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The description and function of Clough's ambivalent poetry and its sources in his life and thought, with special application to Dipsychus

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The description and function of Clough's ambivalent poetry and its sources in his life and thought, with special application to Dipsychus
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Haich, George Donald, 1928-
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English
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vii, 167 leaves : ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Ambivalence ( jstor )
Honesty ( jstor )
Irony ( jstor )
Literary criticism ( jstor )
Morality ( jstor )
Poetics ( jstor )
Poetry ( jstor )
Rugby ( jstor )
Universities ( jstor )
Victorians ( jstor )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 161-166.
General Note:
Manuscript copy.
General Note:
Vita.

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University of Florida
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The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries respect the intellectual property rights of others and do not claim any copyright interest in this item. This item may be protected by copyright but is made available here under a claim of fair use (17 U.S.C. §107) for non-profit research and educational purposes. Users of this work have responsibility for determining copyright status prior to reusing, publishing or reproducing this item for purposes other than what is allowed by fair use or other copyright exemptions. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder. The Smathers Libraries would like to learn more about this item and invite individuals or organizations to contact the RDS coordinator (ufdissertations@uflib.ufl.edu) with any additional information they can provide.
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THE DESCRIPTION AND FUNCTION OF CLOUGH'S

AMBIVALENT POETRY AND ITS SOURCES IN HIS LIFE AND

THOUGHT, WITH SPECIAL APPLICATION TO Dipsychus














By
GEORGE DONALD HAICH












A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY











UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1970















DEDICATION



To my wife, Gloria Haich, whose encouragement and loving

aid deserve a larger tribute than a dedication allows.








































ii














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


I wish to express my thanks to Professors Alton C. Morris

and Irving R. Wershow for serving on my committee. To my committee

chairman, Professor Edwin C. Kirkland, for his advice, understanding

and encouragement, I am deeply grateful.





































iii










TABLE OF CONTENTS


DEDICATION... .. .. . ....... . .... ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . . . ...... . . iii

ABSTRACT . . . . . w . . . . . . . v

PROLOGUEi HESITATION BEFORE DECISION . . . 1

CHAPTER Ii THE PLOT HAS COUNTERPLOT . . . . . . . 12

CHAPTER III THE DIPSYCHIAN MIND . . . . . . . 63

CHAPTER IIII AN APPLICATION OF THE THEORY .. . . . 16

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . 161

VITA . . . B . . . . . . . . 167
































iv









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy


THE DESCRIPTION AND FUNCTION OF CLOUGH'S AMBIVALENT
POETRY AND ITS SOURCES IN HIS LIFE AND THOUGHT,
WITH SPECIAL APPLICATION TO DIPSYCHUS

By

George Donald Haich

June, 1970



Chairmans Dr. Edwin C. Kirkland
Major Departmenti English

This dissertation is limited to Clough's ambivalent poetry

because an understanding of this characteristic mode of his poetic

statement permits a more just estimate of his poetic powers. In his

own time Clough was seen as a poet who, in some of his most character-

istic moods, refused to speak with a positive prophetic voice. While

the Victorians found this hesitancy unattractive, modern readers find

the uncompromising honesty of his intellectual self-examination ap-

pealing because Clough does not pretend to more assurance than he has.

Clough's ambivalent poetry is defined as that poetry which

presents two sides of an issue-sometimes by an objective statement

of both sides of the question but sometimes through irony and satiric

exaggeration-while yet not bringing the question to a final resolution

on either side. Such poetry is called Dipsychian because of its double-

minded attitude and because Clough gave the fullest expression to this

ambivalence in his poem Dipsychus. The reader of Dipsychian poetry is

presented with a full and complex expression of a question and at the

v








same time he is left totally free to form his own personal conclusion

about the issue itself. This effect upon the reader parallels the func-

tion which the ambivalent poetry served for Clough himself at the time

of his writing. Clough wrote most of his Dipsychian poetry during periods

of personal stress when the issues he treated in that poetry were for him

not resolvedi he used his poetry as a method by which he could examine

and consider the questions which troubled him.

The second chapter examines the primary internal tension that

generated most of Clough's Dipsychian poetry. This poetry, which was

for the most part written during the period from 1848 to 1852, reflects

Clough's concern at that time with the moral problem of how a man may

maintain moral purity and at the same time be actively involved with

the affairs of the world. This problem confronted Clough during this

period because, having left his somewhat sheltered position as an Oxford

don, he was forced into a more active involvement with life while at the

same time his common-sense appraisal of the realities of life and the

duty he felt to serve others as a practical expression of obedience to

God both seemed to force him into an active engagement with worldly af-

fairs. The basis of Clough's moral conflict is traced through his early

life and aspects of this conflict are examined in several separate lyrics.

Clough's often overlooked, strong sense of reality was grounded in his

personality and was one source of the sincerity which is a prominent

characteristic of his poetry. His concern for moral purity, while not

unusual for an earnest Victorian, was heightened by his contacts with

Dr. Arnold and W. G. Ward.

An examination of Dipsychus in Chapter Three demonstrates how

the tension so generated finds a typically ambivalent expression in a

vi









lengthy and complex Dipsychian poem. The hypermoral Dipsychus provides

a characterization which embodies an extreme representation of the mor-

ally pure attitudes in regard to involvement with the world. The char-

acter, Spirit, presents an equally extreme picture of worldly, realistic

attitudes. The ambivalence in this poem is found in the balanced pre-

sentation of these characters and in the fact that neither by tone nor

attitude does Clough offer a resolution of the central question of the

poem. The conclusion of the poem leaves neither character fully vic-

torious, and its ambivalence represents Clough's own confusion on this

point at this period of his life.
































vii














PROLOGUEs HESITATION BEFORE DECISION


Two roads diverged in a yellow wood,
And sorry I could not travel both
And be one traveler, long I stood
And looked down one as far as I could
To where it bent in the undergrowth.
Robert Frost

Everyone is familiar with the mental processes which are

anterior to the final resolution of a complex problem. One's mind

searches out all the discoverable elements of the problem; the con-

sideration of alternatives, the balancing of opposing thoughts, the

evaluation of alternate modes of action. When sufficient reason is

found or when the urgent necessity for resolution forces one, a de-

cision is made. In the verses above, Frost records just such a

thoughtful period of hesitation before decision. The state of mind

that Frost here depicts is frequently found in the poetry of Arthur

Hugh Clough. Much of Clough's poetry is devoted to the delicate move-

ments of thought that are preliminary to decision. Examination of

Clough's lyrics often reveals a lyric which takes one side of a

question and then a subsequent lyric that appears to take an opposing

view. "Easter Day," for example, carries the refrain, "Christ is not

risen," and the next poem, "Easter Day II," has the refrain, "Christ

is yet risen." Between these two companion pieces the opposing thoughts

are balanced as Clough examines the nature of the resurrection. This

examination of issues by paired lyrics occurs elsewhere also as, for



1




2



example, in "Peschieria" and Alteram Partem where Clough weighs the

ultimate value of patriotic heroism. Furthermore, within single lyrics

he frequently takes one view of an issue, only to shift to another view

before the poem ends as he does in "Epi-Strauss-ium" or in "Is it true,

ye gods, who treat us." In Clough's long narrative poems the two sides

of an issue are most often embodied in two opposing characters as with

Dipsychus and Spirit in Dipsychus. In all such careful balancing of

thought, Clough can be observed tracing his own mental processes as he

seeks resolution of some problem or the discovery of some truth.

This obvious ambivalence has naturally puzzled many of Clough's

readers from the beginning and each age has responded according to its

intellectual predispositions. Clough's Victorian contemporaries, who

were being forced by the advance of science and historical criticism

into a religious insecurity as they felt the grounds of the ortho-

dox faith cut from under them, were usually disposed to see in Clough's

ambivalence the troubled mind of the religious doubter. Victorian

critics were frequently unable to apprehend that Clough was subjecting

religious issues to a coolly rational examination while maintaining

a warmly positive attitude toward the underlying central truths of

the faith. When they saw John Henry Newman forcing himself out

of the Anglican communion by the rigor of his logic and when they

saw the logic of science speeding up the materialistic tendencies

which threatened Evangelical otherworldliness, the conservative re-

action was an understandable distrust of the results of logical exami-

nation of matters of faith. It was to be expected that they called





3



Clough a doubter. Even while James Russell Lowell praised Clough as

being representative of his times, he characterized Clough as repre-

senting "the doubt and struggle towards settled convictions, of the

period in which he lived."1 Lowell knew Clough well enough to recog-

nize that he was not a mere doubter but rather that he was struggling

toward settled convictions. A more typical Victorian view of Clough

in this regard is presented by the review of Ambarvalia in the Guardian

on March 28, 1849. There, though the reviewer praised Clough for

thoughtful power, he was disturbed by what he identified as Clough's

doubting temper and therefore he believed that the book was morally

dangerous, asserting that a wide circulation of these poems "will do

more harm than good."2 Such a response grows naturally out of the

general feeling of religious insecurity characteristic of the times.

A response to Clough's poetry which regards it as merely the

poetry of doubt, though widespread and certainly understandable in

the context of the Victorian Age, does not take into account at least

two very important matters. It omits both Clough's personal, positive

orientation towards Christianity and, more significantly, it omits

Clough's poetic expression of such positive orientation in poems such

as "Say not the struggle nought availeth." Therefore, would it not be

more accurate to suggest that though Clough subjected religious matters

to a searching scrutiny, he still held a living, personal faith in the

central Christian truths? Clough is probably not a poet reduced to

doubt and despair by the destruction of his early orthodox faith. In-

stead, his poetry can be seen as an examination of the religious issues










raised by his times. It is the record of the thought that proceeded

a religious and moral decision.

While a discussion of Clough must account for the ambivalence

in his poetry, there is a second matter which must also be examined

here. Largely on the basis of what they found in his poetry, Clough's

Victorian critics reached the conclusion that he was personally ir-

resolute. This conclusion is understandable in the context of one of

the major expectations that Victorians had for poetry before the eighteen-

seventies. From the early thirties thoughtful Victorians were expressing

the idea that the poet should be a prophet to the troubled times. They

saw the old traditions crumbling in the face of widespread social change

and, in the words of Carlyle, they looked to the writer to "by wise

teaching guide the souls of men."3 When the positive prophetic voice

which they had expected was lacking in Clough's poetry they looked at

his life with every expectation of finding him to be an irresolute man

who lacked the intellectual fortitude to seize upon decision in the

trials of his personal life. That early biographers, like Osborne,

could find what they could consider to be evidences of irresolution in

their examination of his life is not surprising. Beside the fact that

they were deliberately looking for such proof, the success of their

search was assured by the special character of Clough's life. His was

basically a life of thought rather than of action. Thus the main streams

of his life were hidden from view. Mrs. Clough identifies this char-

acteristic of Clough's life in a letter to C. E. Nortoni "It is so much

a hidden and inner life that it would require something like genius to

express it, I think."4 Since Clough's was an inner life, the decisions





5



arrived at were inner decisions and did not force themselves upon the

observation of biographers, and they were permitted to view Clough's

thoughtful consideration of both sides of issues in the superficial

light of personal irresolution. This approach was taken by many of

Clough's biographers. Osborne says of Clough that he was "a man who

made decisions with great difficulty."5 Again, later, when Osborne

concludes his biography, he summarizes what had become a sub-theme of

his book by asserting of Clough that "his name has been in danger of

becoming a byword for irresolution."6

Even some modern biographers still tend to view Clough as ir-

resolute. Kathaine Chorley's biography of Clough, though it is some-

times weak in its criticism of his poetry, provides, in the opinion of

Clough scholars, the most complete treatment of the facts of his life

so far written.7 Yet occasionally Chorley will lapse into viewing

Clough as an irresolute person. For example, towards the end of her

book she says of Clough, "Already in America, his indecision was

getting the better of him, so that he could not initiate any plan

which involved an active launching out."8 For the modern student of

Clough such a lapse could occur partly because of the inner nature of

Clough's life but also because of the earlier Victorian treatment of

Clough from that point of view. Yet when a modern scholar studies

Clough's letters, he is struck by the fact that in such personal mode

of self-expression the use of ambivalence is largely absent. Also,

when the modern scholar further observes that Clough rarely employs

ambivalences in his prose writing, he is forced to reassess the facile

assumption that Clough was indecisive. And there is a great deal to





6



support such a reassessment. The first piece of evidence to indi-

cate that Clough was far from indecisive is the obvious strength of

his will which is demonstrated in the moral and physical self-discipline

that he maintained from the time he was a boy at Rugby. Furthermore,

there is the resolute courage that characterized not only his inde-

pendence of thought, but was also apparent in his willing involvement

with both the Paris revolution in 1848 and the Italian revolution in

Rome in 1849, But probably most significant of all is the assessment

of Clough's friends and acquaintances. Palgrave, Matthew Arnold and

the many others who wrote of Clough in memoirs and letters after his

death returned over and over to the idea that Clough's death ended a

life that held much more than the usual promise for significant accom-

plishment. Nor was this a view which was prompted simply by the fact

of his early death. From the time when Clough had become Dr. Arnold's

prize pupil at Rugby and throughout his entire life thereafter, men

of accomplishment, such as Emerson, Dr. Arnold, and Tennyson, expected

Clough's life would yield great achievements. Surely such successful

and perceptive men as these would not expect a weak, indecisive char-

acter to accomplish much in life. Clough's undeniable courage and

independence of mind cannot co-exist within a character weakened by

basic irresolution. It therefore becomes impossible not to conclude,

as do some modern critics of Clough such as Michael Timko, that ir-

resolution could not be the character basis of the ambivalence in

Clough's poetry.9

From a consideration of the previous material it becomes ap-

parent that an adequate discussion of the poetry of Arthur Hugh Clough





7



must account for his poetic ambivalence without any distortion of his

true character in tracing the origins of that ambivalence. Further-

more, in the case of Clough, it is not wise to consider the poetry alone

and not consider the character of the poet. Houghton's The Poetry of

Arthur Hugh Clough does offer a close reading of many of Clough's

poems without reference to his life, but Houghton's otherwise fine

and insightful book is often limited by that critical self-restriction.

Moreover, Houghton is almost the only major critic of Clough to attempt

that sort of criticism--a fact that can be taken as a demonstration

that, more than that of many other poets, the life of Clough is a

major element in any general consideration of his poetry. Biographical

material, however, becomes especially important when the poetic method

finds its parallel and source in the life of the poet; Clough's ambi-

valence may be explained in great measure by the special personal

functions to which he put his poetic material. The examination of the

ambivalence present in much of Clough's poetry provides the key to all

of his poetic production because it points to those special circum-

stances that typically generated his poetic expression. Clough did

not write because he viewed himself primarily as a poet nor did he

often write out of the sort of overflow of feeling that one identifies

with the Romantic poets. Throughout much of his life he did not con-

sider publication of great importance although he did write a great

deal.10 Writing poetry, however, had a unique purpose in his life.

Poetry provided the proving grounds for Clough's thought.

From the time that he was a schoolboy at Rugby he was greatly interested

in contemporary political questions. Though politics are of secondary





8



importance in his poetry, they often formed the major substance of

his letters. Two of his four major works (The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich

and Amours de Voyage) are intimately involved with social-political

issues. Since social issues do inform a significant part of Clough's

poetry it is apparent that he did use poetry to express his social ideas.

The major problems, however, that Clough subjects to a poetic

scrutiny are not socio-political issues but rather religious and philo-

sophical dilemmas. As a concerned student of Christianity throughout

his life and as a teacher of philosophy, this is only to be expected.

Although many thoughtful Englishmen were concerned with these problems,

Clough did not treat these ideas simply because they were of general

concern; he dealt with them because they were of immediate, pressing,

personal concern. They were often treated in Clough's characteristi-

cally ambivalent fashion because Clough himself was at this time poised

in the thoughtful hesitation before decision. The strenuous intel-

lectual force which he employed in the balanced consideration of the

philosophical alternatives, and Clough's shifts from one to another

class of religious and philosophical problems under consideration re-

flect both the intensity and the progress of his concerns as his life's

situation was altered. The problems that he faced in Rugby were

naturally different from those he had to face in Oxford, or again

after Oxford, or those he faced when he returned from America. For

this reason the consideration of Clough's life becomes an essential

element in any full discussion of his poetry. The study of Clough's

ambivalent mind, as it probes the alternate sides of the problems he

faced on the testing ground of his poetry, leads to the very center





9



of his poetry though it must take into account his life and its his-

torical context. Clough's major ambivalent works of each period will

then bear a new significance when examined from a point of view that

at once focuses upon Clough's unique ambivalence and can demonstrate

how the problems he so considered were best treated by a man of Clough's

temperament, in that precise manner, at that particular time in his

life.

The organization of "The Description and Function of Clough's

Ambivalent Poetry and Its Sources in His Life and Thought, with Special

Application to Dipsychus" is reflected in its title. Chapter One de-

scribes Clough's ambivalent poetry and discusses the uses the poet in-

tended such poetry to serve for himself and for his readers. Chapter

Two examines the influences and experiences which helped to create

the particular moral tension which Clough expressed in his ambivalent

poetry. The final chapter uses the ideas from Chapter One and Chapter

Two to show how well they work in actual application to a single poem.

The field is well prepared for this sort of discussion of Clough's

poetry. The texts of Clough's works have recently received modern

editorial reconstruction based upon a thorough reappraisal of the manu-

scripts. This editorial work is particularly important in Clough's

case because he himself saw so little of his work through the press.

Though the earlier text of Clough's works was assembled by his wife

and others, especially C. E. Norton, and saw fifteen editions between

1869 and 1930, sometimes these editors had suppressed whole sections

of certain poems and often they had added titles without any manu-

script authority. Therefore, the 1951 edition of Clough's poems has





10



become the authoritive text not only because it provides a better

text, but because it is equally valuable for the extensive quotation

in the notes of alternate readings derived from the manuscripts which

would not be otherwise accessible. Most of Clough's prose works, many

never before printed, are now gathered together in The Selected Prose

Works of Arthur Hugh Clough by Buckner Trawick. Mulhauser has gathered

Clough's letters in a two-volume edition which makes them for the

first time readily available. Mulhauser is also working on an edition

of Clough's unpublished notebooks and, though they are not presently

available to scholars, one can expect few surprises from them because

most of Clough's biographers have seen them and quoted from them. The

recent biographies by Goldie Levy and Kathariif Chorley and the French

study of Clough by Paul Veyriras provide more detail than the earlier

biographies by Osborne and Waddington. Thus the raw material for a

study incorporating Clough's life and thought in an examination of

his characteristic poetry is now available and forms a valuable aid

to the understanding of that poetry's ambivalent nature.





11






NOTES


1James Russell Lowell, My Study Windows (Boston, 1871), p. 211.

2Katharine Chorley, Arthur Hugh Cloughi The Uncommitted Mind
(Oxford, 1962), p. 181.

3Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in
History (London, 1897), p. 162.

4Arthur Hugh Clough, The Correspondence of Arthur Hugh Clough,
ed. Frederick L. Mulhauser (Oxford, 1957), I, xiii.

5James Insley Osborne, Arthur Hugh Clough (London, 1920), p. 61.

Ibid., p. 183.

7Walter E. Houghton, "Review of Arthur Hugh Cloughi The Un-
committed Mind by Katharine Chorley," Victorian Studies, VI (September
1962), 92.

8Chorley, p. 355.

9Michael Timko, Innocent Victoriani The Satiric Poetry of
Arthur Hugh Clough (Columbus, Ohio, 1966), pp. 8-9.

10Walter E. Houghton, The Poetry of Cloughi An Essay in Re-
valuation (New Haven & London, 1963), p. 3 says that he counted the
total lines of poetry in the definitive editions--Arthur Hugh Clough,
The Poems of Arthur Hugh Clough, eds. Howard Foster Lowry, A. L. P.
Norrington and Frederick Mulhauser (Oxford, 1951) and Matthew Arnold,
Poetical Works, eds, C. B. Tinker and Howard Foster Lowry (London &
New York, 1950). Clough had 13,578 lines. Arnold had 14,023 lines.













CHAPTER Ii THE PLOT HAS COUNTERPLOT


The physical sciences have a system of closely defined terms

which are used strictly according to their definition, but since liter-

ary criticism has no such system, the critic must be particularly care-

ful about his use of terms, being especially sure that any terms he

employs will be clear to the reader. Accordingly, this first chapter

will largely involve definition and description. The matter that

first requires attention and delimitation here is the precise type

of Clough's poetry under consideration. Since Arthur Hugh Clough

wrote a wide variety of poems, ranging from the light-hearted de-

scription of Oxford college youths on vacation in Scotland, through

an extensive revision of Dryden's translation of Plutarch's Lives,

to a rendering of the classical myth of Actaeon's metamorphosis, it

is clear that the particular type of poetry dealt with here needs

specific definition. The poetry which was earlier called ambivalent

and referred to as the poetry of those mental states preceding decision

can be most accurately called Dipsychian because in Dipsychus Clough

gives it the fullest expression.

The shortest and most comprehensive definition of Dipsychian

poetry is that it is that poetry of Clough that presents a clear op-

position of viewpoints in a relatively equal balance without resolving

the issue on one side or the other. Houghton says of this poetry,

"We welcome his ZGlough's7 special capacity, so rare in his own age,


12





13



for double vision. He could see at least two sides to every question."1

This Dipsychian poetry is of two classes. The classes are determined

by the manner in which the balanced views are presented to the reader.

The first class of Dipsychian poetry presents the opposing sides by

direct statement as in Clough's narrative poems where he often puts the

opposing views in the mouths of opposing characters. Clough handles

the issue of social class in that way in The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich

when the student, Hewson, is often found arguing social questions

with the tutor, Adam. A similar balancing of views embodied in op-

posing characters is, of course, seen in Dipsychus when the worldly

Spirit confronts the idealistic and moral Dipsychus. Thus Clough's

narrative poems achieve a type of conflict which arouses intellectual

interest though the plot of the narrative may seem uncommonly static.

In shorter, lyric poems the direct statements are attributable to a

persona which the poet assumes. The pattern often is psychological.

The lyric will follow the turnings of the persona's thought as it

moves first one way and then another. A classic example can be found

in the conclusion of "Is it true, ye gods, who treat us."

If it is so, let it be so,
And we will all agree sol
But the plot has counterplot,
It may be, and yet be not.

Another part of this same lyric can conveniently serve as one

example of the second class of Dipsychian statement--the ironic. The

issue in "Is it true, ye gods, who treat us" is the question of whether

or not the poetic faculty is a divine vision or simply a singular physi-

cal and mental conformation that makes poetic production possible. In





14




the twenty-two lines preceding the four lines quoted above Clough has

presented each side, but in the presentation of each side Clough

employs an ironic tone that undercuts the presentation on both sides.

Clough uses an exaggeratedly exalted statement to mock the view that

poetry is a "divine vision" in a phrase such as "In our rapturous ex-

altation." He uses an equally exaggerated, coarse statement to show

the ironical tone in his presentation of the view that poetic power

derives from the physical-mental conformation makeup of the poet.

The coarse bluntness can be seen as ironically exaggerated when one

notices how Clough employs three major poetic devices to emphasize

the coarseness in one important word ("belly") in the line "Of the brain

and of the belly."3 The alliteration of the "b's" in words that re-

ceive a strong accent is one obvious way the word "belly" is empha-

sized. Its position at the end of the line also places a measure

of emphasis on it. The fact that it is a rhyme word gives further

emphasis and the fact that it is made to rhyme with "Shelley," the

idealist, brings out the coarseness by the contrast with its rhyming

word.

A different kind of irony occurs in Clough's narrative and

dramatic poetry. There a subtle, dramatic irony is employed which

is used to clearly show that Clough himself is not fully endorsing

a character he presents. Jacob, in Clough's dramatic monologue of

the same name, is given additional dimensions by such dramatic irony

as seen in a few lines abstracted from the end of that ninety-eight-

line poem. In this section Jacob's grasping nature is set in ironic

contrast to his position as a chosen man of God and as patriarch of





15



Israel. Jacob's materialism and his supplanting of Esau are betrayed

in these lines which Jacob speaksi "To have done things on which the

eye with shame/ Looks back, the closed hand clutching still the prize!"

Such materialistic striving as that of Jacob is set in ironic contrast

with Jacob's proper kind of obedience to God when Jacob adds, "0 Godt/

I thank thee it is over, yet I think/ It /-he materialistic life7 was

a work appointed me of thee."5 It is a perfectly understandable and

human rationalization for a materialist such as Jacob to think that

God has somehow required his materialism but Clough has placed the

materialism in ironic juxtaposition with phrases such as "a work ap-

pointed" of God which betrays it as a rationalization. The concluding

four lines of the dramatic monologue point out Jacob's puzzlement at

the central enigma of his life as Clough's poem shows it--that though

he has striven to do his duty, Jacob is not satisfied with his life.

The irony is precisely that Jacob need not have striven and, in fact,

if he had not striven, his life would not have been so full of con-

flict and it would have been much more satisfactory to him. The main

significance of the poem is pointed out to the reader with the con-

cluding irony of the old and dying Jacob saying, "How is it? I have

striven all my days/ To do my duty to my house and hearth,/ And to

the purpose of my father's race,/ Yet is my heart therewith not satis-

fied."6

The presence of dramatic irony in Clough's dramatic monologues

is not at all surprising, not only because dramatic irony is a fre-

quent device in that genre, but also because dramatic irony is found

abundantly in another poem which must have been in Clough's mind when





16



he wrote "Jacob." Browning's "The Bishop Orders His Tomb at Saint

Praxed's Church" was certainly known to Clough. We can be sure of

that not only because Clough kept up with the current literary scene,

but Clough specifically mentioned Browning's series, Bells and Pome-

granates, in a letter to some publishers as a possible prototype for

Clough's and Burbidge's Ambarvalia'.7 The surface resemblance be-

tween the dying Bishop speaking to his "nephews" and the dying Jacob

speaking to his sons is itself significant. The use, however, to

which irony is employed marks the major contrast between Clough's

Dipsychian irony and Browning's use of irony. Houghton provides a

clue about "Jacob" when he writes, "Clough has all of Browning's

insight into the recesses of consciousness but none of his power to

create a living scene."8 That is not quite true. Clough can create

a living scene as Houghton himself says when he discusses The Bothie

of Tober-na-Vuolich, "...the sense of actual life is so firmly

created,"9 The more accurate statement would be that Clough does

not choose to create a living scene in "Jacob" because Clough

wishes to focus attention upon an intellectual problem. Clough is

interested in the problem that many Christians face in their obedience

to God. They wish to obey, but they are not given explicit instruc-

tions in the minutiae of their lives, and, consequently, they interpret

such lack of instruction according to the wishes of their own per-

sonal temperament. Thus Jacob found himself striving to gather ma-

terial advantage when he would have been given those necessary things,

as Abraham was, without scheming and strife,

Browning, on the other hand, was more interested in the irony





17




of a Bishop, who certainly should know better, living and dying as a

materialist. Browning emphasizes the ironies in the situation, such

as the inner conflict of the Bishop about the nephews' reliability in

regard to carrying out his dying requests and whether or not he should

tell his sons what they will need to know to fulfill that request.

Browning focuses attention upon the character of the Bishop and his

situation. Clough, however, focuses attention upon the intellectual

problem of moral obedience to God. That focus of attention is typi-

cally Dipsychian not only in the intellectual attention to a moral

problem, but mainly in the fact that one cannot perceive which side

Clough takes on this matter. Though Browning does sympathize with

the Bishop as a man, as he had to do to present such a magnificent

depth of perception into his personality, yet Browning clearly does

not endorse his materialism. Clough uses dramatic irony to a dif-

ferent end--toward ambivalence on the main question of his poem "Jacob."

This Dipsychian ambivalence underlines Jacob's view that there is no

solution to man's problem of obedience to God. Though Jacob felt

that he had done his duty as he should have, yet his heart was "there-

with not satisfied." If man had minute and specific instructions on

each detail of his daily life from God, he could be perfectly obedient,

but he would become an automaton. On the other hand, if man is to

use his human capacity to decide the course of his life, there will

inevitably be error and sin and his life will not satisfy his longing

heart. That is the paradox that the Dipsychian dramatic irony points

to in Clough's treatment of Jacob, and it is typical of Clough to






18



direct our attention to an intellectual apprehension of a moral pro-

blem as he does in "Jacob." Both major kinds of Dipsychian poetry,

the objective balanced statements and the use of irony, are designed

to appeal to the thinking mind rather than to either the sensuous mind

or the emotions of the reader.

The intellectual nature of Dipsychian poetry grows out of

Clough's careful presentation of mental experience. The processes of

the mind thus may often become more formative of poetic structure than

poetic conventions. In "Jacob," for example, Clough does not abstractly

balance the life of simple obedience to God with the life of scheming.

Instead, the form of the poem is created by Jacob's psychological pro-

cesses. Logical or formal principles do not, for example, determine

the basic order of ideas presented to the reader, but the mental pro-

cess of association controls the order of presentation of ideas in

the poem. The form of the resulting poem is not logical but associative

or psychological. Clough has the dying Jacob recall his own experi-

ences of "The first-born faith, the singleness of soul"10 and Jacob

contrasts that with his remembered necessity "To plot and think of

plots."ll There follows then a hint of a possible resolution of the

problem in Jacob's recollection of the vision at Luz, where God showed

how His angels go "On stairs invisible betwixt his fsic7 heaven/ And

our unholy, sinful, toilsome earth."12 This is the vision of God's

own presence within the problems of the "toilsome earth." But Clough

is psychologically accurate in showing that it was because Jacob

thought primarily of his troubles that he did not manage to incorpor-

ate that vision into his life, for Clough has Jacob turn promptly





19



from his recollection of the vision to his recounting of the many

troubles of his life. Because Jacob kept his eyes upon the earth he

was faced with the paradox of his life of duty leading to an unsatis-

factory life and the structure of the poem grows naturally out of the

natural processes of thought which a man like Jacob would follow in

considering this question. Such an accurate representation of the psy-

chology of a man's confrontation with a problem is generally a prom-

inent characteristic of Dipsychian poetry.

A matter which is closely associated with the description of

Dipsychian poetry is a general view of the effects that this kind of

poetry will have upon the reader, and,inasmuch as effects can be ex-

pected to flow from intentions, it is necessary to observe that "the

end of poetry for Clough is primarily moral."13 It would be quite

wrong to take Clough's moral intent in poetry to mean that he intended

to teach simple copy-book maxims, using poetry to decorate the common-

places of moralistic piety: instead, his aim is to plumb the problems

of existence that have always stirred and tantalized thinking men.

As Clough himself said, art's purpose should be "To sum up the large

experience of ages, to lay the finger on yet unobserved, or undiscovered

phenomena of the Inner Universe."14 The Dipsychian poetry can be seen

as a special case. While it fits well within Clough's view of the

moral purpose for poetry, the function of Dipsychian poetry is to pose

questions on either side of issues that were real and immediate to the

poet and to the society. These were issues that, because of their

nature, were not susceptible to simplistic solutions as, for example,

the problem of religious interpretation which Clough treated in a





20



Dipsychian manner in "Epi-Strauss-ium" and elsewhere. Strauss and others

had brought that problem to the attention of thoughtful Victorians, and

Clough personally had to face it both before and after he considered the

matter of his subscription to the Thirty-Nine Articles.

The Dipsychian strategy of examination of issues by the posing

of the question was natural to Clough. Osborne observes that Clough

as a teacher at Oxford was "cautiously Socratic" in his teaching method

but this caution arose not from some fear of censor by the college

authorities but out of his conscientious attitude toward his students.15

He felt that he should not force an attack upon their views when they

differed from his own, but nevertheless that he should present matters

for their own full, thoughtful consideration. Norton, who observed

Clough's teaching while Clough was in New England, comments "that he

was much too long-suffering to youthful philosophical coxcombry."16

Veyriras, however, misjudges the character of English and American

college students when he concludes that Clough's "horreur du dogmatisme

dans tous le domaines 1'empechait d'acquerir cette autorite que tant

d'etudiants desirent."17 The evidence appears quite the contrary.

As one who knew him well at Oxford records in the "Memoir" in the Poems

and Prose Remains, Clough was "A most excellent tutor, and exceedingly

beloved by the undergraduates."18 There is much other evidence to sup-

port that view from, perhaps, less prejudiced sources. Thomas Hodgkin,

as a mature man, looked back on Clough's class in Aristotle as "the

most stimulating and fruit-bearing" of his college course.19 Another

of Clough's students, Sir Edward Fry, says much the same thing of Clough's

class, "Perhaps no class was ever more enjoyed by me or added more to





21




my store of thought and to the cultivation of the habits of my mind."20

In itself, the success or failure of Clough as a pedagogue would be

outside the scope of the discussion here, but when one recalls that

the Socratic teaching method in question is quite similar to the poetic

method under examination, and that Clough employed the Dipsychian poetic

method during the same period of time that he found teaching success

with a similar approach, then it becomes apparent that there may be

more than an accidental relationship between the two.

Walter Bagehot definitely links Clough's success as a teacher

with his gently questioning habit when he says, "Several survivors

may think they owe much to Mr. Clough's quiet question, 'Ah, then, you

think--?' Many pretending creeds and many wonderful demonstrations,

passed away before that calm inquiry."21 It seems quite likely, there-

fore, that Clough would have been told by his students about the bene-

fit they had received from this method, but even if he were not told,

a teacher could sense the method that worked well for him. It may be

that when Clough found himself facing a similar situation in his poetry

--when he wished to use poetry to stimulate thought on issues of im-

portance to him and that were of equal concern to his readers--Clough

either deliberately or unconsciously developed the Dipsychian poetry

on either the pattern of his successful Socratic teaching method or

for the same reasons that he used that Socratic method. The reason

for the questioning method in Clough's teaching is reflected in the

comments made about it. Sir Edward Fry said it added "to the culti-

vation of the habits" of his mind. Bagehot pointed out how it dis-

solved fallacious beliefs. Certainly, then, it can be assumed that





22



Clough employed his Dipsychian poetry to the same end and that it would

have the same effects. The two sides of an argument would be presented

without bias so one's resistance to the force of persuasion would not

hinder an open reexamination of the issue. The readers would become

involved in the intellectual issues and thus prepared to resolve them

for themselves.

Interestingly enough, the initial poem in the first volume of

poems Clough wrote presents one of the characters in the poem using

just such a Socratic technique of questioning. It is as if Clough were

giving his readers a hint of the purpose of the Dipsychian method with

the first poem he intended to present to the reader's eye--the poem

"The human spirits saw I on a day" in the Ambarvalia collection of

Clough's lyrics. As circumstances developed, The Bothie of Tober-na

Vuolich, though written later, happened to be published before Ambar-

valia, but Clough had intended Ambarvalia to be the first published

volume of his mature years.22

An examination of this first poem which Clough intended to

present at the beginning of his first publication of his mature poetry

indicates that Clough's poetic purpose is indeed moral though it may,

at first glance, seem sceptical and iconoclastic. The basic pattern

of the poem is that of "The Questioning Spirit" who approaches various

"human spirits" typical of all mankind, and asks them searching ques-

tions about their ultimate values in life. When we look at the textual

history it becomes clear that Clough intended that the philosophies

which the various human spirits held are all to be taken seriously,

to be viewed as sacred because Clough, when he described the "human





23



spirits" in an early manuscript sent to Matthew Arnold, had deliberately

used the Biblical number for sacredness.23 The first line then read

"Seven human spirits saw I on a day" and the use of that number was

carried out in the balance of the poem in lines 24, 41, and 42.24
Matthew Arnold, however, objecteds "Thol I still ask why 7. This is

the worst of the allegorical--it instantly involves you in the unneces-

sary--and the unnecessary is necessarily unpoetical."25 Lowry, in his

notes to that letter, suggests that Matthew Arnold was objecting to

the number seven simply because it was allegory. That may be true,

but it seems more probable that his objection was based upon the idea

that the notion of sacredness suggested by the number does not add to

our understanding of the poem. In his "Preface to the Poems of 1853,"

Arnold follows a similar line when he says, "What is not interesting,

is that which does not add to our knowledge of any kind...a repre-

sentation which is general, indeterminate, and faint."26 That Arnold

was considering the "human spirits" poem according to its overall

effect is apparent from the way he expresses his approval of its "The

7 Spirits Poem does well what it attempts to do I think...the feeling

is deep in the Poem, and simulffaneously7 runs clear."27 With a view

to the effect of the poem, Arnold's criticism is clearly correct. The

movement of the human spirits from "sceptic melancholy" to "true ig-

norance" with hope, obtained by following the philosophy of duty, would

not be helped by the allegory. Accordingly, Clough dropped it. For

our purpose in understanding this poem as an example of Clough's moral

intention in his poetry, the concept of sacredness suggested by seven,

with its Biblical overtones, is more important than it would be to





24



the general reader. The use of the "sacred" number indicates that

Clough did not intend to be lightly cynical; moreover, one of the

"seven spirits" is treated positively--the spirit that is identified

with "duty."

