantilist function, these opera
tions act as agents of capitalist enterprises that are international in
the scope of their operations. They serve a distributive function for
those enterprises, allowing them to circumvent obstacles to their pro
ducts raised by national political interests.
Although smuggling tends to attract the interest of observers,
smuggled goods are but a fraction of those handled by small-scale com
mercial ists. The other goods commonly handled by commercialists may
link them to other enterprises characterized by diverse relations of
production. One important function of these enterprises is the purchase
of fruits, vegetables, and corn in the city of Juliaca for resale in the
Sunday market of the town of Sarata and the rural markets which meet
throughout the region during the rest of the week. The fruits and


-215-
crop planted. Since they are also the first crop in the rotation cycle,
considerable preparation is necessary to make the fields ready for
planting. Preliminary preparation includes stone removal, construction
of raised furrows, and transporting and spreading manure. The most
difficult of the preliminary tasks is furrow construction. It requires
a three-person team to furrow efficiently. Such a team can furrow at a
rate of about 217 square meters an hour, completing slightly more than
1800 square meters in a 6.5-hour day if the small plots to be furrowed
are close enough together so that time is not lost walking from one
plot to another. Depending upon the distance between plots and weather
conditions, the 2800 square meters to be planted in potatoes by our
Jat"a household can be furrowed in two or three days, embodying nearly
39 hours of labor when completed.
Manure is transported to the potato fields and spread immediately
prior to planting. Most households accomplish this task without
bringing in additional laborers. Manure is transported to the fields
in 100-kilogram flour sacks. The contents of a 100-kilogram flour sack
are approximately sufficient to manure an area of 50 square meters.
The 2800 square meters of our household thus require about 56 sacks
of manure. It is assumed that this household borrowed additional beasts
of burden so as to be able to transport two sacks of manure per trip.
Opportunistic observation indicated than an average round trip from
house to field and back, including loading the manure sacks, may be
said to require about one hour in the lakeside zone. Thus, in this
case, manure transport would require approximately 28 hours of labor.
On the basis of participant observation, it is estimated that, once


-146-
it, a woman to turn the earth over. Men are generally considered better
at foot plowing than women; but women can, and frequently do, plow when
the situation demands. In areas where the construction of furrows is
done as part of q"ullia, the earth is built up to form the furrows as
it is turned over. In areas where building furrows is a separate opera
tion, an identical three person team builds the already turned earth
into furrows. Progress is very slow in the task. A three person team
working quickly can break open and turn the soil and build furrows at
an approximate work rate of one masa (750 square meters) per six to
seven hour work day.
Once the furrows have been constructed, the earth is ready for the
application of fertilizer. Usually, this is manure gathered from the
2
household's livestock corrals. The manure is spread on the tops of
the furrows prior to planting. Manure is carried to the fields on
burros or on the backs of people.
Another activity which is preliminary to the planting itself is a
final sorting of the seed. Potatoes undergo one sorting immediately
after harvesting. At this time, rotten or damaged potatoes are set
aside for immediate consumption, as are the potatoes which will be
freeze-dried. Potatoes which will be kept and consumed fresh and seed
potatoes are stored. Immediately prior to planting, the seed potatoes
are inspected. Rotten or damaged potatoes are discarded, and the sprouts
which have appeared on the potatoes are pulled off.
2
According to the local Ministry of Agriculture officials, the use of
chemical fertilizers by producers in Sarata is increasing. However,
chemical fertilizers were used in none of the potato plantings ob
served during the course of the present investigation.


-52-
People who engage in smuggling as a source of cash income range
from individuals who buy passage on a truck to the border to go there
on foot and buy only a radio or two for later resale in Juliaca to
people who own trucks and employ numerous workers in their operations.
The large-scale smugglers, who are frequently from rural communities,
thus assume the role of capitalists in their own right, owning the means
of production, in this case transport facilities, and employing the
labor of others for wages. It is also the large-scale smugglers who,
by and large, provide the transportation for those operating on a much
smaller scale.
It may be argued that the small-scale smugglers are involved only
in simple mercantilist production, employing no one as they transport
goods from one area to another for the purpose of earning a profit.
However, the goods smuggled are all tied to international capitalist
enterprises, electronics firms, food processing, and distributing com
panies, and the world wool market. The number of people and trucks
based in Sarata is greater than could be supported by locally generated
transport requirements. They reflect a local response to opportunity
created by economic phenomena characteristic of areas experiencing
capitalist penetration, increased demand for imported and processed
foodstuffs and for consumer goods. The Sarata smugglers bring the goods
together with the areas of most solvent demand, and their own financial
success depends upon being sensitive to changes in market conditions.
Thus, smuggling as it exists today is both a product of and a vehicle
for continued capitalist penetration of the region.
Smuggling is interesting because of the role women play in the
activity. Both men and women are smugglers; but locally, women are


