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Culture dynamics at Luebo : an ethnography of religious agents of change in Zaire

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Culture dynamics at Luebo : an ethnography of religious agents of change in Zaire
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Luebo, Cultural dynamics at
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Juengst, Daniel Purdy, 1928-
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xiv, 187 leaves : ill., maps ; 28cm.

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Buildings ( jstor )
Children ( jstor )
Elementary schools ( jstor )
Furloughs ( jstor )
Hospitals ( jstor )
Houses ( jstor )
Mission stations ( jstor )
Pastors ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
Voting ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF ( lcsh )
Missionaries, American ( lcsh )
Presbyterian Church -- Missions -- United States ( lcsh )
Social conditions -- Congo (Democratic Republic) ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 180-186.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Daniel Purdy Juengst.

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CULTURE DYNAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE










By

DANIEL PURDY JUENGST















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY





UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1975






















Copyright 1975 Daniel Purdy Joengst




















This work is dedicated

to my mother


ADELE PURDY JUENGST


a splendid bearer of her culture whose constancy in concern has enhanced five generations of our
family and has challenged me
to continuing growth.












ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am deeply indebted to numerous individuals for support and

encouragement received during the preparation of this dissertation. I shall begin by expressing my gratitude to Sara Covin Juengst, my wife, and to our children. They have shared the good moments and the bad. Through the entire process their confidence and expectations have been a constant encouragement.

I would like next to especially thank my Committee Chairman,

Professor Brian M. duToit. He recruited me to the University of Florida, taught me Anthropology and has encouraged and supported me in the manner of an authentic mentor. It is not an exaggeration to say that his role has been absolutely crucial to the completion of this project.

I owe a debt of gratitude to each of the other members of my committee: to Professor Solon T. Kimball, for his encouragement and the anthropological insights so abundant in his teaching, to Associate Professor Haig Der-Houssikian for his continued interest and support as Director of the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida, to Assistant Professor Carol E. Taylor for her encouragement and her anthropological insights into the process of becoming an anthropologist,

and lastly to Professor Richdrd H. Hiers for his interest and concern through the years.

The list could be extended excessively. The missionaries and Zairians who were informants and friends, the staff members of the iv







Presbyterian Church in the United States, the staff of the Presbyterian Historical Foundation, numerous friends along the way all contributed to this work.

One of these friends must not remain nameless, Carolyn J. Grimes. I engaged her as my typist, but her exceptional skill and dedication quickly made me aware of the fact that I was benefiting from an editorial assistant. I am grateful to her for her contribution.




































v











TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS vi

LIST OF PLATES x

LIST OF TABLES xi

LIST OF FIGURES . xii

ABSTRACT . xiii

INTRODUCTION . I

Chapter

1. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT . . . . . . 5

Geography 5

Indigenous Demography and Culture . . . 8

European Demography and Culture . . . . 17

2. THE HISTORY OF THE MISSIONARY COMMUNITY . . 22

Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920) . . . . 24 Transition and Expansion (1921-1940) . . . 30 Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950) . . 34

Subsidization and Change (1951-1960) 36

3. THE POPULATION OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY . . . 39

Personnel Numbers . . 39

Missionary Origins 41

Professions of Missionary Personnel . . . 42

vi






TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page

The Evangelistic . 42

The Educational 43

The Medical 43

The Industrial 45

Business 4 5

The Central School for Missionaries' Children 45

Wives 46

The Missionaries Themselves 46

Indigenous Personnel . 56

4. THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 60

Luebo Station and the APCM . 61

Buildings and Dwellings . 66

The Church . 69

The Missionary Residences . 72

The McKowen Memorial Hospital 76 The J. Leighton Wilson Press 76

The Evangelistic Office 78

The Primary School 79

The Girl's Home 79

The Preacher's School 79

Households 80

Missionary Furnishings and Equipment 86 The Missionary Diet 87

Missionary Clothing . . . 89

Finances . 90

vii






TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page

5. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION I: PRESBYTERIAN TRADITION AND THE
FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY . . . 91 Presbyterian Tradition.... . . . 93

The Formal Structure .. 95

The Mission 96

The Stations . 104

The-epartmnents .. 106

The Congregations (Ekelezia Mujadika) .. . 108 The Presbyteries (Bihangu) .. . . . . 109 The Synod (Mpungilu) .. . 110

6. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION II: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION AND
THE INFORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY . . 113 Patterns of Interaction .. . . . . . . 113



Marriage and the Family . . .. . . 118

Recreation .. 123

Religion 128

Related Events . ... . 129

The Circular Vote . 130

Checking Out . . . . . . . 130

The Station Supper 131

The Outdoor Tea 132

Eating Around 132

The Informal Structure . . .. . . . 133

In-groups and Cliques. . . . . .: 134

Longevity Grades . 134

Viii







TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page

Kinship Networks (Real and Fictive) . .. . 136 Professional Groups . 137

7. THE CRISIS OF INDEPENDENCE . 139

Social and Political Change 140

Tribal Conflict 142

Independence Day 143

Evacuation of Missionaries . 145

Reoccupation and Change . 146

The Death of the Mission 147

8. THE DEVOLUTION OF THE MISSION: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGE . . 149

Changes in the Formal Structure . . . . . 149

Changes in the Informal Structure . . . . . 151

9. INITIATION OF ACTION, IDEOLOGY AND UNPLANNED CHANGE:
SOME THEORETICAL CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . 155

APPENDIX 1: A HANDBOOK FOR MISSIONARY SERVICE . . . 158 APPENDIX 2: OFFICIAL SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING OUTFIT . . . 171 REFERENCES CITED 180

ADDITIONAL REFERENCES . 184

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 187














ix












LIST OF PLATES

Page
1. Board of World Missions promotional map of American
Presbyterian Congo Mission .......... 4

2a. Young Zairian mission employee with wife, home and
transportation .... ......... 15
b. Same couple inside their home ......... 15

3a. The church at APCM-Luebo ....... ... 71

b. Another view of APCM-Luebo church ........ 71

4a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo. ...... 73

b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo ..... 73

5a. Writer's residence at APCM-Luebo ........ 75

b. Interior of writer's residence ......... 75

6a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo 77

b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at APCM-Luebo. .. 77

7a. Village evangelists and indigenous church elders 11. . 1

b. Zairian church pastors and missionary conducting a worship service .............. 111

8a. Outdoor tea at APCM-Luebo. ......... 127

b. Missionary picnic on island in Lulua River ..... 127

9a. Lulua refugees around church at APCM-Luebo ... 144

b. Burned houses after tribal fighting at APCM-Luebo. 144





X










LIST OF TABLES

Page

1. Population data 1952 18

2. Missionary personnel appointments by period and department. 44 3. Dollar input and personnel by year (1940-1949) . . . 47 4. Dollar input and personnel by year (1950-1959) . . . 48 5. Dollar input and personnel by year (1960-1967) . . . 49 6. Statistical report of Luebo 58





























xi











LIST OF FIGURES

Page

1. Road map of the Kasayi in late colonial period ... 6

2. Map of Roman Catholic arid Protestant missionary activity
in Zaire prior to 1960.. 20
3. Hap of Belgian Congo showing railroad and mission stations ..31

4. Mission map showing five major stations and their
dependent villages... 33

5. Map of APCM-Luebo and portion of the town of Luebo. ..65

6. Plan showing layout of APCM-Luebo .. 69

7. Organizational chart of missionary groupings .. 107


























xii






Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



CULTURE DYNAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF
RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE

By

Daniel Purdy Juengst

August, 1975

Chairman: Brian M. duToit
Major Department: Anthropology

A religious mission to Zaire sponsored by Presbyterians from the southern United States is investigated ethnographically. Over an eightyfive year period the American Presbyterian Congo 1-lission has carried out its religious, medical, educational and social mission in the Kasayi region of Zaire. Culture history, population characteristics and the material base of the missionary community are described in the context of the surrounding African culture.

The formal social organization of the missionary group is described and the significance of culturally persistent features stemming from American Presbyterian culture are pointed out. A description of communication and control networks, reciprocity linkages and relationship characteristics is developed from the examination of individual missionary interactions with members of their households, with fellow missionaries, with African members of their work cohorts, with other Europeans and with the general African population. This analysis reveals an informal level of organization which is determinative in the processes of the missionary community.

The events and the concomitant changes in patterns of interaction Xiii






which took place during the period immediately prior to and following Zaire's attainment of political independence are described. The effects of these situational changes on the missionary community are examined with special emphasis on their relationship to missionary career expectations, ideology and cultural maintenance.

Conclusions are drawn concerning the significance of situational

events, initiation of action potential, balanced reciprocity relationships and symbolic systems for the existence of a particular community form and its culture.


































Xiv











INTRODUCTION

The indigenous people of Africa have long been the subjects of anthropological study. Ethnographies have been written to describe the life ways of the niajority of the major ethnic groupings in subSaharan Africa. In the late 1930's, under the leadership of B. Malinowski (1938), research was undertaken on the processes of culture contact and change. Since that period the bulk of African anthropological research has been on the various aspects of change: acculturation, migration, urbanization, de-colonization, nation-building and modernization.

During the entire colonial period in Africa, Christian missionaries from the western nations have been on the scene, contributing to and participating in the processes of change that are taking place. T.0. Beidelmar has pointed out that "almost no attention was ever paid by anthropologists to the study of colonial groups such as administrators, missionaries or traders" (1974:235). He suggests that research on these groups would be useful because, among other resn.ns, "the problems of planned social change, of communication, and exercise of power between culturally different groups, remains one of the most important and pressing sociological issues" (1974:236).

The present study has been undertaken to partially meet the

need for anthropological research on western agents of change in Africa. The basic research methodology has been participant observation. The






2


writer was an active miscionzn'y of the Presbyterian Church in the United States and t resid-nt memi er of the American Presbyterian Congo Mission in Zaire during the p-rids: January 1959 to July 1960; September 1963 to July 19'K K d Sepitmier 1966 to July 1968. He was also present in the Ke i from October 1970 to August 1972 during which time he taught at the Mi te i noval School of the National University of Zaire at Kr ~n (fo~m er y Luluabourg)

The material collected is being presented basically in ethnographic forn. Thee: will be one deviation from the traditional ethnographic descriptive stLyle in that the "ethnographic present tense" has not been used throughout but rather only for the specific site description of Luebo (Chpter 4). The historical past tense is used elsewhere. Although the focus of the study is on the missionary community at Luebo during 1959 and 1960, this community and its culture can only be understood in the context of the 70 years of mission history prior to the time of observation, and in the light of the socio-cultural change which took place in the Kasayi immediately subsequent to that period.

The general physical and social environment of the missionary community at Luebo will be described in Chapter 1. The historical background and development of the larger msisionary organization of which the community at Luebo was one sub-unit, will be sketched in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 deals with the population of the missionary groups, both in terms of the larger organization extending throughout the Kasayi area arid in terms of the specific group resident at Luebo. The discussion of the Luebo group includes description of the types of






3


indigenous Africans with whom the missionaries had the most extensive interact-ion.

The material base of the missionary community is described in Chapter 4. Following this presentation of general setting, historical development, people involved and material situation, Chapters 5 and 6 deal with the social organization of the missionary community. The Presbyterian traditions of the American missionaries and the resulting formal structures found among them in the Kasayi are treated in Chapter 5. An analysis of actual patterns of interaction and quasi-ritualistic events and assemblages (Kimball and Pearsall 1955) at the mission station reveal informal structures which are described in Chapter 6.

The rapid changes which took place immediately prior to and

following political independence in Zaire are described in Chapter 7. The effects of these changes on the missionary community and culture are treated in Chapter 8.

During the period 1960 to 1962 the missionary community and culture changed radically. An analysis of the importance of such factors as the potential for the initiation of action, changing ideological or symbolic systems, and territoriality leads to the formulation of conclusions con corning these factors and the existence of an established community of religious agents of change.

It should be pointed out, perhaps needlessly, that all the names referring to individuals participating in the events observed at Luebo have been changed. Specific historical references and individuals cited in published material are true.




4

PLATE 1















COGPRL REPUBFLIC O~F
THE CONG;O

1I~~ A'(Jai C, Bulae
xi A Leopoldville
K *mufofo TA I//\ZNAIIA

tV L u b unub ul
N / -~ mbo lubn~ MornA










~J VZAM'BIA




J -.









Missonsp. 2 .











CHAPTER 1
THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT

During the period since 1960 many of the place names in Zaire have been changed. As the original observation upon which this study is based was made during the 18 months prior to Independence Day (June 30, 1960), the usage here will reflect the older terminology. Although t1.his study deals partly with the American Presbyterian Congo Mission as a whole, its ethnographic focus is on the mission station at Luebo.

Geography

Luebo is the administrative capital of the Kasayi District of Zaire, the former Belgian Congo (cf. Figure 1). It is situated at the junction of the Luebo and Lulua Rivers. The Lulua River is one of the navigable tributaries of the Kasayi River, which itself is one of the largest tributaries of the great Congo (Zaire) River. Luebo was opened as a trading post in 1883 by the explorer Major Hermann Von Wissmann. It then became an administrative post of thie Independent State of the Congo. It occupies a latitude of about 5 and 1/2 degrees south and is about 1200 miles by river from the Atlantic coast at 21 degrees 30" west longitude. The Lulua River at Luebo is 1300 feet above sea level and APCM-Luebo, the mission station, is over 1700 feet (AR 1927, cf. footnote on page 23 below).

The surrounding area, for which the combination of town and mission at Luebo serves as a commercial, educational medical and

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7


religious center, stretches out to the southeast forming what is known as the Kasayi region between the Kasayi and Sankuru Rivers. The Kasayi region covers an area of approximately 30,000 square miles.

The Kasayi region, except for its northernmost section, is

located in the geographic region known as the Southern Uplands. The northern tip of the area extends into the Congo Basin, the immense geological depression through which the Congo River flows its 240 degree arc of 2800 miles to the Atlantic.

Luebo and all of the other mission stations of the APCM except Bulape to the north are in the Southern Uplands which is characterized by savanna vegetation. These Southern Uplands cover a surface area of one-third of the nation. Most of the region is rolling country which slopes gradually from a maximum altitude of about 4,000 feet in the south to between 1,200 and 2,500 feet where the rolling plains merge with the outer edges of the Congo Basin. Grasses predominate over most of the area, but are interspersed with scattered clumps of shrubs and trees.

The Kasayi region lies between latitude 4 degrees south and

8 degrees south. Being in the southern hemisphere, there are 2 major annual climatic periods, a hot, wet season and a cool, dry season. Eight months of the year, from early September to mid-flay, is the rainy season. Local showers, usually of short duration, occur almost daily. The dry season begins in the middle of May and lasts until September. It is very dry but heavy dews keep the fields and grasses from complete drought. The nights are cool and the average daily temperature is around 75 degrees (MacLean 1961:3).






8

Fine grain soils predominate over two-thirds of the Southern

Uplands and are found in varying mixtures in the Kasayi area. Diamonds were discovered in the Kasayi around 1913, leading to the cvelopment of the important mining industry. The 2 main fields are located about 200 miles apart at Tshikapa on the Kasayi River south of Lueho and at Mbuji Mayi near the Sankuru River southeast of Luebo. The resources of the Tshikapa area are sminaller but contain a higher percentage of gem stones than are found at Mbuji Mayi, which produces the greater amount of industrial diamonds (McDonald 1971:19).

Indigenous DemograpPhy and Culture

The area is characterized by an ethnographic diversity due to a heterogeneous population made up of Luba, Lulua and Kete groups. Historically, the predominate groups were Lulua south of Luebo and Kete to the north. Luba populations migrated into the area during the colonial period. The predominantly rural population of the region live in villages of varying size and character throughout the area. The size and structure of the villages depended on the ethnic background of the residents. An early missionary observer reports Lulua and Luba villages scattered throughout the uplands at a distance of every 15 or 20 miles (Verner 1903:465).

At present, the most heavily populated regions lie in the area of Luluabourg, along the railroad that runs from Port Franqui in the northwest through Katanga province to the southeast and, thirdly, near the diamond fields. This population, living throughout the area of activity of the APCM, belongs to various sub-groupings of the major tribes: Kuba, Lulua, Luba-Kasayi, Luntu, Kanyoka and






9


Sal aipa su.

The Luba-Kasayi were forced to become a migrant people to

escape Arab slave traders. In the late 19th century they had formed hybrid communities with the Lulua, a closely associated ethnic group, placing themselves under the protection of the local Lulua chief (McDonald 1971:91). Between 1925 and 1940 other Luba, encouraged by the government and missions, settled along the railroad line and around the growing city of Luluabourg, where, by 1959 and possibly some years earlier, they represented 60% of the African population.

The surface area of the Congo is deceptively large. Its

2,343,930 square kilometers compare with the United States east of the Mississippi River or an area 4 times the size of France (Romaniuk 1968:242). Population studies were attempted through the colonial period (1908-1960). The results of the earlier studies must, however, be taken as merely indications due to the problematic nature of data-collecting methods employed. The official government estimate of the total population for the year 1910 was 7,248,000 (Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:166). Later demographic studies indicate that this estimate was significantly low.

When viewed over the whole colonial period the general trends can be delineated. It has been noted, for instance, that an increasingly large volume of vital statistics gathered by the Belgian colonial administration leaves little doubt that the African population must have been growing (Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:1966). Romaniuk cites the total population at 13,175,000 for 1957 on the basis of acceptably valid figures from 1952 to 1957 (1959:569).






10


On the basis of the most conservative estimate for a projected natural growth rate (2.3% per annum), Romaniuk posits a total population of 17,700,000 in 1970, and a projected 22,210,000 in 1980 (1959: 598). The period required for the doubling of the population is 31 years.

The quality of demographic data available on the Congo increased significantly in the late 1950's as a result of the extensive statistical survey known as the "Deomographic Inquiry 1955-1957." Anatole Romarniuk was given the responsibility of this study when he was appointed director of the newly formed Bureau of Demography (Romaniuk 1968:243). For this study 100 selected and trained interviewers interviewed 1.9 million persons, a sample of around 11% of the population. The administration's population registration system provided a sampling frame for the inquiry. It included a list, by administrative areas, of the 50,000 villages in Zaire, with approximate figures of the number of persons in each village,(Romaniuk 1968: 244).

The substantive results of the Demographic Inquiry which have significance for the examination of mission life at Luebo and the activity of the APCM in general are summarized in the following statements. In the period 1955-1957 the total Congolese population of 13,000,000 was 78% "rural," that is, residing in traditional villages. "Urban" residents, that is, non-agricultural and living in cities of more than 2,000 inhabitants totaled 10%1 of the population. 1 Those

lThe usage of the term "urban" here follows that of the Belgian demographers cited. It is noted that United Nations classifies as urban groupings of 30,000 or more persons.









classified as "mixed," living in small commercial administrative or industrial conglomerations of less than 2,000 persons, accounted for 12% (Romaniuk 1968:338). The figures of 10% urban and 12% mixed compare favorably, when combined with earlier estimates by 2 writers (Moeller 1952:192 and Dellicour 1952:491), that the Congo population was 20% urban.

It is important to note that the Kasayi province ranked next to last in 1957 among the provinces in the Congo in the number of Europeans, 8,634 out of a national total of 108,957 foreigners. As mentioned, the foreign population in the Kasayi included colonial administrative, commercial and missionary personnel. Luluabourg, the principal city of the area with a population of 55,000, ranked fifth nationally in a list of 72 towns with a population of over 2,000 (Romaniuk 1959:624).

It has long been understood that the basic motive for the

colonial enterprise was an economic one. The Belgian claim to fame in the Congo was based on the steady and diversified economic growth which they created through their administration (Comhaire 1956:9). The high margin of profit accruing to the European investment was largely due to the fact that most of the production was in the form of raw materials which were sold on the world market. The mines in the Kasayi and Katanga were typical of the "extractive"' type industry which formed the basis of the colonial economy.

The Belgian government acquired its colony from their king, Leopold III, following an international scandal over the Independent State of the Congo's exploitation of African labor. Being sensitive






12

to the responsibility of governing a portion of Africa 88 times larger in area than their country, and being determined to improve the international image of Belgium, the Belgian Parliament enacted legislation controlling all aspects of African life. They were aware from the expel-ienice of other colonies that the "work contract," especially a long--term contract, was one of the regular sources of disruption in Africanl society. The government defined minutely the rules which had to be followed (Libotte 1953:511ff) and the limits which had to be observed in recruiting and engaging Africans (Briey, 1945:386).

The social legislation touching the economy related mostly to salaried workers. The local market system remained relatively unaffected. Such measures as a "kopo," i.e., a cup usually a tomato paste can remain standard units. A beer bottle remains the standard unit of palm oil and fish are sold by the piece. Duvieusart notes that the multitude of indigenous merchants did not create a competition which had the effect of lowering the prices as one might expect, rather the number served to limit the income of each seller (1959:78).

The colonial government did make a few attempts to develop a

solid peasantry through agricultural innovation. All of these schemes failed, mainly through the lack of education at the community level, and a paucity of insights regarding the target population, which an applied anthropologist might well have been able to provide (Beguin 1965:910ff and Bailleul 1959:830).

The demographic studies provide information on the amount and type of internal migration of the African population. The migration






13

figures show that, in spite of industrialization and urbanization, the majority of the African population tends to remain in their native area. In the Kasayi province, in 1950, 60,571 (68%) of the African workers were native to the territory (i.e., "county") of their employment. There were 19,075 workers (21%) from other territories in the same district. There were 8,193 workers (9%) from other districts in the same province. There were 1,263 workers (1.4%) from other provinces, and only 69 workers (.007%) came from other countries (Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:184). These figures indicate that through the years, the Presbyterian agents of change in the Kasayi were dealing with a relatively stable African population not experiencing the extreme labor migration seen in Katanga province and more especially in other African countries.

Both the Lulua and the Luba-Kasayi speak as a first language

slightly differing forms of Tshiluba. Tshiluba is one of the 6 common languages in Zaire, that is, it is used as a communication medium by other non-native speakers in the area. Tshiluba can be used with fluency by the various matrilineal groups surrounding the Lulua and Luba. The missions and their literacy campaigns were instrumental in the development of 3 variants of this language. This will be discussed below (cf. Chapter 6).

The basic social grouping of the Lulua and Luba-Kasayi is the patrilineal localized lineage, an extended family grouping composed of several elementary families related through unilineal descent. In the Kasayi the local lineage, or tshoto, is quite small, composed of an average of 9 men and corresponding to a maximal depth of 4 genera-






14

tions. The lineages form a segmentary system with a maximal depth of around 20 generations. The territorial lineage is the minor lineage having a depth of about 6 generations. The residential group is made up of the men of the tshoto or local lineage with their wives and children as well as maternal nephews and in earlier times a few slaves (Vansina 1965:166). The head of the local lineage is invariably a
4
man, the mukulu or "elder," a patriarch recognized as having cerUain mystical credentials qualifying him to carry out his role. The rights of a man's younger brothers take precedence over those of the younger generation. The brother of a man's mother has certain claims on him and his family. Plural marriages are accepted in the indigenous social organization but are usually limited to chiefs or others who have accumulated unusual wealth. In a polygynous marriage, it is normal for

each wife to maintain a separate house.

House forms for both the Lulua and Luba are of rectangular

mud-and-stick construction with a thatched roof of grass. Houses are scattered in an almost random manner throughout the village and are usually supplemented by small kitchen huts and sheds.

The villages were organized along lineage lines, family heads all tracing their descent to a common, perhaps unknown, ancestor many generations distant. The elders or family heads constitute the village council that advises the chief who is always an older man, usually the senior member of the same lineage. In some cases, decision will flow from a public debate for which a special meeting place is set aside in the village and in which all adult men may participate. In such situations the personalities and rhetorical abilities of






PLATE 2






















4-A,

a. Young Zairian mission employee with wife, home and transportation. b. Same couple inside their home.






16


individuals has a definite effect on the evolution of law in the community.

The religious system of the Lulua and Luba population is in

general similar to that of other Bantu speaking Africans. A highb god is acknowledged but is considered very remote from m-ian's daily life.

Belief in other spirits is found, a distinction being made between the spirits of deceased relatives and spir-its identified with natural phenomena. Belief in the continuing existence and influence of deceased relatives is fundamental to their religious sytem. Ancestors are looked upon as participating members of the family community and, as such, are respectfully treated. The ancestral spirits are looked to for assistance in economic and social affairs. The living honor the ancestors through the offering of sacrifices, by appropriate social behavior, and by the observance of family ritual. The Luba and Lulua believe that the ancestors are closely associated with their mundane daily lives and that they provide the active force behind objects that are considered to have magical powers. They are instrumental in maintaining the fertility of the family and thus, the continuation of the group.

There is a universal belief in the power of magic and in

the ability of some individuals to control or direct these powers. "In this world where spirits are active and humans believed to control superhuman forces, nothing occurs by chance. Every event is either caused by spirits acting on men or by men controlling spirits or medicine" (H'cDonald 1971: 202). Among the African population certain persons are recognized as diviners and makers of spiritual





17


medicines. The functions of these persons are considered benefiCial to the society as opposed to those of witches and sorcerers who employ their powers in injurious ways.

European Demography and Culture

As was mentioned above, the first white men arrived in the Kasayi region in 1883. The European population in the Kasayi grew from the original 2 or 3 officers of the Independent State of the Congo at the beginning of colonialization to around 5,750 in 1952. That same year, the indigenous African population for the Kasayi area was estimated at around 2,000,000 (cf. Table 1). The European population in the Kasayi at that time was divided among functionaries of the colonial government (9%), Roman Catholic missionaries (7%), Protestant missionaries M), commercial employees (20%), settlers (9%), and women and children (53%). The following percentage breakdown of national origins of the non-indigenous population demonstrates the preponderance of Belgians in the colony: Belgians (78%), Portuguese (5'10), Italians W), Greeks (3%), British (3%), French (2%), Americans (1.5%), Dutch (1.3%), Swiss (0.7%), and 8 other nationalities (2.5%) (Moeller 1954: 746).

The number of American missionaries in the Kasayi during the period to which these statistics pertain correlates closely with the national percentages of 1.5% American and 2.0% Protestant missionary. It is assumed that these percentages in the employment and national origin categories for the non-indigenous population remained reasonably constant from 1940 to 1960 (cf. Figure 2).

The cultural life style of the Europeans was predominately







18





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Belgian and "colonial." Within the European community the primary figure was the male. It was he who was government administrator or trader. The European wives often remained in Europe. When they were present in the Kasayi, their main activity fluctuated between super14
vising their numerous household servants and "socia Izing" among their own particular group. Among the Belgian administrative personnel there was a strict social class system which followed the administrative ranks of government. The role of the European wife contrasted with that of the missionary wife in that the latter always had quasiprofessional or professional daily activity related to the missionary program. The Belgian administrators always looked forward to returning to Belgium after their 17-year "career" in Congo.

The European traders were more nearly comparable to the
"colonists" of other African countries. They were usually very longterm residents. It was not uncommon for the Portuguese traders to have married or to have mistresses among the indigenous African women. A numer of the most successful commercial entrepreneurs in the Luebo area were mulatto individuals having been raised in these mixed commercial families.

Each group among the Europeans maintained a rather strict

isolation. From the American missionary perspective the Belgian administrative group seemed a class remotely high because of their ethnocentrism and political position. On the other hand, the Portuguese traders appeared a class rather low because of their degree of fusion with the African population. There was no European group to which the American missionaries could comfortably relate.









20














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21


The members of the American Presbyterian Congo Mission found themselves working on a savanna covered plateau among a basically rural African population which numbered around 16,650 persons to each Protestant missionary. There were approximately 39 Belgians in the area for every missionary. There were 2-1/2 times as many Portuguese merchants as missionaries. There were 5 colonial government officials for every missionary. It is in this context of demographic marginality that the American Southern Presbyterians developed their missionary community and culture described in this study.











CHAPTER 2
THE HISTORY OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY

The missionary group under study is a mission of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. The latter came into being as a religious denomination in 1861 when conflicting loyalties forced Presbyterian churchmen from the southern region of the United States to withdraw from their national Presbyterian judiciary and form their own organization. During the four years of the war of secession (1861-1865) the church was known as the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States of America (Thompson 1963:571). After 1865 it acquired its present name distinguishing it from the northern Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. Throughout its history, the group in question has popularly been referred to as the Southern Presbyterians. This usage will appear in the present study except where specific legal

reference is required.

From their beginnings in 1861, the Southern Presbyterians followed the traditional Presbyterian forms of organization. The government of the church is organized into 4 ascending levels of church 11courts" or judiciaries. At the lowest level, the level of the local congregation, the ruling group is the Session, which consists of a number of laymen, elected by and from the congregation and the clergyman who has been engaged ("called") by the congregation as its pastor. The local sessions send their minister and delegated laymen to the quarterly meetings of the Presbytery. These gatherings are regional 22






23


assemblages which, collectively, hold the ultimate authority in the church government. The Synod is the next ascending grouping and is made up of all the clergymen and delegated laymen from all the conrgregations in a larger geographic area. The synods of the Southr(" Presbyterian Church during the period of study corresponded more or less to state boundaries and usually consisted of from 3 to 5 presbyteries. The uppermost grouping and the most inclusive in terms of geographical organization is the General Assembly. The General Assembly is an annual assemblage made up of 4 delegated clergymen (Teaching Elders) and

4 delegated laymen (Ruling Elders) from each presbytery.

It is the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, at its annual meeting, which employs certain national staff personnel and issues them a mandate to perform certain ministries in the name of the whole church. In 1862 the Executive Conmittee of Foreign Missions issued its first printed report. Due to the difficulties of communication during the war, little contact was made with the Presbyterian missionaries in China and Japan which could now be claimed by the Southern Church (AR 1892:4)1. By 1871 the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions was reporting missions to three Amerindian groups and missions in Italy, Columbia, Brazil and China. In 1890, when the African mission work was begun, the Presbyterian Church in the United States had twelve missionary organizations in ten


1The Annual Report of the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions, which was later renamed the Board of World Missions, has been published each year since 1862 and presented to the General Assembly, and circulated throughout the church at large. Citations in this work will be referenced "AR," year and page.






24


countries operating on annual budgets totaling $122,815.31 (AR 1890: 64).

Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920)

The American Presbyterian Congo Mission (APCM)l had its beginnings when an Afro-American clergyman and a White-American clergyman were appointed by the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions of the Southern Presbyterian Church as missionaries to the Congo Valley. This appointment was the culmination of a 2-year effort on the part of the Afro-American, the Reverend William H. Sheppard, age 24, to be appointed by the Southern Church as a missionary to Africa. The delay was caused by the church's insistence that at least 2 men be sent and their preference that one of the two represent the white majority of the church constituency. The conditions were met when the Reverend Samuel N. Lapsley, age 23, presented himself as a missionary candidate for Africa. Their task was a serious one, as is spelled out in their

brief but broad instructions:

1. To find a site, preferably in the Congo Free State, far enough from other missions to enable
us to open a wholly independent work.

2. To find a healthful location in the highlands
but not too distant from a base of supply.

3. To work among a population large enough to
constitute a good mission field and using a lanlAmerican Presbyterian Congo Mission is the legal name of the Southern Presbyterians' missionary organization working in the area of Africa which has been designated successively: The Independent State of the Congo (erroneously called Congo Free State by Britons and Americans, cf. Rotberg 1965:259), Belgian Congo, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zaire. -In situ the missionary organization is referred to by both Africans and Europeans as either the "mission" or the "APCM." This usage appears often in the present work.






25


guage which is widely current.

4. To present to the Committee an estimate of the
needed missionary force, and an estimate of expenses
to be incurred in opening the work and the cost of
maintenance (Wharton 1952:12).

The two men sailed from New York on February 26, 1890 for

England. For two young clergymen from the southern United States they

traveled with an impressive portfolio of credentials.

President Benjamin Harrison gave them letters to
American diplomats abroad. Friends provided introductions to men of influence in Brussels and London.
Foreign Mission Boards in New York and Boston gave
every possi bl e ai d and i nf oration. . Dr. H. Gratton
Guiness of Harley House, the great mission center in
London, invited them there for their stay in London
(Wharton 1952:13).

On March 21, 1890, Samuel Lapsley went to Brussels to have an

audience with King Leopold II of the Belgians. Since the Conference of

Berlin in 1885, Leopold II had been the initiator and sovereign of the

Independent State of the Congo. The audience for Lapsley had been

arranged by the American ambassador to Belgium, General H.S. Sanford,

who had a deep interest in the development of the Congo area. Lapsley's

recollections of the interview are interesting both as a vignette of

Leopold II and as an indication of the various influences which affected the early history of the APCM.

I was ushered into a great room and heard a kind
voice from the middle of it, "Good morning!" After
a respectful bow I advanced and took the hand extended
to me. He said, "You asked to see me?" I told him
my business, whom I represented, the Presbyterian
body in the United States, what I meant to do, and our
plan of working with a combined white and colored
force.
He warned me of the entire rudeness of the
country, commended our plan of beginning on a small scale, until the tide comes in on the completion of





26


the railways, then enter on that tide. "Congo has a
future," he said, "I cannot believe that God made
that great river with its many branches all through
the land for any lower purpose"...He warned me of
the danger of wine drinking in Africa. About my
location, he recommended the Kasai. ..after half-anhour's talk...he said he felt sincerely, warmly interested in my mission, and was glad to see a
young man show so much courage, enterprise and
Christian pluck (Lapsley 1893:31, italics mine).

On April 18, 1890, Lapsley and Sheppard sailed from Rotterdam on the Dutch trading vessel, Afrikaan, bound for the port of Matadi in the Independent State of the Congo. They traveled with a group of Swedish, British and American Baptist missionaries who were going out to reinforce missions that had been established in the Lower and Middle Congo River valley areas (Wharton 1952:16).

The two presbyterian missionaries spent 10 months in the Lower Congo, visiting government officials, various mission stations, and, in particular, the missionary explorer, George Grenfell. The KasayiSankuru region was finally chosen as a site for the APCM. They concluded from their survey of the situation that "Luebo, in the Kasai, had the advantage of being the meeting ground of 5 major tribes comprising an estimated 2 million people" (Lapsley 1893:163).

After a 33-day, 900-mile trip upriver on the sternwheeler

Florida, the 2 missionaries arrived at Luebo. Lapsley reports that at noon on April 18, 1891, the Florida

rounded Luebo point and came in sight of a group of plantains, and shaded by these, a double row
of small houses of mud with thatched roofs. Then
we saw the thatches of five or six large adobe
houses, tastefully disposed on a fair table land in the right angle made by our little Lulua, and a large creek on our right, the Luebo. A heavy palisades of sharpened posts ten feet high com-






27


pleted the square begun by the two streams.
Two sharp blasts of the whistle brought
the entire station to the beach; the steamer crew
danced on the open deck to the deep throb of a drum; station boys waved and called to their
friends in the crew; the four white men -- two
company agents, a State officer, and the visiting
Commissaire du district du Kasai -- shouted welcome to the little group by the pilot house whose
arrival broke the dreary isolation of their post
(Wharton 1952:31).

:Shaloff (1971 :24) suggests further Belgian influence on the locat-ion of

the mission station "APCM-Luebo" stating, "at the suggestion of the

Commissaire de district, the newcomers decided to locate their mission

station near the north bank of the Lulua, midway between Luebo and the

Kete village of Bena Kasenga." This was on the opposite bank of the

Lulua River.

Sheppard and Lapsley settled in with the five Bakongo laborers

which they had engaged for one year in the Lower Congo and brought with

them upriver. Two palm-thatched, 10-foot-square houses were purchased

from the nearby village and set up, one for each missionary. Wharton

describes the initial activity:

Each set about improvising additions to suit his
shelter to his needs. The Bakongo were put to clearing ground and building their own houses;
pineapple, plantain, and banana plants were set
out. Boards were sawed out of small sections of
trees brought from the forest; later, men were taught to use a small pit saw. It was an eventful day when the first piece of furniture, a real
table, replaced the crude makeshift of sticks
tied together with strips of vine. But by the
middle of August the little station was found to be intolerably hot, so they moved up to the brow of the great hill that rises from the Lulua, and
began all over again (Wharton 1952:32)

In December, Lapsley made a reconnoitering trip east of Luebo






28


as far as the State post of Luluabourg. He returned to Luebo with a "caravan" of 17 men, 4 women and 1 child. These people were Lulua and were the forerunners of thousands of Lulua and Luba people who were to migrate to Luebo and settle around the mission station.

Lapsley had returned from his trip to Luluabourg tired and

ill; supplies were low and transportation arrangements in the Lower Congo had bogged down. It seemed wise for Lapsley to return downriver to attend to business affairs and perhaps the voyage would restore his health (Wharton 1952:34). The trip was made on the Florida and the 5 Bakongo laborers accompanied him. They were returning to their homes after their one-year contracts had been completed. Lapsley never returned to Luebo. He died at Matadi on March 21, 1892 of "bilious hermaturic fever." His death came one year and 9 days after he had begun his first voyage on the Florida upriver to the Kasayi.

The designation of Africa as the "white man's grave" was confirmed in many instances during the early years of the APCM. On the day that Lapsley died in Matadi, the Adamsons, a Scot and his wife, left KinshasaI (Leopoldville) for Luebo as reinforcements for the mission. Mrs. Adamson was the first white woman to enter the Kasayi region. She died at Luebo 3 years later. The Reverend and Mrs. Rowbotham from England came to Luebo in 1892 and left the mission 2


IThe principal urban center of the Congo, located on the
Stanley Pool on the Lower Congo, was called Kinshasa prior to Belgian annexation in 1908. During the Belgian colonial period it was called Leopoldville. After independence in 1960 it was renamed Kinshasa.






29


years later because of illness. The Reverent D.W.C. Snyder and his wife from New York arrived the same year. She died in Kinshasa on their way home in 1896. "'Mary Snyder 1896' reads the simple marker over the 33rd grave in the State Cemetery at Kinshasa, the first womants grave in this barren spot" (Wharton 1952:46). During the period of penetration and establishment, 11% of the missionaries died on the field while they were in active service.

The King of the Belgians had been told that the APCM was to be a "combined white and colored force." This was a fortunate circumstance for the development of the mission. The Afro-American missionaries, during the early years, had a significantly higher survival rate than did their white colleagues. Five Afro-American missionaries from Alabama, Mississippi, and Pennsylvania were appointed in 1894 and 1895. This group, together with William Sheppard, put in an average of 17 years service each. During the period 1901-1911, 5 more AfroAmerican missionaries were appointed. Their average length of service was 29 years. Among 23 out of 25 of the white missionaries appointed prior to 1911,,the average length of service was 5 years. The 2 exceptional individuals in this group, William M. Morrison and Motte Martin, serving 22 and 43 years respectively, both had an important influence on the development of the missionary culture at APCM-Luebo, which will be discussed below.

During the period 1901-1911, 20 new missionaries were appointed to the APCM. It was a period in which the work was formalized and many of the patterns were set that were to remain throughout the mission's history. One of the important innovations of this period






30


was the acquisition of a river steamer for the mission. The craft, named the S.N. Lapsley, was built in the United States, dismantled and shipped to the Congo where it was rebuilt by one of the missionaries. It served the mission for 18 months before it was caught in a whirlpool at the confluence of the Kasayi and Congo Rivers and capsized, killing 1 new missionary and 23 Africans. This steamer was replaced

3 years later by a craft built in Scotland which was better suited to the turbulent tropical rivers. The second steamer, the S.N. Lapsley II, regularly made the trip from Luebo or Lusambo to Kinshasa for 20 years until it was sold in 1926.

The stations of Bulape, Mutoto and Bibanga were opened as centers for the evangelization of the Bakuba, Lulua and Luba respectively. The station of Lubondai was added as another center for a large Lulua population. Luebo, Bulape, Mutoto, Bibanga and Lubondai continued to flourish in the period of the "five stations," 1920-1931.

Transition and Expansion (1921-1940)

The development of smaller stations of Kasha, Mboyi, and Moma came as a response to pressure from the Board of World Missions in the United States to break the pattern of the large institutional stations and develop evangelistic outposts, especially for groups not yet contacted. In 1928 a railroad was completed from Port Franqui in the northwest Kasayi to Elizabethville in southeast Katanga province (cf. Figure 3). The commercial activity brought by the railroad appealed to the indigenous population, and many villages were moved to be close to this avenue of trade. The station of Kasha (1935) near Luputa on the railroad, the station of Mboyi (1937) among the Babindi








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32


people, and Moma (1942) are examples of the new type smaller station. The station of Morma was offered to the APCM by the colonial government after the American Four Square Gospel group that had built it were expelled from the Congo by the government for continual internal feuding (cf. Figure 1).

During this period there were many innovations in the Kasayi in which the APCM usually participated and from which they benefited. In 1925 the first airplane from Kinshasa landed at Lue)o. 1 hereafter, a regular airmail service every 3 weeks was maintained between Kinshasa and the interior. The first airplane flights from Belgium to the Congo occurred in 1926, thus facilitating arrival and departure travel for the missionaries. The railroad already mentioned, and improved motor roads, facilitated the transportation of people and supplies from one mission station to another.

Early the missionaries had begun to use bicycles instead of hammocks wherever the former could be
ridden. Motorcycles followed the bicycles...As
the roads widened sidecars were added to the
motorcycles, and in 1925 the first Ford cars made
their appearance on the mission (Wharton 1952:127).

During this period the missionary population in the field

grew from around 60 to 80. In 1928 a special school for the missionaries' children was opened at Lubondai station. This school continued at Lubondai until 1968, providing American elementary education (grades 4-8) and for a period until 1960 also secondary education for all the children of Presbyterian missionaries.

In the twenty-five years of its history children from eleven other Congo Protestant missions have
attended Central School. In later years it has
been crowded to capacity, enrolling between





33












o..0, ICONGO MISSION
0 SHOWING THEMISSION IEL Fr THESOUTHEAN PPAI IIAN~H









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34


forty and fifty pupils ... Ten of the younger missionaries now on the Mission are graduates or
ex-students of Central School (Wharton 1952:136).

If. was during this period of 1921 to 1940 that the territorial expansion of the mission was nearly completed. The acquisition of real estate, the construction of buildings and the importation of vehicles, printing machinery, office equipment, electrical generators and refrigeration equipment all served to establish the APCM as a complex and technologically very advanced organization by comparison to the indigenous African culture which the missionaries were attempting to change.

Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950)

The American Presbyterian missionaries were forced to re-evaluate their program in the Kasayi during World War 11 (1940-1945). The number of new recruits for the mission dropped relative to the expansion of the mission work.

Many of the active missionaries experienced difficulty in trans-Atlantic travel. Early in the war, for instance, one of the mid-career missionaries later resident at APCM-Luebo was taken off a British freighter at sea by a German submarine on patrol in the North Atlantic. The crew and passengers were put aboard another German vessel and watched as their freighter was torpedoed and sunk. They were later put ashore on the coast of France.

Some missionary furloughs were postponed, leaving missionaries on the field longer than usual. The missionaries on furlough in the United States often extended their furloughs and remained at home longer than the normal one-year period. Missionary personnel in the field






35


was reduced almost 10% and funds for the work were reduced 12" during the war years.

The indigenous African population was also affected by the war. Congolese soldiers were sent to North Africa and to Palestine. They represented the first group of Congolese to travel extensively outside Central Africa. At home in the Belgian Congo many people responded positively to the calls for greater production of minerals and agricultural products for the war effort.

After the war the Belgian colonial government broadened the scope of its humanitarian efforts in the Congo.

The government did not stop with commendation
but pushed vigorously both old and new plans for
the welfare and education of the people. These plans included laws safeguarding African employees and their families. They covered such varied
phases as minimum wages, sanitary housing and medical care, and provided for the return of
families to their original villages at the termination of service (Wharton 1952:164).

Early in 1945 a steady stream of new missionaries began to

arrive for the APCM. By 1950 the number of missionaries in the field had increased 40%. The operating funds for the mission had increased 192% over the 1940 allocation (cf. Tables 3 and 4). There was more to come. In 1945 the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States approved a five-year capital fund-raising campaign called the Program of Progress. One of the objectives of this intensive effort was to meet the construction and equipment needs of the church's missionary efforts around the world.

With these substantial funds available the mission was able, for the first time in its history, to let contracts to Belgian entre-






36


preneurs for major construction. In 1946 the APCM let contracts for a complete mission station at Luluabourg. A new hospital at Mutoto and a complete academic campus at Kakinda were begun in 1948. Kakinda was built to house the Morrison Institute, a combined secondary level normal school for training African school teachers and seminary for training African pastors.

The emphasis that the mission was placing on these schools

for the training of indigenous leadership reflected a growing concern that the impact of the mission should be felt among the "grass roots" of the population and not solely on and around the mission stations. The schools for the training of an African cadre to ultimately staff the elaborate program of church, education and medicine became the goal of a group of the more far-sighted missionaries. The old station system continued, however, as it had become institutionalized and tended toward continued expansion rather than diminution.

In 1950 the African Presbyterian church, with which and for which the APCM worked, reported a membership of 118,782 people. The ordained African pastors distributed over the whole area numbered 47 and were assisted by 1,309 lesser clerics such as Elders and evangelists. The stewardship-giving of the African church people had amounted to $19,296. This represented church offerings from 1,238 villages as well as the congregations related directly to the 9 mission stations.

Subsidization and Change (1951-1960)

As early as 1902 an organization was developed to foster

cooperation among all the Protestant groups working in the Congo. This cooperative effort became known as the Congo Protestant Council and






37


maintained an office in Leopoldville, the capital of the colony, where a full-time secretary represented Protestantism in matters of missiongovernment relations.

Roman Catholic missions had been staffed primarily by Belgian missionary orders. Their schools had, through the years, been subsidized by the government. This had not been the case with any of the Protestant schools. The APCM schools, containing 43,000 pupils in 1949 were all financed through the mission operating budget allocated from the Board of World Missions in the United States. As the missions sought continually to bring their schools up to government standards, the Congo Protestant Council through its secretary sought the same recognition and aid granted to Roman Catholic schools. In 1947 an act of the Belgian parliament finally granted recognition and subsidies for Protestant schools in the Congo. Wharton notes (1952:175) that "some of the schools of the APCM were among the first to be recognized by the government, and the mission received its first school subsidies in 1948."

Throughout the 1951-1960 period, the school subsidies continually increased to place the mission solidly in the position of administering an elaborate educational system which ranged from village elementary schools to accredited secondary level institutions. This extensive educational structure required specially qualified missionary personnel and the continual meeting of government regulations gave educational concerns top priority at Mission decision-making assemblages. Many missionaries felt that educational concerns were overshadowing the primary goal of evangelization.






38


During this period, the APCM continued to expand in all areas. Missionary personnel increased IS11 and operating funds from the United States were augmented almost 97% (cf. Table 4).

The 18 months during 1959 and 1960 when the participant observation upon which this study is based represented a peak period for the American Presbyterian Congo Mission, both in terms of personnel in the field and available financial resources with which to carry on the work. The details of personnel distribution and the missionary activity and culture at the original station at Luebo, as well as the developments subsequent to national independence in 1960 will be discussed in the chapters which follow.











CHAPTER 3
THE POPULATION OF THE COMMUNITY

Personnel Numbers

The missionary population of the APCM increased steadily from the original 2 in 1891 to a peak of 175 in 1956. Following the civil disorders of the transition of Zaire to national independence, the number dipped to 122, and by 1970 had returned to 140 (cf. Tables 3, 4 and 5).

During the early period (1891-1920), the mean number of missionaries on the field was 47. A total of 105 people were appointed in this period averaging 4 missionaries per year. Among these 105 appointees, 64% remained in missionary service for at least 3 terms or more than 15 years. Those who served only one term amounted to 31'Zi of the total appointed. Health was a critical factor in this early period. Death claimed 11% of this group in the field. Spouses often resigned after the loss of a partner, so the death or serious illness of one missionary usually meant the loss of 2 people to the Mission.

During the second or "expansion" period of 19 years (1921-1940), 71 more missionaries were appointed to the APCM. Actual field populations varied; during the 1920's and 1930's the mean was 74 missionaries on the field. During the third period (1941-1950), the APCM was reinforced by 81 appointments of new missionaries. During the mid-1940's the mean had risen to 110 active members of the Mission. During the decade 1951-1960 there was a mean of 158 missionaries on 39






40


the field (cf. Tables 3, 4 and 5). During the period of 19382 to 1753, the missionary staff at Luebo averaged 20 persons each year, consistently the largest of the 11 stations of the APCM in the Kasayi.

There was a large initial expense to the Board of ,!orld l iss-ions in outfitting and installing a new missionary family. Tleir first 2 or 3 years were normally priimar ily language study and orientation to the work. It is therefore,, interesting to exa,,ine the percentaE(,s of those who did not continue in mi ssionary service beyond their initial term. The various years considered are grou-ped in a mani ner confciain with the "generational" analysis of miiissionary longevity grades presented below (cf. Chapter 5). In terms of this analysis the 105 missionaries appointed in the (early period (1891-1920) cai all be considered "ancestors." With the exception of one couple, they had all resigned or retired from service or died before the period of participant observation on which this study is based. The one exception was the Jimmy Mitchells, the oldest couple at Luebo during the participant observation. As was stated above, 31% of the "ancestors" served only one term.

During the second period, which produced the "full and midcareer missionaries" (1921-1940), 15% of the total of 71 appointees served only one term. Those remaining 3 terms or more amounted to 65%. Appointments averaged 4 per year. Death claimed 7.5% of this group while on the field.

During the third period (1941-1950), which produced what are here referred to as "young missionaries," 83 persons were appointed.

This number in a much shorter period of 9 years correlated with the





41


higher annual averages of the late 1940's and 1950's mentioned above. An average of 9 new missionaries a year was a significant increase in staffing. Only 11% of these appointees left the work after one term on the field. It is maintained that this low attrition rate for this group is probably related to the high (15%) percentage of second generation missionaries among the "young" members of the Mission. Of course, medical care for the missionaries improved rapidly in the postwar period. Only 2% of this group died in service.

The fourth period (1951-1960), producing the "new missionaries," shows a yearly average of 9 new missionaries with a total of 81 in this group. The "new missionary" group has the highest rate of oneterm-only appointments in the history of the Mission (26%). Many of those appointed in this period were victims of the independence disturbances. They had not gotten very deeply rooted in the Mission culture, and when difficulties arose and prediction patterns were unstable, many of these missionaries resigned in 1960 or soon after.

Missionary Origins

The origins of the 340 missionaries who have been members of the APCM have important significance for the understanding of the cultural patterns observed in the mission life and work. During the 4 periods outlined above, over 1/2 (62%) of all the missionaries came from a cluster of American southern states where the Presbyterianism is particularly strong. In the order of their overall production these states are: Texas (171/0), Virginia (10%), Georgia (9%), North Carolina (9%0), Alabama (7%), South Carolina (6%), and Tennessee (4%). Zaire itself rates with these prime origin groups producing 5/0 of the






42


appointments, i.e., 16 second-generation Congo missionaries. A spattering of states, mostly southern, produced 20% of the grand total, but none of these individually produced more than 13 missionaries, or 4%. The northeastern region of the United States produced 3% while 10(10 of the total originated in Great Britain (3%), Europe (4%) and other areas (3%).

Professions of Missionary Personnel

There are basically 4 types of missionaries appointed by the

Board of World Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. These types are: evangelistic, educational, medical and industrial.

The evangelistic category is made up primarily of clergymen, and in later years, of clergymen and their wives. Single women missionaries with special interest in some technical aspects of the developing African church, such as Christian education or women's work, have also been appointed in this category. The educational category covers those who have professional training in education and/or teaching experience, who desire to work in the African school systems. The medical category includes medical doctors, dentists, registered nurses, medical technicians and socio-medical case workers. The industrial category contains a variety of artisans and, in later years, also architects and building contractors. The various classifications will be considered below.

The Evangelistic

The evangelistic classification of missionary personnel has been generally numerically predominant in the APCM, as might be expected in a religious missionary group. The overall percentage for the






43


years prior to 1960 was 30% evangelistic personnel. In the "ancestor" period (1891-1920) 34% of the appointments were clergy. During the "full and mid-career" period (1921-1940) the new clergy dropped to 21%. This was the only period in which another group surpassed the evangelistic in numbers. In the "young missionary" period (1941-1950) clergy amounted to 25% of the total appointments. In the final "new missionary" period (1951-1960) the evangelistic group was augmented to 35% of the total reinforcements. This larger percentage is in part due to the increasing practice of the Board of World Missions classifying wives in specific categories of work rather than in the general category of "wives." It should be noted, however, that there was an increase in the number of actual clergymen appointed in this period (cf. Table 2).

The Educational

The educational classification contained 8% of the total prior to 1960. The percentages for new appointments fluctuated slightly for the 4 periods under consideration; 5% in the first period, 139% in the second period, 8% in the third period and 10% in the last period. The 10% group in the last period included education specialists needed to supervise the recently subsidized school system mentioned in Chapter 2. The Medical

The medical classification for the entire period included 19% of the total recruits. Medical work expanded steadily and this expansion is reflected in the statistics for the 4 periods (cf. Table 2). During each period 5 physicians were added, except the third when 4 new doctors came to the field. The majority of the 48 women classified as







44



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45


medical were registered nurses. Laboratory technicians and medical social workers completed the group. The Industrial

The industrial group which was responsible for the building and maintenance of the various mission stations amounted to 7% of the entire number appointed. In the early period the Mission received 9 industrial men or 9% of the total for tile period. The percentage of industrial men decreased to 7%, 6% and 5% during the second, third and fourth periods respectively. This decrease is accounted for both by the fact that most of the missionary construction was done prior to 1940, and by -It.-he fact that most of the post-1948 construction was done

by Belgian contractors.

Besides the four major professional classifications treated

above, missionaries were also appointed as business personnel, teachers of missionary children and as missionary wives. These classifications will be discussed in a similar manner. Business

In the business classification (cf. Table 2) we find 3% of the total appointments prior to 1960. These positions decreased after the early "ancestor" period when the Mission no longer had the complex overland and river transportation problems. During the second, third and fourth periods the positions were usually filled by the Mission Treasurer and I or 2 secretaries.

The Central School for Missionaries' Children

The Central School for Missionaries' Children classification

reflects the growth of the school during the entire pre-1960 period.






46


In the "ancestor" period the school had not been developed to the extent that specific missionaries were appointed to this work. In the 3 following periods new appointments for "C.S," as the school was called, were 6%, 8%, and 10/0 of the period total respectively. It should be kept in mind that the "young" and the "new" missionary periods (1941-1950 and 1951-1960) are of shorter duration than the 2 previous periods. Any increase in these latter periods thus represents a compound increase in actual personnel (cf., Table 2).

Wives

The general classification of "wives" was used in Table 2 to

account for all of the appointments of married women where there was no specific specialty specified in the appointment records. It should be noted that both spouses have always been considered missionaries (cf. Appendix 1) and in later years wives have generally had specific professional classifications. In the entire period prior to 1960 this classification amounted to 27% of all appointments.

At Luebo,,.during the period of participant observation, 43% of

the personnel were evangelistic, 29% were medical, 14,0 were educational, 9% were industrial, and 5% (1 person) was an unclassified wife.

The staff at Luebo represented all of the 4 "generational"

groups of missionaries. Nine married couples, 2 single women living together and a single woman doctor living alone made up the 11 missionary households.

The Missionaries Themselves

Reflecting the African and APCM tradition of respecting the

elders, the following description of the households begins with the one








47




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50


surviving representative of the "ancestor" group and proceeds to the newest "new" missionary couple.

James and Ethel Mitchell (occupants of house No. 8, Figure 6) were appointed in 1919. They had their initiation period at Luebo but soon went by hammcok and march to Mutoto, a new station opened in 1912. James Mitchell, a minister, worked during his full career teaching African pastors, first at the Morrison Bible Institute at Mutoto, later at Kankinda where it was combined with the Normal School, and finally, as the director of the Preacher's School at Luebo. He and his wife were seasoned missionaries. They were full of tales of the early days. They were conservative, mellow and wise. "Uncle Jimmy" and "Aunt Ethel," as they are called by the children and their fellow missionaries, always had a productive garden. They had a household staff of venerable men who had long since proven their worth. The Mitche'lls knew the past. They had experienced the development of the Kasayi. Their approach to Mission business was one of calm application of their accumulated wisdom of age.

George and Alice Woodstock (living in house number 2) were

appointed in 1920, she as a nurse, he as an industrial missionary. In 1919 the women of the Presbyterian Church in the United States had responded to the need for permanent homes and had launched a drive to raise money to finance their construction. George went out primarily as a builder and was responsible for the design and construction of the church building, the hospital and many of the missionary homes at Luebo. In 1960, they completed their last year of their 40 year service.






51


In spite of his age, George was known for his energy and unstinting hard work. He was an active participant in the work projects which he directed, using African labor, and was often seen on the metal rooftop of a missionary home, doing repair work in the blazing sun. He was responsible for all of the upkeep and repair of existing buildings on the station, as well as new building projects such as the hospital addition completed in 1960. He also taught all aspects of industrial trades to the Africans who worked with him. Alice worked a full day at the hospital and was always busy and efficient. Their children were all grown and lived in the United States.

Henry and Mary Ward (house No. 10) were appointed in 1926. Henry grew up in China as the son of Presbyterian missionaries. He came to Congo as an industrial/agricultural missionary, but at Luebo was given theassignment of running the Mission Press, responsible for the production of religious literature in Tshiluba, as well as textbooks for the schools. Henry was not only an excellent gardener, but an outstanding fisherman who went every afternoon at 3:00 to the river where he had a catamaran with outboard motor. Mary supervised the editorial department of the press being responsible for proof reading and editing. They planned to resign in May of 1960, even though they had not completed 40 years on the field. They lived in the "Press House" (located near to the press, No. 21).

Kenneth and Elizabeth Morgan (house No. 3) arrived on the field in 1930 as single missionaries. He came as an evangelistic missionary and she as a teacher of missionary children at the Central School at Lubondai. They were married in 1933. Kenneth was the






52


nephew of one of the early missionaries, and Elizabeth was the sister of Alice Woodstock. At Luebo, Kenneth was chairman of the evangelistic department, and occupied himself primarily with church development and 11village itineration," which involved being away from the station for 3 weeks at a time to work with village pastors and evangelists. He was skeptical about the African church's ability to govern itself without missionary guidance. Elizabeth taught wives of the students in the Preacher's School and did women's work with the churches. They had 3 children, 2 were in college in the United States and I was at Central School at Lubondai.

Robert and Lila McDonald were educational missionaries (house No. 4). They were appointed in 1949. He was the director of the large primary school and she provided him with secretarial assistance. They had 4 children: 1 was at Central School and 3 were at home. Two of the children at home were being taught in a cooperative arrangement with other wives which allowed Lila more time to help in the school office. One small pre-school child was in the care of an African nursemaid while Lila was working.

Dr. Carolyn Westbrook came to the APCM in 1949 after having worked with the Presbyterian mission in China from 1929 to 1936. In the intervening years she had developed a specialization in anesthesiology in the United States. "Carolyn," as she was called by the other missionaries, never married and lived alone (residence number 9) except for the Siamese cats to which she was especially attached. She worked in the station hospital with Dr. Norris as second resident physician. Carolyn had never become proficient in Tshiluba, perhaps





53


because she was unusually advanced in age when she first arrived in the Kasayi. This linguistic handicap affected her ability to deal with all aspects of the hospital work, and made her dependent upon the presence of another Tshiluba-speaking physician. She was a reserved station member, never becoming very deeply involved in station or mission "politics." She was, however, a warm friend and neighbor, especially to new missionaries, and was extraordinarily knowledgeable about drama, music and the plastic arts. She had an unusual sensitivity for the feelings of others. When speaking with missionaries in English within earshot of Africans she never used proper names in order to avoid giving people the impression that they were being talked about in a foreign language. Her hobbies were astronomy, her cats and her houseplants, and any possible spectator participation in the fine arts.

Herman and Susan Norris (house No. 9) were also on the medical staff. Herman was Luebo's principal physician and Susan worked as a registered nurse. They also had a short period of service with the mission in China from 1947 to 1950 when all of the missionaries were expelled by the People's Republic of China government. They came to the APCM in 1951. Dr. Norris' specialization was surgery, and he maintained a heavy operating schedule at the station hospital. Susan also worked a full day as nurse at the hospital. She taught her 2 primary school age children at home during lunch "hour" (a colonialtype "siesta" from 12 noon until 2:00 at the Mission) and in the evenings until September of 1959, when the mothers collaborated to provide a joint "school" for their children. Herman's hobby was amateur radio and he had a "shack" in the rear of his house from





54


which he talked with other amateur radio "hams" all over the world. This hobby was of special interest to the missionaries as it often provided for quick communication with family and friends in the United States. During the critical period described in Chapter 7, the amateur radio operators on the Mission played a crucial role in the orderly and safe evacuation of all of the American missionaries. The Norrises also had 2 other children at Central School.

James Boyd Jordan and his wife, Florence, were appointed in

1952. He was one of the few dentists in Congo, and had a full schedule providing dental care for the American missionaries, Africans associated with the Mission and many Europeans living in the area. Florence was a medical social worker and it was she who, during the tribal warfare days of May, 1960, organized the distribution of emergency relief food to the refugees of the war and subsequent disorganization and homelessness. They did not arrive at Luebo until mid-1959, when they occupied the house formerly lived in by May and Lucille (No. 7). In May of 1960, they moved into the house left vacant by the departing Woodstocks (No. 2). They had 2 teen-age sons at Central School at Lubondai.

May Melton, also appointed in 1952, lived with Lucille Fisher (house No. 7) until May of 1959, when Lucille went to the United States on furlough, and May moved into another house (No. 5) to make room for the Jordans. May was classified as an educational-evangelistic missionary. She taught in the primary school and was also in charge of the Girl's Home. Her Tshiluba was unusually good. She attributed her language competency to her years of working with the






55


Girl's Home when she actually lived in the home with the girls, speaking Tshiluba constantly. She had been given the job of teaching Tshiluba, with African assistants, to the new couple at Luebo, the Jorgensens.

Bert and Margaret Richards (residence No. 6) were assigned to the evangelistic department. He was an ordained clergyman who anticipated working with the African church, but found himself assigned to supervision of 21 regional elementary schools. Margaret assisted him with clerical work as well as preparation and duplication of teachers' manuals. She was the daughter of "Uncle" Jimmy Mitchell and "Aunt" Jane. Growing up as the child of missionaries, her Tshiluba was fluent. She visited extensively in the village and was widely known and accepted by the villagers as a "Muena Kasayi" (a Kasayi citizen in the deepest sense). The Richards had 4 children, 2 of whom were schoolage and attended classes at Luebo with the other children. The younger

2 had a nursemaid looking after them while their mother was working.

Lucille Fisher, the third single female missionary at Luebo,

came to the APCM as an educational missionary in 1955. As the observation period of this study began, she was living with May Melton (in house No. 7) and teaching in the primary school, but she left for furlough in the United States in May of 1959. She was a diligent worker, and spent many late hours carefully correcting every exam given to the seventh year students, which Belgian law required to be graded by "accredited" (that is, missionary or Belgian) personnel. She and May found time almost weekly to play Bridge with the Jordans, McDonalds or Norrises.






56


Donald and Sandra Jorgensen (house No. 12) were the "new"

missionaries, appointed in 1957, and arriving at Luebo in January of 1959 after language study in Belgium. They were both evangelistic missionaries, but their first "assignment" was Tshiluba language study. They were expected to study full-time for 4 months, after which they were permitted to do "part-time" work while continuing language for at least another 4 months, or until they had passed a written examination. At the end of the first 4 months, Donald began working in the evangelistic office and going on some itineration trips with Kenneth Morgan. His first full-time assignment was teaching in the Preacher's School. Sandra began helping the other mothers with the missionary children's classes in September 1959, and assumed some Christian Education responsibilities in the African churches such as directing the annual Christmas play. The Jorgensen's 2 children were small and. in the care of a nursemaid while the Jorgensens were in class.

The missionaries described above were in daily interaction with the African salaried staff employees of APCM-Luebo and further afield occasionally with the salaried African church leaders and general membership of the church. Luebo Presbytery, the geographical unit of the Presbyterian Church around APCM-Luebo, included over 350 villages in which at least a small congregation of Africans identified themselves as Presbyterian church members (cf. Figure 4). Representative African church leaders and mission employees will be described below.

Indigenous Personnel

Pastor Joel Kambala was the pastor of the large central church at APCM-Luebo. He was around 55 years old and of Luba ethnic origin.






57


His parish was the large African residential area surrounding APCMLuebo. It was in this area that he lived with his family in a slightly better than average African house. His parish work in the "village" kept him off the station compound most of the week, but he frequently visited the evangelistic office to confer with Morgan on church affairs. There were 3 other smaller chapels in the large village around Luebo and the pastors from these congregations also were frequently seen at

the evangelistic office.

The employees in the evangelistic office numbered 4 in 1959.

John Kasonga, the Presbyterian treasurer, was a layman around 30 years old. He worked regular office hours keeping all of the Presbytery accounts. The Presbytery finances involved the salaries of over 350 evangelists as well as those of the pastors and elders who worked in the rural areas (cf. Table 6). Elder Samuel Buki worked in the regional elementary school section of the building. He was in charge of keeping all of the statistical records of the 23 regional schools in the Presbytery. He was assisted by 2 clerks, Daniel Kabesele and Pierre riutombe. Bert Richards was the missionary in charge of this office, and his innovation of engaging a comparatively large African staff to keep school records was much discussed among the other missionaries.

The primary school located at APCM-Luebo, supervised by Robert McDonald, was taught by May Melton and Lucille Fisher and 20 African teachers. George Lungenyi was an example of the most highly academically qualified African teacher. He was a graduate of the Normal School at Kakinda and was officially accredited to teach in grades 1 through








58




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59


4. The younger teachers like Mr. Lungenyi were usually used also in the upper classes with the American missionaries teaching the final seventh year. In this "station school," prior to 1960 all of the records, examinations, duplicating and correction for the final year was done personally by the missionary staff.

There were 25 medical assistants of various rank working in the hospital at APCM-Luebo. In 1959, none of these had attained the level of registered nurse. Despite the lack of academic accreditation, a number of the men at the hospital had been working with the missionary doctors for many years. They assisted in the surgery and on the wards, and qualified by in-service training as paramedical personnel. A number of women served as midwives and nurses aids. As will be noted from Table 6, when a missionary surgeon was in residence, major operations per year would number over 100 and minor operations around 200 or more.

The J. Leighton Wilson Press employed around 15 persons. As many as 10 of these were long-time employees and represented skilled printers, typesetters and binders. Each phase of the mission work employed Africans, for the most part trained on the job, who had achieved competency in their particular craft through the years. These people tended to be long-term employees. There was a more rapid turnover in the lower ranks of employment in the various phases of the evangelistic, educational, medical, publication and industrial work.










CHAPTER 4
THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY

As has been observed (Wolcott 1972) American missionaries in

Africa tend to form their own interactive nucleus. The members of the APD-1, having developed for themselves the life situation described in this chapter, correspond to the observation positing cultural ethnocentrism. This does not deny that the missionaries interact with members of the indigenous community, but their most meaningful interactions are with fellow linguistic and cultural group members. The effects of their lack of fusion with the indigenous culture are discussed in Chapter 8 below.

As with all human groupings, especially those of long-term duration, the missionaries formed characteristic ways of arranging their lives. These arrangements or patterns affected both their physical enviro-ment and their social interactions. What was designated early in the colonial period as a "mission station" became their typical base of operations. From the beginnings in 1891 until the middle 1950's the area in which the missionaries worked was primarily rural. It quickly became the policy of the mission to establish "stations" which would be strategically located both in reference to the various population groups with which work was anticipated and in reference to optimal health considerations for the missionaries.

Lapsley and Sheppard, the pioneer APCM missionaries, observed upon their arrival the rural mission station pattern already established among the Swedish and British Baptist missionaries working in 60





61


the Lower Congo. In the development of the APCM there was little deviation from the basic mission station concept.

Luebo Station and the APCM

Luebo station, founded in 1891, maintained its position of

primacy for the mission for many years. Besides being the first and thus most historic station, Luebo had several other characteristics which made it especially influential in the determination of mission policy and the creation of mission traditions. The first of these characteristics was its function as a supply depot for the entire mission. Its location at the head of navigation on the Lulua River made it important during the years (1891-1930) when transport of goods was possible only by river steamer. The mission treasurer was assigned to reside at Luebo as he was constantly involved in the acquisition and transportation of goods and personnel. With the location of the business office at Luebo the influential Ad Interim Committee (cf. Chapter 5 below) met more often at Luebo than at any of the other

stations. This centralization of financial and decision-making activity at Luebo was a second factor in its maintaining a special influence on the mission as a whole.

A third factor in this regard was the long residence at Luebo of several missionaries that may be designated as 'tradition builders." The Reverend William M. Morrison worked at Luebo for twenty-two years. From his early years (arrived 1896) he did extensive language work, developing a Luba-Lulua grammar and dictionary and translating large portions of the Scriptures. The Reverend Motte Martin worked for 43 years at Luebo from 1903-1946. He, like Morrison, died at Luebo






62


terminating an especially influential career. Martin's special

importance came from his deep involvement in the government arid jurisprudence of the iridicjernous church. He spent a large portion of his time judging ecclesiastical, marital and even civil cases, "cutting

palavers" as it is called in the indigenous language, ijiuch in the manner of an African chief. As with t1e decisions of African chiefs, Martin's judgments tended, to become normative for future cases at Luebo and for the mission as a whole.

These three factors plus a fourth involving the early development of indigenous Church leadership and a large Christian constiLurncy around the mission station at Luebo and throughout its large outstation area (cf. map Figure 4) combined to provide a certain validity to the missionary saying "as Luebo goes, so goes the mission." Luebo developed a missionary cultural primacy in spite of a formally decentralized decision-making system (cf. Chapter 5 below) and a non-hierarchical ideology which emphasized the "vocation" of the individual.