"Human spirits" who hold positive views about the nature of

reality and the worth of material acquisition, knowledge, strife,

passivity, love, or social conventions are each subjected to searching

examination by the questioning spirit, and each of the "human spirits"

is forced to admit that he cannot rationally justify his belief in

the philosophy upon which he has molded his life. They all reply at

last, "I know not," but nonetheless they wish to pursue life in their

old way, saying, "We know not, let us do as we are doing."28 But they

have been brought to a serious reexamination of their basic assump-

tions and, as the poem continues, it is clear that the questioning

spirit has taken the "human spirits" on at least the first step out

of their blind acceptance of unexamined philosophies of life. That

is exactly the purpose of much of Clough's Dipsychian poetry. Clough,

like the questioning spirit, forces his reader into a searching re-

examination of the philosophy that the reader has adopted in an un-

thinking sort of way. For poetry to bring its readers to the point of

intellectual reexamination of their philosophies would certainly be a

moral purpose in Clough's view as this poem illustrates. The questioning

spirit at the end of the poem justifies his action in bringing the others

and himself to reconsider their beliefs. The questioning spirit ad-

mits that he does not have the answers to the questions he has been

asking, but his purpose in "Imbreeding doubt and sceptic melancholy"





25




is not that they remain in their condition of doubt. The questioning

spirit intends that his questioning continue "Till that, their dreams

deserting, they with me/ Come all to this true ignorance and thee."29

When we examine the context we can see that this means that the human

spirits are to abandon their present blind faith in whatever philosophy

they may hold, "their dreams deserting," and that they will come to

know that even though they do not have a completely rational reason

for the adoption of their new philosophy of "duty" yet they will be

able to be hopeful in spite of their ignorance because they are fol-

lowing the best philosophy, that of duty. Therefore they "Come all

to this true ignorance," an ignorance that will permit hope, in con-

trast to their previous state of "sceptic melancholy." It is important

to realize that there is no necessary positive advance in knowledge

promised. The human spirits are ignorant of the ultimate value of

life if they follow their old philosophies which place primary values

on material acquisition, knowledge, strife, passivity, love or social

conventions, or, on the other hand, even though they choose the philosophy

of duty they still "know not." Clough, however, does assert that

though there is no greater intellectual certainty in following duty,

there certainly is an advance in attitude. They will move from "sceptic

melancholy" to the attitude of hope when they follow the philosophy

of duty.

The examination of "The human spirits saw I on a day" is im-

portant. Even though it is not strictly Dipsychian in its structure,

it points to the nature of the moral purpose that does inform Clough's





26


poetry and it shows how he was not aiming at a blank scepticism, though

the non-dogmatic nature of the Dipsychian poems, taken by itself, would

seem to suggest that he were. To appreciate how Clough could view the

stimulation of thought as a moral purpose, it should be remembered that

Clough was an intellectual. He was concerned throughout his life with

ideas. The years of undergraduate study at Oxford deepened and advanced

the intellectual habits Clough had acquired at Rugby, and Clough's years

as an Oxford don intimately involved him in the intellectual and re-

ligious ferment of the Oxford Movement. At Oxford Clough could observe

at first hand how the espousal of a system of dogma halted further

thought in the dogmatist.

To an intellectual, the sense of his existence, his sense of

being, is closely bound to his continuing process of thought. To cease

to think is to cease to be, as an intellectual. The materialist has

his sense of being primarily bound up with his sensory responses to the

world around him. The man of feeling identifies himself basically with

his emotional awareness. But the man of thought, the intellectual,

must place a primary value on thought. And since thought is a process,

anything conducive to halting the process of thought, such as the es-

pousal of a final system of dogma or the arbitrary arrest of further

inquiry, must necessarily be looked upon as deadly. On the other hand,

those structures and situations that further thought will certainly be

valued positively. From the intellectual point of view then, Clough

could naturally endorse a questioning attitude because it would function

as the motive force to ensure the continuance of the process of thought

essential to the intellectual's sense of being.





27



Certainly such a characterization as the above does apply to

Clough. Goldie Levy momentarily loses sight of Clough's intellectualism

when she comments on Shairp's statement that Clough spoke for two hours

in the Oxford debating society, the Decade, neither for nor against the

proposition "that the character of a gentleman was in the present day

made too much of."30 Levy, one of Clough's less perceptive biographers,

observed that Clough must not have been speaking to the point.31 That

was not true. Instead of taking one side or the otner, Clough traced

the history of the conception of "gentleman" and so opened the whole

question to a deeper and more fruitful consideration. It is scarcely

likely that Levy could have been correct because Clough could not have

held the attention of his audience of Oxford fellows through an entire

two-hour speech if he were not speaking to the point. But there is

a further conclusion which may be drawn here. Clough did not take sides

on this question. It was natural for him as an intellectual not to

take a position that would close further inquiry.

F. T. Palgrave, who knew Clough well, speaks about Clough's

characteristic open-mindedness by stating that he "was diffident of

his own conclusions; had no clean-cut decisive system, nay, thought

experience proved the narrowness of such."32 Osborne confirms this

attitude of Clough's when he is discussing Clough's own personal re-

action to the Oxford Movement. Within Clough the conflict raised was

not whether he would align himself with the Newmanites or the anti-

Newman group; instead, Clough's fundamental conflict was "the conflict

between common sense and open-mindedness on the one hand and, on the

other, adherence to any set of principles that had been set up and were






28


kept up by deliberate action of the will,"33 Clough was the type of

intellectual who insisted upon keeping his options open so that the

process of thought would be continued.

From this point of view it becomes clearer that those who con-

sider Clough a poet of "doubt" are not really examining the situation

with the thoroughness that is required. Certainly Clough does call

propositions into question, and perhaps could, in the strict sense of

the word, then be classed as a "doubter." But Clough is not a doubter

in the sense that he has had his belief destroyed. Nor does he wish

to destroy the faith of others. He is not a doubter in the sense that

Voltaire could be called a doubter. Neither is Clough a doubter in

the sense that he brings up questions about one side of an issue only,

such as frequently occurs with religious doubters who only question

the orthodox view but do not question their own "anti-orthodoxy."

Clough wished to question both, and he did. Clough's typical "per-

haps" and "perhaps not" can best be seen as neither irresolution nor

as the usual religious doubt, but as a pattern of mind that can best

be described as open-mindedness. When such a habit of mind comes to

express itself, one of its possible modes of expression could naturally

be Dipsychian ambivalence. In such a form, open-mindedness would be

employed to examine and evaluate both sides of an issue. The effect

upon the reader would then be one that would be highly valued by the

intellectual Cloughi the reader will be induced to think and thus the

reader's sense of being as an intellectual would be promoted.

There is definite evidence that Clough did structure his writing

according to the effect that it would have upon a particular audience,





29



and, further, that the intended effect was often to bring an audience

which supported one side of an issue to reconsider its own side and

to see somewhat of the other side. Probably one of the more striking

examples of Clough's practice in this regard is discovered in Clough's

prose piece, "Address on Socialism." This was written probably about

1851.34 It was directed to a group of socialist workmen who had formed

one of the numerous workmen's cooperative associations that were

springing up in England during the late 1840's and early 1850's.

A group of Oxford and Rugby men and their friends formed the

nucleus of a group who interested themselves in various activities on

behalf of the working class. The group was begun by Charles Kingsley,

F. Maurice, the principal of Queen's College, and J. M. Ludlow, a

young barrister who had been practicing at Lincoln's Inn. Ludlow was

the "prophet" of the group because as a boy he "had seen one revolution

in Paris, and as a student he had drunk deep of the Fourierian spring."35

Fourier, it will be recalled, was the thinker behind such cooperatives

as the memorable one that flourished at Brook Farm outside of Boston

during the 1840's.36 The cooperative idea had held such appeal for

Nathaniel Hawthorne at Brook Farm that he, who had never worked with

his hands, found himself cleaning stables, hoeing, and working as he

had never before done. These same ideas appealed to Clough when, after

Maurice had brought Thomas Hughes into the group, Clough then became

associated through Hughes. Though Clough had met another member of

the group, Charles Kingsley through Froude at Oxford, Kingsley rather

puzzled Clough more than attracted him.37 Thus it was Tom Hughes, a

fellow Rugbian with Clough, who involved Clough in this particular





30



group. The group published a periodical, Politics for the People, and

themselves taught in a night school for the poor of Great Ormond's Yard.

By April, 1850, they also had been instrumental in the formation of

the first of several cooperative workshops designated as the Working

Tailors' Association.

Clough's connection with this group was haphazard and informal.

He did not have the disposition of the active reformer though he agreed

with the Socialistic aspirationa and sympathized with the Socialistic

groups in the Paris revolution while he was there in the summer of

1848.38 Clough was listed among the nearly twenty that formed the

group in its early stages. However, there is little in Clough's cor-

respondence of this period to indicate a great deal of active partici-

pation. Nevertheless, he was somewhat involved and he was certainly

personally sympathetic. In a way that was typical of his temperament,

he did not identify himself totally with the Socialist position, but

thought through his own position and then kept that position open for

reexamination. Yet when, as a speaker, he came before an assembly of

the Working Tailors' Association they naturally expected him to support

their aspirations and goals.

Clough opened his remarks to the Working Tailors' Association

in the way they anticipated, showing that he was in sympathy with them.

"Gentlemenl I am a fixed customer of two of your cooperative establish-

ments.... May they prosperl"39 However, he promptly presented his

purpose in this address concerning their doctrines, "that as regards

them there seems to be something to be said on the other side.--Which

ought to be said."40 Then Clough began to present what he believed





31



these Socialistic partisans should hear of views in opposition to their

own. He did this hoping for the same effects that he strove for in the

Dipsychian poetry--that they would reconsider and deepen their under-

standing of the total situation. His sympathy with their cause was

genuitei. but his searching mind saw objections that he felt they should

be aware of, and so he structured his speech in such a way as to ex-

pand his audience's awareness of the issues. Since they, in their own

beliefs, represented one side of the issue, Clough had determined to

present the other side to them. In this way a dialogue of the two

sides could be formed.

Clough's basic objections were to the utopian elements in their

doctrines. He objected to their hopes of an idealized Christian brother-

hood through their workingmen's associations. And certainly the later

developments of these groups bore him out. Clough also presented to

the tailors assembled before him his objections to their utopian social

goals. He criticized their hopes of eliminating poverty and drunkenness.

"Soberly, because you are good, will there be no more bad men? Because

tailors divide profits equally, will there be no more fools and brutes?

Because shoemakers have a common purpose, will spiritous liquors cease

to tempt...?"41

If Clough's political views were not known from other sources

than this speech, his politics would be certainly thought to be rather

conservative, if not in fact reactionary, considering that he is pre-

senting such a conservative speech to an audience of socialists. But

Clough, while in Paris, had seen the French socialists fail to gain

significant strength during the revolution of 1848 and Clough's ex-





32



periences in Paris led him to conclude that the utopian aspirations

behind radical reform were practically certain to be disappointed in

England too at this time. He wished to bring the tailors in his audi-

ence to a more comprehensive view of their situation through his con-

tradiction of their own utopian dreams,

Interestingly enough, however, in order to enlarge his audience's

grasp of the situation, Clough even went so far as to deny some of the

beliefs that he currently held, as, for example, later in the speech

he presented a cogent argument in support of competition. "And suppose

in this race of competition a man beats met -how has it happened?

By his own superiority, by luck, or by trickery. In the first case,

Eternal Justice is pleased, and so ought I to be; in the second case,

I must hope for a better chance next time, in the third-I must take

care and keep a better look out.42 One does not need to look very

far into Clough's life or his poetry to find many items of proof to

show that such a view of competition is in direct contradiction to his

own views. His poem "In the Great Metropolis" presented in brief

Clough's own antagonism to the whole idea of competition. Its bitter

tone and the sharpness of its satire demonstrate Clough's opposition

to competition with a forceful cynicism that is unusual for him.

Clough's satire is usually more dialectic, more sceptical and open-

minded than in this poem, and by its unusual force the depth of Clough's

own feelings against competition can be judged. One cannot probably

sense the bitterness by an examination of merely one or two quotes,

but Clough's sharpness will at least begin to show itself in the second

stanzai "And when the schoolboys grow to men,/ In life they learn it





33



o'er again--/ The devil take the hindmost, o"43 The bitterness is

underlined by the rollicking coarseness of the refrain which, by its

constant repetition after every two lines, comes to represent a sort

of summary of the rough spirit that Clough sees in the supporters of

the principle of competition. In the following stanzas Clough points

to the shocking presence of competition not only in the schools but

in the church, in marriage, and throughout the whole length of a man's

life to his death. "And after death, we do not know,/ But scarce can

doubt, where'er we go,/ The devil takes the hindmost, ol"44 And thus

with a view of afterlife that assumes competition will continue, Clough

reaches the end and the climax of this short poem.

"In the Great Metropolis" is not unique in its antagonism to

the idea of competition; rather, it is typical. The same antagonism

to competition occurs often in other poems; for example, it is apparent

at the end of one of the few poems by Clough that is anthologized with

any regularity, "The Latest Decalogue." In that poem, which is an in-

terpretation of the Decalogue according to the worldly point of view,

the last commandment is treated thusa "Thou shalt not covet; but

tradition/ Approves all forms of competition." Here again Clough makes

abundantly clear his own attitude toward the coarsening of spirit which

he believes is induced by the practice of competition.

That Clough, in the speech before the Working Tailors' Associ-

ation, would publicly present a positive view of competition when he

did not personally endorse competition is surprising perhaps, but it

becomes less so when one recalls that it was Clough's avowed purpose

in that speech to show his audience there was justification for the





34



laissez-faire capitalists' view of economics which was in sharp con-

trast to the economic view of Clough's present socialistic audience.

Clough was not pretending to an expression of his own opinions. He

was adapting his message to his audience--presenting a message that

was calculated to enlarge their view of a situation which was of great

importance to them. Certainly the Working Tailors' Association needed

to understand the cogent logic of a view of competition that was held

by their social and political opposition. This incident serves to

illustrate not only that Clough did adapt his message to the needs of

his audience, but it also demonstrates the Dipsychian manner of thought.

A major characteristic of the Dipsychian mode is the presence of two

opposing views of an issue held in an equal balance. If we consider

that the audience of tailors represented one view and that Clough's

speech offered the opposite view, then within the total situation the

Dipsychian balance is present. For the reader of Clough's Dipsychian

poetry, however, this incident's most important message warns that he

should not accept that poetry strictly at face value. Because Dipsy-

chian poetry presents both sides in rather equal balance and remembering

that Clough can, upon occasion, offer views that he does not personally

endorse, the reader is warned not to pre-emptively assume that Clough

is speaking his true mind in either side he may present. To discern

his true views, one must study his non-Dipsychian poetry and also take

into consideration his letters and the other information we have about

his life in order to form a true estimate of his actual beliefs. If

that tactic had not been followed in the present case, one would have

been forced, judging from the text alone, to believe that Clough's





35



speech to the Working Tailors' Association proved him to be a sup-

porter of laissez-faire capitalism, an assumption which would be patently

in error in light of his support of the Working Tailors' Association and

his various poetic expressions objecting to laissez-faire capitalism.

Furthermore, when the total effect of Dipsychian poetry is considered

in view of the fact that Clough is interested in widening his audience's

perception of the issue at hand, then one is prepared to recognize that

Dipsychian poetry is an attempt at comprehensiveness rather than some

weakness of will. Clough wished to bring his audience beyond accepted

schools of thought and closed systems of dogma. The goal he aimed to

attain through his presentation of both sides of an issue was that his

readers might be cognizant of the full complexity of the issue, just

as Clough's own logic and his honesty to his perceptions brought him

to see it. His diffidence toward his own conclusions, which Palgrave

pointed out in an earlier quote, rests on this impulse in Clough to

bring before his readers the entire question in all of its complexity.

That Clough chose a dipolar structure to do this in his Dipsychian

poetry rather than some other structure that would provide for a dis-

cussion of each of the shades of opinion between the extremes can also

be accounted for in terms of his proposed effect upon his audience. He

not only wished them to see the complexity of the issues but he also

wished that they might, by their own thoughtful reasoning, arrive at

a position uniquely their own. The reader would be less apt to choose

a position at one of the extremes when he could see the two extremes

set in opposition. In Dipsychus, for example, when he sees the coarse

worldliness of the Spirit, together with the naive idealism of Dipsychus,





36



both extremes become equally repellent. Unlikely to choose either

extreme, the reader will be forced, through analyzation of both sides

of an issue, to take some of his ideas from both sides and so arrive

at an opinion that is personally satisfactory. The proposed effect

of Dipsychian poetry, therefore, is not only to induce thought and

provide a comprehensive view of the issue, but also to free the reader

to form his own personal position on the issue in question. From this

point of view, Clough's intended effect, then, was to enable change

and growth in his readers. Timko recognized this effect which Clough

proposed in at least one area of thought when he says, "Clough's wish

...was for man to accept things as they really are rather than avoid

coming to grips with the world by resorting to conventional behavior,

to 'mawkish sentimentality,' or animal actions."45 One must look to

Clough's intended effect upon his readers, but to achieve the most com-

prehensive understanding of his Dipsychian poetry it is necessary also

to consider the part that self-expression plays in the genesis of that

poetry.

One aspect of Clough's self-expression in his poetry should be

examined first because it can indicate one of Clough's primary reasons

for the creation of his poetry, beyond its proposed salutary effects

upon the readers. Rare indeed is the writer who writes only to pro-

mote the welfare of his readers. Some may write to achieve fame, but

these are usually least successful in their aim. Others may write as

a means of livelihood but Clough published so little that this could

not have been his aim. In fact, the.only poetry he wrote for which

he was ever paid was his Amours de Voyage and even this was not pub-





37




lished until many years after it was written. Though Clough wrote

neither for fame nor wealth, he did have an intimately personal reason

for his poetic creation--the use of poetry as a means of examining his

own philosophical and religious problems.

There is a good deal of evidence to indicate that Clough wrote

his poems as a method of thinking about these problems. In an exami-

nation of Clough's periods of poetic productivity it can be observed

that there were conspicuous periods of productivity but also equally

observable lapses in poetic production. The periods of poetic creation

usually were periods of personal stress for Clough. It was during such

times that Clough employed poetry as a means of working toward a re-

solution of the problems besetting him. The first period of production

was from 1839 to 1841 when Clough faced the "shock of seeing the re-

ligion of Arnold challenged by both Catholicism and Theism."4 The

second period was from 1849 to 1851 when Clough had witnessed the de-

feat of political liberalism in Paris and in Italy and at the same

time had found that University College in London offered no haven

from religious intolerance. 7

During one other period Clough's poetic creativity is linked

directly to personal stress. The later part of the Rugby period,

particularly after the fall of 1835, was a period during which Clough

was engaged in a restricting of his intellectual abundance. Clough

then had "the sense that the too fast and brilliant working of one's

mind was somehow wrong and alien to some deeper quiet of the heart."48

He began to use poetry as a way of resolving this problem by objecti-

fying it in poetry. Such an activity, however, only forced him into





38




a greater mental activity. For this reason he could not "bring himself

to believe enough in the value of his own poetry.19 Instead of the

calming effect he had sought, he was the more stimulated and he turned

away from the meditative, spiritual mode of thinking that he had been

hoping to promote. In his "Journal" one Sunday morning in September,

1835, he wrote, "Instead of turning to God last night I wrote a sonnet,

and poetized till 10 o'clock. Composed 2 more in bed.,50 The sixteen-

year-old Clough felt that such an activity amounted to turning to poetry

instead of turning to God.

When Clough was caught up in the poetic mood, however, he some-

times felt that poetry offered him more than other modes of thought.

Chorley asserts, "A number of these schoolboy poems were published in

the Rugby Magazine of which he became editor during his last year."51

One of Clough's poems, which he published in the Rugby Magazine in

April, 1836, illustrates Clough's mood of poetic rapture very well.

"Yet let our earthly souls in that bright wake /fhe wake of poesy7/

Still, still with fond and springing rapture ride;/ This burning thirst,

those high desires still slake/ And joy as in these hues."52 These

lines from the poem which young Clough called "The Exordium of a Very

Long Poem" show how deeply poetry excited the very depths of his being.

That as a schoolboy Clough struggled against that sort of poetic rap-

ture accounts in part for the intellectual character of most of his

later verse. The main point to be observed, however, is that almost

in spite of himself at such an early age, Clough naturally turned to

poetry during a period of stress, and,despite his conscious reasonings

to the contrary, Clough did find a large measure of comfort and relief

in poetic activity.





39



Yet poetic activity was not of equal intensity during each of

the three major periods of Clough's poetic activity prior to 1852. The

Rugby period produced the least amount of poetry, probably for two rea-

sons. First, Clough was just beginning to learn his craft as a poet.

The second reason, and the more important one, is that Clough probably

never again worked as arduously on other projects as he did during his

years at Rugby. Many years later Clough wrote to his fiancee, Miss

Blanche Smith, about the long hours he spent on his studies at Rugbyi

"When I was a boy, between 14 and 22 throughout, I may say, you don't

know how much of this regular drudgery I went through.... Certainly

as a boy, I had less of boyish enjoyment of any kind whatever either

at home or at school than nine-tenths of boys."53 Such concentrated

efforts on his studies, coupled with his other duties at Rugby--the

responsibilities of being a praeposter, the long hours he had to put

in as sole editor of the Rugby Magazine--left Clough little time for

extensive poetic production no matter how much he felt drawn towards

poetry by its capacity to help him relieve some of his inner stresses

during this period.

The poetic production for the period from 1839 to 1847 cannot

be called slight for it was during those years that the sixty-four

pages of Ambarvalia were written, together with about eight more poems

that were later published separately. But when this period is compared

with the period of Clough's greatest poetic activity, the contrast

makes the periods of earlier poetic creation seem very slight indeed.

In the four-year period from 1848 to 1852 Clough wrote the greatest

volume of his work. Perhaps the best way to compare the production





40



of the two periods is to compare the number of pages the production

from each period requires in the 1951 definitive edition of Clough's

Poems. The poems from the period 1839 to 1847 cover about fifty pages

in that edition, while the poems from the shorter period (1848-1852)

fill three hundred and five pages. Clough wrote approximately six

times as much poetry during half the length of time in the period from

1848 to 1852. In this later period Clough wrote not only lyrics but

also all but one of his narrative poems. The Bothie of Tober-na-

Vuolich, The Amours de Voyage, and Dipsychus, as well as the unfinished

Adam and Eve, were all long narrative or dramatic poems written during

this short span of four years. If Clough had continued writing at

that rate of production he would have filled several volumes of poetry

before his early death at forty-two years of age.

What accounts for this period of intensive poetic creation

during the years between 1848 and 1852? The answer must be the same

as that which accounts for the creativity of the other earlier periods.

This period, like the earlier ones, was a time of personal stress, but

this time, however, was a period of much greater stress than the earlier

ones. Mrs. Clough describes the period thusi "This was without doubt

the dreariest, loneliest period of his life, and he became compressed

and reserved to a degree quite unusual with him, both before and after-

wards."54 His period of greatest personal stress is by far the period

of Clough's greatest poetic activity. No doubt there were other in-

fluences which also made this production possible, as for example,

the increased leisure of this period compared to that of his Rugby

period. But he probably had less leisure during his most creative




41




period than he did during the early years at Oxford, and thus the

major factor seems to be the greater degree of personal stress which

Mrs. Clough indicates was! characteristic of these years.

A further observation must be made about the poetic production

during the years from 1848 to 1852, and that is that most of Clough's

Dipsychian poetry was written during this period. It may be assumed

that the inner stress which characterizes this period finds its

natural expression in the Dipsychian form. The tension between felt

opposites which constitutes mental stress is precisely the psycho-

logical tension which Dipsychian poetry was formed to express. Clough

had created this particular pattern of poetry out of his own experi-

ence during this "dreariest, loneliest period of his life."

Besides the coincidence of Clough's periods of poetic activity

with his periods of internal stress, there are other indicators that

Clough was at least partly motivated toward using his poetry to aid

himself in objectifying and eventually in resolving the tensions that

wracked him. One such indicator is that Clough's poems, to a striking

degree, reflect his personal experience and his own personality. Such

a personally oriented subject matter and style suggest that Clough may

well have used his poems to deal with the problems, both philosophical

and personal, that tried him. It is a commonplace of criticism to

observe that a writer's creation reflects his own experience. This

is, of course, true of Clough and can be seen even on a superficial

level by recognizing that the settings of each of Clough's major poems

were drawn from his immediate experience.

For several years, while in Oxford, Clough had journeyed to





42



Scotland a number of times to participate in reading parties. He had

participated both as a student and as a tutor. Towards the end of

August, 1848, two months before he was to formally resign his Fellow-

ship at Oriel, Clough visited Fisher, a former pupil who was then

acting as tutor to his first reading party in Scotland.55 At this

time only the formality of the announcement of Clough's resignation

remained. His connections with Oxford were virtually severed. No

doubt this brief visit with Fisher's reading party in Scotland reminded

Clough of his own happy experiences on similar trips when, during the

long summer vacation, he had led a group of students in their studies

and on rambles through the Scottish country side. From his nostalgia

for the reading parties and out of his sense of freedom from the re-

strictions his Fellowship had imposed, Clough wrote the long vacation

pastoral, The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich. While the poem was occa-

sioned by his separation from Oxford, it was certainly built upon his

own experiences in just such reading parties as the poem describes.

The settings for Clough's other long poems are just as closely tied

to his own experiences. The Amours de Voyage is set in Rome during

the seige by the French in 1849. Clough was in Rome at that time.

Dipsychus is set in Venice, and Clough wrote his first draft of it

while he himself was there in 1850.

The relationship, however, between Clough's experiences and

his poetry is even more intimate than to function merely as a source

for settings and some of the actions in his poems. As will become

apparent, the personal philosophical problems that he was facing are

also reflected in the poems. It is this kind of preoccupation with





43


philosophical problems that led Matthew Arnold to write to Clough

about Clough's poem, "Duty-that's to say, complying." Arnold wrote,

"I was all rasped by influenza... Upon this came all the exacerbation

produced by your apostrophes to duty." Then Arnold speaks in general

about the philosophical, psychological character of Clough's poetryi

"I did not at all do justice to the great precision and force you

have attained in those inward ways... Yet to solve the universe as

you do is as irritating as Tennyson's dawdling with its painted shell

is fatiguing to me to witness."56 Arnold could see that Clough had

achieved a considerable skill in working with his "inward ways" in

his poetry. Whether or not one is willing to grant Clough a measure

of success in his treatment of man's inner mind, it is clear enough

that man's "inward ways" formed the major theme of Clough's poetry and,

further, that the one major source for this must be his own inner ex-

perience. "Clough wrings his criticism of life out of his own ex-

perience."57

There certainly is a close relationship between Clough's per-

sonal situation, both in exterior matters such as Clough's travels and

the settings for his poems, and in inner matters such as Matthew Arnold

pointed to in his praise of Clough's "great precision and force" in

his poetic treatment of his "inward ways." This closeness to Clough's

own experience in the materials of his poetry can be witnessed in

another way. Clough's biographers seem to show an unusual penchant

for identifying Clough with the major characters of his poems, which

illustrates that people who have studied Clough's life notice a re-

markable identity between Clough and his poetic creations. Perhaps





44



nowhere is this tendency shown more clearly than when Goldie Levy

links Clough both with Dipsychus and with Claude within the confines

of a single sentence. "Dipsychus, the man of two souls, is an intro-

spective, intellectual, reserved and sensitive type, reminiscent of

Claude in The Amours de Voyage and of Clough himself."58 This same

tendency to identify Clough with the characters he created is criti-

cized by Houghton in his review of Chorley's biography of Clough.59

An uncritical use of the poems for the purpose of biography has the

same tendency to lead the biographer into error as does the uncritical

use of any source but it certainly was not wrong for the biographers

of Clough to use his poetry as a source of information about him, as

indeed they did. The difficulty arises when the biographer has found

so many insights into Clough's life through a study of his work that

he may be tempted to use the poetry in an uncritical fashion. Levy

is correct. There are many similarities between Claude, Dipsychus

and Clough--more similarities than she listed in the quote given above.

The observation and the use of these similarities can lead the student

of literature into a greater understanding of Clough's work just as

the use of such similarities can lead Clough's biographers into a

fuller understanding of his life. This is true because Clough, more

than many poets, drew directly upon his own personal experience and

reflected that experience in his poetry, both directly and indirectly.

Clough's indirect revelation of himself must, of necessity,

have a special importance to the study of his Dipsychian poetry. When

Clough reveals himself indirectly, it is often through his style, and

style is an important constituent of the Dipsychian poetry because





45



that poetry is specially marked by various stylistic devices which

heighten its particular effects. Clough himself often commented on

the relationship between the style and the personality of the poet.

In his discussion of the problems of translation he points up this

particular relationship between the poet and his style when he says

of translating Goethe's lyrics, "We have the portraiture of a particu-

lar human mind to re-portray, and the fine personal details of a human

experience to re-express. Some delicate autobiographical confidence

is perverted by every seemingly slight alteration."60 Clough could

observe that "the style is the man" in his translation of Goethe's

lyrics because he knew it to be so true of himseif. He had felt this

when he worked on his own poetry. Others, who knew Clough well, could

also see Clough's mind mirrored in his style. Palgrave knew Clough

when he was a Fellow at Oriel and later held a position similar to

Clough's as an Examiner in the Education Office while Clough was also

an Examiner there. This old friend noted the presence of Clough's

personality in the stylistic devices of his poetry. He says, "And

Clough is there, lastly, to turn to characteristics more distinctively

mental, in a certain caprice or over-fantasy of taste, in a subtle and

far-fetched mode of reasoning which returns to plain conclusions through

almost paradoxical premises."61 Palgrave, who had known Clough's

Dipsychian mind in friendly conversation, could see the same thing in

the style of his poetry. He refers to it when he mentions Clough's

subtle reasoning and his use of "almost paradoxical premises." It was

both natural and unavoidable that Clough's style should bear the strong

impress of his personality, particularly in his Dipsychian poetry.




46




Clough faced the problems he dealt with in his Dipsychian

poetry with his characteristic rationality, but since these problems

had a personal dimension for him, there is an emotional intensity pre-

sent as well. "He is, of course, an intellectual, but he would not

be a poet unless his intellectual findings--in the realms of personal

and social psychology--had engendered strong emotions."62 Fairchild

alludes to the same thing when he observes that "Clough's satires re-

veal more discomfort than they inflict."63 It would be quite wrong

to suppose that Clough was an emotional poet in the way that Shelley

was. With Clough, the emotional force forms a sort of undercurrent

of intensity more often than it breaks out into obvious emotionalism.

Clough's emotional drives provide the direction and the depth of his

intellectual treatment of the issues. When those issues are examined,

however, it is readily apparent that those matters are of great per-

sonal importance to Clough himself. iA glance at one of the issues in

Clough's Dipsychian poetry will make that clear. Since those issues

which are crucial in Dipsychian poetry will later be discussed at

more length, it will only be necessary here to mention one of the

minor problems that Clough treats in his Dipsychian poetry and to show

briefly how it is related to his own personal situation.

One subject that occurs with some regularity in the Dipsychian

poetry is the problem of the interpretation of Scripture. Clough's

early religious training at home had left him with the orthodox idea

that the Scriptural stories should be read as if they were all com-

posed at one time and addressed to people who were in about the same

situation as himself. When Clough grew to understand what Dr. Arnold,




47



his headmaster at Rugby, was saying about the interpretation of

Scripture, he found that he had to cope with a substantially different

view. Dr. Arnold had become aware of the German criticism through his

reading of Coleridge and by his own independent studies. Out of these

studies and his own thought Dr. Arnold concluded that revelation is

progressive--that the God who is revealed early in Jewish history is

only the revelation of God that He thought they were prepared to under-

stand. In the cruelty which He displays in the slaughter of the

Amalekites which He commands Saul to undertake, Dr. Arnold saw God

revealing Himself in the only way that the people of that time could

comprehend and since, essentially, God was asking Saul for self-denial,

Christians, who have the additional revelation of the New Testament,

should see the lesson of self-denial and not think that God would be

really pleased by wholesale slaughter of an entire nation. What Dr.

Arnold's concept of progressive revelation means in practice is that

the Christian reader of the Bible is instructed to consider the Old

Testament stories as if they were a series of "parables" from which

he is to draw a moral appropriate to himself and the fuller degree of

revelation that he as a Christian possesses.6

While Clough was in Oxford his contact with the Oxford Move-

ment was intimate. Though he rarely had contact with Newman as an

undergraduate, his mathematical tutor was W. D. Ward, who later (1844)

published The Ideal of a Christian Church,which can be characterized

as an expansion of Tracts for the Times, number ninety.65 In 1845

Ward entered the Roman Catholic Church. During Clough's early years

at Oxford, Ward was not only Clough's tutor but his friend as well.




48




The overall result of Clough's intimate contact with Ward's probing

and searching mind was that Clough found that he had to clarify and

defend his own position. In fact, the final result was that Clough

was not absorbed into the Oxford Movement but,instead, developed his

own views along a more liberal line than Dr. Arnold had taught. Since

this whole process of development of Clough's religious views will be

treated at some length later, here it is only necessary to glance at

a short poem written in the Dipsychian manner wherein Clough presents

part of his later views on the question of inspiration.

Clough's liberal tendencies are apparent in the very title of

the poem, "Epi-Strauss-ium." The central image of the morning sunlight

passing through the stained glass portraits of Matthew, Mark, Luke and

John, and the afternoon sun shining through the clear glass windows

of the same church suggests a development of Dr. Arnold's concept of

progressive revelation. The central image in "Epi-Strauss-ium" suggests

that during the early years of the Christian Church the truth of God,

the sun, could only be perceived through the Gospel storiesi now, in

a time of fuller revelation, man can perceive the sun more directly.

Clough's own reaction to this progress is somewhat ambiguous in the

poem and that is what makes for its Dipsychian character. There is

a wistfulness in his description of the sun "With gorgeous portraits

blent." He sees them as "Lost, is it? lost, to be recovered never?"

The later revelation of the sun is seen as a fuller revelation surely,

but also as a less humanly satisfactory revelation. The richness of

the early revelation is gone and in its place the sun itself is seen

simply for itself while the old revelation in all its richness has





49



become "invisible and gone." Now, as Clough sees it, the church has

lost its old glory though it has, as a sort of compensation, more direct

light from the sun. "The place of worship the meantime with light/ Is,

if less richly, more sincerely bright."66

From even such a brief examination of a very complex, though

short lyric, it is possible to apprehend that Clough had incorporated

and objectified his various attitudes toward the matter of Scriptural

interpretation. His early Evangelical training was reflected in his

wistful attitude toward the early revelation given to the Church

through the Gospels. The concept of progressive revelation which he

learned from Dr. Arnold and which he had further developed and applied

to the New Testament during his Oxford years, in his reaction against

Ward and the Oxford Movement, is implicit in the movement of the sun

from the stained glass windows to the plainly glassed windows of the

church. The recognition of the aesthetic appeal of the sun shining

through the stained glass "With gorgeous portraits blent" can easily

be taken for Clough's own realization that for many people, the rituals

and devotions of the Church had a great value. He personally observed

the attachment that many persons in the Oxford Movement gave to these

things. Though ritual did not hold appeal for Clough, his experience

with those for whom it did hold a great appeal. becomes an inevitable

part of his Dipsychian examination of both sides of the questions in-

volved in the matter of Scriptural interpretation. Because Clough

created a poem based upon his own conflicting experience, and since

that poem reflected conflicting elements by reflecting that experience,

the Dipsychian form was in a sense inevitable. The balanced statement





50



on either side of the issue of Scriptural interpretation in "Epi-Strauss-

ium" objectifies Clough's own ambivalent experience with that very pro-

blem.

Since Clough was employing poetry, in part at least, as a com-

mentary on his own experience and as a sounding board for his personal

problems, introspection was naturally involved. The poetry grew out

of the introspection, however, and not the introspection out of the

poetic habit. Introspection was a habit with Clough as early as the

days at Rugby. Veyriras observes that it is one of the surprises which

the publication of Clough's correspondence revealed; to discover that

a young man who was widely admired for his high moral character and

his notable emotional balance was so often prone to indulge himself

in a nearly morbid self-analysis.67 The best examples of his intro-

spection are to be found in Clough's letters to Simpkinson. Simpkinson

had been a close friend of Clough's while they were at Rugby together,

and since Simpkinson was older, when Simpkinson went off to Cambridge,

Clough unburdened his heart to him in many letters during his last

years at Rugby. Before Simpkinson had left Rugby, Clough's other

close friends had also departed for college and Clough felt quite alone

when Simpkinson also left; thus it was natural he should turn to his

closest friend, and,through letters, reveal himself to Simpkinson.