-57-
encounter. Among the lower social strata, the people who run large
smuggling operations must rely on bribes to buy protection. This
generally works, but there are no guarantees that an official who
accepts a bribe not to interfere with a smuggling operation will not
accept a bigger bribe to enforce the law in a particular case. Petty
smugglers simply must hope they are not caught and associate themselves
as closely as possible with someone who is thought to be protected.
While the vecinos are involved in smuggling, they do not involve
themselves in the mechanics of exchanging money or transporting goods.
These tasks are carried out by people of the other social strata who
work for the vecinos in return for wages and help in dealing with legal
or bureaucratic problems and other favors. Vecinos do not engage in
trades such as carpentry, mechanics, or artisanry, and they will work
for wages only in the capacity of "professionals," accepting positions
as teachers or bureaucrats. Most of the vecinos in Sarata who have jobs
work as teachers and bureaucrats in the local school system. Although
such occupations carry with them professional status appropriate for
someone from a vecino family, they are not characterized by particularly
high salaries. This, combined with their limited participation in the
other major economic activities of Sarata and the zeal with which the
lower social strata have participated in them, means that there are
numerous non-vecino households which control more wealth than the
vecino households do. Vecinos do retain some prerogatives of their
social status. Most non-veclnos behave deferentially in their presence,
for example. However, economically they are losing ground to the other
social strata, and with the passage of time their numbers are declining
in Sarata, as many of them go elsewhere in search of more abundant
opportunities compatible with their social position.


-144-
real i zed by the first week of December. Something of a race occurs
in the fields located nearest the edge of the lake, as people allow the
potatoes to grow as large as possible before the waters, which are rising
from the increasing rainfall, force them to either harvest their crops
or allow them to be inundated in the fields.
The exact amount of milli land cultivated varies somewhat from year
to year because annual variations in rainfall cause slight variations
in the level of the water along the shore and in where mil 1i cultivation
is possible. More dramatic changes in mi 11i cultivation occur over
longer periods of time during which the water level may vary be several
feet. Although the cycles in which the water level of the lake varies
are several years long, the changes in the shape of the shoreline may
occur very suddenly. From one year to the next, fields may be left
"high and dry" or completely flooded depending upon rainfall. Despite
this measure of insecurity, milli lands are among the most coveted in
the district because the early harvest they allow reduces the amount
of time that a household must rely upon stored foods.
In addition to the mi 11i lands, some potatoes are planted on
irrigated land. This option, however, is rarely utilized as people
prefer to save their irrigated lands for the cultivation of broad beans
(Vicia fava), which will yield up to three harvests a year under favor
able conditions. Thus, most potato fields rely strictly upon rainfall
for moisture. In these fields the time of planting is determined by a
number of factors. Among them, enough rain must have fallen to have
softened the earth, which becomes extremely hard during the dry season,
but not so much as to make it soggy and heavy. Additionally, the rains
must be sufficiently consistent to indicate that the rainy season is


-55-
The revenues which result from cash cropping in the tropical valley
are invested in the highland community. The migration to the area is
permanent insofar as someone owning land there will continue to go year
after year and the practice will be taken up by offspring who either
inherit the landholdings of their parents or have cleared new land-
holdings of their own. However, it is seasonal, with trips to the
tropical area being determined by the demands of the highland agricul
tural cycle. The Tambopata Valley may thus be seen as a productive
zone of the highlands. Producers have very little interest in long
term conservation efforts in the region. The steep slopes of the
hillsides rising up from the valley are badly eroded in many areas.
After a number of years productivity decreases due to a decline in soil
fertility. When this occurs, the response is simply to clear land
further down in the valley.
A single household will commonly participate in some combination
of these productive activities, or, in some cases, a household may be
involved in all of them. A household thus participates in both capi
talistic and non-capitalist activities, and its class position may be
that of subsistence agriculturalists, of wage laborers, or of capitalist
entrepreneurs, depending upon when one chooses to look and upon which
activities attention is focused. The essence of the strategy is to
maintain all of the activities as viable alternatives and to utilize
them to best advantage according to the resources of the household and
the relative opportunities the different activities present at any
particular time.
The diversity of the activities that comprise a households over
all productive strategy tends to be less marked among higher social