Having been opened as a mission station in the early years of

the Independent State of the Congo, Luebo grew steadily in terms of the indigenous population who for various reasons migrated to live near the mission station. In 1935 the African population was cited as approximately 25,000 (AR 1936:56). The conglomeration of this large African village with the mission station at its center is known as "APCM-Luebo" to distinguish it from "Luebo-Etat," the government administrative center and town on the opposite side of the Lulua River.

APCM-Luebo is located on the north bank of the Lulua River

which flows due west at this location. The access road to the station





63


is four times the distance from the river crossing directly to the station, following a manageable incline to the east one kilometer and doubling back the same distance through the African section and entering the mission station itself. Until 1915 the large village which surrounds the station on its west, north and east sides was laid out in typical Luba and Lulua non-geometric patterns determined mainly by kinship ties. C.L. Crane reported in 1915 that:

There is a marked improvement in the village itself.
Messrs. Martin and Vinson spent 7 or 8 months in
laying out new streets and assigning the natives new
places for their houses, with the result that the moral and sanitary conditions are vastly improved.
Each tribe has its section and every effort is made to stir them to something like tribal pride in keeping their villages clean and free from immoral
influences (AR 1915:23).

Thus, since 1915 a grid pattern has remained the distinguishing feature of the African section of APCM-Luebo. Whether the straight streets have been conducive to leading the population toward the "Straight and narrow" Christian life style as the missionary surveyors intended is doubtful in the light of later events along these same streets discussed below in Chapter 7.

Although the development of commercial centers in the mission village was traditionally discouraged, by 1959 five Portuguese and Belgian trading shops had managed to become established on the southern fringe of the actual mission compound and further down the hill at the riverside.

Directly opposite the APCM-Luebo on the south bank of the

Lulua is the town of Luebo. Small docks and a number of warehouses line the river. A tree-lined road runs perpendicular to the river











Figure 5

1. APCM Mission compound.

2. Lulua section of surrounding village (streets laid out in 1915 by missionaries)

3. Baluba section of village

4. Portuguese shops

5. High bluff beside river

6. Footpath to ferry crossing

7. Motor road to mission (doubles back at top of bluff to east)

8. Rapids in river

9. New bridge completed 1960 10. Island used by missionaries for picnics 11. Ferry crossing 12. Warehouses and shops at steamer dock 13. European residences 14. Main road to town of Luebo 15. Colonial government offices 16. Roman Catholic cathedral and mission




65














(3l
-UID1 K

L LL








60 i




LULUA 0 RIVER



LULE






F]i




Luebo El
RiverD L


Figure 5. Map of APCM-Luebo and portion of the town of Luebo




66


and up the gentle slope to the town itself. The streets in town are dirt and are frequently repaired by contingents of prisoners from the district and territorial prison located here. Upon entering the town of Luebo from the river one passes the government buildings which house the offices of the District Commissioner and the Territorial Administrator, a courthouse, a post office, and behind these a military camp. The buildings are old single-story colonial type with large verandas. Further up the hill is a traffic circle filled with flowering plants reflecting Belgian urban style. Beyond the circle is a low rambling hotel and eight shops arranged on both sides of the single commercial street. Radiating out from the circle in three other directions are streets containing residences of the government and commercial personnel. Well beyond this section, out of town, are the African sections known as Luebo-South (cf. Figure 5).

In 1959 the town of Luebo contained in addition to the above a government hospital, a government primary school, both for indigenous clients, and reserved for the European residents a "club-house" where motion pictures were shown and dances held, and a swimming pool and tennis complex.

Buildings and Dwellings

The original houses at the APCM-Luebo mission station were

constructed in the indigenous manner by the local Bakete people. The individual walls and the two halves of the roof were fabricated separately and then assembled around a pole frame. These early "prefabricated" houses were replaced after two years by Luba type mud-andstick houses which were more durable. The ability to make fire-baked






67


brick was one of the technological skills that the American missionaries brought with them to Africa. It was not long after their arrival at Luebo that the "brick yard" was begun. From local clay dug from the Lulua River bank, a steady supply of yellow and red brick began to flow. By 1921, the permanent brick residences built at Luebo came to be normative plans approved by the mission (MM 21:135) for construction on other stations.

The Church

The church at Luebo is one of the most extensive examples of Presbyterian missionary architecture. Centrally located (cf. No. 1, Figure 6) on the highest point on the mission compound, it dominates the surrounding mission station. The cruciform structure is built of yellow brick. Its facade presents a large central door surmounted by a central tower which houses a large bell and a mechanical clock which chimes the hours. The simple, backless benches inside will seat over 1,000 people. The central pulpit, the three large chairs for the clergy and the sections of laterally-placed benches to the left and right of the pulpit area reserved for the Elders and choir, reflect American Presbyterian proxemic style. The yellow brick of the church makes it stand out from all the other major buildings of the station which are built of red brick. The church is surrounded by a large lawn area. A broad dirt path leads up to the front of the church. The path 'is flanked by rows of old and carefully trimmed palm trees. As one faces the church on the broad path, to the left, parallel to the path, are two very old buildings. The first is the "meeting room" (cf. No. 14, Figure 6), a building which houses the meeting room for










Figure 6

1. Church building 14. Meeting room and Station
Treasurer's office

2. Missionary residence 15. Primary School office
(Woodstocks)

3. Missionary residence (Morgans) 16. Missionary store house

4. Missionary residence 17. Evangelistic office
(McDonalds)

5. Missionary residence (Melton) 18. Preacher's School complex

6. Missionary residence (Richards) 19. Girl's Home complex

7. Missionary residence (Jordans) 20. Primary School classrooms

8. Missionary residence 21. J. Leighton Wilson Press
(Mitchells)

9. Missionary residence 22. Industrial Department shed
(Norrises)

10. Missionary residence 23. Widow's house
(Wards, "press house")

11. Missionary residence 24. Missionary cemetery
(Westbrook)

12. Missionary residence 25. Tennis court
(Jorgensens)

13. McKowen Memorial Hospital 26. Football field
complex




69


E~i~ ZJEZI231

20 1-------'19 18 ,
I I

26
211 -3 L .
2 -- 22 .





:11










0
.1 0 .
1224 25



0 013
1000000
W
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Figure 6. Plan showing layout of APCM-Luebo.






70


the station meetings and for meetings of the African Presbytery. It also contains two small offices, one of which is used by the station treasurer. The, second building, as one approached the church, is a missionary residence (cf. No. 7, Figure 6). It is a two-bedroom accommodation which is usually occupied by two single ladies.

On the right side of this street leading north to the church are two almost identical buildings set in symmetrical settings in reference to those on the left and to the church. The lower building of the two is the educational office and workshop and supply room (cf. No. 15, Figure 6). During our period of observation this building serviced a primary school of around 2500 pupils. The upper building was a seldom-used one known as the "depot" (cf. No. 16, Figure 6). This building had been used in earlier years as the central supply storage for the trade goods that were used in barter and for payment of workers. It was also used for the storage of household effects belonging to missionaries who had returned to the United States on furlough. Just above the depot and set off further to the right are a two-car garage and the station "motor house," a small building which houses the diesel generating plant which supplies electricity to the "at.ion.each evening from seven until ten o'clock.

The street leading south from the church int-ersects in a deadend fashion at its base with the main street which transverses the station. By street is understood a wide, well-drained path which can accommodate one lane of automobile traffic. Opposite this intersection, across the main street, is the station cemetery (cf. No. 24, Figure 6). Beyond the cemetery are open fields sloping down the hill




71

PLATE 3

























a. The church at APCM-Luebo.

















-l










b. Another view of APCM-Luebo church.






72


to a wooded area where I.-he terrain falls sharply down to the river. The Missionary Residences

The residences at APCM-Luebo represented missionary building from the 1920's to the 1960's (cf. Nos. 2 through 12, Figure 6). As one enters the station on the main street from the east, the first house to the right (cf. No. 2, Figure 6) is a rare item on the whole mission. It is a two-storied house. It is a comparatively small house of one-room depth and two-room width. It has a wide veranda across the front of both the first and second floors. It was designed by and built for one of the early dentists on the mission. By mission standards it is an elaborate house considering its limited two-bedroom capacity.

The houses, which are 11 in number, range in age from 50 to 7 years old. The older houses tend to have a centrally peaked roof with a veranda on all four sides of the house, the principal roof extending to seven feet from the floor level. Foundations are usually built in such a manner as to raise the house from two-and-a-half to three-and-a-half feet above the ground. The older houses were lower, the more expensive raising of the first floor level coming in later years. The standard missionary residence is a rather spacious house, usually three bedrooms, living room, dining room, kitchen, pantry work room, and store room. The kitchen is often off the back porch with the screened porch serving as working space. All bathrooms and toilets are interior. The newer houses have a bath-and-a-half. They also have modern type bathtubs and sinks. Earlier houses had imported toilet fixtures, but often have brick bathtubs which are cement-lined





73

PLATE 4
























a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo.
























b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo.


b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo.






74


and enameled and cement wash basins. Running water is supplied to the bathroom, and hot water is furnished by means of a wood-burning hot water heater built outside the house near the bathroom wall.

The kitchens have only cold running water. Water is heated for dishwashing on the wood cook stove that is provided in each house by the mission. Most of the missionaries have a kerosene refrigerator and several have gas ranges which are fueled by bottled gas.

The house to which the writer was assigned was one of the older and less commodious residences on the station. It was known as the 11white hospital" as it was originally built in 1922 as a guest house for European patients who had to spend an extended time at the hospital. Since this residence is typical of many missionary residences, it will be described in some detail. It is located on the downhill, southern side of the main street in the corner of the station (cf. No. 12, Figure 6). Its side and back yards were bordered by the "cordon blue," a 25-meter strip of land stipulated by the colonial government as required to separate a European compound from any African housing. Just beyond this strip to the west there are the backyards of African residences. The missionary house consists of one bedroom measuring 12' x 12', one bedroom off the latter bedroom measuring 12' x 6', and a bath equipped with cement tub and sink. The identical space on the opposite side of the central living room serves as large dining room, a third bedroom or office, and the kitchen. The living room was originally an open porch, the front of which has been bricked up to a height of three feet and the remainder screened. Two small front verandas open off the screened living room. The house is surrounded





75

PLATE 5

























a. Writer's residence at APCM-Luebo. b. Interior of writer's residence.






76


by tall oilnut palms randomly spaced in a large lawn.

A special feature of the construction of the 11 residences is the "outbuilding" which accompanies each home. This is a long, narrow three-room building containing a "sentry" room, a laundry room or shed, and a storage room often used by the missionary family as an office or a school room for the teaching of small missionary children. These buildings are located about 15 meters behind the missionary residence, parallel to the rear of the major building. In a number of cases the outbuilding also contains a garage. The McKowen Memorial Hospital

The hospital at APCM-Luebo (cf. No. 13, Figure 6) is composed of three large buildings, the most recent of which was constructed in 1958 to house administrative offices, dental office, classrooms, and laboratory. The older buildings house the large wards for African patients and the surgery and pharmacy building. The entire hospital area is fenced in with a chain link fence. Also included in the hospital complex are utility buildings, laundry, and ten very small residences for African hospital personnel. The J. Leighton Wilson Press

One of the earliest needs felt by the missionaries was for the printed word. Luebo has been the permanent site of the printing efforts of the APCM through the years since 1903. The press is named after the first Executive Secretary for Foreign Missions (1861-1886) of the Presbyterian Church in the United.States, who was especially concerned with the evangelization of Africa. The physical plant housing the printing facilities consists of two buildings placed in




77

PLATE 6














sk










a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo.





















b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at APCM-Luebo.




b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at APCM-Luebo.





78


an "L" configuration (cf. No. 21, Figure 6). The longer building houses the typesetting room, the press room with two large flatbed presses and two smaller job presses, the bindery containing machines and work space for cutting, stapling and binding the books. The smaller building contains the business office and stock rooms for current inventories and printing supplies. There are also two smaller outbuildings, one housing the generator plant which powers the press, and another which houses a Linotype machine and darkroom facilities for

photoengraving.

The Evangelistic Office

The Church office, for the local community and for a surrounding rural area of about 150-mile radius is located on the east side of the station behind and above the first two residences on the left as one enters the station. This building contains three offices. One is the office of the Evangelistic Department of the station. A second is the Regional School office, which has supervision over all the primary schools in the surrounding rural area, exclusive of the one large primary school on the station. The supervision of these schools has fallen to the clergymen because they are the only staff members who travel in the rural areas on "itineration" for extended periods, visiting many of the African villages for the purpose of supervising the church work. A third office in the Evangelistic Building is the Presbytery Treasurer's office where the church accounts and funds are kept. The furnishings in these offices are very simple: locally-made desks and bookcases, perhaps an imported office chair for the missionary in charge, and a few straight chairs for visitors. The single piece of furniture






79


which dominates each office is the old, large and impressive steel safe.

The Primary School

Located just north of the church is the primary school (cf. No. 20, Figure 6). It consists of 8 double classroom buildings arranged in a "U" with considerable distance between each building. The classroom buildings are brick and open along the sides above a height of four feet. The school buildings, like all of the construction on the station, are roofed with galvanized tin or aluminum roofing. The Girl's Home

Immediately to the east of the primary school area, in a wirefenced enclosure, is the "Girl's Home" (cf. No. 19, Figure 6). This is a complex of four dormitory buildings and a central refectory and meeting room. The girls living here attend the station primary school. At the time of this study 52 girls were in residence. The Preacher's School

In the northeastern corner of the mission station, to the east of the girl's home (cf. No. 18, Figure 6), is a similar complex of small dwelling units and a refectory-classroom building. In former years this was the "Boy's Home," but it has recently been converted to a facility housing a high school-level ministerial training school. The Preacher's School supplies the whole mission area with village evangelists.

As was stated above, the early construction on the mission was African-type houses and sheds built by Africans for the missionaries. In the early days the mortality was quite high, especially among wives






80


and children. The recurring crisis of death among the staff intensified the desire of the missionaries to build more permanent and salubrious residences. It was in 1913 that the first professional builder came to the mission field as a missionary. He was 52 years of age at the time of his appointment and came on a self-sustaining basis. He supervised the building of Mutoto station. In 1915, with the arrival of a graduate of Georgia Tech, Carson Industrial School was opened at Luebo. Carpentry, brickmaking, brick masonry, tailoring, shoe-making, blacksmithing, ivory carving and broom-making were all taught at the school. The school was closed in 1930 due to lack of funds caused by the depression. In the fifteen years of its operation, the Industrial School trained hundreds of artisans who found ready employment in the developing colony. The large work shed (cf. No. 22, Figure 6) which housed the school remains at Luebo. It is currently utilized by the maintenance personnel of the station.

In a number of ways the mission station reflects the territorial layout of an American college campus. In terms of allotment of space and size of buildings, however, the emphasis of APCM-Luebo is clearly on the missionary residences and the church. The station does have an open and spread-out aspect which can be cotitrasted to the typical Roman Catholic mission station in the area. Catholic stations tend to reflect the architectural and territorial features of the cloister of Europe.

Households

As has been pointed out above, one of the main features of the mission station is the provision and clustering of residences for the






81


missionaries.

The organization of the missionary household at Luebo is

in many ways quite different from what the American staff would experience in the United States. One of the causes of this difference is the de facto professional role of the wife as a missionary. The BWM manual states that:

Missionary wives share with their husbands in
qualifications and language study. It is recognized that their first obligation is to the home and this witness through the Christian family is their major missionary service. They may engage
in other services as domestic duties permit
(BWM Manual, 27).

This official statement is, of course, the ideal. The real pattern is manifest in a considerable amount of pressure placed upon a new missionary wife to "take up part of the work." The second cause of the unique missionary household organization can be found in the traditions of the missionary community at Luebo.

From the early years households have been referred to as

"fences," (a human grouping of all those who live and/or work at a particular missionary residence). These have included a varied number of African "helpers." The rationale for having extensive domestic help is that (a) under the relatively primitive living conditions, all of the help a missionary wife can get simply*frees heir for the more important evangelistic, educational or medical work that always needs to be done; and (b) there are always African men and women available who need employment. By employing them, the missionary is aiding in the development of individuals and the region as a whole.

Thus, from the pioneer days when life was essentially camping






82


and the missionary had his personal "boy," cook and hammock men, to the present when the minimum for most young missionary families is a cook, a laundry man and a "Baba," who is a full-time woman babysitter for the small children, domestic servants have been a tradition at Luebo. In the early years, having a number of young men in your "fence" was thought to be an excellent way to train them in all aspects of the Christian life. In more recent years, the number has greatly decreased and the motivation is more clearly on providing the support system for the missionary couple as they seek to devote the whole day to missionary work.

The selection of the domestic staff for the new missionary is done basically by those already on the station when he arrives. The key people such as cooks and laundry men usually stay with their missionary employers for years. They may be available, however, for a year if "their missionary" happens to be in the States on furlough. The new couple knows nothing of the individuals, and even if they are reluctant to take on a staff of servants at the outset of their missionary career, they are assured by the "old timers" that this is the time-tested way to proceed.

The selection of household staff is also watched and controlled by the local church leaders. Although the people employed are the financial responsibility of the missionary, the African church leaders ordinarily must informally approve the selection. The', writer was informed by the local African pastors in one instance in 1959 that he must terminate a fine young cook because he was involved in an adultery "palaver." Prior to the mid-1940's, these problems






83


would have been decided by the missionary. This case is an example of the African church leaders initiating action in the missionary sphere. The statuses of the various servants are differentiated within the household and in the larger missionary and African communities according to the roles they perform. The following section is a description of the various employment positions possible in a missionary household.

The cook is the highest ranking of all of the domestic "helpers." He is invariably male and most often is a mature man who has been trained to cook by missionaries or by Europeans in the area. He must be able to prepare a complete meal, often for as many as eight or ten persons, on the wood cook range and with the relatively modest kitchen equipment. He is a person who can be given a menu and left with the responsibility of having "the meal on the table" at the appointed time. One of the essential skills of the cook at Luebo is baking bread. All of the household's bread must be baked by the cook as there is no commercial bread available. A particular cook is often especially noted for his bread and rolls, and perhaps for pies and cakes as well. The cook lives in the African village and arrives at work around 6:30 AM to begin preparing the breakfast. In 1960 he earned a salary of from twenty to forty dollars a month, depending on the size of his family.

The "Baba" or nursemaid is the second highest ranking member of the household staff. She has the responsibility of looking after the children most of the day while the missionary mother is in language study or later involved in some missionary duties. If the child






84


or children are small and in diapers it is the task of the baba to launder all the soiled diapers. As babysitter she has the run of the house and performs such functions as putting away the general laundry, making and turning down the beds and picking up the children's toys. Babas are usually mature "single" women, either widowed or divorced. They report to work in time to take over the child after breakfast and work until 4:30 or 5:00 in the afternoon. Besides their salary of from twenty to twenty-five dollars a month, it is the custom to permit the baba to take a large bucket of water to the village each evening. The water source for the village people was a spring one mile from APCM-Luebo. The women usually carried water during the day while the nursemaids were at work.

The laundry man is the third highest-ranking domestic helper. He is responsible for washing all of the family laundry in pails and washtubs and ironing it with a charcoal burning iron. For a family with two or three children this task takes almost the full work week to complete. He, like the cook, was often a mature man. He might be a younger man with the aspiration of working his way up to being a cook. In the local African tradition both cooking and washing are considered "women's work," and it is only in the context of working for the foreigner that men are comfortable with these roles.

The position of "house boy" was common in former years, but

the tasks of sweeping, mopping and cleaning were more recently shared by the laundry man and the baba. It was also common in earlier years for.the cook to have a kitchen boy who kept the fire going and washed the dishes. As salaries have increased and equipment improved, the





85


missionaries have encouraged their cooks to accept all aspects of the kitchen work. For a first-class cook this is seemingly difficult, and he usually prevails upon the sentry to do the cleaning up.

The sentry is the fourth member of the normal household staff. He is provided by the mission and has the responsibility of being a night watchman, generally keeping up the lawn, and assuring that the kitchen is supplied with wood for the cook stove. He is also responsible for lighting and tending the hot water heater every day so that there will be hot water available in the bathroom in the evening for family baths. The sentry has a room in the outbuilding. Ideally, he does not sleep all night, but makes periodic patrols of the lawn and buildings. His official work time is at night and he is free to return to the village during the day. In practice, most sentries spend a good part of the day on their jobs and sleep at night. They work on the lawn, get the wood and run errands for the missionary family members and other workers. They must maintain a household of their own in the village and are discouraged from having their wives and children stay with them in the missionary "fence." The reason given for this rule is that the "fence" is already sufficiently crowded with the missionary couple,.their children, three or four helpers and the constant stream of visitors and traders. A sentry's wife and children would only add to the noise and commotion, and invite even more numerous visitors. As the sentry's job is a seven-night-a-week arrangement, it was understood that there are occasional family visits during the night to the sentry's room in the outbuilding. This was done in such a way that it was never noticeable to the missionary. The system ap-




Full Text


36
preneurs for major construction. In 1946 the APCM let contracts for a
complete mission station at Luluabourg. A new hospital at Mutoto and
a complete academic campus at Kakinda were begun in 1948. Kakinda
was built to house the Morrison Institute, a combined secondary level
normal school for training African school teachers and seminary for
training African pastors.
The emphasis that the mission was placing on these schools
for the training of indigenous leadership reflected a growing concern
that the impact of the mission should be felt among the "grass roots"
of the population and not solely on and around the mission stations.
The schools for the training of an African cadre to ultimately staff
the elaborate program of church, education and medicine became the
goal of a group of the more far-sighted missionaries. The old station
system continued, however, as it had become institutionalized and
tended toward continued expansion rather than diminution.
In 1950 the African Presbyterian church, with which and for
which the APCM worked, reported a membership of 118,782 people. The
ordained African pastors distributed over the whole area numbered 47
and were assisted by 1,309 lesser clerics such as Elders and evangel
ists. The stewardship-giving of the African church people had amounted
to $19,296. This represented church offerings from 1,238 villages as
well as the congregations related directly to the 9 mission stations.
Subsidization and Change (1951-1960)
As early as 1902 an organization was developed to foster
cooperation among all the Protestant groups working in the Congo. This
cooperative effort became known as the Congo Protestant Council and


TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page
5. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION I: PRESBYTERIAN TRADITION AND THE
FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY. 91
Presbyterian Tradition 93
The Formal Structure 95
The Mission 96
*
The Stations 104
The'Departments 106
The Congregations (Ekelezia Mujadika) 108
The Presbyteries (Bihangu) 109
The Synod (Mpungilu) 110
6. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION II: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION AND
THE INFORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 113
Patterns of Interaction 113
Work 113
Marriage and the Family 118
Recreation 123
Religion 128
Related Events 129
The Circular Vote 130
Checking Out 130
The Station Supper 131
The Outdoor Tea 132
Eating Around 132
The Informal Structure 133
%
In-groups and Cliques 134
Longevity Grades 134
vi ii


19
Belgian and "colonial." Within the European community the primary
figure was the male. It was he who was government administrator or
trader. The European wives often remained in Europe. When they were
present in the Kasayi, their main activity fluctuated between super
vising their numerous household servants and "socializing" among their
own particular group. Among the Belgian administrative personnel
there was a strict social class system which followed the administra
tive ranks of government. The role of the European wife contrasted
with that of the missionary wife in that the latter always had quasi
professional or professional daily activity related to the missionary
program. The Belgian administrators always looked forward to re
turning to Belgium after their 17-year "career" in Congo.
The European traders were more nearly comparable to the
"colonists" of other African countries. They were usually very long
term residents. It was not uncommon for the Portuguese traders to
have married or to have mistresses among the indigenous African women.
A numer of the most successful commercial entrepreneurs in the Luebo
area were mulatto individuals having been raised in these mixed com
mercial families.
Each group among the Europeans maintained a rather strict
isolation. From the American missionary perspective the Belgian ad
ministrative group seemed a class remotely high because of their
ethnocentrism and political position. On the other hand, the Portu
guese traders appeared a class rather low because of their degree of
fusion with the African population. There was no European group to
which the American missionaries could comfortably relate.








126
iWfor
mission station tradition, especially strong at Luebo where it dated
back at least as far as 1892 and the arrival of the first missionary
couples. By 1959, some of the "young" and "new" missionaries were
breaking the hallowed and accepted patterns of recreation and more
frequently looked off the station for their evening's distraction.
There was a modest European "club" at the town of Luebo across the
river. Movies were shown there each Friday night. Once a month a
dance was held at the Cere!e as the club was called. Participation at
these events by the missionaries was by no means regular but over an
18-month period from 1 to 3 couples had been to 6 films and had at
tended 2 dances. The reaction of the older missionaries to this type
of socializing was mixed. They acknowledged that it was good to "get
off the station" from time to time, but they also felt deeply the im
portance of the missionaries having a certain social distance from the
colonial personnel. Traditionally, the missionaries were always more
fluent in Tshiluba than in French. They felt that their separation from
the Belgians aided them in their contacts with the Africans. Besides
these considerations, many older missionaries questioned whether or
not movies and modern ballroom dancing were really "the thing" for
missionaries. The barmen and waiters at the Cercle might perhaps have
been church members or certainly were in contact with the church lead
ers, cooks, and helpers of the missionaries. "Would this activity af
fect the 'witness' of the missionaries?" That was always the crucial
question.


70
the station meetings and for meetings of the African Presbytery. It
also contains two small offices, one of which is used by the station
treasurer. The second building, as one approached the church, is a
missionary residence (cf. No. 7, Figure 6). It is a two-bedroom
accommodation which is usually occupied by two single ladies.
On the right side of this street leading north to the church
are two almost identical buildings set in symmetrical settings in
reference to those on the left and to the church. The lower building
of the two is the educational office and workshop and supply room
(cf. No. 15, Figure 6). During our period of observation this build
ing serviced a primary school of around 2500 pupils. The upper build
ing was a seldom-used one known as the "depot" (cf. No. 16, Figure 6).
This building had been used in earlier years as the central supply
storage for the trade goods that were used in barter and for payment
of workers. It was also used for the storage of household effects be
longing to missionaries who had returned to the United States on fur
lough. Just above the depot and set off further to the right are a
two-car garage and the station "motor house," a small building which
houses the diesel generating plant which supplies electricity to the
station each evening from seven until ten oclock.
The street leading south from the cnurch intersects in a dead
end fashion at its base with the main street which transverses the
station. By street is understood a wide, well-drained path which can
accommodate one lane of automobile traffic. Opposite this intersec
tion, across the main street, is the station cemetery (cf. No. 24,
Figure 6). Beyond the cemetery are open fields sloping down the hill






108
practice of the APCM.
The American Presbyterian Congo Mission had a complex formal
organization. It is important to note that all of the foregoing
structural description applies to the American missionaries. The
African church, the creation and development of which was the ultimate
goal of the Mission, was organized separately and had its own structure.
The structural pattern of the Presbyterian Church in Zaire corresponds
generally to that of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. The
missionaries had taught the African Christians what a church should be
and it has been largely a formal process, passing on traditions, dogmas
and precepts from the parent ecclesiastical culture to the daughter
church. The missionary rationale at any particular juncture of
development had been "It must be done the Presbyterian way." A
description of these church structures, as they were created in the
Kasayi, follows.
The Congregations (Ekelezia Mujadika)
The primary and most "grass-roots" level of church organiza
tion was the local congregation (Ekelezia mujadika, an established
church). Ideally, this was a local group of Christians who were
organized with elected leaders (Bakulu, "elders") and a pastor (Mpasata)
whom they had chosen and for whom they provided a salary and house.
These conditions for the establishment of a local congregation as
sumed an ecclesiastical and financial maturity which had been slow in
manifesting itself among the local Kasayi groups. Between 1928 and
1930, 20 African congregations were organized and given the blessing
of the Mission. After a period of 10 years they had all found that








147
families to return and the missionary personnel on the field numbered
130.
The Death of the Mission
The figure cited earlier from misiological circles for a
Mission was that of an elaborate scaffolding within which the indigen
ous church should rise. When the church reached a certain degree of
completion, the scaffolding was to be torn away. The problem for the
missionary and especially for the missionary group was in determining
if the pull-back point had indeed arrived.
The APCM survived independence, evacuation and re-entry to
the Kasayi. The African church, however, was not immune to independ
ence "fever" and began to question more and more the presence of this
very powerful (from their point of view) organization that surrounded
them. National independence brought new laws and the possibility for
indigenous organizations to own real property. The Mission, at this
point, announced the church's independence and deeded over all of the
specifically church property to the Presbyterian Church in Zaire.
This involved church buildings and ministers' homes.
Much remained, however, in the Mission's hands: all the
stations with their residences, buildings, institutions, such as
schools and hospitals. Many missionaries felt that "the church isn't
ready for all of this administrative load." They should just "be the
church" and "let us help with these specialized functions."
As the discussion continued through 1960, 1961 and 1962, the
Tshiluba expression "Mission afue," (Let the Mission die!) was heard
more and more frequently from African leaders. The expression was not


LIST OF TABLES
Page
1. Population data 1952 18
2. Missionary personnel appointments by period and department. 44
3. Dollar input and personnel by year (1940-1949) 47
4. Dollar input and personnel by year (1950-1959) 48
5. Dollar input and personnel by year (1960-1967) 49
6. Statistical report of Luebo 58
xi


57
His parish was the large African residential area surrounding APCM-
Luebo. It was in this area that he lived with his family in a slightly
better than average African house. His parish work in the "village"
kept him off the station compound most of the week, but he frequently
visited the evangelistic office to confer with Morgan on church affairs.
There were 3 other smaller chapels in the large village around Luebo
and the pastors from these congregations also were frequently seen at
the evangelistic office.
The employees in the evangelistic office numbered 4 in 1959.
John Kasonga, the Presbyterian treasurer, was a layman around 30 years
old. He worked regular office hours keeping all of the Presbytery
accounts. The Presbytery finances involved the salaries of over 350
evangelists as well as those of the pastors and elders who worked in
the rural areas (cf. Table 6). Elder Samuel Buki worked in the region
al elementary school section of the building. He was in charge of
keeping all of the statistical records of the 23 regional schools in
the Presbytery. He was assisted by 2 clerks, Daniel Kabesele and
Pierre Mutombe. Bert Richards was the missionary in charge of this
office, and his innovation of engaging a comparatively large African
staff to keep school records was much discussed among the other mis
sionaries .
The primary school located at APCM-Luebo, supervised by Robert
McDonald, was taught by May Melton and Lucille Fisher and 20 African
teachers. George Lungenyi was an example of the most highly academic
ally qualified African teacher. He was a graduate of the Normal School
at Kakinda and was officially accredited to teach in grades 1 through


43
years prior to 1960 was 30% evangelistic personnel. In the "ancestor"
period (1891-1920) 34% of the appointments were clergy. During the
"full and mid-career" period (1921-1940) the new clergy dropped to
21%. This was the only period in which another group surpassed the
evangelistic in numbers. In the "young missionary" period (1941-1950)
clergy amounted to 25% of the total appointments. In the final "new
missionary" period (1951-1960) the evangelistic group was augmented
to 35% of the total reinforcements. This larger percentage is in part
due to the increasing practice of the Board of World Missions classi
fying wives in specific categories of work rather than in the general
category of "wives." It should be noted, however, that there was an
increase in the number of actual clergymen appointed in this period
(cf. Table 2).
The Educational
The educational classification contained 8% of the total prior
to 1960. The percentages for new appointments fluctuated slightly for
the 4 periods under consideration; 5% in the first period, 13% in the
second period, 8% in the third period and 10% in the last period. The
10% group in the last period included education specialists needed to
supervise the recently subsidized school system mentioned in Chapter 2.
The Medical
The medical classification for the entire period included 19%
of the total recruits. Medical work expanded steadily and this ex
pansion is reflected in the statistics for the 4 periods (cf. Table 2).
During each period 5 physicians were added, except the third when 4 new
doctors came to the field. The majority of the 48 women classified as


TABLE 2
MISSIONARY PERSONNEL APPOINTMENTS BY PERIOD AND DEPARTMENT
EVAN6
EDUC
MEDICAL
INDUST
BUSINESS CENT. SCH.
"WIVES"
TOTALS
%AGES
1890-1920
Single men
2
0
0
1
2
0

5
5%
Married men
33
1
5
8
2
0
_ _
49*
47%
Single women
1
1
4
0
0
0

6
5%
Married women
0
3
4
0
0
0
38
45
43%
Totals
36
5
13
9
4
0
38
105
_ _
Percentages
34%
5%
12%
9%
4%
0%
36%
--
100%
1921-1940
Single men
0
0
0
0
0
0
_ _
0
Married men
10
3
5
5
1
0
_ _
24
34%
Single women
4
3
6
0
1
3
_ _
17
24%
Married women
1
3
6
0
1
1
18
30*
42%
Totals
15
9
17
5
3
4
18
71

Percentages
21%
13%
24%
7%
4%
6%
25%
--
100%
1941-1950
Single men
0
0
0
0
0
0
_
0
0%
Married men
13
4
3
5
1
3
_
29
35%
Single women
3
3
8
0
2
2
_
18
22%
Married women
5
0
4
0
0
2
25
36*
43%
Totals
21
7
15
5
3
7
25
83
_ _
Percentages
25%
8%
18%
6%
4%
8%
31%
--
100%
1951-1960
Single men
0
1
0
0
0
1
.
2
2%
Married men
15
2
7
4
1
0

29
36%
Single women
5
4
6
0
0
6

21
26%
Married women
8
1
7
0
0
3
10
29
36%
Totals
28
8
20
4
1
10
10
81

Percentages
^Imbalance in
35%
married
10%
group due
25% 5% 1%
to appointment of widows or
12%
widowers
12%
--
100%




95
.that the largest assemblage has ultimate power, the method of decision
making by assembled groups is identical.
It must be kept in mind that in the most formal sense we are
dealing with two formal structures. We will be primarily concerned
with the missionary structures, but these can never be entirely separ
ated from the African church, which co-existed with the mission through
the years. The original aim of the APCM was the evangelization of the
Kasayi as that term was understood by southern Presbyterians. The
birth and growth of an African church was expected. The accepted mis-
siology of the period conceived of the mission structure as a kind of
scaffolding which had to be built to enable the indigenous church to
rise within it. The particular changes dealt with in Chapter 7 below
related to the questions of exactly when and how the vast "scaffolding"
which was the APCM was to be removed.
The church structure began with early conferences of the
African pastors and village evangelists, and developed concomitantly
with the mission into the formal structures described in the latter
sections of this chapter.
The detailed descriptions of both sets of institutions are
being presented to demonstrate the effect of culturally persistent
ways of communicating, ways of arriving at decisions and ways of im
plementing decisions which were particular to both the mission and the
church, and which were often in conflict with each other.
The Formal Structure
Because our focus is primarily on the missionaries as agents
of change, and because, prior to 1960, the mission tended to overshadow




109
they could not function under the so-called Nevius Plan of self-pro
pagating, self-supporting and self-governing congregations, and re
quested the larger organizational entity, the presbytery (Tshihangu)
for financial support and guidance. This was an ecclesiastical set
back for the Zaire church and a failure for the Mission which was not
corrected until 1960 when, for the second time, local congregations
were organized with full Presbyterian responsibilities.
The Presbyteries (Bihangu)
Ideally, this was the quarterly assemblage of clergy and lay
elders from all the local congregations in a specific geographical
area. As has been seen, local congregations were slow in materializing
in Zaire. The African Presbytery was made up of all the ordained
African clergy who worked in the geographical area corresponding to
the outstation field of the mission station. Thus, Luebo Presbytery
corresponds geographically with the section of the Kasayi for which
the American missionaries at APCM-Luebo were responsible (cf. Figure
3).
There were 3 grades of African clergy working in this area.
Pastors, who had completed at least 13 years of education, including
the Morrison Bible School or the Preacher's School, who were ordained
as clergy, and who had general oversight of the church work in the
region. The pastors were supported from Presbytery funds which de
rived from all African church offerings plus a substantial subsidy
from the Mission. The grade "Elder" was a type of assistant pastor
and functioned as second-level clergy, also deriving their support
from the Presbytery. A "session" of these pastors and elders traveled




133
from missionary household to household, meal by meal, throughout the
time of their visit. If the visit was to be an extended one, arrange
ments were made to "rotate by the day," thus taking all three meals at
the same household and moving from house to house each day. These often
quite complex arrangements were worked out and supervised by the "guest
chairman," who was always one of the women of the station. Eating
around was a firm tradition at APCM-Luebo. If a couple had specific
ally invited a missionary friend to spend a few days with them at
Luebo, special arrangements had to be made with the guest chairman to
enable the host couple to entertain the guest for all meals at their
home. Although such a guest was designated as a "personal guest" of,
for instance, the Jorgensens, there was a certain amount of resentment
generated if the guest was not "shared" with the rest of the mission
ary households for at least one meal around. The entertainment of
guests was obviously an important element in the missionary pattern
for meeting social needs.
The Informal Structure
As was mentioned earlier, it is well-known by anthropologists
that there are always at least 2 structural systems functioning in any
society. This phenomenon was observed at APCM-Luebo and throughout
the larger mission system. There was a constant need to move infor
mation requests and decisions up and down the formal organizational
structure outlined above. The participant observer soon realized
that there were informal groupings and channels which were often more
active and more certain avenues than the formal ones.
It is through the observation of the events which took place












REFERENCES CITED
Anderson, V.A.
1959 Still led in triumph. Nashville, TN: Board of World
Missions, Presbyterian Church in the United States.
American Presbyterian Congo Mission
Various Minutes of the mission meeting. Luebo, Belgian Congo:
years J. Leighton Wilson Press.
American Presbyterian Congo Mission
1957 Constitution, by-laws and standing rules of the American
Presbyterian Congo Mission. Luebo, Belgian Congo: J.
Leighton Wilson Press.
Arensberg, C.M. and Solon T. Kimball
1965 Culture and community. New York: Harcourt, Brace and
World.
Arensberg, C.M. and A.H. Niehoff
1964 Introducing social change. Chicago: Aldine Publishing
Co.
Bail leu 1, H.
1959 Les Bayaka: aperfu de 1'evolution economique et politique
de leur pays jusqu'en 1958. Zaire 13: 823-842.
Bateson, Gregory
1935 Culture contact and schismogenesis. Man 35: 178-83.
Bee, Robert L.
1974 Patterns and processes: an introduction to anthropolo
gical strategies for the study of sociocultural change.
New York: The Free Press.
Beguin, Hubert
1965 Espoirs, bilans et lecons d'un "paysannat" au Congo.
Tiers-monde 6: 891-913.
Beidelman, T.O.
1974 Social theory and the study of missions in Africa.
Africa 44: 235-249.
180


17
medicines. The functions of these persons are considered beneficial
to the society as opposed to those of witches and sorcerers who employ
their powers in injurious ways.
European Demography and Culture
As was mentioned above, the first white men arrived in the
Kasayi region in 1883. The European population in the Kasayi grew
from the original 2 or 3 officers of the Independent State of the Congo
at the beginning of colonialization to around 5,750 in 1952. That
same year, the indigenous African population for the Kasayi area was
estimated at around 2,000,000 (cf. Table 1). The European population
in the Kasayi at that time was divided among functionaries of the
colonial government (9%), Roman Catholic missionaries (7%), Protestant
missionaries (2%), commercial employees (20%), settlers (9%), and
women and children (53%). The following percentage breakdown of
national origins of the non-indigenous population demonstrates the
preponderance of Belgians in the colony: Belgians (78%), Portuguese
(5%), Italians (3%), Greeks (3%), British (3%), French (2%), Americans
(1.5%), Dutch (1.3%), Swiss (0.7%), and 8 other nationalities (2.5%)
(Moeller 1954: 746).
The number of American missionaries in the Kasayi during the
period to which these statistics pertain correlates closely with the
national percentages of 1.5% American and 2.0% Protestant missionary.
It is assumed that these percentages in the employment and national
origin categories for the non-indigenous population remained reason
ably constant from 1940 to 1960 (cf. Figure 2).
The cultural life style of the Europeans was predominately








141
104 above). There was much in the operation of the Mission and the
behavior of the missionaries that to many among the young and new
appeared in need of change.
The continuation of the old patterns of having servants had
already been questioned or was being questioned by the new missionaries.
The paternalistic relationship between the Mission and the African
church was challenged. The question of the frequency of Africans
being invited to missionary homes in the constant flow of missionary
entertainment was being raised. Missionaries having a special school
for their children and having special worship services in English both
were under criticism by young and/or new missionaries.
These sentiments for change also existed among the articulate
African leadership of the church and the various institutions related
to the Mission.
In spite of concern for needed change on the part of the
newer missionaries, change seemed to be slow in coming within the
Mission. The patterns generated through the colonial years hung on
tenaciously. The older missionaries usually resisted decisions to
initiate change and they occupied many key positions in the formal
structure of the Mission.
In retrospect it seems clear that change was overdue, but at
the time little important policy change or planned innovation in the
missionary operation was taking place. It was the "shake-up" of the
events described below which precipitated rapid and far-reaching
changes in the missionary method and organization.










Tribal Conflict
During 1957, as the imminent arrival of Independence became
clear, tribal enmity, which had been dormant through most of the
colonial years, broke out in open conflict. This was especially the
case in the Kasayi. In this region the Luba people, traditionally
not the predominant group, had, through the colonial years, attached
themselves to the Europeans and gained vocational and social ascend
ency over the Lulua, Kuba, Luntu, Kanyoka and other tribes. By 1959
Luba men held positions of leadership in almost every modern enter
prise in the Kasayi province. At APCM-Luebo 75% of the primary school
teachers were Luba, the top 15 of the 21 medical workers were Luba,
and many of the skilled Press workers were Luba. This was typical of
mission, government and conmercial employers throughout the region.
The district in which Luebo is located was traditionally
Lulua territory, and since the Luba were immigrants, conflict was
inevitable. "Will we be receiving independence?" the Lulua asked.
"Will not the Luba replace the Belgian as our masters?" they argued.
The logical solution to this predicament is to chase all of the Luba
back to their homelands to the east.
At Luebo open fighting broke out on May 20, 1960. This came
after weeks of constant rumors and excited conversation insisting
that "tonight will be the night of the attack." On the 20th of May,
1960, warriors from the Luba and Lulua sections of the Mission "town"
142


176
Kerosene and gasoline lanterns available in local shops. After ar
riving on the field you may wish to buy a small home electric lighting
plant, but we do not advise buying before arriving on the field.
Seed. Most missionaries make small vegetable gardens. Most easily
grown are Ky. Wonder or other pole beans, carrots, turnips, tomatoes,
celery, lettuce, eggplant, cucumbers, radishes. Take easily grown
flowering annuals and seed and bulbs of other favorite flowers. Take
a limited supply of seeds as they do not keep well and parcel post
orders may be placed in America and South Africa as desired.
Household Equipment. All heavy furniture is made on the field. For
the kitchen aluminum ware is most satisfactory as it stands up under
the hard usage given it by native cooks and house boys. A little pyrex
or other oven ware is nice to have, but is subject to rather heavy
breakage. If you already have a pressure cooker and canning equipment,
take it along, but we do not advise investing in new equipment before
you have been on the field. Take extra rotary egg beater as they do
not last long in the hands of Congo cooks. Consult any good cookbook
for basic kitchen equipment list. Many prefer Dutch ovens to regular
roasters.
These articles are especially necessary in Congo:
2 large tea kettles (all drinking water must be boiled)
1 coffee grinder
1 small hand grist mill for making corn meal (See M. Ward
catalog)
1 good meat grinder
1 kitchen scale for weighing up to sixteen or twenty-four
pounds
1 or more thermos bottles (small ones obtainable on field)
1 table service bel 1
1 or more tight lidded tin boxes for packing lunches
2 bread pans
1 or 2 large aluminum trays are desirable but not essential
6 or 8 good padlocks
1 hammer
Assorted tacks and small nails (larger nails obtainable locally)
1 utility saw
1 small, one medium screwdriver
1 pair piiers
Order brooms, mops, curtain rods from M. Ward (American type
not available locally)
Table Linens and Bedding. Take a good supply of table linens, accord
ing to personal taste, luncheon cloths and mats for daily use, large
cloths for occasional use. Most of the dining tables are round, 52-60
inches in diameter. You will find mat sets for 6 or 8 places prefer
able to 4.




This work is dedicated
to my mother
ADELE PURDY JUENGST
a splendid bearer of her culture
whose constancy in concern has
enhanced five generations of our
family and has challenged me
to continuing growth.


LIST OF FIGURES
Page
1. Road map of the Kasayi in late colonial period 6
2. Map of Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary activity
in Zaire prior to 1960 20
3. Map of Belgian Congo showing railroad and mission stations . 31
4. Mission map showing five major stations and their
dependent villages 33
5. Map of APCM-Luebo and portion of the town of Luebo 65
6. Plan showing layout of APCM-Luebo 69
7. Organizational chart of missionary groupings 107
XI 1


80
and children. The recurring crisis of death among the staff intensi
fied the desire of the missionaries to build more permanent and salu
brious residences. It was in 1913 that the first professional builder
came to the mission field as a missionary. He was 52 years of age at
the time of his appointment and came on a self-sustaining basis. He
supervised the building of Mutoto station. In 1915, with the arrival
of a graduate of Georgia Tech, Carson Industrial School was opened at
Luebo. Carpentry, brickmaking, brick masonry, tailoring, shoe-making,
blacksmithing, ivory carving and broom-making were all taught at the
school. The school was closed in 1930 due to lack of funds caused by
the depression. In the fifteen years of its operation, the Industrial
School trained hundreds of artisans who found ready employment in the
developing colony. The large work shed (cf. No. 22, Figure 6) which
housed the school remains at Luebo. It is currently utilized by the
maintenance personnel of the station.
In a number of ways the mission station reflects the terri
torial layout of an American college campus. In terms of allotment of
space and size of buildings, however, the emphasis of APCM-Luebo is
clearly on the missionary residences and the church. The station does
have an open and spread-out aspect which can be contrasted to the
typical Roman Catholic mission station in the area. Catholic stations
tend to reflect the architectural and territorial features of the
cloister of Europe.
Households
As has been pointed out above, one of the main features of the
mission station is the provision and clustering of residences for the


167
On the field the Board will provide tuition up to $700 in
grades 1-12 for the education of missionaries' children in approved
institutions. The Board will pay up to $700 for children in college,
in addition to the child allowance listed above to cover difference
between tuition costs and other grants received.
54. Outfit Allowances for New Missionaries. All new mission
aries appointed to a four-year term will be eligible to receive the
following allowances: personal outfit, books and furniture. New
missionaries serving less than a four-year term will receive a pro
portionate part of the total allowance.
$300 personal outfit allowance for each )Husbands and wives
missionary counted
$ 25 book allowance for each missionary )separately
$ 75 personal outfit allowance for each
child
Personal and book allowances payable six months within sailing
date and as soon as final medical clearance is received.
$300 heavy furniture allowance for missionary couple after
arriving on field.*
$150 heavy furniture allowance for single missionary after
arriving on field.*
*To be handled through correspondence with the Treasury
Department. Furniture remains the property of the Board of
World Missions.
Ordinarily, missionaries in Africa are provided furniture on
the field and do not receive this allowance.
55. Freight Allowance. The following freight allowances are
for missionaries serving a four-year term. Those serving less than a
four-year term will recieve a proportionate part of the total allow
ance.
It is not expected that furlough missionaries will ordinarily
need the full amount of this allowance, and it is understood that for
all missionaries the Board will be expected to pay only for essential
personal property. The Treasury Department provides a list of es
sential personal property for each field for new missionaries.
Africa and Brazil. The Board will pay all inland freight
both to and from the missionary's home in the United States to the
port, and to and from the port and the missionary's home on the field.
In addition to the inland freight, the Board will make the
following allowances for ocean freight, duty, packing, crating and
all other expenses:
For missionaries traveling to or from furlough up to $150
for each missionary ($300 for a couple) and up to $50 for




APPENDIX 2
OFFICIAL SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING OUTFIT
FOR THE CONGO, 1956
Owing to natural differences in personal tastes it is impossible for
any outfit list to be more than suggestive. Personal tastes and hab
its must govern your choice of equipment. It is not expected that
anyone will want or need all the articles listed, but it is hoped that
these suggestions will serve as a guide which will enable you to
choose for yourself those things that will be most useful and that
will make you most comfortable in your Congo home.
In all your planning it will be well to remember the following:
1. See the Executive Committee Manual for information
regarding baggage allowance, shipping, furniture,
etc.
2. Anything that makes your home more attractive and
comfortable in America (except electrical equipment)
will be useful in the Congo mirrors, vases, pic
tures, bookends, candlesticks, small washable rugs,
etc. Large heavy rugs and carpets are not satis
factory.
3. You will probably have to do more entertaining than
the average housekeeper at home, much of this at
meals, so you will need a larger supply of table
linen, dishes and silver than at home.
4. At present there are no dry cleaners, barbers or
beauty shops available in A.P.C.M. territory, so
go prepared to be your own barber, cleaner and
beautician. (Barber and beauty shops now in Lulua-
bourg and Leopoldville.)
5. Take a good mattress and springs. (Bedsteads are
made on the field to fit these.) Good beds are an
essential, so economize somewhere else.
6. Take supplies for eighteen months. This will give
you time to see what is obtainable on the field
and to place necessary orders in America before
these supplies are exhausted.
7. A greater variety of merchandise of increasingly
better quality is appearing in the local stores
constantly so do not feel obligated to depend en
tirely on what you take from America. Many of the
newly-arrived missionaries seem to feel that they
might well have brought fewer supplies and still
have been adequately equipped.
171


76
by tall oilnut palms randomly spaced in a large lawn.
A special feature of the construction of the 11 residences is
the "outbuilding" which accompanies each home. This is a long, narrow
three-room building containing a "sentry" room, a laundry room or shed,
and a storage room often used by the missionary family as an office or
a school room for the teaching of small missionary children. These
buildings are located about 15 meters behind the missionary residence,
parallel to the rear of the major building. In a number of cases the
outbuilding also contains a garage.
The McKowen Memorial Hospital
The hospital at APCM-Luebo (cf. No. 13, Figure 6) is composed
of three large buildings, the most recent of which was constructed in
1958 to house administrative offices, dental office, classrooms, and
laboratory. The older buildings house the large wards for African
patients and the surgery and pharmacy building. The entire hospital
area is fenced in with a chain link fence. Also included in the hos
pital complex are utility buildings, laundry, and ten very small resi
dences for African hospital personnel.
The J. Leighton Wilson Press
One of the earliest needs felt by the missionaries was for the
printed word. Luebo has been the permanent site of the printing ef
forts of the APCM through the years since 1903. The press is named
after the first Executive Secretary for Foreign Missions (1861-1886)
of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, who was especially
concerned with the evangelization of Africa. The physical plant
housing the printing facilities consists of two buildings placed in


136
full term missionary really didn't feel at home anymore. He talked
of the pioneer days of hammock travel and mud-and-stick houses. He
charged the new and young missionaries that it would be the younger
people who would have to facilitate change for the new day. The full
term missionary was wise and gentle, seemingly a generation removed
from all of the current policy battles over money, personnel and
church-mission relations.
Kinship Networks
Another element in the informal structure of APCM-Luebo and
the mission as a whole were the kinship networks. In the period
1945-51, a major change occurred in that 15% of the new missionaries
had been born in Africa of missionary parents. Other children of
missionaries born in the United States returned to the field under
appointment by the Board of World Missions.
There were a number of two generational missionary families
on the APCM. At Luebo there was 1 couple whose daughter and her hus
band were present as missionaries on the same station; the Mitchell's
daughter was Mrs. Richards. Two of the wives on the station are sisters,
Mrs. Morgan and Mrs. Woodstock, which created a special bond between
these households. However, not all of the kinship was real. Fictive
kinship was also present. One couple and a single woman, the Norrises
and Carolyn Westbrook, had both served in China previously. This
tended to tie them together, although at times intradepartment diffi
culties overshadowed this fictive kinship bond.
The feeling of the station as a family was fostered by lang
uage and attitude. The adult missionaries generally took a special


9
Salampasu.
The Luba-Kasayi were forced to become a migrant people to
escape Arab slave traders. In the late 19th century they had formed
hybrid communities with the Lulua, a closely associated ethnic group,
placing themselves under the protection of the local Lulua chief
(McDonald 1971:91). Between 1925 and 1940 other Luba, encouraged by
the government and missions, settled along the railroad line and around
the growing city of Luluabourg, where, by 1959 and possibly some years
earlier, they represented 60% of the African population.
The surface area of the Congo is deceptively large. Its
2,343,930 square kilometers compare with the United States east of
the Mississippi River or an area 4 times the size of France (Romaniuk
1968:242). Population studies were attempted through the colonial
period (1908-1960). The results of the earlier studies must, how
ever, be taken as merely indications due to the problematic nature of
data-collecting methods employed. The official government estimate
of the total population for the year 1910 was 7,248,000 (Trewartha and
Zelinsky 1954:166). Later demographic studies indicate that this
estimate was significantly low.
When viewed over the whole colonial period the general trends
can be delineated. It has been noted, for instance, that an increas
ingly large volume of vital statistics gathered by the Belgian colon
ial administration leaves little doubt that the African population
must have been growing (Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:1966). Romaniuk
cites the total population at 13,175,000 for 1957 on the basis of
acceptably valid figures from 1952 to 1957 (1959:569).


156
The nature of this response is varied and complex, but the point is
that it was the missionary who most often initiated the action. At
Luebo, missionaries were directors of the Preacher's School and the
Press, and they functioned as action executives in these institutions.
Rev. Morgan greatly influenced the workings of Luebo Presbytery, both
from his imported office chair beside the Mission safe in his office
and from his large wicker chair placed at the front of the presbytery
meeting room. Dr. Norris was "chief" at the hospital, and so on down
the line. The missionary wife daily instructed her servants concerning
the management of the household. The colonial context provided a
broad range of interactions for the missionary in which he or she
could initiate action. It was only in inter-missionary and domestic
interactions that relationships were balanced with significant reci
procity (Bateson 1935). Wolcott's (1972:32) observation of mission
aries in West Africa is harsh but perhaps not altogether without
validity if transposed to the pre-evacuation APCM:
The missionaries with whom I came in con-
contact adhered rigidly to a hierarchical struc
ture in both their personal and professional
lives. Dominance and submission are built into
their every relationship. They represent an
example of male-dominant, patriarchically organ
ized society. If symbolically they consider
themselves children of God, they are consider
ably more active in assuming a reciprocal role
as Father among men.
The possibility of maintaining this dominance by the initiation of
action is exactly what was destroyed by the shattering events of evac
uation and church independence.
The symbolic system of the missionary prior to 1960 evolved


-KK* i'-Jfc




*


106
rather generous limits the missionary had open credit for drawing cash
and placing orders abroad or making purchase payments among mission
aries.
The powers of the station were: (A) to direct and develop
the work within its bounds, including the work and duties of the mis
sionaries; (B) to establish rules and regulations for governing
station institutions and departments according to local conditions as
far as they do not conflict with the Mission policies; (C) to make
necessary transfers in its annual appropriations from one class to
another and (D) exercise control over the erection of new buildings
on the station. It will be seen in Chapter 6 that the actual areas of
control of the stations are even broader than these outlined in the
constitution of the APCM.
The Departments
The departments were the third level of descending field
organization of the Mission. They were made up of all the personnel
on the station representing the various departments: Evangelistic,
Educational, Medical or Industrial (cf., Figure 7). These departments
were organized with a chairman, secretary and treasurer. They also
managed, in spite of their small membership, to appoint numerous
committees to deal with particular aspects of their work. Department
members normally worked in daily contact with each other. If any
policy change or financial matter demanding station approval was con
cerned, a formal meeting was held, votes were taken, and minutes kept.
The Presbyterian maxim that "everything must be done decently and in
order" was reflected throughout the organizational structure and




34
forty and fifty pupils...Ten of the younger mis
sionaries now on the Mission are graduates or
ex-students of Central School (Wharton 1952:136).
It was during this period of 1921 to 1940 that the territorial
expansion of the mission was nearly completed. The acquisition of real
estate, the construction of buildings and the importation of vehicles,
printing machinery, office equipment, electrical generators and re
frigeration equipment all served to establish the APCM as a complex
and technologically very advanced organization by comparison to the
indigenous African culture which the missionaries were attempting to
change.
Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950)
The American Presbyterian missionaries were forced to re-eval
uate their program in the Kasayi during World War II (1940-1945). The
number of new recruits for the mission dropped relative to the expan
sion of the mission work.
Many of the active missionaries experienced difficulty in
trans-Atlantic travel. Early in the war, for instance, one of the
mid-career missionaries later resident at APCM-Luebo was taken off a
British freighter at sea by a German submarine on patrol in the North
Atlantic. The crew and passengers were put aboard another German ves
sel and watched as their freighter was torpedoed and sunk. They were
later put ashore on the coast of France.
Some missionary furloughs were postponed, leaving missionaries
on the field longer than usual. The missionaries on furlough in the
United States often extended their furloughs and remained at home long
er than the normal one-year period. Missionary personnel in the field


42
appointments, i.e., 16 second-generation Congo missionaries. A
spattering of states, mostly southern, produced 20% of the grand
total, but none of these individually produced more than 13 missionar
ies, or 4%. The northeastern region of the United States produced 3%
while 10% of the total originated in Great Britain (3%), Europe (4%)
and other areas (3%).
Professions of Missionary Personnel
There are basically 4 types of missionaries appointed by the
Board of World Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the United States.
These types are: evangelistic, educational, medical and industrial.
The evangelistic category is made up primarily of clergymen,
and in later years, of clergymen and their wives. Single women
missionaries with special interest in some technical aspects of the
developing African church, such as Christian education or women's
work, have also been appointed in this category. The educational cate
gory covers those who have professional training in education and/or
teaching experience, who desire to work in the African school systems.
The medical category includes medical doctors, dentists, registered
nurses, medical technicians and socio-medical case workers. The in
dustrial category contains a variety of artisans and, in later years,
also architects and building contractors. The various classifications
will be considered below.
The Evangelistic
The evangelistic classification of missionary personnel has
been generally numerically predominant in the APCM, as might be ex
pected in a religious missionary group. The overall percentage for the


129
of the 3 smaller churches out in the large village that surrounds Luebo
station. Still others managed to take short trips out into the vil-
V'
lages where they were usually asked to preach in the place of the local
evangelist. Ward, the dedicated fisherman, had a particular village
of riverine Africans, located about 1 hour downstream by his motorboat,
which he visited regularly on Sundays. The clergymen were usually
off the station preaching, but the majority of station members attended
church on the station. These Sunday morning services were led by
African pastors, and it was only occasionally that the missionaries
were asked to preach on the station.
The starting times of this service on Sunday morning in Tshiluba
and that of the exclusively missionary-attended 5:00 English worship
service on Sunday evenings, as well as the 7:30 prayer meeting for
missionaries on Wednesday evening had apparently been stable through
out the history of the mission. Verner cites these times for the
same meetings as standard in the pioneer days (1896). One service
which was not obligatory for the missionaries, but which many attended,
was the early morning "opening of the day" prayer service at 6:00 AM.
This was held for all the workers in the schools, hospital and press.
The missionaries who attended it usually went home for breakfast after
wards before beginning the work day.
Related Events
Besides the regular Sunday worship services and the regular
monthly business meetings of the station there were a number of pat
terned activities in which all of the missionaries on the station
usually participated. These quasi-ritual activities tended to bind
















101
this latter stipulation was very difficult to meet.
The Nominating Committee was composed of the Mission Meeting
chairman as chairman and 4 other members. These members were elected
from the floor at one of the early sessions of the Mission Meeting.
Its duty was to nominate members to the various standing committees
for the coming year.
The Placement of Missionaries Committee. It was composed of
5 members elected by the Mission. It considered the overtures from
the stations in regard to personnel. It reassigned all personnel on
the field and assigned new people due to arrive. The "Placement" Com
mittee was of considerable importance. It was a prestigious committee
to be elected to since its members acted as "gatekeepers" to the flow
of personnel. This committee met during Mission Meeting in impressive
secrecy and usually reported late in the meeting, at a night session,
by unveiling a large blackboard showing the placement of the entire
staff of the Mission at the various stations and institutions.
The Medical and Furlough Committee was composed of 7 members
of the medical personnel doctors, nurses or technicians. However,
at Mission Meeting all doctors, nurses and technicians present were
considered voting members of this committee. They determined the best
possible prosecution of the medical work of the Mission and also re
ported on personnel furlough due dates. It was after this report of
which personnel were going to leave the field on furlough, that the
"vote to return" was taken. The missionary group as a whole voted on
whether or not it was advisable for each particular missionary to
return after furlough. It was at Mission Meeting that each missionary


174
Toilet and Other Personal Articles. Toilet articles for both men and
women are available in the Congo, including some popular brands, but
it is well to take a small personal supply. Take dental floss, band-
aids, clinical thermometer, hot water bottle. An import license is
required for all medicines brought into the Congo, but you may take a
small personal supply of such things as may be needed on the journey -
aspirin, quinine, listerine, etc., in your personal luggage.
Waterproof WATCHES and cheap watches (Ingersoll) have proved most
practical in the Congo though a few have been able to use the popular
expensive ones they already had. Take extra wrist bands and crystals
for your watch. If you have a good alarm clock take it, otherwise
you can buy one on the field.
If you have a cedar chest or moth proof garment bag for your woolens,
take it along. Otherwise woolens may be kept in a tight-closing trunk
with moth preventive. Take a supply of garment hangers.
Typewriters. Take either portable or upright model. If the latter,
see that it is properly packed by a reliable typewriter dealer. Take
a small supply of extra ribbons, type cleaner and brush. Paper and
carbon available on the field.
Phonograph. Is not a necessity, but if you have one it will give much
pleasure to your native friends. They enjoy good music.
Take any small musical instrument you play, but we do not advise tak
ing a piano. Wait until you reach the field and decide on the advis
ability of getting one.
Radio. Do not take one from America. Good tropical radios are avail
able on the field and give much better satisfaction.
Bicycles. Do not take a bicycle. Excellent light-weight European
models are obtainable on the field at a very reasonable price and are
preferable to the heavier American type.
Hobbies and Sports. Be governed by your tastes tennis racquet,
bathing suit and cap, camera and extra films, developing outfits, bad
minton, croquet, any indoor games that appeal to you. If you like
hunting, only one rifle and one shot gun are allowed per person by
the Belgian government, and only 15 kilos (30 pounds) of ammunition.
If your baggage does not accompany you, pack guns and ammunition in
separate case. This will be held at Matadi until you arrive and se
cure the necessary permits from your local Administrateur Territorial.
If you like fishing, a bait-casting outfit and salt water rod and reel
are preferable.
Glasses. If you wear glasses take an extra pair and leave your pre
scription where you can get it filled in case of need. Many use sun-




157
from the early rock-hard certainty of the need of the indigenous
peoples for the "Gospel" and the inevitability and virtue of the
colonial structure to the later social action-oriented theology and a
politics (however theoretical) of liberation. The symbolic system of
the younger missionaries reflected the American acknowledgment of the
inevitability of change, but at the same time it failed to sustain him
through the difficulties of changing roles. In the early years of the
Mission the physical context was difficult and often dangerous, while
the interpersonal context placed the missionary in a dominant and
satisfying position. The ideology or "faith" carried the majority
through this period. In post-1960 Kasayi the situation was reversed.
Physical difficulties and changes had been overcome by technological
advances, but the interpersonal context often left the missionary in
a less than dominant position. In this situation many missionaries
found the "call" to be in that place at that time less than crystal
clear. In the flux of the events under consideration, symbolic system
instability served to hasten the changes in the Mission perspective.
All 3 factors of initiation of action potential, adequate
symbolic system support and contextual stability are thus seen as es
sential to the maintenance of a particular community and culture.
This description of the missionary community at APCM-Luebo
has attempted to demonstrate the dynamics of interaction in a group
and the ways in which this interaction relates to the formal and in
formal structures present. It demonstrates that human interaction once
broken through serious disruptive events can be re-established only
with the greatest difficulty, if at all.


APPENDIX 1
A HANDBOOK FOR MISSIONARY SERVICE OF THE BOARD OF WORLD MISSIONS
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES
MI. Defin ton of a Missionary. All persons appointed by the
Board to service in the foreign field, whether for regular service or
for shorter terms of service, are called missionaries.
M2. "In Service" Date. Missionaries of this Board are ordi
narily considered to be "in service" upon commissioning by the Board.
Ordinarily, they proceed to the field shortly after they are formally
commissioned. Sometimes they may remain in the United States or re
side temporarily in another country for additional training, for
language study and orientation, or for personal reasons acceptable to
the Board. As of their effective "in service" date, all become
missionaries of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, are
under the responsibility and authority of the Board, and remain so
until this relationship is terminated by the Board.
M3. Acceptance of the Handbook for Missionary Service. The
responsibilities of the Board to the missionary, and the missionary's
responsibilities to the Board and to others to whom his appointment
may relate him, are set forth in this "Handbook for Missionary Ser
vice." This Handbook is a part of the Bylaws of the Board of World
Missions, and is a statement of mutual commitment between the Board
and the missionary.
M4. Marriage of Missionaries. If a missionary marries a
person who is not a missionary under this Board, his/her relationship
to this Board must come under immediate review by the Board. Since
both husband and wife are regarded as missionaries by this Board, the
missionary's continuance under appointment is contingent upon his/her
spouse's seeking and receiving appointment to missionary service under
this Board.
M5. General Duties. All missionaries of this Board are sent
to fulfill the total mission of the Church: "to witness to all men -
'to every tribe and tongue and people and nation' the Lordship of
Christ and the good news of God's redemptive love in Christ; to per
suade them to become His disciples and responsible members of His
Church, in which Christians of all lands share in evangelizing the
world and permeating all of life with the Spirit and truth of Christ."
M6. Particular Duties. The particular duties of mission
aries, whether ordained or unordained, shall be those indicated by
the responsible field body. Where no organized church yet exists on
the field, ordained missionaries are charged to preach the Gospel and
to gather believers with a view to their becoming established as the
158


166
On the field: Each missionary is required to undergo an
annual medical examination on the field by a mission
doctor, or a mission-approved doctor.
In the United States: Every missionary is required to
undergo thorough medical examination in the United States
by a Board-approved examiner every three to six years.
Such examinations undertaken on furlough shall be ar
ranged immediately at the beginning of the furlough, and
a departing check-up (for furloughs longer than three
months) within 90 days of departing from the United
States.
Expenses of medical examinations: Expenses of such re
quired examinations, and resulting medical requirements,
shall be borne by the Board.
The Missionary's Maintenance Supplement: 1965
SI.Annual Salaries
Field
Married
Single
Africa
$3,260.00
$1,775.00
East Brazil
3,250.00
1 ,680.00
North Brazil
3,250.00
1,680.00
West Brazil
3,250.00
1,680.00
Japan
3,960.00
2,160.00 living alone
2,040.00 living with
another missionary
Korea
4,020.00
2,040.00
Mexico
3,260.00
1,920.00
Taiwan
3,480.00
1,800.00
Home salary
(on furlough)
4,050.00
2,500.00
52. Rent Allowances (on furlough) will be paid up to:
$ 75 monthly for single missionaries
100 monthly for missionary couples without children
110 monthly for missionary couples with up to two children
125 monthly for missionary couples with more than two children
53. Child Allowances (same on the field and on furlough):
Up to 10 years of age $30.00 per month per child
10 to 21 years of age $37.50 per month per child
10 to 21 years of age $55.00 per month per child
(if in boarding school)


46
In the "ancestor" period the school had not been developed to the extent
that specific missionaries were appointed to this work. In the 3 fol
lowing periods new appointments for "C.S," as the school was called,
were 6%, 8%, and 10% of the period total respectively. It should be
kept in mind that the "young" and the "new" missionary periods (1941-1950
and 1951-1960) are of shorter duration than the 2 previous periods. Any
increase in these latter periods thus represents a compound increase in
actual personnel (cf., Table 2).
Wives
The general classification of "wives" was used in Table 2 to
account for all of the appointments of married women where there was no
specific specialty specified in the appointment records. It should be
noted that both spouses have always been considered missionaries (cf.
Appendix 1) and in later years wives have generally had specific pro
fessional classifications. In the entire period prior to 1960 this
classification amounted to 27% of all appointments.
At Luebo* during the period of participant observation, 43% of
the personnel were evangelistic, 29% were medical, 14% were educational,
9% were industrial, and 5% (1 person) was an unclassified wife.
The staff at Luebo represented all of the 4 "generational"
groups of missionaries. Nine married couples, 2 single women living
together and a single woman doctor living alone made up the 11 mission
ary households.
The Missionaries Themselves
Reflecting the African and APCM tradition of respecting the
elders, the following description of the households begins with the one


I certify that I have read this study and that in rny opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Ui
IrTa M. uXo-t, Chairman^
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Solon T. Kimball
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
n,
r\OLCs.-'-
HarfapBSr-Houssi kian
Associate Professor
Languages and
of Romance
Li tera tures
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Carol E. Taylor
Assistant Professor of Nursing


Figure 5
1. APCM Mission compound.
2. Lulua section of surrounding village (streets laid out in 1915 by
missionaries)
3. Baluba section of village
4. Portuguese shops
5. High bluff beside river
6. Footpath to ferry crossing
7. Motor road to mission (doubles back at top of bluff to east)
8. Rapids in river
9. New bridge completed 1960
10. Island used by missionaries for picnics
11. Ferry crossing
12. Warehouses and shops at steamer dock
13. European residences
14. Main road to town of Luebo
15. Colonial government offices
Roman Catholic cathedral and mission
16.