Probably the letter that most reveals the occasional morbid touch

that Clough's adolescent introspection could at times take is the

letter of March 3, 1836, when Clough had just turned seventeen. "Ever

since the week I was in bed for it FClough refers to the time he was

ill with the measles7, a kind of sound or tone which haunted me at that





51



time, and gave a kind of colour to everything I heard, has occasionally

in times of excitement come over me, shrouding me as it were in a mist,

nay, sometimes coming even within me and giving its ghostly spectre-

like tone to thoughts even before they had acquired the definite sound

of words."68 Clough then goes on to tell Simpkinson how this mood has

entered his religious thoughts. "It has sometimes been quite dreadful

to feel one's prayers for aid, whilst they are being breathed to God,

infected with this loathsome disease. Sometimes however I felt quite

triumphant in the consciousness that it could not touch my heart...and

that the evil spirit had no power there."69 As the letter draws to

a close, Clough's introspective mood turns him to a consideration of

his thoughts while he was writing this letter. "All the while I have

been writing this I have been in a constant struggle against evil

thoughts which are like the waves of the tide running in; as soon as

one retires, one rolls over and is almost beyond the other's original

mark."70 This letter illustrates not only Clough's tendency to intro-

spection as an adolescent, but also shows that Clough felt a danger in

introspection for himself personally. But in spite of that, the intro-

spection was continued throughout his life, at least until the time of

his marriage. Such introspection was most intense, however, not during

his Rugby period, butinstead, during the other two more poetically

productive periods--while at Oxford, and especially during his most

creative period, 1848 through 1852. Veyriras has observed the relation-

ship between Clough's periods of introspection and those periods of

special trial and greater creativity.71

Miss Chorley's following statement, concerning the relation-




52



ship between Clough's introspection and his poetic creativity, is,

perhaps, a bit romantic in its expression but it lays bare the heart

of the matter. She is grateful that Clough's letters preserve some

glimpses of his morbid introspection, "For here, clearly recognizable,

is the seed-bed from which most of Clough's most moving poetry springs;

the poetic imagination fertilized, conjured into action by self-torture."72

It is probably because of the presence of emotional pressures and the

need to objectify them that Clough turned to poetry rather than to

prose. While prose is the most responsive medium for the rendering

of thought, poetry makes it possible to express thoughts together with

their subtle coloring of emotional values and, at the same time, to

trace the complex inner workings of the human mind. Poetry's respon-

siveness to emotional and psychological nuances, together with Clough's

natural talent in his medium, were both, no doubt, factors in the

choice of poetry as the means for him to express the thoughts and

emotions which his introspection led him to observe in himself.

Since Clough is so self-aware, it is not surprising to find that

he recognizes the potential that writing poetry has for the relief and

self-expression of those suffering some mental turmoil. In Dipsychus,

after Dipsychus has recited a section of Clough's "Easter Day," Spirit

questions Dipsychus about it. Spirit's objection to the "Easter Day"

poem seems to rest upon its Dipsychian character. Because of the poem's

ambivalence, Spirit's matter-of-fact mind finds the poem unclear in

both opinion and tone. Spirit expresses his objection thusi "Well,

now it's anything but clear/ What is the tone that's taken herel/

...That's a great fault; you're this and that,/ And here and there,





53



and nothing flat."73 Spirit goes on to offer Dipsychus some common-

sense suggestions about writing poetry. "Yet writing's golden word

what is it,/ But the three syllables, 'explicit'?/ Say, if you cannot

help it, less,/ But what you do put, put express." Interestingly

enough Spirit here expresses much the same objection to "Easter Day"

that the Uncle in the Epilogue to Dipsychus expresses about Dipsychus

itself. The basis of the problem for such practical minds as those

of Spirit and the Uncle is in the ambivalence that is the primary mark

of both of these poems.

Furthermore, Spirit has suggested that there is a sort of com-

pulsiveness in Dipsychus that made him write "Easter Day" when Spirit

says, "Say, if you cannot help it, less." The suggestion is that

Dipsychus cannot help but say something in verse. He ssens compelled

toward poetic utterance. When Dipsychus answers Spirit's remarks, we

get a glimpse of the nature of that compulsion. Dipsychus explains

why he wrote "Easter Day." "To please my own poor mindl To find repose/

To physic the sick soul; to furnish vent/ To diseased humours in the

moral frame." This is much the same reason which has been suggested

that Clough had for his own writing of poetry. Lest it be observed

that one should not draw a hasty conclusion that what was true of

Dipsychus is necessarily true of Clough, it is necessary to note that

Clough himself suggests in this context that what is true of Dipsychus

is true of Clough. Dipsychus is made to recite, as his own, the poem

which in fact Clough had written--"Easter Day." This poem was written

by Clough the year before while he was in Italy. Dipsychus, however,

claims authorship and Spirit recognizes that claim, so it is certainly





54



justifiable to accept Clough's own suggestion that he and Dipsychus

were alike in regard to "Easter Day." They both "pretend" to have

written it. Because Clough has, in the writing of "Easter Day," drawn

an identity between himself and Dipsychus, it is probable to assume

that Dipsychus' motive in his pretended creation of the poem is much

the same as Clough's motive in his actual writing of the poem. It

then appears from Spirit's remark, "Say, if you can not help it, less

...," that Clough, like Dipsychus, writes from some compulsive moti-

vation. This is all the more probable when we remember Clough's com-

pulsive "poetizing" while he was in Rugby.

It is worthwhile to use this section of Dipsychus to further

probe into the exact nature of this compulsion. In part, the compul-

sion comes from the need, as Dipsychus says, "To please my own poor

mind Spirit offers some amplification of that statement when he

comments on it, saying, "That in religious as profane things/ 'Twas

useless trying to explain things;/ Men's business-wits the only sane

things." Spirit rightly supposes that Dipsychus was compelled to

write his poem in an attempt to explain to himself some religious

matters that had been troubling him. This, then, suggests the thought-

ful aspect of Clough's own motivation which is reflected in the strongly

intellectual nature of his poetry, particularly of his Dipsychian poetry.

Clough uses poetry to search out the various aspects of his own philo-

sophical and religious problems and exposes them for his own exami-

nation--as he says, "To please my own poor mindi"

There is, however, more than intellectual examination involved.
Dipsychus suggests another aspect of the poet's motivation in writing.




55



"To find reposel/ To physic the sick soul." Houghton comments on

this when he discusses these lines. He says of self-examination, "For

a poet it could also lead to a therapy of self-confession."74 This

seems to be what Clough is suggesting here too. The process of self-

examination would serve to promote a more healthy attitude toward the

questions because they could be seen in a more objective manner. The

problems would then be seen for exactly what they are, without intro-

ducing the exaggerations that solitary brooding would tend to bring

to them. This, then, could be called therapeutic poetry because of

the healing it may bring to the poet himself. Much of the Dipsychian

poetry is of this nature because when both sides of an issue are laid

bare, with the full force of arguments on each side exposed, the poet

is placed in a position which enables him to make his own choice.

The Dipsychian poem would not record that ultimate choice since that

would occur only after the poem had been written. This is the reason

for the ambivalence in the Dipsychian poems--the issues they examine

are at the time of examination in a state of flux in the poet's mind

and the poem itself is part of the mental process by which the poet

is working toward a resolution. It is thus easy to see that critics,

looking at the Dipsychian poems themselves and not considering other

sources of information about their author, were often erroneously led

to the conclusion that Clough was a poet of doubt. It would be more

accurate to say that Clough was a poet sometimes seized by doubt, and

while he struggled under its power he turned to poetry to express

that struggle. Ultimately the poet himself reached a resolution of

the issue, but the Dipsychian poems are poems of the struggle, not of

the resolution.





56



A third, and less complex,motivation for Clough's poetic creation

is suggested by Dipsychus' explanation that he wrote "to furnish vent to

diseased humours in the moral frame." This refers to the frequent ex-

perience of every person when in some mental difficulty. It is often

helpful just to express the problem. People in trouble are helped by

such a simple thing as an expression of the problem as they see it,

whether or not any mental clarification of the issues results. Spirit

makes light of Dipsychus' need for simply giving vent to his feelings

when he mocks it as,"A sort of seton, I suppose,/ A moral bleeding at

the nose." Spirit's images are coarse--the seton is the surgical name

for a string that is used to draw pus from a blister or a wound by capil-

lary action. These coarse images merely reflect Spirit's cynical atti-

tude towards the very human need to give expression to problems by the

psychological value of simply giving vent to one's problems. This psy-

chological device was as well recognized in the nineteenth century as

it is today.

It is apparent that the type of poetry which the poet creates

to give vent to his problems will not usually contain any statement

of the resolution of those problems. One only needs to give vent to

a problem while it is a live problem for him, which means that he can

not perceive the solution of that problem at the time. Naturally, then,

no solution would be likely to appear in such a poetic presentation of

the problem. Therefore, it is apparent that the Dipsychian poetry

that Clough wrote wholly or in part from a motive of furnishing "vent

to'diseased humours in the moral frame" would not contain the resolu-

tion of the problem that it treated. It would present the problem as





57


he saw it while it was a problem to him. Both sides would seem equally

desirable or undesirable. The situation would be in balance. The

natural expression would be the ambivalent poetry that has been called

Dipsychian.

In this chapter the nature of Dipsychian poetry has been ex-

plained by means of definition and description. The definition of Di-

psychian poetry as it occurs in its objective expression was examined in

Clough's lyric, "Is it true, ye gods, who treat us." The expression of

the ironic mode of Dipsychian poetry was shown especially in Clough's use

of that mode in the poem "Jacob" where its relationship to psychological

patterns was also evident. The description of Dipsychian poetry would not

have been complete, however, without a study of the effects which Clough

intended to achieve. It becomes clear, when one examines Clough's Socratic

practice both as a teacher and as a poet, that he does not intend so much

to break down his readers' convictions as to bring them to an open-minded

reexamination of their own philosophy, Clough was also sufficiently self-

aware to recognize that he used poetry to assist himself with his own prob-

lems. The reader may recognize this when the relationship between the

periods of Clough's personal stress and his periods of great poetic crea-

tivity were seen to coincide, Furthermore, when his personal experiences

were seen to be intimately linked with Clough's poetic expression, not only

in superficial matters but on the deeper level of his current emotional

involvement with the issues of which his poetry treats, then the reader

is prepared to understand the sort of benefits that Clough sought to

obtain from poetic creation as he described them in Dipsychus. With




58




this type of definition and description in the background, the im-

portance of the forthcoming study of the unique characteristics of

Clough's personality, which caused him to write in a Dipsychian fashion,

will be apparent. It remains to be shown how these special personality

characteristics operated upon particular issues so as to find expres-

sion in Dipsychian poetry.





59






NOTES

1Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 226.

2Clough, Poems, p. 44.

3lbid.

4Ibid., p. 87.

5Ibid.

6bid.

7Clough, Correspondence, p. 190.

8Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 75.

I9bid., p. 116.

10Clough, Poems, p. 85.



12Ibid., p. 86.

13Timko, p. 95.

14Arthur Hugh Clough, Selected Prose Works of Arthur Hugh Clough,
ed. Buckner B. Trawick (University, Alabama, 1964), p. 178.

150sborne, p. 60.

16Charles Eliot Norton, "Arthur Hugh Clough," The Atlantic
Monthly, IX (April 1862), 463'-

17Paul Veyriras, Arthur Hugh Clough, 1819-1861 (Paris, 1964),
P. 191.

18Arthur Hugh Clough, The Poems and Prose Remains of Arthur Hugh
Cloughi With a Selection from His Letters and a Memoir, ed. Blanche
Smith Clough (London, 1869), I, 34.





60



19Louise Creighton, Life and Letters of Thomas Hodgkin (London,
1917), p. 20.

20Sir Edward Fry, A Memoir, ed. Agnes Fry (Oxford, 1921), p. 42.

21amuel Waddington, Arthur Hugh Clough, (London, 1883), pp.91-92.

2Goldie Levy, Arthur Hugh Clough (London, 1938), p. 85.

23John D. Davis, A Dictionary of the Bible (Grand Rapids, Mich.,
1958), p. 698.

24Clough, Poems, p. 457.

2-Matthew Arnold, The Letters of Matthew Arnold to Arthur Hugh
Clough, ed. Howard F. Lowry (London, 1932), p. 60,

26Matthew Arnold, Poetry and Criticism of Matthew Arnold, ed. A.
Dwight Culler (Boston, 1961), p. 204..

27Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 60.

28Clough, Poems, p. 1.

29Ibid., p. 2.

30Chorley, p. 141.

31Levy, p. 51.

32Francis T. Palgrave, "Arthur Hugh Clough," Fraser's Magazine,
IXV (April 1862), 528.

33Osborne, p. 50.

34Clough, Selected Prose, p. 349.

35Edward Clarence Mack and W. H. G. Armytage, Thomas Hughess The
Life of the Author of "Tom Brown's Schooldays" (London, 1952), p. 53.

36An interesting picture of the formation, rise and fall of
Brook Farm can be drawn from a collection of original documents such
as letters, diaries, and contemporary newspaper articles which are
assembled in Autobiography of Brook Farm, ed. Henry W. Sams (Englewood
Cliffs, N, J., 1958).




61




37Clough, Correspondence, I, 216.

38~bid., I, 204.

39Clough, Selected Prose, p. 243.

4OIbid.

41Ibid., p. 245.

42bid., p. 246.

43Clough, Poems, p. 91.

Ibid.

45Timko, p. 102.

46Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 208.

47Ibid.

48Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 8.

49Chorley, p. 25.

50Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 8.

51Chorley, p. 25.

52Clough, Poems, p. 439.

53Clough, Correspondence, I, 310.

54Clough, Poems and Prose Remains, p. 39.

55Levy, p. 78.

56Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 63.

57Chorley, p. 7.

58Levy, p. 202.





62



59Houghton, "Review," Victorian Studies, VI (September 1962), 91.

60Clough, Selected Prose, pp. 188-189.

61Palgrave3 p. 530.

62Chorley, p. 6.

63Hoxie Neale Fairchild, Religious Trends in English Poetry
(New York, 1957), IV, 524.

64Basil Willey, Nineteenth Century Studiesl Coleridge to Matthew
Arnold (New York, 1966), pp. 64-66.

65Ibid., p. 98.

66Clough, Poems, p. 49.

67Veyriras, p. 66.

6Clough, Correspondence, I, 40.

69Ibid.

701bid.

71Veyriras, p. 67.

72Chorley, pp. 31-32.

73The locus for this and the following quotes in this section
from Dipsychus is Poems, pp. 263-266.

74Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 58.













CHAPTER IIs THE DIPSYCHIAN MIND


Dipsychian poetry has been characterized as the poetry of

decision. It has become abundantly clear that Clough wrote this kind

of poetry to arrive at decisions of his own and also to bring his

readers to form their own decisions. Dipsychian poetry, however, can

also be characterized as the poetry of crisis. The crisis that typi-

cally generated Clough's Dipsychian poetry was not simply an external

crisis that is easy for the biographer to isolate and document by dates

and specific events. The crisis in Clough's life that generated the

Dipsychian poetry was not an external calamity but an internal crisis

--a crisis of values. To understand this crisis of values it is neces-

sary to examine Clough's unique mode of thinking and, therefore, the

emphasis in this chapter falls upon the Dipsychian mind and the in-

fluences which formed it,

Clough's Dipsychian mind was more than a mind poised before

decision, though it certainly was that. It will be seen in this chapter

that the decision which Clough faced was of a special nature, and where-

as the last chapter focused upon the poetry and the fact of decision

present in that poetry, this chapter examines the elements of the

central problem that called forth the Dipsychian mind. If Clough had

been indiscriminately ambivalent on a large number of issues, one

would be forced to admit that he was probably of an irresolute char-

acter. It is clear that Clough was far from being an irresolute in-

dividual, but in one area of thought, at one period of his life, he


63





64



faced a crisis of values that was insolubl. for him at that time.

It will be seen later in this chapter that the problem which he faced

was essentially a question of whether moral obedience to God and ser-

vice to others in this world could be rightfully reconciled. One side

of the conflict was Clough's wish to remain morally pure and to escape

the taint of impurity that he saw others receive through their contact

with the world of men and affairs, Clough's idea that the world tends

to corrupt those who mix with it could have been observed in a number

of the poems that were previously examined. A prime example of that

attitude is found in Clough's poem, "In the Great Metropolis." There,

it will be recalled, he bitterly observed that the world in all of

its contacts with man--from the time of being a schoolboy, through-

out his business activities, until his old age and death-teaches the

lesson of selfishness through the doctrine of competition, or as the

refrain of the poem puts it, "The devil take the hindmost." In much

the same way that the world teaches selfishness, Clough saw it bring

other types of moral failure upon individuals, sometimes by temptation,

sometimes by influences. The more intimate a person was in his in-

volvement in worldly affairs, the more probable was his moral break-

down in one area or another. So it seemed to Clough that the only

course open to one who wished to remain pure was to avoid contact with

the world,

As Clough saw it, however, contact with the world was imposed

upon man by God, that thought is the burden of Clough's poem, "Qui

Laborat, Orat." Not only were men forced by their nature and circum-

stances to live in the world, they were seemingly prohibited from






65



bidding their time on the outskirts of the world of affairs. They

could not properly withdraw from the furor of active life into the

religious security of the monastery or the placid intellectual life

of the university. Clough expresses this idea in The Bothie of Tober-

na-Vuolicht "There is a Field-Marshal, my friend, who arrays our bat-

talionsl/ Let us to Providence trust, and abide and work in our stations."

Withdrawal was prohibited, Clough thought, by God's injunction that men

should serve others. To Clough, service to others necessitated active

involvement in the affairs of the world and men. As will be seen,

Clough's sense of the significance of commonplace reality made it im-

possible for him to compromise his sense of the duty of service by any

sort of withdrawal from active life--to serve others had to mean to

serve them here and now and in the practical, common-sense ways.

Clough's crisis of values was shaped by the inevitable con-

flict between this desire to maintain before God the greatest moral

purity of which he was capable and, on the other hand, the God-imposed

necessity of serving others in this world which would necessitate being

tainted by the impurity of the world.2 Clough sincerely wished to

serve God. Had he been less genuinely sincere, a compromise on either

the side of service or on the side of moral purity could have been

easily effected. But Clough, by training and disposition, was, he

felt, in an insolubl&d moral dilemma--a crisis of values.

In this chapter the aspects of his mind which formed that crisis

will be seen to consist of three primary attitudes. The first is

Clough's sense of the paramount importance of commonplace reality.
Without that sense he would have been able to retreat to the university





66



life and so have avoided the tincture of immorality which he felt the

world of business and practical affairs brought. The second attitude

in Clough's crisis of values was his feeling of the necessity for moral

purity and his idea that the world tends to corrupt the purity of those

who come into contact with it. Had he not held that attitude, Clough

would have been free to enter into the very heart of the business and

commercial world and satisfy his duty to God by realistic service to

others within the context of commonplace reality. The third element

in Clough's crisis of values during the Dipsychian period was his

sense of the duty to serve others. Without this element he could have

maintained his purity of heart because he would not have felt a duty

to mingle in the affairs of the world at all.

Following the above pattern of analysis of the Dipsychian

mind, this chapter will illustrate in some detail how each of these

three elements were present for Clough--his realistic view of life,

his necessity for moral purity, and his duty to the service of mankind.

Clough's appreciation of the significance of activity within

reality was grounded within his personality. Clough, both as a boy

and as an adult, enjoyed active involvement with life. He was not a

fragile weakling as Lytton Strachey suggested by his unqualified re-

ference to Clough's weak ankles.3 As a very young boy Clough's ankles

were weak but that did not stop him even then from engaging in athletic

activities. He became a powerful swimmer and greatly enjoyed swimming

throughout his life.4 After he had entered the upper forms at Rugby

his ankles had strengthened so much that he enthusiastically engaged

in the rough: and tumble of the special kind of football that was named





67



for Rugby School. That the game of Rugby was much rougher than the

modern American game of football can be ascertained by a study of

Thomas Hughes' famous account of the game in Tom Brown's School-Days.

Rugby was played without any protective padding by schoolboys of all

ages who were thrown together in a colossal free-for-all of over one

hundred boys.5 This mass of eager, thrashing youths often converged

upon the goalkeeper, and Clough achieved a schoolboy's immortality as

one of Rugby's two best goalkeepers. Clough's young friend, Thomas

Arnold, Matthew's brother, recalls the stalwart figure of Clough

guarding the goal. "He wore neither jersey nor cap; in a white shirt,

and with bare head, he would face the rush of the other side as they

pressed the ball within the line of the goalposts; and not seldom, by

desperatb struggles, he was the first to 'touch it down,' thus baulking

the enemy of his expected 'try at goal'."7 Evidently Clough was not

a weak young man disposed to retire before the challenge of reality.

In college he was remembered in a poem as, "..lithe of limb, and

strong as shepherd's boy."8 This love of the active life continued

during Clough's later years as a Fellow of Oriel. As Osborne says,

"His love of outdoor living was even beyond that of the-usual Oxford

man,"9

Clough's involvement with sports and physical activity demon-

strates that he was not only physically strong and self-reliant, but

it shows that it was in his character to involve himself actively

with reality and not to lose himself in dreams and retirement. This

realistic attitude is a part of Clough's character that must not be

overlooked. Naturally it showed itself in his poetry in other ways





68



besides its appearance in the active, realistic desire to engage in

practical service that we find in the Dipsychian poetry. Outside of

the Dipsychian poetry, probably the most striking poetic revelation

of this realistic side of Clough's personality is found in his poem,

The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich. It has earthy and sometimes humorous

descriptions such as that of the corpulent young student, Hobbes,

dancing a highland reel in his short kiltsl "Him see I frisking, and

whisking, and ever at swifter gyration/ Under brief curtain revealing

broad acres--not of broad cloth."l0 Thesettings in this poem are also

presented with a clear eye for the reality they are to convey, such

as the description of the reading parties favorite bathing place in

a stream near their cottage. This long description gives the reader

a sense of actual presence on the scene as Clough describes the trees

that surround the falls and the pool below, "...pellucid, pure, a

mirror;/ Beautiful there for the colour derived from green rocks under;/

Beautiful, most of all, where beads of foam uprising/ Mingle their

clouds of white with the delicate hue of the stillness./ Cliff over

cliff for its sides, with rowan and pendent birch boughs,/ Here it

lies."11 This short quote from Clough's much longer description can

only suggest its realistic vividness but it is typical of the poem as

a whole. It was noted before that Houghton says of this poem, "...

the sense of actual life is so firmly created.l12

Philip Hewson, the hero of The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich,

can be seen as Clough's characterization of this realistic side of

Clough's personality. Hewson was a poet, butlike Clough, he was in

search of a way that would enable him to live a simple life in touch






69


with everyday reality. Hewson eventually chooses a highland country

lassie for a wife and emligrates to Australia to take up farming.

From the time that Clough was nearly eighteen he expresses in his

poetry the high valuation, similar to Hewson's, that he places upon

such a plain life. For example, in the early poem, "An Incident,"

Clough gives praise "Of hOme and homely duties met,/ And charities

of daily life."l3 This sort of desire finds its symbolic represent-

ation in the recurring symbol of the highland lassie and a picture

of a life with her removed from the artificialities of life and the

intellectualism that Clough sometimes felt impinged upon his life.

One of Clough's mature poems which best expresses this longing for

the plain life is "6 9eos peta cor" in The Ambarvalia. There Clough

writes about the type of plain life he yearns to live--a life closely

in touch with natural reality, "With worldly comforts few and far,

how glad were I to stayl/ I fall to sleep with dreams of life in some

black bothie spent,/ Coarse poortith's ware thou changing there to

gold of pure content,/ With barefoot lads and lassies round, and thee

the cheery wife,/ In the braes of old Lochaber a laborious homely

life..14

This longing for a plain life, close to reality, stayed with

Clough to the end of his life. It appears, with its symbol, the high-

land lassie, in the very last poem that Clough wrote, "The Lawyer's

Second Tale," in his Mari Magno. To get a sense of how close to his

heart this longing was, one needs only to consider Mrs. Clough's pic-

ture of the last days before Clough's death when she was with him in

Flbrence. During this time Clough returned to work on "The Lawyer's





70



Second Tale," which is the story of a man who loved a highland lassie

and had a child by her but through a tragic mischance was separated

from her and could not find her again until it was too late. When

Clough began to recover a little just prior to his final relapse, "he

insisted on trying to write it out," Mrs. Clough recalls of that pain-

ful time, "and when this proved too great an effort he begged to dic-

tate it. But he broke down before it was finished, and returned to

bed never to leave it again. A few days before his death he begged

for a pencil and contrived to write down two verses, and quite to the

end his thoughts kept hold of his poem."15 This aspect of his realistic

view of life never found its full expression outside of his poetry.

Always, to the very end of his life, the simple country life, sym-

bolized by the highland lassie, eluded him.

Within his poetry, however, Clough's realistic attitude found

expression in ways other than dynamic, active heroes, realistic de-

scription and symbolism of the plain rustic life. It was the person-

ality core around which Clough formed certain aspects of his theory of

art. It was Clough's contention that poetry lost much of its power of

appeal for the readers of his time because it tended to deal only with

certain conventionally acceptable subjects. Clough's sense of the im-

portance of the commonplace realities of daily existence led him to

urge the use of such material by the poets of his time. This view,

which was derived from Clough's robust appreciation of all aspects of

life, led him to posit a "social theory of art."16 Healthy art, from

Clough's point of view, "draws upon the whole life of its environment. "17

Armstrong believes that it was this theory that led Clough to deal with





71



contemporary problems.18 Probably, however, it was Clough's appreci-

ation of the significance of reality that led him to formulate his

"social theory of art" and his realistic attitude also led him to

deal with contemporary problems. Because Clough believed that poetry

grounded in the facts of common life would have a greater appeal to

his audience, his appreciation of the significance of reality led him

to enlarge the areas of acceptable poetic materials to include "these

positive matters of fact, which people...are obliged to have to do

with." 19

Clough's positive attitude toward reality, however, also

affected another part of his theory of art. Since a writer deals with

both an objective and a subjective reality, Clough urged that a writer

was obliged to be true to both. Not only must he represent external

reality with a factual accuracy, but he should also be as scrupulously

accurate in revealing his true self in his representation of subjective

reality. Clough had apparently criticised Matthew Arnold for some

failure to show his true self in his poetry. Though none of Clough's

letters to Arnold have been preserved, we do have many of Arnold's

letters to Clough, and in one place Arnold agrees with what must have

been Clough's criticism of Arnold's literary sincerity. Arnold writes

to Clough, "It is very true I am not myself in writing--but it is of

no use reproaching me with it, since so it must be."20

For Clough the requirement for sincere and honest self-repre-

sentation in his poetry presented both a problem and a challenge. The

necessity for a writer to act in accord with his own internal reality

in his chosen profession presents a perilous moral temptation. It is





72



so easy to use words to misrepresent facts, Clough believed, that even

vocal prayers to God could be of questionable value. In a discussion

with young Thomas Arnold one evening, Clough offered the opinion "That

in view of the dangers of unreality and self-delusion with which vocal'

prayers were beset, it was questionable how far their use was of ad-

vantage to the soul."21 In the use of words, the danger which Clough

sensed for himself as a writer was that he would become like other

writers he had known who had become "so incapable of writing, or even

speaking, except"'in character'...without giving you a chance of seeing

what they really are off the stage... There that is one of the mis-

chiefs and miseries of authorship which deters me."22 This was not

really some hypermoralistic pretense on Clough's part. He was always

genuinely concerned that he should never deceive himself or others.

Furthermore, as we have seen that Clough employed his writing to work

out some of his own problems, it would obviously make such a process

of personal problem-solving impossible if he began to "take a part"

or in any way deny his inner reality when he engaged in writing. For

his writing to continue as a psychological therapy, he had to main-

tain a strict sincerity in spite of the very real temptations in a

contrary direction. This is what Clough referred to when he wrote to

his fiancee, Miss Blanche Smith, toward the close of his Dipsychian

period about a possible career as a writeri "I do soberly think it

replete with temptations and probable mischief for me."23

There was an allied danger that Clough may well have felt if

he had lapsed into insincerity in writing. Clough was peculiarly de-

pendent upon his orientation toward reality. It was one of the corner-





73



stones of his thought that one should never accept any dogmatic p6sition

nor maintain an unexamined philosophy. We have seen this attitude ex-

pressed in the examination of his poem "The human spirits saw I on a

day." It was this philosophical imperative to remain free from a set-

tled creed which forced him to keep in constant and intimate contact

with reality. Since his thought could not be orientated by some given

system of abstractions, some creed or dogma, any particular problem

could be argued endlessly pro and con unless he could resolve the ques-

tion by the appeal to reality. For this reason Clough had to maintain

a strict honesty in regard to the objective reality that he found around

him. He had to be strictly accurate in his observation and reporting

of his subjective reality. He had to remain true to himself because,

in the long run, he had to depend only upon his own personal perception

of truth as he found it within himself. Because he accepted no creed

and would not commit himself to any authoritarian system of thought,

Clough's attitudes and his own apprehension of the truth had to be

the final arbiters in the philosophical and moral problems that he faced.

It would be worse than immoral, it would be insane for him to muddy that

clear water of truth and reality with the dirt of insincerity. This

realization explains his often strong condemnation of all misuse of lan-

guage such as, "...worldly-wise decorum's false proprieties/ ...And com-

pany, and jests, and feeble witticism,/ And talk of talk, and criticism

of criticisms."24 Such lines are wrongly taken if they are understood

in the moralistic, pious sense that a Puritan would have intended if he

had uttered them. Clough was a social man and a quick man with a memor-

able phrase. It was he that coined the phrase "The Broad Church" to





74





describe the liberal movement in the church at his time which would

accommodate itself to all views. His humor and sprightly conversation

made him acceptable as a friend and companion to men like Emerson,

Carlyle, and Tennyson, Clough does not condemn humor or wit, but he

is fully aware of the dangers of intellectual distortion and trivi-

ality that can arise from any misuse of language, especially the lan-

guage that one uses for his subjective apprehension of reality.

But while Clough saw some dangers for himself in the temptation

to insincerity which he felt every writer must face, he also responded

to the challenge that sincerity forces upon a writer. His honest re-

presentation of his conflicting states of mind would not be half so

moving if the reader did not sense that it represented the report of

a genuine struggle within the author himself, Graham Greene paid this

tribute to Clough's honesty in The Quiet Americant "He was an adult

poet in the nineteenth century. There weren't so many of them."25

Greene's observation is a recognition of the fact that Clough did main-

tain his sincerity, It is one of the qualities that accounts for Clough's

growing appeal to a twentieth century audience of readers. V. S. Pritchett,

in 1953, lists the quality of subjective honesty as important in Clough's

present reputation, "His unofficial manner, his truthfulness about per-

sonal feelings, his nonchalance, his curiosity, even his bitterness and

use of anti-climax are closer to the poets of the thirties than they were

to his contemporaries."26 Clear-eyed recognition of reality was Clough's

lifelong habit. As early as his fourteenth year, in a letter home, he





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attempted, in the face of almost certain misunderstanding on the part

of his patriotic parents, to be honest about his view of England, his

native land, and finding himself frustrated by the fact that "truth

is so concealed by the balarney of false patriotism that it is very

hard to discover what are the real merits and demerits of England."27

Through Clough's lifelong concern for sincerity he maintained a clear

perception of his inner reality and that honesty informed his poetry

so that it is moving even today. "Clough thought first of his own

sincerity when he wrote; he permitted himself no expression which would

not render as truthfully as possible an emotion actually felt. He re-

fused to heighten feelings, he loved reality."28 Clough faced and con-

quered the challenge which sincerity to his inner reality presented to

him as a poet.

Honesty to the reality that was within him, as well as honesty

to objective exterior reality, was simply an aspect of Clough's general

attitude that asserted the importance of the ordinary reality of every-

day life. But most important, when this realistic facet of Clough's

mind is brought to bear upon the crisis of values that formed the Di-

psychian poetry, it can be seen that it was quite impossible for him

to retreat from everyday reality in acting on the basis of his sense

of duty to others. He rightly felt that if he must serve others, then

he must serve them in the context of the reality of their daily lives.29

He was propelled by this point of view to enter upon some vocation that

would operate for the good of others within the commonplace activities

of the world. But it was his fear that such an intimate involvement

with the world would lead him away from God's requirement for moral purity.





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Even as a child Clough was observed to have inherited from his

mother a certain seriousness. This seriousness was cultivated by his

close contact with his mother during the years before he entered Rugby.

Since his father was very frequently away from home for long periods

because of the demands of his business in the cotton trade, Clough was

influenced a great deal by his mother. She was a woman of stern in-

tegrity. She came from a Calvinistic family and though she loved her

children, one senses in the description of her which Anne Jemima (Clough's

sister) wrote that there was a certain distance between her and her chil-

dren. Not that she did not love them and take a deep concern in their

welfare, but it appears that she was not especially demonstrative of

that love; at least she was not as demonstrative as their father. Anne

Jemima says of him, "Our father was most affectionate, loving, and

watchful over his children. It was from him that we received many of

the smaller cares which usually come from a mother."30 Though Clough

inherited a similar capacity for the tender care of others from his

father, it was from his mother, with whom he was in most constant con-

tact as a youngster, that he learned the necessity for moral probity

that became one of the primary marks of his character. She read to her

children often. "She was very fond of reading, especially works on re-

ligious subjects, poetry and history.... She loved what was grand, noble,

and enterprising, and was truly religious.... She loved to dwell on all

that was stern and noble."31 During his last years at home, before he

went to Rugby, young Arthur was her constant companion, and since they

shared a serious character and a love of reading, her influence upon

Arthur was greater than upon any of the other children. "It was the





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mother's tendency that relatives and friends were accustomed to find
dominant in Arthur."32 And the most dominant characteristic in both

Arthur and his mother was the love of the stern and noble, the aspiring

concern for moral purity and uprightness.

The influences that Arthur Hugh Clough met with at Rugby only

acted to reinforce his mother's training. One of the clearest indi-

cations of Clough's moral concern as a schoolboy is found in his letters

to his brother, George. George was attending a different school in

England and Arthur, in his letters to George, served as the helpful,

older brother. In nearly every one of these letters the idea that one

must devote one's self to moral purity before God occupies a large part

of the correspondence. It is certainly quite unlikely that young George

Clough was a rake or rowdy. The strongly moralistic character of Arthur's

letters to George cannot be accounted for on the basis of some character

flaw in George. Instead, the reason for Arthur's moralizing is that

purity before God had become an overriding concern of Clough's at an

early age. When Arthur was fifteen he wrote to encourage his thirteen-

year-old brother to a more strenuously moralistic sort of life. "I

should think that you are not so dependent upon God's help as on your

own strength, which you know is nothing against Sin.... You must do

everything to please God, or else you are not as you ought to be....

You must grow in goodness and not day after day go round the same

duties no better today than you were yesterday."33 Though it sounds

as if George were on the brink of moral disaster, the fact is that he

had become irregular in his daily Bible readings and on one occasion

had told a lie.





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To avoid the risk of making young Arthur seem like a moralizing

monster to a modern reader, it must be recalled that such thinking and

talk were quite the staple of the earnest Victorians.

The prophets of earnestness were attacking a casual,
easy-going, superficial, or frivolous attitude...and
demanding that men should think and men should live
with a high and serious purpose.... In the 1830's
the most sensitive minds became aware that England
was faced by a profound crisis. The intellectual
world, the Christian Church, and the social order
were all in grave peril, to be averted only by the
most earnest search for saving ideas and the most
earnest life of moral dedication.3

This attitude was widespread and since it accorded with Clough's early

training, and because he was directly under the influence of Dr. Arnold

who was one of the leading exponents of the necessity for moral earnest-

ness and purity, it was only natural that Clough would respond by whole-

heartedly adopting the idea himself. The letters to George indicate

that Clough went so far as to become involved in the dangerous idea

of moral perfectionism. In a letter of 1836 to George there is a clear

suggestion that Arthur himself had tried to correct all his own bad

habits at once and had been defeated in the process. Consequently,

he advises George against a similar attempt.35 But this experience

did not persuade Arthur that the attempt at all moral improvement was

in vain. Instead, he tried to attack his faults one at a time. It is

well to remember also that the moral faults that engaged his attention

were not such gross lapses as drunkenness or thievery; rather Clough

was seriously concerned about things like arguing with his brother and

sister and his tendency toward procrastination.

Since it has been indicated that Dr. Arnold was an important

exponent of Victorian morality and a major influence on Clough's thought,





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it is necessary to indicate exactly how he had the opportunity and the

inclination to influence Clough toward moral purity. Dr. Arnold had

come to Rugby as headmaster only the year before Clough became a student

there. Upon becoming headmaster, Dr. Arnold began to institute many

reforms. As a schoolboy in the lower forms, Clough's relation to the

reforms that Dr. Arnold instituted was, of course, only passive. But

even then he was exposed to a close contact with the headmaster simply

by virtue of the fact that he lived for eight years in the Schoolhouse.36

There were several separate dwellings for the boys at Rugby and these

were under the administration of the several tutors, many of whom lived

in the same place with the boys. The Schoolhouse was under the direction

of Dr. Arnold and thus the Schoolhouse boys were more directly under his

supervision than were the remainder of the boys at Rugby. When it is

recalled that for most of the time while Clough was at Rugby his family

remained an ocean away in the United States and that Clough lived in

the same residence as did Dr. Arnold, it can be appreciated how natural

it was for Clough to turn to Dr. Arnold as a kind of surrogate father.

Clough often was invited into the Arnold family living quarters in the

Schoolhouse, probably because Mrs. Arnold felt sorry for the lonesome

boy who never had the chance to go home during the vacation periods.

As a result of being especially privileged in this way and because he

was a Schoolhouse boy, Clough fell more directly and personally under

the influence of Dr. Arnold than would have otherwise been the case.

A recollection of Clough and Dr. Arnold in class together suggests how

obvious to others Clough's close emotional ties to his teacher were.