-164-
The mating of camel ids begins in October and continues through
March. The camel id mating requires considerable intervention on the
part of herders as males and females must be repeatedly brought together
and separated (Custred 1977:67-68). In or around July, pregnant females
are separated from the rest of the herd. Most young are born in
December and January, with weaning taking place the following September.
Like sheep, camel ids are usually sheared in February.
Many Sarata households also own pigs, with an average household
having one or two. Pigs are fed human food scraps and pasture and are
allowed to attain a weight of 30-50 kilograms before being butchered.
Pork is consumed fresh, and the butchering of a pig occurs once or twice
a year to mark the celebration of a major fiesta or an important house
hold event such as a wedding or housebuilding. Pork is a high-status
meat that is much favored. However, because pigs are not herd animals
and are very troublesome to care for, their numbers are fewer than
sheep, cattle, or camel ids. Only about 2700 are to be found in all
the communities of Sarata. In addition, pigs have difficulty surviving
at higher elevations or areas of extreme cold, where they are very sub
ject to heart failure and exposure.
Small livestock commonly found in Sarata includes chickens, guinea
pigs, and rabbits. Most households have two or three chickens for the
purpose of laying eggs. However, eggs seldom hatch at the altitude of
Sarata, and all chickens must be brought to the area live from lower
elevations. Chickens usually stay in the living compounds, but they
are rarely confined to coops. Consequently, children spend a lot of
time searching the nooks and crannies of the living compounds for
eggs.


-62-
Southern Peruvian Railway at the end of the 19th century, Juliaca is
the transportation nexus for the entire region. It is now the major
center of capitalist expansion in Puno department. Merchants radiate
outward from it seeking to expand consumer markets and the accumulation
of capital within the city has stimulated the growth of numerous enter-
prizes.
One might argue that capitalist expansion into the Sarata region
was inevitable. However, the specific nature of this expansion cannot
be understood without reference to the goals and policies of those
groups which have held national power and international economic in
terests. For districts in the altiplano, these policies constitute an
environmental factor as real and as uncertain as temperature and rain
fall, and their productive decisions reflect their view of national
economic policy just as surely as they do their understanding of pro
duction on the altiplano. For districts of the altiplano, these poli
cies become reality, for better or worse in Juliaca. By understanding
this, we also understand what Sarata has in common with the rest of the
altiplano and, in a more general way, with the rest of the nation.
The Integration of Sarata
The term "integration" has commonly had two meanings when applied
to Native American populations in Latin America. One meaning refers to
the organization of these populations into a force for providing the
dominant groups or classes with labor, food, and other goods. It is
generally assumed that the dominant groups or classes have something to
offer in return, such as protection from extenal aggression, public


-273-
have experimented with decreasing their agricultural production to
allow more time for capitalist activities. Some have tried going to
the tropical valleys earlier and staying longer so they can harvest
the coffee which ripens before and after the peak harvest months.
Other coffee growers go to the valleys with their spouses so as not to
have to hire as many laborers and thus to reduce costs. Wage laborers
have extended their stays on the coast or expanded their trade and
transport activities at the expesne of some food production. The con
sensus is that none of these alternatives produce sufficient revenues
to allow one to have gained any advantage once food shortfalls have
been made up through purchase.
This still is not, however, the most important obstacle to fuller
participation in the capitalist mode of production at the expense
of subsistence agriculture. All remuneration for participation in
capitalist activities comes in the form of money; acquiring access to
money for the purpose of purchasing manufactured goods is the primary
motive for participating in capitalist production in the first place.
However, the high Peruvian inflation rate and frequent devaluations
of Peruvian currency in relation to other currencies force people to
convert their money into goods as quickly as possible. Most of this
money is converted into consumer products and home improvements aimed
at bettering the living conditions of the household. Any "savings"
are converted into goods that are easily convertible, non-perishable,
and which tend to hold their value in comparison to money. A popular
choice is wool, for although subject to price fluctuations it is
considered more stable than money, and may be used to fill another basic