96
the church in many respects, we will begin with an analysis of the
structure of the APCM.
The Mission
To understand much that took place at APCM-Luebo it is neces
sary to understand the social and political organization of the mission
as a whole.
The mission was a group of people, Americans and other Euro
peans, sent to the Kasayi by the Board of World Missions of the Pres
byterian Church in the United States. These people, the missionaries,
were formally organized in a traditionally Presbyterian manner. There
was no episcopal authority among the missionaries. They were respon
sible only to the Board of World Missions in the United States. The
ultimate authority of the group at the local level was the parliament
ary decision of the annual assemblage known as Mission Meeting. The
missionaries were distributed geographically to stations, vocationally
in departments, and some structurally in various committees and boards.
All of this distribution was determined by the vote of the annual mis
sion meeting. The importance of a decision by vote at Mission Meet
ing in the authority structure was reflected in the fact the the
Minutes of Mission Meeting were printed each year as a top priority
item by the mission press. A special classification and citation sys
tem was developed to ensure ready access to any particular decision.
Women's suffrage among the missionaries was an interesting case in
point.
MM-17-51 (51st decision of mission meeting in
1917) Moved and carried that the present policy
with reference to women voting be continued.
Policy: it is the duty of women to vote on their


23
assemblages which, collectively, hold the ultimate authority in the
church government. The Synod is the next ascending grouping and is
made up of all the clergymen and delegated laymen from all the congre
gations in a larger geographic area. The synods of the Southern Presby
terian Church during the period of study corresponded more or less to
state boundaries and usually consisted of from 3 to 5 presbyteries.
The uppermost grouping and the most inclusive in terms of geographical
organization is the General Assembly. The General Assembly is an an- '
nual assemblage made up of 4 delegated clergymen (Teaching Elders) and
4 delegated laymen (Ruling Elders) from each presbytery.
It is the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the
United States, at its annual meeting, which employs certain national
staff personnel and issues them a mandate to perform certain ministries
in the name of the whole church. In 1862 the Executive Committee of
Foreign Missions issued its first printed report. Due to the diffi
culties of communication during the war, little contact was made with
the Presbyterian missionaries in China and Japan which could now be
claimed by the Southern Church (AR 1392:4)'. By 1871 the Executive
Committee of Foreign Missions was reporting missions to three Amer
indian groups and missions in Italy, Columbia, Brazil and China. In
1890, when the African mission work was begun, the Presbyterian Church
in the United States had twelve missionary organizations in ten
"'The Annual Report of the Executive Committee of Foreign Mis
sions, which was later renamed the Board of World Missions, has been
published each year since 1862 and presented to the General Assembly,
and circulated throughout the church at large. Citations in this work
will be referenced "AR," year and page.








CHAPTER 6
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION II: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION
AND THE INFORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
Patterns of Interaction
No human community exists in total isolation and in spite of
the degree of isolation of the APCM, their members were in daily con
tact with non-American servants and co-workers on the Mission station
at Luebo, and with non-mission personnel further afield. This chapter
will deal with the patterns of interaction between the missionaries
and between mission and non-mission personnel resulting in cultural
contact and cultural change. The interaction patterns of the mission
aries will be described in the context of four areas of behavior: work,
marriage and family, recreation and religion.
Work
As was stated in an earlier discussion, the Mission was organ
ized into a rigid formal structure with the annual assemblage of the
missionaries at Mission Meeting being the major decision-making event.
The whole geographical area of the Mission was divided among
the various stations, each having responsibility for the "evangeliza
tion" of its surrounding territory.
The Mission was considered the top-level administrative unit
in the field. It, of course, was ultimately responsible to the Board
of World Missions located in Nashville, TN, U.S.A. The several sta
tions were administrative units on a second level in the system (cf.
113


15
PLATE 2
a. Young Zairian mission employee with wife, home and transportation.


73
PLATE 4
a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo.
mm
[po %
&*££#>
V ./Hf
b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo.








86
parently did not work any hardship on anyone involved as the writer
never heard a single complaint about the night work arrangement.
It is often the case that a young boy of school age or a
young adult is hired to do yard work and thus relieve the sentry of
part of his job. These arrangements are usually "piece work" and the
relationships are temporary. If an extensive garden is desired by the
missionary, a full-time gardener is added to the payroll. This is
usually an old man who has done gardening for missionaries for many
years. He usually earns around twenty dollars a month as he is well
past the age of having dependent children in his household.
The one position lacking among the missionary helpers which
one always finds in the European, particularly Belgian, households and
businesses is the chauffeur. The European seldom drives in the Kasayi.
The missionaries, on the other hand, have always insisted on driving
whatever vehicles there are avilable and have been reluctant to "turn
vehicles over to" African chauffeurs. The station usually has one
African mechanic who may have earned his way to limited chauffeuring
of the station truck. More often than not some male missionary will
be enlisted to drive the truck or any mission vehicle.
The Missionary Furnishing and Equipment
When a new missionary was preparing for his or her first trip
to Africa they received an approved list of needed supplies and var
ious forms of unofficial advice. The new missionary was told in the
official list and by many of the older missionaries with whom he had
contact, that:


63
is four times the distance from the river crossing directly to the
station, following a manageable incline to the east one kilometer and
doubling back the same distance through the African section and enter
ing the mission station itself. Until 1915 the large village which
surrounds the station on its west, north and east sides was laid out
in typical Luba and Lulua non-geometric patterns determined mainly by
kinship ties. C.L. Crane reported in 1915 that:
There is a marked improvement in the village itself.
Messrs. Martin and Vinson spent 7 or 8 months in
laying out new streets and assigning the natives new
places for their houses, with the result that the
moral and sanitary conditions are vastly improved.
Each tribe has its section and every effort is made
to stir them to something like tribal pride in keep
ing their villages clean and free from immoral
influences (AR 1915:23).
Thus, since 1915 a grid pattern has remained the distinguishing fea
ture of the African section of APCM-Luebo. Whether the straight
streets have been conducive to leading the population toward the
"straight and narrow" Christian life style as the missionary surveyors
intended is doubtful in the light of later events along these same
streets discussed below in Chapter 7.
Although the development of commercial centers in the mission
village was traditionally discouraged, by 1959 five Portuguese and
Belgian trading shops had managed to become established on the south
ern fringe of the actual mission compound and further down the hill
at the riverside.
Directly opposite the APCM-Luebo on the south bank of the
Lulua is the town of Luebo. Small docks and a number of warehouses
line the river. A tree-lined road runs perpendicular to the river


38
During this period, the APCM continued to expand in all areas.
Missionary personnel increased 18% and operating funds from the United
States were augmented almost 97% (cf. Table 4).
The 18 months during 1959 and 1960 when the participant ob
servation upon which this study is based represented a peak period for
the American Presbyterian Congo Mission, both in terms of personnel
in the field and available financial resources with which to carry on
the work. The details of personnel distribution and the missionary
activity and culture at the original station at Luebo, as well as the
developments subsequent to national independence in 1960 will be
discussed in the chapters which follow.






I




81
missionaries.
The organization of the missionary household at Luebo is
in many ways quite different from what the American staff would ex
perience in the United States. One of the causes of this difference
is the de facto professional role of the wife as a missionary. The
BUM manual states that:
Missionary wives share with their husbands in
qualifications and language study. It is recog
nized that their first obligation is to the home
and this witness through the Christian family is
their major missionary service. They may engage
in other services as domestic duties permit
(BUM Manual, 27).
This official statement is, of course, the ideal. The real pattern
is manifest in a considerable amount of pressure placed upon a new
missionary wife to "take up part of the work." The second cause of
the unique missionary household organization can be found in the tra
ditions of the missionary community at Luebo.
From the early years households have been referred to as
"fences," (a human grouping of all those who live and/or work at a
particular missionary residence). These have included a varied num
ber of African "helpers." The rationale for having extensive domestic
help is that (a) under the relatively primitive living conditions, all
of the help a missionary wife can get simply frees her for the more
important evangelistic, educational or medical work that always needs
to be done; and (b) there are always African men and women available
who need employment. By employing them, the missionary is aiding in
the development of individuals and the region as a whole.
Thus, from the pioneer days when life was essentially camping






170
(5) Re: Approval to return to the field: For Regular Service
missionaries, one-half of the authorized length of fur
lough is due on arrival in the U.S.A. for furlough; the
remianing half is authorized only upon the missionary's
decision and approval to return to the field. If the
decision and his approval to return to the field is not
forthcoming by the time that one-half the authorized
length of furlough has expired, the missionary shall
thereupon, immediately and automatically be placed on
leave of absence without salary or allowances until it is
determined what the missionary's future relationship to
this Board will be. Approval to return to the field may
not be given until satisfactory arrangements have been
made regarding any outstanding financial indebtedness of
the missionary to the Board. For Special Term Service,
Volunteer Service and Specialized missionaries, one
month of salary (at the furlough rate) is due in the U.S.
A. for each year of service abroad, up to a maximum of
three months or until gainful employment is secured if
that should be sooner; however, if during this time
such missionary seeks and secures re-appointment to over
seas missionary service under this Board, he will be
allowed furlough, from the time of his departure from the
field, in accordance with the regular schedule of lengths
and frequencies of furlough.
Missionaries coming home to retire receive no furlough,
but instead receive three months of "terminal pay."
Place of Furlough. Country. It is expected that furlough is
to be taken in the U.S.A., unless exception is authorized by the
Board.
Residence. In the interests of the closest possible contact
with and understanding of the home Church during furlough, mission
aries are encouraged to arrange their furlough residence in the
widest possible dispersal throughout the bounds of the Church. The
Board will be of assistance to the missionary in finding suitable
furnished housing for furlough.






138
shared in the clergyman's specialty, but he was never quite at home
with the language of the others' specialties, except in certain cases
in the educational work. In the station meetings and at Mission Meet
ing, voting patterns were usually along these co-lingual lines. The
available resources in personnel and money were always limited, the
competition often keen, and the debate heated.
It is through these various informal groups and linkages that
many of the desired decisions were channeled to emerge finally at a
station meeting or the annual Mission Meeting as a majority vote.
Uncle Jimmy, the full career missionary and "natural" anthropologist,
pointed out the existence and function of these groups as he discussed
what he called "mission politics." Over 40 years on the APCM had
taught him a great deal about human interaction.


4
PLATE 1
CONGO REPUBLIC
REPUBLIC OF
THE CONGO
wonoa
jTANZANIAJ
Board of
Missi on.
Missions
World Missions promotional map of American Presbyterian Congo
Source: 1964 Annual Report. Nashville, Tn.: Board of World
p. 26.
5


123
expression or exposure of any domestic or marital difficulties or any
overt expression of personal doubts or failures.
Recreation
The missionary usually worked until 5:00 or 5:30 PM. and then
sought to relax before, during and after supper. The various kinds of
recreational activities that were engaged in usually took place at this
time after the day's work was finished.
In earlier years at Luebo late afternoon tennis was very popu
lar. Tennis courts were constructed in the open section of the lower
front of the station. These courts, having deteriorated from lack of
use in more recent years, were being restored by Bert Richards. He
was, however, the only really enthusiastic tennis buff on the station.
His concern was that the missionaries take advantage of this means to
get some physical exercise. Richards constantly had a new scheme for
work or play. He tended to over-promote these ideas among his mission
ary colleagues, and as a result participation at tennis was still very
limited. Tennis did have the advantage of being popular with the
Belgian administrative and commercial personnel and was an avenue of
contact with them on something other than a business level. Having
non-business relationships with the Belgians had not been something
that the mission especially encouraged. In the light of this tradi
tion, Bert Richards' plan to increase these relationships through
tennis was looked upon as another of his questionable innovations.
Through the years a number of men at Luebo had become renowned
for their hunting and fishing. Henry Ward was one of the most dedi
cated fishermen of the APCM. It was partly to permit early afternoon




183
Shaloff, Stanley
1970Reform in Leopold's Congo. Richmond, VA: John Knox
Press.
Slade, Ruth M.
1959 English-speaking missions in the Congo Independent State
(1878-1908). Academie Royale des Sciences Coloniales
(Memoires in 8, Vol. 16, No. 2).
Thompson, E.T.
1963 Presbyterians in the South: Volume one: 1607-1861.
Richmond, VA: John Knox Press.
Trewartha, G.T. and W. Zelinsky
1954 The population geography of Belgian Africa. Annals of
the Association of American Geographers 44: 163-193.
Verner, Samuel P.
1903 Pioneering in Central Africa. Richmond, VA: Presbyter
ian Committee of Publication.
Welbourn, F.B.
1971 Missionary stimulus and African responses. In Colonialism
in Africa. Vol. 3, V. Turner, ed. Cambridge: University
Press, pp. 310-345.
Wharton, E.T.
1952 Led in triumph. Nashville, TN: Board of World Missions,
Presbyterian Church of the United States.
Wolcott, H.F.
1972 Too good to be true: the subculture of American mission
aries in urban Africa. Practical Anthropology 19: 241 -
258.
Yngve, Victor H.
1973Human linguistics and face-to-face interaction. A paper
presented at the International Congress of Anthropolo
gical and Ethnological Sciences, Chicago (Pre-Congress
Conference on Communication).




177
Take 10-12 yards inexpensive white or neutral material for curtains.
If you take ready-made curtains, 6 or 8 pairs alike, 2-1/2 yards long
will be most usable. Materials for heavy draperies in limited pat
terns are available locally or may be ordered from America after you
are assigned a home and know your needs.
You may take mosquito nets to fit your bed or buy netting on the
field and have them made there.
You will need more dresser scarves, doilies, tray cloths and table
runners than in America. This minimum list may be helpful, though
they may nearly all be bought or made on the field if desired.
2 pillows per bed (should be taken from America)
4 sheets per bed
4 pillow cases per bed
2 washable bed spreads per bed
1 or 2 light blankets per bed
6 or 8 dresser scarves
6 table runners
3 or 4 tray cloths
1 doz. bath towels per person
face and hand towels as desired
1/2 doz. bath cloths per person
1 or 2 bath mats
Groceries. Practically all groceries may be purchased on the field at
a price slightly higher than those ordered from America. It is ad
visable to wait to place a large order until you arrive on the field
and see for yourself what is available there.
Write to Francis H. Leggett Co., in New York, for a wholesale catalog.
Order from them such of the following articles as you desire. These
are either unobtainable or much more expensive locally. Many of them
will last your first term through.
1 carton (or case) paper towels
1 carton Kleenex
1 " toilet tissue
1 " waxed paper
1 carton paper napkins
1 soap flakes (Lux or Ivory)
1 Brillo or other aluminum cleaner
1 baking soda
1 table salt
1 baking powder
2 31b. tins or jars Crisco, Snowdrift or Spry
Flavoring extracts, spices, herbs, condiments according to taste.


88
possible through the policy of placing large food orders with whole
sale food exporters in New York and Copenhagen. Canned meats, condi
ments, flour, powdered milk, spices, some canned vegetables, dessert
mixes and specialty items such as Chinese ingredients are imported from
overseas. Many items can be purchased locally in the grocery stores
catering to Europeans. Spices that are common in Europe are usually
available. Cooking oil, sugar, flour, potatoes, carrots, cauliflower,
celery and cabbage are usually available in local stores. The vege
tables are often imported from the Kivu region or flown in from Bel
gium. Beef, pork, veal and mutton are also available at Luebo-Etat.
A long list of items are purchased either at the door from vendors or
at the weekly native market. Rice, corn, cornmeal, peas, tomatoes,
spinach, eggplant, peppers, citrus fruit, papaya, pineapple, bananas,
mangos, guavas, chickens, eggs, pumpkin type squash, green beans,
tomato paste, corned beef, manioc flour and palm oil are all purchased
on or near the station. Some of these items are those grown in a
private garden if the missionary is inclined to go to the trouble and
expense.
Because of the large number of visitors, meals tend to be
elaborate. Whenever there is a visitor on the station the usual pat
tern is that he or she will "eat around." This involves rotating
among the resident families for various meals. Breakfast is taken at
one home, lunch at the next and supper at a third. This system of
"assigned" guests plus personal guests from among the station staff
can amount to from 30 to 300 extra meals served each month. The repu
tation of the lady of the house and of the cook depended on the quality


87
Anything that makes your home more attractive and
comfortable in America (except electrical equip
ment) will be useful in the Congo mirrors, vases,
pictures, bookends, candlesticks, small washable
rugs, etc...You will probably have to do more en
tertaining than the average housekeeper at home,
much of it at meals, so you will need a larger sup
ply of table linen, dishes, and silver than at home...
Take a good mattress and springs. Good beds are an
essential, so economize somewhere else...
Bedsteads are made by the African carpenters upon the missionary's
arrival and remain his personal property. Most of the basic heavy
furniture is provided by the mission and remains in the particular
house if the missionary is moved. The beds, the kerosene refrigerator
and other small pieces that the missionary imports or has made at his
expense remain the missionary's private property. The new first-term
missionary is given a furniture allowance of $150 to be used for the
construction of any needed furniture with the understanding that this
furniture remains the property of the mission and the particular sta
tion where it was purchased (cf. Par. S4, Appendix 1).
The result of these practices is that the missionary residence
at Luebo has the appearance of an American home. A more exact compari
son might be a well-furnished summer home in the United States today.
The furnishings and decor provide the cultural identification of
American Presbyterians from, primarily, the Southeastern section of the
United States. The presence of several servants is reminiscent of
former Southern American culture history.
The Missionary Diet
The missionary living on a mission station has a diet which is
similar to that which he might have in the United States. This is




28
as far as the State post of Luluabourg. He returned to Luebo with a
"caravan" of 17 men, 4 women and 1 child. These people were Lulua
and were the forerunners of thousands of Lulua and Luba people who
were to migrate to Luebo and settle around the mission station.
Lapsley had returned from his trip to Luluabourg tired and
ill; supplies were low and transportation arrangements in the Lower
Congo had bogged down. It seemed wise for Lapsley to return down
river to attend to business affairs and perhaps the voyage would re
store his health (Wharton 1952:34). The trip was made on the Florida
and the 5 Bakongo laborers accompanied him. They were returning to
their homes after their one-year contracts had been completed.
Lapsley never returned to Luebo. He died at Matadi on March 21, 1892
of "bilious hermaturic fever." His death came one year and 9 days
after he had begun his first voyage on the Florida upriver to the
Kasayi.
The designation of Africa as the "white man's grave" was con
firmed in many instances during the early years of the APCM. On the
day that Lapsley died in Matadi, the Adamsons, a Scot and his wife,
left Kinshasa^ (Leopoldville) for Luebo as reinforcements for the
mission. Mrs. Adamson was the first white woman to enter the Kasayi
region. She died at Luebo 3 years later. The Reverend and Mrs.
Rowbotham from England came to Luebo in 1892 and left the mission 2
Whe principal urban center of the Congo, located on the
Stanley Pool on the Lower Congo, was called Kinshasa prior to Belgian
annexation in 1908. During the Belgian colonial period it was called
Leopoldville. After independence in 1960 it was renamed Kinshasa.






_




35
was reduced almost 10% and funds for the work were reduced 12% during
the war years.
The indigenous African population was also affected by the war.
Congolese soldiers were sent to North Africa and to Palestine. They
represented the first group of Congolese to travel extensively outside
Central Africa. At home in the Belgian Congo many people responded
positively to the calls for greater production of minerals and agri
cultural products for the war effort.
After the war the Belgian colonial government broadened the
scope of its humanitarian efforts in the Congo.
The government did not stop with commendation
but pushed vigorously both old and new plans for
the welfare and education of the people. These
plans included laws safeguarding African employ
ees and their families. They covered such varied
phases as minimum wages, sanitary housing and
medical care, and provided for the return of
families to their original villages at the ter
mination of service (Wharton 1952:164).
Early in 1945 a steady stream of new missionaries began to
arrive for the APCM. By 1950 the number of missionaries in the field
had increased 40%. The operating funds for the mission had increased
192% over the 1940 allocation (cf. Tables 3 and 4). There was more
to come. In 1945 the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in
the United States approved a five-year capital fund-raising campaign
called the Program of Progress. One of the objectives of this in
tensive effort was to meet the construction and equipment needs of
the church's missionary efforts around the world.
With these substantial funds available the mission was able,
for the first time in its history, to let contracts to Belgian entre-


'
'


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS vi
LIST OF PLATES x
LIST OF TABLES xi
LIST OF FIGURES xii
ABSTRACT xiii
INTRODUCTION 1
Chapter
1. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT. 5
Geography 5
Indigenous Demography and Culture 8
European Demography and Culture 17
2. THE HISTORY OF THE MISSIONARY COMMUNITY 22
Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920) 24
Transition and Expansion (1921-1940) 30
Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950) 34
Subsidization and Change (1951-1960) .... 36
3. THE POPULATION OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 39
Personnel Numbers 39
Missionary Origins 41
Professions of Missionary Personnel 42
vi


146
eventually evacuated unharmed to Salisbury, Rhodesia.
The protracted event of the missionary evacuation from APCM-
Luebo and the entire Kasayi marked the end of the missionary community
and culture, which had existed since 1891 at APCM-luebo. None of the
former American workers at Luebo station ever returned there for
residence. The hospital was reduced to a dispensary and the adminis
tration of the press and schools were taken over by the African church.
The dispersion of the missionary population destroyed the
patterns developed through the years at APCM-Luebo. Although other
missionaries returned to Luebo eventually, on a resident basis, the
entire cultural system as it has been described was changed. The
changes in the formal structure of the Mission and church will be
described below in Chapter 8. It is important to note here that it
was especially the informal structures that were radically changed by
the evacuation of missionary personnel, and the resulting disintegra
tion of the missionary community. Such quasi-ritualistic events as
"checking out," the "station supper," and the "outdoor tea" had,
seemingly overnight, become relics of the past.
Reoccupation and Change
After a 4-week stay in Rhodesia, teams of male missionaries
returned to the Kasayi and began to do what they could to keep es
sential functions of the Mission going. Medical doctors were top
priority. The all-male teams worked for the month of August and by
September a few wives returned to the calmer spots. Many husbands
remained alone the entire year while their wives and families pro
ceeded to the United States. By 1962 conditions permitted entire








ADDITIONAL REFERENCES
Baeta, C.C.
1963 Christianity in tropical Africa. London: Oxford Press.
Bateman, C.S.L.
1389 The first ascent of the Kasai: being some records of
service under the lone star. New York: Dodd and Mead.
Berman, E.H.
1974 African responses to Christian mission education. African
Studies Review 17: 527-540.
Biaye, M.
1951
Moeurs et coutumes fnebres chez les Baluba du Kasai.
Voix du Congolais 7: 181-183.
Bouillon, A.
1954
La corporation des chasseurs Baluba. Zaire 3: 563-594.
1953
Les mamiferes dans le folklore Luba. Zaire 7: 563-602.
Hi!ton-Simpson, M.W.
1911 Land and peoples of the Kasai. London: Constable.
Kalanda, A.
1953
Deux contes Luba. Kongo-Overzee 19: 458-463.
Leyder, J.
1947
Primaute de l'humain en Afrique noire: de la psycholo
gies des noirs du Congo Beige. Bulletin de la Societe
Royale Beige de Geographie 71: 91-111.
Lietard, L.
1929
Etude sommaire sur le tribu des Luluas. Bulletin de la
Society Royale Beige de Geographie 53: 40-43.
Mbiye, B.
1955
L'arbre qui porte des fruits. Kongo-Overzee 21: 54-70.
184


93
The informal level changes more rapidly as it is learned
through trial and error and imitation. In language, it represents the
area called "slang" which each new generation of young people remolds
to their own tastes.
The technical level exists in all cultures, but is most obvious
in the technologically developed areas. It is taught by a combination
of precept, explanation and trial and error. Cognition on this level
involves understanding the explanations of why a certain operation
must be done in a particular way. There is little affect or emotion
related to the technical level.
The present analysis is based upon these concepts, but it
should be noted that the category of "technical" was generally fused
into the "formal" in the missionary context. The organizational struc
ture of the mission described below was primarily a technical arrange
ment to enable a group of people to perform a task. It had, however,
become formalized and was taught by precept and admonition. A neophyte
missionary found that many of the lessons he must learn were binary:
of a yes-no, right-wrong character. In missionary life there were
many meetings in which the missionary must participate. These assem-
iC T
blages typify the formal structure and will be described below.
Presbyterian Tradition
As has been discussed in the historical section, southern
American Presbyterians have a rigidly structured system through which
decisions are made concerning the membership and activity of their
group. Their decisions are made in meetings. There are prescribed
assemblages on all levels of the organization from the most particular,






114
Figure 7). Like the Mission as a whole, the station "acted" through
majority vote decisions of all the American missionaries meeting in
regular (in this case monthly) assemblages. Monthly station meetings
were normally held in the evening and open exclusively to the American
Presbyterian missionaries.
The pattern of evening station meetings functioned to enhance
exclusivity as no church-related meetings involving Africans were ever
scheduled in the evenings. The stated rationale for this missionary
tradition of not holding assemblages with "the Africans after dark was
that large gatherings at night attracted individuals intoxicated with
alcohol or cannabis and encouraged undesirable nocturnal activities
among young people. Thus, when all African co-workers and servants
had left the station after their day's work (except for the sentries
who remained in their respective yards), the American missionaries
assembled to conduct the business of the station and to participate in
the governmental process of the Mission.
The flow of decision traveled in both directions. The Mission
Meeting made decisions which affected the station such as budget allo
cations and personnel assignments. The station, as a unit, could
initiate action by "overturing" the Mission on a particular question.
Any particular proposal submitted to the Mission must have had the
approval of the station meeting of the location from which it originated.
The station, in turn, was organized into the several depart
ments: the evangelistic, the education, the medical and the indus
trial. Work not obviously connected with the four major departments,
such as the printing facility, radio programming studio, institutions


148
a personal menace to the missionaries but a firm statement that the
APCM as an organization hac! outlived its time and that the African
church which it spawned was able and ready to take over all of its
functions.
These kinds of radical changes were beyond the decision-making
capacity of the Mission and it sought to involve its parent body, the
Board of World Missons. Many questions arose. Could the APCM legally
give away all its property? Could or would American missionaries work
under the complete direction of the Zaire church with no direct appeal
channel through the Mission to the Board o World Missions? Could
the church be entrusted with large sums of institutional funds?
These were the kinds of questions which were in the missionaries'
minds, many of them questions which could not be asked aloud.
A first plan was developed whereby the Mission would continue
to function in partnership with the church dividing the responsibili
ties 3 ways: some responsibilities held by the Mission alone, some
held by the church alone, and most through joint boards and committees.
This plan, although popular with the missionaries, was never completely
implemented. The call Mission afue! persisted. In Chapter 8 we will
deal specifically with the formal and informal changes which followed
the evacuation event.









TABLE 1
POPULATION DATA 1952
PROVINCE
AREA
(Km2)
NON-AFRICAN
POPULATION
INDIGENOUS
POPULATION
DENSITY
PER Km2
Leopoldvilie
363,000
24,667
2,713,769
7.48
Equateur
404,293
4,841
1,652,160
4.10
Orintale
504,497
12,510
2,272,719
4.30
Kiru
254,640
9,969
1,791,821
7.78
Katanga
496,965
24,215
1,373,685
2.76
Kasai
331,535
5,740
1,914,557
6.17
TOTALS
2,343,930
81,940
11,788,711
5.43 (mean
Source: (Moeller 1954:746)


CHAPTER 4
THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
As has been observed (Wolcott 1972) American missionaries in
Africa tend to form their own interactive nucleus. The members of the
APCM, having developed for themselves the life situation described in
this chapter, correspond to the observation positing cultural ethno-
centrism. This does not deny that the missionaries interact with
members of the indigenous community, but their most meaningful inter
actions are with fellow linguistic and cultural group members. The
effects of their lack of fusion with the indigenous culture are dis
cussed in Chapter 8 below.
As with all human groupings, especially those of long-term
duration, the missionaries formed characteristic ways of arranging
their lives. These arrangements or patterns affected both their phy
sical environment and their social interactions. What was designated
early in the colonial period as a "mission station" became their
typical base of operations. From the beginnings in 1891 until the
middle 1950's the area in which the missionaries worked was primarily
rural. It quickly became the policy of the mission to establish
"stations" which would be strategically located both in reference to
the various population groups with which work was anticipated and in
reference to optimal health considerations for the missionaries.
Lapsley and Sheppard, the pioneer APCM missionaries, observed
upon their arrival the rural mission station pattern already estab
lished among the Swedish and British Baptist missionaries working in
60


13
figures show that, in spite of industrialization and urbanization, the
majority of the African population tends to remain in their native
area. In the Kasayi province, in 1950, 60,571 (68%) of the African
workers were native to the territory (i.e., "county") of their employ
ment. There were 19,075 workers (21%) from other territories in the
same district. There were 8,193 workers (9%) from other districts in
the same province. There were 1,263 workers (1.4%) from other pro
vinces, and only 69 workers (.007%) came from other countries
(Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:184). These figures indicate that through
the years, the Presbyterian agents of change in the Kasayi were deal
ing with a relatively stable African population not experiencing the
extreme labor migration seen in Katanga province and more especially
in other African countries.
Both the Lulua and the Luba-Kasayi speak as a first language
slightly differing forms of Tshiluba. Tshiluba is one of the 6 common
languages in Zaire, that is, it is used as a communication medium by
other non-native speakers in the area. Tshiluba can be used with
fluency by the various matrilineal groups surrounding the Lulua and
Luba. The missions and their literacy campaigns were instrumental
in the development of 3 variants of this language. This will be dis
cussed below (cf. Chapter 6).
The basic social grouping of the Lulua and Luba-Kasayi is the
patrilineal localized lineage, an extended family grouping composed
of several elementary families related through unilineal descent. In
the Kasayi the local lineage, or tshoto, is quite small, composed of
an average of 9 men and corresponding to a maximal depth of 4 genera-






130
the small group together and to remind each of the members that he or
she had a constant responsibility to the will of the group as a whole.
The circular vote. There were often occasions when a matter
must be decided by the station between the regular monthly meetings.
In such an event the station secretary sent around a clipboard contain
ing the particular action to be voted upon and the names of all the
members of the station. Each member was expected to record his or her
vote on this ballot and write any comments which they might have. The
clipboard was carried around by the African sentry of the secretary
or the chairman. The action was always written in English, and it was
assumed that this method of voting preserved the same level of confi
dentiality as did the regular station meetings which were restricted
in attendance to the missionaries.
Checking out. A related event was spelled out in the regula
tion that before anyone left the station for an extended trip, they
were expected to receive "station permission" by a circular vote. The
formal rationale for this regulation was that the station had the
responsibility for the work of all of the missionaries in residence
and should be aware of any prolonged absence, whether for work in the
rural villages or other reasons. The usual evangelistic itineration
trip ran for 2 or 3 weeks, and the absence of a missionary for this
length of time might well affect the planning and program of one of
the other departments. The informal, "real" rationale involved the
need to send shopping lists with whomever might be leaving the station,
either just to cross the river to the town of Luebo, or to travel
north to Mweka or east to Luluabourg. For a person to leave on a trip


179
be sure you understand the financial outlay on customs, transport,
upkeep, and cost of operation. You may have to do all your own re
pair work.
We recommend that you bring no medicines except for first aid on the
trip and any special prescriptions that you may require. Coming into
Congo you will have difficulties with medicines because special per
mits are required for them. Thermometers and hot water bottles are
essential.
SUGGESTED CHANGES IN THE CONGO OUTFIT LIST
In the paragraph on shoes, leave out "Most do not like sandals on
account of dust, sand and jiggers." This is no longer true. Many
prefer sandals.
In the paragraph on mosquito netting, we suggest that those people
going through Belgium get it there since the Congo stores have a
variety of sizes and qualities.


55
Girl's Home when she actually lived in the home with the girls,
speaking Tshiluba constantly. She had been given the job of teaching
Tshiluba, with African assistants, to the new couple at Luebo, the
Jorgensens.
Bert and Margaret Richards (residence No. 6) were assigned to
the evangelistic department. He was an ordained clergyman who antici
pated working with the African church, but found himself assigned to
supervision of 21 regional elementary schools. Margaret assisted him
with clerical work as well as preparation and duplication of teachers'
manuals. She was the daughter of "Uncle" Jimmy Mitchell and "Aunt"
Jane. Growing up as the child of missionaries, her Tshiluba was fluent.
She visited extensively in the village and was widely known and ac
cepted by the villagers as a "Muena Kasayi" (a Kasayi citizen in the
deepest sense). The Richards had 4 children, 2 of whom were school-
age and attended classes at Luebo with the other children. The younger
2 had a nursemaid looking after them while their mother was working.
Lucille Fisher, the third single female missionary at Luebo,
came to the APCM as an educational missionary in 1955. As the observa
tion period of this study began, she was living with May Melton (in
house No. 7) and teaching in the primary school, but she left for fur
lough in the United States in May of 1959. She was a diligent worker,
and spent many late hours carefully correcting every exam given to the
seventh year students, which Belgian law required to be graded by
"accredited" (that is, missionary or Belgian) personnel. She and May
found time almost weekly to play Bridge with the Jordans, McDonalds
or Norrises.


169
for all fields. This term (for Regular Service missionaries) may be
shortened by as much as two years, or it may be lengthened (one year
at a time) for as much as two years. Unless the Regular Service
missionary makes request for an alternative term (at least one and
ordinarily two years in advance), he will be routinely scheduled for
the basic four-year term. Missionaries appointed for Special Term
Service, Volunteer Service and Specialized Service are expected to
fulfill the full length of overseas service specified in their ap
pointment, without such shortening or lengthening of the term as
above.
Maximum term. No missionary may remain on the field for more
than six consecutive years without furlough.
M72. Furlough: Purposes. The furlough is provided for pur
poses of physical recuperation, mental and spiritual re-invigoration,
re-establishment of family and church relationships, special study in
the line of one's particular work, and the dissemination of informa
tion and interest in the home churches. The furlough is not simply
a vacation; it is an extension of one's missionary ministry. It is
not a reward for service performed; it is a preparation for future
work.
M73. Length and Frequency.
(1) System of furloughs:
For one year on the field no furlough.
For 21 months or two years on the field three months
furlough (no freight allowance).
For 33 months or three years on the field six months
furlough (and 1/2 the basic freight allowance).
For four years on the field twelve months furlough
(and full basic freight allowance).
For five years on the field twelve months furlough
(and full basic freight allowance).
For six years on the field twelve months furlough
(and full basic freight allowance).
(2) Beginning and ending: Furlough time is computed from
departure from field (port of embarkation) to departure
from the U.S.A. (port of embarkation). Time spent in
international travel to the U.S.A. is counted a part of
furlough.
(3) Relation to field vacation time: Furlough is understood
to take the place of annual field vacation in the year or
years in which they coincide. Vacation may not be added
to either the beginning or ending of furlough in order to
lengthen the furlough.
(4) Full allowable time not mandatory: It is not required
that one take the full length of allowed furlough. How
ever, he must be cleared medically, and the intention to
take less than the allowed furlough must be approved by
the Area Secretary and the appropriate field body.






CHAPTER 7
THE CRISIS OF INDEPENDENCE
Thus we see APCM-Luebo functioning in 1959-1960 as one of many
mission stations in the Congo. By that period 44 Protestant missionary
organizations were scattered through the colony, each working along
more or less the same lines with a developing African church (Wharton
1952:174). Through a comity agreement in the early years, each de
nominational mission had an exclusive opportunity to develop its type
of church in its region. This arrangement had produced a situation in
which Protestant Africans from the Lower Congo were Baptist; from
the Kasayi, Presbyterian; from Katanga, Methodist, and so on. Of
course, in each region there are extensive Roman Catholic mission
developments (cf. Figure 2) which have produced many adherents among
the indigenous population.
The various branches of the Protestant church throughout the
colony were loosely and figuratively united through the Congo Protes
tant Council into L'Eglise du Christ au Congo. In 1959 this union was
more an expression of the ecumenical aspirations of the missionary-led
Congo Protestant Council than an expression of any functional or
structural integration. As has been suggested above, the African
church in each area tended to be patterned after and dependent upon
the particular missionary organization which had brought it into being.
As we have seen, the African church in the Kasayi was basically
Presbyterian in form. It claimed over 133,000 members who met in
139


150
notice was a disturbing one. No one really knew at what moment
similar circumstances might again arise. Missionary dispensability
had become a real possibility which had to be considered. Besides the
missionary being unsettled about his future, the African church in
creasingly demanded more and more authority and control in the church-
mission combinational activity.
During 1961 and 1962 elaborate plans were worked out by joint
committees of the APCM and the Presbyterian Church in the Congo for the
integration of the Mission structure and functions into the church
organization. First attempts in this direction left such elements as
medical work, missionary work assignment ("placement"), and the tech
nical units of Mission air transportation and radio communication in
the control of the Mission. It suggested giving the church certain
properties, such as a limited number of residences on each station for
pastors and other African personnel, and all school buildings up to
the secondary level. This plan was rejected by the church.
The final changes involved the deeding over to the African
church all of the Mission property in Zaire. The 2 Mission aircraft
were leased to the Missionary Aviation Fellowship, a professional
flying organization which contracts to serve missions and church organ
izations round the world.
The General Assembly of the African church became the annual
assemblage which performed all the functions formerly handled by the
Mission Meeting. The African group determined work priorities, as
signed both African and American personnel, made budget requests for
funds from the Board of World Missions, determined budget allocations






.


30
was the acquisition of a river steamer for the mission. The craft,
named the S.N. Lapsley, was built in the United States, dismantled and
shipped to the Congo where it was rebuilt by one of the missionaries.
It served the mission for 18 months before it was caught in a whirl
pool at the confluence of the Kasayi and Congo Rivers and capsized,
killing 1 new missionary and 23 Africans. This steamer was replaced
3 years later by a craft built in Scotland which was better suited to
the turbulent tropical rivers. The second steamer, the S.N. Lapsley II,
regularly made the trip from Luebo or Lusambo to Kinshasa for 20
years until it was sold in 1926.
The stations of Bulape, Mutoto and Bibanga were opened as
centers for the evangelization of the Bakuba, Lulua and Luba res
pectively. The station of Lubondai was added as another center for a
large Lulua population. Luebo, Bulape, Mutoto, Bibanga and Lubondai
continued to flourish in the period of the "five stations," 1920-1931.
Transition and Expansion (1921-1940)
The development of smaller stations of Kasha, Mboyi, and Moma
came as a response to pressure from the Board of World Missions in
the United States to break the pattern of the large institutional sta
tions and develop evangelistic outposts, especially for groups not
yet contacted. In 1928 a railroad was completed from Port Franqui
in the northwest Kasayi to Elizabethville in southeast Katanga pro
vince (cf. Figure 3). The commercial activity brought by the railroad
appealed to the indigenous population, and many villages were moved to
be close to this avenue of trade. The station of Kasha (1935) near
Luputa on the railroad, the station of Mboyi (1937) among the Babindi








83
would have been decided by the missionary. This case is an example
of the African church leaders initiating action in the missionary
sphere. The statuses of the various servants are differentiated with
in the household and in the larger missionary and African communities
according to the roles they perform. The following section is a
description of the various employment positions possible in a mission
ary household.
The cook is the highest ranking of all of the domestic "hel
pers." He is invariably male and most often is a mature man who has
been trained to cook by missionaries or by Europeans in the area. He
must be able to prepare a complete meal, often for as many as eight or
ten persons, on the wood cook range and with the relatively modest
kitchen equipment. He is a person who can be given a menu and left
with the responsibility of having "the meal on the table" at the ap
pointed time. One of the essential skills of the cook at Luebo is
baking bread. All of the household's bread must be baked by the cook
as there is no commercial bread available. A particular cook is often
especially noted for his bread and rolls, and perhaps for pies and
cakes as well. The cook lives in the African village and arrives at
work around 6:30 AM to begin preparing the breakfast. In 1960 he
earned a salary of from twenty to forty dollars a month, depending on
the size of his family.
The "Baba" or nursemaid is the second highest ranking member
of the household staff. She has the responsibility of looking after
the children most of the day while the missionary mother is in lan
guage study or later involved in some missionary duties. If the child


8
Fine grain soils predominate over two-thirds of the Southern
Uplands and are found in varying mixtures in the Kasayi area. Diamonds
viere discovered in the Kasayi around 1913, leading to the development
of the important mining industry. The 2 main fields are located about
200 miles apart at Tshikapa on the Kasayi River south of Luebo and at
Mbuji Mayi near the Sankuru River southeast of Luebo. The resources
of the Tshikapa area are smaller but contain a higher percentage of
gem stones than are found at Mbuji Mayi, which produces tfie greater
amount of industrial diamonds (McDonald 1971:19).
Indlgenous Demography and Cu1 ture
The area is characterized by an ethnographic diversity due to
a heterogeneous population made up of Luba, Lulua and Kete groups.
Historically, the predominate groups were Lulua south of Luebo and
Kete to the north. Luba populations migrated into the area during
the colonial period. The predominantly rural population of the region
live in villages of varying size and character throughout the area.
The size and structure of the villages depended on the ethnic back
ground of the residents. An early missionary observer reports Lulua
and Luba villages scattered throughout the uplands at a distance of
every 15 or 20 miles (Verner 1903:465).
At present, the most heavily populated regions lie in the
area of Luluabourg, along the railroad that runs from Port Franqui
in the northwest through Katanga province to the southeast and,
thirdly, near the diamond fields. This population, living throughout
the area of activity of the APCM, belongs to various sub-groupings of
the major tribes: Kuba, Lulua, Luba-Kasayi, Luntu, Kanyoka and


TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page
Kinship Networks (Real and Fictive) 136
Professional Groups 137
7. THE CRISIS OF INDEPENDENCE 139
Social and Political Change 140
Tribal Conflict 142
Independence Day 143
Evacuation of Missionaries 145
Reoccupation and Change 146
The Death of the Mission 147
8. THE DEVOLUTION OF THE MISSION: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGE. ... 149
Changes in the Formal Structure 149
Changes in the Informal Structure 151
9. INITIATION OF ACTION, IDEOLOGY AND UNPLANNED CHANGE:
SOME THEORETICAL CONCLUSIONS 155
APPENDIX 1: A HANDBOOK FOR MISSIONARY SERVICE 158
APPENDIX 2: OFFICIAL SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING OUTFIT 171
REFERENCES CITED 180
ADDITIONAL REFERENCES 184
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 187
IX








159
Church, so instructed and organized as to assume its role as the body
of Christ in that land. All missionaries, ordained and unordained,
shall lend their respective contributions to the task of gathering
believers or of building up the church in the land where they serve.
Special care shall be taken by the missionary to encourage the develop
ment of indigenous leaderships, entrusting to national Christians,
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, positions of responsibility.
M7. Acceptance of Assignments. In accepting appointment the
missionary indicates his readiness to fulfill such duties as shall be
assigned to him by the responsible field body within the scope of his
particular training and capabilities. Ordinarily, the missionary
will be assigned work for which he is professionally prepared and
after due consultation. When a missionary so desires, his abilities
permit, and the responsible field body concurs, or when the situation
demands, the Board may agree to or require a change of work classifi
cation. The continuance of the missionary on the field is conditioned
by the availability of work for which his training and experiences
fit him.
M8. General Qualifications of the Missionary Candidate. The
general qualifications for overseas service are essentially the same
as those which render a Christian useful and acceptable anywhere.
These would include:
(1) A personal relationship with God in Christ and a whole
hearted commitment to His service through the Church.
(2) An understanding and acceptance of the essential Chris
tian convictions.
(3) A dedication to a disciplined devotional life.
(4) A well-rounded Christian character.
(5) An active evangelistic spirit with the ability to com
municate one's faith by word and deed.
(6) A deep concern for the needs of people and a sensitivity
to the feelings of others.
(7) The ability to appreciate and work in harmony with people
of different racial, national and cultural backgrounds.
(8) The particular place of missionary service may call for
a high degree of adaptability and the ability to accept
the dual role of leadership and servanthood.
M9. Language Skills. Most types of missionary service re
quire the learning of a foreign language. Therefore, an aptness to
learn another language is an important qualification.
Ml0. Health. Since the place of missionary service may be
one of difficult situations and different climatic conditions and
since adequate and total medical service may not always be immediately
available, good physical and emotional health is required. Medical
and psychiatric examinations are routine requirements for candidates.






40
the field (cf. Tables 3, 4 and 5). During the period of 1938 to 1953,
the missionary staff at Luebo averaged 20 persons each year, consistent
ly the largest of the 11 stations of the APCM in the Kasayi.
There was a large initial expense to the Board of World Missions
in outfitting and installing a new missionary family. Their first 2
or 3 years were normally primarily language study and orientation to
the work. It is therefore, interesting to examine the percentages of
those who did not continue in missionary service beyond their initial
term. The various years considered are grouped in a manner conforming
with the "generational" analysis of missionary longevity grades pre
sented below (cf. Chapter 5). Jn terms of this analysis the 105
missionaries appointed in the early period (1891-1920) can all be
considered "ancestors." With the exception of one couple, they had
all resigned or retired from service or died before the period of par
ticipant observation on which this study is based. The one exception
was the Jimmy Mitchells, the oldest couple at Luebo during the partici
pant observation. As was stated above, 31% of the "ancestors" served
only one term.
During the second period, which produced the "full and mid
career missionaries" (1921-1940), 15% of the total of 71 appointees
served only one term. Those remaining 3 terms or more amounted to 66%.
Appointments averaged 4 per year. Death claimed 7.5% of this group
while on the field.
During the third period (1941-1950), which produced what are
here referred to as "young missionaries," 83 persons were appointed.
This number in a much shorter period of 9 years correlated with the




20
s :*^^=a^3fc^-cca*si8vcinsosio
Map 'i. l/rotcatant .Nism in.irv ActtU nmt jn t!ic Con;
h'.lic v tllctni al )
Figure 2. Map of Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary activity in Zaire
prior to I960. Source: Slade, R. M., English Speaking Missions
in the Congo Independent State (1878-1908). Brussels: Academie
Royale des Sciences Coloniales. (End piece.)


33
Figure 4. Mission map showing five major mission stations and their dependent villages




50
surviving representative of the "ancestor" group and proceeds to the
newest "new" missionary couple.
James and Ethel Mitchell (occupants of house No. 8, Figure 6)
were appointed in 1919. They had their initiation period at Luebo but
soon went by hammcok and march to Mutoto, a new station opened in 1912.
James Mitchell, a minister, worked during his full career teaching
African pastors, first at the Morrison Bible Institute at Mutoto,
later at Kankinda where it was combined with the Normal School, and
finally, as the director of the Preacher's School at Luebo. He and
his wife were seasoned missionaries. They were full of tales of the
early days. They were conservative, mellow and wise. "Uncle Jimmy"
and "Aunt Ethel," as they are called by the children and their fellow
missionaries, always had a productive garden. They had a household
staff of venerable men who had long since proven their worth. The
Mitchells knew the past. They had experienced the development of the
Kasayi. Their approach to Mission business was one of calm applica
tion of their accumulated wisdom of age.
George and Alice Woodstock (living in house number 2) were
appointed in 1920, she as a nurse, he as an industrial missionary. In
1919 the women of the Presbyterian Church in the United States had
responded to the need for permanent homes and had launched a drive to
raise money to finance their construction. George went out primarily
as a builder and was responsible for the design and construction of the
church building, the hospital and many of the missionary homes at
Luebo. In 1960, they completed their last year of their 40 year ser
vice.


32
people, and Moma (1942) are examples of the new type smaller station.
The station of Moma was offered to the APCM by the colonial government
after the American Four Square Gospel group that had built it were ex
pelled from the Congo by the government for continual internal feuding
(cf. Figure 1).
During this period there were many innovations in the Kasayi
in which the APCM usually participated and from which they benefited.
In 1925 the first airplane from Kinshasa landed at Luebo. Thereafter,
a regular airmail service every 3 weeks was maintained between Kinshasa
and the interior. The first airplane flights from Belgium to the Congo
occurred in 1926, thus facilitating arrival and departure travel for
the missionaries. The railroad already mentioned, and improved motor
roads, facilitated the transportation of people and supplies from one
mission station to another.
Early the missionaries had begun to use bicycles
instead of hammocks wherever the former could be
ridden. Motorcycles followed the bicycles...As
the roads widened sidecars were added to the
motorcycles, and in 1925 the first Ford cars made
their appearance on the mission (Wharton 1952:127).
During this period the missionary population in the field
grew from around 60 to 80. In 1928 a special school for the mission
aries' children was opened at Lubondai station. This school continued
at Lubondai until 1968, providing American elementary education (grades
4-8) and for a period until 1960 also secondary education for all the
children of Presbyterian missionaries.
In the twenty-five years of its history children
from eleven other Congo Protestant missions have
attended Central School. In later years it has
been crowded to capacity, enrolling between


21
The members of the American Presbyterian Congo Mission found
themselves working on a savanna covered plateau among a basically
rural African population which numbered around 16,650 persons to
each Protestant missionary. There were approximately 39 Belgians in
the area for every missionary. There were 2-1/2 times as many Portu
guese merchants as missionaries. There were 5 colonial government
officials for every missionary. It is in this context of demographic
marginality that the American Southern Presbyterians developed their
missionary community and culture described in this study.






120
wife. The career wife, a veteran of 15 years in the Congo, asked
the younger woman what kind of work she was doing. The younger wo
man's response that she was teaching school every day from 8 to 12
o'clock was met by a shrug and the comment, "Oh, that little thing you
do with the children!" The younger woman was involved in teaching
her own and several other missionary children at home, but in the eyes
of the senior missionary, the teaching of one's children was not to be
equated with "the work" in which every adult missionary should be
involved.
The education of her own children at home for the first 3 pri
mary grades (plus kindergarten) was a heavy part of the young mission
ary wife's responsibility. It meant that during those years of her
child's life, she would have little time to do anything else but
teach her own children. The situation resulted from the fact that in
the Congo, the primary schools were taught in Tshiluba, using the
European educational system including the metric system. As the trans
fer from this type of education was felt to be too difficult for child
ren going back .into the American educational system, the Board en
couraged mothers to teach their children at home using correspondence
courses (cf. Par. M57, Appendix 1).
This raised many problems in the conflict between career and
home, and they were resolved in different ways. Most mothers resigned
themselves to devoting the morning hours of from 8 to 12 to teaching
their children at home. Many wives who were already engaged in busy
schedules of nursing or teaching tried to fit their children's classes
into their "free time" between 12 and 2 o'clock and after 4 o'clock.






59
4. The younger teachers like Mr. Lungenyi were usually used also in
the upper classes with the American missionaries teaching the final
seventh year. In this "station school," prior to 1960 all of the
records, examinations, duplicating and correction for the final year
was done personally by the missionary staff.
There were 25 medical assistants of various rank working in
the hospital at APCM-Luebo. In 1959, none of these had attained the
level of registered nurse. Despite the lack of academic accreditation,
a number of the men at the hospital had been working with the mission
ary doctors for many years. They assisted in the surgery and on the
wards, and qualified by in-service training as paramedical personnel.
A number of women served as midwives and nurses aids. As will be noted
from Table 6, when a missionary surgeon was in residence, major opera
tions per year would number over 100 and minor operations around 200
or more.
The J. Leighton Wilson Press employed around 15 persons. As
many as 10 of these were long-time employees and represented skilled
printers, typesetters and binders. Each phase of the mission work
employed Africans, for the most part trained on the job, who had
achieved competency in their particular craft through the years.
These people tended to be long-term employees. There was a more rapid
turnover in the lower ranks of employment in the various phases of
the evangelistic, educational, medical, publication and industrial
work.






25
guage which is widely current.
4. To present to the Committee an estimate of the
needed missionary force, and an estimate of expenses
to be incurred in opening the work and the cost of
maintenance (Wharton 1952:12).
The two men sailed from New York on February 26, 1890 for
England. For two young clergymen from the southern United States they
traveled with an impressive portfolio of credentials.
President Benjamin Harrison gave them letters to
American diplomats abroad. Friends provided intro
ductions to men of influence in Brussels and London.
Foreign Mission Boards in New York and Boston gave
every possible aid and information...Dr. H. Gratton
Guiness of Harley House, the great mission center in
London, invited them there for their stay in London
(Wharton 1952:13).
On March 21, 1890, Samuel Lapsley went to Brussels to have an
audience with King Leopold II of the Belgians. Since the Conference of
Berlin in 1885, Leopold II had been the initiator and sovereign of the
Independent State of the Congo. The audience for Lapsley had been
arranged by the American ambassador to Belgium, General H.S. Sanford,
who had a deep interest in the development of the Congo area. Lapsley's
recollections of the interview are interesting both as a vignette of
Leopold II and as an indication of the various influences which af
fected the early history of the APCM.
I was ushered into a great room and heard a kind
voice from the middle of it, "Good morning!" After
a respectful bow I advanced and took the hand extended
to me. He said, "You asked to see me?" I told him
my business, whom I represented, the Presbyterian
body in the United States, what I meant to do, and our
plan of working with a combined white and colored
force.
He warned me of the entire rudeness of the
country, commended our plan of beginning on a small
scale, until the tide comes in on the completion of


2
writer was an active missionary of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States and a resident member of the American Presbyterian Congo Mission
in Zaire during the periods: January 1959 to July 1960; September
1963 to July 1965; and September 1966 to July 1963. He was also pres
ent in the Kasayi from October 1970 to August 1972 during which time
he taught at the Middle Normal School of the National University of
Zaire at Kananga (formerly Luluabourg).
The material collected is being presented basically in ethno
graphic form. There will be one deviation from the traditional ethno
graphic descriptive style in that the "ethnographic present tense" has
not been used throughout but rather only for the specific site descrip
tion of Luebo (Chapter 4). The historical past tense is used elsewhere.
Although the focus of the study is on the missionary community at
Luebo during 1959 and 1960, this community and its culture can only
be understood in the context of the 70 years of mission history prior
to the time of observation, and in the light of the socio-cultural
change which took place in the Kasayi immediately subsequent to that
period.
The general physical and social environment of the missionary
community at Luebo will be described in Chapter 1. The historical
background and development of the larger msisionary organization of
which the community at Luebo was one sub-unit, will be sketched in
Chapter 2. Chapter 3 deals with the population of the missionary
groups, both in terms of the larger organization extending throughout
the Kasayi area and in terms of the specific group resident at Luebo.
The discussion of the Luebo group includes description of the types of


LIST OF PLATES
Page
1. Board of World Missions promotional map of American
Presbyterian Congo Mission 4
2a. Young Zairian mission employee with wife, home and
transportation 15
b. Same couple inside their home 15
3a. The church at APCM-Luebo 71
b. Another view of APCM-Luebo church 71
4a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo 73
b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo 73
5a. Writer's residence at APCM-Luebo 75
b. Interior of writer's residence 75
6a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo 77
b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at
APCM-Luebo 77
7a. Village evangelists and indigenous church elders Ill
b. Zairian church pastors and missionary conducting a
worship service Ill
8a. Outdoor tea at APCM-Luebo 127
b. Missionary picnic on island in Lulua River 127
9a. Lulua refugees around church at APCM-Luebo 144
b. Burned houses after tribal fighting at APCM-Luebo 144
x


TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page
The Evangelistic 42
The Educational 43
The Medical 43
The Industrial 45
Business 45
The Central School for Missionaries' Children .... 45
Wives 46
The Missionaries Themselves 46
Indigenous Personnel 56
4. THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY ....... 60
Luebo Station and the APCM 61
Buildings and Dwellings 66
The Church 69
The Missionary Residences 72
The McKowen Memorial Hospital 76
The J. Leighton Wilson Press 76
The Evangelistic Office 78
The Primary School 79
The Gi rl1 s Home 79
The Preacher's School 79
Households 80
Missionary Furnishings and Equipment 86
The Missionary Diet 87
Missionary Clothing 89
Finances 90
vn


119
affects their interaction in the home because often evenings are taken
up in planning sessions or discussion of the work of the day. Thus,
the family interaction pattern of the missionary is different from
that of the typical southern Presbyterian couple in the United States.
In the missionary situation, both the husband and the wife are direct
ly involved in related work and both are constantly reminded of the
urgent needs of their services by the number of demands that are being
made on their time.
The missionary wife is an active participant in the activity
of the mission. The demand of the work upon her time is a factor in
her interaction patterns. It has a special significance in regard to
her relationship with her children. The immediate demand for language
study upon arrival and later the need to become involved in the work
places considerable pressure on a missionary wife to take advantage of
the 8-hour daily babysitting arrangements that can be made with an
African nursemaid enabling her to devote more time to the work and
consequently less to her children. The expectation of Luebo station
and of the mission as a whole is that the wife would work full-time.
This expectation which is constantly verbalized in informal ways is in
contradiction to the stated policy of the Board of World Missions,
that the wife's first responsibility is to her Christian home which is
to be her channel of witness.
A tension often results between the missionary wife who puts
career first and the one who follows the Board of World Missions
directive to emphasize the home. An illustration of this is found in
the conversation between a career-oriented wife and a family-oriented


152
system had been shattered by the crisis of evacuation and the early
years of independence. The cliques, kinship networks and professional
groupings left the scene with the individuals who had made them up.
The quasi-ritual events of one year before, as was noted above, sudden
ly became as quaintly anachronistic as travel by hammock-bearers or
killing hippopotami for food.
Mission personnel were reduced and assignment followed
strategies of emphasizing schools to develop the African cadres. In
the constant flux, new groupings were forming continually, but their
function was now the mutual reinforcement of the missionaries trying
to cope with radically changed structures. Longevity grades were dis-
disrupted as the vast majority of the older missionaries never returned
after evacuation. From 1960 to 1965 many missionary couples from all
longevity groups resigned because "the Mission was just not the same
anymore."
Many missionaries attempted for a number of years to fit into
the new patterns, but most often their complaint was that they now felt
powerless to act out what they considered to be their "calling from
God." This theological expression slightly masked the reality of what
had taken place. In the new situation, the missionary was no longer
in a position to initiate action. He must respond to the initiation
of the African with whom he was working. The missionary complaint, "I
was named last, as an afterthought, to that church committee going to
check on the church In Mweka, because I have a car that runs," typified
the new position of the subordinance of the missionary.
The frame of mind of the missionary remaining on the field








which took place during the period immediately prior to and following
Zaire's attainment of political independence are described. The effects
of these situational changes on the missionary community are examined
with special emphasis on their relationship to missionary career expecta
tions, ideology and cultural maintenance.
Conclusions are drawn concerning the significance of situational
events, initiation of action potential, balanced reciprocity relationships
and symbolic systems for the existence of a particular community form and
its culture.
XIV


24
countries operating on annual budgets totaling $122,815.31 (AR 1890:
64).
Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920)
The American Presbyterian Congo Mission (APCM)^ had its begin
nings when an Afro-American clergyman and a White-American clergyman
were appointed by the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions of the
Southern Presbyterian Church as missionaries to the Congo Valley. This
appointment was the culmination of a 2-year effort on the part of the
Afro-American, the Reverend William H. Sheppard, age 24, to be ap
pointed by the Southern Church as a missionary to Africa. The delay
was caused by the church's insistence that at least 2 men be sent and
their preference that one of the two represent the white majority of
the church constituency. The conditions were met when the Reverend
Samuel N. Lapsley, age 23, presented himself as a missionary candidate
for Africa. Their task was a serious one, as is spelled out in their
brief but broad instructions:
1. To find a site, preferably in the Congo Free
State, far enough from other missions to enable
us to open a wholly independent work.
2. To find a healthful location in the highlands
but not too distant from a base of supply.
3. To work among a population large enough to
constitute a good mission field and using a lan-
^American Presbyterian Congo Mission is the legal name of the
Southern Presbyterians' missionary organization working in the area of
Africa which has been designated successively: The Independent State
of the Congo (erroneously called Congo Free State by Britons and Amer
icans, cf. Rotberg 1965:259), Belgian Congo, Republic of Congo, Demo
cratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zaire. In situ the
missionary organization is referred to by both Africans and Europeans
as either the "mission" or the "APCM." This usage appears often in
the present work.








79
which dominates each office is the old, large and impressive steel
safe.
The Primary School
Located just north of the church is the primary school (cf. No
20, Figure 6). It consists of 8 double classroom buildings arranged
in a "U" with considerable distance between each building. The class
room buildings are brick and open along the sides above a height of
four feet. The school buildings, like all of the construction on the
station, are roofed with galvanized tin or aluminum roofing.
The Girl1s Home
Immediately to the east of the primary school area, in a wire-
fenced enclosure, is the "Girl's Home" (cf. No. 19, Figure 6). This
is a complex of four dormitory buildings and a central refectory and
meeting room. The girls living here attend the station primary school
At the time of this study 52 girls were in residence.
The Preacher's School
In the northeastern corner of the mission station, to the east
of the girl's home (cf. No. 18, Figure 6), is a similar complex of
small dwelling units and a refectory-classroom building. In former
years this was the "Boy's Home," but it has recently been converted
to a facility housing a high school-level ministerial training school.
The Preacher's School supplies the whole mission area with village
evangelists.
As was stated above, the early construction on the mission was
African-type houses and sheds built by Africans for the missionaries.
In the early days the mortality was quite high, especially among wives




181
Board of World Missions
various Annual report of the Board of World Missions: Nashville,
years
TN: Board of World Missions, Presbyterian Church in the
United States.
Briey, Pierre de
1945
Migration of indigenous workers in the Belgian Congo.
International Review of Labor 52: 335-351.
Chappie, Eliot D. and Carleton Coon
1942
Principles of anthropology. Mew York: Holt, Rinehart
arid Winston.
Coinha ire, Jean
1956
Some aspects of urbanization in the Belgian Congo. Ameri
can Journal of Sociology 62: 8-13.
Dellicour, F.
1952
L'attraction excerce par les centres urbains et industriis
dans le Congo Beige. INCIDI Record 27: 485-494.
Dupriez, G.
1965
La renumeration minimum legale. Cahiers Economiques et
Sociaux 3: 455-473.
Duvieusart, Etienne
1959
Note sur le comerce indigene dans les grands centres
extracoutumiers du Congo Beige. Problernes Sociaux
Congolais 45: 71-93.
Hall, Edward T.
1959 The silent language. New York: Fawcett World Library.
Hance, Wil1iam A., ed.
1970
Population, migration and urbanization in Africa. New
York: Columbia University Press.
Kimball, Solon T. and Marian Persall
1955
Event analysis as an approach to community study. Social
Forces 34: 58-63.
Lapsley, J. W., ed.
1893
Life and letters of Samuel Howell Lapsley, missionary to
the Congo Valley, West Africa. Richmond, VA: Wittet and
Shepperson.
Libotte, M.
1953
L1Evolution du probleme du logement au CEC d'Elisabeth-
ville. Problemes Sociaux Congolais 21: 53-66.


TABLE 6
>
STATISTICAL
REPORT OF LUEBO (1938-1953)
ITEM
1938
1942
1945
1947
1949
1951
1953
MEAN
Missionary staff
21
18
17
18
18
22
21
19.3
Village chapels
241
246
279
343
341
380
350
311.4
African pastors
10
12
11
10
11
14
14
11.7
Evangelists & Elders
241
288
305
364
373
359
350
325.7
Total Christians (x 1,000)
40
41
48
67
46
46
46
47.7
Boys in home
87
80
257
116
86
46
100
110.3
Girls in home
55
69
67
30
40
30
155
63.7
Medical assistants
23
12
18
34
21
19
22
21.3
Major operations
129
70
0
17
21
2
124
51.9
Minor operations
490
166
7
156
90
100
388
199.6
Patients (x 1,000)
15
19
14
11
5
5
6
10.7






CHAPTER 5
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION I: PRESBYTERIAN TRADITION
AND THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
All human groupings have particular and identifiable patterns
of organization. These patterns are generally culture-specific and
are consistent over time. This chapter will deal with the ways in
which the missionary community is organized or structured. Psycholo
gists and anthropologists have long employed some sort of bipolar way
of analyzing human behavior. Edward T. Hall (1959:65) links names to
pairs of concepts which illustrate this approach; Freud to conscious
and unconscious, Sullivan to in-awareness and out-of-awareness, Linton
to overt and covert, others used overt and covert or ideal and real.
Hall suggests (1959:66ff) the tripartite scheme of formal, informal,
and technical to describe cultural levels. Hall and George L. Trager
arrived at their 3-level theory through an intensive study of the
way Americans talk about time.
Ue discovered that there were three kinds of
time; formal time, which everybody knows about
and takes for granted and which is well worked
into daily life; informal time, which has to do
with situational or imprecise references like
"awhile," "later," "in a minute," and so on;
technical time, an entirely different system
used by scientists and technicians, in which
even the terminology may be unfamiliar to the
non-specialist...We discovered that man has not
two but three modes of behavior (Hall 1959:66).
The formal mode of behavior is that which is informed by the
traditions of the community. It is learned by accepting precepts and
91


*


14
tions. The lineages form a segmentary system with a maximal depth of
around 20 generations. The territorial lineage is the minor lineage
having a depth of about 6 generations. The residential group is made
up of the men of the tshoto or local lineage with their wives and
children as well as maternal nephews and in earlier times a few slaves
(Vansina 1965:166). The head of the local lineage is invariably a
man, the mukulu or "elder," a patriarch recognized as having certain
mystical credentials qualifying him to carry out his role. The rights
of a man's younger brothers take precedence over those of the younger
generation. The brother of a man's mother has certain claims on him
and his family. Plural marriages are accepted in the indigenous social
organization but are usually limited to chiefs or others who have ac
cumulated unusual wealth. In a polygynous marriage, it is normal for
each wife to maintain a separate house.
House forms for both the Lulua and Luba are of rectangular
mud-and-stick construction with a thatched roof of grass. Houses are
scattered in an almost random manner throughout the village and are
usually supplemented by small kitchen huts and sheds.
The villages were organized along lineage lines, family heads
all tracing their descent to a common, perhaps unknown, ancestor many
generations distant. The elders or family heads constitute the vil
lage council that advises the chief who is always an older man,
usually the senior member of the same lineage. In some cases, deci
sion will flow from a public debate for which a special meeting place
is set aside in the village and in which all adult men may participate.
In such situations the personalities and rhetorical abilities of


66
and up the gentle slope to the town itself. The streets in town are
dirt and are frequently repaired by contingents of prisoners from the
district and territorial prison located here. Upon entering the town
of Luebo from the river one passes the government buildings which
house the offices of the District Commissioner and the Territorial
Administrator, a courthouse, a post office, and behind these a military
camp. The buildings are old single-story colonial type with large
verandas. Further up the hill is a traffic circle filled with flower
ing plants reflecting Belgian urban style. Beyond the circle is a low
rambling hotel and eight shops arranged on both sides of the single
commercial street. Radiating out from the circle in three other
directions are streets containing residences of the government and
commercial personnel. Well beyond this section, out of town, are the
African sections known as Luebo-South (cf. Figure 5).
In 1959 the town of Luebo contained in addition to the above
a government hospital, a government primary school, both for indigen
ous clients, and reserved for the European residents a "club-house"
where motion pictures were shown and dances held, and a swimming pool
and tennis complex.
Buildings and Dwellings
The original houses at the APCM-Luebo mission station were
constructed in the indigenous manner by the local Bakete people. The
individual walls and the two halves of the roof were fabricated sep
arately and then assembled around a pole frame. These early "prefab
ricated" houses were replaced after two years by Luba type mud-and-
stick houses which were more durable. The ability to make fire-baked




'




Figure 7. Organizational chart of missionary groupings.