An old friend of Clough's Rugby days recalls a schoolroom scenes





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My seat was on the opposite side with my back
to the South window of the Library, the full
light from which streamed upon Clough's face
when he raised his head.... The dark hair drawn
across the white broad brow; beneath, the dark
deep eyes, the long black lashes and the thought-
ful countenance; and above all the almost feminine
expression of trust and affection with which he
looked up at Arnold in answering his questions
or hanging on his words.37

This recollection of a daily scene demonstrates most clearly that Clough

had come to be strongly influenced by the personality of Dr. Arnold.

Clough was not alone in falling under the great teacher's spell.

It seems that the most brilliant of his pupils were often the most re-

sponsive to the character and the ideas of Dr. Arnold. A. P. Stanley,

who wrote the first biography of Dr. Arnold, was so much affected by

the personality of his teacher that it was not until he had left Rugby

and had been for some years at Oxford that "Arnold had ceased to be

his 'oracle,' he confessed, but he kept his reverence wholly."38 How-

ever, when Dr. Arnold came up to Oxford in 1842 to take the Chair of

Modern History, he re-established his ascendancy over Stanley's mind.

It was not until Arnold's death that Stanley continued his own mental

development independently.39

Not all of Dr. Arnold's favorite students responded with such un-

qualified admiration. Gell, who was a good friend of Clough's, did not

fall under the Doctor's spell because, Woodward suggests, Gell had

trained himself to resist authority figures in his revolt against the

rigid Evangelicalism of his own clergyman father.40 After Gell had

left Rugby, however, he let himself grow closer to Dr. Arnold and so

it was upon Dr. Arnold's recommendation that Gell was offered the op-

portunity of being appointed to establish a college in Van Dieman's





81



Land. But Gell's emotional position was quite different from Clough's.

As a schoolboy Clough was far from revolting against a father figure;

instead, he was searching for one. His own father was seldom seen.

His family was never present for him to fall back upon for emotional

security. He quite naturally looked upon Dr. Arnold with much of the

reverence and respect that he would have given his own father.

While Clough derived some emotional strength from looking

upon Dr. Arnold in terms of a surrogate father, there was, however,

some emotional insecurity generated by this. Dr. Arnold, as his teacher,

stood before Clough as one who gave rewards for excellence in scholar-

ship and high praise for morality. It was continually incumbent upon

Clough to prove himself to such a father figure. His hard work upon

his studies was largely motivated by his desire to please Dr. Arnold.

It was observed earlier how hard Clough pushed himself in regard to

his studies. It was only natural that Clough would try just as hard

to win Dr. Arnold's moral approval. Just how far Clough succeeded in

winning Dr. Arnold's approval can be judged by a letter Dr. Arnold

sent to Clough's uncle, Alfred Clough, the Oxford don, upon the oc-

casion of Arthur's matriculation at Oxford. Dr. Arnold wrote, "I cannot

resist my desire of congratulating you most heartily on the delightful

close of your nephew's long career at Rugby, where he was passed eight

years without a fault...where he has gone on ripening gradually in all

excellence intellectual and spiritual...and regarded by myself...with

an affection and interest hardly less than I should feel for my own

son."41 The cost to Clough for his success in winning the approval

of Dr. Arnold was that he developed a certain sense of emotional in-





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security, together with an excessive attachment to moral probity.

The attitude of insecurity toward father figures can be observed in

"The Lawyer's First Tale" in Mari Magno which Clough wrote during the

last year of his life. Many of the Lawyer's experiences and attitudes

are the same as those Clough had as a young man. It is revealing to

observe, moreover, that the Lawyer, like young Clough, looked upon

older men with a sense of insecurity. The Lawyer says that he "Looked

to their father still with fear/ Of how to him I must appear."42

Clough's sense of insecurity in his hard won approval from his surro-

gate father, Dr. Arnold, would naturally act to make him try even

harder. From all of this it can be seen that there was a great deal

of energy generated within Clough during his Rugby years to cause him

to strive for a high moral character. Consequently, the necessity for

moral purity became deeply ingrained in his personality.

It was, of course, Dr. Arnold's deliberate and continual aim

to cultivate a high moral character in his pupils and the primary source

of that morality was placed in religious training. As Dr. Arnold ex-

pressed it, "Physical science alone can never make a man educated;

even the formal sciences...invaluable as they are with respect to the

discipline of the reasoning powers, cannot instruct the judgment; it

is only moral and religious knowledge which can accomplish this." 3

Dr. Arnold did not separate religious training from other matters,

but instead, incorporated it into all the other matters. Thus he

created a pervasively religious influence at Rugby "which often made

it impossible for his pupils to say in after life, of much that had

influenced them, whether they had derived it from what was spoken in





83



school, in the pulpit, or in private."44 This was only to be expected

because it was one of Dr. Arnold's deepest convictions that any se-

paration of the sacred from the secular was inimicable to both theology

and morality. The final attitude that Dr. Arnold sought as the fruit

of his moral training was that his pupils would develop a kind of un-

conscious tendency toward good. He did not so much strive against

particular vices, simply to check their outbreak, but he castigated

individual sins in an attempt to create a more generalized attitude of

"abhorrence of evil" within his students.45 And while he used every

opportunity in school and in private, as Stanley pointed out, the

clearest expression of Dr. Arnold's moral training available for ex-

amination by a modern scholar is found in his sermons. Houghton applies

this description to Dr. Arnold's sermonst "A passionate and sustained

earnestness after a high moral rule, seriously realized in conduct, is

the dominant character of these sermons."46 It was Dr. Arnold's in-

tention to bring "every thought, and word, and deed, into the obedience

of Christ."47

Given Dr. Arnold's attitude toward a rigorous moral life, and

Clough's intimate exposure to Dr. Arnold's personality and teaching,

Clough's emphasis in his letters to his brother, George, upon a similar

moral purity under God becomes more understandable. One area of that

morality which may properly be singled out for specific attention is

the matter of lying. This will be profitable not only as an example

of how Dr. Arnold treated moral questions, but primarily it will il-

lustrate how Clough responded to Dr. Arnold's moral teaching. The

question of honesty is also important because it brings together Clough's





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attitude toward moral purity and his response to reality. It was

shown earlier that Clough felt that he must keep his poetry in constant

contact with both the objective, daily realities of common life, and

that he must report his subjective experiences, his inner reality, with

complete honesty. This is an important element in any consideration of

Clough's poetry, particularly his Dipsychian poetry.

In Clough's letters to George the temptation toward lying is

singled out for treatment more often than any other of the possible

temptations to which schoolboys may fall victim. Outside of George's

one lapse in this regard, there is no evidence that it was a special

failing of his and certainly no one ever attributed dishonesty to Arthur

Hugh Clough. Thus the reason for its so frequent treatment is probably

not to be found in any tendency toward dishonesty on the part of either

of the schoolboy correspondents. However, Arthur writes George, "You

say you are tempted every hour. I do not know what to in particular.

But I should fancy that lying was a very general fault jof schoolboys7."48

What led Arthur to assume that lying was a general fault among school-

boys would, in part, be his own experience with other boys, but also

Dr. Arnold had placed a particular emphasis upon the sin of lying while

at the same time his goal of creating a general"abhbbrence of evil" in

his schoolboy charges often filled his sermons with the perils of the

"little sins" such as lying.49 So it seems that one reason for Clough's

insistent treatment of this particular sin in his letters to his brother

is found in the emphasis that Dr. Arnold had given to it. "Lying, for

example, to the masters, he made a great moral offence; placing implicit

confidence in a boy's assertion, and then, if a falsehood was discovered,









punishing it severe.y." Stanley also adds that this general attitude

of trust and severe punishment for obvious lapses worked well. "There

grew up in consequence a general feeling that it was a shame to tell

Arnold a lie."50 Since Dr. Arnold had made so much of this sin, it is

not surprising that it should appear in Clough's poetry as well as in

his letters to his brother, George.

In Clough's mature poetry the lie becomes a symbol for all self-

deception because for Clough it was one sin that by its very nature de-

stroys man's relationship with his environment. When a man lies, he

denies what he knows to be true of reality and, consequently, is in

danger of getting out of touch with reality should he continue to lie.

Since Clough's enjoyment of active involvement with reality and his

sense of the significance of reality have been examined earlier and it

has been seen that Clough had more than a moralistic concern with truth

and language, it is only to be expected that Clough would take so seri-

ously the sin of lying. His contact with reality was a basic touchstone

for truth with him. Clough often expressed his dependence for certainty

upon his sense of reality with the half humorous phrase, "Reconcile what

you have to say with green peas, for green peas are certain."51 In his

sonnet "Yes, I have lied, and so must walk my way," Clough brings out

the idea that lying and its concomitant self-deception destroy one's

relationship with the world around him. He opens the poem showing that

the immorality of the lie alienates one from God. "Yes, I have lied,

and so must walk my way,/ Bearing the liar's curse upon my head."52

But the punishment for the sin is that the curse divorces one from an

intimacy with reality. Clough used the lost enjoyment of nature to





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symbolize this. "Therefore for me sweet Nature's scenes reveal not/

Their charm."53 But Clough further recognizes that the lie corrupts

the enjoyment of art and the relationship with other people, "...sweet

Music greets me and I feel not;/ Sweet eyes pass off me uninspired;"54

All avenues of contact with reality are corrupted by the lie.

In another poem from Ambarvalia Clough examines the matter in

a more Dipsychian fashion, examining the advantages and disadvantages

of being true to his inner reality. The issue is whether one should

accept a conventional view of things, which would be true to one's self,

or whether one should be true to one's own inner apprehension of reality.

The basic imagery is that of music and the poet phrases the problem in

terms of the dance. "Why should I...dance about to music that I hear

not?" The answer is obvious unless he does, he "Shall be shoved and

be twisted by all he shall meet."55 But with a typical Dipsychian turn

of the argument Clough opens the possibility that if he remains true to

his own inner music, soon he may perceive the whole truth, the whole

melody to which others are now dancing, and then he would be in complete

accord with them. "And I anon, the music in my soul,/ In a moment read

the whole;/ The music in my heart,/ Joyously take my part,/ And hand in

hand, and heart with heart, with these retreat, advance."56 That kind

of complete accord that might come from remaining true to one's own

sense of inner reality seems then too great a hope to lose by a present,

premature assertion of his own sense of the music and so, perhaps after

all, he should remain true to himself.

Then in a style that Clough has made one of the keynotes of his
Dipsychian poetry, he turns the whole argument around upon itself and





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challenges the basic assumption of the whole poem in the very last lines.

He presents the possibility that tortures every independent thinker.

What if what he believes is so true turns out, in fact, to be only his

imagination and not reality at all? Clough sets this idea apart from

the rest of the poem in, what for him, is a rather amateurish fashion.

After nine lines that have been given to an energetic description of

the dance as he imagines it would be if his own inner music should soon

accord with that of others, then Clough interrupts the gay picture by

repeating three times, "alas!" This device serves to mark the final

turn in this Dipsychian poem--the questioning of the premise itself.

"Alas! alas( alast and what if all along/ The music is not sounding?"57

With that striking twist in the thought of the poem, not only is the

truth of his own inner truth brought into question, but Clough's sug-

gestion that there may not be any music at all implies that all the

dancers are simply dancing to accommodate each other. No one has re-

sponded to truth. None are in accord with reality. And even the truth

that the poet feels within himself may be only a species of self-decep-

tion after all. This would finally mean that nothing is possible except

a lib4. And so this poem presents a double Dipsychian balance. Then

Clough, by his ending to the poem, presents the second set of alter-

natives. Is it possible to be true to reality or not? This poem, be-

yond being a clever example of Clough's Dipsychian poetry, serves to

illustrate how far Clough's thought has progressed beyond Dr. Arnold's

simple morality in regard to the matter of lying.

That Clough moved beyond Dr. Arnold is only to be expected.

Most of Dr. Arnold's pupils did the same.58 The typical pattern, as





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Woodward examines it in hae study of several of Dr. Arnold's most

prominent pupils--Clough among them--is that these students, as they

developed to manhood and old age, took aspects of Dr. Arnold's thought

far beyond where he himself had taken it. Of course, this can be partly

accounted for by the fact that Dr. Arnold died before he reached fifty

years of age. Presumably, if he had lived longer, he might have de-

veloped his thought in much the same directions that his pupils did.

But since he died quite early in life, his pupils were free to think

of him as he had seemed to them while they were schoolboys, and, per-

haps a bit unfairly, they did criticize his thought and his method of

teaching.

Clough, perhaps because he was actively engaged in education

throughout his life, found some fault with Dr. Arnold's method of

teaching. Even while Dr. Arnold was alive many people found fault with

his method of putting a heavy responsibility for the morality of the

schoolboys upon the older students. They complained about his "forcing

youth into manhood."59 This was not the ground of objection that Clough

took. Clough's principal objection was that Dr. Arnold put too heavy

an emphasis upon the moral character of young boys. Clough wished that

Dr. Arnold had placed less emphasis upon moral purity and had allowed

more freedom from moral evaluation. In the "Epilogue" to Dipsychus

Clough puts this type of an objection into the mouth of the old Uncle

when the Uncle objects to the Rugby students by stating, "They're all

so pious." And the Uncle adds that the reason that he objects to this

piety is that it makes boys so trained unfit to engage in the active

life of worldly reality when they become men. "They're so full of the





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notion of the world being so wicked and of their taking a higher line,

as they call it. I only fear they'll never take any at all."60 That

Clough shared this view which he put into the mouth of the character of

the old Uncle is apparent when it is observed that Clough says the same

thing in a book review that he wrote about the same time.61 In that

"Review of Mr. Newman's The Soul" Clough raises the same objection to

a too rigorous boyhood moral training because it makes an involvement

with worldly affairs in manhood unnecessarily difficult.

When one examines the situation with a strict logic, however,

it becomes more apparent that an emphasis upon moral purity does not

in itself mean that people would feel they could not maintain their

purity if they actively engaged in a life of close contact with common-

place, worldly reality. They could feel that they would remain pure,

for example, if they felt that the world did not tend toward the cor-

ruption of their principles, Clough did not feel so. His mentor, Dr.

Arnold, also felt that the world was full of the tendency to corrupt

morality, "My sense of the evils of the times, and to what prospects

I am bringing up my children, is overwhelmingly bitter. All in the

moral and physical world appears exactly to announce the coming of the

'great day of the Lord,' i.e. a period of fearful visitation to termi-

nate the existing state of things."62 This apocalyptic vision is

thoroughly within the orthodox tradition of Christianity and it would

not be necessary to pursue its evident presence in Dr. Arnold's thought

because Clough could scarcely have avoided the idea that the world was

evil. He had learned much the same idea from his mother earlier. These

attitudes toward the evilness of the world and the need for moral purity

were deepened through his contact with W. G. Ward.





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Ward was not only Clough's tutor at Oxford, he was for several

years his intimate friend. Their intimacy was so close that others of

Clough's friends tried to counsel Clough to sever his relationship with

Ward. At this time Ward was using his keen mind to probe the possi-

bility that his own religious perplexities could be solved by adopting

the kind of rigorously moral religion that Whately and Dr. Arnold were

promoting. He used the Rugby boys who came to Oxford to try out their

ideas, "finding in them 'a sort of flesh and blood argument for the

powerful living force of Arnold's religion.'"63 Clough was the most

Arnoldian of the Rugby boys at Oxford and Ward was drawn to him as much

by his enjoyment of Clough's character as by his embodiment of Arnoldian

principles. It was generally admitted that Ward's influence upon Clough

upset Clough at thetime and Ward himself, in a letter to Mrs. Clough

many years later, reproached himself with the damage that he supposed

he had done to Clough's religious development.64 He had forced Clough

to question everything but, as Woodward observes, if Ward had not done

it, someone else would have.65 The tendency to question was part of

Clough's character and his capacity to see both sides of a question as

if he fully believed each side is the source of his Dipsychian poetry.

But in one important matter Ward's influence supported that of Dr.

Arnold and Clough's own early training. Ward's retreat into the Roman

Catholic Church, even before Newman made a similar move, was caused

not only by his search for a religious authority to quell the swelling

doubts of his relentlessly logical mind. Ward entered the Roman Catholic

Church also because this move offered him a retreat from the dangers he

envisioned in an invoviement with the world. Ward thought that "Worldli-





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ness, under the specious appearance of knowledge of the world, or under

the plea of common sense, would often obtain a footing which might after-

wards grow until the spirit of this world had altogether expelled the

Spirit of God."66 Ward thus encouraged in Clough the idea that involve-

ment with the world, from no matter what innocent motives, left one open

to what he called "the circuambient poison" of worldliness.67

That Clough maintained this notion in his later life appears

from salient references in his poetry such as Claude's reference to the

"taint of the shop" in The Amours de Voyage (Canto I, Section VI) and

in such lines in Clough's lyrics as these quoted below where he is re-

pelled by the idea of entering business because one is compelled "To

stoop and pick the dirty pence,/ A taint upon one's innocence."68 That

Clough held such an attitude can also be partly accounted for by his

singular ignorance of business. He never had much contact with his

father's business. Clough recognized his ignornace of the real world

around him and admitted as much in his letter to Shairpi "Actual life

is unknown to an Oxford student, even though he is not a mere Puseyite

and goes on jolly reading parties."69 Clough lived his early years at

Rugby and at Oxford, insulated from the life of business and worldly

affairs. It was only at University Hall that he first had any genuine

contact with the world beyond academia. Consequently, he could never

really sympathize with the bourgeois ethos. "Bagehot says that Clough

could not understand a shopkeeper who had been carefully brought up."?70

The distance that Clough felt between himself and the middle class mind

was partially a result of his having had too little contact with these
minds and because he had been involved almost exclusively with the upper





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class and the intelligencia.71 A more important cause of Clough's

alienation from the middle class, however, was the fact that he held

moral purity in so high an esteem. Anyone who aspires to maintain the

very highest degree of moral purity must necessarily examine all the

small ethical acts of business with particular care and, because of his

extreme moral sensitivity, he will find shocking moral failures where

another person would only see ordinary business practice. Clough re-

cognized this sensitivity within himself and expressed it with his usual

candor. "Now, the over-tender conscience will, of course, exaggerate

the wickedness of the world."72 Thus it was not only the direct teachings

of his mother, Dr. Arnold and W. G. Ward, all of whom believed the world

tends to corrupt those who become too actively involved with it, but

also Clough's own acceptance of a necessity of moral purity which caused

him to see impurity in the world around him.

Probably Clough's most complete expression of the idea that the

world tends to corrupt morals is to be found in one of his essays en-

titled "The Beneficial and Harmful Effects of Foreign Trade." Here he

discussed all trade, not just foreign trade. Yet he devoted only one

sixth of the essay to the possible benefits of trade. And even there

the benefits are closely hedged about with restrictions until only one

possible benefit emerges and that benefit, characteristically, is trade's

potential for service. But the restrictions he attached to the benefits

of trade prevent one from seriously thinking that Clough believed much

service to man could come from commerce because his first requirement

is that selfishness (i.e. profit and competition) should be eliminated.

"Could we once deprive Commerce of its selfishness, its natural vigour





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and activity in the service of noble and disinterested feelings would

work effect beyond hope or calculation."73 How far Clough feared that

one would be propelled toward a jeopardy of one's moral probity by in-

volvement with trade is shown by the very next sentence. "The dangers

of such Pursuits are doubtless most terrible."74 The basic danger which

Clough had outlined earlier in the essay was that of moral corruption.

"What wonder if the maxim of men's conduct should now /Fn a rich, com-

mercial society become Seek money first and Virtue afterl and if they

themselves should be ready to sacrifice self-respect and affection,

kindly feelings and noble impulses of all kinds in obedience to this

new Principle."75 Such sentiments are just such as would be expected

from a person with Clough's training with its emphasis upon moral purity

and the rampant evils of the world which corrupt that moral purity.

In light of the discussion of Clough's essay about the moral

dangers of trade, it is necessary to point out that neither Clough nor

his instructors in morality saw trade as the only corrupter. Trade

was simply the more obvious part of the world which corrupted. The

ultimate corrupter was the world itself. Any active engagement with

it was suspect and probably dangerous to the moral sense. Clough makes

the point of the general corrupting influence quite clear in one of his

most poignant, dramatic monologues, "Sa Majeste TresChretienne." In

this poem the speaker is a French king following the time of Luther

and since there is a marginal note (L. XV) in the manuscript, it is

reasonable to assume that Louis XV is indicated.76 Apparently, how-

ever, this poem is not intended as a historical description of that

monarch because Clough has suppressed the actual identity of the king

in the text of the poem.




Full Text
27
Certainly such a characterization as the above does apply to
Clough. Goldie Levy momentarily loses sight of Cloughs intellectualism
when she comments on Shairp's statement that Clough spoke for two hours
in the Oxford debating society, the Decade, neither for nor against the
proposition "that the character of a gentleman was in the present day
made too much ofLevy, one of Clough's less perceptive biographers,
observed that Clough must not have been speaking to the point.31 That
was not true. Instead of taking one side or the otner, Clough traced
the history of the conception of "gentleman" and so opened the whole
question to a deeper and more fruitful consideration. It is scarcely
likely that Levy could have been correct because Clough could not have
held the attention of his audience of Oxford fellows through an entire
two -hour speech if he were not speaking to the point. But there is
a further conclusion which may be drawn here. Clough did not take sides
on this question. It was natural for him as an intellectual not to
take a position that would close further inquiry.
F. T. Palgrave, who knew Clough well, speaks about Clough's
characteristic open-mindedness by stating that he "was diffident of
his own conclusions; had no clean-cut decisive system, nay, thought
experience proved the narrowness of such.32 Osborne confirms this
attitude of Clough's when he is discussing Clough's own personal re
action to the Oxford Movement. Within Clough the conflict raised was
not whether he would align himself with the Newmanites or the anti-
Newman group; instead, Clough's fundamental conflict was "the conflict
between common sense and open-mindedness on the one hand and, on the
other, adherence to any set of principles that had been set up and were


60
19Louise Creighton, Life and Letters of Thomas Hodgkin (London,
1917), P. 20.
20Sir Edward Fry, A Memoir, ed. Agnes Fry (Oxford, 1921), p. 42.
21Samuel Waddington, Arthur Hugh Clough. (London, 1883), pp.91-92.
22Goldie Levy, Arthur Hugh Clough (London, 1938), p. 85.
23John D. Davis, A Dictionary of the Bible (Grand Rapids. Mich..
1958), p. 698.
2\¡ lough, Poems, p. 457
2^Matthew Arnold, The Letters of Matthew Arnold to Arthur Hugh
Clough, ed. Howard F. Lowry (London, 1932), p. 60.
2^Matthew Arnold, Poetry and Criticism of Matthew Arnold, ed. A.
Dwight Culler (Boston, 19l), p. 204.
2^Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 60.
pQ _
Clough, Poems, p. 1.
29Ibld.. p. 2.
3Chorley, p. 141.
^Levy, p. 51.
^Francis T. Palgrave, "Arthur Hugh Clough," Fraser's Magazine.
LXV (April 1862), 528.
-^Osborne, p. 50
^Clough, Selected Prose, p. 3^9*
-^Edward Clarence Mack and W. H. G, Armytage, Thomas Hughes 1 The
Life of the Author of "Tom Brown's Schooldays" (London, 1952), p. 53
-^An interesting picture of the formation, rise and fall of
Brook Farm can be drawn from a collection of original documents such
as letters, diaries, and contemporary newspaper articles which are
assembled in Autobiography of Brook Farm, ed, Henry W. Sams (Englewood
Cliffs, N. J., 1958).


165
S trac hey, Iytton. Eminent Victorians. London & New York, 1918.
Symonds, John Addington. Last and First. Being Two Essays The New
Spirit and Arthur Hugh Clough. London, 1919.
Templeman, William D. Bibliographies of Studies in Victorian Litera
ture for 1932-9ffi~ Urbana, Ill., 1945.
Timko, Michael. "Arthur Hugh Clough," The Victorian Poetsi A Guide
to Research, ed, F. E. Faverty. 2nd ed. Cambridge, Mass.,
1968, pp. 104-110.
. "Corydon Had a Rival," The Victorian Newsletter. TXT
(Spring 1961), 5-10.
. Innocent Victorian The Satiric Poetry of Arthur Hugh Clough.
Columbus, Ohio, 1966.
. "The lyrics of Arthur Hugh Cloughi Their Background and Form."
Dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1956.
. "The Poetic Theory of Arthur Hugh Clough," English Studies,
XHH (1962), 240-247.
. "Review of Arthur Hugh Clough The Uncommitted Mind by
Katharine Chorley," Joynal of English and German Philology,
LEE, No. 3 (October 1962), 937-9^0.
. "The 'True Creed' of Arthur Hugh Clough," Modem Language
Quarterly, XXI (September I960), 208-222,
Veyriras, Paul, Arthur Hugh Clough. 1819-1861. Paris, 1964.
The Victorian Poets A Guide to Research, ed. Frederic E. Faverty. 2nd ed.
Cambridge, Mass., 1968.
"Victorian Bibliography," Victorian Studies, ed. Ronald E. Freeman.
Bloomington, Ind,, 1957-.
Waddington, Samuel. Arthur Hugh Clough. London, 1883.
Ward, Wilfrid, WiVHam George Ward and the Oxford Movement. London &
New York, I889.
Ward, William Reginald. Victorian Oxford. London, 1965.
Willey, Basil. Nineteenth Century Studiesi Coleridge to Matthew Arnold.
New York, 196,


30
group. The group published a periodical, Politics for the People, and
themselves taught in a night school for the poor of Great Ormond's Yard.
By April, 1850, they also had been instrumental in the formation of
the first of several cooperative workshops designated as the Working
Tailors' Association.
Clough's connection with this group was haphazard and informal.
He did not have the disposition of the active reformer though he agreed
with the Socialistic aspirations and sympathized with the Socialistic
groups in the Paris revolution while he was there in the summer of
1848.Clough was listed among the nearly twenty that formed the
group in its early stages. However, there is little in Clough's cor
respondence of this period to indicate a great deal of active partici
pation. Nevertheless, he was somewhat involved and he was certainly
personally sympathetic. In a way that was typical of his temperament,
he did not identify himself totally with the Socialist position, but
thought through his own position and then kept that position open for
reexamination. Yet when, as a speaker, he came before an assembly of
the Working Tailors' Association they naturally expected him to support
their aspirations and goals.
Clough opened his remarks to the Working Tailors' Association
in the way they anticipated, showing that he was in sympathy with them,
"Gentlemen! I am a fixed customer of two of your cooperative establish
ments..,. May they prosper!"^ However, he promptly presented his
purpose in this address concerning their doctrines, "that as regards
them there seems to be something to be said on the other side,Which
ought to be said."2*0 Then Clough began to present what he believed


132
times in the Book of James (I18 and 4|8) though it appears more fre
quently in some other early Christian literature, notably the first and
second books of Clement and in Hennas, In James and elsewhere it is
used to mean doubting, hesitating, and,more literally, double-minded,3*+
It is translated as "double-minded" in the new English translation of
the New Testament in both places where it appears in James, The first
use of the word in James gives an idea of the connotations of the term.
In Chapter One of the Book of James, at the beginning, the author is
asserting that God will give wisdom to those who ask in faith, without
doubting, "for the doubter is like a heaving sea ruffled by the wind.
A man of that kind must not expect the Lord to give him anything; he
is double-minded, and never can keep a steady course,"35 In James,
Chapter Four, the author is again talking about prayer and castigates
those who pray for worldly things i "Have you never learned that love
of the world is enmity to God?"36 And a few lines later James urges
a greater closeness to God and suggests that moral purity is important
in that regard, "Sinners make your hands clean; you who are double-
minded, see that your motives are pure,3? The contexts in James are
suggestive of the character of Dipsychus who was vacillating and who
was also concerned for the purity of his motives,
Veyriras points out that the term "dipsychus" often appears in
Newman's sermons to describe those people who are divided between re
ligion and the world, Veyriras offers the possibility that Clough be
came acquainted with the term from some of Newman's lectures or sermons,38
It is likely that Clough's attention was called to the term through
Newman, but since its use in James is so appropriate for Clough's use


127
shown to be grounded in his earlier experience as a child and school
boy became a live problem to Clough because of his situation at Univer
sity Hall.
That the basic tension of Dipsychus is substantially as it has
been described above is generally recognized by critics. Badger says
that the conflict in Dipsychus is between the tender conscience and the
world.2 Armstrong suggests that the conflict is expressed by a tone
which suggests defeated submission to the world in contrast to an ob
jective assertion of the victory of the idealistic side,21 Houghton
sees Dipsychus as a record of a youthful "moral passion for personal
integrity and dedicated action" which must be sacrificed "to the con
ventional mores and self-centered goals of adult Ufe,... The struggle
to maintain them /the idealistic views/ and their ultimate defeat is
the theme of Dipsychus."22 Though these critics can be observed to
agree that the subject of the poem is found in the tension between
idealism and worldly compromise, it can also be observed that they do
not agree on which side the poet intended to be victorious. Obviously
Houghton feels that Clough intended to record the defeat of idealism,
but another critic, Ryals, like Armstrong, asserts, "Nothing in the
poem suggests that Dipsychus is led to defeat, that in the end he makes
a wrong choice} on the contrary, he is applauded for accepting the course
which common sense dictates ,',23
This kind of disagreement about the final outcome of the con
flict is surprising in the face of the general agreement about the
central tension of the poem. The situation can be clarified, however,
when one applies a suggestion made in Chapter One. It was there main-


47
his headmaster at Rugby, was saying about the interpretation of
Scripture, he found that he had to cope with a substantially different
view. Dr. Arnold had become aware of the German criticism through his
reading of Coleridge and by his own independent studies. Out of these
studies and his own thought Dr. Arnold concluded that revelation is
progressivethat the God who is revealed early in Jewish history is
only the revelation of God that He thought they were prepared to under
stand. In the cruelty which He displays in the slaughter of the
Amalekites which He commands Saul to undertake, Dr. Arnold saw God
revealing Himself in the only way that the people of that time could
comprehend and since, essentially, God was asking Saul for self-denial,
Christians, who have the additional revelation of the New Testament,
should see the lesson of self-denial and not think that God would be
really pleased by wholesale slaughter of an entire nation. What Dr.
Arnold's concept of progressive revelation means in practice is that
the Christian reader of the Bible is instructed to consider the Old
Testament stories as if they were a series of ''parables" from which
he is to draw a moral appropriate to himself and the fuller degree of
revelation that he as a Christian possesses.^
While Clough was in Oxford his contact with the Oxford Move
ment was intimate. Though he rarely had contact with Newman as an
undergraduate, his mathematical tutor was W. D. Ward, who later (1844)
published The Ideal of a Christian Church, which can be characterized
as an expansion of Tracts for the Times, number ninety.^5 jn 1845
Ward entered the Roman Catholic Church. During Clough's early years
at Oxford, Ward was not only Clough's tutor but his friend as well.


32
periences in Paris led him to conclude that the utopian aspirations
behind radical reform were practically certain to be disappointed in
England too at this time. He wished to bring the tailors in his audi
ence to a more comprehensive view of their situation through his con
tradiction of their own utopian dreams,
Interestingly enough, however, in order to enlarge his audience's
grasp of the situation, Clough even went so far as to deny some of the
beliefs that he currently held, as, for example, later in the speech
he presented a cogent argument in support of competition, "And suppose
in this race of competition a man beats me! how has it happened?
By his own superiority, by luck, or by trickery. In the first case,
Eternal Justice is pleased, and so ought I to be; in the second case,
I must hope for a better chance next time, in the thirdI must take
42
care and keep a better look out." One does not need to look very
far into Clough's life or his poetry to find many items of proof to
show that such a view of competition is in direct contradiction to his
own views, His poem "In the Great Metropolis" presented in brief
Clough's own antagonism to the whole idea of competition. Its bitter
tone and the sharpness of its satire demonstrate Clough's opposition
to competition with a forceful cynicism that is unusual for him.
Clough's satire is usually more dialectic, more sceptical and open-
minded than in this poem, and by its unusual force the depth of Clough's
own feelings against competition can be judged. One cannot probably
sense the bitterness by an examination of merely one or two quotes,
but Clough's sharpness will at least begin to show itself in the second
stanzai "And when the schoolboys grow to men,/ In life they learn it


104
Probably the basic obstacle to Clough's non-realization much
earlier of what duty should mean to him was the various constructions
often placed upon the concept of duty during his time. The primary
opposing view of duty was the idea of conventional dutythe idea that
one should do as one was expected to do. In Victorian society gener
ally, and especially in the upper circles where Clough moved, the idea
that one should do the "proper thing" was thoroughly entrenched and
Clough met with it at every turn. This was the first misconception
of duty which Clough castigated in his poetry and probably the clearest
expression of his disapproval of it is found in his poem "Dutythat's
to say complying." In the early part of the poem he clearly shows that
he is treating such a conventional sense of social duty, A few lines
will serve to illustrate this. "Dutythat's to say complying/ With
whate'er's expected here.../ Upon etiquette relying,/ Claims of manners
honour still."99 Armstrong points out, quite properly, that Clough's
objection to this fora of duty was that it restricted intellectual and
moral freedom,100 The lines which show this most clearly are in the
second part of the poem where Clough says of this conventional type
of duty, "'Tis the stern and prompt suppressing,/ As an obvious deadly
sin,/ All the questing and the guessing/ Of the soul's own soul within."101
Clough concludes that the result of adopting such an idea of duty is
"Moral blank, and moral void,/ Life at very birth destroyed."102 The
moral life of the individual is certainly destroyed by the total, un
questioning acceptance of a social code of duty because that code will
cause most of his future moral decisions to be a matter of routine for
any person adopting it. The capacity for active, personal decision will
be dead.


same time he is left totally free to form his own personal conclusion
about the issue itself. This effect upon the reader parallels the func
tion which the ambivalent poetry served for Clough himself at the time
of his writing, Clough wrote most of his Dipsychian poetry during periods
of personal stress when the issues he treated in that poetry were for him
not resolvedi he used his poetry as a method by which he could examine
and consider the questions which troubled him.
The second chapter examines the primary internal tension that
generated most of Clough's Dipsychian poetry. This poetry, which was
for the most part written during the period from 1848 to 1852, reflects
Clough's concern at that time with the moral problem of how a man may
maintain moral purity and at the same time be actively involved with
the affairs of the world. This problem confronted Clough during this
period because, having left his somewhat sheltered position as an Oxford
don, he was forced into a more active involvement with life while at the
same time his common-sense appraisal of the realities of life and the
duty he felt to serve others as a practical expression of obedience to
God both seemed to force him into an active engagement with worldly af
fairs. The basis of Clough's moral conflict is traced through his early
life and aspects of this conflict are examined in several separate lyrics.
Clough's often overlooked, strong sense of reality was grounded in his
personality and was one source of the sincerity which is a prominent
characteristic of his poetry. His concern for moral purity, while not
unusual for an earnest Victorian, was heightened by his contacts with
Dr. Arnold and W. G. Ward.
An examination of Dipsychus in Chapter Three demonstrates how
the tension so generated finds a typically ambivalent expression in a
vi


70
Second Tale," which is the story of a man who loved a highland lassie
and had a child by her but through a tragic mischance was separated
from her and could not find her again until it was too late. When
Clough began to recover a little just prior to his final relapse, "he
insisted on trying to write it out," Mrs. Clough recalls of that pain
ful time, "and when this proved too great an effort he begged to dic
tate it. But he broke down before it was finished, and returned to
bed never to leave it again. A few days before his death he begged
for a pencil and contrived to write down two verses, and quite to the
end his thoughts kept hold of his poem.1-5 This aspect of his realistic
view of life never found its full expression outside of his poetry.
Always, to the very end of his life, the simple country life, sym
bolized by the highland lassie, eluded him.
Within his poetry, however, Clough's realistic attitude found
expression in ways other than dynamic, active heroes, realistic de
scription and symbolism of the plain rustic life, It was the person
ality core around which Clough formed certain aspects of his theory of
art. It was Clough's contention that poetry lost much of its power of
appeal for the readers of his time because it tended to deal only with
certain conventionally acceptable subjects. Clough's sense of the im
portance of the commonplace realities of daily existence led him to
urge the use of such material by the poets of his time. This view,
which was derived from Clough's robust appreciation of all aspects of
life, led him to posit a "social theory of art."16 Healthy art, from
Clough's point of view, "draws upon the whole life of its environment,"17
Armstrong believes that it was this theory that led Clough to deal with


109
Man must serve man, Clough felt, and the arena for that service had
to be within the ordinary commonplace life around one. But the question
of moral impurity immediately appeared. If one was to serve God and man
as a banker's clerk, for example, one became tainted by having to collect
usurious interest from the poor. Or if one engaged in business, com
petition could well force one to compromise the purity of his moral
principles. This was the tensionto serve others under God in daily
life, in the commonplace of worldly affairs and yet to maintain one's
moral purity which, he felt, was impossible when one became involved
in that very world in which he was to serve. This tension temporarily
immobilized Clough and his efforts to examine the problem of how to
actively participate in the world and yet remain morally pure gave rise
to the flood of Dipsychian poetry that dominated the years from 1848 to
1852, The poem Dipsychus fitly stands as Clough's masterpiece and
Dipsychus gives the fullest expression to this tension which generated
the other Dipsychian poems as well.