-50-
Subsistence agriculture belongs to the domain of non-capitalist produc
tion. In this case, households own the means of production and do not
employ others to meet their labor needs. During peak periods of agri
cultural activity, labor requirements that the household does not have
the resources to satisfy are met through exchange relationships with
other households that also require additional labor. The resulting
agricultural production is not sold, but is used by the household to
satisfy its own nutritional needs.
The practice of some specialized trade such as carpentry, in a
rural community, is another activity that does not involve the producer
in a capitalist mode of production as it has been defined here. The
person with the trade owns the means of production and does not normally
employ additional labor. If additional labor is needed, it is generally
provided either by family members or by the customer. Frequently, the
specialist works in order to reciprocate or insure labor services per
formed by others in agricultural activities in the household fields.
A specialist carrying out a trade in a rural community of Sarata is
invariably a subsistence agriculturalist as well.
A specialist who goes to an urban area to sell a skill for wages
participates in the capitalist mode of production. Migration to urban
areas in search of wage labor is an economic option for both skilled
and unskilled laborers from Sarata. The majority of unskilled laborers
are drawn to the industrial agricultural enterprises in the Arequipa
area, as well as other sections of the Peruvian coast. A smaller number
is involved in mining. Carpenters and bricklayers often find employment
in the construction industry, which is also concentrated in the coastal
region. Most migration to urban areas is seasonal, with the migratory


-234-
Table 5-9
Labor Inputs Required for Cultivation of Broad Beans and Peas
Task
Approximate Duration
Hours
Planting
First planting (irrigated)
Late July-August
19.50
Non-irrigated planting
September
33.00
Second planting
Late March-April
9.75
Third planting (irrigated)
June
9.75
Weeding
SUBTOTAL
72.00
Of irrigated beans from
first planting
November-December
10.00
Of non-irrigated beans
January-February
11.00
Of irrigated beans from
second planting
Of irrigated beans from
June-July
5.00
third planting
September
5.00
SUBTOTAL
31.00
Harvest and Storage
Harvest of first irrigated
planting
Transport and storage of
February-March
74.00
first irrigated planting
Harvest of non-irrigated
19.00
planting
Transport and storage of
Late March-April
113.00
non-irrigated planting
Harvest of second irrigated
31.00
planting
Transport and storage of
September-October
37.00
second irrigated planting
Harvest of third irrigated
14.00
planting
Transport and storage of
November-December
37.00
third irrigated planting
14.00
SUBTOTAL
342.00
Maintenance of Irrigation Works
Late May
32.50
TOTAL 477.50


Table 5-11
Summary of Monthly Labor Requirements of Subsistence Agriculture
Activity
Aug.
Sep.
Oct.
Nov.
Dec. Jan.
Feb.
Mar.
Apr.
May
Jun.
Jul.
Tuber planting
45.0
63.0
62.0
15.0
Bean planting
14.5
33.0
2.50
7.25
9.75
5.0
Barley and wheat planting
6.0
18.0
Forage grain planting
4.0
4.0
Onion planting
2.0
Tuber weeding
11.0
33.0 44.00
Bean weeding
5.0
5.0
5.0 5.50
5.50
2.50
2.5
Tuber harvest
200.00
200.00
Bean Harvest
25.5
25.5
25.5
25.5
31.00
98.00
108.00
Barley and wheat harvest
18.00
33.60
Forage grain harvest
6.50
6.50
Quinoa harvest
16.00
16.00
Onion harvest
1.25
1.25
1.25
1.25
-242-


-9-
Considerable effort has been expended in this discussion with
neither side able to delineate an objectively definable field of study.
On one hand, it is argued that economics has to do with the provision
ing of society, but that the institutions which fill this role belong
to the domains of kinship, religion, or politics rather than economics.
On the other hand, economics may study the decision-making by which
scarce means are allocated among alternative uses. However, if means
and ends are defined broadly enough to be universally applicable, then
all human activity becomes the field of study (Godelier 1967; 1977).
Within this general context, the study of peasant societies has an
additional element of complexity which is not shared by the tribal or
primitive non-Western societies which have provided many of the examples
fueling the above discussion. As a group, peasants are not defined by
the internal structures of their own societies, but by their relation
ships to larger, external societies. Hence, Redfield (1953:31) links
the rise of peasant societies to the rise of cities, and Kroeber
(1948:284) states that peasants are "part-societies with part-cultures"
which constitute a class segment of a larger population, and which live
in relation to market towns. The relationships that peasants have with
the larger populations are highly variable according to the technological,
environmental, and social situations of the peasants themselves, and
the type of domain exercised over them by the dominant urban-based
classes of the society (Wolf 1955; 1966).
In spite of great variability, peasants do share the experience of
being dominated by other strata in the larger populations to which they
belong. These strata exercise a prior claim over the production of
peasants. Sometimes this is over "surplus" production, and sometimes


-201-
Table 5-9
Livestock Owned by Households in Jat"a
Animal
Number in Community
Mean Number per Household
Cattle
35
1.0
Llamas
38
1.1
Pigs
83
2.4
Sheep
212
6.1
Beca