178
Jellies, jams, canned fruits and vegetables, rice, yeast, flour, sugar,
butter, laundry soap, cheese, starch, coffee, cocoa, cooking oils,
blueing, tubs, buckets, charcoal irons, bread boards, ironing boards
are available locally.
At present raisins, jello, pudding mixes, etc., are not being packed
satisfactorily for the tropics. All are at times found in the local
shops.
Peanuts, pineapple, bananas, other tropical fruits and some fresh vege
tables are obtainable from the natives.
EVANGELISTIC MISSIONARIES EXPECTING TO ITINERATE
Should take:
1 good camp bed and mosquito net
1 or 2 good canteens for drinking water
Inexpensive enamel or aluminum dishes and cutlery for
table (service for 2 or 3)
Extra cooking utensils, tea kettle, 2 or 3 covered pans,
small frying pan, coffee pot, teapot for camping,
also cooking forks, spoons and knives
Up to the present time no one has considered the kerosene camp cooking
outfits feasible; fuel expensive and hard to carry; native cooks do
not handle them wel1.
YOU WILL FIND IT ADVISABLE TO PLACE ALL YOUR ORDERS THROUGH THE EXECU
TIVE COMMITTEE.
ADDITIONAL STATEMENT TO BE INCORPORATED
IN THE CONGO OUTFIT LIST, 1955
We strongly urge you not to go into debt by buying outside of your
means. It is better to wait until you get on the field because so
many things can be bought locally or ordered later. Many missionaries
arrive with items they never use, or find need for other items that
they have not brought. It will depend on the station you live on as
to what your needs will be. The items that are essential are so
marked. The other items in this list are discussed from a standpoint
of information. Please do not feel that you have to have everything
on this list!
Do not buy any electrical equipment until you arrive on the field and
see what your needs will be. It is suggested that you store toasters,
electric irons, etc., at home until you see exactly what your individ
ual situation will be.
Cars. Personal cars are not essential. Mission cars are available for
necessary trips. If you have ample financial backing and want a car,


61
the Lower Congo. In the development of the APCM there was little
deviation from the basic mission station concept.
Luebo Station and the APCM
Luebo station, founded in 1391, maintained its position of
primacy for the mission for many years. Besides being the first and
thus most historic station, Luebo had several other characteristics
which made it especially influential in the determination of mission
policy and the creation of mission traditions. The first of these
characteristics was its function as a supply depot for the entire mis
sion. Its location at the head of navigation on the Lulua River made
it important during the years (1891-1930) when transport of goods was
possible only by river steamer. The mission treasurer was assigned
to reside at Luebo as he was constantly involved in the acquisition
and transportation of goods and personnel. With the location of the
business office at Luebo the influential Ad Interim Committee (cf.
Chapter 5 below) met more often at Luebo than at any of the other
stations. This centralization of financial and decision-making activ
ity at Luebo was a second factor in its maintaining a special influence
on the mission as a whole.
A third factor in this regard was the long residence at Luebo
of several missionaries that may be designated as "tradition builders."
The Reverend William M. Morrison worked at Luebo for twenty-two years.
From his early years (arrived 1896) he did extensive language work,
developing a Luba-Lulua grammar and dictionary and translating large
portions of the Scriptures. The Reverend Motte Martin worked for 43
years at Luebo from 1903-1946. He, like Morrison, died at Luebo


140
1,811 places of worship throughout the Kasayi (AR 1959:37). All of
these African Christians and especially the elements of leadership
within the church were to be affected by the events surrounding nation
al independence, as we shall see in a latter section of this chapter.
From 1956 to 1958 the Belgian colonial leadership was talking
about eventual political independence for the colony after perhaps
20 years. The general missionary outlook, however, was "business as
usual" and business was booming (cf. Tables 3 through 5 for dollar
input and personnel increases).
Social and Political Change
Following World War II there was a constantly increasing
climate of change in the Congo. Many Nationals had served in other
countries during the war. More and more Africans were visiting Europe
and the United States through the 1950's. Other African colonies
were moving rapidly toward independence. The economic and industrial
development of the Congo during these years was increasing steadily.
Urbanization became a reality during this period, especially in the
Kasayi region with the development of industry and trade in the centers
of Luluabourg, Bakwanga and Tshikapa and numbers of smaller trading
centers.
The groups of missionaries which we have designated "young"
and "new," that is, all those appointed since 1941, brought with them
to the mission field ideological and politico-religious formulations
which, unlike the older missionaries, tended to question colonialism.
These formulations were innovations in relation to the
general acceptance of the colonial principle by the Mission (cf. page






65



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Daniel P. Juengst was born in Mt. Kisco, New York, December
27, 1928. In 1953 he received the B.A. degree from Furman University
in Greenville, South Carolina. In 1956 he graduated from Union Theo
logical Seminary in Virginia, receiving the Masters of Divinity degree.
In 1957 he was ordained as a clergyman in the Presbyterian Church in
the United States and served as a missionary in the Republic of Zaire
(former Belgian Congo) from 1957 until 1968. In 1966 he received the
M.A. degree in African Studies from Howard University in Washington,
D.C. During 1968-1970 he held an African Studies Research Assistant-
ship at the University of Florida while doing doctoral coursework.
During 1970-1972 he taught at the Middle Normal School of the National
University of Zaire in Kananga, Zaire. He taught Anthropology and
Sociology at the Baptist College at Charleston in Charleston, South
Carolina during 1973 and 1974. In 1975 he returned to the University
of Florida for the dissertation write-up. During this period he also
held a research assistantship from the Center for African Studies at
the University of Florida.
Mr. Juengst is married to the former Sara Covin and they are
the parents of 4 children.
187






173
taken from America.
Socks and shoes as in summer at home except that many do not use san
dals on account of sand and jiggers. Experience has shown that a
child will usually need shoes of every size and half-size up to about
8 years of age. From 8 to 13 or 14 years, each new pair of shoes
should probably be one size larger than the previous pair. It is not
advisable for children to go barefooted. Most parents find they can
order from M. Ward and get satisfactory shoes. In emergencies one
can sometimes buy locally, but up to the present, quality has not
been very satisfactory and sizes have been limited.
Children will need light wraps, coats, sweaters or windbreakers, rain
coats and rubbers are required for children in Central School.
Party supplies, crayons, color books, toys, novelties, crepe paper,
fancy paper napkins, story books according to ages and tastes of child
ren should be taken with you as there is little of this nature in the
stores.
Consult the Committee as to school books and supplies for the children
through the third grade. Most parents find Calvert courses preferable.
After the third grade children attend Central School at Lubondai.
Nurses. Take 8 to 12 uniforms as a minimum. Some make new uniforms
on the field, some order from M. Ward or a Nurses Supply Shop, others
take a large supply for three years. Take three or four pairs nurse's
shoes.
Most of the younger nurses wear white socks instead of hose with their
uniforms.
Teachers at Central School. Have a small suite of sitting room, bed
room and bath, so will need only personal supplies and pictures, vases,
etc., to make their rooms attractive. You will want one or two dinner
dresses as the school has two or three "dress-up" parties for the
children each year.
Single Missionaries. While all single missionaries are invited to
board if they so desire, all but one or two have preferred to have
their own homes either alone or in groups, after they have learned the
language.
Special Note on Shoes. Many missionaries find Montgomery Ward shoes
very satisfactory and order from the field as needed. Some few find
they can get fitted in the local stores. If you are difficult to fit
or prefer a special shoe, either take a term's supply with you or
leave your size and style with a dealer from whom you can order par
cel post if necessary.




145
(Life, July 11, 1960) read "Christians who refuse to run." At the
time of the publication of the article, the missionaries were, in fact,
evacuating from the entire Mission, but optimism was present before
actual independence.
Independence Day at Luebo was marked by a bicycle race,
special church services, a special meeting for the Europeans and
African community leaders. At this meeting, politicians assured the
foreigners of calm; church choirs sang, and a Jazz group and dancers
performed.
Evacuation
Independence Day, June 30, was a Thursday. The weekend was
one of calm relief after the peaceful celebration. Early the follow
ing week, however, word began arriving in Luebo of the military mutiny
taking place in the Lower Congo. By Friday and Saturday the local
garrison of troops across the river was reported out of control.
Saturday there was some civilian and military looting of the Belgian
and Portuguese stores at the town of Luebo and near the mission.
Missionaries watched from the station as tin roofs were torn off the
stores and carried into the village piece by piece. On Sunday morn
ing, the Mission, having been in near constant radio communication
with all stations through the past few days, decided to evacuate its
personnel at least to the stations which were in relative calm and
had the best air field facilities. Couples with small children and
single women were evacuated Sunday from Luebo to Bui ape in the north.
Monday and Tuesday, as the situation deteriorated in all parts of the
Congo, all the missionaries, 161 adults and 107 children, were


Copyright 1975 Daniel Purdy Juengst







161
(1) After preliminary correspondence with the Candidate De
partment, the applicant may be requested to complete a
number of special forms supplied to him. When completed,
these papers will supply information covering biographi
cal data, education and training, professional experience
Christian experience, doctrinal belief, social attitudes
and motive for entering missionary service.
(2) References from friends, teachers, pastors and others are
solicited to gain further information.
(3) For the ordained candidate a recommendation is requested
from the presbytery of which he is a member and for the
unordained candidate, a recommendation from his session.
(4) Medical and psychiatric examinations are a routine part
of the application.
(5) After full information is gathered, the applicant may be
invited to meet with the Candidate Committee of the Board
On the basis of a careful study by the Committee of the
candidate's papers and after a personal interview, a
recommendation concerning appointment will be made.
M14. Appointment. Appointment to missionary service, except
for some limited terms of special service, is made by the Board on
the recommendation of the Candidate Committee.
Appointment is made to one of the following types of overseas
missionary service:
M15. Regular Service. The overseas missionary who continues
in service for many years is a basic and indispensable part of our
church's missionary witness overseas.
God who calls men into this service is the living God who
continues to lead and direct. Therefore, at the end of each term
overseas, the Board provides for itself, the missionary and the ap
propriate field bodies an opportunity to re-evaluate this call, with
out prejudice, to see what Christian obedience demands. Initial ap
pointment is for the regular field term.
These persons should be professionally competent and should
be between the ages 25 and 35, inclusive. They may be single, couples
or families with preschool age children. Since it is often not for
the best interest of children who have started to school to be taken
abroad, parents with such children will not ordinarily be appointed.
The full course of language training and pre-field orientation is
required.
M46. The Missionary's Maintenance. The material maintenance
of the misionary is not intended to recompense the value of his par
ticular labors, nor made in consideration for the length or type of
service which he performs. The Board seeks to provide for him what
may be regarded as a comfortable but economical support such as will
free him from anxious care for his temporal needs that he may give
himself wholly to the work of the Lord. This maintenance consists of
salary, housing, basic furnishing, children's allowances, medical


69


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Richard H. Jfirs
Professor of Religion
This dissertation was submitted to the Department of Anthropology in
the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
December, 1975
Dean, Graduate School


%


11
classified as "mixed," living in small commercial, administrative or
industrial conglomerations of less than 2,000 persons, accounted for
12% (Romaniuk 1968:338). The figures of 10% urban and 12% mixed com
pare favorably, when combined with earlier estimates by 2 writers
(Moeller 1952:192 and Dellicour 1952:491), that the Congo population
was 20% urban.
It is important to note that the Kasayi province ranked next
to last in 1957 among the provinces in the Congo in the number of
Europeans, 8,634 out of a national total of 108,957 foreigners. As
mentioned, the foreign population in the Kasayi included colonial
administrative, commercial and missionary personnel. Luluabourg, the
principal city of the area with a population of 55,000, ranked fifth
nationally in a list of 72 towns with a population of over 2,000
(Romaniuk 1959:624).
It has long been understood that the basic motive for the
colonial enterprise v/as an economic one. The Belgian claim to fame
in the Congo was based on the steady and diversified economic growth
which they created through their administration (Comhaire 1956:9).
The high margin of profit accruing to the European investment was
largely due to the fact that most of the production was in the form
of raw materials which were sold on the world market. The mines in
the Kasayi and Katanga were typical of the "extractive" type industry
which formed the basis of the colonial economy.
The Belgian government acquired its colony from their king,
Leopold II, following an international scandal over the Independent
State of the Congo's exploitation of African labor. Being sensitive


94
the "Session" of the individual congregation, to the most general and
inclusive, the "General Assembly" of the delegates from the whole de
nomination. Between these two extremes is the all-important Presby
tery which has the ultimate formal power, as it controls the sessions
under it and must ratify any constitutional changes of the General
Assembly over it.
Presbyterian churchmen are schooled in the mechanics of making
decisions within this structure. Each clergyman has studied courses in
Church Polity during his theological education, and theory becomes
practice in his obligatory and regular quarterly participation in
Presbytery meetings. Presbyterian laymen who are elected Elders by
their congregations participate often weekly in the local Session
meeting and are delegated, often on a rotating basis, to the meetings
of Presbytery.
The meeting is traditional. Its timing and format as an event
are structured. Two publications guide the participants: The Book of
Church Order, which presents the church's constitution and by-laws,
and Robert's Rules of Order, which is taken as the pariiamentary
authority. An intellectual grasp of the contents of these 2 books and
skill in their application "on the floor of Presbytery" is the mark of
a "good" presbyter. At these meetings and among Presbyterian church
men generally the adage "everything must be done decently and in
order" is often heard.
In our study of the mission at Luebo, we noticed much of the
formal structure in decision-making transplanted to Africa by the
missionaries. Although the mission structure is more hierarchical in




82
and the missionary had his personal "boy," cook and hammock men, to
the present when the minimum for most young missionary families is a
cook, a laundry man and a "Baba," who is a full-time woman babysitter
for the small children, domestic servants have been a tradition at
Luebo. In the early years, having a number of young men in your "fence"
was thought to be an excellent way to train them in all aspects of the
Christian life. In more recent years, the number has greatly decreased
and the motivation is more clearly on providing the support system for
the missionary couple as they seek to devote the whole day to mission
ary work.
The selection of the domestic staff for the new missionary is
done basically by those already on the station when he arrives. The
key people such as cooks and laundry men usually stay with their mis
sionary employers for years. They may be available, however, for a
year if "their missionary" happens to be in the States on furlough.
The new couple knows nothing of the individuals, and even if they are
reluctant to take on a staff of servants at the outset of their mis
sionary career, they are assured by the "old timers" that this is the
time-tested way to proceed.
The selection of household staff is also watched and controlled
by the local church leaders. Although the people employed are the
financial responsibility of the missionary, the African church
leaders ordinarily must informally approve the selection. Thee
writer was informed by the local African pastors in one instance in
1959 that he must terminate a fine young cook because he was involved
in an adultery "palaver." Prior to the mid-1940's, these problems


45
medical were registered nurses. Laboratory technicians and medical
social workers completed the group.
The Industrial
The industrial group which was responsible for the building and
maintenance of the various mission stations amounted to 7% of the
entire number appointed. In the early period the Mission received 9
industrial men or 9% of the total for the period. The percentage of
industrial men decreased to 7%, 6% and 3% during the second, third and
fourth periods respectively. This decrease is accounted for both by
the fact that most of the missionary construction was done prior to
1940, and by the fact that most of the post-1948 construction was done
by Belgian contractors.
Besides the four major professional classifications treated
above, missionaries were also appointed as business personnel, teachers
of missionary children and as missionary wives. These classifications
will be discussed in a similar manner.
Business
In the business classification (cf. Table 2) we find 3% of the
total appointments prior to 1960. These positions decreased after the
early "ancestor" period when the Mission no longer had the complex
overland and river transportation problems. During the second, third
and fourth periods the positions were usually filled by the Mission
Treasurer and 1 or 2 secretaries.
The Central School for Missionaries' Children
The Central School for Missionaries' Children classification
reflects the growth of the school during the entire pre-1960 period.


26
the railways, then enter on that tide. "Congo has a
future," he said, "I cannot believe that God made
that great river with its many branches all through
the land for any lower purpose"...He warned me of
the danger of wine drinking in Africa. About my
location, he recommended the Kasai...after half-an-
hour's talk...he said he felt sincerely, warmly
interested in my mission, and was glad to see a
young man show so much courage, enterprise and
Christian pluck (Lapsley 1893:31, italics mine).
On April 18, 1890, Lapsley and Sheppard sailed from Rotterdam
on the Dutch trading vessel, Afrikaan, bound for the port of Matadi
in the Independent State of the Congo. They traveled with a group of
Swedish, British and American Baptist missionaries who were going out
to reinforce missions that had been established in the Lower and Middle
Congo River valley areas (Wharton 1952:16).
The two presbyterian missionaries spent 10 months in the Lower
Congo, visiting government officials, various mission stations, and,
in particular, the missionary explorer, George Grenfell. The Kasayi-
Sankuru region was finally chosen as a site for the APCM. They con
cluded from their survey of the situation that "Luebo, in the Kasai,
had the advantage of being the meeting ground of 5 major tribes com
prising an estimated 2 million people" (Lapsley 1893:163).
After a 33-day, 900-mile trip upriver on the sternwheeler
Florida, the 2 missionaries arrived at Luebo. Lapsley reports that
at noon on April 18, 1891, the Florida
rounded Luebo point and came in sight of a group
of plantains, and shaded by these, a double row
of small houses of mud with thatched roofs. Then
we saw the thatches of five or six large adobe
houses, tastefully disposed on a fair table land
in the right angle made by our little Lulua, and
a large creek on our right, the Luebo. A heavy
palisades of sharpened posts ten feet high com-


CHAPTER 8
THE DEVOLUTION OF THE MISSION: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGE
The disruptive events of 1959 and 1960 created a situation
which Margaret Mead (1964) has called a "point of divergence" in the
systemic processes. This is a point at which an individual is presented
with a chance to change his pattern of resource allocation in the hope
of greater benefit (quoted in Bee 1974:208). The evacuation of the
American missionaries from APCM-Luebo created such a situation for the
African church leaders. They siezed the initiative which had always
rested with the missionaries. The actual changes which took place and
their meaning for the remaining missionary community will be discussed
below.
Changes in the Formal Structure
After the evacuation of the missionaries in 1960, nothing
ever went back to "normal" for the missionary community and culture.
Luebo was never again staffed as a major station. The African church
leaders took charge of all aspects of the station activity and managed
as best they could during the first year of Independence with sporadic
visits from teams made up of 3 or 4 of the few male missionaries who
had returned to the area 2 months after the crisis.
As calm was restored and missionary families were able to re
turn, it became obvious that formal changes in structure were inevit
able. The realization by the missionaries that they had all, through
force of circumstance, left the mission work completely on one day's
149


84
or children are small and in diapers it is the task of the baba to
launder all the soiled diapers. As babysitter she has the run of the
house and performs such functions as putting away the general laundry,
making and turning down the beds and picking up the children's toys.
Babas are usually mature "single" women, either widowed or divorced.
They report to work in time to take over the child after breakfast and
work until 4:30 or 5:00 in the afternoon. Besides their salary of
from twenty to twenty-five dollars a month, it is the custom to permit
the baba to take a large bucket of water to the village each evening.
The water source for the village people was a spring one mile from
APCM-Luebo. The women usually carried water during the day while the
nursemaids were at work.
The laundry man is the third highest-ranking domestic helper.
He is responsible for washing all of the family laundry in pails and
washtubs and ironing it with a charcoal burning iron. For a family
with two or three children this task takes almost the full work week
to complete. He, like the cook, was often a mature man. He might be
a younger man with the aspiration of working his way up to being a
cook. In the local African tradition both cooking and washing are
considered "women's work," and it is only in the context of working
for the foreigner that men are comfortable with these roles.
The position of "house boy" was common in former years, but
the tasks of sweeping, mopping and cleaning were more recently shared
by the laundry man and the baba. It was also common in earlier years
for the cook to have a kitchen boy who kept the fire going and washed
the dishes. As salaries have increased and equipment improved, the


165
(1) For medical and surgical expenses including prescribed
medicines. (Non-prescribed medicines and supplies for
the missionaries' medicine cabinet are not included.)
(2) For one-half of dental and optical expenses. Exception:
The Board pays such expenses in full for adult mission
aries when incurred upon recommendation of the Board's
medical examiner in connection with arriving medical
examination. A detailed estimate of the cost of such
dental work must be submitted by the missionary to the
Treasurer's office for approval before contracting for
the work. After the estimate is approved, the total cost
is paid by the Board. (If contact lens are desired, the
missionary is to correspond with the Treasurer's office
about this expense.)
(3) For expenses for appliances, braces, trusses, hearing
aids, orthopedic shoes, etc., provided such expenses are
submitted to and approved by the proper Board or respon
sible field body officer prior to their incurrence.
(4) For necessary travel expenses in securing such services
indicated in items 1-3 above, provided such travel is ap
proved by the proper Board officer prior to incurrence,
except in cases of emergency, when later approval is
acceptable.
At stations where medical missionaries are laboring under
commission from the Board, they are regarded as the phy
sicians of the missionary families connected with the
Board, to render them service without charge, and the
Board does not engage to be responsible for expense in
curred in seeking medical aid elsewhere. Where there is
no medical missionary or other physician, the Board will
be responsible for expense incurred in reaching or ob
taining the nearest competent physician or surgeon.
(5) All medical treatment, except in cases of emergency,
should have the authorization of the official medical
examiner or committee. Bills for service in the U.S.A.
should be prepared in the missionary's name, and sent to
the Treasurer's office for payment. The missionary is to
send into the Treasurer's office statement for all pre
scribed medicines for refund. Itemized statements of
travel expenses in connection with medical expense should
likewise be presented for approval and refund.
An itemized account of all medical expenses on the field
shall be presented to the Treasurer of the missionary
organization to be paid, and then forwarded on to the
Board Treasurer for review.
(6)
Medical examinations


37
maintained an office in Leopoldville, the capital of the colony, where
a full-time secretary represented Protestantism in matters of mission-
government relations.
Roman Catholic missions had been staffed primarily by Belgian
missionary orders. Their schools had, through the years, been subsi
dized by the government. This had not been the case with any of the
Protestant schools. The APCM schools, containing 43,000 pupils in
1949 were all financed through the mission operating budget allocated
from the Board of World Missions in the United States. As the missions
sought continually to bring their schools up to government standards,
the Congo Protestant Council through its secretary sought the same
recognition and aid granted to Roman Catholic schools. In 1947 an act
of the Belgian parliament finally granted recognition and subsidies
for Protestant schools in the Congo. Wharton notes (1952:175) that
some of the schools of the APCM were among the first to be recognized
by the government, and the mission received its first school subsidies
in 1948."
Throughout the 1951-1960 period, the school subsidies contin
ually increased to place the mission solidly in the position of ad
ministering an elaborate educational system which ranged from village
elementary schools to accredited secondary level institutions. This
extensive educational structure required specially qualified mission
ary personnel and the continual meeting of government regulations gave
educational concerns top priority at Mission decision-making assem
blages. Many missionaries felt that educational concerns were over
shadowing the primary goal of evangelization.




125
assumed that no one would be left out and that reciprocity would be
fulfilled by returning invitations within a few months. The usual
practice was to invite at least 4 guests. This tended to provide the
occasion for a relatively elaborate meal. It also definitely limited
the intimacy of the occasion and increased the tendency for the con
versation to center around work awf station problems. When the
group was large there was a definite tendency for the men to group
together after the meal and discuss some "masculine" subject such as
the diesel-electric plant, vehicles or building construction. When
this happened, the women usually fell into conversation about the
children's schooling, patterns for making dresses or food orders. As
the station electricity was regularly cut off at 10:30 PM, the guests
usually looked around for their flashlights, which were always carried
after dark, a few minutes before this time, and excused themselves,
thanking the hosts for a wonderful evening.
The generational system was operative in the patterns of in
vitation to these evening visits. If two or more couples were invited
they were almost invariably from the same longevity grade. That is,
the "new" missionaries on the station were always invited at the same
time as the youngest of the "young" missionaries. Preferred linkages
were assumed by the majority of the members of the station. The
Jorgensens and the Richards had been invited together on so many oc
casions that it had become a subject of comment and joking between the
2 couples. This type of entertaining very rarely included non-mis
sionary Europeans and never African station workers or friends.
The above-mentioned patterns of evening meal exchanging was a




102
must "pass muster" every 4 years.
The Evangelistic Committee was composed of one evangelistic
man (clergy) from each station.
The primary purpose of this committee is to keep
constantly before the Mission and the Congo Church
the supreme task of evangelism which is to bring
men to a saving knowledge of Christ and to estab
lish an indigenous church which is self-supporting,
self-governing, and self-propagating. To this end
the Mission and the indigenous church have adopted
a Book of Church Order in which is laid down the
Mission's policy (APCM 1957:15).
The Replies to Native Courts Committee was required following
the above statement. That is, actions of the Mission Meeting were to
be translated into Tshiluba (from English) and transmitted to the
African church groups. The 3 American members were appointed at each
Mission Meeting.
The Educational Committee carried the stipulated task in the
by-laws of "keeping before the Mission the supreme task of Christian
Education, which is the development of Christian character" (APCM 1957
15). Composed of one member from each station with the School In
spector as ex officio member, this committee, in actuality, was con
cerned with all aspects of the secular educational arm of the Mission,
touching schools from the primary level to professional training on
the university level. The members of this committee tended to be
professional educators and their concerns were pedagogical in the
technical sense.
The Language and Publication Committee, composed of the di
rector of the Mission Press and 5 other members, had responsibility for
approving all literature to be published "in the native language"


V.
0)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
For medical and surgical expenses including prescribed
medicines. (Non-prescribed medicines and supplies for
the missionaries' medicine cabinet are not included.)
For one-half of dental and optical expenses. Exception:
The Board pays such expenses in full for adult mission
aries when incurred upon recommendation of the Board's
medical examiner in connection with arriving medical
examination. A detailed estimate of the cost of such
dental work must be submitted by the missionary to the
Treasurer's office for approval before contracting for
the work. After the estimate is approved, the total cost
is paid by the Board. (If contact lens are desired, the
missionary is to correspond with the Treasurer's office
about this expense.)
For expenses for appliances, braces, trusses, hearing
aids, orthopedic shoes, etc., provided such expenses are
submitted to and approved by the proper Board or respon
sible field body officer prior to their incurrence.
For necessary travel expenses in securing such services
indicated in items 1-3 above, provided such travel is ap
proved by the proper Board officer prior to incurrence,
except in cases of emergency, when later approval is
acceptable.
At stations where medical missionaries are laboring under
commission from the Board, they are regarded as the phy
sicians of the missionary families connected with the
Board, to render them service without charge, and the
Board does not engage to be responsible for expense in
curred in seeking medical aid elsewhere. Where there is
no medical missionary or other physician, the Board will
be responsible for expense incurred in reaching or ob
taining the nearest competent physician or surgeon.
All medical treatment, except in cases of emergency,
should have the authorization of the official medical
examiner or committee. Bills for service in the U.S.A.
should be prepared in the missionary's name, and sent to
the Treasurer's office for payment. The missionary is to
send into the Treasurer's office statement for all pre
scribed medicines for refund. Itemized statements of
travel expenses in connection with medical expense should
likewise be presented for approval and refund.
An itemized account of all medical expenses on the field
shall be presented to the Treasurer of the missionary
organization to be paid, and then forwarded on to the
Board Treasurer for review.
Medical examinations


127
PLATE 8
a. Outdoor tea at APCM-Luebo. (LIFE Magazine, July 11, 1960.)
b. Missionary picnic on island in Lulua River.




72
to a wooded area where the terrain falls sharply down to the river.
The Missionary Residences
The residences at APCM-Luebo represented missionary building
from the 1920's to the 1960's (cf. Nos. 2 through 12, Figure 6). As
one enters the station on the main street from the east, the first
house to the right (cf. No. 2, Figure 6) is a rare item on the whole
mission. It is a two-storied house. It is a comparatively small
house of one-room depth and two-room width. It has a wide veranda
across the front of both the first and second floors. It was designed
by and built for one of the early dentists on the mission. By mission
standards it is an elaborate house considering its limited two-bedroom
capacity.
The houses, which are 11 in number, range in age from 50
to 7 years old. The older houses tend to have a centrally peaked roof
with a veranda on all four sides of the house, the principal roof ex
tending to seven feet from the floor level. Foundations are usually
built in such a manner as to raise the house from two-and-a-half to
three-and-a-half feet above the ground. The older houses were lower,
the more expensive raising of the first floor level coming in later
years. The standard missionary residence is a rather spacious house,
usually three bedrooms, living room, dining room, kitchen, pantry work
room, and store room. The kitchen is often off the back porch with
the screened porch serving as working space. All bathrooms and toilets
are interior. The newer houses have a bath-and-a-half. They also
have modern type bathtubs and sinks. Earlier houses had imported
toilet fixtures, but often have brick bathtubs which are cement-lined




98
The language examination was a testing of competency in Tshil-
uba. This was the major indigenous language. The test occurred after
a prescribed course of 3 months full-time study followed by 3 months
half-time study.
Through the years the temporal restriction on the power to vote
at Mission Meeting was 2 years. This mechanism maintained a clear dis
tinction between "new missionaries" and "seasoned missionaries."
Stemming from this rule it was generally understood that new mission
aries would have very little to say at the various meetings until after
at least half of their first term had passed. The practical effect of
this control of input was that after several years had passed, very
often the new missionary had settled into the system and no longer
had the same criticisms or suggestions which were silenced a few years
before. The 1965 publication of the Missionary Manual by the Board
of World Missions liberalizes the policy (the Board of World Missions
being the higher authority of the APCM) stating "All missionaries in
regular, special term or volunteer service who have completed one
year or more of service on the field are entitled to vote" (BWM 1965:
73).
The Mission had the following officers: a chairman, a
secretary, recording secretaries of th Mission Meeting, a Mission
Treasurer, a Stated Clerk, a Legal Representative and suppliants, and
a Mission School Inspector. In the history of the Mission, none of
these officers were women except the recording secretaries at the
Mission Meetings. These officers were elected for 1 year, their term
of service beginning immediately after the close of the Annual Mission


CHAPTER 3
THE POPULATION OF THE COMMUNITY
Personnel Numbers
The missionary population of the APCM increased steadily from
the original 2 in 1891 to a peak of 175 in 1956. Following the civil
disorders of the transition of Zaire to national independence, the num
ber dipped to 122, and by 1970 had returned to 140 (cf. Tables 3, 4
and 5).
During the early period (1891-1920), the mean number of mis
sionaries on the field was 47. A total of 105 people were appointed in
this period averaging 4 missionaries per year. Among these 105 ap
pointees, 64% remained in missionary service for at least 3 terms or
more than 15 years. Those who served only one term amounted to 31% of
the total appointed. Health was a critical factor in this early period.
Death claimed 11% of this group in the field. Spouses often resigned
after the loss of a partner, so the death or serious illness of one
missionary usually meant the loss of 2 people to the Mission.
During the second or "expansion" period of 19 years (1921-1940),
71 more missionaries were appointed to the APCM. Actual field popula
tions varied; during the 1920's and 1930's the mean was 74 mission
aries on the field. During the third period (1941-1950), the APCM
was reinforced by 81 appointments of new missionaries. During the
mid-1940's the mean had risen to 110 active members of the Mission.
During the decade 1951-1960 there was a mean of 158 missionaries on
39




100
the foreign missionaries on the field. Some of these committees had a
much greater importance to the dynamics of life at Luebo than did
others. A brief review will signal the ones of special significance.
The Mission Meeting Arrangements Committee. This committee was
responsible for a schedule of hours for the daily sessions, a schedule
of leaders for morning and evening devotional periods and to make ar
rangements for the lodging and meals of the Mission Meeting. Each
station was required to select 2 of its members who were to prepare
sermons to be preached at the Mission Meeting, and notify the Arrange
ments Committee of their names.
The Docket Committee. This committee was composed of the Mis
sion Secretary and all of the Station Secretaries. This committee
received all items from the stations for consideration at the annual
Mission Meeting. They were to be in the form of motions or overtures,
and included questions touching the assignment or reassignment of
missionaries. The Chairman had to circulate to all stations the com
plete prepared docket 6 weeks before the Mission Meeting.
The Steering Committee was composed of Stated Clerk, Chairman
of the Mission and Chairman of the Mission Meeting Arrangements Com
mittee. Its duties were to guide the Mission to a consideration of
matters of major importance as early as possible during Mission
Meeting. (Meetings often ran 2 weeks.) Further to propose a schedule
of comnittee meetings from day to day during Mission Meeting. Also,
they nominated members to fill vacancies on committees and as far as
possible prevented one person from being on 2 standing committees.
With 42 committees and 170 missionaries stratified by age statuses,






143
proceeded to attack each other across the Mission compound and
into each other's sections.
The battle of Luebo lasted 2 hours from 10 until 12 noon,
leaving 12 men killed and nearly 200 houses destroyed by fire (cf.
Plate 9). Government soldiers arrived from the military camp across
the river by about 1:00. They assisted in evacuating the whole section
of Lulua across the river which was the government's short-term solu
tion. This type of conflict was typical of the region along the main
road from Luebo to Luluabourg during May of 1960.
During the fighting at APCM-Luebo, the missionaries found
clearly that they were no longer in a position to initiate action (or
terminate action) among the indigenous population. As armed bands of
youthful "warriors" crossed the station grounds, they told the pro
testing missionary men, "This is our affair. You keep out of it and
you will come to no harm." War fetishes were everywhere in evidence
and the general reaction raised the question momentarily in missionary
minds of the value of their 68-year effort there.
The time from January 1959 to June 1960 was one of intense
political activity in Kinshasa and Brussels. June 30, 1960 was
finally set as the last day of colonial rule.
Independence Day
Independence Day was the occasion of much celebration at
Luebo. The tribal conflict subsided as the enthusiasm for depanda,
as it transliterated in Tshiluba, approached. Missionaries were
interviewed at Luebo by Time/Life and CBS reporters and photographers.
Their tone was optimistic. Lead captions in the published article




154
end of an era both in missionary history and in the development of
Africa. American missionaries continue to work with the Presbyterian
Church in Zaire, but in fewer numbers and on a different basis than
described in this study. Any general assessment of the impact of the
APCM on the Kasayi region should perhaps reflect Welbourn's (1971:310)
view that "the European invasion of Africa would certainly have had
different consequences and from any humanitarian point of view they
would probably have been less desirable consequences if it had not
included Christian missionaries along with settlers and administrators."


12
to the responsibility of governing a portion of Africa 88 times larger
in area than their country, and being determined to improve the inter
national image of Belgium, the Belgian Parliament enacted legislation
controlling all aspects of African life. They were aware from the
experience of other colonies that the "work contract," especially a
long-term contract, was one of the regular sources of disruption in
African society. The government defined minutely the rules which had
to be followed (Libotte 1953:54ff) and the limits which had to be
observed in recruiting and engaging Africans (Briey, 1945:386).
The social legislation touching the economy related mostly to
salaried workers. The local market system remained relatively unaf
fected. Such measures as a "kopo," i.e., a cup usually a tomato
paste can remain standard units. A beer bottle remains the stand
ard unit of palm oil and fish are sold by the piece. Duvieusart
notes that the multitude of indigenous merchants did not create a
competition which fiad the effect of lowering the prices as one might
expect, rather the number served to limit the income of each seller
(1959:78).
The colonial government did make a few attempts to develop a
solid peasantry through agricultural innovation. All of these schemes
failed, mainly through the lack of education at the community level,
and a paucity of insights regarding the target population, which an
applied anthropologist might well have been able to provide (Beguin
1965:91 Off and Bailleul 1959:830).
The demographic studies provide information on the amount and
type of internal migration of the African population. The migration


7
religious center, stretches out to the southeast forming what is known
as the Kasayi region between the Kasayi and Sankuru Rivers. The
Kasayi region covers an area of approximately 30,000 square miles.
The Kasayi region, except for its northernmost section, is
located in the geographic region known as the Southern Uplands. The
northern tip of the area extends into the Congo Basin, the immense
geological depression through which the Congo River flows its 240
degree arc of 2800 miles to the Atlantic.
Luebo and all of the other mission stations of the APCM ex
cept Bulape to the north are in the Southern Uplands which is charac
terized by savanna vegetation. These Southern Uplands cover a surface
area of one-third of the nation. Most of the region is rolling
country which slopes gradually from a maximum altitude of about 4,000
feet in the south to between 1,200 and 2,500 feet where the rolling
plains merge with the outer edges of the Congo Basin. Grasses pre
dominate over most of the area, but are interspersed with scattered
clumps of shrubs and trees.
The Kasayi region lies between latitude 4 degree? south and
8 degrees south. Being in the southern hemisphere, there are 2 major
annual climatic periods, a hot, wet season and a cool, dry season.
Eight months of the year, from early September to mid-May, is the
rainy season. Local showers, usually of short duration, occur al
most daily. The dry season begins in the middle of May and lasts
until September. It is very dry but heavy dews keep the fields and
grasses from complete drought. The nights are cool and the average
daily temperature is around 75 degrees (MacLean 1961:3).






175
glasses. If you take them consult your occulist for suitable make.
Sewing Equipment. If you have a sewing machine, take it. Portable
hand sewing machines are available on the field. Take a good supply
of needles, pins, safety pins, buttons, snaps, hooks and eyes, trim
mings, laces, bindings, buckles, patterns, knitting and crochet
supplies (all these according to your personal tastes and needs).
Young married women will probably want to take a layette or material
for making same.
Native women are eager to learn knitting and crocheting and inexpen
sive supplies for classes will be most useful.
Office Supplies. Personal stationery, air-mail, greeting and corres
pondence cards, typewriter erasers, ink eradicator, poster and con
struction paper, colored crayons, fountain pen, scotch tape, thumb
tacks, pencil sharpener, pen knife, blotters, ruler, manilla folders,
gift-wrapping paper and ribbon, all according to personal needs and
taste. Typewriter paper, carbon, plain and air-mail envelopes are
usually available.
Refrigeration. This is almost a necessity. A small or medium size
kerosene burning refrigerator is most practical. Take extra parts,
wicks, chimneys, etc., according to the make. Order directly from the
Export Division of the Company through the Committee. This will in
sure proper packing and you will probably get it at wholesale price.
If you prefer to wait until you arrive on the field, refrigerators of
all sizes and reliable makes are becoming increasingly available.
Lights. At present very few homes have electric lights. In any case,
you will find the following useful and occasionally necessary in
emergencies. For a good reading light order one of these two:
1 COLEMAN kerosene burning lamp complete with shade,
1 dozen extra generators and 1 extra chimney. Mantles
are available in the Congo, but you might order 2
dozen extra mantles with the lamp.
OR
1 ALLADIN kerosene burning lamp complete with shade,
2 dozen extra mantles and 3 flame spreaders. Chimneys
available in Congo. Order also 3 or 4 extra wicks.
For use in kitchen, bedroom and bath, order from M. Ward:
2 bracket lamps complete, No. 3 burner, 1 doz. each
extra wicks and chimneys.
1 table lamp complete, No. 3 burner, with 1/2 doz.
each extra wicks and chimneys.


29
years later because of illness. The Reverent D.W.C. Snyder and his
wife from New York arrived the same year. She died in Kinshasa on
their way home in 1896. '"Mary Snyder 1896' reads the simple marker
over the 33rd grave in the State Cemetery at Kinshasa, the first
woman's grave in this barren spot" (Wharton 1952:46). During the
period of penetration and establishment, 11% of the missionaries died
on the field while they were in active service.
The King of the Belgians had been told that the APCM was to be
a "combined white and colored force." This was a fortunate circum
stance for the development of the mission. The Afro-American mission
aries, during the early years, had a significantly higher survival
rate than did their white colleagues. Five Afro-American missionaries
from Alabama, Mississippi, and Pennsylvania were appointed in 1894 and
1895. This group, together with William Sheppard, put in an average
of 17 years service each. During the period 1901-1911, 5 more Afro-
American missionaries were appointed. Their average length of service
was 29 years. Among 23 out of 25 of the white missionaries appointed
prior to 1911, the average length of service was 5 years. The 2 ex
ceptional individuals in this group, William M. Morrison and Motte
Martin, serving 22 and 43 years respectively, both had an important
influence on the development of the missionary culture at APCM-Luebo,
which will be discussed below.
During the period 1901-1911, 20 new missionaries were ap
pointed to the APCM. It was a period in which the work was formalized
and many of the patterns were set that were to remain throughout the
mission's history. One of the important innovations of this period




168
each child.
For new missionaries up to $250 for each missionary ($500 for
couple) and up to $80 for each child.
For missionaries going to Belgium for a period of study up to
50% above the normal allowance.
M62. Purpose of Field Vacations. Missionaries are expected
to take such annual vacations from their work as will safeguard health
and promote maximum effectiveness in their work.
M63. Frequency. Vacations are to be taken annually, and may
not be accumulated from year to year. Subdivision of the annual per
iod into two shorter semi-annual vacations is permissable.
M64. Time. Vacations ordinarily should be taken annually at
such times as will be of the least detriment to the work. Ordinarily,
there should be one less vacation in a term of service than there are
years in that term of service. No vacation is allowable in conjunc
tion with furlough. Furlough is understood to be in lieu of vacation.
M65. Duration. Vacations shall ordinarily be for one month,
unless the period be lengthened or shortened by specific Board action
upon recommendation of the responsible field body.
M66. Location. Ordinarily, vacations are to be taken in the
general vicinity of the work. Vacations outside the country may be
taken upon prior approval of plans by the missionary organization (or
the Clearance Committee designated by the missionary organization),
report of such plans being made to the Board.
M67. Outfit Allowance. All new missionaries will be eligible
to receive the following allowances: personal outfit, books and
furniture. New missionaries serving less than a full field term will
receive a proportionate part of the total allowance. (See Supplement
Sec. S4.)
M68. Travel. The Board pays the travel expenses by the most
direct route for all of our missionaries, en route to the fields and
when they return to the States. Immediately upon arrival on the
field they are to make complete settlement with the Field Treasurer,
and when they arrive in the States, they are to make settlement im
mediately with the Board Treasurer.
M69. Purchasing and Shipping. All orders to be placed for
our missionaries and for the missions are to be sent in to the
Treasurer's office. Detailed shipping instructions will be given the
companies when the orders are placed by the Treasurer's office.
M71. Basic Field Term. The basic term shall be four years


121
The best resolution was usually a combination of effort on the
part of a group of mothers, each of whom will teach one or two subjects
to all the children, sometimes teaching five grade levels at once.
This freed all of the mothers to do other types of missionary work
for the rest of the day.
When a mother was alone on a station, however, she was natur
ally forced to do all the teaching of her children herself. Many
mothers had never taught before, and their concern to do a good job
often magnified the tension between mother and child. It was difficult
for her to be objective, and easy for the child to be rebellious.
Sandra Jorgensen, in later years, expressed her feelings to Margaret
Richard by saying, "All a mother expects of her own child is perfec
tion." Margaret faced a more serious problem herself with a dyslexic
child that needed special help which a mother-teacher was unable to
provide. This problem was later influential in the Richards' decision
not to return to Congo after furlough. Educational needs of children
cannot always be adequately met on the field.
Another factor which affected the interaction of couples and
their children was the presence of 2 or 3 African helpers in the house
holds. Being in the presence of Africans most of the day and at all
3 meals meant that open arguments were always avoided. Unpleasantness
in the household was a relative rarity. In addition to the presence
of the household help there were frequent visitors, vendors and mendi
cants within earshot of the missionary couple. These features of
station life forced couples to be on what would be considered "company
manners" for extended periods of time. In the ideology of the mis-




85
missionaries have encouraged their cooks to accept all aspects of the
kitchen work. For a first-class cook this is seemingly difficult,
and he usually prevails upon the sentry to do the cleaning up.
The sentry is the fourth member of the normal household staff.
He is provided by the mission and has the responsibility of being a
night watchman, generally keeping up the lawn, and assuring that the
kitchen is supplied with wood for the cook stove. He is also respon
sible for lighting and tending the hot water heater every day so that
there will be hot water available in the bathroom in the evening for
family baths. The sentry has a room in the outbuilding. Ideally, he
does not sleep all night, but makes periodic patrols of the lawn and
buildings. His official work time is at night and he is free to return
to the village during the day. In practice, most sentries spend a
good part of the day on their jobs and sleep at night. They work on
the lawn, get the wood and run errands for the missionary family
members and other workers. They must maintain a household of their own
in the village and are discouraged from having their wives and children
stay with them in the missionary "fence." The reason given for this
rule is that the "fence" is already sufficiently crowded with the
missionary couple, their children, three or four helpers and the con
stant stream of visitors and traders. A sentry's wife and children
would only add to the noise and commotion, and invite even more numer
ous visitors. As the sentry's job is a seven-night-a-week arrangement,
it was understood that there are occasional family visits during the
night to the sentry's room in the outbuilding. This was done in such
a way that it was never noticeable to the missionary. The system ap-


134
on the mission station and the patterns of interaction of the mission
aries that the "informal" structure was revealed. It was at APCM-Luebo
and various committee meetings of the Mission as a whole that the par
ticipant observer saw how decisions were "really" made. He saw who
it was that initiated actions, and who was submissive to whom and
under what circumstances. The analysis of the patterns of interaction
described in the earlier portion of this chapter provides insight into
informal structural units in the missionary community. A number of
these units are described in the following sections.
In-groups and Cliques
There were among the twenty missionaries at APCM-Luebo definite
groupings which could be classified as cliques. The classifications
of the various divisions among the small group of missionaries is
difficult because of the many areas of overlap. One area exclusive
of the classifications that follow is recreational cliques. Two
couples and 2 single ladies were avid bridge players, and these 6 con
stituted a clique that spent many evenings together. The single
women missionaries (3 at Luebo) tended to form a group and present a
united defense against any possible discrimination based upon marital
status.
Longevity Grades
Perhaps a much more readily observed grouping in the informal
structure are the "longevity grades." In terms of years of service,
there were at Luebo 4 groupings: (1) full career missionaries: 2
couples completing 40 years or more on the field, the Woodstocks and
Mitchells; (2) mid-career missionaries: 2 couples and a single


78
an "L" configuration (cf. No. 21, Figure 6). The longer building
houses the typesetting room, the press room with two large flatbed
presses and two smaller job presses, the bindery containing machines
and work space for cutting, stapling and binding the books. The smal
ler building contains the business office and stock rooms for current
inventories and printing supplies. There are also two smaller out
buildings, one housing the generator plant which powers the press, and
another which houses a Linotype machine and darkroom facilities for
photoengraving.
The Evangelistic Office
The Church office, for the local community and for a surround
ing rural area of about 150-mile radius is located on the east side of
the station behind and above the first two residences on the left as
one enters the station. This building contains three offices. One is
the office of the Evangelistic Department of the station. A second is
the Regional School office, which has supervision over all the primary
schools in the surrounding rural area, exclusive of the one large pri
mary school on the station. The supervision of these schools has fal
len to the clergymen because they are the only staff members who travel
in the rural areas on "itineration" for extended periods, visiting many
of the African villages for the purpose of supervising the church work.
A third office in the Evangelistic Building is the Presbytery Treasur
er's office where the church accounts and funds are kept. The furnish
ings in these offices are very simple: locally-made desks and book
cases, perhaps an imported office chair for the missionary in charge,
and a few straight chairs for visitors. The single piece of furniture


INTRODUCTION
The indigenous people of Africa have long been the subjects of
anthropological study. Ethnographies have been written to describe
the life ways of the majority of the major ethnic groupings in sub-
Saharan Africa. In the late 1930's, under the leadership of B.
Malinowski (1933), research was undertaken on the processes of culture
contact and change. Since that period the bulk of African anthropolo
gical research has been on the various aspects of change: accultura
tion, migration, urbanization, de-colonization, nation-building and
modernization.
During the entire colonial period in Africa, Christian mis
sionaries from the western nations have been on the scene, contributing
to and participating in the processes of change that are taking place.
T.O. Beidelman has pointed out that "almost no attention was ever paid
by anthropologists to the study of colonial groups such as administra
tors, missionaries or traders" (1974:235). He suggests that research
on these groups would be useful because, among other reasons, "the
problems of planned social change, of communication, and exorcise of
power between culturally different groups, remains one of the most im
portant and pressing sociological issues" (1974:236).
The present study has been undertaken to partially meet the
need for anthropological research on western agents of change in Africa.
The basic research methodology has been participant observation. The
1


75
PLATE 5
tit* ; Sfcrt \ ~ *'
P&
C?
p&mg
w2 i.?- ^ >sn? *?*.< v
-
:- ..-
FZSM-f.
mm&
W5M
'5'"-;i*."-OT^a ^
a. Writer's residence at APCM-Luebo.


89
of these guest meals. As a result, even a breakfast is often a memor
able culinary and social occasion.
Missionary Clothing
Missionaries are advised to bring to the field enough clothing
to last them a four-year term. Light summer type clothing for men,
women and children is what is suggested. The only requirement is
that it not need dry cleaning, as this service is not available. An
official list entitled "Suggestions Concerning Outfit for the Congo"
(cf. Appendix 2) states for women:
Any type of clothing used in summer in America
that does not require dry cleaning is suitable
for the Congo. A good supply of wash dresses
for morning wear and a few a bit dressier for
afternoon and evening are most suitable. A
dinner dress is worn very seldom and is not a
necessity.
For men the list states:
Suits of seersucker, linen, palm beach, gabar-
ine or white duck are most useful. A good
supply of extra trousers in khaki or any of the
above materials is needed for everyday wear...
Most of the time men go coatless and wear open-
throated sport shirts. Take dress and sport
shirts, pajamas, underwear, handkerchiefs, socks,
ties, etc., according to personal taste.
It is pointed out that a variety of cotton cloth can be purchased
locally so that if patterns are imported, quite a bit of clothing can
be made for the children and wife. Underwear and shoes should be im
ported from the United States, as the limited supply that are avail
able are very expensive. In the past the European style and cut had
not been accepted by the American missionaries. The missionaries in
Luebo always look like Americans dressed for suimertime: the women




164
Where Schools Exist on the Field. Where schools are available
and approved for missionaries' children by the missionary organization,
the Board will provide tuition (not to exceed a maximum allowance set
by the Board for tuition, See Supplement Sec. S3) in grades 1-12, and
travel to and from boarding school at the beginning and end of the
school year. Under unusual circumstances, some allowance may be
made for necessary transportation for day students. Parents shall pay
for the student's board and room. Mid-year vacation travel to and
from home may be provided by the Board upon the approval of the res
ponsible field body.
Where No Schools Exist on the Field. Where no schooling
facilities are available on the field, the Board will pay for courses,
such as "Calvert," given under the guidance of the parents. When
parents are unable for valid reasons to administer such courses, the
Board may provide a teacher of missionaries' children, underwriting
such expenses, provided that as many as four children of missionaries
utilize the services of such a teacher for a full academic year.
Teachers for short periods may be employed by the missionary organiza
tion provided the Board through its Candidate Department approves the
teacher, and is not responsible for her travel to and from the field.
The Board may make a special appropriation toward her salary as cir
cumstances may indicate.
Schools for Missionary Children. On some fields the Board,
solely or in conjunction with other interested agencies, provides a
school for missionaries' children. Similar provisions prevail as
those indicated above under, "Where Schools Exist," the Board under
writing any tuition that may be charged. Such schools, to be sup
ported by the Board, must operate under regulations which have met
Board approval.
M58. Elementary and High School Education in the United
States. In view of the availability of public education i.n the United
States, the Board does not undertake to provide for the education of
children of missionaries in service, who may be on furlough or for
other approved reason in the U.S., while such children are in grades
1-12.
College Education. The Board will provide a special appro
priation for tuition expense (in addition to the ordinary child's
allowance) for children of missionaries who are studying in college
in the United States or abroad, in Board-approved institutions. The
amount of this appropriation will be determined periodically by the
Board. (See Supplement Sec. S3.)
M59. Medical Care for Missionaries in Service. The Board
assumes responsibility for the medical care of its missionaries and
their children on children's allowances (including those whose adop
tion meets with Board approval), provided that the expenses for such
are incurred with the approval of the Board for missionaries and their
children in this country, or of the responsible field body for mission
aries and their children on the field. The Board considers that it
discharges this obligation in providing:


122
sionary community, it was not just "company manners" that were called
for, but it was the setting of a good example for the African helpers
or visitor who might be present. The only period of real privacy was
later in the evening after all of the cleaning up had been done after
supper and all the helpers had left the household. Because of the
danger of malarial infection from mosquitoes in the evening, the
younger children were usually put to bed shortly after supper and be
fore nightfall, which was around 7:00 PM throughout the year. The
private interaction of the family, then, was primarily between the
husband and wife. Any older children past 9 years old were away at
boarding school, the Central School for Missionary Children, at a
station 100 miles southeast of Luebo. Considering the total scope of
life for the missionary couple, the emphasis seemed to be definitely
on the work.
After a busy day missionary couples often got together through
one of the informal networks and spent the evening in conversation
and playing games. The conversation often centered around the work.
The personal lives of the missionaries, and possible marital or per
sonal problems, were never discussed. The private lives of the mis
sionaries were kept private. Whatever went on between the couples in
their few hours of privacy was kept carefully guarded. The overriding
* '
factor in this closed personal life style was the ever-present expec
tation of the kind of life a missionary should lead. As one went
about the daily tasks he or she was constantly reminded that the mis
sionary role involved representing the best of "Christian behavior."
This burden of proof which lay on the missionary did not permit the




1


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am deeply indebted to numerous individuals for support and
encouragement received during the preparation of this dissertation. 1
shall begin by expressing my gratitude to Sara Covin Juengst, my wife,
and to our children. They have shared the good moments and the bad.
Through the entire process their confidence and expectations have been
a constant encouragement.
I would like next to especially thank my Committee Chairman,
Professor Brian M. duToit. He recruited me to the University of Florida,
taught me Anthropology and has encouraged and supported me in the
manner of an authentic mentor. It is not an exaggeration to say that
his role has been absolutely crucial to the completion of this project.
I owe a debt of gratitude to each of the other members of my
committee: to Professor Solon T. Kimball, for his encouragement and
the anthropological insights so abundant in his teaching, to Associate
Professor Haig Der-Houssikian for his continued interest and support as
Director of the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida,
to Assistant Professor Carol E. Taylor for her encouragement and her
anthropological insights into the process of becoming an anthropologist,
and lastly to Professor Richard H. Hiers for his interest and concern
through the years.
The list could be extended excessively. The missionaries and
Zairians who were informants and friends, the staff members of the
iv


TABLE 4
DOLLAR INPUT AND PERSONNEL BY YEAR (1950-1959)
YEAR
USCPIa
USCPIb
BWM TOTAL
APCM TOTAL
%BWM
APCM STAFF
%APCM
N
n
n/N
1950
102.8
72.1
1 ,529,800
380,200
24.9
287,100
75.5
137
77
.56
1951
111.0
77.8
1 ,623,700
367,100
22.5
278,900
76.0
131
87
. 66
1952
113.5
79.5
1 ,783,200
379,800
21 .3
279,600
73.6
145
101
.70
1953
114.4
80.1
2,077,200
346,600
16.7
257,200
74.2
156
116
.74
1954
114.8
80.5
2,733,000
549,100
20.1
362,700
66.1
163
126
.77
1955
114.5
80.2
2,932,000
617,900
21.1
396,300
64.1
173
137
.79
1956
116.2
81.4
3,463,900
577,900
16.7
308,900
53.5
174
150
.86
1957
120.2
84.3
3,575,700
682,500
19.1
444,400
65.1
167
165
.99
1958
86.6
3,952,100
715,000
18.1
474,500
66.4
165
168
1.02
1959
87.3
4,261 ,200
748,700
17.6
502,500
67.1
161
167
1.04
Decade Totals
Arithmetic Mean
27,931 ,800
2,793,180
5,364,800
536,480
19.8
3,592,100
359,210
68.1
157
129
.81
USCPIa = United States Consumer Price Index (1913-1960)
USCPIb = United States Consumer Price Index (1945-1970)




54
which he talked with other amateur radio "hams" all over the world.
This hobby was of special interest to the missionaries as it often
provided for quick conmunication with family and friends in the United
States. During the critical period described in Chapter 7, the amateur
radio operators on the Mission played a crucial role in the orderly
and safe evacuation of all of the American missionaries. The Norrises
also had 2 other children at Central School.
James Boyd Jordan and his wife, Florence, were appointed in
1952. He was one of the few dentists in Congo, and had a full schedule
providing dental care for the American missionaries, Africans associat
ed with the Mission and many Europeans living in the area. Florence
was a medical social worker and it was she who, during the tribal
warfare days of May, 1960, organized the distribution of emergency
relief food to the refugees of the war and subsequent disorganization
and homelessness. They did not arrive at Luebo until mid-1959, when
they occupied the house formerly lived in by May and Lucille (No. 7).
In May of 1960, they moved into the house left vacant by the depart
ing Woodstocks (No. 2). They had 2 teen-age sons at Central School
at Lubondai.
May Melton, also appointed in 1952, lived with Lucille Fisher
(house No. 7) until May of 1959, when Lucille went to the United
States on furlough, and May moved into another house (No. 5) to make
room for the Jordans. May was classified as an educational-evangel
istic missionary. She taught in the primary school and was also in
charge of the Girl's Home. Her Tshiluba was unusually good. She
attributed her language competency to her years of working with the


62
terminating an especially influential career. Martin's special
importance came from his deep involvement in the government and juris
prudence of the indigenous church. He spent a large portion of his
time judging ecclesiastical, marital and even civil cases,, "cutting
palavers" as it is called in the indigenous language, much in the
manner of an African chief. As with the decisions of African chiefs,
Martin's judgments tended, to become normative for future cases at
Luebo and for the mission as a whole.
These three factors plus a fourth involving the early develop
ment of indigenous Church leadership and a large Christian constituency
around the mission station at Luebo and throughout its large outstation
area (cf. map Figure 4) combined to provide a certain validity to
the missionary saying "as Luebo goes, so goes the mission." Luebo
developed a missionary cultural primacy in spite of a formally decen
tralized decision-making system (cf. Chapter 5 below) and a ncn-hier-
archical ideology which emphasized the "vocation" of the individual.
Having been opened as a mission station in the early years of
the Independent State of the Congo, Luebo grew steadily in terms of the
indigenous population who for various reasons migrated to live near the
mission station. In 1935 the African population was cited as approxi
mately 25,000 (AR 1936:56). The conglomeration of this large African
village with the mission station at its center is known as "APCM-Luebo"
to distinguish it from "Luebo-Etatthe government administrative
center and town on the opposite side of the Lulua River.
APCM-Luebo is located on the north bank of the Lulua River
which flows due west at this location. The access road to the station


172
Clothing for the Field
Women. Any type of clothing used in summer in America that does not
require dry cleaning is suitable for the Congo. A good supply of wash
dresses for morning wear and a few a bit dressier for afternoon and
evening are most suitable. A dinner dress is worn very seldom and is
not a necessity.
Shoes and hose as used in summer at home. Many wear only anklets or
footlets. (See special note on shoes.) (Few women wear hose.)
Felt and straw hats with medium or large brims usually give sufficient
protection from the sun. Helmets are obtainable on field if extra
protection is needed.
Take a light-weight rain coat, umbrella, and galoshes or rubbers if
you use them. (Two or three cheap cotton umbrellas are nice to have.)
(Sometimes obtainable in stores.)
On most stations a light-weight coat and/or sweater is needed at times
Order sanitary napkins or tampons in quantity from Montgomery Ward.
Take a supply with you. These are sometimes available at Luluabourg
at rather high prices. (Always available but over 30,00 frs. a dozen
in price.)
Attractive materials for women and children's clothes are available
on the field, but patterns are unobtainable. (Khaki, denim, drill are
on sale and Congolese are good tailors. Patterns from Belgium are ob
tainable. Ready-made clothes available in shops in cities, but high.)
Men. Suits of seersucker, linen, palm beach, gabardine or white duck
are most useful. A good supply of extra trousers in khaki or any of
the above materials is needed for every day wear. Industrial men will
take suitable work clothes. Most of the time men go coatless and
wear open-throated sport shirts. Take dress and sport shirts, pajamas
underwear, handkerchiefs, socks, ties, etc., according to personal
taste.
Whatever type of shoes you find comfortable in .S. will be suitable
for the Congo. Most do not like sandals on account of dust, sand and
jiggers.
Straw and felt hats are worn. Helmets obtainable locally if extra sun
protection is needed.
Children. Clothing as for summer at home. Brim felt hats should be
worn both as a protection from the sun and for the eyes. Some parents
order extra clothing from M. Ward, others bring patterns and either
sew for the children or teach a native tailor to do so. Good mater
ials can be bought but no patterns. Satisfactory underwear must be







'
v . V


132
out here!" The hardships that did exist did not include the inability
to spread an occasional feast.
The outdoor tea. All of the special events of the APCM-Luebo
described up to this point concern the missionaries exclusively. The
station tea was the one social occasion where the whole station partici
pated with the African leaders and workers. It was used whenever the
occasion arose that a reception was called for. The presence of an
important African church dignitary, a visitor from America or Europe,
or the meeting of one of the church judiciaries at Luebo would be marked
by a tea.
The last tea before independence was held in honor of the
presence of 3 American and European journalists covering the pre-inde
pendence events in the Kasayi (cf. Life magazine, July 11, 1960).
The teas were always held out-of-doors on one of the missionary lawns.
The menu was reception type "finger food" with coffee, tea or fruit
punch as beverage. The African leadership of the area were invited
and usually included a group of pastors and elders of the local
churches, the top medical assistants, a group of teachers from the pri
mary school and some of the technicians from the press. The teas were
held at 4:00 PM and usually lasted approximately 1-1/2 hours. The
station tea was the sole occasion for formal missionary-initiated
socializing which involved Africans (cf. Plate 8a).
Eating around. When there were new missionaries on the sta
tion who had not yet set up their households or when there were
visitors present, the usual procedure for feeding them was that they
"eat around." This involved the visiting family or group rotating


104
Twenty-seven other committees were named from the American
missionary group each year which, together with the 15 described
above, supervised all of the varied activities of the APCM and, to
some extent, regulated the lives of its members. Women1s Work, Young
People's Work, Music and Worship, Audiovisual Aids, Radio, Girl's
Homes, Christian Education, Boards of the Missionary Children's
School and 4 African secondary schools, all were represented in this
collection of committees. It is clear from this review that every
aspect of the missionary's life and work was subject to some decision
making group which reported its recommendations to the annual assem
blage of the Mission for a definitive vote.
The by-laws set the expectations of the group in most areas of
life, including personal politics:
Missionaries shall do all within their power to
show a patriotic interest in the Belgian govern
ment, such as securing Belgian and Congo flags,
celebrating special government holidays, teaching
the natives [sic] the national anthem, and en
couraging loyalty to the government (APCM 1957:
22).
Also included in these expectations are financial and estate matters:
All missionaries, men and women, married or single,
are required to make their wills as to the disposi
tion of their personal property in the Congo, and
these shall be placed in the custody of the Legal
Representative and a copy filed with the Mission
Treasurer (APCM 1957:23).
The Stations
The formal organization of the stations in many respects re
peated at a lower level that of the Mission. The station elected
annually a chairman, a secretary, a treasurer and a local representa-


160
Mil. Education and Experience. Candidates for overseas ser
vice usually need as a minimum the same training that would be re
quired for service in a similar work in the United States. A period
of practical experience is usually required. Unordained candidates
for Regular Missionary Service are ordinarily required to have a
course of special study in Bible, theology and missions at some ap
proved shcool. Scholarship aid from the Board may be made available
for this study. Financial aid for professional training is not
ordinarily granted.
(1) Ordained missionaries should be graduates of approved
theological seminaries. Pastoral experience is usually
required.
(2) Other church workers, men or women, should have training
in a theological seminary or school of Christian educa
tion and some practical experience.
(3) Educational missionaries should have appropriate educa
tional training and a recognized teaching credential.
Teaching experience is usually required. Appointees to
higher educational institutions should have advanced
degrees.
(4) Medical missionaries should be graduates of approved
medical schools with regular degrees, with a year of
internship and two years of hospital residency training.
They should have successfully passed the National Board
or a State Licensing Board examination.
(5) Missionary nurses should be graduates of approved schools
of nursing with at least one additional year of hospital
service and a state license carrying the R.N. degree.
(6) Missionaries appointed for other services such as agri
culturalists, radio specialists, industrial work, litera
ture and literacy workers and administrators shall have
met the basic requirements in their particular fields.
(7) Missionary wives share with their husbands in qualifica
tions and language study. It is recognized that their
first obligation is to the home and this witness through
the Christian family is their major missionary service.
They may engage in other services as domestic duties
permit.
Ml2. Church Membership. Ordinarily, the Board will appoint
as missionaries persons who are members of the Presbyterian Church,
U.S. Candidates are expected not only to be in harmony with the doc
trinal and governmental standards of our church, but also in sympathy
with the witness of our General Assembly regarding dispensationalism,
social action, race relations and interdenominational cooperation.
Ml3. Appl1 cation. The Board, with the solemn responsibility
of selecting missionaries for overseas service for the church, makes
a diligent effort to obtain full knowledge of the character, motives
and qualifications of applicants.






27
pleted the square begun by the two streams.
Two sharp blasts of the whistle brought
the entire station to the beach; the steamer crew
danced on the open deck to the deep throb of a
drum; station boys waved and called to their
friends in the crew; the four white men two
company agents, a State officer, and the visiting
Commissaire du district du Kasai -- shouted wel
come to the little group by the pilot house whose
arrival broke the dreary isolation of their post
(Wharton 1952:31).
Shaloff (1971:24) suggests further Belgian influence on the location of
the mission station "APCM-Luebo" stating, "at the suggestion of the
Commissaire de district, the newcomers decided to locate their mission
station near the north bank of the Lulua, midway between Luebo and the
Kete village of Bena Kasenga." This was on the opposite bank of the
Lulua River.
Sheppard and Lapsley settled in with the five Bakongo laborers
which they had engaged for one year in the Lower Congo and brought with
them upriver. Two palm-thatched, 10-foot-square houses were purchased
from the nearby village and set up, one for each missionary. Wharton
describes the initial activity:
Each set about improvising additions to suit his
shelter to his needs. The Bakongo were put to
clearing ground and building their own houses;
pineapple, plantain, and banana plants were set
out. Boards were sawed out of small sections of
trees brought from the forest; later, men were
taught to use a small pit saw. It was an event
ful day when the first piece of furniture, a real
table, replaced the crude makeshift of sticks
tied together with strips of vine. But by the
middle of August the little station was found to
be intolerably hot, so they moved up to the brow
of the great hill that rises from the Lulua, and
began all over again (Wharton 1952:32)
In December, Lapsley made a reconnoitering trip east of Luebo


131
without first checking in with all.of the households was considered
the height of inconsideration. It was by means of these various trips
into town that supplies of fresh meat.', cheese, vegetables, hardware
and cloth were brought to Luebo. To neglect to perform this quasi
ritual of getting station permission before going on a trip was to
be reminded by perhaps as many as 20 people frustrated by the over
sight that "there is a station rule on the books..."
The station supper. The tradition of a communal meal for the
whole station was known as a "station supper." To this special meal,
which was held at least once a month, each household contributed 2 or
3 dishes adequate for 6 to 8 persons, as well as a beverage. The
suppers were usually held on the lawn of one of the missionary homes.
This meal was a social occasion for the whole station, and was a di
rect carry-over from the American Presbyterian Church tradition of the
"Family Night Supper" where everyone brings a dish or two and takes
"pot luck."
At APCM-Luebo, the station supper, an exclusively missionary
affair, was an occasion which exceeded the private supper parties for
the production of culinary masterpieces. There were always the old
favorite specialties and new creations attractively displayed. The
station supper functioned as a special form of recreation and the oc
casional visitor who might be the guest of honor was often slightly
misled as to the normal lifestyle of the missionary. When a visitor
from the United States was present, all of the very best was brought
out for the station supper. The comment of the visitor was usually,
"And I thought all the time that you people were suffering hardships




71
PLATE 3
a. The church at APCM-Luebo.


185
MacGaffey, W.
1972 Comparative analysis of central African religions. Africa
42: 21-31.
McLean, David A. and T.J. Soloman
1971 Divination among the Bena Lulua. Journal of Religion in
Africa 4: 25-44.
Markovitz, M.D.
1973 Cross and sword: the political role of Christian missions
in the Belgian Congo, 1908-1960. Stanford, CA: Hoover
Institution Press.
Merriam, A.P.
1959 The concept of culture clusters applied to the Belgian
Congo. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 15: 373-395.
Moritz, B.
1951 La fondation du poste de Luluabourg. Louvanium 19: 18-34.
Morrison, W.M.
1906 Grammar of the Buluba-Lulua language. Luebo, Belgian
Congo: J. Leighton Wilson Press.
Pieraerts, G.
1936 Synthese des Baluba. Bulletin de la Societe Royale Beige
de Geographie 56: 36-51.
Samain, A.
1922 Proverbs Baluba. Congo 3: 354-365.
Stappers, L.
1962 Textes Luba: contes d'animaux. Annales de la Musee
Royale de Afrique Cntrale 41: 1-116.
Van Bulck, V.
1952 Le probleme linguistique dans les missions d'Afrique
central. Zaire 6: 53-68.
Vansina, J.
1968 Religions et societes en Afrique cntrale. Cahiers des
Religions Africaines 2: 95-107.
Migrations dans la provence du Kasai, une hypothese.
Zaire 10: 69-85.
1956


CULTURE DYNAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF
RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE
jtr
By
DANIEL PURDY JUENGST
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR
THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1975


TABLE 5
DOLLAR INPUT AND PERSONNEL BY YEAR (1960-1967)
YEAR
USCPIa
USCPIb
BWM TOTAL
APCM TOTAL
%BWM
APCM STAFF
%AP CM
N
n
n/N
1960
88.7
4,504,600
839,100
18.6
598,600
71.3
149
165
1.11
1961
89.6
4,557,800
763,200
16.7
468,100
61.3
130
145
1.12
1962
'V .
90.6
4,565,400
637,900
13.9
399,800
62.7
112
126
1.13
1963
91.7
4,794,600
675,400
14.1
353,500
52.3
117
126
1.08
1964
92.9
4,838,600
629,100
13.0
414,300
65.9
129
139
1.08
1965
94.5
5,025,100
617,200
12.3
456,900
74.0
138
138
1.00
1966
97.2
5,019,200
610,700
12.2
445,400
72.9
121
136
1.13
1967
100.0
5,413,300
620,800
11.5
461 ,400
74.3
124
139
1.12
Period Totals
Arithmetic Mean
38,718,600
4,839,825
5,393,400
674,175
14.0
3,598,000
449,750
66.8
128
139
1.10
USCPIa = United States Consumer Price Index (1913-1960)
USCPIb = United States Consumer Price Index (1945-1970)




105
tive. Regular monthly meetings were held and permanent minutes of
these meetings were kept.
The station treasurer had important duties affecting the
missionary's personal finances. Besides keeping all of the station
accounts, departmental and personal, he or she rendered monthly
financial statements to the Mission Treasurer and rendered quarterly
financial statements to the station by departments. It was the station
treasurer who controlled the advance of funds to both individuals for
their personal use and to departments for the work. These controls
were explicit and rigid.
The station treasurer shall not advance any
further funds to any department showing a deficit
on the books of the station treasurer, until the
station has considered that department's budget
and officially provided some way to carry on the
work without incurring a deficit on the station
as a whole (APCM 1957:12).
The personal finances of the missionaries were not controlled, however,
in this manner. The station treasurer would advance any reasonable
amount of cash to the missionary simply transferring the debit to the
Mission Treasurer who kept the personal accounts of all the missionaries.
It was not at all unusual for a missionary to carry a debit balance
for a number of years with the Mission Treasurer. There was usually
strong encouragement given by the Board of World Missions Treasurer to
clear debit balances before the end of a field term or during furlough,
as each return to the field usually involved heavy expenditures for a
fresh "outfit." The personal finances of the missionaries were largely
handled through station, Mission and Board of World Missions accounts,
the missionary using only the amount of cash needed locally. Within






Presbyterian Church in the United States, the staff of the Presbyterian
Historical Foundation, numerous friends along the way all contributed
to this work.
One of these friends must not remain nameless, Carolyn J.
Grimes. I engaged her as my typist, but her exceptional skill and
dedication quickly made me aware of the fact that I was benefiting from
an editorial assistant. I am grateful to her for her contribution.