21
my store of thought and to the cultivation of the habits of my mind."20
In itself, the success or failure of Clough as a pedagogue would be
outside the scope of the discussion here, but when one recalls that
the Socratic teaching method in question is quite similar to the poetic
method under examination, and that Clough employed the Dipsychian poetic
method during the same period of time that he found teaching success
with a similar approach, then it becomes apparent that there may be
more than an accidental relationship between the two,
Walter Bagehot definitely links Clough's success as a teacher
with his gently questioning habit when he says, "Several survivors
may think they owe much to Mr. Clough's quiet question, 'Ah, then, you
think?' Many pretending creeds and many wonderful demonstrations,
passed away before that calm inquiry. x It seems quite likely, there
fore, that Clough would have been told by his students about the bene
fit they had received from this method, but even if he were not told,
a teacher could sense the method that worked well for him. It may be
that when Clough found himself facing a similar situation in his poetry
when he wished to use poetry to stimulate thought on issues of im
portance to him and that were of equal concern to his readersClough
either deliberately or unconsciously developed the Dipsychian poetry
on either the pattern of his successful Socratic teaching method or
for the same reasons that he used that Socratic method. The reason
for the questioning method in Clough's teaching is reflected in the
comments made about it. Sir Edward Fry said it added "to the culti
vation of the habits" of his mind. Bagehot pointed out how it dis
solved fallacious beliefs. Certainly, then, it can be assumed that


154
issue is not resolved, the reader can be thankful for such a full and
perceptive examination of the problem. Furthermore, the fact that no
simplistic resolution is offered by the poet provides each reader with
the opportunity to reach his own resolution, a resolution in harmony
with his own circumstances and his individual personality.
Several writers and critics, such as Graham Greene and V. C.
Pritchett, have testified to the contemporary relevance of Clough's
poetry as was indicated in Chapter Two. The primary function of this
discussion has been to remove one of the stumbling blocks that many
modern readers encounter in the poetry of Clough. When the average
reader is confronted with the Dipsychian ambivalence, he is initially
puzzled and if he is the kind of reader who is seeking authoritative
answers, he will reject the whole body of Clough's writing because of
the frustrating ambivalence of the Dipsychian portion of it. Not all
of Clough's poetry is characterized by this ambivalence, as Timko
points out throughout his book, The Innocent Victorian, but there is
enough ambivalent poetry to have given Clough his frequent characteri
zation as a poet of doubt and to have set much of the tone of negative
criticism of Clough. It was therefore important that the purposes
which the Dipsychian poetry served for their creator were thoroughly
examined. The sources of the basic personal disharmony which generated
the Dipsychian poetry needed to be examined to illustrate exactly how
Clough's tension between the realistic and the idealistic sides of
his nature came to the forefront of his attention during certain stress
ful periods of his life. Thus armed with an understanding of Clough's


72
so easy to use words to misrepresent facts, Clough believed, that even
vocal prayers to God could be of questionable value. In a discussion
with young Thomas Arnold one evening, Clough offered the opinion "That
in view of the dangers of unreality and self-delusion with which vocal'
prayers were beset, it was questionable how far their use was of ad
vantage to the soul."21 In the use of words, the danger which Clough
sensed for himself as a writer was that he would become like other
writers he had known who had become "so incapable of writing, or even
speaking, except"'in character'...without giving you a chance of seeing
what they really are off the stage... There! that is one of the mis
chiefs and miseries of authorship which deters me."22 This was not
really some hypermoralistic pretense on Clough's part. He was always
genuinely concerned that he should never deceive himself or others.
Furthermore, as we have seen that Clough employed his writing to work
out some of his own problems, it would obviously make such a process
of personal problem-solving impossible if he began to "take a part"
or in any way deny his inner reality when he engaged in writing. For
his writing to continue as a psychological therapy, he had to main
tain a strict sincerity in spite of the very real temptations in a
contrary direction. This is what Clough referred to when he wrote to
his fiance, Miss Blanche Smith, toward the close of his Dipsychian
period about a possible career as a writerj "I do soberly think it
replete with temptations and probable mischief for me,"23
There was an allied danger that Clough may well have felt if
he had lapsed into insincerity in writing, Clough was peculiarly de
pendent upon his orientation toward reality. It was one of the corner-


128
tained that an essential quality of a Dipsychian poem was its ambiguity,
and that such ambiguity was not resolved within the poem. Furthermore,
Clough was shown to structure the Dipsychian poems in such a way as to
allow each reader to examine the question for himself and to arrive at
his own solution to the question. Apparently that is what has happened.
But the poem itself did not suggest a resolution. Levy says, "It is
really a long debate with no conclusive ending,Dickinson agrees
that Dipsychus does not suggest a resolution! "The obvious criticism
of the poem is that it is diffuse and that the conflicts in it are never
resolved.^5 The thoroughgoing ambivalence of the poem confirms its
Dipsychian character.
In Chapter One it was stated that the period between 1848 and
1852 was Clough's period of greatest personal stress and also the period
of his greatest poetic production. It can be easily understood how,
for a man like Clough, such a situation as that in which he found him
self at University Hall would cause considerable stress. Moreover,
the year Just prior to the composition of Dipsychus was "the worst year
of his life,"2^ In another of his intimate letters to his friend, young
Thomas Arnold, Clough describes the year 1850 "My situation here under
a set of mercantile Unitarians is no way charming."27 The two words
"mercantile" and "Unitarian" will suggest the basic tension of this
period to someone who has become aware of the fact that the tension
consisted first of all in pressure to conform to middle class,
worldly standards, and also to avoid the intolerance around him by a
religious compliance. The intensity of Clough's inner struggle is in
dicated by a couple of sentences found in the letter Just quoted!


162
Carlyle, Thomas. On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History.
London, I897. '
Castan, C. "Clough's 'Epi-Strauss-ium' and Carlyle," Victorian Poetry.
IV (Winter 1966), 54-56, iL
Chorley, 'Katharine. Arthur Hugh Clough1 The Uncommitted Mind. Oxford,
1962.
Clough, Arthur Hugh. A Selection from Arthur Hugh Clough, ed. John
Purkis, London, I960.
. The Correspondence of Arthur Hugh Clough, ed. Frederick L.
Hulhauser, 2 vols. Oxford, 1957.
. The Poems of Arthur Hugh Clough, ed. A. L. P. Norrington.
London, 1968.
. The Poems of Arthur Hugh Clough, eds, Howard Foster Lowry,
A. L. P. Norrington and Frederick L. Mulhauser. Oxford, 1951.
. Poems of Arthur Hugh Clough, ed. Charles Whibley. London.
1920.
. Poems of Clough, ed. H. S, Milford. London, 1910.
. The Poems and Prose Remains of Arthur Hugh Clough with a
Selection from His Letters and a Memoir, ed, Blanche Smith Clough.
2 vols. London, 1869.
. Selected Prose Works of Arthur Hugh Clough, ed. Buckner B.
Trawick, University, Alabama, 1904.
and Thomas Arnold. New Zealand Letters of Thomas Arnold the
Younger with Further Letters from Van Pieman's Land and Letters
of Arthur Hugh Clough, 1847-1051. ed. James Bertram. London, 1966,
Cooper, Alan. "Clough and the Anti-Hero Aspects of Defeat in the Longer
Poetry of Arthur Clough, Dissertation, Columbia University, 1967.
Creighton, Louise, 'Mfe and Letters of Thomas Hodgkin. London, 1917
Davis, John D, Dictionary of the Bible. 4th ed. Grand Rapids, Mich.,
1958.
Dickinson, Patrie. "Books in General, The New Statesman and Nation,
XXVI (October 23, 1943), 271.
Ehrsam, Theodore George and Robert H. Deily. Bibliographies of Twelve
Victorian Authors. New York, 1938.


6
support such a reassessment. The first piece of evidence to indi
cate that Clough was far from indecisive is the obvious strength of
his will which is demonstrated in the moral and physical self-discipline
that he maintained from the time he was a boy at Rugby. Furthermore,
there is the resolute courage that characterized not only his inde
pendence of thought, but was also apparent in his willing involvement
with both the Paris revolution in 1848 and the Italian revolution in
Rome in 1849. But probably most significant of all is the assessment
of Clough's friends and acquaintances. Palgrave, Matthew Arnold and
the many others who wrote of Clough in memoirs and letters after his
death returned over and over to the idea that Clough's death ended a
life that held much more than the usual promise for significant accom
plishment. Nor was this a view which was prompted simply by the fact
of his early death. From the time when Clough had become Dr. Arnold's
prize pupil at Rugby and throughout his entire life thereafter, men
of accomplishment, such as Emerson, Dr. Arnold, and Tennyson, expected
Clough's life would yield great achievements. Surely such successful
and perceptive men as these would not expect a weak, indecisive char
acter to accomplish much in life. Clough's undeniable courage and
independence of mind cannot co-exist within a character weakened by
basic irresolution. It therefore becomes impossible not to conclude,
as do some modern critics of Clough such as Michael Timko, that ir
resolution could not be the character basis of the ambivalence in
Clough's poetry.^
From a consideration of the previous material it becomes ap
parent that an adequate discussion of the poetry of Arthur Hugh Clough


87
challenges the basic assumption of the whole poem in the very last lines.
He presents the possibility that tortures every independent thinker.
What if what he believes is so true turns out, in fact, to be only his
imagination and not reality at all? Clough sets this idea apart from
the rest of the poem in, what for him, is a rather amateurish fashion.
After nine lines that have been given to an energetic description of
the dance as he imagines it would be if his own inner music should soon
accord with that of others, then Clough interrupts the gay picture by
repeating three times, "alas!" This device serves to mark the final
turn in this Dipsychian poemthe questioning of the premise itself.
"Alas! alas! alas! and what if all along/ The music is not sounding?"^7
With that striking twist in the thought of the poem, not only is the
truth of his own inner truth brought into question, but Clough's sug
gestion that there may not be any music at all implies that all the
dancers are simply dancing to accommodate each other. No one has re
sponded to truth. None are in accord with reality. And even the truth
that the poet feels within himself may be only a species of self-decep
tion after all. This would finally mean that nothing is possible except
a lie.. And so this poem presents a double Dipsychian balance. Then
Clough, by his ending to the poem, presents the second set of alter
natives, Is it possible to be true to reality or not? This poem, be
yond being a clever example of Clough's Dipsychian poetry, serves to
illustrate how far Clough's thought has progressed beyond Dr. Arnold's
simple morality in regard to the matter of lying.
That Clough moved beyond Dr. Arnold is only to be expected.
Most of Dr. Arnold's pupils did the same.The typical pattern, as


41
period than he did during the early years at Oxford, and thus the
major factor seems to be the greater degree of personal stress which
Mrs, Clough indicates was characteristic of these years.
A further observation must be made about the poetic production
during the years from 1848 to 1852, and that is that most of Clough's
Dipsychian poetry was written during this period. It may be assumed
that the inner stress which characterizes this period finds its
natural expression in the Dipsychian form. The tension between felt
opposites which constitutes mental stress is precisely the psycho
logical tension which Dipsychian poetry was formed to express. Clough
had created this particular pattern of poetry out of his own experi
ence during this "dreariest, loneliest period of his life."
Besides the coincidence of Clough's periods of poetic activity
with his periods of internal stress, there are other indicators that
Clough was at least partly motivated toward using his poetry to aid
himself in objectifying and eventually in resolving the tensions that
wracked him. One such indicator is that Clough's poems, to a striking
degree, reflect his personal experience and his own personality. Such
a personally oriented subject matter and style suggest that Clough may
well have used his poems to deal with the problems, both philosophical
and personal, that tried him. It is a commonplace of criticism to
observe that a writer's creation reflects his own experience. This
is, of course, true of Clough and can be seen even on a superficial
level by recognizing that the settings of each of Clough's major poems
were drawn from his immediate experience.
For several years, while in Oxford, Clough had journeyed to


69
with everyday reality. Hewson eventually chooses a highland country
lassie for a wife and emigrates to Australia to take up farming.
From the time that Clough was nearly eighteen he expresses in his
poetry the high valuation, similar to Hewson's, that he places upon
such a plain life. For example, in the early poem, "An Incident,"
Clough gives praise "Of hbme and homely duties met,/ And charities
of daily life."1^ This sort of desire finds its symbolic represent
ation in the recurring symbol of the highland lassie and a picture
of a life with her removed from the artificialities of life and the
intellectualism that Clough sometimes felt impinged upon his life.
One of Clough's mature poems which best expresses this longing for
the plain life is " Oes peta oou" in The Ambarvalia. There Clough
writes about the type of plain life he yearns to livea life closely
in touch with natural reality! "With worldly comforts few and far,
how glad were I to stayj/ I fall to sleep with dreams of life in some
black bothie spent,/ Coarse poortith's ware thou changing there to
gold of pure content,/ With barefoot lads and lassies round, and thee
the cheery wife,/ In the braes of old Lochaber a laborious homely
life."14
This longing for a plain life, close to reality, stayed with
Clough to the end of his life. It appears, with its symbol, the high
land lassie, in the very last poem that Clough wrote, "The Lawyer's
Second Tale," in his Mari Magno. To get a sense of how close to his
heart this longing was, one needs only to consider Mrs. Clough's pic
ture of the last days before Clough's death when she was with him in
Florence. During this time Clough returned to work on "The Lawyer's


88
Woodward examines it in her study of several of Dr. Arnold's most
prominent pupilsClough among themis that these students, as they
developed to manhood and old age, took aspects of Dr. Arnold's thought
far beyond where he himself had taken it. Of course, this can be partly
accounted for by the fact that Dr. Arnold died before he reached fifty
years of age. Presumably, if he had lived longer, he might have de
veloped his thought in much the same directions that his pupils did.
But since he died quite early in life, his pupils were free to think
of him as he had seemed to them while they were schoolboys, and, per
haps a bit unfairly, they did criticize his thought and his method of
teaching.
Clough, perhaps because he was actively engaged in education
throughout his life, found some fault with Dr. Arnold's method of
teaching. Even while Dr. Arnold was alive many people found fault with
his method of putting a heavy responsibility for the morality of the
schoolboys upon the older students. They complained about his "forcing
youth into manhood.59 This was not the ground of objection that Clough
took. Clough's principal objection was that Dr. Arnold put too heavy
an emphasis upon the moral character of young boys. Clough wished that
Dr. Arnold had placed less emphasis upon moral purity and had allowed
more freedom from moral evaluation. In the "Epilogue to Dipsychus
Clough puts this type of an objection into the mouth of the old Uncle
when the Uncle objects to the Rugby students by stating, "They're all
so pious." And the Uncle adds that the reason that he objects to this
piety is that it makes boys so trained unfit to engage in the active
life of worldly reality when they become men. "They're so full of the


3
Clough a doubter. Even while James Russell Lowell praised Clough as
being representative of his times, he characterized Clough as repre
senting "the doubt and struggle towards settled convictions, of the
period in which he lived.Lowell knew Clough well enough to recog
nize that he was not a mere doubter but rather that he was struggling
toward settled convictions, A more typical Victorian view of Clough
in this regard is presented by the review of Ambarvalia in the Guardian
on March 28, 1849. There, though the reviewer praised Clough for
thoughtful power, he was disturbed by what he identified as Clough's
doubting temper and therefore he believed that the book was morally
dangerous, asserting that a wide circulation of these poems "will do
2
more harm than good." Such a response grows naturally out of the
general feeling of religious insecurity characteristic of the times.
A response to Clough's poetry which regards it as merely the
poetry of doubt, though widespread and certainly understandable in
the context of the Victorian Age, does not take into account at least
two very important matters. It omits both Clough's personal, positive
orientation towards Christianity and, more significantly, it omits
Clough's poetic expression of such positive orientation in poems such
as "Say not the struggle nought availeth. Therefore, would it not be
more accurate to suggest that though Clough subjected religious matters
to a searching scrutiny, he still held a living, personal faith in the
central Christian truths? Clough is probably not a poet reduced to
doubt and despair by the destruction of his early orthodox faith. In
stead, his poetry can be seen as an examination of the religious issues


51
time, and gave a kind of colour to everything I heard, has occasionally
in times of excitement come over me, shrouding me as it were in a mist,
nay, sometimes coming even within me and giving its ghostly spectre
like tone to thoughts even before they had acquired the definite sound
of words."00 Clough then goes on to tell Simpkinson how this mood has
entered his religious thoughts. "It has sometimes been quite dreadful
to feel one's prayers for aid, whilst they are being breathed to God,
infected with this loathsome disease. Sometimes however I felt quite
triumphant in the consciousness that it could not touch my heart...and
that the evil spirit had no power there."^9 As the letter draws to
a close, Clough's introspective mood turns him to a consideration of
his thoughts while he was writing this letter. "All the while I have
been writing this I have been in a constant struggle against evil
thoughts which are like the waves of the tide running in5 as soon as
one retires, one rolls over and is almost beyond the other's original
mark."7 This letter illustrates not only Clough's tendency to intro
spection as an adolescent, but also shows that Clough felt a danger in
introspection for himself personally. But in spite of that, the intro
spection was continued throughout his life, at least until the time of
his marriage. Such introspection was most intense, however, not during
his Rugby period, but*instead, during the other two more poetically
productive periodswhile at Oxford, and especially during his most
creative period, 1848 through 1852. Veyriras has observed the relation
ship between Clough's periods of introspection and those periods of
special trial and greater creativity. 71-
Miss Chorley's following statement, concerning the relation-


126
in Scene VII after Dipsychus recited his "Easter Day" ode, the worldly
Spirit complains about the vagueness of the views presented "Well,
now it's anything but clear.... That's a great fault; you're this and
that...and nothing flat.1 Furthermore, Spirit counsels Dipsychus to
drop his questioning attitude and to conform to accepted religious
views. Spirit says, "That in religious as profane things/ 'Twas use
less trying to explain things; / Men's business-wits the only sane things,/
These and compliance are the main things."-^ Compliance was worldly
counsel. Certainly Clough recognized that compliance would make him
more acceptable to the University Hall Council.
Compliance, however, meant moral compromise to Clough, But
his situation at University Hall clearly showed him that compliance in
religion and in practical affairs seemed to be the way of the world.
His present problem, then, was whether he should submit. This is the
central theme of Dipsychus, the poem that he wrote at this time. He
had not resolved the question and therefore Dipsychus is necessarily
ambivalent. The poem is the lengthy examination of the issue from
both sides: it is the psychological drama of the mind poised before
a decision, a mind that thrusts and turns the question first one way
and then another. Clough was seeking resolution of the question and
was also using the poem to give vent to his feelings on the alternate
sides of the question. It has been shown that there was a realistic
side to Clough as well as an idealistic side. He could see a certain
justice in the necessity of submission to the world's way of life, but
his overriding concern for moral purity made any merely practical so
lution of his dilemma impossible. The basic tension that has been


98
and courage in that dutywas a frequent sermon theme and often this
exhortation was directed to the boys in the sixth form, providing them
with a moral support for their responsibilities toward their younger
charges. On one occasion, for example, Dr. Arnold's sermon turned to
this subject i "I cannot deny that you have an anxious dutya duty which
some might suppose was too heavy for your years...but that you are capa
ble of bearing, without injury, what to others might be a burden, and
therefore to diminish your duties and lessen your responsibility would
be no kindness, but a degradationan affront to you and to the school."'7
What teenage Rugbian would not respond to such a show of confidence in
his maturity and judgment?
Dr. Arnold regularly addressed his sixth form on the subject
of their duties, usually at the beginning or at the end of the half
year. Since they were his own class with whom he met daily, his tone
was naturally more intimate, but his urging that they undertake their
duty in all seriousness was no less dynamic than it was in the chapel
addresses he gave. Stanley records one such address presented to the
sixth form. "Speaking to you, as to young men who can enter into what
I say, I wish you to feel that you have another duty to perform, holding
the situation that you do in the school} of the importance of this I
wish you all to feel sensible, and of the enormous influence you possess,
in ways in which we cannot, for good or for evil, on all below you."88
On another occasion Dr. Arnold told the sixth form, "You should feel,"
he said, "like officers in the army or navy, whose want of moral courage
would, indeed, be thought cowardice."^9
All such frequent admonitions toward duty were not lost upon


8
importance in his poetry, they often formed the major substance of
his letters. Two of his four major works (The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich
and Amours de Voyage) are intimately involved with social-political
issues. Since social issues do inform a significant part of Clough's
poetry it is apparent that he did use poetry to express his social ideas.
The major problems, however, that Clough subjects to a poetic
scrutiny are not socio-political issues but rather religious and philo
sophical dilemmas. As a concerned student of Christianity throughout
his life and as a teacher of philosophy, this is only to be expected.
Although many thoughtful Englishmen were concerned with these problems,
Clough did not treat these ideas simply because they were of general
concern; he dealt with them because they were of immediate, pressing,
personal concern. They were often treated in Clough's characteristi
cally ambivalent fashion because Clough himself was at this time poised
in the thoughtful hesitation before decision. The strenuous intel
lectual force which he employed in the balanced consideration of the
philosophical alternatives, and Clough's shifts from one to another
class of religious and philosophical problems under consideration re
flect both the intensity and the progress of his concerns as his life's
situation was altered. The problems that he faced in Rugby were
naturally different from those he had to face in Oxford, or again
after Oxford, or those he faced when he returned from America, For
this reason the consideration of Clough's life becomes an essential
element in any full discussion of his poetry. The study of Clough's
ambivalent mind, as it probes the alternate sides of the problems he
faced on the testing ground of his poetry, leads to the very center


164
Lutonsky, Paula. Arthur Hugh Clough. Wien & Leipzig, 1912,
MacCarthy, Sir Desmond. Portraits. New York, 1954.
Mack, Edward Clarence and W. H. G. Armytage. Thomas Hughes The Life
of the Author of "Tom Brown's Schooldays." London, 1952,
Miyoshi, Masao. "Clough's Poems of Self-Irony," Studies in English
Literature, V (Autumn 1965), 691-704,
National Council of Teachers of English. Contemporary Literary Scholar
ship A Critical Review, ed. Lewis Leary, New York, 1958.
The New English Bible 1 New Testament. Oxford & Cambridge, 1961.
Newman, Cardinal John Henry. Apologia Pro Vita Sua, ed. A. Dwight
Culler. Boston, 1956.
Norton, Charles Eliot. "Arthur Hugh Clough," The Atlantic Monthly, IX
(April 1862), 462-469.
Osborne, James Insley. Arthur Hugh Clough. London, 1920.
Palgrave, Francis T. "Arthur Hugh Clough," Fraser's Magazine. LXV
(April 1862), 527-536.
Palmer, Francis W. "The Bearing of Science on the Thought of Arthur
Hugh Clough," Publications of the Modern Language Association
of America, LEX (March 1944), 212-225.
, "The Relation of Arthur Hugh Clough to the Intellectual Move
ments of the Time." Dissertation, Iowa University, 1939.
. "Was Clough a Failure?" Philological Quarterly, XXH
(January 19^3) 58-68,
Pritchett, Victor S. Books in General. London, 1953*
Ryals, Clyde De L. "An Interpretation of Clough's Dipsychus, Victorian
Poetry, I (August 1963) 182-188.
Shaekford, Martha Hale. "The Clough Centenary! His Dipsychus." The
Sewanee Review, XXVII (October 1919) 401-410,
Sidgwick, Henry. Miscellaneous Essays and Addresses. New York, 1968.
Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn. The Life and Correspondence of Thomas Arnold,
D. D. 6th ed. London, 1846,


16
he wrote "Jacob." Browning's "The Bishop Orders His Tomb at Saint
Praxed's Church" was certainly known to Clough. We can be sure of
that not only because Clough kept up with the current literary scene,
but Clough specifically mentioned Browning's series, Bells and Pome
granates in a letter to some publishers as a possible prototype for
Clough's and Burbidge's Ambarvalia.^ The surface resemblance be
tween the dying Bishop speaking to his "nephews" and the dying Jacob
speaking to his sons is itself significant. The use, however, to
which irony is employed marks the major contrast between Clough's
Dipsychian irony and Browning's use of irony. Houghton provides a
clue about "Jacob" when he writes, "Clough has all of Browning's
insight into the recesses of consciousness but none of his power to
O
create a living scene." That is not quite true. Clough can create
a living scene as Houghton himself says when he discusses The Bothie
of Tober-na-Vuolich, "...the sense of actual life is so firmly
created."9 The more accurate statement would be that Clough does
not choose to create a living scene in "Jacob" because Clough
wishes to focus attention upon an intellectual problem. Clough is
interested in the problem that many Christians face in their obedience
to God. They wish to obey, but they are not given explicit instruc
tions in the minutiae of their lives, and, consequently, they interpret
such lack of instruction according to the wishes of their own per
sonal temperament. Thus Jacob found himself striving to gather ma
terial advantage when he would have been given those necessary things,
as Abraham was, without scheming and strife.
Browning, on the other hand, was more interested in the irony


108
in Clough's idea of duty. "His idea of duty as service takes on a
positive quality.... It is, obviously, his attempt to make religion
meaningful in one's life. "^9
It is precisely here that the duty to service under God brings
forth the Dipsychian tension. Clough insisted that under God, service
to others should be rendered through the ordinary course of life.
This is nowhere more clearly stated than in his "Review of Mr. Newman's
The Soul," In that review Clough recognized that after devotions to
God, after prayers, prayer meetings and the sacraments, one rose from
his knees with an earnest desire to serve God, asking, "What shall I
do?" Clough specifically rejected the usual stereotype religious ex-
pression of service such as District-visiting, society-management, or
school attendance because these activities have only the most arbitrary
connection with the desire to truly serve God. Clough's sense of the
genuine importance of reality now comes to the forefront. If man was
truly to serve God, Clough believed, it must be within the ordinary con
text of daily life and not in mere conventionally acceptable or in im
personal, institutionalized service. "We are here," Clough wrote,
"However we came, to do something...to live according to Nature, to
serve God. The World is here, however it came here, to be made some
thing of by our hands."HO
In summation, the concept of duty to serve others which for
Clough was grounded in devotion to God, leads inexorably to direct,
personal involvement with the world. His sense of reality, however,
did not permit him to retreat to mere devotional exercises and his
sense of duty did not allow him to abandon the whole question entirely.


31
these Socialistic partisans should hear of views in opposition to their
own. He did this hoping for the same effects that he strove for in the
Dipsychian poetry-that they would reconsider and deepen their under
standing of the total situation. His sympathy with their cause was
genuine,. but his searching mind saw objections that he felt they should
be aware of, and so he structured his speech in such a way as to ex
pand his audience's awareness of the issues. Since they, in their own
beliefs, represented one side of the issue, Clough had determined to
present the other side to them. In this way a dialogue of the two
sides could be formed.
Clough's basic objections were to the utopian elements in their
doctrines. He objected to their hopes of an idealized Christian brother
hood through their workingmen's associations. And certainly the later
developments of these groups bore him out. Clough also presented to
the tailors assembled before him his objections to their utopian social
goals. He criticized their hopes of eliminating poverty and drunkenness.
"Soberly, because you are good, will there be no more bad men? Because
tailors divide profits equally, will there be no more fools and brutes?
Because shoemakers have a common purpose, will spiritous liquors cease
to tempt.. ,?"^
If Clough's political views were not known from other sources
than this speech, his politics would be certainly thought to be rather
conservative, if not in fact reactionary, considering that he is pre
senting such a conservative speech to an audience of socialists. But
Clough, while in Paris, had seen the French socialists fail to gain
significant strength during the revolution of 1848 and Clough's ex-


35
speech to the Working Tailors' Association proved him to be a sup
porter of laissez-faire capitalism, an assumption which would be patently
in error in light of his support of the Working Tailors' Association and
his various poetic expressions objecting to laissez-faire capitalism.
Furthermore, when the total effect of Dipsychian poetry is considered
in view of the fact that Clough is interested in widening his audience's
perception of the issue at hand, then one is prepared to recognize that
Dipsychian poetry is an attempt at comprehensiveness rather than some
weakness of will. Clough wished to bring his audience beyond accepted
schools of thought and closed systems of dogma. The goal he aimed to
attain through his presentation of both sides of an issue was that his
readers might be cognizant of the full complexity of the issue, just
as Clough's own logic and his honesty to his perceptions brought him
to see it. His diffidence toward his own conclusions, which Palgrave
pointed out in an earlier quote, rests on this impulse in Clough to
bring before his readers the entire question in all of its complexity.
That Clough chose a dipolar structure to do this in his Dipsychian
poetry rather than some other structure that would provide for a dis
cussion of each of the shades of opinion between the extremes can also
be accounted for in terms of his proposed effect upon his audience. He
not only wished them to see the complexity of the issues but he also
wished that they might, by their own thoughtful reasoning, arrive at
a position uniquely their own. The reader would be less apt to choose
a position at one of the extremes when he could see the two extremes
set in opposition. In Dipsychus, for example, when he sees the coarse
worldliness of the Spirit, together with the naive idealism of Dipsychus,


58
this type of definition and description in the background, the im
portance of the forthcoming study of the unique characteristics of
Clough's personality, which caused him to write in a Dipsychian fashion,
will be apparent. It remains to be shown how these special personality
characteristics operated upon particular issues so as to find expres
sion in Dipsychian poetry.


96
The importance of Clough's attitude toward duty can also be better
appreciated after the earlier discussions because Clough's sense of
duty was the final factor that brought him to the realization that he
had to express and perhaps work out in poetry the tension between purity
and involvement with the world. Sa Majes te" was forced into involve
ment with the world by his position as a king but Clough felt forced
into such involvement by the duty to serve others.
Since Clough received his early moral training from his mother
and her character has been indicated earlier, it is not surprising
that she was also the first source in building Clough's attitude toward
duty, as Osborne observes.-'- In laying an emphasis upon the necessity
of duty, Mrs. Clough was only doing what many other Victorian mothers
were doing. "In all religious quarters, children were brought up to
hear such constant emphasis on duty and self-sacrifice...that they were
under the necessity not only of being actuated by noble motives but of
not being actuated by any which were selfish, mean or destructive."^
The stories that Mrs. Clough read to her children reflect her own at
titude toward doing one's duty as well as the fact that she actively
taught her children to do the same. "Leonidas at Thermopylae, and
Epaminondas accepting the lowliest offices and doing them as a duty
to his country! the sufferings of the martyrs, and the struggles of
the Protestants, were among her favourite subjacts,"^ Veyriras com
ments on the effects which her training in morality and duty may have
had upon Clough. "II tient de sa mere une rigueur morale et un sens
du devoir qui risquent ses entreprises,"^ Whether, in fact, it ulti
mately prevented Clough from undertaking some actions that he should


57
he saw it while it was a problem to him. Both sides would seem equally
desirable or undesirable. The situation would be in balance. The
natural expression would be the ambivalent poetry that has been called
Dipsychian.
In this chapter the nature of Dipsychian poetry has been ex
plained by means of definition and description. The definition of Di
psychian poetry as it occurs in its objective expression was examined in
Clough's lyric, "Is it true, ye gods, who treat us." The expression of
the ironic mode of Dipsychian poetry was shown especially in Clough's use
of that mode in the poem "Jacob" where its relationship to psychological
patterns was also evident. The description of Dipsychian poetry would not
have been complete, however, without a study of the effects which Clough
intended to achieve. It becomes clear, when one examines Clough's Socratic
practice both as a teacher and as a poet, that he does not intend so much
to break down his readers' convictions as to bring them to an open-minded
reexamination of their own philosophy, Clough was also sufficiently self-
aware to recognize that he used poetry to assist himself with his own prob
lems The reader may recognize this when the relationship between the
periods of Clough's personal stress and his periods of great poetic crea
tivity were seen to coincide. Furthermore, when his personal experiences
were seen to be intimately linked with Clough's poetic expression, not only
in superficial matters but on the deeper level of his current emotional
involvement with the issues of which his poetry treats, then the reader
is prepared to understand the sort of benefits that Clough sought to
obtain from poetic creation as he described them in Dipsychus. With


150
milder and more ambiguous vein. He asserts, "I can but render /to Spirit7
what is of my will,/ And behind it somewhat remaineth still."83 what
is it which Dipsychus feels is out of Spirit's reach because even Dipsychus
cannot will it to Spirit's service? The answer is not explicit in the
poem. It seems that Dipsychus feels that it is impossible for a man
to completely sell his soul to the spirit of the world. Dipsychus says,
"Yet know, Mephisto, know, nor you nor i/ Can in this matter either sell
or buy;/ For the fee simple of this trifling lot/ To you or me, trust
8h
me, pertaineth not." This constitutes the weakness in the pact as
Dipsychus sees it. These "reservations," as Spirit calls them, are one
of the elements that must be considered in an examination of the Dipsy-
chian ambivalence in the ending of the poem.
The ambivalence of Dipsychus has two aspects. We have examined
the balance between Spirit and Dipsychus and have seen how evenly the
balance was maintained. Both characters and the ideas they represent
are presented with a careful attention to the truth on both sides.
Sidgwick, in writing about Clough, comments on Clough's capacity in
this regardi "He was philosophic in his horror of illusions and de
ceptions of all kinds,... He was made for a free-thinker.... His
skill lay in balancing assertions, comparing points of view."^5 While
Clough is struggling to come to a resolution of a problem, because of
this Dipsychian mind within him, the poems that he wrote in an attempt
to resolve that problem must be necessarily ambivalent. The ambiva
lence of Dipsychus is found not only in the balanced action and argu
ment of Dipsychus and Spirit, but it is also found in the fact that
there is no resolution of the problem at the poem's end. If the tone


80
My seat was on the opposite side with my back
to the South window of the Library, the full
light from which streamed upon Clough's face
when he raised his head.,,. The dark hair drawn
across the white broad brow; beneath, the dark
deep eyes, the long black lashes and the thought
ful countenance; and above all the almost feminine
expression of trust and affection with which he
looked up at Arnold in answering his questions
or hanging on his words.37
This recollection of a daily scene demonstrates most clearly that Clough
had come to be strongly influenced by the personality of Dr. Arnold.
Clough was not alone in falling under the great teacher's spell.
It seems that the most brilliant of his pupils were often the most re
sponsive to the character and the ideas of Dr. Arnold. A. P. Stanley,
who wrote the first biography of Dr. Arnold, was so much affected by
the personality of his teacher that it was not until he had left Rugby
and had been for some years at Oxford that "Arnold had ceased to be
his 'oracle,' he confessed, but he kept his reverence wholly."38 How
ever, when Dr. Arnold came up to Oxford in 1842 to take the Chair of
Modern History, he re-established his ascendancy over Stanley's mind.
It was not until Arnold's death that Stanley continued his own mental
development independently.39
Not all of Dr. Arnold's favorite students responded with such un
qualified admiration. Gell, who was a good friend of Clough's, did not
fall under the Doctor's spell because, Woodward suggests, Gell had
trained himself to resist authority figures in his revolt against the
rigid Evangelicalism of his own clergyman fatherAfter Gell had
left Rugby, however, he let himself grow closer to Dr. Arnold and so
it was upon Dr, Arnold's recommendation that Gell was offered the op
portunity of being appointed to establish a college in Van Dieman's


112
39Ibid.. p. 39.
4oIbid., p. 76.
^^Clough, Correspondence, I, 65.
1 p
^Clough, Poems and Prose Remains, p. 380,
4%r. Thomas Arnold, Miscellaneous Works, ed, Arthur Penrhyn
Stanley (London, 1874), p. 423,
^Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, The Life and Correspondence of Thomas
Arnold, D, D. (London, 1846), p. 84,
43Ibid.. pp. 91-92.
4%oughton, Victorian Frame of Mind, p, 231.
4?Dr. Thomas Arnold, Sermons. To Which Is Added, A New Edition
of Two Sermons on the Interpretation of Prophecy (London, 1845), I, 104.
4^Clough, Correspondence, p. 11.
49vfoodward, p, 16.
^Stanley, p. 89.
3^Woodward, p. 137
52Clough, Poems, p. 29.
53Ibid.
^Ibid.. pp. 29-30.
33Ibid., p. 21.
56Ibid., p. 22.
57Ibid.
^^Woodward, p. 27.