163
amount of furniture and other personal belongings.
M54. Children's Allowances. Specific allowances per annum
are paid for each child as indicated below. These allowances are to
be regarded as additions to the salaries of the parents, not intended
to cover the full cost of maintaining children, but provided in con
sideration of increased family expense. (See Supplement Sec. S3.)
M55. Children Eligible.
(1) Children of missionaries in active service are eligible
for children's allowances.
(2) Adopted children of a missionary couple in active service
are eligible for children's allowances (this privilege
is not extended to single missionaries), provided their
adoption meets with the approval of the Board. Such ap
proval will depend upon the submission to the Board of
each adoption request prior to taking steps toward adop
tion. In making its decision the Board will take into
consideration the circumstances in each case, with the
following conditions: first, that medical opinion stron-
ly indicates that the couple cannot have additional chil
dren of their own; and second, that the total number of
children of each family, both their own and adopted, who
would be eligible for support by the Board shall not
exceed four. (This limitation only applies to families
contemplating the adoption of children.)
M56. Payment of Children's Allowances.
(1) Graduation by age periods:
First period: Birth to 10th birthday.
Second period: 10th to 22nd birthday.
(2) A special child's allowance as set by the Board, is paid
to the parents of children under 22, enrolled in an ap
proved boarding school and not living in the parents'
home, whether in this country or on the field.
(3) Payments for Final Period. Payments continue up to the
22nd birthday, provided the child is in school and has
been taking undergraduate work for less than four years.
In the case of children, 17 years of age and over, who
for health reasons may never become financially indepen
dent, and whose parents are under the Board either as
active or retired missionaries, the Board will consider
the possibility of continuing partial payment of chil
dren's allowances.
M57. Children's Education on the Field. The Board seeks to
provide adequate educational facilities, or to underwrite reasonable
expenses in securing such facilities, for the children of its mis
sionaries on the field in grades 1-12, as hereinafter provided:




...




.


16
individuals has a definite effect on the evolution of lav; in the
community.
The religious system of the Lulua and Luba population is in
general similar to that of other Bantu speaking Africans. A high god
is acknowledged but is considered very remote from man's daily life.
Belief in other spirits is found, a distinction being made between the
spirits of deceased relatives and spirits identified with natural
phenomena. Belief in the continuing existence and influence of
deceased relatives is fundamental to their religious sytem. Ances
tors are looked upon as participating members of the family community
and, as such, are respectfully treated. The ancestral spirits are
looked to for assistance in economic and social affairs. The living
honor the ancestors through the offering of sacrifices, by appropriate
social behavior, and by the observance of family ritual. The Luba and
Lulua believe that the ancestors are closely associated with their
mundane daily lives and that they provide the active force behind ob
jects that are considered to have magical powers. They are instru
mental in maintaining the fertility of the family and thus, the con
tinuation of the group.
There is a universal belief in the power of magic and in
the ability of some individuals to control or direct these powers.
"In this world where spirits are active and humans believed to con
trol superhuman forces, nothing occurs by chance. Every event is
either caused by spirits acting on men or by men controlling spirits
or medicine" (McDonald 1971: 202). Among the African population
certain persons are recognized as diviners and makers of spiritual






Ill
PLATE 7
a. Village evangelists and indigenous church elders.
b. Zairian church pastors and missionary conducting a worship service.


51
In spite of his age, George was known for his energy and un
stinting hard work. He was an active participant in the work projects
which he directed, using African labor, and was often seen on the metal
rooftop of a missionary home, doing repair work in the blazing sun. He
was responsible for all of the upkeep and repair of existing buildings
on the station, as well as new building projects such as the hospital
addition completed in 1960. He also taught all aspects of industrial
trades to the Africans who worked with him. Alice worked a full day at
the hospital and was always busy and efficient. Their children were
all grown and lived in the United States.
Henry and Mary Ward (house No. 10) were appointed in 1926.
Henry grew up in China as the son of Presbyterian missionaries. He
came to Congo as an industrial/agricultural missionary, but at Luebo
was given the assignment of running the Mission Press, responsible for
the production of religious literature in Tshiluba, as well as text
books for the schools. Henry was not only an excellent gardener, but
an outstanding fisherman who went every afternoon at 3:00 to the river
where he had a catamaran with outboard motor. Mary supervised the
editorial department of the press, being responsible for proof reading
and editing. They planned to resign in May of 1960, even though they
had not completed 40 years on the field. They lived in the "Press
House" (located near to the press, No. 21).
Kenneth and Elizabeth Morgan (house No. 3) arrived on the
field in 1930 as single missionaries. He came as an evangelistic
missionary and she as a teacher of missionary children at the Central
School at Lubondai. They were married in 1933. Kenneth was the


Fioure 1
Road map of the ¡Casayi in late colonial period. Source: i'oeller, A.
Guide du Voyageur au Congo Beige. Bruxelle: 1'Office du Tourisme du
Congo Beige.
cr>




.


124
fishing trips on the nearoy rivers that he organized the work at the
press to run from 6:00 AM until 3:00 PM. Travel on the rivers in a
dugout canoe or motorboat and finding one's way through the riverside
forest required certain skills and involved some danger. Because of
this fishing and hunting were never general forms of recreation. For
Ward, after 30 years experience in the out-of-doors in the Kasayi, it
remained his preferred diversion.
Another of the recreational activities which involved a limited
and select group of the missionaries was "Bridge" playing. The Norris
es, the McDonalds and the 2 single women, May Melton and Loucile
Fisher, were the regular Bridge players. This group played frequently
in the evenings, and this pattern of recreation had established a net
work of communication between them that was reflected in other aspects
of station life. The educational McDonalds, for instance, let it be
known that they, too, felt that Dr. Norris had been wronged by the
action of the evangelistic cormiittee regarding the new Volkswagen bus.
The one form of recreation in which everyone on the station
participated was inviting 1 or 2 of the other couples or single people
for an evening meal and "visit." Although everyone was in relatively
close contact with each other all the time, this was one of the most
common types of gathering on the station. It v/as on these occasions
that the particular skills of the respective cooks were usually demon
strated and acclaimed. It was a custom to go out to the kitchen and
thank the cook for the meal, even in cases when the main dish was ob
viously prepared by the missionary wife herself. Inviting people to
supper was a tradition and a social obligation at APCM-Luebo. It was







31
Figure 3.
Map of Belgian Congo
Source: 1955 Annual
Missions, p. 23.
showing railroad and mission stations.
Report, Nashville, Tn.: Board of World


99
Meeting unless otherwise specified (APCM 1957:6).
The powers of the Mission are stated as follows:
A. To decide all questions of policy not already decided by
the BWM.
B. To make all requests for new missionaries.
C. To decide on the opening of new stations.
D. To decide on the opening of Mission or station institutions,
and in the case of institutions, where they are to be
located.
E. To exercise control over the placing of missionaries and
the particular kind of work in which they shall engage.
(Where a missionary is especially concerned, due considera
tions shall be given to his feelings in the matter.)
F. To approve the annual budget estimates and all other re
quests for funds from the BWM.
G. To alone have the power to transfer budget appropriations
from one purpose to another except in cases where this
power has been delegated to stations or committees and
when not in conflict with BWM Manual paragraph 133.
H. To approve all donations for building and equipment.
I. To decide time and place of annual Mission Meeting.
A review of these powers indicates the importance of the annual
Mission Meeting as it is at this assemblage of the predominately white
foreign missionaries that these powers were fulfilled.
The 1957 by-laws of the APCM specifies 42 committees and
boards to which the Mission Meeting must appoint members from among


TABLE 3
DOLLAR INPUT AND PERSONNEL BY YEAR (1940-1949)
YEAR
USCPIa
USCPIb
BWM TOTAL
APCM TOTAL
%BWM
APCM STAFF
APCM
N
n
n/N
1940
59.9
672,700
130,200
19.4
97,300
74.7
80
60
.75
1941
62.9
747,700
139,000
18.6
106,300
76.4
74
53
.72
1942
69.7
667,800
121,000
18.1
65,000
53.7
73
58
.79
1943
74.4
779,800
198,000
25.4
88,200
44.5
75
49
.65
1944
75.2
930,700
173,100
18.6
110,100
63.6
81
46
.57
1945
76.9
53.9
1 ,172,000
191 ,700
16.4
124,400
64.9
98
66
.67
1946
83.4
58.5
1,209,200
309,200
25.6
233,400
75.5
101
67
.66
1947
95.5
66.9
1 ,389,100
276,000
19.9
155,200
56.2
110
65
.59
1948
102.8
72.1
1 ,437,200
313,100
21.8
173,400
55.4
116
63
.54
1949
101.8
71.4
1,505,700
338,400
22.5
235,800
69.7
132
74
.56
Decade
Totals
10,511,900
2,189,700
1,447,000
Arithmetic Mean
1 ,051 ,190
218,970
20.6
144,700
63.5
94
60
.64
USCPIa = United States Consumer Price Index (1913-1960)
USCPIb = United States Consumer Price Index (1945-1970)








"/)rV\kA',s
$
A


V*


CHAPTER 1
THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT
During the period since 1960 many of the place names in Zaire
have been changed. As the original observation upon which this study
is based was made during the 18 months prior to Independence Day (June
30, 1960), the usage here will reflect the older terminology. Al
though this study deals partly with the American Presbyterian Congo
Mission as a whole, its ethnographic focus is on the mission station
at Luebo.
Geography
Luebo is the administrative capital of the Kasayi District of
Zaire, the former Belgian Congo (cf. Figure 1). It is situated at
the junction of the Luebo and Lulua Rivers. The Lulua River is one
of the navigable tributaries of the Kasayi River, which itself is one
of the largest tributaries of the great Congo (Zaire) River. Luebo
was opened as a trading post in 1883 by the explorer Major Hermann
Von Wissmann. It then became an administrative post of the Independ
ent State of the Congo. It occupies a latitude of about 5 and 1/2
degrees south and is about 1200 miles by river from the Atlantic
coast at 21 degrees 30" west longitude. The Lulua River at Luebo is
1300 feet above sea level and APCM-Luebo, the mission station, is
over 1700 feet (AR 1927, cf. footnote on page 23 below).
The surrounding area, for which the combination of town and
mission at Luebo serves as a commercial, educational, medical and
5


10
On the basis of the most conservative estimate for a projected
natural growth rate (2.3% per annum), Romaniuk posits a total popula
tion of 17,700,000 in 1970, and a projected 22,210,000 in 1980 (1959:
598). The period required for the doubling of the population is 31
years.
The quality of demographic data available on the Congo in
creased significantly in the late 1950's as a result of the extensive
statistical survey known as the "Deomographic Inquiry 1955-1957."
Anatole Romaniuk was given the responsibility of this study when he
was appointed director of the newly formed Bureau of Demography
(Romaniuk 1968:243). For this study 100 selected and trained inter
viewers interviewed 1.9 million persons, a sample of around 11% of
the population. The administration's population registration system
provided a sampling frame for the inquiry. It included a list, by
administrative areas, of the 50,000 villages in Zaire, with approxi
mate figures of the number of persons in each village (Romaniuk 1968:
244).
The substantive results of the Demographic Inquiry which have
significance for the examination of mission life at Luebo and the ac
tivity of the APCM in general are summarized in the following state
ments. In the period 1955-1957 the total Congolese population of
13,000,000 was 78% "rural," that is, residing in traditional villages.
"Urban" residents, that is, non-agricultural and living in cities of
more than 2,000 inhabitants totaled 10% of the population.^ Those
^The usage of the term "urban" here follows that of the Bel
gian demographers cited. It is noted that United Nations classifies
as urban groupings of 30,000 or more persons.


116
and family.
There was a tendency on the station for strong interpersonal
networks to develop also within working groups. At Luebo the three
clergymen, representing the evangelistic department, were in almost
constant contact. They discussed shared work problems daily. They
often discussed strategies to promote their specific department's work.
There was a factor of territoriality which was very important in the
dynamics of Luebo station. The "ideal" in missionary ideology is that
everyone will be willing to share the resources that are available for
the work. If reduction of budgets must take place, it was the practice
of the Mission to cut all departments by the same percentage. The
"real" attitude is often one of aggressive politicking to better the
situation of one's particular department or project. The term used in
the missionary jargon for an individual especially zealous for his own
cause is that he or she is suffering from "stationitis" or in the con
text of the internal struggles of the station, "departmentitis." This
affliction is usually decried most by those on the other side of the
debate.
At Luebo there was a definite professional rivalry between the
evangelistic, educational and medical departments, although the mani
festations of this rivalry were usually very subtle. This subtlety
was a function again of the temporal factor. All work took place
during the day in the presence of African co-workers, servants, clients,
patients or visitors. As it was the missionary vocation to demonstrate
all the best Christian virtues, jealousy, avarice and deviousness
could not be openly displayed. The kind of strategy planning which














*






Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
CULTURE DYNAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF
RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE
By
Daniel Purdy Juengst
August, 1975
Chairman: Brian M. duToit
Major Department: Anthropology
A religious mission to Zaire sponsored by Presbyterians from the
southern United States is investigated ethnographically. Over an eighty-
five year period the American Presbyterian Congo Mission has carried out
its religious, medical, educational and social mission in the Kasayi
region of Zaire. Culture history, population characteristics and the
material base of the missionary community are described in the context of
the surrounding African culture.
The formal social organization of the missionary group is de
scribed and the significance of culturally persistent features stemming
from American Presbyterian culture are pointed out. A description of
communication and control networks, reciprocity linkages and relationship
characteristics is developed from the examination of individual missionary
interactions with members of their households, with fellow missionaries,
with African members of their work cohorts, with other Europeans and with
the general African population. This analysis reveals an informal level
of organization which is determinative in the processes of the missionary
community.
The events and the concomitant changes in patterns of interaction
xiii




53
because she was unusually advanced in age when she first arrived in the
Kasayi. This linguistic handicap affected her ability to deal with all
aspects of the hospital work, and made her dependent upon the presence
of another Tshiluba-speaking physician. She was a reserved station
member, never becoming very deeply involved in station or mission
"politics." She was, however, a warm friend and neighbor, especially
to new missionaries, and was extraordinarily knowledgeable about drama,
music and the plastic arts. She had an unusual sensitivity for the
feelings of others. When speaking with missionaries in English
within earshot of Africans she never used proper names in order to
avoid giving people the impression that they were being talked about
in a foreign language. Her hobbies were astronomy, her cats and her
houseplants, and any possible spectator participation in the fine arts.
Herman and Susan Norris (house No. 9) were also on the medical
staff. Herman was Luebo's principal physician and Susan worked as a
registered nurse. They also had a short period of service with the
mission in China from 1947 to 1950 when all of the missionaries were
expelled by the People's Republic of China government. They came to
the APCM in 1951. Dr. Norris' specialization was surgery, and he
maintained a heavy operating schedule at the station hospital. Susan
also worked a full day as nurse at the hospital. She taught her 2
primary school age children at home during lunch "hour" (a colonial-
type "siesta" from 12 noon until 2:00 at the Mission) and in the
evenings until September of 1959, when the mothers collaborated to
provide a joint "school" for their children. Herman's hobby was
amateur radio and he had a "shack" in the rear of his house from












151
for the entire work in the Kasayi, assigned church-owned (formerly
Mission-owned) vehicles to various Presbyteries and stations, requested
new missionaries from America, and voted on the acceptability of the
return of each missionary who was currently going on furlough to the
United States.
The missionaries continued to assemble in an annual meeting,
but its nature changed from the all-important Mission Meeting to a
"spiritual" retreat and inspirational type conference.
Station meetings no longer existed in the traditional sense.
The local church leadership at Luebo, for instance, made all major
decisions while whatever missionaries present attempted to advise
wherever possible and accommodate themselves to the decisions when they
were made.
It will be recalled that when the post-independence evacuation
took place the missionaries received repeated assurances of the good
will of the African church people. The animosity which was widespread
among the population was claimed to be directed solely against the
Belgian colonists. An analysis of the subsequent events and the
changes in church-mission relationships leads one to agree with
Welbourn (1971:311) when he says, "In effect, it is impossible to
isolate 'missionaries' and 'white men;' and any attempt to do so must
involve an abstraction so ideal as to have little touch with African
reality."
Changes in the Informal Structure
Perhaps the most significant changes in this period from the
missionary point of view were changes in the informal structure. The












56
Donald and Sandra Jorgensen (house No. 12) were the "new"
missionaries, appointed in 1957, and arriving at Luebo in January of
1959 after language study in Belgium. They were both evangelistic
missionaries, but their first "assignment" was Tshiluba language study.
They were expected to study full-time for 4 months, after which they
were permitted to do "part-time" work while continuing language for
at least another 4 months, or until they had passed a written examina
tion. At the end of the first 4 months, Donald began working in the
evangelistic office and going on some itineration trips with Kenneth
Morgan. His first full-time assignment was teaching in the Preacher's
School. Sandra began helping the other mothers with the missionary
children's classes in September 1959, and assumed some Christian
Education responsibilities in the African churches such as directing
the annual Christmas play. The Jorgensen's 2 children were small and
in the care of a nursemaid while the Jorgensens were in class.
The missionaries described above were in daily interaction with
the African salaried staff employees of APCM-Luebo and further afield
occasionally with the salaried African church leaders and general
membership of the church. Luebo Presbytery, the geographical unit of
the Presbyterian Church around APCM-Luebo, included over 350 villages
in which at least a small congregation of Africans identified them
selves as Presbyterian church members (cf. Figure 4). Representative
African church leaders and mission employees will be described below.
Indigenous Personnel
Pastor Joel Kambala was the pastor of the large central church
at APCM-Luebo. He was around 55 years old and of Luba ethnic origin.


92
admonitions. As Hall puts it (1959:67) "The adult mentor molds the
young according to patterns he himself has never questioned." There
is a type of formal cognition which takes tradition as absolutely
binding and formal type emotion which accompanies any violation of
the formal norm. According to American southern Presbyterian tradition,
for instance, one does not eat caterpillars. Thus a surge of formal
emotion is evoked when, in a Kasayi village, a missionary is offered
a portion of large broiled caterpillars by his African host. Finally,
formal systems are characterized by a very great tenacity. The formal
changes slowly, almost imperceptibly. As Hall sums up this level
(1959:80): "The formal provides a broad pattern within whose outlines
the individual actor can fill in the details for himself. If he stays
within the boundaries, life goes along smoothly. If not, he finds him
self in trouble."
The informal level consists of those behaviors which are in
formed by experimentation in life situations. In learning the prin
ciple agent is a model used for imitation. Informal type cognition is
minimal, as the informal is made up of activities and mannerisms which
once learned, are done automatically. Each indigenous person in the
Kasayi has learned informally to begin any conversation with a custom
ary greeting pattern of "Life to you, are you well, what is the news?"
If a missionary failed to follow this informal norm, a definite un-
comfortableness was evoked in the African. Another example of informal
affect is the vague uneasiness experienced when a person from one
culture violates the proxemic norms of another culture and stands too
close to a bearer of the second culture.


128
Reigion
It is interesting to attempt to analyse the religious inter
action and activity of a specifically religious community such as
APCM-Luebo. So much was assumed by the participants about the personal
religion of the missionary staff. They had all gone through a long
screening process by the candidate committee of the Board of World
Missions in the United States. It was more or less taken for granted
by the missionary group that all of its members had a strong faith,
understood what he or she believed and was guided by these convictions
in all of his or her daily behavior.
In the interaction between missionaries, great respect was
given to the privacy of personal religion. The combined effect of
the above-mentioned assumptions of spirituality and the realization
that in the final analysis each missionary must "make it" on his own
was to severely limit the discussion of their own personal religion by
the missionaries. Three other factors worked together to generally
limit the use of an overly "pietistic" jargon by the APCM community
members. First, the theological and cultural tradition of the Southern
Presbyterian from the United States; second, the intensity and matter-
of-factness of the work being performed; and, third, the level of
psychological tension maintained in relationships between other mis
sionaries and Africans, all tended to make the APCMers "plain talking
folk with their feet on the ground."
Participation in the African worship services was expected of
the missionaries. Many attended the main 9:30 AM Sunday service at
the large church on the station. Others preferred to worship at one














90
in cotton dresses, usually of knee length; the men in khaki pants and
bright-colored sport shirt. Shorts are not recommended for the women,
and if men appear in shorts they are the long, colored walking short
type. This is a distinct contrast to the other European men who wear
short white shorts and knee socks, and also to the Africans who always
wear long pants feeling that shorts are suitable only for small boys.
Finances
Many of the missionary's financial transactions are handled
through paperwork within the structure of the mission. The station
treasurer forwards notes of these transactions to the mission treasur
er who, in turn, deals with the Board of World Missions' treasurer if
the transaction involves payment outside the territory of the mission.
The Board of World Missions treasurer in the United States handles
payment of such items as U.S. Income Tax, Social Security payments,
life insurance premiums, missionary correspondence, children's school
materials, and personal food and supply orders, debiting the mission
ary's field account.
The missionary's salary is credited each month to the mission
treasurer who keeps an open account for each missionary family. The
missionary can draw cash in local currency as needed, either from the
station treasurer or the mission treasurer. It is not unusual for the
missionaries to have debit balances ranging up to $3,000 on their
personal accounts. Debits are usually high when missionaries return
to the field with new supplies, and diminish over the four-year period
before the next furlough year.


41
higher annual averages of the late 1940's and 1950's mentioned above.
An average of 9 new missionaries a year was a significant increase in
staffing. Only 11% of these appointees left the work after one term
on the field. It is maintained that this low attrition rate for this
group is probably related to the high (15%) percentage of second gen
eration missionaries among the "young" members of the Mission. Of
course, medical care for the missionaries improved rapidly in the post
war period. Only 2% of this group died in service.
The fourth period (1951-1960), producing the "new missionaries,
shows a yearly average of 9 new missionaries with a total of 81 in
this group. The "new missionary" group has the highest rate of one-
term-only appointments in the history of the Mission (26%). Many of
those appointed in this period were victims of the independence dis
turbances. They had not gotten very deeply rooted in the Mission cul
ture, and when difficulties arose and prediction patterns were un
stable, many of these missionaries resigned in 1960 or soon after.
Missionary Origins
The origins of the 340 missionaries who have been members of
the APCM have important significance for the understanding of the
cultural patterns observed in the mission life and work. During the
4 periods outlined above, over 1/2 (62%) of all the missionaries came
from a cluster of American southern states where the Presbyterianism
is particularly strong. In the order of their overall production
these states are: Texas (17%), Virginia (10%), Georgia (9%), North
Carolina (9%), Alabama (7%), South Carolina (6%), and Tennessee (4%).
Zaire itself rates with these prime origin groups producing 5% of the


67
brick was one of the technological skills that the American mission
aries brought with them to Africa. It was not long after their arriv
al at Luebo that the "brick yard" was begun. From local clay dug from
the Lulua River bank, a steady supply of yellow and red brick began to
flow. By 1921, the permanent brick residences built at Luebo came to
be normative plans approved by the mission (MM 21:135) for construction
on other stations.
The Church
The church at Luebo is one of the most extensive examples of
Presbyterian missionary architecture. Centrally located (cf. No. 1,
Figure 6) on the highest point on the mission compound, it dominates
the surrounding mission station. The cruciform structure is built of
yellow brick. Its facade presents a large central door surmounted by
a central tower which houses a large bell and a mechanical clock which
chimes the hours. The simple, backless benches inside will seat over
1,000 people. The central pulpit, the three large chairs for the
clergy and the sections of laterally-placed benches to the left and
right of the pulpit area reserved for the Elders and choir, reflect
American Presbyterian proxemic style. The yellow brick of the church
makes it stand out from all the other major buildings of the station
which are built of red brick. The church is surrounded by a large
lawn area. A broad dirt path leads up to the front of the church.
I ''
The path is flanked by rows of old and carefully trimmed palm trees.
As one faces the church on the broad path, to the left, parallel to
the path, are two very old buildings. The first is the "meeting room"
(cf. No. 14, Figure 6), a building which houses the meeting room for


Figure 6
1.
Church building
14.
Meeting room and Station
Treasurer's office
2.
Missionary residence
(Woodstocks)
15.
Primary School office
3.
Missionary residence (Morgans)
16.
Missionary store house
4.
Missionary residence
(McDonalds)
17.
Evangelistic office
5.
Missionary residence (Melton)
18.
Preacher's School complex
6.
Missionary residence (Richards)
19.
Girl's Home complex
7.
Missionary residence (Jordans)
20.
Primary School classrooms
8.
Missionary residence
(Mitchells)
21.
J. Leighton Wilson Press
9.
Missionary residence
(Norrises)
22.
Industrial Department shed
10.
Missionary residence
(Wards, "press house")
23.
Widow's house
11.
Missionary residence
(Westbrook)
24.
Missionary cemetery
12.
Missionary residence
(Jorgensens)
25.
Tennis court
13.
McKowen Memorial Hospital
complex
26.
Football field


115
of higher education, etc., were all governed by their own Mission-
appointed committees or boards of directors.
Luebo station had representatives of all of the four major
departments as well as being the location of two "mission" institutions,
the J.L. Wilson Press, and the Preacher's School (cf. Figure 7). The
evangelistic department was staffed with three clergymen and their
wives. The educational department was staffed with a male educator
and his wife and two single female educators. The medical department
was staffed with one physician and his wife, a registered nurse, a
single female physician and a second nurse, the wife of one of the
other missionaries. Also a dentist and his wife were part of the
medical department. The industrial department at Luebo was represented
by one man. The Mission press was directed by a man and his wife as
signed by the Mission to this work. The Preacher's School had a mis
sionary director whose wife oversees the school's wives' division.
The interaction networks of the missionaries tend to follow
household lines. Both partners of many of the couples were involved
in the same type work. Where there was a difference between the area
of v/ork of the husband and the wife, it was the exception rather than
the rule. As was pointed out in the description of the missionaries
themselves in Chapter 3 above, seven out of the nine couples at APCM-
Luebo functioned more or less as a husband and wife team. Because the
work load was heavy and there were frequent situations characterized
by varying degrees of "crisis," tensions often build up in work inter
action networks. The resolution of husband-wife crises stemming from
work interaction will be dealt with later in the section on marriage




no
throughout the area dealing with the ecclesiastical matters of examina
tion and reception of new members, administering the sacraments of
baptism and the Lord's Supper, disciplining wayward Chirstians and
deciding "palavers" among the Christians in the rural villages. The
groups of African Christians in the villages were led by the village
Evangelist. He was a man with minimal formal training in churchmanship
and pedagogy. He led the congregation in regular worship and taught
the village primary school, usually grades 1 through 3. The evangel
ists were employed and salaried by the Presbytery, but were not voting
members at Presbytery meetings.
The American missionaries, especially those assigned to the
Evangelistic Department, were ex officio members of the African Pres
bytery. They were not under the exclusive ecclesiastical jurisdiction
of the African Church, as they maintained their offical connections
with some Presbytery in the Presbyterian Church in the United States.
They did vote, however, in the African Presbyteries, and through the
years, had considerable success in forming policy and controlling
ecclesiastical events.
The Synod (Mpunqilu)
The Synod in the Kasayi church corresponded to the General
Assembly in the American Presbyterian Church form. (Following the full
"independence" of the African church in 1960, the name of this assem
blage has been changed to the General Assembly.) This was the dele
gated annual meeting of representatives of African clergy and laity
from the entire Kasayi area. Missionaries attended on the same basis
as they did the meetings of Presbytery.




3
indigenous Africans with whom the missionaries had the most extensive
interaction.
The material base of the missionary community is described in
Chapter 4. Following this presentation of general setting, historical
development, people involved and material situation, Chapters 5 and 6
deal with the social organization of the missionary community. The
Presbyterian traditions of the American missionaries and the resulting
formal structures found among them in the Kasayi are treated in Chapter
5. An analysis of actual patterns of interaction and quasi-ritualistic
events and assemblages (Kimball and Pearsall 1955) at the mission
station reveal informal structures which are described in Chapter 6.
The rapid changes which took place immediately prior to and
following political independence in Zaire are described in Chapter 7.
The effects of these changes on the missionary community and culture
are treated in Chapter 8.
During the period 1960 to 1962 the missionary community and
culture changed radically. An analysis of the importance of such
factors as the potential for the initiation of action, changing ideo
logical or symbolic systems, and territoriality leads to the formula
tion of conclusions concerning these factors and the existence of an
established community of religious agents of change.
It should be pointed out, perhaps needlessly, that all the
names referring to individuals participating in the events observed
at Luebo have been changed. Specific historical references and individ
uals cited in published material are true.






CHAPTER 9
INITIATION OF ACTION, IDEOLOGY AND UNPLANNED CHANGE:
SOME THEORETICAL CONCLUSIONS
It is the conclusion of this work (1) that there existed a
specific missionary community and culture at APCM-Luebo and on the
APCM as a whole; (2) that this community and culture largely disap
peared after the events of the missionary evacuation and the gaining of
independence of the church; and (3) that this disappearance of a com
munity and its culture was directly related to the 3 factors of the
loss of potential for the initiation of action, the inadequate support
of symbolic systems, and the loss of stability in the social environ
mental context.
Anthropologists have stressed the importance of the "initiation
of action" concept for the understanding of human organization and
change (Chappie and Coon 1942 and Arensberg and Kimball 1965). This
concept identifies, in any particular event, which parties in a human
interaction are dominant and which are submissive. As a methodological
tool its utility lies in the fact that, through the analysis of a
series of particular events, structural patterns are revealed which
often are hidden by the traditional formal structure as presented by the
group under study.
Through the years prior to 1960, the missionary had been in a
position of dominance in respect to his or her African co-workers and
servants. The missionary gave the orders and the African responded.
155


135
woman completing 30 years on the field, the Morgans, Wards and
Carolyn Westbrook; (3) young missionaries: 3 couples and 2 single
women having completed around 10 years on the field, the McDonalds,
Norrises, Richards, Lucille Fisher and May Melton; and (4) new mis
sionaries, those having their first term (3 years) of service, 1 couple,
the writer and his wife (Jorgensens). These age groupings manifest a
"generational" effect.
To begin with the youngest, the "New Missionary" was related to
as one to be taught. He or she needed to be socialized into the mis
sionary culture. It was assumed that training would take time and
that patience was needed on the part of the elders. Expressed or im
plied criticism from the new missionary was usually overlooked or dis
missed with a "You'll see after you've more experience" type response.
The young missionaries tended to relate to the new missionaries as
older siblings, taking part in the training, but also providing a
sympathetic ear. They had already gone through their initiation but
it had not been so long ago that they did not empathize with the new
missionaries. The sternest group were the mid-career missionaries.
They assumed a definite parental role. Their advice was clear and
definite. It was usually given in a "formal" mode. "This is the best
way to do it; believe me, I know." This group was the active trans
mitter of the missionary culture.
The full career missionary related to the new missionary in a
sense as a grandparent. He was not so sure of all of the policies.
He had developed most of them during a time span of 40 years or
longer, and times had changed. They had changed so much that the




77
PLATE 6
a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo.
b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at APCM-Luebo.


52
nephew of one of the early missionaries, and Elizabeth was the sister
of Alice Woodstock. At Luebo, Kenneth was chairman of the evangelistic
department, and occupied himself primarily with church development and
"village itineration," which involved being away from the station for 3
weeks at a time to work with village pastors and evangelists. He was
skeptical about the African church's ability to govern itself without
missionary guidance. Elizabeth taught wives of the students in the
Preacher's School and did women's work with the churches. They had 3
children, 2 were in college in the United States and 1 was at Central
School at Lubondai.
Robert and Lila McDonald were educational missionaries (house
No. 4). They were appointed in 1949. He was the director of the
large primary school and she provided him with secretarial assistance.
They had 4 children: 1 was at Central School and 3 were at home.
Two of the children at home were being taught in a cooperative arrange
ment with other wives which allowed Lila more time to help in the
school office. One small pre-school child was in the care of an
African nursemaid while Lila was working.
Dr. Carolyn Westbrook came to the APCM in 1949 after having
worked with the Presbyterian mission in China from 1929 to 1936. In
the intervening years she had developed a specialization in anesthes
iology in the United States. "Carolyn," as she was called by the other
missionaries, never married and lived alone (residence number 9) ex
cept for the Siamese cats to which she was especially attached. She
worked in the station hospital with Dr. Norris as second resident
physician. Carolyn had never become proficient in Tshiluba, perhaps


CHAPTER 2
THE HISTORY OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
The missionary group under study is a mission of the Presby
terian Church in the United States. The latter came into being as a
religious denomination in 1861 when conflicting loyalties forced Pres
byterian churchmen from the southern region of the United States to
withdraw from their national Presbyterian judiciary and form their own
organization. During the four years of the war of secession (1861-1865)
the church was known as the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate
States of America (Thompson 1963:571). After 1865 it acquired its
present name distinguishing it from the northern Presbyterian Church
in the United States of America. Throughout its history, the group in
question has popularly been referred to as the Southern Presbyterians.
This usage will appear in the present study except where specific legal
reference is required.
From their beginnings in 1861, the Southern Presbyterians fol
lowed the traditional Presbyterian forms of organization. The govern
ment of the church is organized into 4 ascending levels of church
"courts" or judiciaries. At the lowest level, the level of the local
congregation, the ruling group is the Session, which consists of a
number of laymen elected by and from the congregation and the clergy
man who has been engaged ("called") by the congregation as its pastor.
The local sessions send their minister and delegated laymen to the
quarterly meetings of the Presbytery. These gatherings are regional
22


162
care, field and furlough travel, aid on pension contributions, etc.,
as hereinafter described.
M47. Salary. All salaries of missionaries are fixed and
regulated by the Board and in like circumstances and conditions shall
be equal. (See Supplement Sec. SI.)
M48. Field Salaries. Salaries on the field are adjusted to
the economic situation in the various countries and areas according
to differences in the cost of living, comparison being made with the
practices of other Mission Boards and attention given to the repre
sentations of the missionaries themselves on the field. Payment is
made in local currency and in U.S. dollar credits as desired by the
mi ssionary.
Field Salaries of Missionary Couples. The yearly salary of a
missionary couple without children is set by the Board for each field
as the basic field salary for a couple. An allowance is made in ad
dition for minor children. (See Supplement Sec. S3.)
Field Salaries of Single Missionaries. The field salary of a
single missionary is set by the Board for each field as the basic
field salary for a single missionary. (See Supplement Sec. SI5
pajra_tJ^n_oj^_Fj_eld_Sa_l_a_ry_. Field salaries begin the day the
leaves the United States for the field or for language study in ano
ther country, and terminate the day the missionary departs from the
field for furlough.
M49. Home Salaries, General Provisions. Missionaries on
furlough (or newly-commissioned missionaries prior to their sailing)
will receive a basic home salary, as fixed by the Board. (See Supple
ment Sec. SI.)
Salary increments to the basic home salary as determined by
additional cost of living due to various circumstances may be made by
the Board when deemed necessary.
Home salary begins the day a new missionary is commissioned
or the day a missionary departs on furlough from the field, and ends
the day he leaves the United States for the field. Should the mis
sionary deviate from a direct route of travel to or from the field,
adjustments will be made accordingly.
M52. Housing on the Field. The Board, in addition to salary,
will provide adequate living quarters for all missionaries.
Furnishings. The Board provides for its missionaries certain
basic furnishings for their living quarter, for the different fields
according to their particular needs. A furniture allowance is made
to the new missionary, as determined by the Board. (See Supplement
Sec. S4.) All such furniture purchased with funds of the Board is
for use of the new missionary but remains the property of the mis
sionary organizations. The missionary is responsible for supplement
ing these basic furnishings with such personal items as he may feel
to be necessary. When a missionary transfers his residence, the
missionary organization will provide moving expenses for a reasonable


103
before it was printed or mimeographed. It also received and trans
mitted to the Mission reports from stations on the language study and
examination of new missionaries. It also had general oversight of
the policies and activities of the Mission Press.
The Finance Committee was composed of the Mission Treasurer
and 4 other members. It considered budget estimates sent in by the
stations and made recommendations to the Mission Meeting. An Audit
Conrnittee of 2 members audited the Mission Treasurer's books at the
end of each fiscal year.
The Property Committee controlled the specifications and con
struction of all new buildings where the cost exceeded $500. The
5 members of this committee were usually drawn from the "industrial"
personnel.
The Personnel Committee, composed of 3 members and one alter
nate, was elected by ballot at each annual Mission Meeting. This
committee received grievances from missionaries concerning their
assigned work, their assigned location or relations with other mission
aries with whom they were associated. All parties concerned were to
be on the field and it was made clear that the Personnel Committee
had no executive powers. Any change it proposed in the work or loca
tion of a missionary was to be ratified by the Mission at its annual
meeting or at a stated Ad Interim meeting.
The Policy Cormittee was composed of 6 members, 2 being elected
each year to serve a term of 3 years. This committee was charged with
long-range planning for the Mission and reported its recommendations
to the Mission for implementation. It was strictly advisory.


112
The degree of cultural patterning from the American mission
aries on the African church is seen in the existence and format of the
printed minutes of each year's meeting of the Mpungi1u or Assemblee
General le. (64-AG-l through 64-AG-171 Chronicle in Tshiluba, the
decisions of the 1964 General Assembly of the African church.)
The Mpungilu or General Assembly of the African church thus
corresponded geographically and functionally to the Mission Meeting of
the APCM. The Mpungilu made annual budget requests for financial aid
to the Mission and it administered funds for the church received from
the Mission. The evangelistic missionaries (mainly American clergy
men) were influential in both organizations.
These organizational structures were formal and rigid. The
ways in which the missionary interacted within this context and the
informal structures which their interaction created will be discussed
in the following chapter.






97
respective stations. At mission meeting the
Ladies Conference is given a meeting (session)
to bring before the mission any matters they
have to bring up, and refer to MM-14-16.
MM-20-40 That [name deleted] be appointed to
write a circular letter to all the ladies of
the mission to determine their attitudes towards
women's suffrage on the mission...
MM-21-17 [name deleted] reported that it was
the consensus of opinion of the ladies...that
married women should not vote but that single
women should be given the privilege. In view of
the fact that the majority of the ladies as a
whole did not desire the vote it was moved and
carried that no women be allowed to vote (1ta1ics
mine).
AIC-23-Apri1-9 The committee reports that up to
the present the vote is four to one in favor of
the vote for single ladies. It was thereupon
moved and carried that we adopt the report and
receive the ladies as voting members with a
cordial welcome.
In the 1957 edition of the constitution of the APCM the fol
lowing statement was made regarding voting on the mission:
Any missionary, ordained or unordained, under
regular appointment by the Board of World Mis
sions shall be entitled to vote at Mission
Meeting after a residence of two years on the
field and having passed his language examina
tions. ..Missionaries of nationalities other
than American, or of denominations other than
our own, may, upon application to the Mission,
become associate members without voting powers,
provided there is unanimous consent of mis
sionaries present on the field at the time the
application is made and by the Board of World
Missions...Al 1 missionaries shall have the
privilege of debate and advise, and they can
vote on the question of their removal from one
station to another, and also in regard to what
work is to be assigned them. Missionaries under
regular appointment may vote on their respective
stations after a residence of one year on the
field, provided they have passed their lang
uage examinations (APCM 1957:6).


CULTURE DYNAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF
RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE
jtr
By
DANIEL PURDY JUENGST
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR
THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1975


Copyright 1975 Daniel Purdy Juengst

This work is dedicated
to my mother
ADELE PURDY JUENGST
a splendid bearer of her culture
whose constancy in concern has
enhanced five generations of our
family and has challenged me
to continuing growth.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am deeply indebted to numerous individuals for support and
encouragement received during the preparation of this dissertation. 1
shall begin by expressing my gratitude to Sara Covin Juengst, my wife,
and to our children. They have shared the good moments and the bad.
Through the entire process their confidence and expectations have been
a constant encouragement.
I would like next to especially thank my Committee Chairman,
Professor Brian M. duToit. He recruited me to the University of Florida,
taught me Anthropology and has encouraged and supported me in the
manner of an authentic mentor. It is not an exaggeration to say that
his role has been absolutely crucial to the completion of this project.
I owe a debt of gratitude to each of the other members of my
committee: to Professor Solon T. Kimball, for his encouragement and
the anthropological insights so abundant in his teaching, to Associate
Professor Haig Der-Houssikian for his continued interest and support as
Director of the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida,
to Assistant Professor Carol E. Taylor for her encouragement and her
anthropological insights into the process of becoming an anthropologist,
and lastly to Professor Richard H. Hiers for his interest and concern
through the years.
The list could be extended excessively. The missionaries and
Zairians who were informants and friends, the staff members of the
iv

Presbyterian Church in the United States, the staff of the Presbyterian
Historical Foundation, numerous friends along the way all contributed
to this work.
One of these friends must not remain nameless, Carolyn J.
Grimes. I engaged her as my typist, but her exceptional skill and
dedication quickly made me aware of the fact that I was benefiting from
an editorial assistant. I am grateful to her for her contribution.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS vi
LIST OF PLATES x
LIST OF TABLES xi
LIST OF FIGURES xii
ABSTRACT xiii
INTRODUCTION 1
Chapter
1. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT. 5
Geography 5
Indigenous Demography and Culture 8
European Demography and Culture 17
2. THE HISTORY OF THE MISSIONARY COMMUNITY 22
Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920) 24
Transition and Expansion (1921-1940) 30
Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950) 34
Subsidization and Change (1951-1960) .... 36
3. THE POPULATION OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 39
Personnel Numbers 39
Missionary Origins 41
Professions of Missionary Personnel 42
vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page
The Evangelistic 42
The Educational 43
The Medical 43
The Industrial 45
Business 45
The Central School for Missionaries' Children .... 45
Wives 46
The Missionaries Themselves 46
Indigenous Personnel 56
4. THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY ....... 60
Luebo Station and the APCM 61
Buildings and Dwellings 66
The Church 69
The Missionary Residences 72
The McKowen Memorial Hospital 76
The J. Leighton Wilson Press 76
The Evangelistic Office 78
The Primary School 79
The Gi rl1 s Home 79
The Preacher's School 79
Households 80
Missionary Furnishings and Equipment 86
The Missionary Diet 87
Missionary Clothing 89
Finances 90
vn

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page
5. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION I: PRESBYTERIAN TRADITION AND THE
FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY. 91
Presbyterian Tradition 93
The Formal Structure 95
The Mission 96
*
The Stations 104
The'Departments 106
The Congregations (Ekelezia Mujadika) 108
The Presbyteries (Bihangu) 109
The Synod (Mpungilu) 110
6. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION II: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION AND
THE INFORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 113
Patterns of Interaction 113
Work 113
Marriage and the Family 118
Recreation 123
Religion 128
Related Events 129
The Circular Vote 130
Checking Out 130
The Station Supper 131
The Outdoor Tea 132
Eating Around 132
The Informal Structure 133
%
In-groups and Cliques 134
Longevity Grades 134
vi ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page
Kinship Networks (Real and Fictive) 136
Professional Groups 137
7. THE CRISIS OF INDEPENDENCE 139
Social and Political Change 140
Tribal Conflict 142
Independence Day 143
Evacuation of Missionaries 145
Reoccupation and Change 146
The Death of the Mission 147
8. THE DEVOLUTION OF THE MISSION: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGE. ... 149
Changes in the Formal Structure 149
Changes in the Informal Structure 151
9. INITIATION OF ACTION, IDEOLOGY AND UNPLANNED CHANGE:
SOME THEORETICAL CONCLUSIONS 155
APPENDIX 1: A HANDBOOK FOR MISSIONARY SERVICE 158
APPENDIX 2: OFFICIAL SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING OUTFIT 171
REFERENCES CITED 180
ADDITIONAL REFERENCES 184
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 187
IX

LIST OF PLATES
Page
1. Board of World Missions promotional map of American
Presbyterian Congo Mission 4
2a. Young Zairian mission employee with wife, home and
transportation 15
b. Same couple inside their home 15
3a. The church at APCM-Luebo 71
b. Another view of APCM-Luebo church 71
4a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo 73
b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo 73
5a. Writer's residence at APCM-Luebo 75
b. Interior of writer's residence 75
6a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo 77
b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at
APCM-Luebo 77
7a. Village evangelists and indigenous church elders Ill
b. Zairian church pastors and missionary conducting a
worship service Ill
8a. Outdoor tea at APCM-Luebo 127
b. Missionary picnic on island in Lulua River 127
9a. Lulua refugees around church at APCM-Luebo 144
b. Burned houses after tribal fighting at APCM-Luebo 144
x

LIST OF TABLES
Page
1. Population data 1952 18
2. Missionary personnel appointments by period and department. 44
3. Dollar input and personnel by year (1940-1949) 47
4. Dollar input and personnel by year (1950-1959) 48
5. Dollar input and personnel by year (1960-1967) 49
6. Statistical report of Luebo 58
xi

LIST OF FIGURES
Page
1. Road map of the Kasayi in late colonial period 6
2. Map of Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary activity
in Zaire prior to 1960 20
3. Map of Belgian Congo showing railroad and mission stations . 31
4. Mission map showing five major stations and their
dependent villages 33
5. Map of APCM-Luebo and portion of the town of Luebo 65
6. Plan showing layout of APCM-Luebo 69
7. Organizational chart of missionary groupings 107
XI 1

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
CULTURE DYNAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF
RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE
By
Daniel Purdy Juengst
August, 1975
Chairman: Brian M. duToit
Major Department: Anthropology
A religious mission to Zaire sponsored by Presbyterians from the
southern United States is investigated ethnographically. Over an eighty-
five year period the American Presbyterian Congo Mission has carried out
its religious, medical, educational and social mission in the Kasayi
region of Zaire. Culture history, population characteristics and the
material base of the missionary community are described in the context of
the surrounding African culture.
The formal social organization of the missionary group is de
scribed and the significance of culturally persistent features stemming
from American Presbyterian culture are pointed out. A description of
communication and control networks, reciprocity linkages and relationship
characteristics is developed from the examination of individual missionary
interactions with members of their households, with fellow missionaries,
with African members of their work cohorts, with other Europeans and with
the general African population. This analysis reveals an informal level
of organization which is determinative in the processes of the missionary
community.
The events and the concomitant changes in patterns of interaction
xiii

which took place during the period immediately prior to and following
Zaire's attainment of political independence are described. The effects
of these situational changes on the missionary community are examined
with special emphasis on their relationship to missionary career expecta
tions, ideology and cultural maintenance.
Conclusions are drawn concerning the significance of situational
events, initiation of action potential, balanced reciprocity relationships
and symbolic systems for the existence of a particular community form and
its culture.
XIV

INTRODUCTION
The indigenous people of Africa have long been the subjects of
anthropological study. Ethnographies have been written to describe
the life ways of the majority of the major ethnic groupings in sub-
Saharan Africa. In the late 1930's, under the leadership of B.
Malinowski (1933), research was undertaken on the processes of culture
contact and change. Since that period the bulk of African anthropolo
gical research has been on the various aspects of change: accultura
tion, migration, urbanization, de-colonization, nation-building and
modernization.
During the entire colonial period in Africa, Christian mis
sionaries from the western nations have been on the scene, contributing
to and participating in the processes of change that are taking place.
T.O. Beidelman has pointed out that "almost no attention was ever paid
by anthropologists to the study of colonial groups such as administra
tors, missionaries or traders" (1974:235). He suggests that research
on these groups would be useful because, among other reasons, "the
problems of planned social change, of communication, and exorcise of
power between culturally different groups, remains one of the most im
portant and pressing sociological issues" (1974:236).
The present study has been undertaken to partially meet the
need for anthropological research on western agents of change in Africa.
The basic research methodology has been participant observation. The
1

2
writer was an active missionary of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States and a resident member of the American Presbyterian Congo Mission
in Zaire during the periods: January 1959 to July 1960; September
1963 to July 1965; and September 1966 to July 1963. He was also pres
ent in the Kasayi from October 1970 to August 1972 during which time
he taught at the Middle Normal School of the National University of
Zaire at Kananga (formerly Luluabourg).
The material collected is being presented basically in ethno
graphic form. There will be one deviation from the traditional ethno
graphic descriptive style in that the "ethnographic present tense" has
not been used throughout but rather only for the specific site descrip
tion of Luebo (Chapter 4). The historical past tense is used elsewhere.
Although the focus of the study is on the missionary community at
Luebo during 1959 and 1960, this community and its culture can only
be understood in the context of the 70 years of mission history prior
to the time of observation, and in the light of the socio-cultural
change which took place in the Kasayi immediately subsequent to that
period.
The general physical and social environment of the missionary
community at Luebo will be described in Chapter 1. The historical
background and development of the larger msisionary organization of
which the community at Luebo was one sub-unit, will be sketched in
Chapter 2. Chapter 3 deals with the population of the missionary
groups, both in terms of the larger organization extending throughout
the Kasayi area and in terms of the specific group resident at Luebo.
The discussion of the Luebo group includes description of the types of

3
indigenous Africans with whom the missionaries had the most extensive
interaction.
The material base of the missionary community is described in
Chapter 4. Following this presentation of general setting, historical
development, people involved and material situation, Chapters 5 and 6
deal with the social organization of the missionary community. The
Presbyterian traditions of the American missionaries and the resulting
formal structures found among them in the Kasayi are treated in Chapter
5. An analysis of actual patterns of interaction and quasi-ritualistic
events and assemblages (Kimball and Pearsall 1955) at the mission
station reveal informal structures which are described in Chapter 6.
The rapid changes which took place immediately prior to and
following political independence in Zaire are described in Chapter 7.
The effects of these changes on the missionary community and culture
are treated in Chapter 8.
During the period 1960 to 1962 the missionary community and
culture changed radically. An analysis of the importance of such
factors as the potential for the initiation of action, changing ideo
logical or symbolic systems, and territoriality leads to the formula
tion of conclusions concerning these factors and the existence of an
established community of religious agents of change.
It should be pointed out, perhaps needlessly, that all the
names referring to individuals participating in the events observed
at Luebo have been changed. Specific historical references and individ
uals cited in published material are true.


4
PLATE 1
CONGO REPUBLIC
REPUBLIC OF
THE CONGO
wonoa
jTANZANIAJ
Board of
Missi on.
Missions
World Missions promotional map of American Presbyterian Congo
Source: 1964 Annual Report. Nashville, Tn.: Board of World
p. 26.
5


CHAPTER 1
THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT
During the period since 1960 many of the place names in Zaire
have been changed. As the original observation upon which this study
is based was made during the 18 months prior to Independence Day (June
30, 1960), the usage here will reflect the older terminology. Al
though this study deals partly with the American Presbyterian Congo
Mission as a whole, its ethnographic focus is on the mission station
at Luebo.
Geography
Luebo is the administrative capital of the Kasayi District of
Zaire, the former Belgian Congo (cf. Figure 1). It is situated at
the junction of the Luebo and Lulua Rivers. The Lulua River is one
of the navigable tributaries of the Kasayi River, which itself is one
of the largest tributaries of the great Congo (Zaire) River. Luebo
was opened as a trading post in 1883 by the explorer Major Hermann
Von Wissmann. It then became an administrative post of the Independ
ent State of the Congo. It occupies a latitude of about 5 and 1/2
degrees south and is about 1200 miles by river from the Atlantic
coast at 21 degrees 30" west longitude. The Lulua River at Luebo is
1300 feet above sea level and APCM-Luebo, the mission station, is
over 1700 feet (AR 1927, cf. footnote on page 23 below).
The surrounding area, for which the combination of town and
mission at Luebo serves as a commercial, educational, medical and
5


Fioure 1
Road map of the ¡Casayi in late colonial period. Source: i'oeller, A.
Guide du Voyageur au Congo Beige. Bruxelle: 1'Office du Tourisme du
Congo Beige.
cr>


7
religious center, stretches out to the southeast forming what is known
as the Kasayi region between the Kasayi and Sankuru Rivers. The
Kasayi region covers an area of approximately 30,000 square miles.
The Kasayi region, except for its northernmost section, is
located in the geographic region known as the Southern Uplands. The
northern tip of the area extends into the Congo Basin, the immense
geological depression through which the Congo River flows its 240
degree arc of 2800 miles to the Atlantic.
Luebo and all of the other mission stations of the APCM ex
cept Bulape to the north are in the Southern Uplands which is charac
terized by savanna vegetation. These Southern Uplands cover a surface
area of one-third of the nation. Most of the region is rolling
country which slopes gradually from a maximum altitude of about 4,000
feet in the south to between 1,200 and 2,500 feet where the rolling
plains merge with the outer edges of the Congo Basin. Grasses pre
dominate over most of the area, but are interspersed with scattered
clumps of shrubs and trees.
The Kasayi region lies between latitude 4 degree? south and
8 degrees south. Being in the southern hemisphere, there are 2 major
annual climatic periods, a hot, wet season and a cool, dry season.
Eight months of the year, from early September to mid-May, is the
rainy season. Local showers, usually of short duration, occur al
most daily. The dry season begins in the middle of May and lasts
until September. It is very dry but heavy dews keep the fields and
grasses from complete drought. The nights are cool and the average
daily temperature is around 75 degrees (MacLean 1961:3).


8
Fine grain soils predominate over two-thirds of the Southern
Uplands and are found in varying mixtures in the Kasayi area. Diamonds
viere discovered in the Kasayi around 1913, leading to the development
of the important mining industry. The 2 main fields are located about
200 miles apart at Tshikapa on the Kasayi River south of Luebo and at
Mbuji Mayi near the Sankuru River southeast of Luebo. The resources
of the Tshikapa area are smaller but contain a higher percentage of
gem stones than are found at Mbuji Mayi, which produces tfie greater
amount of industrial diamonds (McDonald 1971:19).
Indlgenous Demography and Cu1 ture
The area is characterized by an ethnographic diversity due to
a heterogeneous population made up of Luba, Lulua and Kete groups.
Historically, the predominate groups were Lulua south of Luebo and
Kete to the north. Luba populations migrated into the area during
the colonial period. The predominantly rural population of the region
live in villages of varying size and character throughout the area.
The size and structure of the villages depended on the ethnic back
ground of the residents. An early missionary observer reports Lulua
and Luba villages scattered throughout the uplands at a distance of
every 15 or 20 miles (Verner 1903:465).
At present, the most heavily populated regions lie in the
area of Luluabourg, along the railroad that runs from Port Franqui
in the northwest through Katanga province to the southeast and,
thirdly, near the diamond fields. This population, living throughout
the area of activity of the APCM, belongs to various sub-groupings of
the major tribes: Kuba, Lulua, Luba-Kasayi, Luntu, Kanyoka and


9
Salampasu.
The Luba-Kasayi were forced to become a migrant people to
escape Arab slave traders. In the late 19th century they had formed
hybrid communities with the Lulua, a closely associated ethnic group,
placing themselves under the protection of the local Lulua chief
(McDonald 1971:91). Between 1925 and 1940 other Luba, encouraged by
the government and missions, settled along the railroad line and around
the growing city of Luluabourg, where, by 1959 and possibly some years
earlier, they represented 60% of the African population.
The surface area of the Congo is deceptively large. Its
2,343,930 square kilometers compare with the United States east of
the Mississippi River or an area 4 times the size of France (Romaniuk
1968:242). Population studies were attempted through the colonial
period (1908-1960). The results of the earlier studies must, how
ever, be taken as merely indications due to the problematic nature of
data-collecting methods employed. The official government estimate
of the total population for the year 1910 was 7,248,000 (Trewartha and
Zelinsky 1954:166). Later demographic studies indicate that this
estimate was significantly low.
When viewed over the whole colonial period the general trends
can be delineated. It has been noted, for instance, that an increas
ingly large volume of vital statistics gathered by the Belgian colon
ial administration leaves little doubt that the African population
must have been growing (Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:1966). Romaniuk
cites the total population at 13,175,000 for 1957 on the basis of
acceptably valid figures from 1952 to 1957 (1959:569).


10
On the basis of the most conservative estimate for a projected
natural growth rate (2.3% per annum), Romaniuk posits a total popula
tion of 17,700,000 in 1970, and a projected 22,210,000 in 1980 (1959:
598). The period required for the doubling of the population is 31
years.
The quality of demographic data available on the Congo in
creased significantly in the late 1950's as a result of the extensive
statistical survey known as the "Deomographic Inquiry 1955-1957."
Anatole Romaniuk was given the responsibility of this study when he
was appointed director of the newly formed Bureau of Demography
(Romaniuk 1968:243). For this study 100 selected and trained inter
viewers interviewed 1.9 million persons, a sample of around 11% of
the population. The administration's population registration system
provided a sampling frame for the inquiry. It included a list, by
administrative areas, of the 50,000 villages in Zaire, with approxi
mate figures of the number of persons in each village (Romaniuk 1968:
244).
The substantive results of the Demographic Inquiry which have
significance for the examination of mission life at Luebo and the ac
tivity of the APCM in general are summarized in the following state
ments. In the period 1955-1957 the total Congolese population of
13,000,000 was 78% "rural," that is, residing in traditional villages.
"Urban" residents, that is, non-agricultural and living in cities of
more than 2,000 inhabitants totaled 10% of the population.^ Those
^The usage of the term "urban" here follows that of the Bel
gian demographers cited. It is noted that United Nations classifies
as urban groupings of 30,000 or more persons.


11
classified as "mixed," living in small commercial, administrative or
industrial conglomerations of less than 2,000 persons, accounted for
12% (Romaniuk 1968:338). The figures of 10% urban and 12% mixed com
pare favorably, when combined with earlier estimates by 2 writers
(Moeller 1952:192 and Dellicour 1952:491), that the Congo population
was 20% urban.
It is important to note that the Kasayi province ranked next
to last in 1957 among the provinces in the Congo in the number of
Europeans, 8,634 out of a national total of 108,957 foreigners. As
mentioned, the foreign population in the Kasayi included colonial
administrative, commercial and missionary personnel. Luluabourg, the
principal city of the area with a population of 55,000, ranked fifth
nationally in a list of 72 towns with a population of over 2,000
(Romaniuk 1959:624).
It has long been understood that the basic motive for the
colonial enterprise v/as an economic one. The Belgian claim to fame
in the Congo was based on the steady and diversified economic growth
which they created through their administration (Comhaire 1956:9).
The high margin of profit accruing to the European investment was
largely due to the fact that most of the production was in the form
of raw materials which were sold on the world market. The mines in
the Kasayi and Katanga were typical of the "extractive" type industry
which formed the basis of the colonial economy.
The Belgian government acquired its colony from their king,
Leopold II, following an international scandal over the Independent
State of the Congo's exploitation of African labor. Being sensitive


12
to the responsibility of governing a portion of Africa 88 times larger
in area than their country, and being determined to improve the inter
national image of Belgium, the Belgian Parliament enacted legislation
controlling all aspects of African life. They were aware from the
experience of other colonies that the "work contract," especially a
long-term contract, was one of the regular sources of disruption in
African society. The government defined minutely the rules which had
to be followed (Libotte 1953:54ff) and the limits which had to be
observed in recruiting and engaging Africans (Briey, 1945:386).
The social legislation touching the economy related mostly to
salaried workers. The local market system remained relatively unaf
fected. Such measures as a "kopo," i.e., a cup usually a tomato
paste can remain standard units. A beer bottle remains the stand
ard unit of palm oil and fish are sold by the piece. Duvieusart
notes that the multitude of indigenous merchants did not create a
competition which fiad the effect of lowering the prices as one might
expect, rather the number served to limit the income of each seller
(1959:78).
The colonial government did make a few attempts to develop a
solid peasantry through agricultural innovation. All of these schemes
failed, mainly through the lack of education at the community level,
and a paucity of insights regarding the target population, which an
applied anthropologist might well have been able to provide (Beguin
1965:91 Off and Bailleul 1959:830).
The demographic studies provide information on the amount and
type of internal migration of the African population. The migration


13
figures show that, in spite of industrialization and urbanization, the
majority of the African population tends to remain in their native
area. In the Kasayi province, in 1950, 60,571 (68%) of the African
workers were native to the territory (i.e., "county") of their employ
ment. There were 19,075 workers (21%) from other territories in the
same district. There were 8,193 workers (9%) from other districts in
the same province. There were 1,263 workers (1.4%) from other pro
vinces, and only 69 workers (.007%) came from other countries
(Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:184). These figures indicate that through
the years, the Presbyterian agents of change in the Kasayi were deal
ing with a relatively stable African population not experiencing the
extreme labor migration seen in Katanga province and more especially
in other African countries.
Both the Lulua and the Luba-Kasayi speak as a first language
slightly differing forms of Tshiluba. Tshiluba is one of the 6 common
languages in Zaire, that is, it is used as a communication medium by
other non-native speakers in the area. Tshiluba can be used with
fluency by the various matrilineal groups surrounding the Lulua and
Luba. The missions and their literacy campaigns were instrumental
in the development of 3 variants of this language. This will be dis
cussed below (cf. Chapter 6).
The basic social grouping of the Lulua and Luba-Kasayi is the
patrilineal localized lineage, an extended family grouping composed
of several elementary families related through unilineal descent. In
the Kasayi the local lineage, or tshoto, is quite small, composed of
an average of 9 men and corresponding to a maximal depth of 4 genera-


14
tions. The lineages form a segmentary system with a maximal depth of
around 20 generations. The territorial lineage is the minor lineage
having a depth of about 6 generations. The residential group is made
up of the men of the tshoto or local lineage with their wives and
children as well as maternal nephews and in earlier times a few slaves
(Vansina 1965:166). The head of the local lineage is invariably a
man, the mukulu or "elder," a patriarch recognized as having certain
mystical credentials qualifying him to carry out his role. The rights
of a man's younger brothers take precedence over those of the younger
generation. The brother of a man's mother has certain claims on him
and his family. Plural marriages are accepted in the indigenous social
organization but are usually limited to chiefs or others who have ac
cumulated unusual wealth. In a polygynous marriage, it is normal for
each wife to maintain a separate house.
House forms for both the Lulua and Luba are of rectangular
mud-and-stick construction with a thatched roof of grass. Houses are
scattered in an almost random manner throughout the village and are
usually supplemented by small kitchen huts and sheds.
The villages were organized along lineage lines, family heads
all tracing their descent to a common, perhaps unknown, ancestor many
generations distant. The elders or family heads constitute the vil
lage council that advises the chief who is always an older man,
usually the senior member of the same lineage. In some cases, deci
sion will flow from a public debate for which a special meeting place
is set aside in the village and in which all adult men may participate.
In such situations the personalities and rhetorical abilities of


15
PLATE 2
a. Young Zairian mission employee with wife, home and transportation.


16
individuals has a definite effect on the evolution of lav; in the
community.
The religious system of the Lulua and Luba population is in
general similar to that of other Bantu speaking Africans. A high god
is acknowledged but is considered very remote from man's daily life.
Belief in other spirits is found, a distinction being made between the
spirits of deceased relatives and spirits identified with natural
phenomena. Belief in the continuing existence and influence of
deceased relatives is fundamental to their religious sytem. Ances
tors are looked upon as participating members of the family community
and, as such, are respectfully treated. The ancestral spirits are
looked to for assistance in economic and social affairs. The living
honor the ancestors through the offering of sacrifices, by appropriate
social behavior, and by the observance of family ritual. The Luba and
Lulua believe that the ancestors are closely associated with their
mundane daily lives and that they provide the active force behind ob
jects that are considered to have magical powers. They are instru
mental in maintaining the fertility of the family and thus, the con
tinuation of the group.
There is a universal belief in the power of magic and in
the ability of some individuals to control or direct these powers.
"In this world where spirits are active and humans believed to con
trol superhuman forces, nothing occurs by chance. Every event is
either caused by spirits acting on men or by men controlling spirits
or medicine" (McDonald 1971: 202). Among the African population
certain persons are recognized as diviners and makers of spiritual


17
medicines. The functions of these persons are considered beneficial
to the society as opposed to those of witches and sorcerers who employ
their powers in injurious ways.
European Demography and Culture
As was mentioned above, the first white men arrived in the
Kasayi region in 1883. The European population in the Kasayi grew
from the original 2 or 3 officers of the Independent State of the Congo
at the beginning of colonialization to around 5,750 in 1952. That
same year, the indigenous African population for the Kasayi area was
estimated at around 2,000,000 (cf. Table 1). The European population
in the Kasayi at that time was divided among functionaries of the
colonial government (9%), Roman Catholic missionaries (7%), Protestant
missionaries (2%), commercial employees (20%), settlers (9%), and
women and children (53%). The following percentage breakdown of
national origins of the non-indigenous population demonstrates the
preponderance of Belgians in the colony: Belgians (78%), Portuguese
(5%), Italians (3%), Greeks (3%), British (3%), French (2%), Americans
(1.5%), Dutch (1.3%), Swiss (0.7%), and 8 other nationalities (2.5%)
(Moeller 1954: 746).
The number of American missionaries in the Kasayi during the
period to which these statistics pertain correlates closely with the
national percentages of 1.5% American and 2.0% Protestant missionary.
It is assumed that these percentages in the employment and national
origin categories for the non-indigenous population remained reason
ably constant from 1940 to 1960 (cf. Figure 2).
The cultural life style of the Europeans was predominately


TABLE 1
POPULATION DATA 1952
PROVINCE
AREA
(Km2)
NON-AFRICAN
POPULATION
INDIGENOUS
POPULATION
DENSITY
PER Km2
Leopoldvilie
363,000
24,667
2,713,769
7.48
Equateur
404,293
4,841
1,652,160
4.10
Orintale
504,497
12,510
2,272,719
4.30
Kiru
254,640
9,969
1,791,821
7.78
Katanga
496,965
24,215
1,373,685
2.76
Kasai
331,535
5,740
1,914,557
6.17
TOTALS
2,343,930
81,940
11,788,711
5.43 (mean
Source: (Moeller 1954:746)


19
Belgian and "colonial." Within the European community the primary
figure was the male. It was he who was government administrator or
trader. The European wives often remained in Europe. When they were
present in the Kasayi, their main activity fluctuated between super
vising their numerous household servants and "socializing" among their
own particular group. Among the Belgian administrative personnel
there was a strict social class system which followed the administra
tive ranks of government. The role of the European wife contrasted
with that of the missionary wife in that the latter always had quasi
professional or professional daily activity related to the missionary
program. The Belgian administrators always looked forward to re
turning to Belgium after their 17-year "career" in Congo.
The European traders were more nearly comparable to the
"colonists" of other African countries. They were usually very long
term residents. It was not uncommon for the Portuguese traders to
have married or to have mistresses among the indigenous African women.
A numer of the most successful commercial entrepreneurs in the Luebo
area were mulatto individuals having been raised in these mixed com
mercial families.
Each group among the Europeans maintained a rather strict
isolation. From the American missionary perspective the Belgian ad
ministrative group seemed a class remotely high because of their
ethnocentrism and political position. On the other hand, the Portu
guese traders appeared a class rather low because of their degree of
fusion with the African population. There was no European group to
which the American missionaries could comfortably relate.


20
s :*^^=a^3fc^-cca*si8vcinsosio
Map 'i. l/rotcatant .Nism in.irv ActtU nmt jn t!ic Con;
h'.lic v tllctni al )
Figure 2. Map of Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary activity in Zaire
prior to I960. Source: Slade, R. M., English Speaking Missions
in the Congo Independent State (1878-1908). Brussels: Academie
Royale des Sciences Coloniales. (End piece.)


21
The members of the American Presbyterian Congo Mission found
themselves working on a savanna covered plateau among a basically
rural African population which numbered around 16,650 persons to
each Protestant missionary. There were approximately 39 Belgians in
the area for every missionary. There were 2-1/2 times as many Portu
guese merchants as missionaries. There were 5 colonial government
officials for every missionary. It is in this context of demographic
marginality that the American Southern Presbyterians developed their
missionary community and culture described in this study.


CHAPTER 2
THE HISTORY OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
The missionary group under study is a mission of the Presby
terian Church in the United States. The latter came into being as a
religious denomination in 1861 when conflicting loyalties forced Pres
byterian churchmen from the southern region of the United States to
withdraw from their national Presbyterian judiciary and form their own
organization. During the four years of the war of secession (1861-1865)
the church was known as the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate
States of America (Thompson 1963:571). After 1865 it acquired its
present name distinguishing it from the northern Presbyterian Church
in the United States of America. Throughout its history, the group in
question has popularly been referred to as the Southern Presbyterians.
This usage will appear in the present study except where specific legal
reference is required.
From their beginnings in 1861, the Southern Presbyterians fol
lowed the traditional Presbyterian forms of organization. The govern
ment of the church is organized into 4 ascending levels of church
"courts" or judiciaries. At the lowest level, the level of the local
congregation, the ruling group is the Session, which consists of a
number of laymen elected by and from the congregation and the clergy
man who has been engaged ("called") by the congregation as its pastor.
The local sessions send their minister and delegated laymen to the
quarterly meetings of the Presbytery. These gatherings are regional
22


23
assemblages which, collectively, hold the ultimate authority in the
church government. The Synod is the next ascending grouping and is
made up of all the clergymen and delegated laymen from all the congre
gations in a larger geographic area. The synods of the Southern Presby
terian Church during the period of study corresponded more or less to
state boundaries and usually consisted of from 3 to 5 presbyteries.
The uppermost grouping and the most inclusive in terms of geographical
organization is the General Assembly. The General Assembly is an an- '
nual assemblage made up of 4 delegated clergymen (Teaching Elders) and
4 delegated laymen (Ruling Elders) from each presbytery.
It is the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the
United States, at its annual meeting, which employs certain national
staff personnel and issues them a mandate to perform certain ministries
in the name of the whole church. In 1862 the Executive Committee of
Foreign Missions issued its first printed report. Due to the diffi
culties of communication during the war, little contact was made with
the Presbyterian missionaries in China and Japan which could now be
claimed by the Southern Church (AR 1392:4)'. By 1871 the Executive
Committee of Foreign Missions was reporting missions to three Amer
indian groups and missions in Italy, Columbia, Brazil and China. In
1890, when the African mission work was begun, the Presbyterian Church
in the United States had twelve missionary organizations in ten
"'The Annual Report of the Executive Committee of Foreign Mis
sions, which was later renamed the Board of World Missions, has been
published each year since 1862 and presented to the General Assembly,
and circulated throughout the church at large. Citations in this work
will be referenced "AR," year and page.


24
countries operating on annual budgets totaling $122,815.31 (AR 1890:
64).
Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920)
The American Presbyterian Congo Mission (APCM)^ had its begin
nings when an Afro-American clergyman and a White-American clergyman
were appointed by the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions of the
Southern Presbyterian Church as missionaries to the Congo Valley. This
appointment was the culmination of a 2-year effort on the part of the
Afro-American, the Reverend William H. Sheppard, age 24, to be ap
pointed by the Southern Church as a missionary to Africa. The delay
was caused by the church's insistence that at least 2 men be sent and
their preference that one of the two represent the white majority of
the church constituency. The conditions were met when the Reverend
Samuel N. Lapsley, age 23, presented himself as a missionary candidate
for Africa. Their task was a serious one, as is spelled out in their
brief but broad instructions:
1. To find a site, preferably in the Congo Free
State, far enough from other missions to enable
us to open a wholly independent work.
2. To find a healthful location in the highlands
but not too distant from a base of supply.
3. To work among a population large enough to
constitute a good mission field and using a lan-
^American Presbyterian Congo Mission is the legal name of the
Southern Presbyterians' missionary organization working in the area of
Africa which has been designated successively: The Independent State
of the Congo (erroneously called Congo Free State by Britons and Amer
icans, cf. Rotberg 1965:259), Belgian Congo, Republic of Congo, Demo
cratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zaire. In situ the
missionary organization is referred to by both Africans and Europeans
as either the "mission" or the "APCM." This usage appears often in
the present work.


25
guage which is widely current.
4. To present to the Committee an estimate of the
needed missionary force, and an estimate of expenses
to be incurred in opening the work and the cost of
maintenance (Wharton 1952:12).
The two men sailed from New York on February 26, 1890 for
England. For two young clergymen from the southern United States they
traveled with an impressive portfolio of credentials.
President Benjamin Harrison gave them letters to
American diplomats abroad. Friends provided intro
ductions to men of influence in Brussels and London.
Foreign Mission Boards in New York and Boston gave
every possible aid and information...Dr. H. Gratton
Guiness of Harley House, the great mission center in
London, invited them there for their stay in London
(Wharton 1952:13).
On March 21, 1890, Samuel Lapsley went to Brussels to have an
audience with King Leopold II of the Belgians. Since the Conference of
Berlin in 1885, Leopold II had been the initiator and sovereign of the
Independent State of the Congo. The audience for Lapsley had been
arranged by the American ambassador to Belgium, General H.S. Sanford,
who had a deep interest in the development of the Congo area. Lapsley's
recollections of the interview are interesting both as a vignette of
Leopold II and as an indication of the various influences which af
fected the early history of the APCM.
I was ushered into a great room and heard a kind
voice from the middle of it, "Good morning!" After
a respectful bow I advanced and took the hand extended
to me. He said, "You asked to see me?" I told him
my business, whom I represented, the Presbyterian
body in the United States, what I meant to do, and our
plan of working with a combined white and colored
force.
He warned me of the entire rudeness of the
country, commended our plan of beginning on a small
scale, until the tide comes in on the completion of


26
the railways, then enter on that tide. "Congo has a
future," he said, "I cannot believe that God made
that great river with its many branches all through
the land for any lower purpose"...He warned me of
the danger of wine drinking in Africa. About my
location, he recommended the Kasai...after half-an-
hour's talk...he said he felt sincerely, warmly
interested in my mission, and was glad to see a
young man show so much courage, enterprise and
Christian pluck (Lapsley 1893:31, italics mine).
On April 18, 1890, Lapsley and Sheppard sailed from Rotterdam
on the Dutch trading vessel, Afrikaan, bound for the port of Matadi
in the Independent State of the Congo. They traveled with a group of
Swedish, British and American Baptist missionaries who were going out
to reinforce missions that had been established in the Lower and Middle
Congo River valley areas (Wharton 1952:16).
The two presbyterian missionaries spent 10 months in the Lower
Congo, visiting government officials, various mission stations, and,
in particular, the missionary explorer, George Grenfell. The Kasayi-
Sankuru region was finally chosen as a site for the APCM. They con
cluded from their survey of the situation that "Luebo, in the Kasai,
had the advantage of being the meeting ground of 5 major tribes com
prising an estimated 2 million people" (Lapsley 1893:163).
After a 33-day, 900-mile trip upriver on the sternwheeler
Florida, the 2 missionaries arrived at Luebo. Lapsley reports that
at noon on April 18, 1891, the Florida
rounded Luebo point and came in sight of a group
of plantains, and shaded by these, a double row
of small houses of mud with thatched roofs. Then
we saw the thatches of five or six large adobe
houses, tastefully disposed on a fair table land
in the right angle made by our little Lulua, and
a large creek on our right, the Luebo. A heavy
palisades of sharpened posts ten feet high com-


27
pleted the square begun by the two streams.
Two sharp blasts of the whistle brought
the entire station to the beach; the steamer crew
danced on the open deck to the deep throb of a
drum; station boys waved and called to their
friends in the crew; the four white men two
company agents, a State officer, and the visiting
Commissaire du district du Kasai -- shouted wel
come to the little group by the pilot house whose
arrival broke the dreary isolation of their post
(Wharton 1952:31).
Shaloff (1971:24) suggests further Belgian influence on the location of
the mission station "APCM-Luebo" stating, "at the suggestion of the
Commissaire de district, the newcomers decided to locate their mission
station near the north bank of the Lulua, midway between Luebo and the
Kete village of Bena Kasenga." This was on the opposite bank of the
Lulua River.
Sheppard and Lapsley settled in with the five Bakongo laborers
which they had engaged for one year in the Lower Congo and brought with
them upriver. Two palm-thatched, 10-foot-square houses were purchased
from the nearby village and set up, one for each missionary. Wharton
describes the initial activity:
Each set about improvising additions to suit his
shelter to his needs. The Bakongo were put to
clearing ground and building their own houses;
pineapple, plantain, and banana plants were set
out. Boards were sawed out of small sections of
trees brought from the forest; later, men were
taught to use a small pit saw. It was an event
ful day when the first piece of furniture, a real
table, replaced the crude makeshift of sticks
tied together with strips of vine. But by the
middle of August the little station was found to
be intolerably hot, so they moved up to the brow
of the great hill that rises from the Lulua, and
began all over again (Wharton 1952:32)
In December, Lapsley made a reconnoitering trip east of Luebo


28
as far as the State post of Luluabourg. He returned to Luebo with a
"caravan" of 17 men, 4 women and 1 child. These people were Lulua
and were the forerunners of thousands of Lulua and Luba people who
were to migrate to Luebo and settle around the mission station.
Lapsley had returned from his trip to Luluabourg tired and
ill; supplies were low and transportation arrangements in the Lower
Congo had bogged down. It seemed wise for Lapsley to return down
river to attend to business affairs and perhaps the voyage would re
store his health (Wharton 1952:34). The trip was made on the Florida
and the 5 Bakongo laborers accompanied him. They were returning to
their homes after their one-year contracts had been completed.
Lapsley never returned to Luebo. He died at Matadi on March 21, 1892
of "bilious hermaturic fever." His death came one year and 9 days
after he had begun his first voyage on the Florida upriver to the
Kasayi.
The designation of Africa as the "white man's grave" was con
firmed in many instances during the early years of the APCM. On the
day that Lapsley died in Matadi, the Adamsons, a Scot and his wife,
left Kinshasa^ (Leopoldville) for Luebo as reinforcements for the
mission. Mrs. Adamson was the first white woman to enter the Kasayi
region. She died at Luebo 3 years later. The Reverend and Mrs.
Rowbotham from England came to Luebo in 1892 and left the mission 2
Whe principal urban center of the Congo, located on the
Stanley Pool on the Lower Congo, was called Kinshasa prior to Belgian
annexation in 1908. During the Belgian colonial period it was called
Leopoldville. After independence in 1960 it was renamed Kinshasa.


29
years later because of illness. The Reverent D.W.C. Snyder and his
wife from New York arrived the same year. She died in Kinshasa on
their way home in 1896. '"Mary Snyder 1896' reads the simple marker
over the 33rd grave in the State Cemetery at Kinshasa, the first
woman's grave in this barren spot" (Wharton 1952:46). During the
period of penetration and establishment, 11% of the missionaries died
on the field while they were in active service.
The King of the Belgians had been told that the APCM was to be
a "combined white and colored force." This was a fortunate circum
stance for the development of the mission. The Afro-American mission
aries, during the early years, had a significantly higher survival
rate than did their white colleagues. Five Afro-American missionaries
from Alabama, Mississippi, and Pennsylvania were appointed in 1894 and
1895. This group, together with William Sheppard, put in an average
of 17 years service each. During the period 1901-1911, 5 more Afro-
American missionaries were appointed. Their average length of service
was 29 years. Among 23 out of 25 of the white missionaries appointed
prior to 1911, the average length of service was 5 years. The 2 ex
ceptional individuals in this group, William M. Morrison and Motte
Martin, serving 22 and 43 years respectively, both had an important
influence on the development of the missionary culture at APCM-Luebo,
which will be discussed below.
During the period 1901-1911, 20 new missionaries were ap
pointed to the APCM. It was a period in which the work was formalized
and many of the patterns were set that were to remain throughout the
mission's history. One of the important innovations of this period


30
was the acquisition of a river steamer for the mission. The craft,
named the S.N. Lapsley, was built in the United States, dismantled and
shipped to the Congo where it was rebuilt by one of the missionaries.
It served the mission for 18 months before it was caught in a whirl
pool at the confluence of the Kasayi and Congo Rivers and capsized,
killing 1 new missionary and 23 Africans. This steamer was replaced
3 years later by a craft built in Scotland which was better suited to
the turbulent tropical rivers. The second steamer, the S.N. Lapsley II,
regularly made the trip from Luebo or Lusambo to Kinshasa for 20
years until it was sold in 1926.
The stations of Bulape, Mutoto and Bibanga were opened as
centers for the evangelization of the Bakuba, Lulua and Luba res
pectively. The station of Lubondai was added as another center for a
large Lulua population. Luebo, Bulape, Mutoto, Bibanga and Lubondai
continued to flourish in the period of the "five stations," 1920-1931.
Transition and Expansion (1921-1940)
The development of smaller stations of Kasha, Mboyi, and Moma
came as a response to pressure from the Board of World Missions in
the United States to break the pattern of the large institutional sta
tions and develop evangelistic outposts, especially for groups not
yet contacted. In 1928 a railroad was completed from Port Franqui
in the northwest Kasayi to Elizabethville in southeast Katanga pro
vince (cf. Figure 3). The commercial activity brought by the railroad
appealed to the indigenous population, and many villages were moved to
be close to this avenue of trade. The station of Kasha (1935) near
Luputa on the railroad, the station of Mboyi (1937) among the Babindi

.

31
Figure 3.
Map of Belgian Congo
Source: 1955 Annual
Missions, p. 23.
showing railroad and mission stations.
Report, Nashville, Tn.: Board of World


32
people, and Moma (1942) are examples of the new type smaller station.
The station of Moma was offered to the APCM by the colonial government
after the American Four Square Gospel group that had built it were ex
pelled from the Congo by the government for continual internal feuding
(cf. Figure 1).
During this period there were many innovations in the Kasayi
in which the APCM usually participated and from which they benefited.
In 1925 the first airplane from Kinshasa landed at Luebo. Thereafter,
a regular airmail service every 3 weeks was maintained between Kinshasa
and the interior. The first airplane flights from Belgium to the Congo
occurred in 1926, thus facilitating arrival and departure travel for
the missionaries. The railroad already mentioned, and improved motor
roads, facilitated the transportation of people and supplies from one
mission station to another.
Early the missionaries had begun to use bicycles
instead of hammocks wherever the former could be
ridden. Motorcycles followed the bicycles...As
the roads widened sidecars were added to the
motorcycles, and in 1925 the first Ford cars made
their appearance on the mission (Wharton 1952:127).
During this period the missionary population in the field
grew from around 60 to 80. In 1928 a special school for the mission
aries' children was opened at Lubondai station. This school continued
at Lubondai until 1968, providing American elementary education (grades
4-8) and for a period until 1960 also secondary education for all the
children of Presbyterian missionaries.
In the twenty-five years of its history children
from eleven other Congo Protestant missions have
attended Central School. In later years it has
been crowded to capacity, enrolling between


33
Figure 4. Mission map showing five major mission stations and their dependent villages


34
forty and fifty pupils...Ten of the younger mis
sionaries now on the Mission are graduates or
ex-students of Central School (Wharton 1952:136).
It was during this period of 1921 to 1940 that the territorial
expansion of the mission was nearly completed. The acquisition of real
estate, the construction of buildings and the importation of vehicles,
printing machinery, office equipment, electrical generators and re
frigeration equipment all served to establish the APCM as a complex
and technologically very advanced organization by comparison to the
indigenous African culture which the missionaries were attempting to
change.
Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950)
The American Presbyterian missionaries were forced to re-eval
uate their program in the Kasayi during World War II (1940-1945). The
number of new recruits for the mission dropped relative to the expan
sion of the mission work.
Many of the active missionaries experienced difficulty in
trans-Atlantic travel. Early in the war, for instance, one of the
mid-career missionaries later resident at APCM-Luebo was taken off a
British freighter at sea by a German submarine on patrol in the North
Atlantic. The crew and passengers were put aboard another German ves
sel and watched as their freighter was torpedoed and sunk. They were
later put ashore on the coast of France.
Some missionary furloughs were postponed, leaving missionaries
on the field longer than usual. The missionaries on furlough in the
United States often extended their furloughs and remained at home long
er than the normal one-year period. Missionary personnel in the field


35
was reduced almost 10% and funds for the work were reduced 12% during
the war years.
The indigenous African population was also affected by the war.
Congolese soldiers were sent to North Africa and to Palestine. They
represented the first group of Congolese to travel extensively outside
Central Africa. At home in the Belgian Congo many people responded
positively to the calls for greater production of minerals and agri
cultural products for the war effort.
After the war the Belgian colonial government broadened the
scope of its humanitarian efforts in the Congo.
The government did not stop with commendation
but pushed vigorously both old and new plans for
the welfare and education of the people. These
plans included laws safeguarding African employ
ees and their families. They covered such varied
phases as minimum wages, sanitary housing and
medical care, and provided for the return of
families to their original villages at the ter
mination of service (Wharton 1952:164).
Early in 1945 a steady stream of new missionaries began to
arrive for the APCM. By 1950 the number of missionaries in the field
had increased 40%. The operating funds for the mission had increased
192% over the 1940 allocation (cf. Tables 3 and 4). There was more
to come. In 1945 the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in
the United States approved a five-year capital fund-raising campaign
called the Program of Progress. One of the objectives of this in
tensive effort was to meet the construction and equipment needs of
the church's missionary efforts around the world.
With these substantial funds available the mission was able,
for the first time in its history, to let contracts to Belgian entre-


36
preneurs for major construction. In 1946 the APCM let contracts for a
complete mission station at Luluabourg. A new hospital at Mutoto and
a complete academic campus at Kakinda were begun in 1948. Kakinda
was built to house the Morrison Institute, a combined secondary level
normal school for training African school teachers and seminary for
training African pastors.
The emphasis that the mission was placing on these schools
for the training of indigenous leadership reflected a growing concern
that the impact of the mission should be felt among the "grass roots"
of the population and not solely on and around the mission stations.
The schools for the training of an African cadre to ultimately staff
the elaborate program of church, education and medicine became the
goal of a group of the more far-sighted missionaries. The old station
system continued, however, as it had become institutionalized and
tended toward continued expansion rather than diminution.
In 1950 the African Presbyterian church, with which and for
which the APCM worked, reported a membership of 118,782 people. The
ordained African pastors distributed over the whole area numbered 47
and were assisted by 1,309 lesser clerics such as Elders and evangel
ists. The stewardship-giving of the African church people had amounted
to $19,296. This represented church offerings from 1,238 villages as
well as the congregations related directly to the 9 mission stations.
Subsidization and Change (1951-1960)
As early as 1902 an organization was developed to foster
cooperation among all the Protestant groups working in the Congo. This
cooperative effort became known as the Congo Protestant Council and


37
maintained an office in Leopoldville, the capital of the colony, where
a full-time secretary represented Protestantism in matters of mission-
government relations.
Roman Catholic missions had been staffed primarily by Belgian
missionary orders. Their schools had, through the years, been subsi
dized by the government. This had not been the case with any of the
Protestant schools. The APCM schools, containing 43,000 pupils in
1949 were all financed through the mission operating budget allocated
from the Board of World Missions in the United States. As the missions
sought continually to bring their schools up to government standards,
the Congo Protestant Council through its secretary sought the same
recognition and aid granted to Roman Catholic schools. In 1947 an act
of the Belgian parliament finally granted recognition and subsidies
for Protestant schools in the Congo. Wharton notes (1952:175) that
some of the schools of the APCM were among the first to be recognized
by the government, and the mission received its first school subsidies
in 1948."
Throughout the 1951-1960 period, the school subsidies contin
ually increased to place the mission solidly in the position of ad
ministering an elaborate educational system which ranged from village
elementary schools to accredited secondary level institutions. This
extensive educational structure required specially qualified mission
ary personnel and the continual meeting of government regulations gave
educational concerns top priority at Mission decision-making assem
blages. Many missionaries felt that educational concerns were over
shadowing the primary goal of evangelization.


38
During this period, the APCM continued to expand in all areas.
Missionary personnel increased 18% and operating funds from the United
States were augmented almost 97% (cf. Table 4).
The 18 months during 1959 and 1960 when the participant ob
servation upon which this study is based represented a peak period for
the American Presbyterian Congo Mission, both in terms of personnel
in the field and available financial resources with which to carry on
the work. The details of personnel distribution and the missionary
activity and culture at the original station at Luebo, as well as the
developments subsequent to national independence in 1960 will be
discussed in the chapters which follow.


CHAPTER 3
THE POPULATION OF THE COMMUNITY
Personnel Numbers
The missionary population of the APCM increased steadily from
the original 2 in 1891 to a peak of 175 in 1956. Following the civil
disorders of the transition of Zaire to national independence, the num
ber dipped to 122, and by 1970 had returned to 140 (cf. Tables 3, 4
and 5).
During the early period (1891-1920), the mean number of mis
sionaries on the field was 47. A total of 105 people were appointed in
this period averaging 4 missionaries per year. Among these 105 ap
pointees, 64% remained in missionary service for at least 3 terms or
more than 15 years. Those who served only one term amounted to 31% of
the total appointed. Health was a critical factor in this early period.
Death claimed 11% of this group in the field. Spouses often resigned
after the loss of a partner, so the death or serious illness of one
missionary usually meant the loss of 2 people to the Mission.
During the second or "expansion" period of 19 years (1921-1940),
71 more missionaries were appointed to the APCM. Actual field popula
tions varied; during the 1920's and 1930's the mean was 74 mission
aries on the field. During the third period (1941-1950), the APCM
was reinforced by 81 appointments of new missionaries. During the
mid-1940's the mean had risen to 110 active members of the Mission.
During the decade 1951-1960 there was a mean of 158 missionaries on
39


40
the field (cf. Tables 3, 4 and 5). During the period of 1938 to 1953,
the missionary staff at Luebo averaged 20 persons each year, consistent
ly the largest of the 11 stations of the APCM in the Kasayi.
There was a large initial expense to the Board of World Missions
in outfitting and installing a new missionary family. Their first 2
or 3 years were normally primarily language study and orientation to
the work. It is therefore, interesting to examine the percentages of
those who did not continue in missionary service beyond their initial
term. The various years considered are grouped in a manner conforming
with the "generational" analysis of missionary longevity grades pre
sented below (cf. Chapter 5). Jn terms of this analysis the 105
missionaries appointed in the early period (1891-1920) can all be
considered "ancestors." With the exception of one couple, they had
all resigned or retired from service or died before the period of par
ticipant observation on which this study is based. The one exception
was the Jimmy Mitchells, the oldest couple at Luebo during the partici
pant observation. As was stated above, 31% of the "ancestors" served
only one term.
During the second period, which produced the "full and mid
career missionaries" (1921-1940), 15% of the total of 71 appointees
served only one term. Those remaining 3 terms or more amounted to 66%.
Appointments averaged 4 per year. Death claimed 7.5% of this group
while on the field.
During the third period (1941-1950), which produced what are
here referred to as "young missionaries," 83 persons were appointed.
This number in a much shorter period of 9 years correlated with the


41
higher annual averages of the late 1940's and 1950's mentioned above.
An average of 9 new missionaries a year was a significant increase in
staffing. Only 11% of these appointees left the work after one term
on the field. It is maintained that this low attrition rate for this
group is probably related to the high (15%) percentage of second gen
eration missionaries among the "young" members of the Mission. Of
course, medical care for the missionaries improved rapidly in the post
war period. Only 2% of this group died in service.
The fourth period (1951-1960), producing the "new missionaries,
shows a yearly average of 9 new missionaries with a total of 81 in
this group. The "new missionary" group has the highest rate of one-
term-only appointments in the history of the Mission (26%). Many of
those appointed in this period were victims of the independence dis
turbances. They had not gotten very deeply rooted in the Mission cul
ture, and when difficulties arose and prediction patterns were un
stable, many of these missionaries resigned in 1960 or soon after.
Missionary Origins
The origins of the 340 missionaries who have been members of
the APCM have important significance for the understanding of the
cultural patterns observed in the mission life and work. During the
4 periods outlined above, over 1/2 (62%) of all the missionaries came
from a cluster of American southern states where the Presbyterianism
is particularly strong. In the order of their overall production
these states are: Texas (17%), Virginia (10%), Georgia (9%), North
Carolina (9%), Alabama (7%), South Carolina (6%), and Tennessee (4%).
Zaire itself rates with these prime origin groups producing 5% of the


42
appointments, i.e., 16 second-generation Congo missionaries. A
spattering of states, mostly southern, produced 20% of the grand
total, but none of these individually produced more than 13 missionar
ies, or 4%. The northeastern region of the United States produced 3%
while 10% of the total originated in Great Britain (3%), Europe (4%)
and other areas (3%).
Professions of Missionary Personnel
There are basically 4 types of missionaries appointed by the
Board of World Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the United States.
These types are: evangelistic, educational, medical and industrial.
The evangelistic category is made up primarily of clergymen,
and in later years, of clergymen and their wives. Single women
missionaries with special interest in some technical aspects of the
developing African church, such as Christian education or women's
work, have also been appointed in this category. The educational cate
gory covers those who have professional training in education and/or
teaching experience, who desire to work in the African school systems.
The medical category includes medical doctors, dentists, registered
nurses, medical technicians and socio-medical case workers. The in
dustrial category contains a variety of artisans and, in later years,
also architects and building contractors. The various classifications
will be considered below.
The Evangelistic
The evangelistic classification of missionary personnel has
been generally numerically predominant in the APCM, as might be ex
pected in a religious missionary group. The overall percentage for the


43
years prior to 1960 was 30% evangelistic personnel. In the "ancestor"
period (1891-1920) 34% of the appointments were clergy. During the
"full and mid-career" period (1921-1940) the new clergy dropped to
21%. This was the only period in which another group surpassed the
evangelistic in numbers. In the "young missionary" period (1941-1950)
clergy amounted to 25% of the total appointments. In the final "new
missionary" period (1951-1960) the evangelistic group was augmented
to 35% of the total reinforcements. This larger percentage is in part
due to the increasing practice of the Board of World Missions classi
fying wives in specific categories of work rather than in the general
category of "wives." It should be noted, however, that there was an
increase in the number of actual clergymen appointed in this period
(cf. Table 2).
The Educational
The educational classification contained 8% of the total prior
to 1960. The percentages for new appointments fluctuated slightly for
the 4 periods under consideration; 5% in the first period, 13% in the
second period, 8% in the third period and 10% in the last period. The
10% group in the last period included education specialists needed to
supervise the recently subsidized school system mentioned in Chapter 2.
The Medical
The medical classification for the entire period included 19%
of the total recruits. Medical work expanded steadily and this ex
pansion is reflected in the statistics for the 4 periods (cf. Table 2).
During each period 5 physicians were added, except the third when 4 new
doctors came to the field. The majority of the 48 women classified as


TABLE 2
MISSIONARY PERSONNEL APPOINTMENTS BY PERIOD AND DEPARTMENT
EVAN6
EDUC
MEDICAL
INDUST
BUSINESS CENT. SCH.
"WIVES"
TOTALS
%AGES
1890-1920
Single men
2
0
0
1
2
0

5
5%
Married men
33
1
5
8
2
0
_ _
49*
47%
Single women
1
1
4
0
0
0

6
5%
Married women
0
3
4
0
0
0
38
45
43%
Totals
36
5
13
9
4
0
38
105
_ _
Percentages
34%
5%
12%
9%
4%
0%
36%
--
100%
1921-1940
Single men
0
0
0
0
0
0
_ _
0
Married men
10
3
5
5
1
0
_ _
24
34%
Single women
4
3
6
0
1
3
_ _
17
24%
Married women
1
3
6
0
1
1
18
30*
42%
Totals
15
9
17
5
3
4
18
71

Percentages
21%
13%
24%
7%
4%
6%
25%
--
100%
1941-1950
Single men
0
0
0
0
0
0
_
0
0%
Married men
13
4
3
5
1
3
_
29
35%
Single women
3
3
8
0
2
2
_
18
22%
Married women
5
0
4
0
0
2
25
36*
43%
Totals
21
7
15
5
3
7
25
83
_ _
Percentages
25%
8%
18%
6%
4%
8%
31%
--
100%
1951-1960
Single men
0
1
0
0
0
1
.
2
2%
Married men
15
2
7
4
1
0

29
36%
Single women
5
4
6
0
0
6

21
26%
Married women
8
1
7
0
0
3
10
29
36%
Totals
28
8
20
4
1
10
10
81

Percentages
^Imbalance in
35%
married
10%
group due
25% 5% 1%
to appointment of widows or
12%
widowers
12%
--
100%


45
medical were registered nurses. Laboratory technicians and medical
social workers completed the group.
The Industrial
The industrial group which was responsible for the building and
maintenance of the various mission stations amounted to 7% of the
entire number appointed. In the early period the Mission received 9
industrial men or 9% of the total for the period. The percentage of
industrial men decreased to 7%, 6% and 3% during the second, third and
fourth periods respectively. This decrease is accounted for both by
the fact that most of the missionary construction was done prior to
1940, and by the fact that most of the post-1948 construction was done
by Belgian contractors.
Besides the four major professional classifications treated
above, missionaries were also appointed as business personnel, teachers
of missionary children and as missionary wives. These classifications
will be discussed in a similar manner.
Business
In the business classification (cf. Table 2) we find 3% of the
total appointments prior to 1960. These positions decreased after the
early "ancestor" period when the Mission no longer had the complex
overland and river transportation problems. During the second, third
and fourth periods the positions were usually filled by the Mission
Treasurer and 1 or 2 secretaries.
The Central School for Missionaries' Children
The Central School for Missionaries' Children classification
reflects the growth of the school during the entire pre-1960 period.


46
In the "ancestor" period the school had not been developed to the extent
that specific missionaries were appointed to this work. In the 3 fol
lowing periods new appointments for "C.S," as the school was called,
were 6%, 8%, and 10% of the period total respectively. It should be
kept in mind that the "young" and the "new" missionary periods (1941-1950
and 1951-1960) are of shorter duration than the 2 previous periods. Any
increase in these latter periods thus represents a compound increase in
actual personnel (cf., Table 2).
Wives
The general classification of "wives" was used in Table 2 to
account for all of the appointments of married women where there was no
specific specialty specified in the appointment records. It should be
noted that both spouses have always been considered missionaries (cf.
Appendix 1) and in later years wives have generally had specific pro
fessional classifications. In the entire period prior to 1960 this
classification amounted to 27% of all appointments.
At Luebo* during the period of participant observation, 43% of
the personnel were evangelistic, 29% were medical, 14% were educational,
9% were industrial, and 5% (1 person) was an unclassified wife.
The staff at Luebo represented all of the 4 "generational"
groups of missionaries. Nine married couples, 2 single women living
together and a single woman doctor living alone made up the 11 mission
ary households.
The Missionaries Themselves
Reflecting the African and APCM tradition of respecting the
elders, the following description of the households begins with the one


TABLE 3
DOLLAR INPUT AND PERSONNEL BY YEAR (1940-1949)
YEAR
USCPIa
USCPIb
BWM TOTAL
APCM TOTAL
%BWM
APCM STAFF
APCM
N
n
n/N
1940
59.9
672,700
130,200
19.4
97,300
74.7
80
60
.75
1941
62.9
747,700
139,000
18.6
106,300
76.4
74
53
.72
1942
69.7
667,800
121,000
18.1
65,000
53.7
73
58
.79
1943
74.4
779,800
198,000
25.4
88,200
44.5
75
49
.65
1944
75.2
930,700
173,100
18.6
110,100
63.6
81
46
.57
1945
76.9
53.9
1 ,172,000
191 ,700
16.4
124,400
64.9
98
66
.67
1946
83.4
58.5
1,209,200
309,200
25.6
233,400
75.5
101
67
.66
1947
95.5
66.9
1 ,389,100
276,000
19.9
155,200
56.2
110
65
.59
1948
102.8
72.1
1 ,437,200
313,100
21.8
173,400
55.4
116
63
.54
1949
101.8
71.4
1,505,700
338,400
22.5
235,800
69.7
132
74
.56
Decade
Totals
10,511,900
2,189,700
1,447,000
Arithmetic Mean
1 ,051 ,190
218,970
20.6
144,700
63.5
94
60
.64
USCPIa = United States Consumer Price Index (1913-1960)
USCPIb = United States Consumer Price Index (1945-1970)


TABLE 4
DOLLAR INPUT AND PERSONNEL BY YEAR (1950-1959)
YEAR
USCPIa
USCPIb
BWM TOTAL
APCM TOTAL
%BWM
APCM STAFF
%APCM
N
n
n/N
1950
102.8
72.1
1 ,529,800
380,200
24.9
287,100
75.5
137
77
.56
1951
111.0
77.8
1 ,623,700
367,100
22.5
278,900
76.0
131
87
. 66
1952
113.5
79.5
1 ,783,200
379,800
21 .3
279,600
73.6
145
101
.70
1953
114.4
80.1
2,077,200
346,600
16.7
257,200
74.2
156
116
.74
1954
114.8
80.5
2,733,000
549,100
20.1
362,700
66.1
163
126
.77
1955
114.5
80.2
2,932,000
617,900
21.1
396,300
64.1
173
137
.79
1956
116.2
81.4
3,463,900
577,900
16.7
308,900
53.5
174
150
.86
1957
120.2
84.3
3,575,700
682,500
19.1
444,400
65.1
167
165
.99
1958
86.6
3,952,100
715,000
18.1
474,500
66.4
165
168
1.02
1959
87.3
4,261 ,200
748,700
17.6
502,500
67.1
161
167
1.04
Decade Totals
Arithmetic Mean
27,931 ,800
2,793,180
5,364,800
536,480
19.8
3,592,100
359,210
68.1
157
129
.81
USCPIa = United States Consumer Price Index (1913-1960)
USCPIb = United States Consumer Price Index (1945-1970)


TABLE 5
DOLLAR INPUT AND PERSONNEL BY YEAR (1960-1967)
YEAR
USCPIa
USCPIb
BWM TOTAL
APCM TOTAL
%BWM
APCM STAFF
%AP CM
N
n
n/N
1960
88.7
4,504,600
839,100
18.6
598,600
71.3
149
165
1.11
1961
89.6
4,557,800
763,200
16.7
468,100
61.3
130
145
1.12
1962
'V .
90.6
4,565,400
637,900
13.9
399,800
62.7
112
126
1.13
1963
91.7
4,794,600
675,400
14.1
353,500
52.3
117
126
1.08
1964
92.9
4,838,600
629,100
13.0
414,300
65.9
129
139
1.08
1965
94.5
5,025,100
617,200
12.3
456,900
74.0
138
138
1.00
1966
97.2
5,019,200
610,700
12.2
445,400
72.9
121
136
1.13
1967
100.0
5,413,300
620,800
11.5
461 ,400
74.3
124
139
1.12
Period Totals
Arithmetic Mean
38,718,600
4,839,825
5,393,400
674,175
14.0
3,598,000
449,750
66.8
128
139
1.10
USCPIa = United States Consumer Price Index (1913-1960)
USCPIb = United States Consumer Price Index (1945-1970)


50
surviving representative of the "ancestor" group and proceeds to the
newest "new" missionary couple.
James and Ethel Mitchell (occupants of house No. 8, Figure 6)
were appointed in 1919. They had their initiation period at Luebo but
soon went by hammcok and march to Mutoto, a new station opened in 1912.
James Mitchell, a minister, worked during his full career teaching
African pastors, first at the Morrison Bible Institute at Mutoto,
later at Kankinda where it was combined with the Normal School, and
finally, as the director of the Preacher's School at Luebo. He and
his wife were seasoned missionaries. They were full of tales of the
early days. They were conservative, mellow and wise. "Uncle Jimmy"
and "Aunt Ethel," as they are called by the children and their fellow
missionaries, always had a productive garden. They had a household
staff of venerable men who had long since proven their worth. The
Mitchells knew the past. They had experienced the development of the
Kasayi. Their approach to Mission business was one of calm applica
tion of their accumulated wisdom of age.
George and Alice Woodstock (living in house number 2) were
appointed in 1920, she as a nurse, he as an industrial missionary. In
1919 the women of the Presbyterian Church in the United States had
responded to the need for permanent homes and had launched a drive to
raise money to finance their construction. George went out primarily
as a builder and was responsible for the design and construction of the
church building, the hospital and many of the missionary homes at
Luebo. In 1960, they completed their last year of their 40 year ser
vice.

V*

51
In spite of his age, George was known for his energy and un
stinting hard work. He was an active participant in the work projects
which he directed, using African labor, and was often seen on the metal
rooftop of a missionary home, doing repair work in the blazing sun. He
was responsible for all of the upkeep and repair of existing buildings
on the station, as well as new building projects such as the hospital
addition completed in 1960. He also taught all aspects of industrial
trades to the Africans who worked with him. Alice worked a full day at
the hospital and was always busy and efficient. Their children were
all grown and lived in the United States.
Henry and Mary Ward (house No. 10) were appointed in 1926.
Henry grew up in China as the son of Presbyterian missionaries. He
came to Congo as an industrial/agricultural missionary, but at Luebo
was given the assignment of running the Mission Press, responsible for
the production of religious literature in Tshiluba, as well as text
books for the schools. Henry was not only an excellent gardener, but
an outstanding fisherman who went every afternoon at 3:00 to the river
where he had a catamaran with outboard motor. Mary supervised the
editorial department of the press, being responsible for proof reading
and editing. They planned to resign in May of 1960, even though they
had not completed 40 years on the field. They lived in the "Press
House" (located near to the press, No. 21).
Kenneth and Elizabeth Morgan (house No. 3) arrived on the
field in 1930 as single missionaries. He came as an evangelistic
missionary and she as a teacher of missionary children at the Central
School at Lubondai. They were married in 1933. Kenneth was the


52
nephew of one of the early missionaries, and Elizabeth was the sister
of Alice Woodstock. At Luebo, Kenneth was chairman of the evangelistic
department, and occupied himself primarily with church development and
"village itineration," which involved being away from the station for 3
weeks at a time to work with village pastors and evangelists. He was
skeptical about the African church's ability to govern itself without
missionary guidance. Elizabeth taught wives of the students in the
Preacher's School and did women's work with the churches. They had 3
children, 2 were in college in the United States and 1 was at Central
School at Lubondai.
Robert and Lila McDonald were educational missionaries (house
No. 4). They were appointed in 1949. He was the director of the
large primary school and she provided him with secretarial assistance.
They had 4 children: 1 was at Central School and 3 were at home.
Two of the children at home were being taught in a cooperative arrange
ment with other wives which allowed Lila more time to help in the
school office. One small pre-school child was in the care of an
African nursemaid while Lila was working.
Dr. Carolyn Westbrook came to the APCM in 1949 after having
worked with the Presbyterian mission in China from 1929 to 1936. In
the intervening years she had developed a specialization in anesthes
iology in the United States. "Carolyn," as she was called by the other
missionaries, never married and lived alone (residence number 9) ex
cept for the Siamese cats to which she was especially attached. She
worked in the station hospital with Dr. Norris as second resident
physician. Carolyn had never become proficient in Tshiluba, perhaps


53
because she was unusually advanced in age when she first arrived in the
Kasayi. This linguistic handicap affected her ability to deal with all
aspects of the hospital work, and made her dependent upon the presence
of another Tshiluba-speaking physician. She was a reserved station
member, never becoming very deeply involved in station or mission
"politics." She was, however, a warm friend and neighbor, especially
to new missionaries, and was extraordinarily knowledgeable about drama,
music and the plastic arts. She had an unusual sensitivity for the
feelings of others. When speaking with missionaries in English
within earshot of Africans she never used proper names in order to
avoid giving people the impression that they were being talked about
in a foreign language. Her hobbies were astronomy, her cats and her
houseplants, and any possible spectator participation in the fine arts.
Herman and Susan Norris (house No. 9) were also on the medical
staff. Herman was Luebo's principal physician and Susan worked as a
registered nurse. They also had a short period of service with the
mission in China from 1947 to 1950 when all of the missionaries were
expelled by the People's Republic of China government. They came to
the APCM in 1951. Dr. Norris' specialization was surgery, and he
maintained a heavy operating schedule at the station hospital. Susan
also worked a full day as nurse at the hospital. She taught her 2
primary school age children at home during lunch "hour" (a colonial-
type "siesta" from 12 noon until 2:00 at the Mission) and in the
evenings until September of 1959, when the mothers collaborated to
provide a joint "school" for their children. Herman's hobby was
amateur radio and he had a "shack" in the rear of his house from


54
which he talked with other amateur radio "hams" all over the world.
This hobby was of special interest to the missionaries as it often
provided for quick conmunication with family and friends in the United
States. During the critical period described in Chapter 7, the amateur
radio operators on the Mission played a crucial role in the orderly
and safe evacuation of all of the American missionaries. The Norrises
also had 2 other children at Central School.
James Boyd Jordan and his wife, Florence, were appointed in
1952. He was one of the few dentists in Congo, and had a full schedule
providing dental care for the American missionaries, Africans associat
ed with the Mission and many Europeans living in the area. Florence
was a medical social worker and it was she who, during the tribal
warfare days of May, 1960, organized the distribution of emergency
relief food to the refugees of the war and subsequent disorganization
and homelessness. They did not arrive at Luebo until mid-1959, when
they occupied the house formerly lived in by May and Lucille (No. 7).
In May of 1960, they moved into the house left vacant by the depart
ing Woodstocks (No. 2). They had 2 teen-age sons at Central School
at Lubondai.
May Melton, also appointed in 1952, lived with Lucille Fisher
(house No. 7) until May of 1959, when Lucille went to the United
States on furlough, and May moved into another house (No. 5) to make
room for the Jordans. May was classified as an educational-evangel
istic missionary. She taught in the primary school and was also in
charge of the Girl's Home. Her Tshiluba was unusually good. She
attributed her language competency to her years of working with the


55
Girl's Home when she actually lived in the home with the girls,
speaking Tshiluba constantly. She had been given the job of teaching
Tshiluba, with African assistants, to the new couple at Luebo, the
Jorgensens.
Bert and Margaret Richards (residence No. 6) were assigned to
the evangelistic department. He was an ordained clergyman who antici
pated working with the African church, but found himself assigned to
supervision of 21 regional elementary schools. Margaret assisted him
with clerical work as well as preparation and duplication of teachers'
manuals. She was the daughter of "Uncle" Jimmy Mitchell and "Aunt"
Jane. Growing up as the child of missionaries, her Tshiluba was fluent.
She visited extensively in the village and was widely known and ac
cepted by the villagers as a "Muena Kasayi" (a Kasayi citizen in the
deepest sense). The Richards had 4 children, 2 of whom were school-
age and attended classes at Luebo with the other children. The younger
2 had a nursemaid looking after them while their mother was working.
Lucille Fisher, the third single female missionary at Luebo,
came to the APCM as an educational missionary in 1955. As the observa
tion period of this study began, she was living with May Melton (in
house No. 7) and teaching in the primary school, but she left for fur
lough in the United States in May of 1959. She was a diligent worker,
and spent many late hours carefully correcting every exam given to the
seventh year students, which Belgian law required to be graded by
"accredited" (that is, missionary or Belgian) personnel. She and May
found time almost weekly to play Bridge with the Jordans, McDonalds
or Norrises.


56
Donald and Sandra Jorgensen (house No. 12) were the "new"
missionaries, appointed in 1957, and arriving at Luebo in January of
1959 after language study in Belgium. They were both evangelistic
missionaries, but their first "assignment" was Tshiluba language study.
They were expected to study full-time for 4 months, after which they
were permitted to do "part-time" work while continuing language for
at least another 4 months, or until they had passed a written examina
tion. At the end of the first 4 months, Donald began working in the
evangelistic office and going on some itineration trips with Kenneth
Morgan. His first full-time assignment was teaching in the Preacher's
School. Sandra began helping the other mothers with the missionary
children's classes in September 1959, and assumed some Christian
Education responsibilities in the African churches such as directing
the annual Christmas play. The Jorgensen's 2 children were small and
in the care of a nursemaid while the Jorgensens were in class.
The missionaries described above were in daily interaction with
the African salaried staff employees of APCM-Luebo and further afield
occasionally with the salaried African church leaders and general
membership of the church. Luebo Presbytery, the geographical unit of
the Presbyterian Church around APCM-Luebo, included over 350 villages
in which at least a small congregation of Africans identified them
selves as Presbyterian church members (cf. Figure 4). Representative
African church leaders and mission employees will be described below.
Indigenous Personnel
Pastor Joel Kambala was the pastor of the large central church
at APCM-Luebo. He was around 55 years old and of Luba ethnic origin.


57
His parish was the large African residential area surrounding APCM-
Luebo. It was in this area that he lived with his family in a slightly
better than average African house. His parish work in the "village"
kept him off the station compound most of the week, but he frequently
visited the evangelistic office to confer with Morgan on church affairs.
There were 3 other smaller chapels in the large village around Luebo
and the pastors from these congregations also were frequently seen at
the evangelistic office.
The employees in the evangelistic office numbered 4 in 1959.
John Kasonga, the Presbyterian treasurer, was a layman around 30 years
old. He worked regular office hours keeping all of the Presbytery
accounts. The Presbytery finances involved the salaries of over 350
evangelists as well as those of the pastors and elders who worked in
the rural areas (cf. Table 6). Elder Samuel Buki worked in the region
al elementary school section of the building. He was in charge of
keeping all of the statistical records of the 23 regional schools in
the Presbytery. He was assisted by 2 clerks, Daniel Kabesele and
Pierre Mutombe. Bert Richards was the missionary in charge of this
office, and his innovation of engaging a comparatively large African
staff to keep school records was much discussed among the other mis
sionaries .
The primary school located at APCM-Luebo, supervised by Robert
McDonald, was taught by May Melton and Lucille Fisher and 20 African
teachers. George Lungenyi was an example of the most highly academic
ally qualified African teacher. He was a graduate of the Normal School
at Kakinda and was officially accredited to teach in grades 1 through

.

TABLE 6
>
STATISTICAL
REPORT OF LUEBO (1938-1953)
ITEM
1938
1942
1945
1947
1949
1951
1953
MEAN
Missionary staff
21
18
17
18
18
22
21
19.3
Village chapels
241
246
279
343
341
380
350
311.4
African pastors
10
12
11
10
11
14
14
11.7
Evangelists & Elders
241
288
305
364
373
359
350
325.7
Total Christians (x 1,000)
40
41
48
67
46
46
46
47.7
Boys in home
87
80
257
116
86
46
100
110.3
Girls in home
55
69
67
30
40
30
155
63.7
Medical assistants
23
12
18
34
21
19
22
21.3
Major operations
129
70
0
17
21
2
124
51.9
Minor operations
490
166
7
156
90
100
388
199.6
Patients (x 1,000)
15
19
14
11
5
5
6
10.7

...

59
4. The younger teachers like Mr. Lungenyi were usually used also in
the upper classes with the American missionaries teaching the final
seventh year. In this "station school," prior to 1960 all of the
records, examinations, duplicating and correction for the final year
was done personally by the missionary staff.
There were 25 medical assistants of various rank working in
the hospital at APCM-Luebo. In 1959, none of these had attained the
level of registered nurse. Despite the lack of academic accreditation,
a number of the men at the hospital had been working with the mission
ary doctors for many years. They assisted in the surgery and on the
wards, and qualified by in-service training as paramedical personnel.
A number of women served as midwives and nurses aids. As will be noted
from Table 6, when a missionary surgeon was in residence, major opera
tions per year would number over 100 and minor operations around 200
or more.
The J. Leighton Wilson Press employed around 15 persons. As
many as 10 of these were long-time employees and represented skilled
printers, typesetters and binders. Each phase of the mission work
employed Africans, for the most part trained on the job, who had
achieved competency in their particular craft through the years.
These people tended to be long-term employees. There was a more rapid
turnover in the lower ranks of employment in the various phases of
the evangelistic, educational, medical, publication and industrial
work.


CHAPTER 4
THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
As has been observed (Wolcott 1972) American missionaries in
Africa tend to form their own interactive nucleus. The members of the
APCM, having developed for themselves the life situation described in
this chapter, correspond to the observation positing cultural ethno-
centrism. This does not deny that the missionaries interact with
members of the indigenous community, but their most meaningful inter
actions are with fellow linguistic and cultural group members. The
effects of their lack of fusion with the indigenous culture are dis
cussed in Chapter 8 below.
As with all human groupings, especially those of long-term
duration, the missionaries formed characteristic ways of arranging
their lives. These arrangements or patterns affected both their phy
sical environment and their social interactions. What was designated
early in the colonial period as a "mission station" became their
typical base of operations. From the beginnings in 1891 until the
middle 1950's the area in which the missionaries worked was primarily
rural. It quickly became the policy of the mission to establish
"stations" which would be strategically located both in reference to
the various population groups with which work was anticipated and in
reference to optimal health considerations for the missionaries.
Lapsley and Sheppard, the pioneer APCM missionaries, observed
upon their arrival the rural mission station pattern already estab
lished among the Swedish and British Baptist missionaries working in
60


61
the Lower Congo. In the development of the APCM there was little
deviation from the basic mission station concept.
Luebo Station and the APCM
Luebo station, founded in 1391, maintained its position of
primacy for the mission for many years. Besides being the first and
thus most historic station, Luebo had several other characteristics
which made it especially influential in the determination of mission
policy and the creation of mission traditions. The first of these
characteristics was its function as a supply depot for the entire mis
sion. Its location at the head of navigation on the Lulua River made
it important during the years (1891-1930) when transport of goods was
possible only by river steamer. The mission treasurer was assigned
to reside at Luebo as he was constantly involved in the acquisition
and transportation of goods and personnel. With the location of the
business office at Luebo the influential Ad Interim Committee (cf.
Chapter 5 below) met more often at Luebo than at any of the other
stations. This centralization of financial and decision-making activ
ity at Luebo was a second factor in its maintaining a special influence
on the mission as a whole.
A third factor in this regard was the long residence at Luebo
of several missionaries that may be designated as "tradition builders."
The Reverend William M. Morrison worked at Luebo for twenty-two years.
From his early years (arrived 1896) he did extensive language work,
developing a Luba-Lulua grammar and dictionary and translating large
portions of the Scriptures. The Reverend Motte Martin worked for 43
years at Luebo from 1903-1946. He, like Morrison, died at Luebo


62
terminating an especially influential career. Martin's special
importance came from his deep involvement in the government and juris
prudence of the indigenous church. He spent a large portion of his
time judging ecclesiastical, marital and even civil cases,, "cutting
palavers" as it is called in the indigenous language, much in the
manner of an African chief. As with the decisions of African chiefs,
Martin's judgments tended, to become normative for future cases at
Luebo and for the mission as a whole.
These three factors plus a fourth involving the early develop
ment of indigenous Church leadership and a large Christian constituency
around the mission station at Luebo and throughout its large outstation
area (cf. map Figure 4) combined to provide a certain validity to
the missionary saying "as Luebo goes, so goes the mission." Luebo
developed a missionary cultural primacy in spite of a formally decen
tralized decision-making system (cf. Chapter 5 below) and a ncn-hier-
archical ideology which emphasized the "vocation" of the individual.
Having been opened as a mission station in the early years of
the Independent State of the Congo, Luebo grew steadily in terms of the
indigenous population who for various reasons migrated to live near the
mission station. In 1935 the African population was cited as approxi
mately 25,000 (AR 1936:56). The conglomeration of this large African
village with the mission station at its center is known as "APCM-Luebo"
to distinguish it from "Luebo-Etatthe government administrative
center and town on the opposite side of the Lulua River.
APCM-Luebo is located on the north bank of the Lulua River
which flows due west at this location. The access road to the station


63
is four times the distance from the river crossing directly to the
station, following a manageable incline to the east one kilometer and
doubling back the same distance through the African section and enter
ing the mission station itself. Until 1915 the large village which
surrounds the station on its west, north and east sides was laid out
in typical Luba and Lulua non-geometric patterns determined mainly by
kinship ties. C.L. Crane reported in 1915 that:
There is a marked improvement in the village itself.
Messrs. Martin and Vinson spent 7 or 8 months in
laying out new streets and assigning the natives new
places for their houses, with the result that the
moral and sanitary conditions are vastly improved.
Each tribe has its section and every effort is made
to stir them to something like tribal pride in keep
ing their villages clean and free from immoral
influences (AR 1915:23).
Thus, since 1915 a grid pattern has remained the distinguishing fea
ture of the African section of APCM-Luebo. Whether the straight
streets have been conducive to leading the population toward the
"straight and narrow" Christian life style as the missionary surveyors
intended is doubtful in the light of later events along these same
streets discussed below in Chapter 7.
Although the development of commercial centers in the mission
village was traditionally discouraged, by 1959 five Portuguese and
Belgian trading shops had managed to become established on the south
ern fringe of the actual mission compound and further down the hill
at the riverside.
Directly opposite the APCM-Luebo on the south bank of the
Lulua is the town of Luebo. Small docks and a number of warehouses
line the river. A tree-lined road runs perpendicular to the river


Figure 5
1. APCM Mission compound.
2. Lulua section of surrounding village (streets laid out in 1915 by
missionaries)
3. Baluba section of village
4. Portuguese shops
5. High bluff beside river
6. Footpath to ferry crossing
7. Motor road to mission (doubles back at top of bluff to east)
8. Rapids in river
9. New bridge completed 1960
10. Island used by missionaries for picnics
11. Ferry crossing
12. Warehouses and shops at steamer dock
13. European residences
14. Main road to town of Luebo
15. Colonial government offices
Roman Catholic cathedral and mission
16.


65



66
and up the gentle slope to the town itself. The streets in town are
dirt and are frequently repaired by contingents of prisoners from the
district and territorial prison located here. Upon entering the town
of Luebo from the river one passes the government buildings which
house the offices of the District Commissioner and the Territorial
Administrator, a courthouse, a post office, and behind these a military
camp. The buildings are old single-story colonial type with large
verandas. Further up the hill is a traffic circle filled with flower
ing plants reflecting Belgian urban style. Beyond the circle is a low
rambling hotel and eight shops arranged on both sides of the single
commercial street. Radiating out from the circle in three other
directions are streets containing residences of the government and
commercial personnel. Well beyond this section, out of town, are the
African sections known as Luebo-South (cf. Figure 5).
In 1959 the town of Luebo contained in addition to the above
a government hospital, a government primary school, both for indigen
ous clients, and reserved for the European residents a "club-house"
where motion pictures were shown and dances held, and a swimming pool
and tennis complex.
Buildings and Dwellings
The original houses at the APCM-Luebo mission station were
constructed in the indigenous manner by the local Bakete people. The
individual walls and the two halves of the roof were fabricated sep
arately and then assembled around a pole frame. These early "prefab
ricated" houses were replaced after two years by Luba type mud-and-
stick houses which were more durable. The ability to make fire-baked

'

67
brick was one of the technological skills that the American mission
aries brought with them to Africa. It was not long after their arriv
al at Luebo that the "brick yard" was begun. From local clay dug from
the Lulua River bank, a steady supply of yellow and red brick began to
flow. By 1921, the permanent brick residences built at Luebo came to
be normative plans approved by the mission (MM 21:135) for construction
on other stations.
The Church
The church at Luebo is one of the most extensive examples of
Presbyterian missionary architecture. Centrally located (cf. No. 1,
Figure 6) on the highest point on the mission compound, it dominates
the surrounding mission station. The cruciform structure is built of
yellow brick. Its facade presents a large central door surmounted by
a central tower which houses a large bell and a mechanical clock which
chimes the hours. The simple, backless benches inside will seat over
1,000 people. The central pulpit, the three large chairs for the
clergy and the sections of laterally-placed benches to the left and
right of the pulpit area reserved for the Elders and choir, reflect
American Presbyterian proxemic style. The yellow brick of the church
makes it stand out from all the other major buildings of the station
which are built of red brick. The church is surrounded by a large
lawn area. A broad dirt path leads up to the front of the church.
I ''
The path is flanked by rows of old and carefully trimmed palm trees.
As one faces the church on the broad path, to the left, parallel to
the path, are two very old buildings. The first is the "meeting room"
(cf. No. 14, Figure 6), a building which houses the meeting room for


Figure 6
1.
Church building
14.
Meeting room and Station
Treasurer's office
2.
Missionary residence
(Woodstocks)
15.
Primary School office
3.
Missionary residence (Morgans)
16.
Missionary store house
4.
Missionary residence
(McDonalds)
17.
Evangelistic office
5.
Missionary residence (Melton)
18.
Preacher's School complex
6.
Missionary residence (Richards)
19.
Girl's Home complex
7.
Missionary residence (Jordans)
20.
Primary School classrooms
8.
Missionary residence
(Mitchells)
21.
J. Leighton Wilson Press
9.
Missionary residence
(Norrises)
22.
Industrial Department shed
10.
Missionary residence
(Wards, "press house")
23.
Widow's house
11.
Missionary residence
(Westbrook)
24.
Missionary cemetery
12.
Missionary residence
(Jorgensens)
25.
Tennis court
13.
McKowen Memorial Hospital
complex
26.
Football field


69


70
the station meetings and for meetings of the African Presbytery. It
also contains two small offices, one of which is used by the station
treasurer. The second building, as one approached the church, is a
missionary residence (cf. No. 7, Figure 6). It is a two-bedroom
accommodation which is usually occupied by two single ladies.
On the right side of this street leading north to the church
are two almost identical buildings set in symmetrical settings in
reference to those on the left and to the church. The lower building
of the two is the educational office and workshop and supply room
(cf. No. 15, Figure 6). During our period of observation this build
ing serviced a primary school of around 2500 pupils. The upper build
ing was a seldom-used one known as the "depot" (cf. No. 16, Figure 6).
This building had been used in earlier years as the central supply
storage for the trade goods that were used in barter and for payment
of workers. It was also used for the storage of household effects be
longing to missionaries who had returned to the United States on fur
lough. Just above the depot and set off further to the right are a
two-car garage and the station "motor house," a small building which
houses the diesel generating plant which supplies electricity to the
station each evening from seven until ten oclock.
The street leading south from the cnurch intersects in a dead
end fashion at its base with the main street which transverses the
station. By street is understood a wide, well-drained path which can
accommodate one lane of automobile traffic. Opposite this intersec
tion, across the main street, is the station cemetery (cf. No. 24,
Figure 6). Beyond the cemetery are open fields sloping down the hill

'
v . V

71
PLATE 3
a. The church at APCM-Luebo.


72
to a wooded area where the terrain falls sharply down to the river.
The Missionary Residences
The residences at APCM-Luebo represented missionary building
from the 1920's to the 1960's (cf. Nos. 2 through 12, Figure 6). As
one enters the station on the main street from the east, the first
house to the right (cf. No. 2, Figure 6) is a rare item on the whole
mission. It is a two-storied house. It is a comparatively small
house of one-room depth and two-room width. It has a wide veranda
across the front of both the first and second floors. It was designed
by and built for one of the early dentists on the mission. By mission
standards it is an elaborate house considering its limited two-bedroom
capacity.
The houses, which are 11 in number, range in age from 50
to 7 years old. The older houses tend to have a centrally peaked roof
with a veranda on all four sides of the house, the principal roof ex
tending to seven feet from the floor level. Foundations are usually
built in such a manner as to raise the house from two-and-a-half to
three-and-a-half feet above the ground. The older houses were lower,
the more expensive raising of the first floor level coming in later
years. The standard missionary residence is a rather spacious house,
usually three bedrooms, living room, dining room, kitchen, pantry work
room, and store room. The kitchen is often off the back porch with
the screened porch serving as working space. All bathrooms and toilets
are interior. The newer houses have a bath-and-a-half. They also
have modern type bathtubs and sinks. Earlier houses had imported
toilet fixtures, but often have brick bathtubs which are cement-lined


73
PLATE 4
a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo.
mm
[po %
&*££#>
V ./Hf
b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo.


74
and enameled and cement wash basins. Running water is supplied to
the bathroom, and hot water is furnished by means of a wood-burning
hot water heater built outside the house near the bathroom wall.
The kitchens have only cold running water. Water is heated for
dishwashing on the wood cook stove that is provided in each house by
the mission. Most of the missionaries have a kerosene refrigerator
and several have gas ranges which are fueled by bottled gas.
The house to which the writer was assigned was one of the old
er and less commodious residences on the station. It was known as the
"white hospital" as it was originally built in 1922 as a guest house
for European patients who had to spend an extended time at the hospi
tal. Since this residence is typical of many missionary residences,
it will be described in some detail. It is located on the downhill,
southern side of the main street in the corner of the station (cf. No.
12, Figure 6). Its side and back yards were bordered by the "cordon
blue," a 25-meter strip of land stipulated by the colonial government
as required to separate a European compound from any African housing.
Just beyond this strip to the west there are the backyards of African
residences. The missionary house consists of one bedroom measuring
12' x 12, one bedroom off the latter bedroom measuring 12' x 6', and
a bath equipped with cement tub and sink. The identical space on the
opposite side of the central living room serves as large dining room,
a third bedroom or office, and the kitchen. The living room was
originally an open porch, the front of which has been bricked up to
a height of three feet and the remainder screened. Two small front
verandas open off the screened living room. The house is surrounded


75
PLATE 5
tit* ; Sfcrt \ ~ *'
P&
C?
p&mg
w2 i.?- ^ >sn? *?*.< v
-
:- ..-
FZSM-f.
mm&
W5M
'5'"-;i*."-OT^a ^
a. Writer's residence at APCM-Luebo.


76
by tall oilnut palms randomly spaced in a large lawn.
A special feature of the construction of the 11 residences is
the "outbuilding" which accompanies each home. This is a long, narrow
three-room building containing a "sentry" room, a laundry room or shed,
and a storage room often used by the missionary family as an office or
a school room for the teaching of small missionary children. These
buildings are located about 15 meters behind the missionary residence,
parallel to the rear of the major building. In a number of cases the
outbuilding also contains a garage.
The McKowen Memorial Hospital
The hospital at APCM-Luebo (cf. No. 13, Figure 6) is composed
of three large buildings, the most recent of which was constructed in
1958 to house administrative offices, dental office, classrooms, and
laboratory. The older buildings house the large wards for African
patients and the surgery and pharmacy building. The entire hospital
area is fenced in with a chain link fence. Also included in the hos
pital complex are utility buildings, laundry, and ten very small resi
dences for African hospital personnel.
The J. Leighton Wilson Press
One of the earliest needs felt by the missionaries was for the
printed word. Luebo has been the permanent site of the printing ef
forts of the APCM through the years since 1903. The press is named
after the first Executive Secretary for Foreign Missions (1861-1886)
of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, who was especially
concerned with the evangelization of Africa. The physical plant
housing the printing facilities consists of two buildings placed in


77
PLATE 6
a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo.
b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at APCM-Luebo.


78
an "L" configuration (cf. No. 21, Figure 6). The longer building
houses the typesetting room, the press room with two large flatbed
presses and two smaller job presses, the bindery containing machines
and work space for cutting, stapling and binding the books. The smal
ler building contains the business office and stock rooms for current
inventories and printing supplies. There are also two smaller out
buildings, one housing the generator plant which powers the press, and
another which houses a Linotype machine and darkroom facilities for
photoengraving.
The Evangelistic Office
The Church office, for the local community and for a surround
ing rural area of about 150-mile radius is located on the east side of
the station behind and above the first two residences on the left as
one enters the station. This building contains three offices. One is
the office of the Evangelistic Department of the station. A second is
the Regional School office, which has supervision over all the primary
schools in the surrounding rural area, exclusive of the one large pri
mary school on the station. The supervision of these schools has fal
len to the clergymen because they are the only staff members who travel
in the rural areas on "itineration" for extended periods, visiting many
of the African villages for the purpose of supervising the church work.
A third office in the Evangelistic Building is the Presbytery Treasur
er's office where the church accounts and funds are kept. The furnish
ings in these offices are very simple: locally-made desks and book
cases, perhaps an imported office chair for the missionary in charge,
and a few straight chairs for visitors. The single piece of furniture


79
which dominates each office is the old, large and impressive steel
safe.
The Primary School
Located just north of the church is the primary school (cf. No
20, Figure 6). It consists of 8 double classroom buildings arranged
in a "U" with considerable distance between each building. The class
room buildings are brick and open along the sides above a height of
four feet. The school buildings, like all of the construction on the
station, are roofed with galvanized tin or aluminum roofing.
The Girl1s Home
Immediately to the east of the primary school area, in a wire-
fenced enclosure, is the "Girl's Home" (cf. No. 19, Figure 6). This
is a complex of four dormitory buildings and a central refectory and
meeting room. The girls living here attend the station primary school
At the time of this study 52 girls were in residence.
The Preacher's School
In the northeastern corner of the mission station, to the east
of the girl's home (cf. No. 18, Figure 6), is a similar complex of
small dwelling units and a refectory-classroom building. In former
years this was the "Boy's Home," but it has recently been converted
to a facility housing a high school-level ministerial training school.
The Preacher's School supplies the whole mission area with village
evangelists.
As was stated above, the early construction on the mission was
African-type houses and sheds built by Africans for the missionaries.
In the early days the mortality was quite high, especially among wives


80
and children. The recurring crisis of death among the staff intensi
fied the desire of the missionaries to build more permanent and salu
brious residences. It was in 1913 that the first professional builder
came to the mission field as a missionary. He was 52 years of age at
the time of his appointment and came on a self-sustaining basis. He
supervised the building of Mutoto station. In 1915, with the arrival
of a graduate of Georgia Tech, Carson Industrial School was opened at
Luebo. Carpentry, brickmaking, brick masonry, tailoring, shoe-making,
blacksmithing, ivory carving and broom-making were all taught at the
school. The school was closed in 1930 due to lack of funds caused by
the depression. In the fifteen years of its operation, the Industrial
School trained hundreds of artisans who found ready employment in the
developing colony. The large work shed (cf. No. 22, Figure 6) which
housed the school remains at Luebo. It is currently utilized by the
maintenance personnel of the station.
In a number of ways the mission station reflects the terri
torial layout of an American college campus. In terms of allotment of
space and size of buildings, however, the emphasis of APCM-Luebo is
clearly on the missionary residences and the church. The station does
have an open and spread-out aspect which can be contrasted to the
typical Roman Catholic mission station in the area. Catholic stations
tend to reflect the architectural and territorial features of the
cloister of Europe.
Households
As has been pointed out above, one of the main features of the
mission station is the provision and clustering of residences for the


81
missionaries.
The organization of the missionary household at Luebo is
in many ways quite different from what the American staff would ex
perience in the United States. One of the causes of this difference
is the de facto professional role of the wife as a missionary. The
BUM manual states that:
Missionary wives share with their husbands in
qualifications and language study. It is recog
nized that their first obligation is to the home
and this witness through the Christian family is
their major missionary service. They may engage
in other services as domestic duties permit
(BUM Manual, 27).
This official statement is, of course, the ideal. The real pattern
is manifest in a considerable amount of pressure placed upon a new
missionary wife to "take up part of the work." The second cause of
the unique missionary household organization can be found in the tra
ditions of the missionary community at Luebo.
From the early years households have been referred to as
"fences," (a human grouping of all those who live and/or work at a
particular missionary residence). These have included a varied num
ber of African "helpers." The rationale for having extensive domestic
help is that (a) under the relatively primitive living conditions, all
of the help a missionary wife can get simply frees her for the more
important evangelistic, educational or medical work that always needs
to be done; and (b) there are always African men and women available
who need employment. By employing them, the missionary is aiding in
the development of individuals and the region as a whole.
Thus, from the pioneer days when life was essentially camping

_

82
and the missionary had his personal "boy," cook and hammock men, to
the present when the minimum for most young missionary families is a
cook, a laundry man and a "Baba," who is a full-time woman babysitter
for the small children, domestic servants have been a tradition at
Luebo. In the early years, having a number of young men in your "fence"
was thought to be an excellent way to train them in all aspects of the
Christian life. In more recent years, the number has greatly decreased
and the motivation is more clearly on providing the support system for
the missionary couple as they seek to devote the whole day to mission
ary work.
The selection of the domestic staff for the new missionary is
done basically by those already on the station when he arrives. The
key people such as cooks and laundry men usually stay with their mis
sionary employers for years. They may be available, however, for a
year if "their missionary" happens to be in the States on furlough.
The new couple knows nothing of the individuals, and even if they are
reluctant to take on a staff of servants at the outset of their mis
sionary career, they are assured by the "old timers" that this is the
time-tested way to proceed.
The selection of household staff is also watched and controlled
by the local church leaders. Although the people employed are the
financial responsibility of the missionary, the African church
leaders ordinarily must informally approve the selection. Thee
writer was informed by the local African pastors in one instance in
1959 that he must terminate a fine young cook because he was involved
in an adultery "palaver." Prior to the mid-1940's, these problems


83
would have been decided by the missionary. This case is an example
of the African church leaders initiating action in the missionary
sphere. The statuses of the various servants are differentiated with
in the household and in the larger missionary and African communities
according to the roles they perform. The following section is a
description of the various employment positions possible in a mission
ary household.
The cook is the highest ranking of all of the domestic "hel
pers." He is invariably male and most often is a mature man who has
been trained to cook by missionaries or by Europeans in the area. He
must be able to prepare a complete meal, often for as many as eight or
ten persons, on the wood cook range and with the relatively modest
kitchen equipment. He is a person who can be given a menu and left
with the responsibility of having "the meal on the table" at the ap
pointed time. One of the essential skills of the cook at Luebo is
baking bread. All of the household's bread must be baked by the cook
as there is no commercial bread available. A particular cook is often
especially noted for his bread and rolls, and perhaps for pies and
cakes as well. The cook lives in the African village and arrives at
work around 6:30 AM to begin preparing the breakfast. In 1960 he
earned a salary of from twenty to forty dollars a month, depending on
the size of his family.
The "Baba" or nursemaid is the second highest ranking member
of the household staff. She has the responsibility of looking after
the children most of the day while the missionary mother is in lan
guage study or later involved in some missionary duties. If the child


84
or children are small and in diapers it is the task of the baba to
launder all the soiled diapers. As babysitter she has the run of the
house and performs such functions as putting away the general laundry,
making and turning down the beds and picking up the children's toys.
Babas are usually mature "single" women, either widowed or divorced.
They report to work in time to take over the child after breakfast and
work until 4:30 or 5:00 in the afternoon. Besides their salary of
from twenty to twenty-five dollars a month, it is the custom to permit
the baba to take a large bucket of water to the village each evening.
The water source for the village people was a spring one mile from
APCM-Luebo. The women usually carried water during the day while the
nursemaids were at work.
The laundry man is the third highest-ranking domestic helper.
He is responsible for washing all of the family laundry in pails and
washtubs and ironing it with a charcoal burning iron. For a family
with two or three children this task takes almost the full work week
to complete. He, like the cook, was often a mature man. He might be
a younger man with the aspiration of working his way up to being a
cook. In the local African tradition both cooking and washing are
considered "women's work," and it is only in the context of working
for the foreigner that men are comfortable with these roles.
The position of "house boy" was common in former years, but
the tasks of sweeping, mopping and cleaning were more recently shared
by the laundry man and the baba. It was also common in earlier years
for the cook to have a kitchen boy who kept the fire going and washed
the dishes. As salaries have increased and equipment improved, the


85
missionaries have encouraged their cooks to accept all aspects of the
kitchen work. For a first-class cook this is seemingly difficult,
and he usually prevails upon the sentry to do the cleaning up.
The sentry is the fourth member of the normal household staff.
He is provided by the mission and has the responsibility of being a
night watchman, generally keeping up the lawn, and assuring that the
kitchen is supplied with wood for the cook stove. He is also respon
sible for lighting and tending the hot water heater every day so that
there will be hot water available in the bathroom in the evening for
family baths. The sentry has a room in the outbuilding. Ideally, he
does not sleep all night, but makes periodic patrols of the lawn and
buildings. His official work time is at night and he is free to return
to the village during the day. In practice, most sentries spend a
good part of the day on their jobs and sleep at night. They work on
the lawn, get the wood and run errands for the missionary family
members and other workers. They must maintain a household of their own
in the village and are discouraged from having their wives and children
stay with them in the missionary "fence." The reason given for this
rule is that the "fence" is already sufficiently crowded with the
missionary couple, their children, three or four helpers and the con
stant stream of visitors and traders. A sentry's wife and children
would only add to the noise and commotion, and invite even more numer
ous visitors. As the sentry's job is a seven-night-a-week arrangement,
it was understood that there are occasional family visits during the
night to the sentry's room in the outbuilding. This was done in such
a way that it was never noticeable to the missionary. The system ap-


86
parently did not work any hardship on anyone involved as the writer
never heard a single complaint about the night work arrangement.
It is often the case that a young boy of school age or a
young adult is hired to do yard work and thus relieve the sentry of
part of his job. These arrangements are usually "piece work" and the
relationships are temporary. If an extensive garden is desired by the
missionary, a full-time gardener is added to the payroll. This is
usually an old man who has done gardening for missionaries for many
years. He usually earns around twenty dollars a month as he is well
past the age of having dependent children in his household.
The one position lacking among the missionary helpers which
one always finds in the European, particularly Belgian, households and
businesses is the chauffeur. The European seldom drives in the Kasayi.
The missionaries, on the other hand, have always insisted on driving
whatever vehicles there are avilable and have been reluctant to "turn
vehicles over to" African chauffeurs. The station usually has one
African mechanic who may have earned his way to limited chauffeuring
of the station truck. More often than not some male missionary will
be enlisted to drive the truck or any mission vehicle.
The Missionary Furnishing and Equipment
When a new missionary was preparing for his or her first trip
to Africa they received an approved list of needed supplies and var
ious forms of unofficial advice. The new missionary was told in the
official list and by many of the older missionaries with whom he had
contact, that:


87
Anything that makes your home more attractive and
comfortable in America (except electrical equip
ment) will be useful in the Congo mirrors, vases,
pictures, bookends, candlesticks, small washable
rugs, etc...You will probably have to do more en
tertaining than the average housekeeper at home,
much of it at meals, so you will need a larger sup
ply of table linen, dishes, and silver than at home...
Take a good mattress and springs. Good beds are an
essential, so economize somewhere else...
Bedsteads are made by the African carpenters upon the missionary's
arrival and remain his personal property. Most of the basic heavy
furniture is provided by the mission and remains in the particular
house if the missionary is moved. The beds, the kerosene refrigerator
and other small pieces that the missionary imports or has made at his
expense remain the missionary's private property. The new first-term
missionary is given a furniture allowance of $150 to be used for the
construction of any needed furniture with the understanding that this
furniture remains the property of the mission and the particular sta
tion where it was purchased (cf. Par. S4, Appendix 1).
The result of these practices is that the missionary residence
at Luebo has the appearance of an American home. A more exact compari
son might be a well-furnished summer home in the United States today.
The furnishings and decor provide the cultural identification of
American Presbyterians from, primarily, the Southeastern section of the
United States. The presence of several servants is reminiscent of
former Southern American culture history.
The Missionary Diet
The missionary living on a mission station has a diet which is
similar to that which he might have in the United States. This is



88
possible through the policy of placing large food orders with whole
sale food exporters in New York and Copenhagen. Canned meats, condi
ments, flour, powdered milk, spices, some canned vegetables, dessert
mixes and specialty items such as Chinese ingredients are imported from
overseas. Many items can be purchased locally in the grocery stores
catering to Europeans. Spices that are common in Europe are usually
available. Cooking oil, sugar, flour, potatoes, carrots, cauliflower,
celery and cabbage are usually available in local stores. The vege
tables are often imported from the Kivu region or flown in from Bel
gium. Beef, pork, veal and mutton are also available at Luebo-Etat.
A long list of items are purchased either at the door from vendors or
at the weekly native market. Rice, corn, cornmeal, peas, tomatoes,
spinach, eggplant, peppers, citrus fruit, papaya, pineapple, bananas,
mangos, guavas, chickens, eggs, pumpkin type squash, green beans,
tomato paste, corned beef, manioc flour and palm oil are all purchased
on or near the station. Some of these items are those grown in a
private garden if the missionary is inclined to go to the trouble and
expense.
Because of the large number of visitors, meals tend to be
elaborate. Whenever there is a visitor on the station the usual pat
tern is that he or she will "eat around." This involves rotating
among the resident families for various meals. Breakfast is taken at
one home, lunch at the next and supper at a third. This system of
"assigned" guests plus personal guests from among the station staff
can amount to from 30 to 300 extra meals served each month. The repu
tation of the lady of the house and of the cook depended on the quality


89
of these guest meals. As a result, even a breakfast is often a memor
able culinary and social occasion.
Missionary Clothing
Missionaries are advised to bring to the field enough clothing
to last them a four-year term. Light summer type clothing for men,
women and children is what is suggested. The only requirement is
that it not need dry cleaning, as this service is not available. An
official list entitled "Suggestions Concerning Outfit for the Congo"
(cf. Appendix 2) states for women:
Any type of clothing used in summer in America
that does not require dry cleaning is suitable
for the Congo. A good supply of wash dresses
for morning wear and a few a bit dressier for
afternoon and evening are most suitable. A
dinner dress is worn very seldom and is not a
necessity.
For men the list states:
Suits of seersucker, linen, palm beach, gabar-
ine or white duck are most useful. A good
supply of extra trousers in khaki or any of the
above materials is needed for everyday wear...
Most of the time men go coatless and wear open-
throated sport shirts. Take dress and sport
shirts, pajamas, underwear, handkerchiefs, socks,
ties, etc., according to personal taste.
It is pointed out that a variety of cotton cloth can be purchased
locally so that if patterns are imported, quite a bit of clothing can
be made for the children and wife. Underwear and shoes should be im
ported from the United States, as the limited supply that are avail
able are very expensive. In the past the European style and cut had
not been accepted by the American missionaries. The missionaries in
Luebo always look like Americans dressed for suimertime: the women


90
in cotton dresses, usually of knee length; the men in khaki pants and
bright-colored sport shirt. Shorts are not recommended for the women,
and if men appear in shorts they are the long, colored walking short
type. This is a distinct contrast to the other European men who wear
short white shorts and knee socks, and also to the Africans who always
wear long pants feeling that shorts are suitable only for small boys.
Finances
Many of the missionary's financial transactions are handled
through paperwork within the structure of the mission. The station
treasurer forwards notes of these transactions to the mission treasur
er who, in turn, deals with the Board of World Missions' treasurer if
the transaction involves payment outside the territory of the mission.
The Board of World Missions treasurer in the United States handles
payment of such items as U.S. Income Tax, Social Security payments,
life insurance premiums, missionary correspondence, children's school
materials, and personal food and supply orders, debiting the mission
ary's field account.
The missionary's salary is credited each month to the mission
treasurer who keeps an open account for each missionary family. The
missionary can draw cash in local currency as needed, either from the
station treasurer or the mission treasurer. It is not unusual for the
missionaries to have debit balances ranging up to $3,000 on their
personal accounts. Debits are usually high when missionaries return
to the field with new supplies, and diminish over the four-year period
before the next furlough year.