81
Land. But Gell's emotional position was quite different from Clough's,
As a schoolboy Clough was far from revolting against a father figure;
instead, he was searching for one. His own father was seldom seen.
His family was never present for him to fall back upon for emotional
security. He quite naturally looked upon Dr. Arnold with much of the
reverence and respect that he would have given his own father.
While Clough derived some emotional strength from looking
upon Dr, Arnold in terms of a surrogate father, there was, however,
some emotional insecurity generated by this. Dr. Arnold, as his teacher,
stood before Clough as one who gave rewards for excellence in scholar
ship and high praise for morality. It was continually incumbent upon
Clough to prove himself to such a father figure. His hard work upon
his studies was largely motivated by his desire to please Dr, Arnold.
It was observed earlier how hard Clough pushed himself in regard to
his studies. It was only natural that Clough would try just as hard
to win Dr. Arnold's moral approval. Just how far Clough succeeded in
winning Dr. Arnold's approval can be judged by a letter Dr. Arnold
sent to Clough's uncle, Alfred Clough, the Oxford don, upon the oc
casion of Arthur's matriculation at Oxford, Dr. Arnold wrote, "I cannot
resist my desire of congratulating you most heartily on the delightful
close of your nephew's long career at Rugby, where he was passed eight
years without a fault.. .where he has gone on ripening gradually in all
excellence intellectual and spiritual...and regarded by myself...with
an affection and interest hardly less than I should feel for my own
son.^1 The cost to Clough for his success in winning the approval
of Dr. Arnold was that he developed a certain sense of emotional in-


160
79Ibid., p. 290.
80Ibid.
^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 204.
82Clough, Poems, p. 290.
83Ibld.. p. 292.
^Ibid., p. 291.
8%idgwick, p. 65.
88Clough, Poems, p. 281.
87Ibld., p. 292.
88Ibld., p. 291.
890sborne, p. 151
9Ibid.t p. 152.
9''Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. l6.
^^idgwick, p. 63.
930sborne, p. 151
^Fairchild, IV, 515
93Veyriras, pp. 397-399*


133
here, it is very probable that Clough was aware of the passages in
James when he wrote Dipsychus. This likelihood of a predominantly
Scriptural source is increased when it is observed that Spirit, in
Scene XIXI of Dipsychus, also chooses his name from the New Testament.
Dipsychus, after his submission to the world with reservations,
at the end of the poem, asks what Spirits name is. Spirit replies
that he has a score of names, Mephistopheles among them, but the name
Spirit seems to think appropriate is "Cosmocrator." Dipsychus then
recites a line of Greeki "Tous koqjlokpa topas tou aiwvos toutou."39
The line was taken from Ephesians 6il2 and is familiarly translated
in the King James Version of the Bible as "the rulers of darkness of
this world. The surprising thing is that Dipsychus had omitted the
word for "darkness in his recital of the Greek line so that the line
as Dipsychus recited it would mean that he saw Spirit not as darkly
evil, but simply as the spirit of this world. Spirit himself calls
attention to this omission when he identifies the text Dipsychus had
recited "Ephesians, ain't it? near the end/ You dropt a word to spare
your friend./ What follows, too, in application/ Would be absurd exag
era tion."^ What does follow in Ephesians 4i 13 is the well-known
section in the King James translation where Paul urges the Ephesians
to take the "whole armor of God, that ye may be able to withstand in
the evil day, and having done all to stand." St. Paul goes on expanding
the metaphor and emphasizing the Christian's struggle against the evil
in the world. To Spirit, who is suave and worldly himself, Paul's ad
monitions would certainly sound like "absurd exaggeration, but Dipsychus
is repelled by this forceful revelation of Spirit's evil side.


attitude toward moral purity and his response to reality. It was
shown earlier that Clough felt that he must keep his poetry in constant
contact with both the objective, daily realities of common life, and
that he must report his subjective experiences, his inner reality, with
complete honesty. This is an important element in any consideration of
Clough's poetry, particularly his Dipsychian poetry.
In Clough's letters to George the temptation toward lying is
singled out for treatment more often than any other of the possible
temptations to which schoolboys may fall victim. Outside of George's
one lapse in this regard, there is no evidence that it was a special
failing of his and certainly no one ever attributed dishonesty to Arthur
Hugh Clough. Thus the reason for its so frequent treatment is probably
not to be found in any tendency toward dishonesty on the part of either
of the schoolboy correspondents. However, Arthur writes George, You
say you are tempted every hour. I do not know what to in particular.
But I should fancy that lying was a very general fault /of schoolboys/"^
What led Arthur to assume that lying was a general fault among school
boys would, in part, be his own experience with other boys, but also
Dr. Arnold had placed a particular emphasis upon the sin of lying while
at the same time his goal of creating a general "abhorrence of evil" in
his schoolboy charges often filled his sermons with the perils of the
"little sins" such as lying.^ So it seems that one reason for Clough's
insistent treatment of this particular sin in his letters to his brother
is found in the emphasis that Dr. Arnold had given to it. "lying, for
example, to the masters, he made a great moral offence; placing implicit
confidence in a boy's assertion, and then, if a falsehood was discovered,


152
poem does not carry us into that later time. At present Spirit's victory,
in his own words, is not confirmed.
That Dipsychus did not win a victory in this engagement with the
spirit of this world either is abundantly clear. As an idealist Dipsychus
was forced by necessity to a noisome compromise with the evil world. His
moment of heroism fades in Scene XII with the genuine possibility that
it was an idealistic rationalization for an unpleasant necessity. In
Scene XIII Dipsychus is forced to make a pact with Spirit on Spirit's
own terms. Spirit will permit Dipsychus to profit only from a small
portion of the money that he will make and Dipsychus is broken to the
point of dull acquiescence, saying, "Be it then thussince that it
must, it seems./ Welcome, 0 world, hence forth; and farewell dreams}"
Osborne comments on this mood when he says that Dipsychus accepted the
necessity of action "bitterly and hopelessly."9 Osborne further in
dicates that no happiness is expected, nor security, nor accomplishment.90
It might be expected that Clough himself could have provided
some resolution of the poem by a comment or tone which would endorse
the necessity for such a compromise as Dipsychus is brought to, but
that sort of resolution is also absent, Houghton quotes Emerson's
comment on this fact that Dipsychus offers "'no conclusion fitted to
satisfy either the artist or the moralist, and, after a series of power
ful but discordant utterances, leaves a sense of deep dissatisfaction
behind,' So it does, and in one meaning of the word, was meant to,"91
It was meant to because, as Houghton observed at this point, Clough was
examining the dark side of human existence. From the previous exami
nation of Clough's purposes in writing Dipsychian poetry and from his


94
This poem was probably intended by Clough to put forward, in
a poetic fashion, the Dipsychian tension that has been so far examined.
Sa Majeste' is caught in much the same dilemma that Clough suffered when
he felt pulled toward involvement in the world through his sense of the
significance of reality. The dilemma, of course, was that life insisted
upon action and involvement but Clough was convinced that such an in
volvement would lead to moral corruption. In the poem, this modest
king, speaking to his confessor, expresses the situation beautifully
in the dramatic monologue. As a king he was forced into worldly in
volvement there was no other way. Though he yearned for some means
of avoiding it, he could not. "What could I do? and how was I to help
it? ...I would I were, as God intended me,/ A little quiet harmless
acolyte."^ And as the king ponders the fate that condemned him to
action, he observes that the means of grace which the Church offers
are of small help in staving off the tendency toward corruption which
action in the world engenders. The Church is of little genuine assis
tance because the sins which his enforced involvement with the world
give rise to "Have, in despite of all the means of grace,/ Submission
perfect to the appointed creed,/ And absolution-plenary and prayers,/
Possessed me, held, and changed.Tainted by sin if he should act,
and believing that the. Church cannot help him avoid that contamination,
the only solution that appears is inaction. "If aught there be for
sinful souls below/ To do, tis rather to forbear to do."^9 He appears
perplexed, turning in his thought first one way and then another, but
there is no solution. God had made him a king and so he must act.
But action invites sin. The confessor apparently suggested that one


85
punishing it severely.*' Stanley also adds that this general attitude
of trust and severe punishment for obvious lapses worked well, "There
grew up in consequence a general feeling that it was a shame to tell
Arnold a lie."-^ since Dr. Arnold had made so much of this sin, it is
not surprising that it should appear in Clough's poetry as well as in
his letters to his brother, George.
In Clough's mature poetry the lie becomes a symbol for all self-
deception because for Clough it was one sin that by its very nature de
stroys man's relationship with his environment. When a man lies, he
denies what he knows to be true of reality and, consequently, is in
danger of getting out of touch with reality should he continue to lie.
Since Clough's enjoyment of active involvement with reality and his
sense of the significance of reality have been examined earlier and it
has been seen that Clough had more than a moralistic concern with truth
and language, it is only to be expected that Clough would take so seri
ously the sin of lying. His contact with reality was a basic touchstone
for truth with him. Clough often expressed his dependence for certainty
upon his sense of reality with the half humorous phrase, "Reconcile what
you have to say with green peas, for green peas are certain."5^- In his
sonnet "Tes, I have lied, and so must walk my way," Clough brings out
the idea that lying and its concomitant self-deception destroy one's
relationship with the world around him. He opens the poem showing that
the immorality of the lie alienates one from God, "Yes, I have lied,
and so must walk my way,/ Bearing the liar's curse upon my head."52
But the punishment for the sin is that the curse divorces one from an
intimacy with reality, Clough used the lost enjoyment of nature to


100
a determined, duty-bound young man. A section of a letter frequently
chosen states i "I verily believe my whole being is regularly soaked
through with the wishing and hoping and striving to do the School good,
or rather to keep it up and hinder it from falling in this, I do think,
very critical time, so that all my cares and affections, and conver
sation, thoughts, words, and deeds look to that involuntarily."91 par
from being a priggish pretension, this letter is an honest reflection
of Clough's realization of the duties of his situation and of his rather
remarkable selflessness in meeting those duties. At this young age
Clough had accepted duty in a far more real sense than simply mouthing
platitudes about it. He undertook to do his duty as head of the School-
house and his duties as a member of the sixth form with little support
from others and at great personal cost in time, without the companion
ship and advice of his close friends who had left the school. The two
years that Clough carried these responsibilities illustrate far more
than some of the abundant quotations from his later poems and essays,
that he genuinely accepted the code of duty and accepted it so far as
to put it into practice under striking difficulties.
During his first years at Oxford Clough did not undertake any
such arduous responsibilities as he had assumed while in Rugby. He de
voted himself to a program of self-discipline while at the same time
he went about his studies with what, for him, was a rather relaxed man
ner. During Clough's years at Oxford it became incumbent upon him to
refine his conception of duty. While at Rugby, duty had been a simple
thing to understand, though arduous enough in its execution. Dr. Arnold
had given direction to Clough's sense of duty and the tasks which Dr.


BIBLIOGRAPHY
Allott, Kenneth. "Review of Arthur Hugh Cloughi The Uncommitted Mind
by Katharine Chorley," The Modern Language Review. LVII.iii
(July 1962), 428-429.
Altick, Richard P. and William R, Matthews. Guide to Doctoral Disser
tations in Victorian Literature, 1886-1958'. Urbana, Ill., i960.
Armstrong, Isobel. Arthur Hugh Clough. London, 1962.
Arndt, William F. and F. Wilber Gingrich. A Greek-English Lexicon of
the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. Chicago,
Ill. & Cambridge, England, 1957.
Arnold, Matthew. The Letters of Matthew Arnold to Arthur Hugh Clough,
ed. Howard F. Lowry. London, 1932.
. Poetical Works, eds. C. B. Tinker and Howard Foster Lowry.
London & New York, 1950.
. Poetry and Criticism of Matthew Arnold, ed. A. Dwight Culler.
Boston, 1961.
Arnold, Dr. Thomas. Miscellaneous Works, ed. Arthur Penrhyn Stanley.
London, 1874.
. Sermons. To Which Is Added, a New Edition of Two Sermons
on the Interpretation of Prophecy. 5th ed'. London, 1845.
Autobiography of Brook Farm, ed. Henry W. Sams. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.,
195#.
Badger, Kingsbury. "Arthur Hugh Clough as Dipsychus," Modern Language
Quarterly, XII (March 1951) 39-56.
Bowers, Frederick. "Arthur Hugh Cloughi Recent Revaluations," Humanities
Association of Canada Bulletin, XVI (Fall 19^5) 17-26,
Brooke, Stopford Augustus. Four Poets A Study of Clough, Arnold,
Rossetti and Morris with an Introduction on the Course of Poetry
from 1822-1852. London, Bath & New York, 1908.
Buckley, Jerome H. The Victorian Temper. Cambridge, Mass., 1951.
Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, ed. Frederick Wilse Bateson.
4 vols, Cambridge, England, 1941,
l6l


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to express my thanks to Professors Alton C, Morris
and Irving R. Wershow for serving on my committee. To my committee
chairman, Professor Edwin C, Kirkland, for his advice, understanding
and encouragement, I am deeply grateful.
iii


101
Arnold set, it was one's duty to carry out. The clearly formulated
duties set before Clough were the maintenance of order, morale and
morality among the schoolboys. But having come to Oxford Clough no
longer had Dr. Arnold to delineate the tasks of duty and, therefore,
Clough had to define his arena of duty himself. The many responsi
bilities that had filled his life at Rugby were suddenly removed. Dr.
Arnold, who had served as the guide in Clough's responsibilities, was
no longer present. His comparative listlessness in his studies at
Oxford came not from a great perplexity about the religious questions
that were stirring Oxford at this time but came largely from this sud
den lack of specific duties which had filled his Rugby years. "At
Oxford, lacking responsibility, and prevented by the system of things
from acquiring it, he lacked interest in doing things, lacked there
fore things to do, and the few things that he did, did rather badly."92
It was this internal situation that was primarily behind Clough's
failure to take a "first" in his Oxford examinations.
The Oxford Movement confused many, and, as we have seen, it
did affect Clough as a result of his contact with Ward which served
to heighten his sense of the need for moral purity. The Oxford Move
ment did not, however, overwhelm Clough as it did so many others, In
his letters his references to Newman, for example, certainly show him
not to be greatly tempted toward Tractarianism. When writing to his
friend, Gell, who was leaving for Van Dieman's Land, Clough humorously
urged his friend to come to Oxford to see Newman,
It is also advisable that you should see the
Arch-Oxford-Tractator before you leave this
part of the world, that you may not be ignorant


123
position, he found himself "believing that in the end I shall be kicked
out for mine heresies' sake..,. For intolerance, 0 Tom, is not confined
to the cloisters at Oxford,..but comes up like the tender herbpartout.
And is indeed in manner indigenous in the heart of the family man of the
middle classes."^" Goldie Levy points out that Hutton characterized
Clough as "that enigma to Presbyterian parents, a College head who held
himself serenely neutral on all moral and educational subjects interest
ing to parents."12 it was this serene neutrality, which constituted the
heart of Clough's religious views, that he had lightly referred to as
his "heresies" in his letter to Thomas Arnold.
The core of Clough's religious views, as they apply to Dipsychus
and to his relations with the authorities at Oxford and University Hall,
was that objective, externalized, logically consistent statements about
religious matters were as apt to be false as they were apt to be true.
Thus such statements as are found embodied in creeds reflect only the
partial apprehension of the religious truth of which man is capable.
Clough states this view explicitly in his "Notes on the Religious Tra
dition" where he says, "I do believe that strive as I will I am restricted
and grasp as I may, X can never hold the complete truthThough
Clough held such a view, he did not for that reason think it fit to halt
all further search for religious truth. He did not rest in a despairing
agnosticism, but rather, he insisted on examination of religious views in
the light of science and the criticisms of history. The reference to
the criticisms of history included, of course, the so-called New Criti
cism of the Bible from a historical point of view that has been earlier
mentioned in reference to Clough's view of Biblical interpretation, a
point of view which found one of its poetic expressions in Clough's


89
notion of the world being so wicked and of their taking a higher line,
as they call it. I only fear they'll never take any at all."^ That
Clough shared this view which he put into the mouth of the character of
the old Uncle is apparent when it is observed that Clough says the same
thing in a book review that he wrote about the same time.^ In that
"Review of Mr, Newman's The Soul" Clough raises the same objection to
a too rigorous boyhood moral training because it makes an involvement
with worldly affairs in manhood unnecessarily difficult.
When one examines the situation with a strict logic, however,
it becomes more apparent that an emphasis upon moral purity does not
in itself mean that people would feel they could not maintain their
purity if they actively engaged in a life of close contact with common
place, worldly reality. They could feel that they would remain pure,
for example, if they felt that the world did not tend toward the cor
ruption of their principles. Clough did not feel so. His mentor, Dr.
Arnold, also felt that the world was full of the tendency to corrupt
morality. "My sense of the evils of the times, and to what prospects
I am bringing up my children, is overwhelmingly bitter. All in the
moral and physical world appears exactly to announce the coming of the
'great day of the Lord,' i.e. a period of fearful visitation to termi
nate the existing state of things,"^2 This apocalyptic vision is
thoroughly within the orthodox tradition of Christianity and it would
not be necessary to pursue its evident presence in Dr. Arnold's thought
because Clough could scarcely have avoided the idea that the world was
evil. He had learned much the same idea from his mother earlier. These
attitudes toward the evilness of the world and the need for moral purity
were deepened through his contact with W. G, Ward,


62
^Houghton, "Review," Victorian Studies, VI (September 1962), 91.
^Clough, Selected Prose, pp, I88-I89.
^-'-Palgrave-, p, 530.
^^Chorley, p. 6.
^Hoxie Neale Fairchild, Religious Trends in English Poetry
(New York, 1957), IV, 524.
^Basil Willey, Nineteenth Century Studies Coleridge to Matthew
Arnold (New York, 1966), pp. 64-66,
65lbid., p. 98.
^Clough, Poems, p. 49.
^Veyriras, p. 66.
^^Clough, Correspondence, I, 40.
69lbid.
?Ibid.
71veyriras, p. 67.
^^Chorley, pp. 31-32.
73rphe locus for this and the following quotes in this section
from Dipsychus is Poems, pp. 263-266.
^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 58*


^Clough, Poems, p. 27,
102Ibid,, p. 28.
103lbid., p, 53.
104Ibid.t p. 54.
105lbid.
lo6Ibid.
107lbid., p. 128.
l08Ibid.
p. 53-
^Clough, Selected Prose, p. 285.


THE DESCRIPTION AND FUNCTION OF CLOUGH'S
AMBIVALENT POETRY AND ITS SOURCES IN HIS LIFE AND
THOUGHT, WITH SPECIAL APPLICATION TO Dipsychus
By
GEORGE DONALD HAICH
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1970


166
Williamson, Eugene L., Jr. The Liberalism of Thomas Arnold A Study of
His Religious and Political Writings. University, Alabama, 1964,
Wolfe, Humbert. "Arthur Hugh Clough," The Eighteen-Sixties, ed. John
Drinkwater. Cambridge, England & London, 1932, pp. 20-50*
Woodward, Frances J, The Doctor's Disciples. London, New York & Toronto,
195^*
Wright, Austin. Bibliographies of Studies in Victorian Literature for
1945-1954. Urbana. Ill., 1956.


14
the twenty-two lines preceding the four lines quoted above Clough has
presented each side, but in the presentation of each side Clough
employs an ironic tone that undercuts the presentation on both sides.
Clough uses an exaggeratedly exalted statement to mock the view that
poetry is a "divine vision" in a phrase such as "In our rapturous ex
altation." He uses an equally exaggerated, coarse statement to show
the ironical tone in his presentation of the view that poetic power
derives from the physical-mental conformation makeup of the poet.
The coarse bluntness can be seen as ironically exaggerated when one
notices how Clough employs three major poetic devices to emphasize
the coarseness in one important word ("belly) in the line "Of the brain
and of the belly.The alliteration of the "b's" in words that re
ceive a strong accent is one obvious way the word "belly" is empha
sized. Its position at the end of the line also places a measure
of emphasis on it. The fact that it is a rhyme word gives further
emphasis and the fact that it is made to rhyme with "Shelley," the
idealist, brings out the coarseness by the contrast with its rhyming
word.
A different kind of irony occurs in Clough's narrative and
dramatic poetry. There a subtle, dramatic irony is employed which
is used to clearly show that Clough himself is not fully endorsing
a character he presents. Jacob, in Clough's dramatic monologue of
the same name, is given additional dimensions by such dramatic irony
as seen in a few lines abstracted from the end of that ninety-eight-
line poem. In this section Jacob's grasping nature is set in ironic
contrast to his position as a chosen man of God and as patriarch of


110
NOTES
^Clough, Poems, p, 170.
2Kingsbury Badger, "Arthur Hugh Clough as Dipsychus," Modern
Language Quarterly. XU (March 1951) 43.
^ytton Strachey, "Doctor Arnold," Eminent Victorians (London
& New York, 1918), p. 234.
^Palgrave, p. 529
^Thomas Hughes, Tom Brown's School-Days (New York & London,
1911), pp. 87-112.
^Chorley, p, 17.
7lbid.
8Ibid., p. 3.
^Osborne, p. 57.
^Clough, Poems, p. 143.
Hlbid., p. 132.
^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 116.
13clough, Poems, p. 442.
l^Ibid., p. 39.
l-^Clough, Poems and Prose Remains, I, 53
l^isobel Armstrong, Arthur Hugh Clough (London, 1962), p. 14,
^Ibid.
l8Ibid., p. 15.


CHAPTER 11 THE PLOT HAS COUNTERPLOT
The physical sciences have a system of closely defined terms
which are used strictly according to their definition, but since liter
ary criticism has no such system, the critic must be particularly care
ful about his use of terms, being especially sure that any terms he
employs will be clear to the reader. Accordingly, this first chapter
will largely involve definition and description. The matter that
first requires attention and delimitation here is the precise type
of Clough's poetry under consideration. Since Arthur Hugh Clough
wrote a wide variety of poems, ranging from the light-hearted de
scription of Oxford college youths on vacation in Scotland, through
an extensive revision of Dryden's translation of Plutarch's Lives,
to a rendering of the classical myth of Actaeon's metamorphosis, it
is clear that the particular type of poetry dealt with here needs
specific definition. The poetry which was earlier called ambivalent
and referred to as the poetry of those mental states preceding decision
can be most accurately called Dipsychian because in Dipsychus Clough
gives it the fullest expression.
The shortest and most comprehensive definition of Dipsychian
poetry is that it is that poetry of Clough that presents a clear op
position of viewpoints in a relatively equal balance without resolving
the issue on one side or the other. Houghton says of this poetry,
"We welcome his /Clough's/ special capacity, so rare in his own age,
12


lengthy and complex Dipsychian poem. The hypermoral Dipsychus provides
a characterization which embodies an extreme representation of the mor
ally pure attitudes in regard to involvement with the world. The char
acter, Spirit, presents an equally extreme picture of worldly, realistic
attitudes. The ambivalence in this poem is found in the balanced pre
sentation of these characters and in the fact that neither by tone nor
attitude does Clough offer a resolution of the central question of the
poem. The conclusion of the poem leaves neither character fully vic
torious, and its ambivalence represents Clough's own confusion on this
point at this period of his life.
vii


33
o'er again/ The devil take the hindmost, The bitterness is
underlined by the rollicking coarseness of the refrain which, by its
constant repetition after every two lines, comes to represent a sort
of summary of the rough spirit that Clough sees in the supporters of
the principle of competition. In the following stanzas Clough points
to the shocking presence of competition not only in the schools but
in the church, in marriage, and throughout the whole length of a man's
life to his death. "And after death, we do not know,/ But scarce can
doubt, where'er we go,/ The devil takes the hindmost, o|"^ And thus
with a view of afterlife that assumes competition will continue, Clough
reaches the end and the climax of this short poem.
"In the Great Metropolis" is not unique in its antagonism to
the idea of competition; rather, it is typical. The same antagonism
to competition occurs often in other poems; for example, it is apparent
at the end of one of the few poems by Clough that is anthologized with
any regularity, "The Latest Decalogue." In that poem, which is an in
terpretation of the Decalogue according to the worldly point of view,
the last commandment is treated thusi "Thou shalt not covet; but
tradition/ Approves all forms of competition." Here again Clough makes
abundantly clear his own attitude toward the coarsening of spirit which
he believes is induced by the practice of competition.
That Clough, in the speech before the Working Tailors' Associ
ation, would publicly present a positive view of competition when he
did not personally endorse competition is surprising perhaps, but it
becomes less so when one recalls that it was Clough's avowed purpose
in that speech to show his audience there was justification for the


17
of a Bishop, who certainly should know better, living and dying as a
materialist, Browning emphasizes the ironies in the situation, such
as the inner conflict of the Bishop about the nephews' reliability in
regard to carrying out his dying requests and whether or not he should
tell his sons what they will need to know to fulfill that request.
Browning focuses attention upon the character of the Bishop and his
situation, Clough, however, focuses attention upon the intellectual
problem of moral obedience to God. That focus of attention is typi
cally Dipsychian not only in the intellectual attention to a moral
problem, but mainly in the fact that one cannot perceive which side
Clough takes on this matter. Though Browning does sympathize with
the Bishop as a man, as he had to do to present such a magnificent
depth of perception into his personality, yet Browning clearly does
not endorse his materialism. Clough uses dramatic irony to a dif
ferent endtoward ambivalence on the main question of his poem "Jacob."
This Dipsychian ambivalence underlines Jacob's view that there is no
solution to man's problem of obedience to God. Though Jacob felt
that he had done his duty as he should have, yet his heart was "there
with not satisfied." If man had minute and specific instructions on
each detail of his daily life from God, he could be perfectly obedient,
but he would become an automaton. On the other hand, if man is to
use his human capacity to decide the course of his life, there will
inevitably be error and sin and his life will not satisfy his longing
heart. That is the paradox that the Dipsychian dramatic irony points
to in Clough's treatment of Jacob, and it is typical of Clough to


VITA
George Donald Haich was bom February 27, 1928, at Evanston,
Illinois, After graduating from Phelps High School in June, 1946, he
entered military service and was stationed in Korea, Upon his dis
charge from the army, he pursued his undergraduate studies at the
University of Rochester, graduating in June, 1952, He was employed
in Sears, Roebuck and Company management in Rochester, New York; prior
to entering Concordia Theological Seminary in 1956. Following gradu
ation and ordination in 1961 he taught at Concordia College for six
years during which time he received the Master of Arts from the Uni
versity of Nebraska, He enrolled in the Graduate School of the Uni
versity of Florida in 1967. He worked as an interim instructor in the
Department of English until June, 1968, and as a graduate assistant
until June, 1969, when he received a Graduate School Fellowship to
complete the work toward the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
George Donald Haich is married to the former Gloria Deloris
Lunick and is the father of three children. He is a member of Modern
Language Association, South Atlantic Modern Language Association, Col
lege Composition and Communication, National Council of Teachers of
English, and Lambda Iota Tau,
167


61
^Clough, Correspondence. I, 2l6,
38Ibld.. I, 204.
^Clough, Selected Prose, p. 243.
^Ibid.
4lIbid.t p. 245.
42Ibid., p. 246,
^Clough, Poems, p. 91.
%bid.
4-5Timko, p. 102.
^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 208,
47Ibid.
^Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 8.
^^Chorley, p. 25.
^Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 8,
^-klhorley, p. 25.
52Clough, Poems, p. 439.
5^Clough, Correspondence, I, 310.
^Clough, Poems and Prose Remains, p. 39.
55-Levy, p. 78.
^Arnold, Letters to Clough, p. 63.
57Chorley, p. 7.
5Levy, p. 202.


11
NOTES
Ajames Russell Lowell, My Study Windows (Boston, I87I), p. 211.
^Katharine Chorley, Arthur Hugh Clough The Uncommitted Mind
(Oxford, 1962), p. 181.
^Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in
History (London, 1897) p. 12.
^Arthur Hugh Clough, The Correspondence of Arthur Hugh Clough,
ed. Frederick L. Mulhauser (Oxford, 1957) I xiii.
Ajames Insley Osborne, Arthur Hugh Clough (London, 1920), p. 61.
6Ibid.. p. 183.
^Walter E. Houghton, "Review of Arthur Hugh Clough The Un-
committed Mind by Katharine Chorley," Victorian Studies, VI (September
1962), 92.
^Chorley, p. 355.
%ichael Timko, Innocent Victorian The Satiric Poetry of
Arthur Hugh Clough (Columbus, Ohio, 1966), pp. 8-9.
-falter E. Houghton, The Poetry of Cloughi An Essay in Re
valuation (New Haven & London, 1963), p. 3 says that he counted the
total lines of poetry in the definitive editionsArthur Hugh Clough,
The Poems of Arthur Hugh Clough, eds. Howard Foster Lowry, A. L. P.
Norrington and Frederick Mulhauser (Oxford, 1951) and Matthew Arnold,
Poetical Works, eds. C. B. Tinker and Howard Foster Lowry (London &
New York, 1950). Clough had 13,578 lines. Arnold had 14,023 lines.


56
A third, and less complex,motivation for Clough's poetic creation
is suggested by Dipsychus' explanation that he wrote "to furnish vent to
diseased humours in the moral frame." This refers to the frequent ex
perience of every person when in some mental difficulty. It is often
helpful just to express the problem. People in trouble are helped by
such a simple thing as an expression of the problem as they see it,
whether or not any mental clarification of the issues results. Spirit
makes light of Dipsychus' need for simply giving vent to his feelings
when he mocks it as. "A sort of seton, I suppose,/ A moral bleeding at
the nose." Spirit's images are coarsethe seton is the surgical name
for a stiring that is used to draw pus from a blister or a wound by capil
lary action. These coarse images merely reflect Spirit's cynical atti
tude towards the very human need to give expression to problems by the
psychological value of simply giving vent to one's problems. This psy
chological device was as well recognized in the nineteenth century as
it is today.
It is apparent that the type of poetry which the poet creates
to give vent to his problems will not usually contain any statement
of the resolution of those problems. One only needs to give vent to
a problem while it is a live problem for him, which means that he can
not perceive the solution of that problem at the time. Naturally, then,
no solution would be likely to appear in such a poetic presentation of
the problem. Therefore, it is apparent that the Dipsychian poetry
that Clough wrote wholly or in part from a motive of furnishing "vent
to diseased humours in the moral frame" would not contain the resolu
tion of the problem that it treated. It would present the problem as


34
laissez-faire capitalists' view of economics which was in sharp con
trast to the economic view of Clough's present socialistic audience.
Clough was not pretending to an expression of his own opinions, He
was adapting his message to his audiencepresenting a message that
was calculated to enlarge their view of a situation which was of great
importance to them. Certainly the Working Tailors' Association needed
to understand the cogent logic of a view of competition that was held
by their social and political opposition. This incident serves to
illustrate not only that Clough did adapt his message to the needs of
his audience, but it also demonstrates the Dipsychian manner of thought.
A major characteristic of the Dipsychian mode is the presence of two
opposing views of an issue held in an equal balance, If we consider
that the audience of tailors represented one view and that Clough's
speech offered the opposite view, then within the total situation the
Dipsychian balance is present. For the reader of Clough's Dipsychian
poetry, however, this incident's most important message warns that he
should not accept that poetry strictly at face value. Because Dipsy
chian poetry presents both sides in rather equal balance and remembering
that Clough can, upon occasion, offer views that he does not personally
endorse, the reader is warned not to pre-emptively assume that Clough
is speaking his true mind in either side he may present. To discern
his true views, one must study his non-Dipsychian poetry and also take
into consideration his letters and the other information we have about
his life in order to form a true estimate of his actual beliefs. If
that tactic had not been followed in the present case, one would have
been forced, judging from the text alone, to believe that Clough's


CHAPTER II THE DIPSYCHIAN MIND
Dipsychian poetry has been characterized as the poetry of
decision. It has become abundantly clear that Clough wrote this kind
of poetry to arrive at decisions of his own and also to bring his
readers to form their own decisions. Dipsychian poetry, however, can
also be characterized as the poetry of crisis, The crisis that typi
cally generated Clough's Dipsychian poetry was not simply an external
crisis that is easy for the biographer to isolate and document by dates
and specific events. The crisis in Clough's life that generated the
Dipsychian poetry was not an external calamity but an internal crisis
a crisis of values. To understand this crisis of values it is neces
sary to examine Clough's unique mode of thinking and, therefore, the
emphasis in this chapter falls upon the Dipsychian mind and the in
fluences which formed it,
Clough's Dipsychian mind was more than a mind poised before
decision, though it certainly was that. It will be seen in this chapter
that the decision which Clough faced was of a special nature, and where
as the last chapter focused upon the poetry and the fact of decision
present in that poetry, this chapter examines the elements of the
central problem that called forth the Dipsychian mind. If Clough had
been indiscriminately ambivalent on a large number of issues, one
would be forced to admit that he was probably of an irresolute char
acter. It is clear that Clough was far from being an irresolute in
dividual, but in one area of thought, at one period of his life, he
63


66
life and so have avoided the tincture of immorality which he felt the
world of business and practical affairs brought. The second attitude
in Clough's crisis of values was his feeling of the necessity for moral
purity and his idea that the world tends to corrupt the purity of those
who come into contact with it. Had he not held that attitude, Clough
would have been free to enter into the very heart of the business and
commercial world and satisfy his duty to God by realistic service to
others within the context of commonplace reality. The third element
in Clough's crisis of values during the Dipsychian period was his
sense of the duty to serve others. Without this element he could have
maintained his purity of heart because he would not have felt a duty
to mingle in the affairs of the world at all.
Following the above pattern of analysis of the Dipsychian
mind, this chapter will illustrate in some detail how each of these
three elements were present for Cloughhis realistic view of life,
his necessity for moral purity, and his duty to the service of mankind,
Clough's appreciation of the significance of activity within
reality was grounded within his personality, Clough, both as a boy
and as an adult, enjoyed active involvement with life. He was not a
fragile weakling as Lytton Strachey suggested by his unqualified re
ference to Clough's weak ankles.-^ As a very young boy Clough's ankles
were weak but that did not stop him even then from engaging in athletic
activities. He became a powerful swimmer and greatly enjoyed swimming
throughout his life.1*' After he had entered the upper forms at Rugby
his ankles had strengthened so much that he enthusiastically engaged
in the rough and tumble of the special kind of football that was named


48
The overall result of Clough's intimate contact with Ward's probing
and searching mind was that Clough found that he had to clarify and
defend his own position. In fact, the final result was that Clough
was not absorbed into the Oxford Movement but, instead, developed his
own views along a more liberal line than Dr. Arnold had taught. Since
this whole process of development of Clough's religious views will be
treated at some length later, here it is only necessary to glance at
a short poem written in the Dipsychian manner wherein Clough presents
part of his later views on the question of inspiration.
Clough's liberal tendencies are apparent in the very title of
the poem, "Epi-Strauss-ium." The central image of the morning sunlight
passing through the stained glass portraits of Matthew, Mark, Luke and
John, and the afternoon sun shining through the clear glass windows
of the same church suggests a development of Dr. Arnold's concept of
progressive revelation. The central image in "Epi-Strauss-ium" suggests
that during the early years of the Christian Church the truth of God,
the sun, could only be perceived through the Gospel stories i now, in
a time of fuller revelation, man can perceive the sun more directly.
Clough's own reaction to this progress is somewhat ambiguous in the
poem and that is what makes for its Dipsychian character. There is
a wistfulness in his description of the sun 'With gorgeous portraits
blent," He sees them as "Lost, is it? lost, to be recovered never?"
The later revelation of the sun is seen as a fuller revelation surely,
but also as a less humanly satisfactory revelation. The richness of
the early revelation is gone and in its place the sun itself is seen
simply for itself while the old revelation in all its richness has


67
for Rugby School. That the game of Rugby was much rougher than the
modem American game of football can be ascertained by a study of
Thomas Hughes' famous account of the game in Tom Brown's School-Days.
Rugby was played without any protective padding by schoolboys of all
ages who were thrown together in a colossal free-for-all of over one
hundred boys ,-5 This mass of eager, thrashing youths often converged
upon the goalkeeper, and Clough achieved a schoolboy's immortality as
one of Rugby's two best goalkeepers.^ Clough's young friend, Thomas
Arnold, Matthew's brother, recalls the stalwart figure of Clough
guarding the goal. "He wore neither jersey nor cap; in a white shirt,
and with bare head, he would face the rush of the other side as they
pressed the ball within the line of the goalposts; and not seldom, by
desperatb struggles, he was the first to 'touch it down,' thus baulking
the enemy of his expected 'try at goal'."7 Evidently Clough was not
a weak young man disposed to retire before the challenge of reality.
In college he was remembered in a poem as, "...lithe of limb, and
O
strong as shepherd's boy." This love of the active life continued
during Clough's later years as a Fellow of Oriel. As Osborne says,
"His love of outdoor living was even beyond that of the usual Oxford
man."9
Clough's involvement with sports and physical activity demon
strates that he was not only physically strong and self-reliant, but
it shows that it was in his character to involve himself actively
with reality and not to lose himself in dreams and retirement. This
realistic attitude is a part of Clough's character that must not be
overlooked. Naturally it showed itself in his poetry in other ways


151
of grand heroic self-sacrifice which ended Scene XII had been prepared
for earlier and developed in the conclusing scene, there would have
been a resolution that would have been acceptable to most readers of
a romantic cast of mind but it has been shown that this was not done.
Nor is there a resolution in a naturalistic vein with the author ac
cepting the idea of necessity as a sufficient reason for submission.
Spirit cannot be said to have won a victory, partly because of the re
servations that Dipsychus mentions as inherent in his submission. But
there is a more obvious indication that Spirit's victory is at best only
marginal. The sort of attitude that Spirit intends by "submission" is
a common-sense, practical attitudei it is the attitude of a man who sees
a problem as challenge and then takes positive action to resolve the
problem in immediate, pragmatic terms. At the end of the poem, however,
Dipsychus has not become such a man, nor is there any genuine likeli
hood of his ever becoming such a man. Spirit's recurring chant through
out the last scenes prior to Dipsychus' final submission is "'Tis Common
Sense! and human wit/ Can claim no higher name than it./ Submit, sub
mit!"^ Whatever happens, at the end of the poem, Dipsychus has not
become the practical man who refuses to look beyond common sense for
sanctions to his actions, For all of the tone of confidence that Spirit
maintains at the end, Dipsychus is not transformed to Spirit's image.
At best, Spirit's victory is not complete and there is a possibility
that somehow he may be more of a loser than he now scorns to admit when
he mocks Dipsychus with the words, "A child like you to cheat Mephistol/
... But time, my friend, has yet to show/ Which of us two will closest
fit/ The proverb of the Biter Bit."? Time will show, perhaps, but the