CHAPTER 5
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION I: PRESBYTERIAN TRADITION
AND THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
All human groupings have particular and identifiable patterns
of organization. These patterns are generally culture-specific and
are consistent over time. This chapter will deal with the ways in
which the missionary community is organized or structured. Psycholo
gists and anthropologists have long employed some sort of bipolar way
of analyzing human behavior. Edward T. Hall (1959:65) links names to
pairs of concepts which illustrate this approach; Freud to conscious
and unconscious, Sullivan to in-awareness and out-of-awareness, Linton
to overt and covert, others used overt and covert or ideal and real.
Hall suggests (1959:66ff) the tripartite scheme of formal, informal,
and technical to describe cultural levels. Hall and George L. Trager
arrived at their 3-level theory through an intensive study of the
way Americans talk about time.
Ue discovered that there were three kinds of
time; formal time, which everybody knows about
and takes for granted and which is well worked
into daily life; informal time, which has to do
with situational or imprecise references like
"awhile," "later," "in a minute," and so on;
technical time, an entirely different system
used by scientists and technicians, in which
even the terminology may be unfamiliar to the
non-specialist...We discovered that man has not
two but three modes of behavior (Hall 1959:66).
The formal mode of behavior is that which is informed by the
traditions of the community. It is learned by accepting precepts and
91


92
admonitions. As Hall puts it (1959:67) "The adult mentor molds the
young according to patterns he himself has never questioned." There
is a type of formal cognition which takes tradition as absolutely
binding and formal type emotion which accompanies any violation of
the formal norm. According to American southern Presbyterian tradition,
for instance, one does not eat caterpillars. Thus a surge of formal
emotion is evoked when, in a Kasayi village, a missionary is offered
a portion of large broiled caterpillars by his African host. Finally,
formal systems are characterized by a very great tenacity. The formal
changes slowly, almost imperceptibly. As Hall sums up this level
(1959:80): "The formal provides a broad pattern within whose outlines
the individual actor can fill in the details for himself. If he stays
within the boundaries, life goes along smoothly. If not, he finds him
self in trouble."
The informal level consists of those behaviors which are in
formed by experimentation in life situations. In learning the prin
ciple agent is a model used for imitation. Informal type cognition is
minimal, as the informal is made up of activities and mannerisms which
once learned, are done automatically. Each indigenous person in the
Kasayi has learned informally to begin any conversation with a custom
ary greeting pattern of "Life to you, are you well, what is the news?"
If a missionary failed to follow this informal norm, a definite un-
comfortableness was evoked in the African. Another example of informal
affect is the vague uneasiness experienced when a person from one
culture violates the proxemic norms of another culture and stands too
close to a bearer of the second culture.


93
The informal level changes more rapidly as it is learned
through trial and error and imitation. In language, it represents the
area called "slang" which each new generation of young people remolds
to their own tastes.
The technical level exists in all cultures, but is most obvious
in the technologically developed areas. It is taught by a combination
of precept, explanation and trial and error. Cognition on this level
involves understanding the explanations of why a certain operation
must be done in a particular way. There is little affect or emotion
related to the technical level.
The present analysis is based upon these concepts, but it
should be noted that the category of "technical" was generally fused
into the "formal" in the missionary context. The organizational struc
ture of the mission described below was primarily a technical arrange
ment to enable a group of people to perform a task. It had, however,
become formalized and was taught by precept and admonition. A neophyte
missionary found that many of the lessons he must learn were binary:
of a yes-no, right-wrong character. In missionary life there were
many meetings in which the missionary must participate. These assem-
iC T
blages typify the formal structure and will be described below.
Presbyterian Tradition
As has been discussed in the historical section, southern
American Presbyterians have a rigidly structured system through which
decisions are made concerning the membership and activity of their
group. Their decisions are made in meetings. There are prescribed
assemblages on all levels of the organization from the most particular,


94
the "Session" of the individual congregation, to the most general and
inclusive, the "General Assembly" of the delegates from the whole de
nomination. Between these two extremes is the all-important Presby
tery which has the ultimate formal power, as it controls the sessions
under it and must ratify any constitutional changes of the General
Assembly over it.
Presbyterian churchmen are schooled in the mechanics of making
decisions within this structure. Each clergyman has studied courses in
Church Polity during his theological education, and theory becomes
practice in his obligatory and regular quarterly participation in
Presbytery meetings. Presbyterian laymen who are elected Elders by
their congregations participate often weekly in the local Session
meeting and are delegated, often on a rotating basis, to the meetings
of Presbytery.
The meeting is traditional. Its timing and format as an event
are structured. Two publications guide the participants: The Book of
Church Order, which presents the church's constitution and by-laws,
and Robert's Rules of Order, which is taken as the pariiamentary
authority. An intellectual grasp of the contents of these 2 books and
skill in their application "on the floor of Presbytery" is the mark of
a "good" presbyter. At these meetings and among Presbyterian church
men generally the adage "everything must be done decently and in
order" is often heard.
In our study of the mission at Luebo, we noticed much of the
formal structure in decision-making transplanted to Africa by the
missionaries. Although the mission structure is more hierarchical in


95
.that the largest assemblage has ultimate power, the method of decision
making by assembled groups is identical.
It must be kept in mind that in the most formal sense we are
dealing with two formal structures. We will be primarily concerned
with the missionary structures, but these can never be entirely separ
ated from the African church, which co-existed with the mission through
the years. The original aim of the APCM was the evangelization of the
Kasayi as that term was understood by southern Presbyterians. The
birth and growth of an African church was expected. The accepted mis-
siology of the period conceived of the mission structure as a kind of
scaffolding which had to be built to enable the indigenous church to
rise within it. The particular changes dealt with in Chapter 7 below
related to the questions of exactly when and how the vast "scaffolding"
which was the APCM was to be removed.
The church structure began with early conferences of the
African pastors and village evangelists, and developed concomitantly
with the mission into the formal structures described in the latter
sections of this chapter.
The detailed descriptions of both sets of institutions are
being presented to demonstrate the effect of culturally persistent
ways of communicating, ways of arriving at decisions and ways of im
plementing decisions which were particular to both the mission and the
church, and which were often in conflict with each other.
The Formal Structure
Because our focus is primarily on the missionaries as agents
of change, and because, prior to 1960, the mission tended to overshadow


96
the church in many respects, we will begin with an analysis of the
structure of the APCM.
The Mission
To understand much that took place at APCM-Luebo it is neces
sary to understand the social and political organization of the mission
as a whole.
The mission was a group of people, Americans and other Euro
peans, sent to the Kasayi by the Board of World Missions of the Pres
byterian Church in the United States. These people, the missionaries,
were formally organized in a traditionally Presbyterian manner. There
was no episcopal authority among the missionaries. They were respon
sible only to the Board of World Missions in the United States. The
ultimate authority of the group at the local level was the parliament
ary decision of the annual assemblage known as Mission Meeting. The
missionaries were distributed geographically to stations, vocationally
in departments, and some structurally in various committees and boards.
All of this distribution was determined by the vote of the annual mis
sion meeting. The importance of a decision by vote at Mission Meet
ing in the authority structure was reflected in the fact the the
Minutes of Mission Meeting were printed each year as a top priority
item by the mission press. A special classification and citation sys
tem was developed to ensure ready access to any particular decision.
Women's suffrage among the missionaries was an interesting case in
point.
MM-17-51 (51st decision of mission meeting in
1917) Moved and carried that the present policy
with reference to women voting be continued.
Policy: it is the duty of women to vote on their


97
respective stations. At mission meeting the
Ladies Conference is given a meeting (session)
to bring before the mission any matters they
have to bring up, and refer to MM-14-16.
MM-20-40 That [name deleted] be appointed to
write a circular letter to all the ladies of
the mission to determine their attitudes towards
women's suffrage on the mission...
MM-21-17 [name deleted] reported that it was
the consensus of opinion of the ladies...that
married women should not vote but that single
women should be given the privilege. In view of
the fact that the majority of the ladies as a
whole did not desire the vote it was moved and
carried that no women be allowed to vote (1ta1ics
mine).
AIC-23-Apri1-9 The committee reports that up to
the present the vote is four to one in favor of
the vote for single ladies. It was thereupon
moved and carried that we adopt the report and
receive the ladies as voting members with a
cordial welcome.
In the 1957 edition of the constitution of the APCM the fol
lowing statement was made regarding voting on the mission:
Any missionary, ordained or unordained, under
regular appointment by the Board of World Mis
sions shall be entitled to vote at Mission
Meeting after a residence of two years on the
field and having passed his language examina
tions. ..Missionaries of nationalities other
than American, or of denominations other than
our own, may, upon application to the Mission,
become associate members without voting powers,
provided there is unanimous consent of mis
sionaries present on the field at the time the
application is made and by the Board of World
Missions...Al 1 missionaries shall have the
privilege of debate and advise, and they can
vote on the question of their removal from one
station to another, and also in regard to what
work is to be assigned them. Missionaries under
regular appointment may vote on their respective
stations after a residence of one year on the
field, provided they have passed their lang
uage examinations (APCM 1957:6).


98
The language examination was a testing of competency in Tshil-
uba. This was the major indigenous language. The test occurred after
a prescribed course of 3 months full-time study followed by 3 months
half-time study.
Through the years the temporal restriction on the power to vote
at Mission Meeting was 2 years. This mechanism maintained a clear dis
tinction between "new missionaries" and "seasoned missionaries."
Stemming from this rule it was generally understood that new mission
aries would have very little to say at the various meetings until after
at least half of their first term had passed. The practical effect of
this control of input was that after several years had passed, very
often the new missionary had settled into the system and no longer
had the same criticisms or suggestions which were silenced a few years
before. The 1965 publication of the Missionary Manual by the Board
of World Missions liberalizes the policy (the Board of World Missions
being the higher authority of the APCM) stating "All missionaries in
regular, special term or volunteer service who have completed one
year or more of service on the field are entitled to vote" (BWM 1965:
73).
The Mission had the following officers: a chairman, a
secretary, recording secretaries of th Mission Meeting, a Mission
Treasurer, a Stated Clerk, a Legal Representative and suppliants, and
a Mission School Inspector. In the history of the Mission, none of
these officers were women except the recording secretaries at the
Mission Meetings. These officers were elected for 1 year, their term
of service beginning immediately after the close of the Annual Mission


99
Meeting unless otherwise specified (APCM 1957:6).
The powers of the Mission are stated as follows:
A. To decide all questions of policy not already decided by
the BWM.
B. To make all requests for new missionaries.
C. To decide on the opening of new stations.
D. To decide on the opening of Mission or station institutions,
and in the case of institutions, where they are to be
located.
E. To exercise control over the placing of missionaries and
the particular kind of work in which they shall engage.
(Where a missionary is especially concerned, due considera
tions shall be given to his feelings in the matter.)
F. To approve the annual budget estimates and all other re
quests for funds from the BWM.
G. To alone have the power to transfer budget appropriations
from one purpose to another except in cases where this
power has been delegated to stations or committees and
when not in conflict with BWM Manual paragraph 133.
H. To approve all donations for building and equipment.
I. To decide time and place of annual Mission Meeting.
A review of these powers indicates the importance of the annual
Mission Meeting as it is at this assemblage of the predominately white
foreign missionaries that these powers were fulfilled.
The 1957 by-laws of the APCM specifies 42 committees and
boards to which the Mission Meeting must appoint members from among


100
the foreign missionaries on the field. Some of these committees had a
much greater importance to the dynamics of life at Luebo than did
others. A brief review will signal the ones of special significance.
The Mission Meeting Arrangements Committee. This committee was
responsible for a schedule of hours for the daily sessions, a schedule
of leaders for morning and evening devotional periods and to make ar
rangements for the lodging and meals of the Mission Meeting. Each
station was required to select 2 of its members who were to prepare
sermons to be preached at the Mission Meeting, and notify the Arrange
ments Committee of their names.
The Docket Committee. This committee was composed of the Mis
sion Secretary and all of the Station Secretaries. This committee
received all items from the stations for consideration at the annual
Mission Meeting. They were to be in the form of motions or overtures,
and included questions touching the assignment or reassignment of
missionaries. The Chairman had to circulate to all stations the com
plete prepared docket 6 weeks before the Mission Meeting.
The Steering Committee was composed of Stated Clerk, Chairman
of the Mission and Chairman of the Mission Meeting Arrangements Com
mittee. Its duties were to guide the Mission to a consideration of
matters of major importance as early as possible during Mission
Meeting. (Meetings often ran 2 weeks.) Further to propose a schedule
of comnittee meetings from day to day during Mission Meeting. Also,
they nominated members to fill vacancies on committees and as far as
possible prevented one person from being on 2 standing committees.
With 42 committees and 170 missionaries stratified by age statuses,


101
this latter stipulation was very difficult to meet.
The Nominating Committee was composed of the Mission Meeting
chairman as chairman and 4 other members. These members were elected
from the floor at one of the early sessions of the Mission Meeting.
Its duty was to nominate members to the various standing committees
for the coming year.
The Placement of Missionaries Committee. It was composed of
5 members elected by the Mission. It considered the overtures from
the stations in regard to personnel. It reassigned all personnel on
the field and assigned new people due to arrive. The "Placement" Com
mittee was of considerable importance. It was a prestigious committee
to be elected to since its members acted as "gatekeepers" to the flow
of personnel. This committee met during Mission Meeting in impressive
secrecy and usually reported late in the meeting, at a night session,
by unveiling a large blackboard showing the placement of the entire
staff of the Mission at the various stations and institutions.
The Medical and Furlough Committee was composed of 7 members
of the medical personnel doctors, nurses or technicians. However,
at Mission Meeting all doctors, nurses and technicians present were
considered voting members of this committee. They determined the best
possible prosecution of the medical work of the Mission and also re
ported on personnel furlough due dates. It was after this report of
which personnel were going to leave the field on furlough, that the
"vote to return" was taken. The missionary group as a whole voted on
whether or not it was advisable for each particular missionary to
return after furlough. It was at Mission Meeting that each missionary


102
must "pass muster" every 4 years.
The Evangelistic Committee was composed of one evangelistic
man (clergy) from each station.
The primary purpose of this committee is to keep
constantly before the Mission and the Congo Church
the supreme task of evangelism which is to bring
men to a saving knowledge of Christ and to estab
lish an indigenous church which is self-supporting,
self-governing, and self-propagating. To this end
the Mission and the indigenous church have adopted
a Book of Church Order in which is laid down the
Mission's policy (APCM 1957:15).
The Replies to Native Courts Committee was required following
the above statement. That is, actions of the Mission Meeting were to
be translated into Tshiluba (from English) and transmitted to the
African church groups. The 3 American members were appointed at each
Mission Meeting.
The Educational Committee carried the stipulated task in the
by-laws of "keeping before the Mission the supreme task of Christian
Education, which is the development of Christian character" (APCM 1957
15). Composed of one member from each station with the School In
spector as ex officio member, this committee, in actuality, was con
cerned with all aspects of the secular educational arm of the Mission,
touching schools from the primary level to professional training on
the university level. The members of this committee tended to be
professional educators and their concerns were pedagogical in the
technical sense.
The Language and Publication Committee, composed of the di
rector of the Mission Press and 5 other members, had responsibility for
approving all literature to be published "in the native language"


103
before it was printed or mimeographed. It also received and trans
mitted to the Mission reports from stations on the language study and
examination of new missionaries. It also had general oversight of
the policies and activities of the Mission Press.
The Finance Committee was composed of the Mission Treasurer
and 4 other members. It considered budget estimates sent in by the
stations and made recommendations to the Mission Meeting. An Audit
Conrnittee of 2 members audited the Mission Treasurer's books at the
end of each fiscal year.
The Property Committee controlled the specifications and con
struction of all new buildings where the cost exceeded $500. The
5 members of this committee were usually drawn from the "industrial"
personnel.
The Personnel Committee, composed of 3 members and one alter
nate, was elected by ballot at each annual Mission Meeting. This
committee received grievances from missionaries concerning their
assigned work, their assigned location or relations with other mission
aries with whom they were associated. All parties concerned were to
be on the field and it was made clear that the Personnel Committee
had no executive powers. Any change it proposed in the work or loca
tion of a missionary was to be ratified by the Mission at its annual
meeting or at a stated Ad Interim meeting.
The Policy Cormittee was composed of 6 members, 2 being elected
each year to serve a term of 3 years. This committee was charged with
long-range planning for the Mission and reported its recommendations
to the Mission for implementation. It was strictly advisory.



104
Twenty-seven other committees were named from the American
missionary group each year which, together with the 15 described
above, supervised all of the varied activities of the APCM and, to
some extent, regulated the lives of its members. Women1s Work, Young
People's Work, Music and Worship, Audiovisual Aids, Radio, Girl's
Homes, Christian Education, Boards of the Missionary Children's
School and 4 African secondary schools, all were represented in this
collection of committees. It is clear from this review that every
aspect of the missionary's life and work was subject to some decision
making group which reported its recommendations to the annual assem
blage of the Mission for a definitive vote.
The by-laws set the expectations of the group in most areas of
life, including personal politics:
Missionaries shall do all within their power to
show a patriotic interest in the Belgian govern
ment, such as securing Belgian and Congo flags,
celebrating special government holidays, teaching
the natives [sic] the national anthem, and en
couraging loyalty to the government (APCM 1957:
22).
Also included in these expectations are financial and estate matters:
All missionaries, men and women, married or single,
are required to make their wills as to the disposi
tion of their personal property in the Congo, and
these shall be placed in the custody of the Legal
Representative and a copy filed with the Mission
Treasurer (APCM 1957:23).
The Stations
The formal organization of the stations in many respects re
peated at a lower level that of the Mission. The station elected
annually a chairman, a secretary, a treasurer and a local representa-


105
tive. Regular monthly meetings were held and permanent minutes of
these meetings were kept.
The station treasurer had important duties affecting the
missionary's personal finances. Besides keeping all of the station
accounts, departmental and personal, he or she rendered monthly
financial statements to the Mission Treasurer and rendered quarterly
financial statements to the station by departments. It was the station
treasurer who controlled the advance of funds to both individuals for
their personal use and to departments for the work. These controls
were explicit and rigid.
The station treasurer shall not advance any
further funds to any department showing a deficit
on the books of the station treasurer, until the
station has considered that department's budget
and officially provided some way to carry on the
work without incurring a deficit on the station
as a whole (APCM 1957:12).
The personal finances of the missionaries were not controlled, however,
in this manner. The station treasurer would advance any reasonable
amount of cash to the missionary simply transferring the debit to the
Mission Treasurer who kept the personal accounts of all the missionaries.
It was not at all unusual for a missionary to carry a debit balance
for a number of years with the Mission Treasurer. There was usually
strong encouragement given by the Board of World Missions Treasurer to
clear debit balances before the end of a field term or during furlough,
as each return to the field usually involved heavy expenditures for a
fresh "outfit." The personal finances of the missionaries were largely
handled through station, Mission and Board of World Missions accounts,
the missionary using only the amount of cash needed locally. Within


106
rather generous limits the missionary had open credit for drawing cash
and placing orders abroad or making purchase payments among mission
aries.
The powers of the station were: (A) to direct and develop
the work within its bounds, including the work and duties of the mis
sionaries; (B) to establish rules and regulations for governing
station institutions and departments according to local conditions as
far as they do not conflict with the Mission policies; (C) to make
necessary transfers in its annual appropriations from one class to
another and (D) exercise control over the erection of new buildings
on the station. It will be seen in Chapter 6 that the actual areas of
control of the stations are even broader than these outlined in the
constitution of the APCM.
The Departments
The departments were the third level of descending field
organization of the Mission. They were made up of all the personnel
on the station representing the various departments: Evangelistic,
Educational, Medical or Industrial (cf., Figure 7). These departments
were organized with a chairman, secretary and treasurer. They also
managed, in spite of their small membership, to appoint numerous
committees to deal with particular aspects of their work. Department
members normally worked in daily contact with each other. If any
policy change or financial matter demanding station approval was con
cerned, a formal meeting was held, votes were taken, and minutes kept.
The Presbyterian maxim that "everything must be done decently and in
order" was reflected throughout the organizational structure and


Figure 7. Organizational chart of missionary groupings.


108
practice of the APCM.
The American Presbyterian Congo Mission had a complex formal
organization. It is important to note that all of the foregoing
structural description applies to the American missionaries. The
African church, the creation and development of which was the ultimate
goal of the Mission, was organized separately and had its own structure.
The structural pattern of the Presbyterian Church in Zaire corresponds
generally to that of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. The
missionaries had taught the African Christians what a church should be
and it has been largely a formal process, passing on traditions, dogmas
and precepts from the parent ecclesiastical culture to the daughter
church. The missionary rationale at any particular juncture of
development had been "It must be done the Presbyterian way." A
description of these church structures, as they were created in the
Kasayi, follows.
The Congregations (Ekelezia Mujadika)
The primary and most "grass-roots" level of church organiza
tion was the local congregation (Ekelezia mujadika, an established
church). Ideally, this was a local group of Christians who were
organized with elected leaders (Bakulu, "elders") and a pastor (Mpasata)
whom they had chosen and for whom they provided a salary and house.
These conditions for the establishment of a local congregation as
sumed an ecclesiastical and financial maturity which had been slow in
manifesting itself among the local Kasayi groups. Between 1928 and
1930, 20 African congregations were organized and given the blessing
of the Mission. After a period of 10 years they had all found that


109
they could not function under the so-called Nevius Plan of self-pro
pagating, self-supporting and self-governing congregations, and re
quested the larger organizational entity, the presbytery (Tshihangu)
for financial support and guidance. This was an ecclesiastical set
back for the Zaire church and a failure for the Mission which was not
corrected until 1960 when, for the second time, local congregations
were organized with full Presbyterian responsibilities.
The Presbyteries (Bihangu)
Ideally, this was the quarterly assemblage of clergy and lay
elders from all the local congregations in a specific geographical
area. As has been seen, local congregations were slow in materializing
in Zaire. The African Presbytery was made up of all the ordained
African clergy who worked in the geographical area corresponding to
the outstation field of the mission station. Thus, Luebo Presbytery
corresponds geographically with the section of the Kasayi for which
the American missionaries at APCM-Luebo were responsible (cf. Figure
3).
There were 3 grades of African clergy working in this area.
Pastors, who had completed at least 13 years of education, including
the Morrison Bible School or the Preacher's School, who were ordained
as clergy, and who had general oversight of the church work in the
region. The pastors were supported from Presbytery funds which de
rived from all African church offerings plus a substantial subsidy
from the Mission. The grade "Elder" was a type of assistant pastor
and functioned as second-level clergy, also deriving their support
from the Presbytery. A "session" of these pastors and elders traveled


no
throughout the area dealing with the ecclesiastical matters of examina
tion and reception of new members, administering the sacraments of
baptism and the Lord's Supper, disciplining wayward Chirstians and
deciding "palavers" among the Christians in the rural villages. The
groups of African Christians in the villages were led by the village
Evangelist. He was a man with minimal formal training in churchmanship
and pedagogy. He led the congregation in regular worship and taught
the village primary school, usually grades 1 through 3. The evangel
ists were employed and salaried by the Presbytery, but were not voting
members at Presbytery meetings.
The American missionaries, especially those assigned to the
Evangelistic Department, were ex officio members of the African Pres
bytery. They were not under the exclusive ecclesiastical jurisdiction
of the African Church, as they maintained their offical connections
with some Presbytery in the Presbyterian Church in the United States.
They did vote, however, in the African Presbyteries, and through the
years, had considerable success in forming policy and controlling
ecclesiastical events.
The Synod (Mpunqilu)
The Synod in the Kasayi church corresponded to the General
Assembly in the American Presbyterian Church form. (Following the full
"independence" of the African church in 1960, the name of this assem
blage has been changed to the General Assembly.) This was the dele
gated annual meeting of representatives of African clergy and laity
from the entire Kasayi area. Missionaries attended on the same basis
as they did the meetings of Presbytery.


Ill
PLATE 7
a. Village evangelists and indigenous church elders.
b. Zairian church pastors and missionary conducting a worship service.


112
The degree of cultural patterning from the American mission
aries on the African church is seen in the existence and format of the
printed minutes of each year's meeting of the Mpungi1u or Assemblee
General le. (64-AG-l through 64-AG-171 Chronicle in Tshiluba, the
decisions of the 1964 General Assembly of the African church.)
The Mpungilu or General Assembly of the African church thus
corresponded geographically and functionally to the Mission Meeting of
the APCM. The Mpungilu made annual budget requests for financial aid
to the Mission and it administered funds for the church received from
the Mission. The evangelistic missionaries (mainly American clergy
men) were influential in both organizations.
These organizational structures were formal and rigid. The
ways in which the missionary interacted within this context and the
informal structures which their interaction created will be discussed
in the following chapter.



CHAPTER 6
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION II: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION
AND THE INFORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY
Patterns of Interaction
No human community exists in total isolation and in spite of
the degree of isolation of the APCM, their members were in daily con
tact with non-American servants and co-workers on the Mission station
at Luebo, and with non-mission personnel further afield. This chapter
will deal with the patterns of interaction between the missionaries
and between mission and non-mission personnel resulting in cultural
contact and cultural change. The interaction patterns of the mission
aries will be described in the context of four areas of behavior: work,
marriage and family, recreation and religion.
Work
As was stated in an earlier discussion, the Mission was organ
ized into a rigid formal structure with the annual assemblage of the
missionaries at Mission Meeting being the major decision-making event.
The whole geographical area of the Mission was divided among
the various stations, each having responsibility for the "evangeliza
tion" of its surrounding territory.
The Mission was considered the top-level administrative unit
in the field. It, of course, was ultimately responsible to the Board
of World Missions located in Nashville, TN, U.S.A. The several sta
tions were administrative units on a second level in the system (cf.
113


114
Figure 7). Like the Mission as a whole, the station "acted" through
majority vote decisions of all the American missionaries meeting in
regular (in this case monthly) assemblages. Monthly station meetings
were normally held in the evening and open exclusively to the American
Presbyterian missionaries.
The pattern of evening station meetings functioned to enhance
exclusivity as no church-related meetings involving Africans were ever
scheduled in the evenings. The stated rationale for this missionary
tradition of not holding assemblages with "the Africans after dark was
that large gatherings at night attracted individuals intoxicated with
alcohol or cannabis and encouraged undesirable nocturnal activities
among young people. Thus, when all African co-workers and servants
had left the station after their day's work (except for the sentries
who remained in their respective yards), the American missionaries
assembled to conduct the business of the station and to participate in
the governmental process of the Mission.
The flow of decision traveled in both directions. The Mission
Meeting made decisions which affected the station such as budget allo
cations and personnel assignments. The station, as a unit, could
initiate action by "overturing" the Mission on a particular question.
Any particular proposal submitted to the Mission must have had the
approval of the station meeting of the location from which it originated.
The station, in turn, was organized into the several depart
ments: the evangelistic, the education, the medical and the indus
trial. Work not obviously connected with the four major departments,
such as the printing facility, radio programming studio, institutions

%

115
of higher education, etc., were all governed by their own Mission-
appointed committees or boards of directors.
Luebo station had representatives of all of the four major
departments as well as being the location of two "mission" institutions,
the J.L. Wilson Press, and the Preacher's School (cf. Figure 7). The
evangelistic department was staffed with three clergymen and their
wives. The educational department was staffed with a male educator
and his wife and two single female educators. The medical department
was staffed with one physician and his wife, a registered nurse, a
single female physician and a second nurse, the wife of one of the
other missionaries. Also a dentist and his wife were part of the
medical department. The industrial department at Luebo was represented
by one man. The Mission press was directed by a man and his wife as
signed by the Mission to this work. The Preacher's School had a mis
sionary director whose wife oversees the school's wives' division.
The interaction networks of the missionaries tend to follow
household lines. Both partners of many of the couples were involved
in the same type work. Where there was a difference between the area
of v/ork of the husband and the wife, it was the exception rather than
the rule. As was pointed out in the description of the missionaries
themselves in Chapter 3 above, seven out of the nine couples at APCM-
Luebo functioned more or less as a husband and wife team. Because the
work load was heavy and there were frequent situations characterized
by varying degrees of "crisis," tensions often build up in work inter
action networks. The resolution of husband-wife crises stemming from
work interaction will be dealt with later in the section on marriage


116
and family.
There was a tendency on the station for strong interpersonal
networks to develop also within working groups. At Luebo the three
clergymen, representing the evangelistic department, were in almost
constant contact. They discussed shared work problems daily. They
often discussed strategies to promote their specific department's work.
There was a factor of territoriality which was very important in the
dynamics of Luebo station. The "ideal" in missionary ideology is that
everyone will be willing to share the resources that are available for
the work. If reduction of budgets must take place, it was the practice
of the Mission to cut all departments by the same percentage. The
"real" attitude is often one of aggressive politicking to better the
situation of one's particular department or project. The term used in
the missionary jargon for an individual especially zealous for his own
cause is that he or she is suffering from "stationitis" or in the con
text of the internal struggles of the station, "departmentitis." This
affliction is usually decried most by those on the other side of the
debate.
At Luebo there was a definite professional rivalry between the
evangelistic, educational and medical departments, although the mani
festations of this rivalry were usually very subtle. This subtlety
was a function again of the temporal factor. All work took place
during the day in the presence of African co-workers, servants, clients,
patients or visitors. As it was the missionary vocation to demonstrate
all the best Christian virtues, jealousy, avarice and deviousness
could not be openly displayed. The kind of strategy planning which


117
might be subject to these vices took place in the informal evening
assemblages of cliques, longevity grades and professional networks.
During the day, the African saw the "best side" of the missionary.
If the actual implementing of the missionary activity required tactics
which were not always in conformity with the best Christian virtues,
this fact was not revealed to the Africans.
The interdepartmental rivalry at APCM-Luebo is illustrated by
what will be called the "new evangelistic vehicle regulations" affair.
In 1959 special evangelistic funds became available for the purchase
of a new Volkswagen minibus, and Jorgensen was sent 75 kilometers to
the railroad town of Mweka to accept delivery of the vehicle. When
he returned to APCM-Luebo, Dr. Norris suggested that the small bus
could readily be converted for ambulance use in the rural areas. Dr.
Norris had had two accidents in the past in which the vehicle was a
total loss. Alarmed by these suggestions, the evangelistic committee
was hastily called into session by its chairman, Ken Morgan. Regula
tions were passed stipulating that only evangelistic personnel would
be allowed to drive the new vehicle. As Morgan and Richards had per
sonal vehicles and "Uncle" Jimmy Mitchell's work was centered at the
Preacher's School on the station, the new Volkswagen was "assigned"
to Jorgensen, the newest missionary on the station.
The evangelistic committee's actions were never formally chal
lenged at station meeting, but Dr. Norris and other medical personnel
made it clear informally that they felt their department had been
limited unnecessarily because of the preachers' prejudiced views of
the doctor's driving habits.


118
Relationships within the departments were generally amiable.
The team spirit prevailed as there was always at least the potential con
flict with the other departments on the station. The clergymen and
their wives often interacted throughout the day's work. The medical
personnel worked in very close contact, the physicians working together
in the surgery and the hospital with the nurses always close at hand.
The educational personnel were involved jointly with the many problems
of the large 1,000 pupil primary school on the station. During the
period of observation there had been no instance of an intradepartment-
al dispute being brought to the attention of the entire station.
Though there are differences of opinion within the departments, these
differences are closely guarded with respect to the station as a whole.
In contrast, there have been occasions at station meetings when con
flict of an interdepartmental nature has been openly expressed.
At one evening station meeting the ever-innovative Bert
Richards proposed that while the doctor was visiting his several rural
dispensaries he might administer the final examinations in the regional
primary schools in the same villages. Dr. Norris exploded with the
declaration that although "the man who made that suggestion"* had tried
to run every department on the station, he would not be given the
prerogative of running the medical department.
Marriage and Family
There are a number of features of station life which affect
the interaction of couples and their children. One of these is the
above-mentioned situation in which the man and his wife work every day
in the same department, each carrying a heavy work load. This pattern

'
'

119
affects their interaction in the home because often evenings are taken
up in planning sessions or discussion of the work of the day. Thus,
the family interaction pattern of the missionary is different from
that of the typical southern Presbyterian couple in the United States.
In the missionary situation, both the husband and the wife are direct
ly involved in related work and both are constantly reminded of the
urgent needs of their services by the number of demands that are being
made on their time.
The missionary wife is an active participant in the activity
of the mission. The demand of the work upon her time is a factor in
her interaction patterns. It has a special significance in regard to
her relationship with her children. The immediate demand for language
study upon arrival and later the need to become involved in the work
places considerable pressure on a missionary wife to take advantage of
the 8-hour daily babysitting arrangements that can be made with an
African nursemaid enabling her to devote more time to the work and
consequently less to her children. The expectation of Luebo station
and of the mission as a whole is that the wife would work full-time.
This expectation which is constantly verbalized in informal ways is in
contradiction to the stated policy of the Board of World Missions,
that the wife's first responsibility is to her Christian home which is
to be her channel of witness.
A tension often results between the missionary wife who puts
career first and the one who follows the Board of World Missions
directive to emphasize the home. An illustration of this is found in
the conversation between a career-oriented wife and a family-oriented


120
wife. The career wife, a veteran of 15 years in the Congo, asked
the younger woman what kind of work she was doing. The younger wo
man's response that she was teaching school every day from 8 to 12
o'clock was met by a shrug and the comment, "Oh, that little thing you
do with the children!" The younger woman was involved in teaching
her own and several other missionary children at home, but in the eyes
of the senior missionary, the teaching of one's children was not to be
equated with "the work" in which every adult missionary should be
involved.
The education of her own children at home for the first 3 pri
mary grades (plus kindergarten) was a heavy part of the young mission
ary wife's responsibility. It meant that during those years of her
child's life, she would have little time to do anything else but
teach her own children. The situation resulted from the fact that in
the Congo, the primary schools were taught in Tshiluba, using the
European educational system including the metric system. As the trans
fer from this type of education was felt to be too difficult for child
ren going back .into the American educational system, the Board en
couraged mothers to teach their children at home using correspondence
courses (cf. Par. M57, Appendix 1).
This raised many problems in the conflict between career and
home, and they were resolved in different ways. Most mothers resigned
themselves to devoting the morning hours of from 8 to 12 to teaching
their children at home. Many wives who were already engaged in busy
schedules of nursing or teaching tried to fit their children's classes
into their "free time" between 12 and 2 o'clock and after 4 o'clock.



121
The best resolution was usually a combination of effort on the
part of a group of mothers, each of whom will teach one or two subjects
to all the children, sometimes teaching five grade levels at once.
This freed all of the mothers to do other types of missionary work
for the rest of the day.
When a mother was alone on a station, however, she was natur
ally forced to do all the teaching of her children herself. Many
mothers had never taught before, and their concern to do a good job
often magnified the tension between mother and child. It was difficult
for her to be objective, and easy for the child to be rebellious.
Sandra Jorgensen, in later years, expressed her feelings to Margaret
Richard by saying, "All a mother expects of her own child is perfec
tion." Margaret faced a more serious problem herself with a dyslexic
child that needed special help which a mother-teacher was unable to
provide. This problem was later influential in the Richards' decision
not to return to Congo after furlough. Educational needs of children
cannot always be adequately met on the field.
Another factor which affected the interaction of couples and
their children was the presence of 2 or 3 African helpers in the house
holds. Being in the presence of Africans most of the day and at all
3 meals meant that open arguments were always avoided. Unpleasantness
in the household was a relative rarity. In addition to the presence
of the household help there were frequent visitors, vendors and mendi
cants within earshot of the missionary couple. These features of
station life forced couples to be on what would be considered "company
manners" for extended periods of time. In the ideology of the mis-

-KK* i'-Jfc

122
sionary community, it was not just "company manners" that were called
for, but it was the setting of a good example for the African helpers
or visitor who might be present. The only period of real privacy was
later in the evening after all of the cleaning up had been done after
supper and all the helpers had left the household. Because of the
danger of malarial infection from mosquitoes in the evening, the
younger children were usually put to bed shortly after supper and be
fore nightfall, which was around 7:00 PM throughout the year. The
private interaction of the family, then, was primarily between the
husband and wife. Any older children past 9 years old were away at
boarding school, the Central School for Missionary Children, at a
station 100 miles southeast of Luebo. Considering the total scope of
life for the missionary couple, the emphasis seemed to be definitely
on the work.
After a busy day missionary couples often got together through
one of the informal networks and spent the evening in conversation
and playing games. The conversation often centered around the work.
The personal lives of the missionaries, and possible marital or per
sonal problems, were never discussed. The private lives of the mis
sionaries were kept private. Whatever went on between the couples in
their few hours of privacy was kept carefully guarded. The overriding
* '
factor in this closed personal life style was the ever-present expec
tation of the kind of life a missionary should lead. As one went
about the daily tasks he or she was constantly reminded that the mis
sionary role involved representing the best of "Christian behavior."
This burden of proof which lay on the missionary did not permit the


123
expression or exposure of any domestic or marital difficulties or any
overt expression of personal doubts or failures.
Recreation
The missionary usually worked until 5:00 or 5:30 PM. and then
sought to relax before, during and after supper. The various kinds of
recreational activities that were engaged in usually took place at this
time after the day's work was finished.
In earlier years at Luebo late afternoon tennis was very popu
lar. Tennis courts were constructed in the open section of the lower
front of the station. These courts, having deteriorated from lack of
use in more recent years, were being restored by Bert Richards. He
was, however, the only really enthusiastic tennis buff on the station.
His concern was that the missionaries take advantage of this means to
get some physical exercise. Richards constantly had a new scheme for
work or play. He tended to over-promote these ideas among his mission
ary colleagues, and as a result participation at tennis was still very
limited. Tennis did have the advantage of being popular with the
Belgian administrative and commercial personnel and was an avenue of
contact with them on something other than a business level. Having
non-business relationships with the Belgians had not been something
that the mission especially encouraged. In the light of this tradi
tion, Bert Richards' plan to increase these relationships through
tennis was looked upon as another of his questionable innovations.
Through the years a number of men at Luebo had become renowned
for their hunting and fishing. Henry Ward was one of the most dedi
cated fishermen of the APCM. It was partly to permit early afternoon

.

124
fishing trips on the nearoy rivers that he organized the work at the
press to run from 6:00 AM until 3:00 PM. Travel on the rivers in a
dugout canoe or motorboat and finding one's way through the riverside
forest required certain skills and involved some danger. Because of
this fishing and hunting were never general forms of recreation. For
Ward, after 30 years experience in the out-of-doors in the Kasayi, it
remained his preferred diversion.
Another of the recreational activities which involved a limited
and select group of the missionaries was "Bridge" playing. The Norris
es, the McDonalds and the 2 single women, May Melton and Loucile
Fisher, were the regular Bridge players. This group played frequently
in the evenings, and this pattern of recreation had established a net
work of communication between them that was reflected in other aspects
of station life. The educational McDonalds, for instance, let it be
known that they, too, felt that Dr. Norris had been wronged by the
action of the evangelistic cormiittee regarding the new Volkswagen bus.
The one form of recreation in which everyone on the station
participated was inviting 1 or 2 of the other couples or single people
for an evening meal and "visit." Although everyone was in relatively
close contact with each other all the time, this was one of the most
common types of gathering on the station. It v/as on these occasions
that the particular skills of the respective cooks were usually demon
strated and acclaimed. It was a custom to go out to the kitchen and
thank the cook for the meal, even in cases when the main dish was ob
viously prepared by the missionary wife herself. Inviting people to
supper was a tradition and a social obligation at APCM-Luebo. It was


125
assumed that no one would be left out and that reciprocity would be
fulfilled by returning invitations within a few months. The usual
practice was to invite at least 4 guests. This tended to provide the
occasion for a relatively elaborate meal. It also definitely limited
the intimacy of the occasion and increased the tendency for the con
versation to center around work awf station problems. When the
group was large there was a definite tendency for the men to group
together after the meal and discuss some "masculine" subject such as
the diesel-electric plant, vehicles or building construction. When
this happened, the women usually fell into conversation about the
children's schooling, patterns for making dresses or food orders. As
the station electricity was regularly cut off at 10:30 PM, the guests
usually looked around for their flashlights, which were always carried
after dark, a few minutes before this time, and excused themselves,
thanking the hosts for a wonderful evening.
The generational system was operative in the patterns of in
vitation to these evening visits. If two or more couples were invited
they were almost invariably from the same longevity grade. That is,
the "new" missionaries on the station were always invited at the same
time as the youngest of the "young" missionaries. Preferred linkages
were assumed by the majority of the members of the station. The
Jorgensens and the Richards had been invited together on so many oc
casions that it had become a subject of comment and joking between the
2 couples. This type of entertaining very rarely included non-mis
sionary Europeans and never African station workers or friends.
The above-mentioned patterns of evening meal exchanging was a


126
iWfor
mission station tradition, especially strong at Luebo where it dated
back at least as far as 1892 and the arrival of the first missionary
couples. By 1959, some of the "young" and "new" missionaries were
breaking the hallowed and accepted patterns of recreation and more
frequently looked off the station for their evening's distraction.
There was a modest European "club" at the town of Luebo across the
river. Movies were shown there each Friday night. Once a month a
dance was held at the Cere!e as the club was called. Participation at
these events by the missionaries was by no means regular but over an
18-month period from 1 to 3 couples had been to 6 films and had at
tended 2 dances. The reaction of the older missionaries to this type
of socializing was mixed. They acknowledged that it was good to "get
off the station" from time to time, but they also felt deeply the im
portance of the missionaries having a certain social distance from the
colonial personnel. Traditionally, the missionaries were always more
fluent in Tshiluba than in French. They felt that their separation from
the Belgians aided them in their contacts with the Africans. Besides
these considerations, many older missionaries questioned whether or
not movies and modern ballroom dancing were really "the thing" for
missionaries. The barmen and waiters at the Cercle might perhaps have
been church members or certainly were in contact with the church lead
ers, cooks, and helpers of the missionaries. "Would this activity af
fect the 'witness' of the missionaries?" That was always the crucial
question.


127
PLATE 8
a. Outdoor tea at APCM-Luebo. (LIFE Magazine, July 11, 1960.)
b. Missionary picnic on island in Lulua River.


128
Reigion
It is interesting to attempt to analyse the religious inter
action and activity of a specifically religious community such as
APCM-Luebo. So much was assumed by the participants about the personal
religion of the missionary staff. They had all gone through a long
screening process by the candidate committee of the Board of World
Missions in the United States. It was more or less taken for granted
by the missionary group that all of its members had a strong faith,
understood what he or she believed and was guided by these convictions
in all of his or her daily behavior.
In the interaction between missionaries, great respect was
given to the privacy of personal religion. The combined effect of
the above-mentioned assumptions of spirituality and the realization
that in the final analysis each missionary must "make it" on his own
was to severely limit the discussion of their own personal religion by
the missionaries. Three other factors worked together to generally
limit the use of an overly "pietistic" jargon by the APCM community
members. First, the theological and cultural tradition of the Southern
Presbyterian from the United States; second, the intensity and matter-
of-factness of the work being performed; and, third, the level of
psychological tension maintained in relationships between other mis
sionaries and Africans, all tended to make the APCMers "plain talking
folk with their feet on the ground."
Participation in the African worship services was expected of
the missionaries. Many attended the main 9:30 AM Sunday service at
the large church on the station. Others preferred to worship at one


129
of the 3 smaller churches out in the large village that surrounds Luebo
station. Still others managed to take short trips out into the vil-
V'
lages where they were usually asked to preach in the place of the local
evangelist. Ward, the dedicated fisherman, had a particular village
of riverine Africans, located about 1 hour downstream by his motorboat,
which he visited regularly on Sundays. The clergymen were usually
off the station preaching, but the majority of station members attended
church on the station. These Sunday morning services were led by
African pastors, and it was only occasionally that the missionaries
were asked to preach on the station.
The starting times of this service on Sunday morning in Tshiluba
and that of the exclusively missionary-attended 5:00 English worship
service on Sunday evenings, as well as the 7:30 prayer meeting for
missionaries on Wednesday evening had apparently been stable through
out the history of the mission. Verner cites these times for the
same meetings as standard in the pioneer days (1896). One service
which was not obligatory for the missionaries, but which many attended,
was the early morning "opening of the day" prayer service at 6:00 AM.
This was held for all the workers in the schools, hospital and press.
The missionaries who attended it usually went home for breakfast after
wards before beginning the work day.
Related Events
Besides the regular Sunday worship services and the regular
monthly business meetings of the station there were a number of pat
terned activities in which all of the missionaries on the station
usually participated. These quasi-ritual activities tended to bind


130
the small group together and to remind each of the members that he or
she had a constant responsibility to the will of the group as a whole.
The circular vote. There were often occasions when a matter
must be decided by the station between the regular monthly meetings.
In such an event the station secretary sent around a clipboard contain
ing the particular action to be voted upon and the names of all the
members of the station. Each member was expected to record his or her
vote on this ballot and write any comments which they might have. The
clipboard was carried around by the African sentry of the secretary
or the chairman. The action was always written in English, and it was
assumed that this method of voting preserved the same level of confi
dentiality as did the regular station meetings which were restricted
in attendance to the missionaries.
Checking out. A related event was spelled out in the regula
tion that before anyone left the station for an extended trip, they
were expected to receive "station permission" by a circular vote. The
formal rationale for this regulation was that the station had the
responsibility for the work of all of the missionaries in residence
and should be aware of any prolonged absence, whether for work in the
rural villages or other reasons. The usual evangelistic itineration
trip ran for 2 or 3 weeks, and the absence of a missionary for this
length of time might well affect the planning and program of one of
the other departments. The informal, "real" rationale involved the
need to send shopping lists with whomever might be leaving the station,
either just to cross the river to the town of Luebo, or to travel
north to Mweka or east to Luluabourg. For a person to leave on a trip


131
without first checking in with all.of the households was considered
the height of inconsideration. It was by means of these various trips
into town that supplies of fresh meat.', cheese, vegetables, hardware
and cloth were brought to Luebo. To neglect to perform this quasi
ritual of getting station permission before going on a trip was to
be reminded by perhaps as many as 20 people frustrated by the over
sight that "there is a station rule on the books..."
The station supper. The tradition of a communal meal for the
whole station was known as a "station supper." To this special meal,
which was held at least once a month, each household contributed 2 or
3 dishes adequate for 6 to 8 persons, as well as a beverage. The
suppers were usually held on the lawn of one of the missionary homes.
This meal was a social occasion for the whole station, and was a di
rect carry-over from the American Presbyterian Church tradition of the
"Family Night Supper" where everyone brings a dish or two and takes
"pot luck."
At APCM-Luebo, the station supper, an exclusively missionary
affair, was an occasion which exceeded the private supper parties for
the production of culinary masterpieces. There were always the old
favorite specialties and new creations attractively displayed. The
station supper functioned as a special form of recreation and the oc
casional visitor who might be the guest of honor was often slightly
misled as to the normal lifestyle of the missionary. When a visitor
from the United States was present, all of the very best was brought
out for the station supper. The comment of the visitor was usually,
"And I thought all the time that you people were suffering hardships


132
out here!" The hardships that did exist did not include the inability
to spread an occasional feast.
The outdoor tea. All of the special events of the APCM-Luebo
described up to this point concern the missionaries exclusively. The
station tea was the one social occasion where the whole station partici
pated with the African leaders and workers. It was used whenever the
occasion arose that a reception was called for. The presence of an
important African church dignitary, a visitor from America or Europe,
or the meeting of one of the church judiciaries at Luebo would be marked
by a tea.
The last tea before independence was held in honor of the
presence of 3 American and European journalists covering the pre-inde
pendence events in the Kasayi (cf. Life magazine, July 11, 1960).
The teas were always held out-of-doors on one of the missionary lawns.
The menu was reception type "finger food" with coffee, tea or fruit
punch as beverage. The African leadership of the area were invited
and usually included a group of pastors and elders of the local
churches, the top medical assistants, a group of teachers from the pri
mary school and some of the technicians from the press. The teas were
held at 4:00 PM and usually lasted approximately 1-1/2 hours. The
station tea was the sole occasion for formal missionary-initiated
socializing which involved Africans (cf. Plate 8a).
Eating around. When there were new missionaries on the sta
tion who had not yet set up their households or when there were
visitors present, the usual procedure for feeding them was that they
"eat around." This involved the visiting family or group rotating


133
from missionary household to household, meal by meal, throughout the
time of their visit. If the visit was to be an extended one, arrange
ments were made to "rotate by the day," thus taking all three meals at
the same household and moving from house to house each day. These often
quite complex arrangements were worked out and supervised by the "guest
chairman," who was always one of the women of the station. Eating
around was a firm tradition at APCM-Luebo. If a couple had specific
ally invited a missionary friend to spend a few days with them at
Luebo, special arrangements had to be made with the guest chairman to
enable the host couple to entertain the guest for all meals at their
home. Although such a guest was designated as a "personal guest" of,
for instance, the Jorgensens, there was a certain amount of resentment
generated if the guest was not "shared" with the rest of the mission
ary households for at least one meal around. The entertainment of
guests was obviously an important element in the missionary pattern
for meeting social needs.
The Informal Structure
As was mentioned earlier, it is well-known by anthropologists
that there are always at least 2 structural systems functioning in any
society. This phenomenon was observed at APCM-Luebo and throughout
the larger mission system. There was a constant need to move infor
mation requests and decisions up and down the formal organizational
structure outlined above. The participant observer soon realized
that there were informal groupings and channels which were often more
active and more certain avenues than the formal ones.
It is through the observation of the events which took place


134
on the mission station and the patterns of interaction of the mission
aries that the "informal" structure was revealed. It was at APCM-Luebo
and various committee meetings of the Mission as a whole that the par
ticipant observer saw how decisions were "really" made. He saw who
it was that initiated actions, and who was submissive to whom and
under what circumstances. The analysis of the patterns of interaction
described in the earlier portion of this chapter provides insight into
informal structural units in the missionary community. A number of
these units are described in the following sections.
In-groups and Cliques
There were among the twenty missionaries at APCM-Luebo definite
groupings which could be classified as cliques. The classifications
of the various divisions among the small group of missionaries is
difficult because of the many areas of overlap. One area exclusive
of the classifications that follow is recreational cliques. Two
couples and 2 single ladies were avid bridge players, and these 6 con
stituted a clique that spent many evenings together. The single
women missionaries (3 at Luebo) tended to form a group and present a
united defense against any possible discrimination based upon marital
status.
Longevity Grades
Perhaps a much more readily observed grouping in the informal
structure are the "longevity grades." In terms of years of service,
there were at Luebo 4 groupings: (1) full career missionaries: 2
couples completing 40 years or more on the field, the Woodstocks and
Mitchells; (2) mid-career missionaries: 2 couples and a single


135
woman completing 30 years on the field, the Morgans, Wards and
Carolyn Westbrook; (3) young missionaries: 3 couples and 2 single
women having completed around 10 years on the field, the McDonalds,
Norrises, Richards, Lucille Fisher and May Melton; and (4) new mis
sionaries, those having their first term (3 years) of service, 1 couple,
the writer and his wife (Jorgensens). These age groupings manifest a
"generational" effect.
To begin with the youngest, the "New Missionary" was related to
as one to be taught. He or she needed to be socialized into the mis
sionary culture. It was assumed that training would take time and
that patience was needed on the part of the elders. Expressed or im
plied criticism from the new missionary was usually overlooked or dis
missed with a "You'll see after you've more experience" type response.
The young missionaries tended to relate to the new missionaries as
older siblings, taking part in the training, but also providing a
sympathetic ear. They had already gone through their initiation but
it had not been so long ago that they did not empathize with the new
missionaries. The sternest group were the mid-career missionaries.
They assumed a definite parental role. Their advice was clear and
definite. It was usually given in a "formal" mode. "This is the best
way to do it; believe me, I know." This group was the active trans
mitter of the missionary culture.
The full career missionary related to the new missionary in a
sense as a grandparent. He was not so sure of all of the policies.
He had developed most of them during a time span of 40 years or
longer, and times had changed. They had changed so much that the


136
full term missionary really didn't feel at home anymore. He talked
of the pioneer days of hammock travel and mud-and-stick houses. He
charged the new and young missionaries that it would be the younger
people who would have to facilitate change for the new day. The full
term missionary was wise and gentle, seemingly a generation removed
from all of the current policy battles over money, personnel and
church-mission relations.
Kinship Networks
Another element in the informal structure of APCM-Luebo and
the mission as a whole were the kinship networks. In the period
1945-51, a major change occurred in that 15% of the new missionaries
had been born in Africa of missionary parents. Other children of
missionaries born in the United States returned to the field under
appointment by the Board of World Missions.
There were a number of two generational missionary families
on the APCM. At Luebo there was 1 couple whose daughter and her hus
band were present as missionaries on the same station; the Mitchell's
daughter was Mrs. Richards. Two of the wives on the station are sisters,
Mrs. Morgan and Mrs. Woodstock, which created a special bond between
these households. However, not all of the kinship was real. Fictive
kinship was also present. One couple and a single woman, the Norrises
and Carolyn Westbrook, had both served in China previously. This
tended to tie them together, although at times intradepartment diffi
culties overshadowed this fictive kinship bond.
The feeling of the station as a family was fostered by lang
uage and attitude. The adult missionaries generally took a special


137
interest in the children of the other missionaries. Part of the
strength of the "missionary family" feeling was generated by the
custom of having the missionary children use the terms of "Uncle" and
"Aunt" as terms of reference and address for the adult missionaries.
The missionary child knew all the missionary adults as Uncle or Aunt,
attaching the adult's first name to the kinship term. This practice
of fictive kinship reached up into the longevity grades, and it was
common for "new" or "young" missionaries to address a full term mis
sionary as, for instance, "Uncle Jimmy" or "Aunt Elizabeth" Mitchell.
This practice was never used by new or young missionaries in reference
to mid-career missionaries. With them, as among the two "younger"
groups, the first names were used for reference and address.
Professional Groups
A fourth type of grouping which has significance in the infor
mal structure is the various professional networks. These will here
be referred to as "co-lingual" groups after Victor Yngve (1973:14).
Much of the in-groupness of these networks depended upon an individual's
competence in a particular professional jargon. Here the clergyman
was at a slight disadvantage because whereas the educators, the arti
sans, and especially the medical people all have their special jargon,
they all share, by virtue of being themselves missionaries, the theo
logical jargon of the clergyman. Of course, the clergy could converse
on a more technical level, calling upon their more extensive theologi
cal education, but there was still a sense of disadvantage. Even the
"devotional talks," a variety of sermon at the station meetings, was
a responsibility divided equally among all the station personnel. All


138
shared in the clergyman's specialty, but he was never quite at home
with the language of the others' specialties, except in certain cases
in the educational work. In the station meetings and at Mission Meet
ing, voting patterns were usually along these co-lingual lines. The
available resources in personnel and money were always limited, the
competition often keen, and the debate heated.
It is through these various informal groups and linkages that
many of the desired decisions were channeled to emerge finally at a
station meeting or the annual Mission Meeting as a majority vote.
Uncle Jimmy, the full career missionary and "natural" anthropologist,
pointed out the existence and function of these groups as he discussed
what he called "mission politics." Over 40 years on the APCM had
taught him a great deal about human interaction.


CHAPTER 7
THE CRISIS OF INDEPENDENCE
Thus we see APCM-Luebo functioning in 1959-1960 as one of many
mission stations in the Congo. By that period 44 Protestant missionary
organizations were scattered through the colony, each working along
more or less the same lines with a developing African church (Wharton
1952:174). Through a comity agreement in the early years, each de
nominational mission had an exclusive opportunity to develop its type
of church in its region. This arrangement had produced a situation in
which Protestant Africans from the Lower Congo were Baptist; from
the Kasayi, Presbyterian; from Katanga, Methodist, and so on. Of
course, in each region there are extensive Roman Catholic mission
developments (cf. Figure 2) which have produced many adherents among
the indigenous population.
The various branches of the Protestant church throughout the
colony were loosely and figuratively united through the Congo Protes
tant Council into L'Eglise du Christ au Congo. In 1959 this union was
more an expression of the ecumenical aspirations of the missionary-led
Congo Protestant Council than an expression of any functional or
structural integration. As has been suggested above, the African
church in each area tended to be patterned after and dependent upon
the particular missionary organization which had brought it into being.
As we have seen, the African church in the Kasayi was basically
Presbyterian in form. It claimed over 133,000 members who met in
139


140
1,811 places of worship throughout the Kasayi (AR 1959:37). All of
these African Christians and especially the elements of leadership
within the church were to be affected by the events surrounding nation
al independence, as we shall see in a latter section of this chapter.
From 1956 to 1958 the Belgian colonial leadership was talking
about eventual political independence for the colony after perhaps
20 years. The general missionary outlook, however, was "business as
usual" and business was booming (cf. Tables 3 through 5 for dollar
input and personnel increases).
Social and Political Change
Following World War II there was a constantly increasing
climate of change in the Congo. Many Nationals had served in other
countries during the war. More and more Africans were visiting Europe
and the United States through the 1950's. Other African colonies
were moving rapidly toward independence. The economic and industrial
development of the Congo during these years was increasing steadily.
Urbanization became a reality during this period, especially in the
Kasayi region with the development of industry and trade in the centers
of Luluabourg, Bakwanga and Tshikapa and numbers of smaller trading
centers.
The groups of missionaries which we have designated "young"
and "new," that is, all those appointed since 1941, brought with them
to the mission field ideological and politico-religious formulations
which, unlike the older missionaries, tended to question colonialism.
These formulations were innovations in relation to the
general acceptance of the colonial principle by the Mission (cf. page


141
104 above). There was much in the operation of the Mission and the
behavior of the missionaries that to many among the young and new
appeared in need of change.
The continuation of the old patterns of having servants had
already been questioned or was being questioned by the new missionaries.
The paternalistic relationship between the Mission and the African
church was challenged. The question of the frequency of Africans
being invited to missionary homes in the constant flow of missionary
entertainment was being raised. Missionaries having a special school
for their children and having special worship services in English both
were under criticism by young and/or new missionaries.
These sentiments for change also existed among the articulate
African leadership of the church and the various institutions related
to the Mission.
In spite of concern for needed change on the part of the
newer missionaries, change seemed to be slow in coming within the
Mission. The patterns generated through the colonial years hung on
tenaciously. The older missionaries usually resisted decisions to
initiate change and they occupied many key positions in the formal
structure of the Mission.
In retrospect it seems clear that change was overdue, but at
the time little important policy change or planned innovation in the
missionary operation was taking place. It was the "shake-up" of the
events described below which precipitated rapid and far-reaching
changes in the missionary method and organization.


Tribal Conflict
During 1957, as the imminent arrival of Independence became
clear, tribal enmity, which had been dormant through most of the
colonial years, broke out in open conflict. This was especially the
case in the Kasayi. In this region the Luba people, traditionally
not the predominant group, had, through the colonial years, attached
themselves to the Europeans and gained vocational and social ascend
ency over the Lulua, Kuba, Luntu, Kanyoka and other tribes. By 1959
Luba men held positions of leadership in almost every modern enter
prise in the Kasayi province. At APCM-Luebo 75% of the primary school
teachers were Luba, the top 15 of the 21 medical workers were Luba,
and many of the skilled Press workers were Luba. This was typical of
mission, government and conmercial employers throughout the region.
The district in which Luebo is located was traditionally
Lulua territory, and since the Luba were immigrants, conflict was
inevitable. "Will we be receiving independence?" the Lulua asked.
"Will not the Luba replace the Belgian as our masters?" they argued.
The logical solution to this predicament is to chase all of the Luba
back to their homelands to the east.
At Luebo open fighting broke out on May 20, 1960. This came
after weeks of constant rumors and excited conversation insisting
that "tonight will be the night of the attack." On the 20th of May,
1960, warriors from the Luba and Lulua sections of the Mission "town"
142


143
proceeded to attack each other across the Mission compound and
into each other's sections.
The battle of Luebo lasted 2 hours from 10 until 12 noon,
leaving 12 men killed and nearly 200 houses destroyed by fire (cf.
Plate 9). Government soldiers arrived from the military camp across
the river by about 1:00. They assisted in evacuating the whole section
of Lulua across the river which was the government's short-term solu
tion. This type of conflict was typical of the region along the main
road from Luebo to Luluabourg during May of 1960.
During the fighting at APCM-Luebo, the missionaries found
clearly that they were no longer in a position to initiate action (or
terminate action) among the indigenous population. As armed bands of
youthful "warriors" crossed the station grounds, they told the pro
testing missionary men, "This is our affair. You keep out of it and
you will come to no harm." War fetishes were everywhere in evidence
and the general reaction raised the question momentarily in missionary
minds of the value of their 68-year effort there.
The time from January 1959 to June 1960 was one of intense
political activity in Kinshasa and Brussels. June 30, 1960 was
finally set as the last day of colonial rule.
Independence Day
Independence Day was the occasion of much celebration at
Luebo. The tribal conflict subsided as the enthusiasm for depanda,
as it transliterated in Tshiluba, approached. Missionaries were
interviewed at Luebo by Time/Life and CBS reporters and photographers.
Their tone was optimistic. Lead captions in the published article


PLATE 9
b. Burned houses after tribal fighting at APCM-Luebo


145
(Life, July 11, 1960) read "Christians who refuse to run." At the
time of the publication of the article, the missionaries were, in fact,
evacuating from the entire Mission, but optimism was present before
actual independence.
Independence Day at Luebo was marked by a bicycle race,
special church services, a special meeting for the Europeans and
African community leaders. At this meeting, politicians assured the
foreigners of calm; church choirs sang, and a Jazz group and dancers
performed.
Evacuation
Independence Day, June 30, was a Thursday. The weekend was
one of calm relief after the peaceful celebration. Early the follow
ing week, however, word began arriving in Luebo of the military mutiny
taking place in the Lower Congo. By Friday and Saturday the local
garrison of troops across the river was reported out of control.
Saturday there was some civilian and military looting of the Belgian
and Portuguese stores at the town of Luebo and near the mission.
Missionaries watched from the station as tin roofs were torn off the
stores and carried into the village piece by piece. On Sunday morn
ing, the Mission, having been in near constant radio communication
with all stations through the past few days, decided to evacuate its
personnel at least to the stations which were in relative calm and
had the best air field facilities. Couples with small children and
single women were evacuated Sunday from Luebo to Bui ape in the north.
Monday and Tuesday, as the situation deteriorated in all parts of the
Congo, all the missionaries, 161 adults and 107 children, were


146
eventually evacuated unharmed to Salisbury, Rhodesia.
The protracted event of the missionary evacuation from APCM-
Luebo and the entire Kasayi marked the end of the missionary community
and culture, which had existed since 1891 at APCM-luebo. None of the
former American workers at Luebo station ever returned there for
residence. The hospital was reduced to a dispensary and the adminis
tration of the press and schools were taken over by the African church.
The dispersion of the missionary population destroyed the
patterns developed through the years at APCM-Luebo. Although other
missionaries returned to Luebo eventually, on a resident basis, the
entire cultural system as it has been described was changed. The
changes in the formal structure of the Mission and church will be
described below in Chapter 8. It is important to note here that it
was especially the informal structures that were radically changed by
the evacuation of missionary personnel, and the resulting disintegra
tion of the missionary community. Such quasi-ritualistic events as
"checking out," the "station supper," and the "outdoor tea" had,
seemingly overnight, become relics of the past.
Reoccupation and Change
After a 4-week stay in Rhodesia, teams of male missionaries
returned to the Kasayi and began to do what they could to keep es
sential functions of the Mission going. Medical doctors were top
priority. The all-male teams worked for the month of August and by
September a few wives returned to the calmer spots. Many husbands
remained alone the entire year while their wives and families pro
ceeded to the United States. By 1962 conditions permitted entire


147
families to return and the missionary personnel on the field numbered
130.
The Death of the Mission
The figure cited earlier from misiological circles for a
Mission was that of an elaborate scaffolding within which the indigen
ous church should rise. When the church reached a certain degree of
completion, the scaffolding was to be torn away. The problem for the
missionary and especially for the missionary group was in determining
if the pull-back point had indeed arrived.
The APCM survived independence, evacuation and re-entry to
the Kasayi. The African church, however, was not immune to independ
ence "fever" and began to question more and more the presence of this
very powerful (from their point of view) organization that surrounded
them. National independence brought new laws and the possibility for
indigenous organizations to own real property. The Mission, at this
point, announced the church's independence and deeded over all of the
specifically church property to the Presbyterian Church in Zaire.
This involved church buildings and ministers' homes.
Much remained, however, in the Mission's hands: all the
stations with their residences, buildings, institutions, such as
schools and hospitals. Many missionaries felt that "the church isn't
ready for all of this administrative load." They should just "be the
church" and "let us help with these specialized functions."
As the discussion continued through 1960, 1961 and 1962, the
Tshiluba expression "Mission afue," (Let the Mission die!) was heard
more and more frequently from African leaders. The expression was not


.

148
a personal menace to the missionaries but a firm statement that the
APCM as an organization hac! outlived its time and that the African
church which it spawned was able and ready to take over all of its
functions.
These kinds of radical changes were beyond the decision-making
capacity of the Mission and it sought to involve its parent body, the
Board of World Missons. Many questions arose. Could the APCM legally
give away all its property? Could or would American missionaries work
under the complete direction of the Zaire church with no direct appeal
channel through the Mission to the Board o World Missions? Could
the church be entrusted with large sums of institutional funds?
These were the kinds of questions which were in the missionaries'
minds, many of them questions which could not be asked aloud.
A first plan was developed whereby the Mission would continue
to function in partnership with the church dividing the responsibili
ties 3 ways: some responsibilities held by the Mission alone, some
held by the church alone, and most through joint boards and committees.
This plan, although popular with the missionaries, was never completely
implemented. The call Mission afue! persisted. In Chapter 8 we will
deal specifically with the formal and informal changes which followed
the evacuation event.


CHAPTER 8
THE DEVOLUTION OF THE MISSION: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGE
The disruptive events of 1959 and 1960 created a situation
which Margaret Mead (1964) has called a "point of divergence" in the
systemic processes. This is a point at which an individual is presented
with a chance to change his pattern of resource allocation in the hope
of greater benefit (quoted in Bee 1974:208). The evacuation of the
American missionaries from APCM-Luebo created such a situation for the
African church leaders. They siezed the initiative which had always
rested with the missionaries. The actual changes which took place and
their meaning for the remaining missionary community will be discussed
below.
Changes in the Formal Structure
After the evacuation of the missionaries in 1960, nothing
ever went back to "normal" for the missionary community and culture.
Luebo was never again staffed as a major station. The African church
leaders took charge of all aspects of the station activity and managed
as best they could during the first year of Independence with sporadic
visits from teams made up of 3 or 4 of the few male missionaries who
had returned to the area 2 months after the crisis.
As calm was restored and missionary families were able to re
turn, it became obvious that formal changes in structure were inevit
able. The realization by the missionaries that they had all, through
force of circumstance, left the mission work completely on one day's
149


150
notice was a disturbing one. No one really knew at what moment
similar circumstances might again arise. Missionary dispensability
had become a real possibility which had to be considered. Besides the
missionary being unsettled about his future, the African church in
creasingly demanded more and more authority and control in the church-
mission combinational activity.
During 1961 and 1962 elaborate plans were worked out by joint
committees of the APCM and the Presbyterian Church in the Congo for the
integration of the Mission structure and functions into the church
organization. First attempts in this direction left such elements as
medical work, missionary work assignment ("placement"), and the tech
nical units of Mission air transportation and radio communication in
the control of the Mission. It suggested giving the church certain
properties, such as a limited number of residences on each station for
pastors and other African personnel, and all school buildings up to
the secondary level. This plan was rejected by the church.
The final changes involved the deeding over to the African
church all of the Mission property in Zaire. The 2 Mission aircraft
were leased to the Missionary Aviation Fellowship, a professional
flying organization which contracts to serve missions and church organ
izations round the world.
The General Assembly of the African church became the annual
assemblage which performed all the functions formerly handled by the
Mission Meeting. The African group determined work priorities, as
signed both African and American personnel, made budget requests for
funds from the Board of World Missions, determined budget allocations

*

151
for the entire work in the Kasayi, assigned church-owned (formerly
Mission-owned) vehicles to various Presbyteries and stations, requested
new missionaries from America, and voted on the acceptability of the
return of each missionary who was currently going on furlough to the
United States.
The missionaries continued to assemble in an annual meeting,
but its nature changed from the all-important Mission Meeting to a
"spiritual" retreat and inspirational type conference.
Station meetings no longer existed in the traditional sense.
The local church leadership at Luebo, for instance, made all major
decisions while whatever missionaries present attempted to advise
wherever possible and accommodate themselves to the decisions when they
were made.
It will be recalled that when the post-independence evacuation
took place the missionaries received repeated assurances of the good
will of the African church people. The animosity which was widespread
among the population was claimed to be directed solely against the
Belgian colonists. An analysis of the subsequent events and the
changes in church-mission relationships leads one to agree with
Welbourn (1971:311) when he says, "In effect, it is impossible to
isolate 'missionaries' and 'white men;' and any attempt to do so must
involve an abstraction so ideal as to have little touch with African
reality."
Changes in the Informal Structure
Perhaps the most significant changes in this period from the
missionary point of view were changes in the informal structure. The


152
system had been shattered by the crisis of evacuation and the early
years of independence. The cliques, kinship networks and professional
groupings left the scene with the individuals who had made them up.
The quasi-ritual events of one year before, as was noted above, sudden
ly became as quaintly anachronistic as travel by hammock-bearers or
killing hippopotami for food.
Mission personnel were reduced and assignment followed
strategies of emphasizing schools to develop the African cadres. In
the constant flux, new groupings were forming continually, but their
function was now the mutual reinforcement of the missionaries trying
to cope with radically changed structures. Longevity grades were dis-
disrupted as the vast majority of the older missionaries never returned
after evacuation. From 1960 to 1965 many missionary couples from all
longevity groups resigned because "the Mission was just not the same
anymore."
Many missionaries attempted for a number of years to fit into
the new patterns, but most often their complaint was that they now felt
powerless to act out what they considered to be their "calling from
God." This theological expression slightly masked the reality of what
had taken place. In the new situation, the missionary was no longer
in a position to initiate action. He must respond to the initiation
of the African with whom he was working. The missionary complaint, "I
was named last, as an afterthought, to that church committee going to
check on the church In Mweka, because I have a car that runs," typified
the new position of the subordinance of the missionary.
The frame of mind of the missionary remaining on the field


153
after evacuation has been characterized by frustration, uncertainty,
pessimism, and, in the best moments, a determination to work in what
ever way for as long^ as possible. One no longer went out to the APCM.
One no longer went to a missionary community and culture, well estab
lished, and prepared to provide a complex context which touches every
aspect of life. This community and culture had disappeared. It dis
solved when the missionaries were scattered during the evacuation of
1960. Since 1960 missionaries worked in the community and culture of
the Presbyterian Church in Zaire. This was a very different context
from the former missionary one. It meant that being a missionary in
the Kasayi now involved participating to a much greater degree in the
community and culture of the African Christians specifically, and in
the Zaire culture generally, than in former times.
The fusion of the missionaries into this African culture in
the period subsequent to 1960 had been found much more difficult than
earlier integration into the missionary community and culture. Part
of the difficulty related to the ways in which the African church
leadership had responded to its new role in the complex system which
the missionaries had developed. As Mbiti states (1969:221)
Modern change has imported into Africa a future
dimension of time. This is perhaps the most
dynamic and dangerous discovery of African peo
ples in the 20th century...The speed of casting
off the scales of traditional life is much
greater than the speed of wearing the garments
of this future dimension of life. The i 11usion
lies in the fact that these two entirely dif
ferent processes are made to look identical.
The post-independence events in the Kasayi, especially the
evacuation of all Europeans including the APCM missionaries, marked the


154
end of an era both in missionary history and in the development of
Africa. American missionaries continue to work with the Presbyterian
Church in Zaire, but in fewer numbers and on a different basis than
described in this study. Any general assessment of the impact of the
APCM on the Kasayi region should perhaps reflect Welbourn's (1971:310)
view that "the European invasion of Africa would certainly have had
different consequences and from any humanitarian point of view they
would probably have been less desirable consequences if it had not
included Christian missionaries along with settlers and administrators."


CHAPTER 9
INITIATION OF ACTION, IDEOLOGY AND UNPLANNED CHANGE:
SOME THEORETICAL CONCLUSIONS
It is the conclusion of this work (1) that there existed a
specific missionary community and culture at APCM-Luebo and on the
APCM as a whole; (2) that this community and culture largely disap
peared after the events of the missionary evacuation and the gaining of
independence of the church; and (3) that this disappearance of a com
munity and its culture was directly related to the 3 factors of the
loss of potential for the initiation of action, the inadequate support
of symbolic systems, and the loss of stability in the social environ
mental context.
Anthropologists have stressed the importance of the "initiation
of action" concept for the understanding of human organization and
change (Chappie and Coon 1942 and Arensberg and Kimball 1965). This
concept identifies, in any particular event, which parties in a human
interaction are dominant and which are submissive. As a methodological
tool its utility lies in the fact that, through the analysis of a
series of particular events, structural patterns are revealed which
often are hidden by the traditional formal structure as presented by the
group under study.
Through the years prior to 1960, the missionary had been in a
position of dominance in respect to his or her African co-workers and
servants. The missionary gave the orders and the African responded.
155


156
The nature of this response is varied and complex, but the point is
that it was the missionary who most often initiated the action. At
Luebo, missionaries were directors of the Preacher's School and the
Press, and they functioned as action executives in these institutions.
Rev. Morgan greatly influenced the workings of Luebo Presbytery, both
from his imported office chair beside the Mission safe in his office
and from his large wicker chair placed at the front of the presbytery
meeting room. Dr. Norris was "chief" at the hospital, and so on down
the line. The missionary wife daily instructed her servants concerning
the management of the household. The colonial context provided a
broad range of interactions for the missionary in which he or she
could initiate action. It was only in inter-missionary and domestic
interactions that relationships were balanced with significant reci
procity (Bateson 1935). Wolcott's (1972:32) observation of mission
aries in West Africa is harsh but perhaps not altogether without
validity if transposed to the pre-evacuation APCM:
The missionaries with whom I came in con-
contact adhered rigidly to a hierarchical struc
ture in both their personal and professional
lives. Dominance and submission are built into
their every relationship. They represent an
example of male-dominant, patriarchically organ
ized society. If symbolically they consider
themselves children of God, they are consider
ably more active in assuming a reciprocal role
as Father among men.
The possibility of maintaining this dominance by the initiation of
action is exactly what was destroyed by the shattering events of evac
uation and church independence.
The symbolic system of the missionary prior to 1960 evolved


157
from the early rock-hard certainty of the need of the indigenous
peoples for the "Gospel" and the inevitability and virtue of the
colonial structure to the later social action-oriented theology and a
politics (however theoretical) of liberation. The symbolic system of
the younger missionaries reflected the American acknowledgment of the
inevitability of change, but at the same time it failed to sustain him
through the difficulties of changing roles. In the early years of the
Mission the physical context was difficult and often dangerous, while
the interpersonal context placed the missionary in a dominant and
satisfying position. The ideology or "faith" carried the majority
through this period. In post-1960 Kasayi the situation was reversed.
Physical difficulties and changes had been overcome by technological
advances, but the interpersonal context often left the missionary in
a less than dominant position. In this situation many missionaries
found the "call" to be in that place at that time less than crystal
clear. In the flux of the events under consideration, symbolic system
instability served to hasten the changes in the Mission perspective.
All 3 factors of initiation of action potential, adequate
symbolic system support and contextual stability are thus seen as es
sential to the maintenance of a particular community and culture.
This description of the missionary community at APCM-Luebo
has attempted to demonstrate the dynamics of interaction in a group
and the ways in which this interaction relates to the formal and in
formal structures present. It demonstrates that human interaction once
broken through serious disruptive events can be re-established only
with the greatest difficulty, if at all.


APPENDIX 1
A HANDBOOK FOR MISSIONARY SERVICE OF THE BOARD OF WORLD MISSIONS
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES
MI. Defin ton of a Missionary. All persons appointed by the
Board to service in the foreign field, whether for regular service or
for shorter terms of service, are called missionaries.
M2. "In Service" Date. Missionaries of this Board are ordi
narily considered to be "in service" upon commissioning by the Board.
Ordinarily, they proceed to the field shortly after they are formally
commissioned. Sometimes they may remain in the United States or re
side temporarily in another country for additional training, for
language study and orientation, or for personal reasons acceptable to
the Board. As of their effective "in service" date, all become
missionaries of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, are
under the responsibility and authority of the Board, and remain so
until this relationship is terminated by the Board.
M3. Acceptance of the Handbook for Missionary Service. The
responsibilities of the Board to the missionary, and the missionary's
responsibilities to the Board and to others to whom his appointment
may relate him, are set forth in this "Handbook for Missionary Ser
vice." This Handbook is a part of the Bylaws of the Board of World
Missions, and is a statement of mutual commitment between the Board
and the missionary.
M4. Marriage of Missionaries. If a missionary marries a
person who is not a missionary under this Board, his/her relationship
to this Board must come under immediate review by the Board. Since
both husband and wife are regarded as missionaries by this Board, the
missionary's continuance under appointment is contingent upon his/her
spouse's seeking and receiving appointment to missionary service under
this Board.
M5. General Duties. All missionaries of this Board are sent
to fulfill the total mission of the Church: "to witness to all men -
'to every tribe and tongue and people and nation' the Lordship of
Christ and the good news of God's redemptive love in Christ; to per
suade them to become His disciples and responsible members of His
Church, in which Christians of all lands share in evangelizing the
world and permeating all of life with the Spirit and truth of Christ."
M6. Particular Duties. The particular duties of mission
aries, whether ordained or unordained, shall be those indicated by
the responsible field body. Where no organized church yet exists on
the field, ordained missionaries are charged to preach the Gospel and
to gather believers with a view to their becoming established as the
158


159
Church, so instructed and organized as to assume its role as the body
of Christ in that land. All missionaries, ordained and unordained,
shall lend their respective contributions to the task of gathering
believers or of building up the church in the land where they serve.
Special care shall be taken by the missionary to encourage the develop
ment of indigenous leaderships, entrusting to national Christians,
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, positions of responsibility.
M7. Acceptance of Assignments. In accepting appointment the
missionary indicates his readiness to fulfill such duties as shall be
assigned to him by the responsible field body within the scope of his
particular training and capabilities. Ordinarily, the missionary
will be assigned work for which he is professionally prepared and
after due consultation. When a missionary so desires, his abilities
permit, and the responsible field body concurs, or when the situation
demands, the Board may agree to or require a change of work classifi
cation. The continuance of the missionary on the field is conditioned
by the availability of work for which his training and experiences
fit him.
M8. General Qualifications of the Missionary Candidate. The
general qualifications for overseas service are essentially the same
as those which render a Christian useful and acceptable anywhere.
These would include:
(1) A personal relationship with God in Christ and a whole
hearted commitment to His service through the Church.
(2) An understanding and acceptance of the essential Chris
tian convictions.
(3) A dedication to a disciplined devotional life.
(4) A well-rounded Christian character.
(5) An active evangelistic spirit with the ability to com
municate one's faith by word and deed.
(6) A deep concern for the needs of people and a sensitivity
to the feelings of others.
(7) The ability to appreciate and work in harmony with people
of different racial, national and cultural backgrounds.
(8) The particular place of missionary service may call for
a high degree of adaptability and the ability to accept
the dual role of leadership and servanthood.
M9. Language Skills. Most types of missionary service re
quire the learning of a foreign language. Therefore, an aptness to
learn another language is an important qualification.
Ml0. Health. Since the place of missionary service may be
one of difficult situations and different climatic conditions and
since adequate and total medical service may not always be immediately
available, good physical and emotional health is required. Medical
and psychiatric examinations are routine requirements for candidates.


160
Mil. Education and Experience. Candidates for overseas ser
vice usually need as a minimum the same training that would be re
quired for service in a similar work in the United States. A period
of practical experience is usually required. Unordained candidates
for Regular Missionary Service are ordinarily required to have a
course of special study in Bible, theology and missions at some ap
proved shcool. Scholarship aid from the Board may be made available
for this study. Financial aid for professional training is not
ordinarily granted.
(1) Ordained missionaries should be graduates of approved
theological seminaries. Pastoral experience is usually
required.
(2) Other church workers, men or women, should have training
in a theological seminary or school of Christian educa
tion and some practical experience.
(3) Educational missionaries should have appropriate educa
tional training and a recognized teaching credential.
Teaching experience is usually required. Appointees to
higher educational institutions should have advanced
degrees.
(4) Medical missionaries should be graduates of approved
medical schools with regular degrees, with a year of
internship and two years of hospital residency training.
They should have successfully passed the National Board
or a State Licensing Board examination.
(5) Missionary nurses should be graduates of approved schools
of nursing with at least one additional year of hospital
service and a state license carrying the R.N. degree.
(6) Missionaries appointed for other services such as agri
culturalists, radio specialists, industrial work, litera
ture and literacy workers and administrators shall have
met the basic requirements in their particular fields.
(7) Missionary wives share with their husbands in qualifica
tions and language study. It is recognized that their
first obligation is to the home and this witness through
the Christian family is their major missionary service.
They may engage in other services as domestic duties
permit.
Ml2. Church Membership. Ordinarily, the Board will appoint
as missionaries persons who are members of the Presbyterian Church,
U.S. Candidates are expected not only to be in harmony with the doc
trinal and governmental standards of our church, but also in sympathy
with the witness of our General Assembly regarding dispensationalism,
social action, race relations and interdenominational cooperation.
Ml3. Appl1 cation. The Board, with the solemn responsibility
of selecting missionaries for overseas service for the church, makes
a diligent effort to obtain full knowledge of the character, motives
and qualifications of applicants.

I

161
(1) After preliminary correspondence with the Candidate De
partment, the applicant may be requested to complete a
number of special forms supplied to him. When completed,
these papers will supply information covering biographi
cal data, education and training, professional experience
Christian experience, doctrinal belief, social attitudes
and motive for entering missionary service.
(2) References from friends, teachers, pastors and others are
solicited to gain further information.
(3) For the ordained candidate a recommendation is requested
from the presbytery of which he is a member and for the
unordained candidate, a recommendation from his session.
(4) Medical and psychiatric examinations are a routine part
of the application.
(5) After full information is gathered, the applicant may be
invited to meet with the Candidate Committee of the Board
On the basis of a careful study by the Committee of the
candidate's papers and after a personal interview, a
recommendation concerning appointment will be made.
M14. Appointment. Appointment to missionary service, except
for some limited terms of special service, is made by the Board on
the recommendation of the Candidate Committee.
Appointment is made to one of the following types of overseas
missionary service:
M15. Regular Service. The overseas missionary who continues
in service for many years is a basic and indispensable part of our
church's missionary witness overseas.
God who calls men into this service is the living God who
continues to lead and direct. Therefore, at the end of each term
overseas, the Board provides for itself, the missionary and the ap
propriate field bodies an opportunity to re-evaluate this call, with
out prejudice, to see what Christian obedience demands. Initial ap
pointment is for the regular field term.
These persons should be professionally competent and should
be between the ages 25 and 35, inclusive. They may be single, couples
or families with preschool age children. Since it is often not for
the best interest of children who have started to school to be taken
abroad, parents with such children will not ordinarily be appointed.
The full course of language training and pre-field orientation is
required.
M46. The Missionary's Maintenance. The material maintenance
of the misionary is not intended to recompense the value of his par
ticular labors, nor made in consideration for the length or type of
service which he performs. The Board seeks to provide for him what
may be regarded as a comfortable but economical support such as will
free him from anxious care for his temporal needs that he may give
himself wholly to the work of the Lord. This maintenance consists of
salary, housing, basic furnishing, children's allowances, medical


162
care, field and furlough travel, aid on pension contributions, etc.,
as hereinafter described.
M47. Salary. All salaries of missionaries are fixed and
regulated by the Board and in like circumstances and conditions shall
be equal. (See Supplement Sec. SI.)
M48. Field Salaries. Salaries on the field are adjusted to
the economic situation in the various countries and areas according
to differences in the cost of living, comparison being made with the
practices of other Mission Boards and attention given to the repre
sentations of the missionaries themselves on the field. Payment is
made in local currency and in U.S. dollar credits as desired by the
mi ssionary.
Field Salaries of Missionary Couples. The yearly salary of a
missionary couple without children is set by the Board for each field
as the basic field salary for a couple. An allowance is made in ad
dition for minor children. (See Supplement Sec. S3.)
Field Salaries of Single Missionaries. The field salary of a
single missionary is set by the Board for each field as the basic
field salary for a single missionary. (See Supplement Sec. SI5
pajra_tJ^n_oj^_Fj_eld_Sa_l_a_ry_. Field salaries begin the day the
leaves the United States for the field or for language study in ano
ther country, and terminate the day the missionary departs from the
field for furlough.
M49. Home Salaries, General Provisions. Missionaries on
furlough (or newly-commissioned missionaries prior to their sailing)
will receive a basic home salary, as fixed by the Board. (See Supple
ment Sec. SI.)
Salary increments to the basic home salary as determined by
additional cost of living due to various circumstances may be made by
the Board when deemed necessary.
Home salary begins the day a new missionary is commissioned
or the day a missionary departs on furlough from the field, and ends
the day he leaves the United States for the field. Should the mis
sionary deviate from a direct route of travel to or from the field,
adjustments will be made accordingly.
M52. Housing on the Field. The Board, in addition to salary,
will provide adequate living quarters for all missionaries.
Furnishings. The Board provides for its missionaries certain
basic furnishings for their living quarter, for the different fields
according to their particular needs. A furniture allowance is made
to the new missionary, as determined by the Board. (See Supplement
Sec. S4.) All such furniture purchased with funds of the Board is
for use of the new missionary but remains the property of the mis
sionary organizations. The missionary is responsible for supplement
ing these basic furnishings with such personal items as he may feel
to be necessary. When a missionary transfers his residence, the
missionary organization will provide moving expenses for a reasonable


163
amount of furniture and other personal belongings.
M54. Children's Allowances. Specific allowances per annum
are paid for each child as indicated below. These allowances are to
be regarded as additions to the salaries of the parents, not intended
to cover the full cost of maintaining children, but provided in con
sideration of increased family expense. (See Supplement Sec. S3.)
M55. Children Eligible.
(1) Children of missionaries in active service are eligible
for children's allowances.
(2) Adopted children of a missionary couple in active service
are eligible for children's allowances (this privilege
is not extended to single missionaries), provided their
adoption meets with the approval of the Board. Such ap
proval will depend upon the submission to the Board of
each adoption request prior to taking steps toward adop
tion. In making its decision the Board will take into
consideration the circumstances in each case, with the
following conditions: first, that medical opinion stron-
ly indicates that the couple cannot have additional chil
dren of their own; and second, that the total number of
children of each family, both their own and adopted, who
would be eligible for support by the Board shall not
exceed four. (This limitation only applies to families
contemplating the adoption of children.)
M56. Payment of Children's Allowances.
(1) Graduation by age periods:
First period: Birth to 10th birthday.
Second period: 10th to 22nd birthday.
(2) A special child's allowance as set by the Board, is paid
to the parents of children under 22, enrolled in an ap
proved boarding school and not living in the parents'
home, whether in this country or on the field.
(3) Payments for Final Period. Payments continue up to the
22nd birthday, provided the child is in school and has
been taking undergraduate work for less than four years.
In the case of children, 17 years of age and over, who
for health reasons may never become financially indepen
dent, and whose parents are under the Board either as
active or retired missionaries, the Board will consider
the possibility of continuing partial payment of chil
dren's allowances.
M57. Children's Education on the Field. The Board seeks to
provide adequate educational facilities, or to underwrite reasonable
expenses in securing such facilities, for the children of its mis
sionaries on the field in grades 1-12, as hereinafter provided:

1

164
Where Schools Exist on the Field. Where schools are available
and approved for missionaries' children by the missionary organization,
the Board will provide tuition (not to exceed a maximum allowance set
by the Board for tuition, See Supplement Sec. S3) in grades 1-12, and
travel to and from boarding school at the beginning and end of the
school year. Under unusual circumstances, some allowance may be
made for necessary transportation for day students. Parents shall pay
for the student's board and room. Mid-year vacation travel to and
from home may be provided by the Board upon the approval of the res
ponsible field body.
Where No Schools Exist on the Field. Where no schooling
facilities are available on the field, the Board will pay for courses,
such as "Calvert," given under the guidance of the parents. When
parents are unable for valid reasons to administer such courses, the
Board may provide a teacher of missionaries' children, underwriting
such expenses, provided that as many as four children of missionaries
utilize the services of such a teacher for a full academic year.
Teachers for short periods may be employed by the missionary organiza
tion provided the Board through its Candidate Department approves the
teacher, and is not responsible for her travel to and from the field.
The Board may make a special appropriation toward her salary as cir
cumstances may indicate.
Schools for Missionary Children. On some fields the Board,
solely or in conjunction with other interested agencies, provides a
school for missionaries' children. Similar provisions prevail as
those indicated above under, "Where Schools Exist," the Board under
writing any tuition that may be charged. Such schools, to be sup
ported by the Board, must operate under regulations which have met
Board approval.
M58. Elementary and High School Education in the United
States. In view of the availability of public education i.n the United
States, the Board does not undertake to provide for the education of
children of missionaries in service, who may be on furlough or for
other approved reason in the U.S., while such children are in grades
1-12.
College Education. The Board will provide a special appro
priation for tuition expense (in addition to the ordinary child's
allowance) for children of missionaries who are studying in college
in the United States or abroad, in Board-approved institutions. The
amount of this appropriation will be determined periodically by the
Board. (See Supplement Sec. S3.)
M59. Medical Care for Missionaries in Service. The Board
assumes responsibility for the medical care of its missionaries and
their children on children's allowances (including those whose adop
tion meets with Board approval), provided that the expenses for such
are incurred with the approval of the Board for missionaries and their
children in this country, or of the responsible field body for mission
aries and their children on the field. The Board considers that it
discharges this obligation in providing:


V.
0)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
For medical and surgical expenses including prescribed
medicines. (Non-prescribed medicines and supplies for
the missionaries' medicine cabinet are not included.)
For one-half of dental and optical expenses. Exception:
The Board pays such expenses in full for adult mission
aries when incurred upon recommendation of the Board's
medical examiner in connection with arriving medical
examination. A detailed estimate of the cost of such
dental work must be submitted by the missionary to the
Treasurer's office for approval before contracting for
the work. After the estimate is approved, the total cost
is paid by the Board. (If contact lens are desired, the
missionary is to correspond with the Treasurer's office
about this expense.)
For expenses for appliances, braces, trusses, hearing
aids, orthopedic shoes, etc., provided such expenses are
submitted to and approved by the proper Board or respon
sible field body officer prior to their incurrence.
For necessary travel expenses in securing such services
indicated in items 1-3 above, provided such travel is ap
proved by the proper Board officer prior to incurrence,
except in cases of emergency, when later approval is
acceptable.
At stations where medical missionaries are laboring under
commission from the Board, they are regarded as the phy
sicians of the missionary families connected with the
Board, to render them service without charge, and the
Board does not engage to be responsible for expense in
curred in seeking medical aid elsewhere. Where there is
no medical missionary or other physician, the Board will
be responsible for expense incurred in reaching or ob
taining the nearest competent physician or surgeon.
All medical treatment, except in cases of emergency,
should have the authorization of the official medical
examiner or committee. Bills for service in the U.S.A.
should be prepared in the missionary's name, and sent to
the Treasurer's office for payment. The missionary is to
send into the Treasurer's office statement for all pre
scribed medicines for refund. Itemized statements of
travel expenses in connection with medical expense should
likewise be presented for approval and refund.
An itemized account of all medical expenses on the field
shall be presented to the Treasurer of the missionary
organization to be paid, and then forwarded on to the
Board Treasurer for review.
Medical examinations


165
(1) For medical and surgical expenses including prescribed
medicines. (Non-prescribed medicines and supplies for
the missionaries' medicine cabinet are not included.)
(2) For one-half of dental and optical expenses. Exception:
The Board pays such expenses in full for adult mission
aries when incurred upon recommendation of the Board's
medical examiner in connection with arriving medical
examination. A detailed estimate of the cost of such
dental work must be submitted by the missionary to the
Treasurer's office for approval before contracting for
the work. After the estimate is approved, the total cost
is paid by the Board. (If contact lens are desired, the
missionary is to correspond with the Treasurer's office
about this expense.)
(3) For expenses for appliances, braces, trusses, hearing
aids, orthopedic shoes, etc., provided such expenses are
submitted to and approved by the proper Board or respon
sible field body officer prior to their incurrence.
(4) For necessary travel expenses in securing such services
indicated in items 1-3 above, provided such travel is ap
proved by the proper Board officer prior to incurrence,
except in cases of emergency, when later approval is
acceptable.
At stations where medical missionaries are laboring under
commission from the Board, they are regarded as the phy
sicians of the missionary families connected with the
Board, to render them service without charge, and the
Board does not engage to be responsible for expense in
curred in seeking medical aid elsewhere. Where there is
no medical missionary or other physician, the Board will
be responsible for expense incurred in reaching or ob
taining the nearest competent physician or surgeon.
(5) All medical treatment, except in cases of emergency,
should have the authorization of the official medical
examiner or committee. Bills for service in the U.S.A.
should be prepared in the missionary's name, and sent to
the Treasurer's office for payment. The missionary is to
send into the Treasurer's office statement for all pre
scribed medicines for refund. Itemized statements of
travel expenses in connection with medical expense should
likewise be presented for approval and refund.
An itemized account of all medical expenses on the field
shall be presented to the Treasurer of the missionary
organization to be paid, and then forwarded on to the
Board Treasurer for review.
(6)
Medical examinations


166
On the field: Each missionary is required to undergo an
annual medical examination on the field by a mission
doctor, or a mission-approved doctor.
In the United States: Every missionary is required to
undergo thorough medical examination in the United States
by a Board-approved examiner every three to six years.
Such examinations undertaken on furlough shall be ar
ranged immediately at the beginning of the furlough, and
a departing check-up (for furloughs longer than three
months) within 90 days of departing from the United
States.
Expenses of medical examinations: Expenses of such re
quired examinations, and resulting medical requirements,
shall be borne by the Board.
The Missionary's Maintenance Supplement: 1965
SI.Annual Salaries
Field
Married
Single
Africa
$3,260.00
$1,775.00
East Brazil
3,250.00
1 ,680.00
North Brazil
3,250.00
1,680.00
West Brazil
3,250.00
1,680.00
Japan
3,960.00
2,160.00 living alone
2,040.00 living with
another missionary
Korea
4,020.00
2,040.00
Mexico
3,260.00
1,920.00
Taiwan
3,480.00
1,800.00
Home salary
(on furlough)
4,050.00
2,500.00
52. Rent Allowances (on furlough) will be paid up to:
$ 75 monthly for single missionaries
100 monthly for missionary couples without children
110 monthly for missionary couples with up to two children
125 monthly for missionary couples with more than two children
53. Child Allowances (same on the field and on furlough):
Up to 10 years of age $30.00 per month per child
10 to 21 years of age $37.50 per month per child
10 to 21 years of age $55.00 per month per child
(if in boarding school)


167
On the field the Board will provide tuition up to $700 in
grades 1-12 for the education of missionaries' children in approved
institutions. The Board will pay up to $700 for children in college,
in addition to the child allowance listed above to cover difference
between tuition costs and other grants received.
54. Outfit Allowances for New Missionaries. All new mission
aries appointed to a four-year term will be eligible to receive the
following allowances: personal outfit, books and furniture. New
missionaries serving less than a four-year term will receive a pro
portionate part of the total allowance.
$300 personal outfit allowance for each )Husbands and wives
missionary counted
$ 25 book allowance for each missionary )separately
$ 75 personal outfit allowance for each
child
Personal and book allowances payable six months within sailing
date and as soon as final medical clearance is received.
$300 heavy furniture allowance for missionary couple after
arriving on field.*
$150 heavy furniture allowance for single missionary after
arriving on field.*
*To be handled through correspondence with the Treasury
Department. Furniture remains the property of the Board of
World Missions.
Ordinarily, missionaries in Africa are provided furniture on
the field and do not receive this allowance.
55. Freight Allowance. The following freight allowances are
for missionaries serving a four-year term. Those serving less than a
four-year term will recieve a proportionate part of the total allow
ance.
It is not expected that furlough missionaries will ordinarily
need the full amount of this allowance, and it is understood that for
all missionaries the Board will be expected to pay only for essential
personal property. The Treasury Department provides a list of es
sential personal property for each field for new missionaries.
Africa and Brazil. The Board will pay all inland freight
both to and from the missionary's home in the United States to the
port, and to and from the port and the missionary's home on the field.
In addition to the inland freight, the Board will make the
following allowances for ocean freight, duty, packing, crating and
all other expenses:
For missionaries traveling to or from furlough up to $150
for each missionary ($300 for a couple) and up to $50 for


168
each child.
For new missionaries up to $250 for each missionary ($500 for
couple) and up to $80 for each child.
For missionaries going to Belgium for a period of study up to
50% above the normal allowance.
M62. Purpose of Field Vacations. Missionaries are expected
to take such annual vacations from their work as will safeguard health
and promote maximum effectiveness in their work.
M63. Frequency. Vacations are to be taken annually, and may
not be accumulated from year to year. Subdivision of the annual per
iod into two shorter semi-annual vacations is permissable.
M64. Time. Vacations ordinarily should be taken annually at
such times as will be of the least detriment to the work. Ordinarily,
there should be one less vacation in a term of service than there are
years in that term of service. No vacation is allowable in conjunc
tion with furlough. Furlough is understood to be in lieu of vacation.
M65. Duration. Vacations shall ordinarily be for one month,
unless the period be lengthened or shortened by specific Board action
upon recommendation of the responsible field body.
M66. Location. Ordinarily, vacations are to be taken in the
general vicinity of the work. Vacations outside the country may be
taken upon prior approval of plans by the missionary organization (or
the Clearance Committee designated by the missionary organization),
report of such plans being made to the Board.
M67. Outfit Allowance. All new missionaries will be eligible
to receive the following allowances: personal outfit, books and
furniture. New missionaries serving less than a full field term will
receive a proportionate part of the total allowance. (See Supplement
Sec. S4.)
M68. Travel. The Board pays the travel expenses by the most
direct route for all of our missionaries, en route to the fields and
when they return to the States. Immediately upon arrival on the
field they are to make complete settlement with the Field Treasurer,
and when they arrive in the States, they are to make settlement im
mediately with the Board Treasurer.
M69. Purchasing and Shipping. All orders to be placed for
our missionaries and for the missions are to be sent in to the
Treasurer's office. Detailed shipping instructions will be given the
companies when the orders are placed by the Treasurer's office.
M71. Basic Field Term. The basic term shall be four years


169
for all fields. This term (for Regular Service missionaries) may be
shortened by as much as two years, or it may be lengthened (one year
at a time) for as much as two years. Unless the Regular Service
missionary makes request for an alternative term (at least one and
ordinarily two years in advance), he will be routinely scheduled for
the basic four-year term. Missionaries appointed for Special Term
Service, Volunteer Service and Specialized Service are expected to
fulfill the full length of overseas service specified in their ap
pointment, without such shortening or lengthening of the term as
above.
Maximum term. No missionary may remain on the field for more
than six consecutive years without furlough.
M72. Furlough: Purposes. The furlough is provided for pur
poses of physical recuperation, mental and spiritual re-invigoration,
re-establishment of family and church relationships, special study in
the line of one's particular work, and the dissemination of informa
tion and interest in the home churches. The furlough is not simply
a vacation; it is an extension of one's missionary ministry. It is
not a reward for service performed; it is a preparation for future
work.
M73. Length and Frequency.
(1) System of furloughs:
For one year on the field no furlough.
For 21 months or two years on the field three months
furlough (no freight allowance).
For 33 months or three years on the field six months
furlough (and 1/2 the basic freight allowance).
For four years on the field twelve months furlough
(and full basic freight allowance).
For five years on the field twelve months furlough
(and full basic freight allowance).
For six years on the field twelve months furlough
(and full basic freight allowance).
(2) Beginning and ending: Furlough time is computed from
departure from field (port of embarkation) to departure
from the U.S.A. (port of embarkation). Time spent in
international travel to the U.S.A. is counted a part of
furlough.
(3) Relation to field vacation time: Furlough is understood
to take the place of annual field vacation in the year or
years in which they coincide. Vacation may not be added
to either the beginning or ending of furlough in order to
lengthen the furlough.
(4) Full allowable time not mandatory: It is not required
that one take the full length of allowed furlough. How
ever, he must be cleared medically, and the intention to
take less than the allowed furlough must be approved by
the Area Secretary and the appropriate field body.


170
(5) Re: Approval to return to the field: For Regular Service
missionaries, one-half of the authorized length of fur
lough is due on arrival in the U.S.A. for furlough; the
remianing half is authorized only upon the missionary's
decision and approval to return to the field. If the
decision and his approval to return to the field is not
forthcoming by the time that one-half the authorized
length of furlough has expired, the missionary shall
thereupon, immediately and automatically be placed on
leave of absence without salary or allowances until it is
determined what the missionary's future relationship to
this Board will be. Approval to return to the field may
not be given until satisfactory arrangements have been
made regarding any outstanding financial indebtedness of
the missionary to the Board. For Special Term Service,
Volunteer Service and Specialized missionaries, one
month of salary (at the furlough rate) is due in the U.S.
A. for each year of service abroad, up to a maximum of
three months or until gainful employment is secured if
that should be sooner; however, if during this time
such missionary seeks and secures re-appointment to over
seas missionary service under this Board, he will be
allowed furlough, from the time of his departure from the
field, in accordance with the regular schedule of lengths
and frequencies of furlough.
Missionaries coming home to retire receive no furlough,
but instead receive three months of "terminal pay."
Place of Furlough. Country. It is expected that furlough is
to be taken in the U.S.A., unless exception is authorized by the
Board.
Residence. In the interests of the closest possible contact
with and understanding of the home Church during furlough, mission
aries are encouraged to arrange their furlough residence in the
widest possible dispersal throughout the bounds of the Church. The
Board will be of assistance to the missionary in finding suitable
furnished housing for furlough.


APPENDIX 2
OFFICIAL SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING OUTFIT
FOR THE CONGO, 1956
Owing to natural differences in personal tastes it is impossible for
any outfit list to be more than suggestive. Personal tastes and hab
its must govern your choice of equipment. It is not expected that
anyone will want or need all the articles listed, but it is hoped that
these suggestions will serve as a guide which will enable you to
choose for yourself those things that will be most useful and that
will make you most comfortable in your Congo home.
In all your planning it will be well to remember the following:
1. See the Executive Committee Manual for information
regarding baggage allowance, shipping, furniture,
etc.
2. Anything that makes your home more attractive and
comfortable in America (except electrical equipment)
will be useful in the Congo mirrors, vases, pic
tures, bookends, candlesticks, small washable rugs,
etc. Large heavy rugs and carpets are not satis
factory.
3. You will probably have to do more entertaining than
the average housekeeper at home, much of this at
meals, so you will need a larger supply of table
linen, dishes and silver than at home.
4. At present there are no dry cleaners, barbers or
beauty shops available in A.P.C.M. territory, so
go prepared to be your own barber, cleaner and
beautician. (Barber and beauty shops now in Lulua-
bourg and Leopoldville.)
5. Take a good mattress and springs. (Bedsteads are
made on the field to fit these.) Good beds are an
essential, so economize somewhere else.
6. Take supplies for eighteen months. This will give
you time to see what is obtainable on the field
and to place necessary orders in America before
these supplies are exhausted.
7. A greater variety of merchandise of increasingly
better quality is appearing in the local stores
constantly so do not feel obligated to depend en
tirely on what you take from America. Many of the
newly-arrived missionaries seem to feel that they
might well have brought fewer supplies and still
have been adequately equipped.
171


172
Clothing for the Field
Women. Any type of clothing used in summer in America that does not
require dry cleaning is suitable for the Congo. A good supply of wash
dresses for morning wear and a few a bit dressier for afternoon and
evening are most suitable. A dinner dress is worn very seldom and is
not a necessity.
Shoes and hose as used in summer at home. Many wear only anklets or
footlets. (See special note on shoes.) (Few women wear hose.)
Felt and straw hats with medium or large brims usually give sufficient
protection from the sun. Helmets are obtainable on field if extra
protection is needed.
Take a light-weight rain coat, umbrella, and galoshes or rubbers if
you use them. (Two or three cheap cotton umbrellas are nice to have.)
(Sometimes obtainable in stores.)
On most stations a light-weight coat and/or sweater is needed at times
Order sanitary napkins or tampons in quantity from Montgomery Ward.
Take a supply with you. These are sometimes available at Luluabourg
at rather high prices. (Always available but over 30,00 frs. a dozen
in price.)
Attractive materials for women and children's clothes are available
on the field, but patterns are unobtainable. (Khaki, denim, drill are
on sale and Congolese are good tailors. Patterns from Belgium are ob
tainable. Ready-made clothes available in shops in cities, but high.)
Men. Suits of seersucker, linen, palm beach, gabardine or white duck
are most useful. A good supply of extra trousers in khaki or any of
the above materials is needed for every day wear. Industrial men will
take suitable work clothes. Most of the time men go coatless and
wear open-throated sport shirts. Take dress and sport shirts, pajamas
underwear, handkerchiefs, socks, ties, etc., according to personal
taste.
Whatever type of shoes you find comfortable in .S. will be suitable
for the Congo. Most do not like sandals on account of dust, sand and
jiggers.
Straw and felt hats are worn. Helmets obtainable locally if extra sun
protection is needed.
Children. Clothing as for summer at home. Brim felt hats should be
worn both as a protection from the sun and for the eyes. Some parents
order extra clothing from M. Ward, others bring patterns and either
sew for the children or teach a native tailor to do so. Good mater
ials can be bought but no patterns. Satisfactory underwear must be


173
taken from America.
Socks and shoes as in summer at home except that many do not use san
dals on account of sand and jiggers. Experience has shown that a
child will usually need shoes of every size and half-size up to about
8 years of age. From 8 to 13 or 14 years, each new pair of shoes
should probably be one size larger than the previous pair. It is not
advisable for children to go barefooted. Most parents find they can
order from M. Ward and get satisfactory shoes. In emergencies one
can sometimes buy locally, but up to the present, quality has not
been very satisfactory and sizes have been limited.
Children will need light wraps, coats, sweaters or windbreakers, rain
coats and rubbers are required for children in Central School.
Party supplies, crayons, color books, toys, novelties, crepe paper,
fancy paper napkins, story books according to ages and tastes of child
ren should be taken with you as there is little of this nature in the
stores.
Consult the Committee as to school books and supplies for the children
through the third grade. Most parents find Calvert courses preferable.
After the third grade children attend Central School at Lubondai.
Nurses. Take 8 to 12 uniforms as a minimum. Some make new uniforms
on the field, some order from M. Ward or a Nurses Supply Shop, others
take a large supply for three years. Take three or four pairs nurse's
shoes.
Most of the younger nurses wear white socks instead of hose with their
uniforms.
Teachers at Central School. Have a small suite of sitting room, bed
room and bath, so will need only personal supplies and pictures, vases,
etc., to make their rooms attractive. You will want one or two dinner
dresses as the school has two or three "dress-up" parties for the
children each year.
Single Missionaries. While all single missionaries are invited to
board if they so desire, all but one or two have preferred to have
their own homes either alone or in groups, after they have learned the
language.
Special Note on Shoes. Many missionaries find Montgomery Ward shoes
very satisfactory and order from the field as needed. Some few find
they can get fitted in the local stores. If you are difficult to fit
or prefer a special shoe, either take a term's supply with you or
leave your size and style with a dealer from whom you can order par
cel post if necessary.


174
Toilet and Other Personal Articles. Toilet articles for both men and
women are available in the Congo, including some popular brands, but
it is well to take a small personal supply. Take dental floss, band-
aids, clinical thermometer, hot water bottle. An import license is
required for all medicines brought into the Congo, but you may take a
small personal supply of such things as may be needed on the journey -
aspirin, quinine, listerine, etc., in your personal luggage.
Waterproof WATCHES and cheap watches (Ingersoll) have proved most
practical in the Congo though a few have been able to use the popular
expensive ones they already had. Take extra wrist bands and crystals
for your watch. If you have a good alarm clock take it, otherwise
you can buy one on the field.
If you have a cedar chest or moth proof garment bag for your woolens,
take it along. Otherwise woolens may be kept in a tight-closing trunk
with moth preventive. Take a supply of garment hangers.
Typewriters. Take either portable or upright model. If the latter,
see that it is properly packed by a reliable typewriter dealer. Take
a small supply of extra ribbons, type cleaner and brush. Paper and
carbon available on the field.
Phonograph. Is not a necessity, but if you have one it will give much
pleasure to your native friends. They enjoy good music.
Take any small musical instrument you play, but we do not advise tak
ing a piano. Wait until you reach the field and decide on the advis
ability of getting one.
Radio. Do not take one from America. Good tropical radios are avail
able on the field and give much better satisfaction.
Bicycles. Do not take a bicycle. Excellent light-weight European
models are obtainable on the field at a very reasonable price and are
preferable to the heavier American type.
Hobbies and Sports. Be governed by your tastes tennis racquet,
bathing suit and cap, camera and extra films, developing outfits, bad
minton, croquet, any indoor games that appeal to you. If you like
hunting, only one rifle and one shot gun are allowed per person by
the Belgian government, and only 15 kilos (30 pounds) of ammunition.
If your baggage does not accompany you, pack guns and ammunition in
separate case. This will be held at Matadi until you arrive and se
cure the necessary permits from your local Administrateur Territorial.
If you like fishing, a bait-casting outfit and salt water rod and reel
are preferable.
Glasses. If you wear glasses take an extra pair and leave your pre
scription where you can get it filled in case of need. Many use sun-


175
glasses. If you take them consult your occulist for suitable make.
Sewing Equipment. If you have a sewing machine, take it. Portable
hand sewing machines are available on the field. Take a good supply
of needles, pins, safety pins, buttons, snaps, hooks and eyes, trim
mings, laces, bindings, buckles, patterns, knitting and crochet
supplies (all these according to your personal tastes and needs).
Young married women will probably want to take a layette or material
for making same.
Native women are eager to learn knitting and crocheting and inexpen
sive supplies for classes will be most useful.
Office Supplies. Personal stationery, air-mail, greeting and corres
pondence cards, typewriter erasers, ink eradicator, poster and con
struction paper, colored crayons, fountain pen, scotch tape, thumb
tacks, pencil sharpener, pen knife, blotters, ruler, manilla folders,
gift-wrapping paper and ribbon, all according to personal needs and
taste. Typewriter paper, carbon, plain and air-mail envelopes are
usually available.
Refrigeration. This is almost a necessity. A small or medium size
kerosene burning refrigerator is most practical. Take extra parts,
wicks, chimneys, etc., according to the make. Order directly from the
Export Division of the Company through the Committee. This will in
sure proper packing and you will probably get it at wholesale price.
If you prefer to wait until you arrive on the field, refrigerators of
all sizes and reliable makes are becoming increasingly available.
Lights. At present very few homes have electric lights. In any case,
you will find the following useful and occasionally necessary in
emergencies. For a good reading light order one of these two:
1 COLEMAN kerosene burning lamp complete with shade,
1 dozen extra generators and 1 extra chimney. Mantles
are available in the Congo, but you might order 2
dozen extra mantles with the lamp.
OR
1 ALLADIN kerosene burning lamp complete with shade,
2 dozen extra mantles and 3 flame spreaders. Chimneys
available in Congo. Order also 3 or 4 extra wicks.
For use in kitchen, bedroom and bath, order from M. Ward:
2 bracket lamps complete, No. 3 burner, 1 doz. each
extra wicks and chimneys.
1 table lamp complete, No. 3 burner, with 1/2 doz.
each extra wicks and chimneys.


176
Kerosene and gasoline lanterns available in local shops. After ar
riving on the field you may wish to buy a small home electric lighting
plant, but we do not advise buying before arriving on the field.
Seed. Most missionaries make small vegetable gardens. Most easily
grown are Ky. Wonder or other pole beans, carrots, turnips, tomatoes,
celery, lettuce, eggplant, cucumbers, radishes. Take easily grown
flowering annuals and seed and bulbs of other favorite flowers. Take
a limited supply of seeds as they do not keep well and parcel post
orders may be placed in America and South Africa as desired.
Household Equipment. All heavy furniture is made on the field. For
the kitchen aluminum ware is most satisfactory as it stands up under
the hard usage given it by native cooks and house boys. A little pyrex
or other oven ware is nice to have, but is subject to rather heavy
breakage. If you already have a pressure cooker and canning equipment,
take it along, but we do not advise investing in new equipment before
you have been on the field. Take extra rotary egg beater as they do
not last long in the hands of Congo cooks. Consult any good cookbook
for basic kitchen equipment list. Many prefer Dutch ovens to regular
roasters.
These articles are especially necessary in Congo:
2 large tea kettles (all drinking water must be boiled)
1 coffee grinder
1 small hand grist mill for making corn meal (See M. Ward
catalog)
1 good meat grinder
1 kitchen scale for weighing up to sixteen or twenty-four
pounds
1 or more thermos bottles (small ones obtainable on field)
1 table service bel 1
1 or more tight lidded tin boxes for packing lunches
2 bread pans
1 or 2 large aluminum trays are desirable but not essential
6 or 8 good padlocks
1 hammer
Assorted tacks and small nails (larger nails obtainable locally)
1 utility saw
1 small, one medium screwdriver
1 pair piiers
Order brooms, mops, curtain rods from M. Ward (American type
not available locally)
Table Linens and Bedding. Take a good supply of table linens, accord
ing to personal taste, luncheon cloths and mats for daily use, large
cloths for occasional use. Most of the dining tables are round, 52-60
inches in diameter. You will find mat sets for 6 or 8 places prefer
able to 4.


177
Take 10-12 yards inexpensive white or neutral material for curtains.
If you take ready-made curtains, 6 or 8 pairs alike, 2-1/2 yards long
will be most usable. Materials for heavy draperies in limited pat
terns are available locally or may be ordered from America after you
are assigned a home and know your needs.
You may take mosquito nets to fit your bed or buy netting on the
field and have them made there.
You will need more dresser scarves, doilies, tray cloths and table
runners than in America. This minimum list may be helpful, though
they may nearly all be bought or made on the field if desired.
2 pillows per bed (should be taken from America)
4 sheets per bed
4 pillow cases per bed
2 washable bed spreads per bed
1 or 2 light blankets per bed
6 or 8 dresser scarves
6 table runners
3 or 4 tray cloths
1 doz. bath towels per person
face and hand towels as desired
1/2 doz. bath cloths per person
1 or 2 bath mats
Groceries. Practically all groceries may be purchased on the field at
a price slightly higher than those ordered from America. It is ad
visable to wait to place a large order until you arrive on the field
and see for yourself what is available there.
Write to Francis H. Leggett Co., in New York, for a wholesale catalog.
Order from them such of the following articles as you desire. These
are either unobtainable or much more expensive locally. Many of them
will last your first term through.
1 carton (or case) paper towels
1 carton Kleenex
1 " toilet tissue
1 " waxed paper
1 carton paper napkins
1 soap flakes (Lux or Ivory)
1 Brillo or other aluminum cleaner
1 baking soda
1 table salt
1 baking powder
2 31b. tins or jars Crisco, Snowdrift or Spry
Flavoring extracts, spices, herbs, condiments according to taste.


178
Jellies, jams, canned fruits and vegetables, rice, yeast, flour, sugar,
butter, laundry soap, cheese, starch, coffee, cocoa, cooking oils,
blueing, tubs, buckets, charcoal irons, bread boards, ironing boards
are available locally.
At present raisins, jello, pudding mixes, etc., are not being packed
satisfactorily for the tropics. All are at times found in the local
shops.
Peanuts, pineapple, bananas, other tropical fruits and some fresh vege
tables are obtainable from the natives.
EVANGELISTIC MISSIONARIES EXPECTING TO ITINERATE
Should take:
1 good camp bed and mosquito net
1 or 2 good canteens for drinking water
Inexpensive enamel or aluminum dishes and cutlery for
table (service for 2 or 3)
Extra cooking utensils, tea kettle, 2 or 3 covered pans,
small frying pan, coffee pot, teapot for camping,
also cooking forks, spoons and knives
Up to the present time no one has considered the kerosene camp cooking
outfits feasible; fuel expensive and hard to carry; native cooks do
not handle them wel1.
YOU WILL FIND IT ADVISABLE TO PLACE ALL YOUR ORDERS THROUGH THE EXECU
TIVE COMMITTEE.
ADDITIONAL STATEMENT TO BE INCORPORATED
IN THE CONGO OUTFIT LIST, 1955
We strongly urge you not to go into debt by buying outside of your
means. It is better to wait until you get on the field because so
many things can be bought locally or ordered later. Many missionaries
arrive with items they never use, or find need for other items that
they have not brought. It will depend on the station you live on as
to what your needs will be. The items that are essential are so
marked. The other items in this list are discussed from a standpoint
of information. Please do not feel that you have to have everything
on this list!
Do not buy any electrical equipment until you arrive on the field and
see what your needs will be. It is suggested that you store toasters,
electric irons, etc., at home until you see exactly what your individ
ual situation will be.
Cars. Personal cars are not essential. Mission cars are available for
necessary trips. If you have ample financial backing and want a car,


179
be sure you understand the financial outlay on customs, transport,
upkeep, and cost of operation. You may have to do all your own re
pair work.
We recommend that you bring no medicines except for first aid on the
trip and any special prescriptions that you may require. Coming into
Congo you will have difficulties with medicines because special per
mits are required for them. Thermometers and hot water bottles are
essential.
SUGGESTED CHANGES IN THE CONGO OUTFIT LIST
In the paragraph on shoes, leave out "Most do not like sandals on
account of dust, sand and jiggers." This is no longer true. Many
prefer sandals.
In the paragraph on mosquito netting, we suggest that those people
going through Belgium get it there since the Congo stores have a
variety of sizes and qualities.


REFERENCES CITED
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1959 Still led in triumph. Nashville, TN: Board of World
Missions, Presbyterian Church in the United States.
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Various Minutes of the mission meeting. Luebo, Belgian Congo:
years J. Leighton Wilson Press.
American Presbyterian Congo Mission
1957 Constitution, by-laws and standing rules of the American
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Leighton Wilson Press.
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1965 Culture and community. New York: Harcourt, Brace and
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Bail leu 1, H.
1959 Les Bayaka: aperfu de 1'evolution economique et politique
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1935 Culture contact and schismogenesis. Man 35: 178-83.
Bee, Robert L.
1974 Patterns and processes: an introduction to anthropolo
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Beguin, Hubert
1965 Espoirs, bilans et lecons d'un "paysannat" au Congo.
Tiers-monde 6: 891-913.
Beidelman, T.O.
1974 Social theory and the study of missions in Africa.
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180


181
Board of World Missions
various Annual report of the Board of World Missions: Nashville,
years
TN: Board of World Missions, Presbyterian Church in the
United States.
Briey, Pierre de
1945
Migration of indigenous workers in the Belgian Congo.
International Review of Labor 52: 335-351.
Chappie, Eliot D. and Carleton Coon
1942
Principles of anthropology. Mew York: Holt, Rinehart
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1956
Some aspects of urbanization in the Belgian Congo. Ameri
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1952
L'attraction excerce par les centres urbains et industriis
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1965
La renumeration minimum legale. Cahiers Economiques et
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1959
Note sur le comerce indigene dans les grands centres
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Hall, Edward T.
1959 The silent language. New York: Fawcett World Library.
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1970
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1955
Event analysis as an approach to community study. Social
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1893
Life and letters of Samuel Howell Lapsley, missionary to
the Congo Valley, West Africa. Richmond, VA: Wittet and
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1953
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Malinowski, B.
1938 Methods of study of culture contact in Africa. London:
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1969 African religions and philosophy. London: Heinemann.
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McLean, D.A.
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1964 Continuities in cultural evolution. New Haven, CN:
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Moeller, A.J.
1952 [.'attraction excercee par les centres urbains et industriis
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1954 Guide du voyageur au Congo Beige. Bruxelles: L'Office
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Moritz, B.
1947 Histoire de la foundation du Post de Luluabourg (Malandji).
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Raucq, Paul
1961 Les relations entre tribus au Kasai, leur incidences geo-
politique et econornique. Africa-Tervuren 7: 47-58.
Romaniuk, Anatole
1959 Evolution et perspectives demographiques de la population
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1968 The demography of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
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1965 A political history of tropical Africa. New York:
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Shaloff, Stanley
1970Reform in Leopold's Congo. Richmond, VA: John Knox
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Slade, Ruth M.
1959 English-speaking missions in the Congo Independent State
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Thompson, E.T.
1963 Presbyterians in the South: Volume one: 1607-1861.
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Trewartha, G.T. and W. Zelinsky
1954 The population geography of Belgian Africa. Annals of
the Association of American Geographers 44: 163-193.
Verner, Samuel P.
1903 Pioneering in Central Africa. Richmond, VA: Presbyter
ian Committee of Publication.
Welbourn, F.B.
1971 Missionary stimulus and African responses. In Colonialism
in Africa. Vol. 3, V. Turner, ed. Cambridge: University
Press, pp. 310-345.
Wharton, E.T.
1952 Led in triumph. Nashville, TN: Board of World Missions,
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Wolcott, H.F.
1972 Too good to be true: the subculture of American mission
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258.
Yngve, Victor H.
1973Human linguistics and face-to-face interaction. A paper
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Conference on Communication).


ADDITIONAL REFERENCES
Baeta, C.C.
1963 Christianity in tropical Africa. London: Oxford Press.
Bateman, C.S.L.
1389 The first ascent of the Kasai: being some records of
service under the lone star. New York: Dodd and Mead.
Berman, E.H.
1974 African responses to Christian mission education. African
Studies Review 17: 527-540.
Biaye, M.
1951
Moeurs et coutumes fnebres chez les Baluba du Kasai.
Voix du Congolais 7: 181-183.
Bouillon, A.
1954
La corporation des chasseurs Baluba. Zaire 3: 563-594.
1953
Les mamiferes dans le folklore Luba. Zaire 7: 563-602.
Hi!ton-Simpson, M.W.
1911 Land and peoples of the Kasai. London: Constable.
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1953
Deux contes Luba. Kongo-Overzee 19: 458-463.
Leyder, J.
1947
Primaute de l'humain en Afrique noire: de la psycholo
gies des noirs du Congo Beige. Bulletin de la Societe
Royale Beige de Geographie 71: 91-111.
Lietard, L.
1929
Etude sommaire sur le tribu des Luluas. Bulletin de la
Society Royale Beige de Geographie 53: 40-43.
Mbiye, B.
1955
L'arbre qui porte des fruits. Kongo-Overzee 21: 54-70.
184

*

185
MacGaffey, W.
1972 Comparative analysis of central African religions. Africa
42: 21-31.
McLean, David A. and T.J. Soloman
1971 Divination among the Bena Lulua. Journal of Religion in
Africa 4: 25-44.
Markovitz, M.D.
1973 Cross and sword: the political role of Christian missions
in the Belgian Congo, 1908-1960. Stanford, CA: Hoover
Institution Press.
Merriam, A.P.
1959 The concept of culture clusters applied to the Belgian
Congo. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 15: 373-395.
Moritz, B.
1951 La fondation du poste de Luluabourg. Louvanium 19: 18-34.
Morrison, W.M.
1906 Grammar of the Buluba-Lulua language. Luebo, Belgian
Congo: J. Leighton Wilson Press.
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de Geographie 56: 36-51.
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1922 Proverbs Baluba. Congo 3: 354-365.
Stappers, L.
1962 Textes Luba: contes d'animaux. Annales de la Musee
Royale de Afrique Cntrale 41: 1-116.
Van Bulck, V.
1952 Le probleme linguistique dans les missions d'Afrique
central. Zaire 6: 53-68.
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1968 Religions et societes en Afrique cntrale. Cahiers des
Religions Africaines 2: 95-107.
Migrations dans la provence du Kasai, une hypothese.
Zaire 10: 69-85.
1956


186
Van Zandijcke, A.
1950 La revolte de Luluabourg (4 Juillet
931-963.
1953 Pages d'histoire du Kasayi. Namure
Verdick, E.
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1895). Zaire 4:
Collection Lavigerie.
361-367.
69-86 and 325-345.


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Daniel P. Juengst was born in Mt. Kisco, New York, December
27, 1928. In 1953 he received the B.A. degree from Furman University
in Greenville, South Carolina. In 1956 he graduated from Union Theo
logical Seminary in Virginia, receiving the Masters of Divinity degree.
In 1957 he was ordained as a clergyman in the Presbyterian Church in
the United States and served as a missionary in the Republic of Zaire
(former Belgian Congo) from 1957 until 1968. In 1966 he received the
M.A. degree in African Studies from Howard University in Washington,
D.C. During 1968-1970 he held an African Studies Research Assistant-
ship at the University of Florida while doing doctoral coursework.
During 1970-1972 he taught at the Middle Normal School of the National
University of Zaire in Kananga, Zaire. He taught Anthropology and
Sociology at the Baptist College at Charleston in Charleston, South
Carolina during 1973 and 1974. In 1975 he returned to the University
of Florida for the dissertation write-up. During this period he also
held a research assistantship from the Center for African Studies at
the University of Florida.
Mr. Juengst is married to the former Sara Covin and they are
the parents of 4 children.
187


I certify that I have read this study and that in rny opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Ui
IrTa M. uXo-t, Chairman^
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Solon T. Kimball
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
n,
r\OLCs.-'-
HarfapBSr-Houssi kian
Associate Professor
Languages and
of Romance
Li tera tures
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Carol E. Taylor
Assistant Professor of Nursing

*

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy.
Richard H. Jfirs
Professor of Religion
This dissertation was submitted to the Department of Anthropology in
the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
December, 1975
Dean, Graduate School

"/)rV\kA',s
$
A









182
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1938 Methods of study of culture contact in Africa. London:
Oxford University Press.
Mbiti, John S.
1969 African religions and philosophy. London: Heinemann.
McDonald, Gordon C.
1971 Area handbook for the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(Congo Kinshasa). U.S. Government Printing Office
(DA Pam 550-67).
McLean, D.A.
1962 The sons of Muntu: an ethnological study of the Bena
Lulua tribe in south central Congo. Unpublished M.A.
thesis, University of Witwatersrand.
Mead, Margaret
1964 Continuities in cultural evolution. New Haven, CN:
Yale University Press.
Moeller, A.J.
1952 [.'attraction excercee par les centres urbains et industriis
dans le Congo Beige. INCIDI Record 27: 189-196.
Moeller, A. J., ed.
1954 Guide du voyageur au Congo Beige. Bruxelles: L'Office
du Tourisme du Congo Beige.
Moritz, B.
1947 Histoire de la foundation du Post de Luluabourg (Malandji).
Problernes Sociaux Congolais 4: 51-67.
Raucq, Paul
1961 Les relations entre tribus au Kasai, leur incidences geo-
politique et econornique. Africa-Tervuren 7: 47-58.
Romaniuk, Anatole
1959 Evolution et perspectives demographiques de la population
au Congo. Zaire 15: 563-626.
1968 The demography of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In The demography of tropical Africa. Win. Brass, ed.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 241-341.
Rotberg, Robert I.
1965 A political history of tropical Africa. New York:
Harcourt, Brace and World.



.


118
Relationships within the departments were generally amiable.
The team spirit prevailed as there was always at least the potential con
flict with the other departments on the station. The clergymen and
their wives often interacted throughout the day's work. The medical
personnel worked in very close contact, the physicians working together
in the surgery and the hospital with the nurses always close at hand.
The educational personnel were involved jointly with the many problems
of the large 1,000 pupil primary school on the station. During the
period of observation there had been no instance of an intradepartment-
al dispute being brought to the attention of the entire station.
Though there are differences of opinion within the departments, these
differences are closely guarded with respect to the station as a whole.
In contrast, there have been occasions at station meetings when con
flict of an interdepartmental nature has been openly expressed.
At one evening station meeting the ever-innovative Bert
Richards proposed that while the doctor was visiting his several rural
dispensaries he might administer the final examinations in the regional
primary schools in the same villages. Dr. Norris exploded with the
declaration that although "the man who made that suggestion"* had tried
to run every department on the station, he would not be given the
prerogative of running the medical department.
Marriage and Family
There are a number of features of station life which affect
the interaction of couples and their children. One of these is the
above-mentioned situation in which the man and his wife work every day
in the same department, each carrying a heavy work load. This pattern


137
interest in the children of the other missionaries. Part of the
strength of the "missionary family" feeling was generated by the
custom of having the missionary children use the terms of "Uncle" and
"Aunt" as terms of reference and address for the adult missionaries.
The missionary child knew all the missionary adults as Uncle or Aunt,
attaching the adult's first name to the kinship term. This practice
of fictive kinship reached up into the longevity grades, and it was
common for "new" or "young" missionaries to address a full term mis
sionary as, for instance, "Uncle Jimmy" or "Aunt Elizabeth" Mitchell.
This practice was never used by new or young missionaries in reference
to mid-career missionaries. With them, as among the two "younger"
groups, the first names were used for reference and address.
Professional Groups
A fourth type of grouping which has significance in the infor
mal structure is the various professional networks. These will here
be referred to as "co-lingual" groups after Victor Yngve (1973:14).
Much of the in-groupness of these networks depended upon an individual's
competence in a particular professional jargon. Here the clergyman
was at a slight disadvantage because whereas the educators, the arti
sans, and especially the medical people all have their special jargon,
they all share, by virtue of being themselves missionaries, the theo
logical jargon of the clergyman. Of course, the clergy could converse
on a more technical level, calling upon their more extensive theologi
cal education, but there was still a sense of disadvantage. Even the
"devotional talks," a variety of sermon at the station meetings, was
a responsibility divided equally among all the station personnel. All


186
Van Zandijcke, A.
1950 La revolte de Luluabourg (4 Juillet
931-963.
1953 Pages d'histoire du Kasayi. Namure
Verdick, E.
1927 Historique de Luluabourg. Congo 2:
Vervaecke, J.
1910 Les Bena Lulua. Revue Congolaise 1
1895). Zaire 4:
Collection Lavigerie.
361-367.
69-86 and 325-345.


74
and enameled and cement wash basins. Running water is supplied to
the bathroom, and hot water is furnished by means of a wood-burning
hot water heater built outside the house near the bathroom wall.
The kitchens have only cold running water. Water is heated for
dishwashing on the wood cook stove that is provided in each house by
the mission. Most of the missionaries have a kerosene refrigerator
and several have gas ranges which are fueled by bottled gas.
The house to which the writer was assigned was one of the old
er and less commodious residences on the station. It was known as the
"white hospital" as it was originally built in 1922 as a guest house
for European patients who had to spend an extended time at the hospi
tal. Since this residence is typical of many missionary residences,
it will be described in some detail. It is located on the downhill,
southern side of the main street in the corner of the station (cf. No.
12, Figure 6). Its side and back yards were bordered by the "cordon
blue," a 25-meter strip of land stipulated by the colonial government
as required to separate a European compound from any African housing.
Just beyond this strip to the west there are the backyards of African
residences. The missionary house consists of one bedroom measuring
12' x 12, one bedroom off the latter bedroom measuring 12' x 6', and
a bath equipped with cement tub and sink. The identical space on the
opposite side of the central living room serves as large dining room,
a third bedroom or office, and the kitchen. The living room was
originally an open porch, the front of which has been bricked up to
a height of three feet and the remainder screened. Two small front
verandas open off the screened living room. The house is surrounded




117
might be subject to these vices took place in the informal evening
assemblages of cliques, longevity grades and professional networks.
During the day, the African saw the "best side" of the missionary.
If the actual implementing of the missionary activity required tactics
which were not always in conformity with the best Christian virtues,
this fact was not revealed to the Africans.
The interdepartmental rivalry at APCM-Luebo is illustrated by
what will be called the "new evangelistic vehicle regulations" affair.
In 1959 special evangelistic funds became available for the purchase
of a new Volkswagen minibus, and Jorgensen was sent 75 kilometers to
the railroad town of Mweka to accept delivery of the vehicle. When
he returned to APCM-Luebo, Dr. Norris suggested that the small bus
could readily be converted for ambulance use in the rural areas. Dr.
Norris had had two accidents in the past in which the vehicle was a
total loss. Alarmed by these suggestions, the evangelistic committee
was hastily called into session by its chairman, Ken Morgan. Regula
tions were passed stipulating that only evangelistic personnel would
be allowed to drive the new vehicle. As Morgan and Richards had per
sonal vehicles and "Uncle" Jimmy Mitchell's work was centered at the
Preacher's School on the station, the new Volkswagen was "assigned"
to Jorgensen, the newest missionary on the station.
The evangelistic committee's actions were never formally chal
lenged at station meeting, but Dr. Norris and other medical personnel
made it clear informally that they felt their department had been
limited unnecessarily because of the preachers' prejudiced views of
the doctor's driving habits.




153
after evacuation has been characterized by frustration, uncertainty,
pessimism, and, in the best moments, a determination to work in what
ever way for as long^ as possible. One no longer went out to the APCM.
One no longer went to a missionary community and culture, well estab
lished, and prepared to provide a complex context which touches every
aspect of life. This community and culture had disappeared. It dis
solved when the missionaries were scattered during the evacuation of
1960. Since 1960 missionaries worked in the community and culture of
the Presbyterian Church in Zaire. This was a very different context
from the former missionary one. It meant that being a missionary in
the Kasayi now involved participating to a much greater degree in the
community and culture of the African Christians specifically, and in
the Zaire culture generally, than in former times.
The fusion of the missionaries into this African culture in
the period subsequent to 1960 had been found much more difficult than
earlier integration into the missionary community and culture. Part
of the difficulty related to the ways in which the African church
leadership had responded to its new role in the complex system which
the missionaries had developed. As Mbiti states (1969:221)
Modern change has imported into Africa a future
dimension of time. This is perhaps the most
dynamic and dangerous discovery of African peo
ples in the 20th century...The speed of casting
off the scales of traditional life is much
greater than the speed of wearing the garments
of this future dimension of life. The i 11usion
lies in the fact that these two entirely dif
ferent processes are made to look identical.
The post-independence events in the Kasayi, especially the
evacuation of all Europeans including the APCM missionaries, marked the




PLATE 9
b. Burned houses after tribal fighting at APCM-Luebo