PROLOGUE! HESITATION BEFORE DECISION
Two roads diverged in a yellow wood,
And sorry I could not travel both
And be one traveler, long I stood
And looked down one as far as I could
To where it bent in the undergrowth.
Robert Frost
Everyone is familiar with the mental processes which are
anterior to the final resolution of a complex problem. One's mind
searches out all the discoverable elements of the problem} the con
sideration of alternatives, the balancing of opposing thoughts, the
evaluation of alternate modes of action. When sufficient reason is
found or when the urgent necessity for resolution forces one, a de
cision is made. In the verses above, Frost records just such a
thoughtful period of hesitation before decision. The state of mind
that Frost here depicts is frequently found in the poetry of Arthur
Hugh Clough. Much of Clough's poetry is devoted to the delicate move
ments of thought that are preliminary to decision. Examination of
Clough's lyrics often reveals a lyric which takes one side of a
question and then a subsequent lyric that appears to take an opposing
view. "Easter Day," for example, carries the refrain, "Christ is not
risen," and the next poem, "Easter Day II," has the refrain, "Christ
is yet risen." Between these two companion pieces the opposing thoughts
are balanced as Clough examines the nature of the resurrection. This
examination of issues by paired lyrics occurs elsewhere also as, for
1


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
THE DESCRIPTION AND FUNCTION OF CLOUGH'S AMBIVALENT
POETRY AND ITS SOURCES IN HIS LIFE AND THOUGHT,
WITH SPECIAL APPLICATION TO DIPSYCHUS
By
George Donald Haich
June, 1970
Chairman1 Dr, Edwin C, Kirkland
Major Departmenti English
This dissertation is limited to Clough's ambivalent poetry
because an understanding of this characteristic mode of his poetic
statement permits a more just estimate of his poetic powers. In his
own time Clough was seen as a poet who, in some of his most character
istic moods, refused to speak with a positive prophetic voice. While
the Victorians found this hesitancy unattractive, modern readers find
the uncompromising honesty of his intellectual self-examination ap
pealing because Clough does not pretend to more assurance than he has.
Clough's ambivalent poetry is defined as that poetry which
presents two sides of an issuesometimes by an objective statement
of both sides of the question but sometimes through irony and satiric
exaggerationwhile yet not bringing the question to a final resolution
on either side. Such poetry is called Dipsychian because of its double-
minded attitude and because Clough gave the fullest expression to this
ambivalence in his poem Dipsychus. The reader of Dipsychian poetry is
presented with a full and complex expression of a question and at the
v


118
repeating herei "Actual life is unknown to an Oxford student, even
though he is not a mere Puseyite and goes on jolly reading-parties,"^
Furthermore, Clough would not be permitted to marry if he remained at
Oxford because at that time the regulations allowed only the Heads of
Colleges and a few Senior Members to have wives,5 Clough recognized
that he was not the type of man to live out his life without the emotional
security and companionship of a wife and family. Thus it was that in
April of 1848 Clough resigned his tutorship at Oriel and later in the
year gave up his fellowship as well, He left Oxford with no immediate
prospects of income and with certain limited financial obligations to
ward his widowed mother and his sister. This rather dramatic move was
made primarily on the basis of his reluctance to acquiesce to religious
conformity and on his knowledge of his own character and needs. His
resignation, however, brought him to a direct confrontation with the
need to become involved in practical concerns of the worldthe inevit
able need to earn a living.
The moral question of conformity to the world now became a
pointed personal question. Clough increasingly came to recognize that
every teaching position he might seek to fill would probably make more
stringent demands upon his conscience than Oriel had, In the fall of
1848 the Council which directed the affairs of University Hall suggested
Clough as a possible successor to Francis Newman who had been the first
Principal of the newly founded residence hall for students of University
College, London, Francis Newman had resigned the Principalship after
only a few months and before any students had arrived. Since Univer
sity Hall was founded by the Presbyterians and Unitarians, Clough's


71
i O
contemporary problems.-1-0 Probably, however, it was Cloughs appreci
ation of the significance of reality that led him to formulate his
"social theory of art" and his realistic attitude also led him to
deal with contemporary problems. Because Clough believed that poetry
grounded in the facts of common life would have a greater appeal to
his audience, his appreciation of the significance of reality led him
to enlarge the areas of acceptable poetic materials to include "these
positive matters of fact, which people...are obliged to have to do
with."
Clough's positive attitude toward reality, however, also
affected another part of his theory of art. Since a writer deals with
both an objective and a subjective reality, Clough urged that a writer
was obliged to be true to both. Not only must he represent external
reality with a factual accuracy, but he should also be as scrupulously
accurate in revealing his true self in his representation of subjective
reality. Clough had apparently criticized Matthew Arnold for some
failure to show his true self in his poetry. Though none of Clough's
letters to Arnold have been preserved, we do have many of Arnold's
letters to Clough, and in one place Arnold agrees with what must have
been Clough's criticism of Arnold's literary sincerity. Arnold writes
to Clough, "It is very true I am not myself in writingbut it is of
no use reproaching me with it, since so it must be."^0
For Clough the requirement for sincere and honest self-repre
sentation in his poetry presented both a problem and a challenge. The
necessity for a writer to act in accord with his own internal reality
in his chosen profession presents a perilous moral temptation. It is


43
philosophical problems that led Matthew Arnold to write to Clough
about Clough's poem, "Duty*that's to say, complying." Arnold wrote,
"I was all rasped by influenza... Upon this came all the exacerbation
produced by your apostrophes to duty." Then Arnold speaks in general
about the philosophical, psychological character of Clough's poetryi
"I did not at all do justice to the great precision and force you
have attained in those inward ways... Yet to solve the universe as
you do is as irritating as Tennyson's dawdling with its painted shell
is fatiguing to me to witness.Arnold could see that Clough had
achieved a considerable skill in working with his "inward ways" in
his poetry. Whether or not one is willing to grant Clough a measure
of success in his treatment of man's inner mind, it is clear enough
that man's "inward ways" formed the major theme of Clough's poetry and,
further, that the one major source for this must be his own inner ex
perience, "Clough wrings his criticism of life out of his own ex
perience,-^
There certainly is a close relationship between Clough's per
sonal situation, both in exterior matters such as Clough's travels and
the settings for his poems, and in inner matters such as Matthew Arnold
pointed to in his praise of Clough's "great precision and force" in
his poetic treatment of his "inward ways." This closeness to Clough's
own experience in the materials of his poetry can be witnessed in
another way, Clough's biographers seem to show an unusual penchant
for identifying Clough with the major characters of his poems, which
illustrates that people who have studied Clough's life notice a re
markable identity between Clough and his poetic creations. Perhaps


76
Even as a child Clough was observed to have inherited from his
mother a certain seriousness. This seriousness was cultivated by his
close contact with his mother during the years before he entered Rugby.
Since his father was very frequently away from home for long periods
because of the demands of his business in the cotton trade, Clough was
influenced a great deal by his mother. She was a woman of stern in
tegrity. She came from a Calvinistic family and though she loved her
children, one senses in the description of her which Anne Jemima (Clough's
sister) wrote that there was a certain distance between her and her chil
dren. Not that she did not love them and take a deep concern in their
welfare, but it appears that she was not especially demonstrative of
that lovej at least she was not as demonstrative as their father, Anne
Jemima says of him, "Our father was most affectionate, loving, and
watchful over his children. It was from him that we received many of
the smaller cares which usually come from a mother."30 Though Clough
inherited a similar capacity for the tender care of others from his
father, it was from his mother, with whom he was in most constant con
tact as a youngster, that he learned the necessity for moral probity
that became one of the primary marks of his character. She read to her
children often, "She was very fond of reading, especially works on re
ligious subjects, poetry and history..,. She loved what was grand, noble,
and enterprising, and was truly religious.,,. She loved to dwell on all
that was stern and noble."31 During his last years at home, before he
went to Rugby, young Arthur was her constant companion, and since they
shared a serious character and a love of reading, her influence upon
Arthur was greater than upon any of the other children. "It was the


24
the general reader. The use of the "sacred" number indicates that
Clough did not intend to be lightly cynical} moreover, one of the
"seven spirits" is treated positivelythe spirit that is identified
with "duty,"
"Human spirits" who hold positive views about the nature of
reality and the worth of material acquisition, knowledge, strife,
passivity, love, or social conventions are each subjected to searching
examination by the questioning spirit, and each of the "human spirits"
is forced to admit that he cannot rationally justify his belief in
the philosophy upon which he has molded his life. They all reply at
last, "I know not," but nonetheless they wish to pursue life in their
old way, saying, "We know not, let us do as we are doing,But they
have been brought to a serious reexamination of their basic assump
tions and, as the poem continues, it is clear that the questioning
spirit has taken the "human spirits" on at least the first step out
of their blind acceptance of unexamined philosophies of life. That
is exactly the purpose of much of Clough's Dipsychian poetry. Clough,
like the questioning spirit, forces his reader into a searching re
examination of the philosophy that the reader has adopted in an un
thinking sort of way. For poetry to bring its readers to the point of
intellectual reexamination of their philosophies would certainly be a
moral purpose in Clough's view as this poem illustrates. The questioning
spirit at the end of the poem justifies his action in bringing the others
and himself to reconsider their beliefs. The questioning spirit ad
mits that he does not have the answers to the questions he has been
asking, but his purpose in "Imbreeding doubt and sceptic melancholy"


97
have undertaken must remain an open question, but the tension that such
training brought Clough probably did provide much of the stimulus for
his Dipsychian poetry,
Clough's training in duty included more than admonitions during
the years he spent at Rugby. A key element in Dr, Arnold's method of
education was to allow most of the school's discipline to be handled
by the boys themselvesthe older boys being responsible for the younger
ones. Though Dr, Arnold was not the innovator of the system, he was its
ardent advocate, particularly as it was practiced at Rugby, The pri
mary innovation that Dr, Arnold introduced into the Rugby system was
that the school authorities gave explicit responsibility to the sixth
form which was the oldest class (comparable to Senior High students in
the United States), These older students were made to feel this formally
authorized responsibility for the school's discipline in many ways. In
sermons given before the entire school Dr. Arnold made clear that the
authority of the sixth form grew as much out of their showing a good
example as it did from their more mature age and the support of the
school administration.
By the earnest, courageous Christian faith which Dr. Arnold de
monstrated in his life as well as in the pulpit, his sermons were just
the type to appeal to schoolboys. Woodward suggests that Tom Brown's
Schooldays communicates the spell of life at Rugby in the most lively
way,85 jn one section of that book Hughes describes a Sunday afternoon
chapel service with Dr. Arnold preaching to rows of quiet boys as twi
light deepened into darkness and the light at the pulpit focused their
attention on the sermon given by a man whom they all respected,88 Duty


136
And how pleasures of thought surpass eating and drinking
My pleasure of thought is the pleasure of thinking
How pleasant it is to have money,, heigh hoi
How pleasant it is to have money. ?
And exactly inasmuch as the reader feels within himself the force of
such arguments quickened by Spirit's humor, the reader is thereby en
abled to feel the real problem that Dipsychus, with his high sense of
morality, must face in his confrontation with the world. Spirit's views,
though presented with a touch of humor, are too sound to be simply re
jected out of hand, and the Uncle in the Epilogue to Dipsychus felt
their soundness too. When the "poet" in the Epilogue is commenting on
Spirit's speaking in the poem, the Uncle interjects his own views on
Spirit's speakingi "'Wellj said my uncle, 'why should he? Nobody asked
him. Not that he didn't say much which, if only it hadn't been for the
way he said it, and that it was he who said it, would have been sen
sible enough."1^8 Clearly, if this "Spirit" is intended to be the devil,
Clough does not intend that he be all black because if Spirit's argu
ments could be simply and summarily dismissed, then the central tension
of the poem would be weakened. In fact, it is questionable if the Spirit
is to be taken as the devil at all. The "poet in the Epilogue tells
his Uncle, "'But, sir,' said I, perhaps he wasn't a devil after all.
That's the beauty of the poem; nobody can say. '"^9 This is certainly
one aspect of the ambivalent Dipsychian character of the poem because
if Spirit could be dismissed as unquestionably evil, then the tension
of the poem would be resolvedj if Spirit were unquestionably the devil,
then certainly Dipsychus would have done wrong in submitting to him and
Dipsychus' entire period of irresolution would have reflected only moral


23
spirits" in an early manuscript sent to Matthew Arnold, had deliberately
used the Biblical number for sacredness,23 The first line then read
"Seven human spirits saw I on a day*' and the use of that number was
carried out in the balance of the poem in lines 24, 4l, and 42.2^
Matthew Arnold, however, objected "Thoi I still ask why 7. This is
the worst of the allegoricalit instantly involves you in the unneces
saryand the unnecessary is necessarily unpoetical."2-5 Lowry, in his
notes to that letter, suggests that Matthew Arnold was objecting to
the number seven simply because it was allegory. That may be true,
but it seems more probable that his objection was based upon the idea
that the notion of sacredness suggested by the number does not add to
our understanding of the poem. In his "Preface to the Poems of 1853"
Arnold follows a similar line when he says, "What is not interesting,
is that which does not add to our knowledge of any kind...a repre-
26
sentation which is general, indeterminate, and faint," That Arnold
was considering the "human spirits" poem according to its overall
effect is apparent from the way he expresses his approval of it "The
7 Spirits Poem does well what it attempts to do I think...the feeling
is deep in the Poem, and simul/taneousl7 runs clear."2^ With a view
to the effect of the poem, Arnold's criticism is clearly correct. The
movement of the human spirits from "sceptic melancholy" to "true ig
norance" with hope, obtained by following the philosophy of duty, would
not be helped by the allegory. Accordingly, Clough dropped it. For
our purpose in understanding this poem as an example of Clough's moral
intention in his poetry, the concept of sacredness suggested by seven,
with its Biblical overtones, is more important than it would be to


65
bidding their time on the outskirts of the world of affairs. They
could not properly withdraw from the furor of active life into the
religious security of the monastery or the placid intellectual life
of the university. Clough expresses this idea in The Bothie of Tober-
na-Vuolich "There is a Field-Marshal, my friend, who arrays our bat
talions}/ Let us to Providence trust, and abide and work in our stations."1
Withdrawal was prohibited, Clough thought, by God's injunction that men
should serve others. To Clough, service to others necessitated active
involvement in the affairs of the world and men. As will be seen,
Clough's sense of the significance of commonplace reality made it im
possible for him to compromise his sense of the duty of service by any
sort of withdrawal from active lifeto serve others had to mean to
serve them here and now and in the practical, common-sense ways.
Clough's crisis of values was shaped by the inevitable con
flict between this desire to maintain before God the greatest moral
purity of which he was capable and, on the other hand, the God-imposed
necessity of serving others in this world which would necessitate being
2
tainted by the impurity of the world. Clough sincerely wished to
serve God. Had he been less genuinely sincere, a compromise on either
the side of service or on the side of moral purity could have been
easily effected. But Clough, by training and disposition, was, he
felt, in an insoluble moral dilemmaa crisis of values,
Xn this chapter the aspects of his mind which formed that crisis
will be seen to consist of three primary attitudes. The first is
Clough's sense of the paramount importance of commonplace reality.
Without that sense he would have been able to retreat to the university


53
and nothing flat."7^ Spirit goes on to offer Dipsychus some common-
sense suggestions about writing poetry. "Yet writing's golden word
what is it,/ But the three syllables, 'explicit'?/ Say, if you cannot
help it, less,/ But what you do put, put express." Interestingly
enough Spirit here expresses much the same objection to "Easter Day"
that the Uncle in the Epilogue to Dipsychus expresses about Dipsychus
itself. The basis of the problem for such practical minds as those
of Spirit and the Uncle is in the ambivalence that is the primary mark
of both of these poems.
Furthermore, Spirit has suggested that there is a sort of com
pulsiveness in Dipsychus that made him write "Easter Day" when Spirit
says, "Say, if you cannot help it, less." The suggestion is that
Dipsychus cannot help but say something in verse. He seems compelled
toward poetic utterance. When Dipsychus answers Spirit's remarks, we
get a glimpse of the nature of that compulsion. Dipsychus explains
why he wrote Easter Day. "To please my own poor mindl To find repose/
To physic the sick soul; to furnish vent/ To diseased humours in the
moral frame. This is much the same reason which has been suggested
that Clough had for his own writing of poetry. Lest it be observed
that one should not draw a hasty conclusion that what was true of
Dipsychus is necessarily true of Clough, it is necessary to note that
Clough himself suggests in this context that what is true of Dipsychus
is true of Clough, Dipsychus is made to recite, as his own, the poem
which in fact Clough had written--"Easter Day." This poem was written
by Clough the year before while he was in Italy. Dipsychus, however,
claims authorship and Spirit recognizes that claim, so it is certainly


121
vision of the Committee and advice and assis
tance of individual members. But when neither
the Committee or Council are sitting, the
Principal must be, of necessity, master of the
household.
Such a nagging interference, coupled with Clough's own feeling
that he had to retain this position at least until he should be fortu
nate enough to find some other employment for which his religious views
did not disqualify him, served to force upon Clough a feeling of his
ineptness in worldly affairs. Earlier it was noted that Clough was
lacking in experience in business affairs and that he did not really
understand the middle class mind, yet now he was forced to engage in
the business affairs of the Hall and to cooperate with its middle class
and primarily Unitarian Council, Moreover, since the University Hall
project was only in its beginning stages, it called for someone who
would energetically solicit future students. When, in October, 1851,
the Council asked Clough what proposals he could offer to attract
students to reside at University Hall, Clough's overly casual reply
suggests that, though he did have proposals, he did not think that they
were likely to lead to the dramatic results that he supposed they wanted,
Clough must have misunderstood their middle class, businessmen's drive,
however, and thought that it was really an ill-concealed suggestion
that he had not been active enough in his task of soliciting support
of the Hall, That, no doubt, accounts for the singularly uncooperative
tone of Clough's reply. He told the Council that for a successful pro
ject "The Principal... has to state to the Chairman of Council that he
is unable to offer any suggestion to the Council in the present occasion.
No measure that he can think of could, he believes, have more than a


19
from his recollection of the vision to his recounting of the many
troubles of his life. Because Jacob kept his eyes upon the earth he
was faced with the paradox of his life of duty leading to an unsatis
factory life and the structure of the poem grows naturally out of the
natural processes of thought which a man like Jacob would follow in
considering this question. Such an accurate representation of the psy
chology of a man's confrontation with a problem is generally a prom
inent characteristic of Dipsychian poetry,
A matter which is closely associated with the description of
Dipsychian poetry is a general view of the effects that this kind of
poetry will have upon the reader, and,inasmuch as effects can be ex
pected to flow from intentions, it is necessary to observe that "the
end of poetry for Clough is primarily moral."^3 it would be quite
wrong to take Clough's moral intent in poetry to mean that he intended
to teach simple copy-book maxims, using poetry to decorate the common
places of moralistic pietyi instead, his aim is to plumb the problems
of existence that have always stirred and tantalized thinking men.
As Clough himself said, art's purpose should be "To sum up the large
experience of ages, to lay the finger on yet unobserved, or undiscovered
phenomena of the Inner Universe."^ The Dipsychian poetry can be seen
as a special case. While it fits well within Clough's view of the
moral purpose for poetry, the function of Dipsychian poetry is to pose
questions on either side of issues that were real and immediate to the
poet and to the society. These were issues that, because of their
nature, were not susceptible to simplistic solutions as, for example,
the problem of religious interpretation which Clough treated in a


120
Thomas Arnold early in November, 1848.^ By the end of that month, how
ever, negotiations for the University Hall position had become firm
enough to cause Clough to dismiss any idea of joining his friend at the
Antipodes, Thus in the fall of 1849 Clough began his duties as Princi
pal, haunted by the recognition of his economic insecurity which caused
him to acquiesce to the growing dictatorialness of the University Hall
Council,
Clough's sense of economic insecurity, coupled with the Council's
intrusive supervision of his activites as Principal, partly generated
Clough's "attitude of critical irritation and semi-boredom" in his posi
tion, 7 The "semi-boredom" was a facade to cover his sense of insecurity
and the mood of "critical irritation" was largely caused by the annoy
ance the Council presented Clough, Over Clough's objections, the Council
insisted on certain popularly orientated religious courses. They had
also so far intruded on the Principal's authority as to interfere in the
management of the servants of the Hall. In a letter to the Council that
was almost certainly never sent, Clough indulged in a vein of sarcasm
that would have been impossible for a man like Clough if he had not been
frequently subjected to petty interference. While the tone of this letter
does not show Clough in the best light, it provides the most elequent tes
timony to the bitterness that his treatment by the Council had generated.
You will forgive me, I daresay, for suggesting to
your consideration a little point of etiquette.
Would it not be more expedient if members of the
Committee and Council and officers of the Society
should forbear to communicate with the servants
of the Hall without first addressing themselves
to the Principal.... I must beg you not to sus
pect me of thinking myself competent to conduct
the household affairs without the constant super-


This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the
chairman of the candidate's supervisory committee and has been ap
proved by all members of that committee. It was submitted to the
Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council,
and was approved as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy,
June, 1970
Dean, College of Arts and Silences
Dean, Graduate School
Supervisory Committee
Chairman
JL1L /


139
rebukes himself for even that brief moment of hesitation. "0 moon
and stars forgive! And thou, clear heaven,/ Look pureness back into me."^
Spirit's more "adult and worldly view of sexual matters is the precisely
right foil to show that Dipsychus presents an excess of purity. Spirit
explains that from his point of view, Dipsychus overexaggerates the
importance of sexi "0 yes, you dream of sin and shame./ Trust me, it
leaves one much the same,55 Spirit's excess of worldliness is as ap
parent as Dipsychus' excess of purity and the first half of the poem is
devoted to showing this contrast in the course of several worldly temp
tations which Spirit offers Dipsychus,^
It was illustrated how the contrast between Spirit and Dipsychus
is portrayed in Scenes II and Ila in regard to sexual experience and
much the same contrast is seen in Scene III where the temptation is to
a superficial life in good society. Spirit holds that good society is
pleasant and that good manners make one think well of one's self.
Dipsychus, however, believes that society calls for one to wear a mask
of politeness that denies the reality of one's feelings and that for all
of its pleasant appearance, society is impure underneath. In Scene IV
the temptation is to economic exploitiveness. There Spirit sings his
song, a stanza of which was earlier quoted, proclaiming how pleasant
it is to have money. Dipsychus carries his attitude of moral purity
even beyond the duty to help others with his moneyto such excess of
moral feeling that he cannot enjoy any money because he thinks of "Our
slaving brother set behind|57 In Scene VI the temptation is to aggres
sive action. Dipsychus had been insulted by a German and Spirit urges
that Dipsychus should take action to avenge the insult, but Dipsychus


59
NOTES
xHoughton, Poetry of Clough, p. 226,
Plough, Poems, p. 44.
3lbid.
^Ibld.. p. 87.
^Ibld.
6Ibid.
'Clough, Correspondence, p. 190.
^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 75.
9Ibld.. p. 116.
-^Clough, Poems, p. 85.
X1Ibid.
^Ibid., p. 86.
^Timko, p. 95*
X^Arthur Hugh Clough, Selected Prose Works of Arthur Hugh Clough,
ed. Buckner B. Trawick (University, Alabama, 1964), p, 176.
'"-Osborne, p. 60.
^Charles Eliot Norton, "Arthur Hugh Clough," The Atlantic
Monthly. IX (April 1862), 463.
Paul Veyriras, Arthur Hugh Clough, 1819-1861 (Paris, 1964),
P. 191.
Arthur Hugh Clough, The Poems and Prose Remains of Arthur Hugh
Cloughi with a Selection from His Letters and a Memoir, ed. Blanche
Smith Clough (London, 1869), I, 3^.


73
stones of his thought that one should never accept any dogmatic position
nor maintain an unexamined philosophy. We have seen this attitude ex
pressed in the examination of his poem "The human spirits saw I on a
day." It was this philosophical imperative to remain free from a set
tled creed which forced him to keep in constant and intimate contact
with reality. Since his thought could not be orientated by some given
system of abstractions, some creed or dogma, any particular problem
could be argued endlessly pro and con unless he could resolve the ques
tion by the appeal to reality. For this reason Clough had to maintain
a strict honesty in regard to the objective reality that he found around
him. He had to be strictly accurate in his observation and reporting
of his subjective reality. He had to remain true to himself because,
in the long run, he had to depend only upon his own personal perception
of truth as he found it within himself. Because he accepted no creed
and would not commit himself to any authoritarian system of thought,
Clough's attitudes and his own apprehension of the truth had to be
the final arbiters in the philosophical and moral problems that he faced.
It would be worse than immoral, it would be insane for him to muddy that
clear water of truth and reality with the dirt of insincerity. This
realization explains his often strong condemnation of all misuse of lan
guage such as, .worldly-wise decorum's false proprieties/ ...And com
pany, and jests, and feeble witticism,/ And talk of talk, and criticism
of criticisms."^ Such lines are wrongly taken if they are understood
in the moralistic, pious sense that a Puritan would have intended if he
had uttered them, Clough was a social man and a quick man with a memor
able phrase. It was he that coined the phrase "The Broad Church" to


45
that poetry is specially marked by various stylistic devices which
heighten its particular effects. Clough himself often commented on
the relationship between the style and the personality of the poet.
In his discussion of the problems of translation he points up this
particular relationship between the poet and his style when he says
of translating Goethe's lyrics, "We have the portraiture of a particu
lar human mind to re-portray, and the fine personal details of a human
experience to re-express. Some delicate autobiographical confidence
is perverted by every seemingly slight alteration.^ Clough could
observe that "the style is the man" in his translation of Goethe's
lyrics because he knew it to be so true of himsblf. He had felt this
when he worked on his own poetry. Others, who knew Clough well, could
also see Clough's mind mirrored in his style. Palgrave knew Clough
when he was a Fellow at Oriel and later held a position similar to
Clough's as an Examiner in the Education Office while Clough was also
an Examiner there. This old friend noted the presence of Clough's
personality in the stylistic devices of his poetry. He says, "And
Clough is there, lastly, to turn to characteristics more distinctively
mental, in a certain caprice or over-fantasy of taste, in a subtle and
far-fetched mode of reasoning which returns to plain conclusions through
almost paradoxical premises,"6l Palgrave, who had known Clough's
Dipsychian mind in friendly conversation, could see the same thing in
the style of his poetry. He refers to it when he mentions Clough's
subtle reasoning and his use of "almost paradoxical premises.' It was
both natural and unavoidable that Clough's style should bear the strong
impress of his personality, particularly in his Dipsychian poetry.


124
"Epi-S trauss-ium," He also asserted that the seeker for religious
truth should not neglect "those pulsations of spiritual instinct which
come to me from association.. .with Unitarians.. .Calvinists.. .Episco
palians, and Roman Catholics,^ His idea is that all possible sources
of religious truth constitute what he denominated "The Religious Tra
dition and all such sources of truth should be examined by the indi
vidual! the seeker after truth should appropriate for himself whatever
religious truth he finds, wherever he may find it. Furthermore, Clough
believed each individual was so constituted as to be able to accept only
certain aspects of truth from the Religious Tradition. "Each of us is
born with a peculiar nature of his own, a constitution, as it were, for
one form of truth to the exclusion of othersthat we must each look
for what will suit us, and not be over solicitous for wide and compre
hensive attainments."^
If one were to put this total approach into a common modern
simile, then the Religious Tradition would be like a supermarket of
religious truth and each person would select those items that met his
needs until his shopping cart was full or his wallet was empty. But
no one would be able to purchase the whole store of truths, nor would
he want to. From this point of view, any individual's religious views
are partial and would also reflect his own individual capacity to ab
sorb religious truth. Remembering this, it is not difficult to see
how the Council of University Hall should think that Clough was suggesting
that religious matters are only a question of taste, like one's table
manners or one's choice of waistcoat styles. Clough promptly replied
to the Council saying, "I wholly repudiate the notion of such con


159
-^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 180,
-^Clough, Poems, p. 230.
6Ibld.t p. 269.
6lIbid.t p. 270.
62Ibld.. p. 272.
63Ibid.
^Ibid., p. 273.
^3Henry Sidgwick, "The Poems and Prose Remains of Arthur Hugh
Clough," Miscellaneous Essays and Addresses (New York, 1968), p. 62.
^Osborne, p. 139
^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 193.
68Fairehild, IV, 511.
^Clough, Poems, p. 283.
7Ibid., p. 287.
71lbid.. p. 248.
72Ibid., p. 249.
73Ibid., pp. 288-289.
7tClough, Selected Prose, p. 285.
75Timko, p. 87.
7^Clough, Poems, p. 289.
77Fairchild, IV, 515.
^Clough, Poems, p. 289.


13
for double vision. He could see at least two sides to every question,"^
This Dipsychian poetry is of two classes. The classes are determined
by the manner in which the balanced views are presented to the reader.
The first class of Dipsychian poetry presents the opposing sides by
direct statement as in Clough's narrative poems where he often puts the
opposing views in the mouths of opposing characters, Clough handles
the issue of social class in that way in The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich
when the student, Hewson, is often found arguing social questions
with the tutor, Adam, A similar balancing of views embodied in op
posing characters is, of course, seen in Dipsychus when the worldly
Spirit confronts the idealistic and moral Dipsychus. Thus Clough's
narrative poems achieve a type of conflict which arouses intellectual
interest though the plot of the narrative may seem uncommonly static.
In shorter, lyric poems the direct statements are attributable to a
persona which the poet assumes. The pattern often is psychological.
The lyric will follow the turnings of the persona's thought as it
moves first one way and then another. A classic example can be found
in the conclusion of "Is it true, ye gods, who treat us,"
If it is so, let it be so,
And we will all agree so;
But the plot has counterplot,
It may be, and yet be not.
Another part of this same lyric can conveniently serve as one
example of the second class of Dipsychian statementthe ironic. The
issue in "Is it true, ye gods, who treat us" is the question of whether
or not the poetic faculty is a divine vision or simply a singular physi
cal and mental conformation that makes poetic production possible. In


107
wealth, respect, good name," But such goals would naturally not be
satisfactory to a person of Clough's idealistic character and training,
and he would recognize that a religious orientation was necessary for
his own sense of duty. As Clough expressed it in "Bethesda," "Some
more diviner stranger passed the door/ With his small company into that
sad place,/ And breathing hope into the sick man's face,/ Bade him take
up his bed, and rise and go,"l6
Clough's ensuing concept of duty in service to others found
frequent expression in his prose and poetry. There was, however, some
times no direct reference to the religious aspect of that duty to others
because Clough was often chary of the stereotyped concepts of God and
he recognized that his own religious views took a more liberal turn
than would have been acceptable to much of his audience. To a percep
tive reader, however, the religious overtones are usually present
in any of Clough's admonitions to the duty of service to mankind. For
example, Adam the tutor, in The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich. says, "We
have all something to do, and in my judgement should do it/ In our
station,^7 On the surface this may seem to be simply a humanistic
attitude toward duty tinctured with conventionalism, an attitude which
omits God entirely. However, Philip, the student to whom Adam is
speaking, divines the tutor's (and Clough's) whole meaning when he re
expresses the tutor's remark in the more usual orthodox theological
formulation. "Ahl replied Philip, Alas I the noted phrase of the prayer-
book,/ Doing our duty in that state of life to which God has called
us."I08 Adam had obviously implied that the duty of service rested
in a religious context. Timko was aware of this religious orientation


93
and activity in the service of noble and disinterested feelings would
work effect beyond hope or calculation."^ How far Clough feared that
one would be propelled toward a jeopardy of one's moral probity by in
volvement with trade is shown by the very next sentence. "The dangers
of such Pursuits are doubtless most terrible."^ The basic danger which
Clough had outlined earlier in the essay was that of moral corruption.
"What wonder if the maxim of men's conduct should now Jin a rich, com
mercial societ7 become Seek money first and Virtue afteri and if they
themselves should be ready to sacrifice self-respect and affection,
kindly feelings and noble impulses of all kinds in obedience to this
new Principle."^3 Such sentiments are just such as would be expected
from a person with Clough's training with its emphasis upon moral purity
and the rampant evils of the world which corrupt that moral purity.
In light of the discussion of Clough's essay about the moral
dangers of trade, it is necessary to point out that neither Clough nor
his instructors in morality saw trade as the only corrupter. Trade
was simply the more obvious part of the world which corrupted. The
ultimate corrupter was the world itself. Any active engagement with
it was suspect and probably dangerous to the moral sense > Clough makes
the point of the general corrupting influence quite clear in one of his
most poignant, dramatic monologues, "Sa Majeste TresChretienne." In
this poem, the speaker is a French king following the time of Luther
and since there is a marginal note (L. XV) in the manuscript, it is
reasonable to assume that Louis XV is indicated.^ Apparently, how
ever, this poem is not intended as a historical description of that
monarch because Clough has suppressed the actual identity of the king
in the text of the poem.


157
19Ibid., p. 264.
20Badger, p. 50.
^-Armstrong, p. 16.
??
Houghton, Poetry of Clough, pp. 158-159,
23
-Xlyde De L. Ryals, "An Interpretation of Clough's Dipsychus,"
Victorian Poetry. I (August 1963), I83.
24
^Levy, p. 201.
2*5
-'Patrie Dickinson, "Books in General," The New Statesman and
Nation. XXVI (October 1943), 271.
2^0sborne, p. 130.
27
Clough, Correspondence, I, 290.
28Ibid.
29Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p. 17?.
3Ibid.
3^Heathcote William Garrod, Poetry and the Criticism of Life
(New York, 1963), p. 126.
32Francis W. Palmer, "Was Clough a Failure?" Philological Quarterly,
XXII (January 1943), 62.
33Shackford, p. 403.
3William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, A Greek-Engllsh Lexi
con of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (Chicago
& Cambridge, 1957), P* 200.
33The New English Bible 1 New Testament (Oxford & Cambridge, 1961),
p. 390.
36Ibid., p. 39^.


122
very gradual effect in the way of increasing the number of students.
The Council, on their side, must have misunderstood Clough's casual
reply. They apparently thought that he was suggesting that the whole
University Hall project was a failure and, consequently, the Council
prepared to close the institution. Out of this whole episode grew
Clough's eventual dismissal from University Halla year after Dlpsychus
was written. He already knew that the Council Judged him neither very*
capable of business affairs nor very energetic in the pursuit of those
affairs, Crabb Robinson, a prominent member of the Council and one of
Clough's early supporters, had written as much to his brother, saying
that Clough was a "very agreeable man, though not the very best man for
his position; he wants energy and vivacity."^ The necessity for a
practical business sense in organizing and running the Hall called for
a talent that Clough's genius did not include. Certainly Clough was
poorly placed as Principal of University Hall,
The Council had spent several months prior to Clough's under
taking the Principalship in weighing his religious views. This indi
cation of their intolerance was confirmed by subsequent events. Clough
was obliged to be present at the daily prayers that he had flatly re
fused to conduct and which he had also requested that he not be re
quired to regularly attend. In a letter to Thomas Arnold in the fall
of 1849, when Clough had begun his duties as Principal, Clough expressed
an apprehension about his ultimate dismissal because of the Council's
religious intolerance and his disillusionment at finding that intoler
ance was probably stronger in the middle class orientated University
College than it had proved to be at Oxford. As Clough considered his


5
arrived at were inner decisions and did not force themselves upon the
observation of biographers, and they were permitted to view Clough's
thoughtful consideration of both sides of issues in the superficial
light of personal irresolution. This approach was taken by many of
Clough's biographers. Osborne says of Clough that he was "a man who
made decisions with great difficulty.Again, later, when Osborne
concludes his biography, he summarizes what had become a sub-theme of
his book by asserting of Clough that "his name has been in danger of
becoming a byword for irresolution.
Even some modern biographers still tend to view Clough as ir
resolute. Katharine Chorley's biography of Clough, though it is some
times weak in its criticism of his poetry, provides, in the opinion of
Clough scholars, the most complete treatment of the facts of his life
so far written.''7 let occasionally Chorley will lapse into viewing
Clough as an irresolute person. For example, towards the end of her
book she says of Clough, "Already in America, his indecision was
getting the better of him, so that he could not initiate any plan
Q
which involved an active launching out." For the modern student of
Clough such a lapse could occur partly because of the inner nature of
Clough's life but also because of the earlier Victorian treatment of
Clough from that point of view. Yet when a modern scholar studies
Clough's letters, he is struck by the fact that in such personal mode
of self-expression the use of ambivalence is largely absent. Also,
when the modern scholar further observes that Clough rarely employs
ambivalences in his prose writing, he is forced to reassess the facile
assumption that Clough was indecisive. And there is a great deal to


145
the hands of a fat that is ths common experience of all men, Dipsychus,
like other men, must face the problem of a practical necessity for moral
compromise, and, like most men, he lacks the heroic stature to resolve
the problem by a movement of his own will, Left to himself, Dipsychus
would vacillate forever; but the world will not allow that. Scene XI
is devoted to Dipsychus' realization that practical necessity will force
him to submit to the world. His first full recognition of that remorse
less necessity as it sweeps over him, he expresses thusj "It must be
then, I feel it in my soul;/ The iron enters, sundering flesh and bone,/
And sharper than the two-edged sword of God./ I come into deep waters
help, 0 help!/ The floods run over me."69 Spirit then presses his ad
vantage with a long mocking speech that clearly shows Dipsychus that he
cannot avoid the necessity of submission to the world. Any employment
that Dipsychus might wish to pursue, such as writing or teaching, will
require compromise with the world and submission to its ways and hence,
finally it is a stern necessity, not some resolution of his own, that
brings Dipsychus to submission. He can no longer delay; he must submit.
But like a drowning man grasping for straws, Dipsychus wishes that there
were even a few moments left before he must submit. "Is the hour here,
then? Is the minute come/ The irreprievable instant of stern time?/
0 for a few, few grains in the running glass,/ Or for the power to hold
them!.../ It must be then, e'en now.7 The nearly Elizabethan cadences
and diction in this section bring some elements of nobility to the
submission of Dipsychus before necessity. His is not the nobility of
a strong-willed hero, but the nobility of the ordinary person whose young
man's dream of an idealistic life has been wrenched from himthe lost


147
even when a person is caught in the toils of necessityi When the panic
comes upon thee, When necessity seems on thee,/ Hope and choice have all
foregone thee,/ Fate and force are closing o'er thee,/ And but one way
stands before thee/ Call on us!73 Encouraged, even though it too is
only a dream, Dipsychus now takes a different attitude toward his neces
sary submission to worldly reality.
The attitude of duty under God which Clough developed explicitly,
as we have seen in Chapter Two, in his "Review of Mr. Newman's The Soul,"
now comes to the fore. One's duty, Clough thought, is to serve God in
this world and to look to this world to discern how one is to serve.
Clough wrote, "We are here...to live according to Nature, to serve God
.... Not by prayer, but by examination; J\¡£¡ examination not of ourselves,
but of the world, shall we find out what to do, and how to do it."7^ Duty
and service to God become important to Clough, as Timko points out, be
cause they enable him "to solve the dilemma of connecting religion and
daily life."75 Thus it is natural that Dipsychus suggests duty to God
as an explanation of his necessity of defiling himself with the world.
He sees himself as sent by God into the evil and filth of life in order
to serve God. "Not for thy service, thou imperious fiend," Dipsychus
proclaims to Spirit, "Not to do thy work, or the like of thinej/ ...But
One Most High, Most True, whom without thee/ It seems I cannot."7^ And
with duty*s resounding voice, this earnest Victorian character thinks
to have quenched the fiery darts of the spirit of the world that plagues
him with thenacessity to enter the world and thereby taint him with the
contamination of moral compromise. Duty seems a possible way to solve
the problem which the Spirit has set before Dipsychus, but there are


131
hyper-fastidiousintellectually, socially and morally. But Clough,
as an artist, recognized that he could not make his only two characters
completely unacceptable to the imagination of the reader. Both Dipsychus
and Spirit have their redeeming virtues but these virtues are not such
as would compromise their functions to serve as extremes in regard to
the basic question of the poem. Though Dipsychus is overly conscious
of his moral purity, he is intriguingly thoughtful. His mind plays over
the central question of the poem with a brilliance that reveals the ques
tion in various lights and he has the perception to see the manifold rami
fications of his possible courses of action. Dipsychus' intellectual
brilliance serves to make him more appealing and it promotes the function
of the poem because it makes possible a fuller examination of the problem.
Thus Clough's personal purposes are better served because he can use
Dipsychus to see deeply into the problem that Clough was facing, and
Clough's purposes in regard to his audience are better served because
the readers will have a fuller statement of the idealistic side of the
question from which to form their own personal resolutions of the ques
tion, Because Clough's purposes in his Dipsychian poetry involve the
examination of a question, it is not surprising that critics, like
Shackford, point out that a major appeal in his poetry is its appeal to
thought,33
Dipsychus' name is used to emphasize the hesitant, questioning
attitude that is one of his most prominant characteristics, Clough,
who was a Greek scholar, could have transliterated the word from the
Greek but it was probably partially suggested to him by his reading of
the New Testament. It is used only twice in the New Testament, both


142
first." If he waits or if he acts, either way he is condemned to moral
impurity, as he says, "If I stay,/ I am not innocent} nor if I go--/
Een should I fall-beyond redemption lost."63 Convinced of the impurity
of either course, the practical necessity for action becomes the deciding
factor, Dipsychus soon recognizes the practical necessity of work and
expresses it in these practical, common-sense terms: "Other folks do so
/work7l ... And are paid for it./ For nothing else we can be. He that
eats/ Must serve; and serve as other servants do,"64 Because of neces
sity, then, Dipsychus submits.
No heroism is involved in Dipsychus' bending to necessity and
therefore he does not feel any sense of pride. Neither does Dipsychus
feel any pride in any of his previous moral victories over the temp
tations offered by Spirit, although in those cases it might seem that
Dipsychus was demonstrating a large measure of moral strength. In his
earlier victories over the temptations of lust, avarice, or anger,
Dipsychus never felt a sense of exaltation because he seemed to feel
that he was merely doing what he had to do. He was doing his moral duty.
The lack of any sense of moral exaltation is apparent also when Dipsychus
decides that he must enter upon some kind of work. There is no sense
of eager anticipation of a new life or any sense of moral victory because
what he has decided to do is again only what he simply has to do. He
really does not freely make a decision} rather, a decision is forced
upon him. The necessity to enter the world was, as we have seen from
the brief study of Clough's own life, also forced upon Clough at this
time. Dipsychus' character reflects Clough's mood in 1850 by this
grudging but dutiful submission to the world, Sidgwick says of Clough


37
lished until many years after it was written. Though Clough wrote
neither for fame nor wealth, he did have an intimately personal reason
for his poetic creationthe use of poetry as a means of examining his
own philosophical and religious problems.
There is a good deal of evidence to indicate that Clough wrote
his poems as a method of thinking about these problems. In an exami
nation of Clough's periods of poetic productivity it can be observed
that there were conspicuous periods of productivity but also equally
observable lapses in poetic production. The periods of poetic creation
usually were periods of personal stress for Clough. It was during such
times that Clough employed poetry as a means of working toward a re
solution of the problems besetting him. The first period of production
was from 1839 to 1841 when Clough faced the "shock of seeing the re-
46
ligion of Arnold challenged by both Catholicism and Theism." The
second period was from 1849 to 1851 when Clough had witnessed the de
feat of political liberalism in Paris and in Italy and at the same
time had found that University College in London offered no haven
47
from religious intolerance. '
During one other period Clough's poetic creativity is linked
directly to personal stress. The later part of the Rugby period,
particularly after the fall of 1835, was a period during which Clough
was engaged in a restricting of his intellectual abundance. Clough
then had "the sense that the too fast and brilliant working of one's
48
mind was somehow wrong and alien to some deeper quiet of the heart."
He began to use poetry as a way of resolving this problem by objecti
fying it in poetry. Such an activity, however, only forced him into


95
might yet act but in conformity to God's commandments. The confessor's
interruption is only suggested in the poem, of course, since otherwise
it would not be a true dramatic monologue. The confessor's suggestion
of action in obedience to the commandments receives the obvious re
joinderit is impossible to completely obey them. Every realistic
necessity forces their compromise and their meanings are far from clear
in any context of real life. In response to his confessor's suggestion,
Sa Majests laments, with the weariness of a sincere soul, "'Thou knowest
the commandments'Ies indeed, / Ies, I suppose, But it is weary work;/
For Kings I think they are not plain to read; / Ministers somehow have
small faith in them." There is no way out of the dilemma. Moral
purity cannot be reconciled with action, and for kings, at least, there
is no retreat from the world and no retreat from engagement with action
in that world. Neither was Clough able to allow himself any retreat
into inaction.
The same dilemma that faced Sa Majaste Tres Chretienne was forced
upon Clough when he recognized that his duty to the service of others
must, of necessity, lead him into an intimate contact with the world.
This necessity of service, this duty of involvement in reality for the
sake of others, becomes the motivating force in stirring Clough's moral
dilemma to its peak of intensity as embodied in his Dipsychian poetry.
Thus Clough's apprehension of duty becomes the last aspect of the Di
psychian mind that takes part in the internal tension which caused
Clough to create his Dipsychian poetry. The study of Clough's attitude
toward duty will be much simplified by material covered in the earlier
discussions of his sense of reality and his desire for moral purity.


10 6
rather, the meaninglessness of his philosophy has become painfully ap
parent. It is this that the poem suggests when the spirit of duty is
unable to recall even the name of that philosophy to which he had earlier
dedicated himself. "What was that word which once sufficed alone for
all,/ Which now I seek in vain, and never can recall?"-*-^ The only
alternative for the spirit of duty now is a pointless subservience to
the materialism of the world, "Will do for daily bread, for wealth,
respect, good name, the business of the day."3-^ Clough then alludes
to the New Testament story of Jesus' healing, suggesting that the pro
per dimension for duty is a service to others under God, Clough wonders
if Jesus might come to this sick humah spirit of duty "And breathing
hope into the sick mans face,/ Bade him take up his bed, and rise and
go."105 The idea of duty to others under God would obviously be the
only fully satisfactory philosophy of duty for Clough.
The concept of duty without a specific goal would be a dan
gerous perversion of duty, but, when we remember Clough's early situation
at Oxford, it becomes clearer that Clough may have temporarily drifted
into just such a view. Having come from Rugby where duty had been much
more than a mere philosophy to himit had been a way of life and Dr.
Arnold had determined its directionClough now found himself in Oxford
without any defined opportunity or need to serve others. He still fully
endorsed the idea of duty but there was no established avenue for its
expression. During his early years at Oxford Clough may well have found
himself in the position of the human spirit in the "Bethesda" poem,
faced with a seemingly pointless existence and in somewhat of desperation,
considering the usual materialistic goals of men, "for daily bread, for


158
37Ibid.
3Veyriras, p. 135#
39Clough, Poems, p. 293.
4Ibid.
^Armstrong, p.
42Clough, Poems.
43Ibid.
30.
p. 241.
^Badger, p. 53.
^Humbert Wolfe, "Arthur Hugh Clough,"
ed. John Drinkwater (London, 1932), p. 45.
^Garrod, p. 125.
^Clough, Poems, p. 244,
48Ibid.
49Ibld.
5Ibid., p. 227.
51Ibid.
-^Veyriras, p. 395.
3^Clough, Poems, p. 286,
^Ibid., p. 229.
55Ibid., p. 230.
56Ibid.
57Ibld.. p. 239.
The Eighteen-Sixties,


68
besides its appearance in the active, realistic desire to engage in
practical service that we find in the Dipsychian poetry. Outside of
the Dipsychian poetry, probably the most striking poetic revelation
of this realistic side of Clough's personality is found in his poem,
The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich. It has earthy and sometimes humorous
descriptions such as that of the corpulent young student, Hobbes,
dancing a highland reel in his short kilts i "Him see I frisking, and
whisking, and ever at swifter gyration/ Under brief curtain revealing
broad acresnot of broad cloth.The settings in this poem are also
presented with a clear eye for the reality they are to convey, such
as the description of the reading partied favorite bathing place in
a stream near their cottage. This long description gives the reader
a sense of actual presence on the scene as Clough describes the trees
that surround the falls and the pool below, "...pellucid, pure, a
mirror;/ Beautiful there for the colour derived from green rocks under;/
Beautiful, most of all, where beads of foam uprising/ Mingle their
clouds of white with the delicate hue of the stillness,/ Cliff over
cliff for its sides, with rowan and pendent birch boughs,/ Here it
lies,This short quote from Clough's much longer description can
only suggest its realistic vividness but it is typical of the poem as
a whole. It was noted before that Houghton says of this poem, ...
the sense of actual life is so firmly created."l^
Philip Hews on, the hero of The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich,
can be seen as Clough's characterization of this realistic side of
Clough's personality. Hewson was a poet, but, like Clough, he was in
search of a way that would enable him to live a simple life in touch


156
NOTES
%artha Hale Shackford, "The Clough Centenary His Dipsychus, *
The Sewanee Review, XXVII (October 1919) 404.
Plough, Correspondence, I, 192-194.
^Ibld., I, 196.
4Ibid., I, 284.
^Osborne, p. 90
^Clough, Correspondence, I, 223.
'Chorley, p. 212.
8Ibid., p. 224.
^Clough, Correspondence, I, 294.
^Chorley, p. 226.
^Clough, Correspondence, I, 293-29^
^Levy, p. 122.
plough, Selected Prose, p. 293.
l4Ibid.
15Ibid.
^Clough, Correspondence, I, 232,
^Levy, p. 123.
l^Clough, Poems, p. 263.


119
appointment was delayed while the Council of University Hall tried to
determine whether his religious views would present a problem. This
issue was temporarily solved by the Council's determination to appoint
a chaplain to conduct religious services in the Hall, a task they had
earlier allotted to the Principal but one that Clough had properly re
fused to undertake because he could no more, in conscience, teach Pres
byterian creeds than he could fully endorse Anglican creeds. Thus it
was not until January, 1849, that Clough was actually appointed Prin
cipal of University Halli his duties were not to begin until fall, ap
proximately a whole year after his resignation from Oxford.
The latent moral tension generated by Clough's early training
reached a peak during the period from 1849 to 1852. Although the im
mediate problem of finding a position had been solved for him without
a great deal of effort on his part, nevertheless he was brought to recog
nize that his limited capacity to fit into the economic structure was a
fact and he was painfully aware of the possibility that perhaps his
tender conscience would cost him more than he could afford to pay. Men
of independent means could afford independent religious views, but Clough
came to realize that he was scarcely in a position to assert his inde
pendence. He was indeed well suited to be a college teacher but his
refusal to subscribe to the Thirty-Nine Articles had made him suspect
by all the orthodox institutions in England, Principally for this
reason he seriously considered joining his friend, young Thomas Arnold,
who was organizing a projected college at Nelson, New Zealand, but
Clough doubted that he was prepared to teach the kinds of subjects that
would be required there. Clough expressed this doubt in a letter to


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46
Clough faced the problems he dealt with in his Dipsychian
poetry with his characteristic rationality, but since these problems
had a personal dimension for him, there is an emotional intensity pre
sent as well, He is, of course, an intellectual, but he would not
be a poet unless his intellectual findingsin the realms of personal
and social psychologyhad engendered strong emotions," Fairchild
alludes to the same thing when he observes that "Clough's satires re
veal more discomfort than they inflict.it would be quite wrong
to suppose that Clough was an emotional poet in the way that Shelley
was. With Clough, the emotional force forms a sort of undercurrent
of intensity more often than it breaks out into obvious emotionalism.
Clough's emotional drives provide the direction and the depth of his
intellectual treatment of the issues. When those issues are examined,
however, it is readily apparent that those matters are of great per
sonal importance to Clough himself* A glance at one of the issues in
Clough's Dipsychian poetry will make that clear. Since those issues
which are crucial in Dipsychian poetry will later be discussed at
more length, it will only be necessary here to mention one of the
minor problems that Clough treats in his Dipsychian poetry and to show
briefly how it is related to his own personal situation.
One subject that occurs with some regularity in the Dipsychian
poetry is the problem of the interpretation of Scripture. Clough's
early religious training at home had left him with the orthodox idea
that the Scriptural stories should be read as if they were all com
posed at one time and addressed to people who were in about the same
situation as himself. When Clough grew to understand what Dr. Arnold,


78
To avoid the risk of making young Arthur seem like a moralizing
monster to a modern reader, it must be recalled that such thinking and
talk were quite the staple of the earnest Victorians.
The prophets of earnestness were attacking a casual,
easy-going, superficial, or frivolous attitude...and
demanding that men should think and men should live
with a high and serious purpose,.,. In the 1830's
the most sensitive minds became aware that England
was faced by a profound crisis. The intellectual
world, the Christian Church, and the social order
were all in grave peril, to be averted only by the
most earnest search for saving ideas and the most
earnest life of moral dedication.3^
This attitude was widespread and since it accorded with Clough's early
training, and because he was directly under the influence of Dr. Arnold
who was one of the leading exponents of the necessity for moral earnest
ness and purity, it was only natural that Clough would respond by whole
heartedly adopting the idea himself. The letters to George indicate
that Clough went so far as to become involved in the dangerous idea
of moral perfectionism. In a letter of I836 to George there is a clear
suggestion that Arthur himself had tried to correct all his own bad
habits at once and had been defeated in the process. Consequently,
he advises George against a similar attempt,3-5 But this experience
did not persuade Arthur that the attempt at all moral improvement was
in vain. Instead, he tried to attack his faults one at a time, It is
well to remember also that the moral faults that engaged his attention
were not such gross lapses as drunkenness or thievery; rather Clough
was seriously concerned about things like arguing with his brother and
sister and his tendency toward procrastination.
Since it has been indicated that Dr. Arnold was an important
exponent of Victorian morality and a major influence on Clough's thought,


105
There was, however, a second and more subtle perversion of
duty that Clough had to deal with which is portrayed in his poem "Bethesda,"
subtitled "A Sequel." It is the sequel to a poem mentioned earlier, "The
human spirits saw I on a day." It will be recalled from the discussion
of "The human spirits saw I on a day" that the spirit which apparently
had the most satisfactory life was the one who took duty as his philoso
phy. In "Bethesda," on the contrary, the spirit of duty appears no
better off than any other of the human spirits. As Clough had done
many other times, he put alternate points of view in separate poems,
thereby achieving a Dipsychian effect when the two poems are taken
together. Several examples of this practice have been noted previously,
such as "Easter Day" and "Easter Day H." As the poem "Bethesda" opens,
all the human spirits are "huddling in blankets" around the pool of
Bethesda waiting in their sickness of soul for the waters to be stirred
so that the first one entering can be cured. The poem as a whole is
influenced by the Biblical story of Jesus healing a man who was simi
larly waiting for an angel to stir the waters at the pool of Bethesda
(John 5l-l6). Among the human spirits waiting for healing in Clough's
poem is the spirit that in "The human spirits saw I on a day" poem who
had thought duty to be the best philosophyi now he is as sick as the
others. He has lost his health because he has lost the proper conception
of duty. The danger of that loss was implicit in the earlier poem be
cause the spirit of duty did not seem to have an object for his duty.
He did not urge duty for the good of others or duty to Godhe simply
urged duty. Now In "Bethesda" he reaps the result of his pointless
pursuit of duty. His philosophy of duty has become meaningless, or,


163
Emerson, Ralph Waldo. Emerson-Clough Letters, eds. Howard F. Lowry and
Ralph Leslie Rusk. Cleveland, 1934,
English Association. The Year's Work in English Studies. London, 1921-,
Fairchild, Hoxie Neale. Religious Trends in English Poetry. 5 vols.
New York, 1957.
Fry, Sir Edward. A Memir, ed. Agnes Fry. Oxford, 1921,
Garrod, Heathcote William. Poetry and the Criticism of Life, New York,
1963.
Goethe, Johann W. Van, Faust First Part. New York, 1962,
Gollin, Richard M, "Arthur Hugh Clough The Formative Years, Disser
tation, University of Minnesota, 1959.
. "The 1951 Edition of Clough's Poems, Modern Philology, T.7
(November 1962), 125-127.
f Walter E. Houghton and Michael Timko. Arthur Hugh Clough
A Descriptive Catalogue Poetry, Prose, Biography and Criticism.
New-fork, 1967. ^
Greene, Graham. The Quiet American. New York, 1956.
Houghton, Walter E. "Arthur Hugh Clough A Hundred Years of Disparage
ment," Studies in English Literature, I (Autumn 1961), 35-61.
. The Poetry of Clough An Essay in Revaluation. New Haven &
London, 1963.
. "The Prose Works of Arthur Hugh Clough A Checklist and
Calendar with Some Unpublished Passages," Bulletin of the New
York Public Library, LXIV (July i960), 377ZW.
. "Review of Arthur Hugh Clough The Uncommitted Mind by
Katharine Chorley," Victorian Studies, VI (September 1962), 91-92.
, The Victorian Frame of Mind, 1830-1870. New Haven, 1957
Hughes, Thomas, Tom Brown's School-Days. New York & London, 1911.
Johari, G, P. "Arthur Hugh Clough at Oriel and at University Hall,"
Publications of the Modern Language Association of America,
HIV (June 1951), 405-425
Levy, Goldie. Arthur Hugh Clough. London, 1938.
Lowell, James Russell. My Study Windows. Boston, 1871.


153
own personal situation, it is obvious that not only is Clough examining
the dark side of human experience, but he is trying to deal with his
own gloom and perplexity during this period of his life when Dipsychus
was written. The situation in which Dipsychus found himself is not
incapable of a resolution but Clough could not at that time bring him
self to any such resolution. As Sidgwick puts it, Clough's "poetical
utterances was connected by an inner necessity with his personal experi
ence. "92
The lacle of a resoxuuion in a poem is discomforting to a reader
and it is sometimes unnerving to a critic, but many critics agree with
Osborne that the ending is not conclusive.93 Fairchild, for example,
joins Osborne in asserting that it cannot be determinded how Dipsychus
resolved his problem.9^ When a resolution has been attempted by a
critic, as Veyriras attempted to do, appeal is made to material out
side the scope of the poem. Veyriras, for instance, tries to build a
case for a resolution of the poem on the fragment of "Dipsychus Con
tinued, "95 even that, especially in its incomplete state, could
be used to argue for a resolution on either side or, more probably,
no resolution at all. The poem must remain a Dipsychian poemj an un
resolved examination of the human predicament. Necessity does not offer
sufficient justification for submission to the world, nor does duty to
God offer sufficient vindication of such a submission. The dilemma
of the idealist, caught up in the necessity to act in this corrupt
world, must be solved by each person for himself. In Dipsychus men
are offered a searching examination of the problem that all people
must face at some time, and that most people must face daily. If the


114
8Ibid., p. 71.
8 ^-Osborne, p. 12,
2Houghton, Victorian Frame of Mind, p. 410.
3dough, Poems and Prose Remains, p. 9
8'tVeyriras, p. 15.
8-5woodward, p. 4.
88Hughes, pp. I4l-l43.
^Stanley, p, 96.
88Ibid.. pp. 94-95.
89Ibid., p. 95.
90sborne, p. 22.
^^Clough, Correspondence, p. 35.
920sborne, p. 42.
9-^Clough, Correspondence, p. 91.
94Ibid.. p. 90.
9Richard M. Gollin, "Arthur Hugh Cloughi The Formative Years"
(Dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1959) p. 122.
^Osborne, p. 67.
97Timko, p. 54.
98Ibid.
^^Clough, Poems, p. 27.
'Armstrong, p. 19.


36
both extremes become equally repellent. Unlikely to choose either
extreme, the reader will be forced, through analyzation of both sides
of an issue, to take some of his ideas from both sides and so arrive
at an opinion that is personally satisfactory. The proposed effect
of Dipsychian poetry, therefore, is not only to induce thought and
provide a comprehensive view of the issue, but also to free the reader
to form his own personal position on the issue in question. From this
point of view, Clough's intended effect, then, was to enable change
and growth in his readers. Timko recognized this effect which Clough
proposed in at least one area of thought when he says, "Clough's wish
.. .was for man to accept things as they really are rather than avoid
coming to grips with the world by resorting to conventional behavior,
to 'mawkish sentimentality,' or animal actions."^ One must look to
Clough's intended effect upon his readers, but to achieve the most com
prehensive understanding of his Dipsychian poetry it is necessary also
to consider the part that self-expression plays in the genesis of that
poetry.
One aspect of Clough's self-expression in his poetry should be
examined first because it can indicate one of Clough's primary reasons
for the creation of his poetry, beyond its proposed salutary effects
upon the readers. Rare indeed is the writer who writes only to pro
mote the welfare of his readers. Some may write to achieve fame, but
these are usually least successful in their aim. Others may write as
a means of livelihood but Clough published so little that this could
not have been his aim. In fact, the only poetry he wrote for which
he was ever paid was his Amours de Voyage and even this was not pub-


15
Israel. Jacob's materialism and his supplanting of Esau are betrayed
in these lines which Jacob speaks "To have done things on which the
eye with shame/ Looks back, the closed hand clutching still the prizel"*
Such materialistic striving as that of Jacob is set in ironic contrast
with Jacob's proper kind of obedience to God when Jacob adds, "0 Godl/
I thank thee it is over, yet I think/ It /the materialistic life/ was
a work appointed me of theeIt is a perfectly understandable and
human rationalization for a materialist such as Jacob to think that
God has somehow required his materialism but Clough has placed the
materialism in ironic juxtaposition with phrases such as "a work ap
pointed" of God which betrays it as a rationalization. The concluding
four lines of the dramatic monologue point out Jacob's puzzlement at
the central enigma of his life as Clough's poem shows itthat though
he has striven to do his duty, Jacob is not satisfied with his life.
The irony is precisely that Jacob need not have striven and, in fact,
if he had not striven, his life would not have been so full of con
flict and it would have been much more satisfactory to him. The main
significance of the poem is pointed out to the reader with the con
cluding irony of the old and dying Jacob saying, "How is it? I have
striven all my days/ To do my duty to my house and hearth,/ And to
the purpose of my father's race,/ Yet is my heart therewith not satis
fied."6
The presence of dramatic irony in Clough's dramatic monologues
is not at all surprising, not only because dramatic irony is a fre
quent device in that genre, but also because dramatic irony is found
abundantly in another poem which must have been in Clough's mind when


91
ness, under the specious appearance of knowledge of the world, or under
the plea of common sense, would often obtain a footing which might after
wards grow until the spirit of this world had altogether expelled the
Spirit of God."66 Ward thus encouraged in Clough the idea that involve
ment with the world, from no matter what innocent motives, left one open
to what he called "the circuambient poison of worldliness.6?
That Clough maintained this notion in his later life appears
from salient references in his poetry such as Claude's reference to the
"taint of the shop in The Amours de Voyage (Canto I, Section Vi) and
in such lines in Clough's lyrics as these quoted below where he is re
pelled by the idea of entering business because one is compelled "To
stoop and pick the dirty pence,/ A taint upon one's innocence."6 That
Clough held such an attitude can also be partly accounted for by his
singular ignorance of business. He never had much contact with his
father's business. Clough recognized his ignornace of the real world
around him and admitted as much in his letter to Shairp: "Actual life
is unknown to an Oxford student, even though he is not a mere Puseyite
and goes on jolly reading parties."69 Clough lived his early years at
Rugby and at Oxford, insulated from the life of business and worldly
affairs. It was only at University Hall that he first had any genuine
contact with the world beyond academia. Consequently, he could never
really sympathize with the bourgeois ethos. "Bagehot says that Clough
could not understand a shopkeeper who had been carefully brought up."70
The distance that Clough felt between himself and the middle class mind
was partially a result of his having had too little contact with these
minds and because he had been involved almost exclusively with the upper


55
"To find repose;/ To physic the sick soul." Houghton comments on
this when he discusses these lines. He says of self-examination, "For
a poet it could also lead to a therapy of self-confession."^ This
seems to be what Clough is suggesting here too. The process of self-
examination would serve to promote a more healthy attitude toward the
questions because they could be seen in a more objective manner. The
problems would then be seen for exactly what they are, without intro
ducing the exaggerations that solitary brooding would tend to bring
to them. This, then, could be called therapeutic poetry because of
the healing it may bring to the poet himself. Much of the Dipsychian
poetry is of this nature because when both sides of an issue are laid
bare, with the full force of arguments on each side exposed, the poet
is placed in a position which enables him to make his own choice.
The Dipsychian poem would not record that ultimate choice since that
would occur only after the poem had been written. This is the reason
for the ambivalence in the Dipsychian poemsthe issues they examine
are at the time of examination in a state of flux in the poet's mind
and the poem itself is part of the mental process by which the poet
is working toward a resolution. It is thus easy to see that critics,
looking at the Dipsychian poems themselves and not considering other
sources of information about their author, were often erroneously led
to the conclusion that Clough was a poet of doubt. It would be more
accurate to say that Clough was a poet sometimes seized by doubt, and
while he struggled under its power he turned to poetry to express
that struggle. Ultimately the poet himself reached a resolution of
the issue, but the Dipsychian poems are poems of the struggle, not of
the resolution.


42
Scotland a number of times to participate in reading parties. He had
participated both as a student and as a tutor. Towards the end of
August, 1848, two months before he was to formally resign his Fellow
ship at Oriel, Clough visited Fisher, a former pupil who was then
acting as tutor to his first reading party in Scotland.55 At this
time only the formality of the announcement of Clough's resignation
remained. His connections with Oxford were virtually severed. No
doubt this brief visit with Fisher's reading party in Scotland reminded
Clough of his own happy experiences on similar trips when, during the
long summer vacation, he had led a group of students in their studies
and on rambles through the Scottish country side. From his nostalgia
for the reading parties and out of his sense of freedom from the re
strictions his Fellowship had imposed, Clough wrote the long vacation
pastoral, The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich. While the poem was occa
sioned by his separation from Oxford, it was certainly built upon his
own experiences in just such reading parties as the poem describes.
The settings for Clough's other long poems are just as closely tied
to his own experiences. The Amours de Voyage is set in Rome during
the seige by the French in 1849. Clough was in Rome at that time.
Dipsychus is set in Venice, and Clough wrote his first draft of it
while he himself was there in 1850,
The relationship, however, between Clough's experiences and
his poetry is even more intimate than to function merely as a source
for settings and some of the actions in his poems. As will become
apparent, the personal philosophical problems that he was facing are
also reflected in the poems. It is this kind of preoccupation with


75
attempted, in the face of almost certain misunderstanding on the part
of his patriotic parents, to be honest about his view of England, his
native land, and finding himself frustrated by the fact that "truth
is so concealed by the balarney of false patriotism that it is very
hard to discover what are the real merits and demerits of England.^'7
Through Clough's lifelong concern for sincerity he maintained a clear
perception of his inner reality and that honesty informed his poetry
so that it is moving even today, "Clough thought first of his own
sincerity when he wrote; he permitted himself no expression which would
not render as truthfully as possible an emotion actually felt. He re
fused to heighten feelings, he loved reality."^ Clough faced and con
quered the challenge which sincerity to his inner reality presented to
him as a poet.
Honesty to the reality that was within him, as well as honesty
to objective exterior reality, was simply an aspect of Clough's general
attitude that asserted the importance of the ordinary reality of every
day life. But most important, when this realistic facet of Clough's
mind is brought to bear upon the crisis of values that formed the Di-
psychian poetry, it can be seen that it was quite impossible for him
to retreat from everyday reality in acting on the basis of his sense
of duty to others. He rightly felt that if he must serve others, then
he must serve them in the context of the reality of their daily lives.^9
He was propelled by this point of view to enter upon some vocation that
would operate for the good of others within the commonplace activities
of the world. But it was his fear that such an intimate involvement
with the world would lead him away from God's requirement for moral purity.


140
passes if off as unnecessary to his pride and contrary to his person
ality. All of these temptations follow the same pattern. The moral
purity of Dipsychus is confronted by the views of the world and is re
pelled by them. At the same time, there is always a certain justness
in the worldly views that Spirit presents. It is important not to over
look this because the tension of the whole poem depends upon the element
of reasonableness in Spirit's worldly views as mentioned earlier. The
reasonableness of some of Spirit's views can be seen in the temptation
to sexual experience that has been treated as typical of the rest of the
temptations. After Spirit portrays his gross worldly view of sex by
characterizing seduction and prostitution as an "innocent a thing/ As
picking strawberries in the spring," he then goes on to offer a bit of
advice with a realistic appeal. Houghton remarks that "This second and
more insidious appeal, common as it is in life, has rarely been expressed
in English poetry. "58 Spirit points to a commonly observed aspect of human
nature, that people tend to pay too much attention to sins that they have
not tested. They imagine the sin is more alluring than, in reality, it
truly is. He urges that unless Dipsychus does indulge himself in some
actual sexual experience, he will go on thinking about it alwayst "...this
itch will stick and vex you/ lour live long days till death unsex you/
...you cannot rest, I'm certain,/ Until your hand has drawn the curtain./
Once known the little lies behind it,/ You'll go your way and never mind
it."59 This rather reasonable view, and the chance it offers Dipsychus
to get the matter of this sin off of his mind, is a stronger temptation
to Dipsychus because of its realistic attitude toward human psychology.
Spirit represents reality in part and hence Spirit's temptations are


7
must account for his poetic ambivalence without any distortion of his
true character in tracing the origins of that ambivalence. Further
more, in the case of Clough, it is not wise to consider the poetry alone
and not consider the character of the poet. Houghton's The Poetry of
Arthur Hugh Clough does offer a close reading of many of Clough's
poems without reference to his life, but Houghton's otherwise fine
and insightful book is often limited by that critical self-restriction.
Moreover, Houghton is almost the only major critic of Clough to attempt
that sort of criticisma fact that can be taken as a demonstration
that, more than that of many other poets, the life of Clough is a
major element in any general consideration of his poetry. Biographical
material, however, becomes especially important when the poetic method
finds its parallel and source in the life of the poet; Clough's ambi
valence may be explained in great measure by the special personal
functions to which he put his poetic material. The examination of the
ambivalence present in much of Clough's poetry provides the key to all
of his poetic production because it points to those special circum
stances that typically generated his poetic expression. Clough did
not write because he viewed himself primarily as a poet nor did he
often write out of the sort of overflow of feeling that one identifies
with the Romantic poets. Throughout much of his life he did not con
sider publication of great importance although he did write a great
deal.10 Writing poetry, however, had a unique purpose in his life.
Poetry provided the proving grounds for Clough's thought.
From the time that he was a schoolboy at Rugby he was greatly interested
in contemporary political questions. Though politics are of secondary


102
on a topic doubtless interesting even to the
remote barbarians in Van D'd Ld. It is said
that Romanists are increasing, Newmanists incres-
ing, Socinians also, and Rationalists increasing
perhaps, all other kinds of men rapidly decreas
ing} so that on your return to England perhaps
you will find Newman Archbp. of Canterbury and
father-confessor to the Queen; Lord Melbourne
(if not burnt) excommunicated, and philosophers
in the persons of the Apostles' apostolically
ordained successors fairly and platonically
established as Kings, The seeds of which con
tingent revolutions it is requisite to come and
contemplate in Oxford,93
This letter was quoted at length so that the tone would be quite ap
parent, After reading such a letter it is obvious that Clough could
not have been seriously tempted toward Newman's position or he would
not have presented the Oxford Movement in such a tone of easy banter.
In fact, in an earlier letter Clough specifically rejects the idea
that he had accepted Newmanism. "I found that at Rugby I had been
quite set down among theological gossips as a Newmanist} but the im
pression was pretty well removed by the time I came away."9^
Since Clough was no longer subject to Dr. Arnold's authority
to give direction to his sense of duty, and since he could not accept
the Roman Catholic Church as his authority as many of the Newmanites
were later drawn to do, Clough was forced to search within himself for
the direction his impulse to duty should take. His first response was
self-discipline and that engaged his attention to a degree during his
undergraduate days, but it was not really a satisfactory solution for
a man of Clough's temperament because it tended to focus his attention
upon himself and he felt that such attention to one's self was a sort
of sin, a kind of pride. "Self-hood was continually on Clough's mind,


10
become the authoritive text not only because it provides a better
text, but because it is equally valuable for the extensive quotation
in the notes of alternate readings derived from the manuscripts which
would not be otherwise accessible. Most of Clough's prose works, many
never before printed, are now gathered together in The Selected Prose
Works of Arthur Hugh Clough by Buckner Trawick. Mulhauser has gathered
Clough's letters in a two-volume edition which makes them for the
first time readily available. Mulhauser is also working on an edition
of Cloughs unpublished notebooks and, though they are not presently
available to scholars, one can expect few surprises from them because
most of Clough's biographers have seen them and quoted from them. The
recent biographies by Goldie Levy and Kthariiii Chorley and the French
study of Clough by Paul Veyriras provide more detail than the earlier
biographies by Osborne and Waddington. Thus the raw material for a
study incorporating Clough's life and thought in an examination of
his characteristic poetry is now available and forms a valuable aid
to the understanding of that poetry's ambivalent nature.


130
There are only two characters in Dipsychus. They stand at op
posite poles on the question of submission to the world. Spirit is
worldliness incarnate, but Dipsychus is an exaggerated picture of the
idealist. Thus, when Garrod objects that Clough overdoes the idea of
moral purity, Dipsychus should stand as the prime example of that ex
cess of moral probity.31 Even though Palmer objects to Garrod's later
assertion that Clough "liked a hero who would not bring his resolution
to the sticking point," there is a measure of truth in the assertion.32
But especially in Dipsychus such a hero served Clough's purposes admir
ably, Since Clough is using the poem to examine his own ambivalence in
regard to his place in the practical world of affairs, he makes Dipsychus
irresolute on this issue. Thus Clough can imaginatively examine the pro
blem for himself. It was not so much that Clough "liked" his irresolute
hero as it was that such a hero served Clough's purposes in the poem.
One may recall that Clough used extremes in his Dipsychian
poetry so as to allow the reader to freely make his own decision on the
question which the poem treats. An attitude of open-mindedness is in
duced by the use of extremes on each side of the question. The extremely
"pure" Dipsychus and the coarsely worldly Spirit were designed to pre
vent the reader from fully identifying with either side. The presenta
tion of Dipsychus and Spirit as extremes of purity and worldliness re
spectively, would make both extreme views of the question of involve
ment with the world unacceptable to a thoughtful personi the reader is
thereby free to form some compromise of their views which is appropriate
for himself. It is not surprising that critics would dislike Dipsychus'
character since he is presented in terms of a moral extreme. He is


44
nowhere is this tendency shown more clearly than when Goldie Levy
links Clough both with Dipsychus and with Claude within the confines
of a single sentence. "Dipsychus, the man of two souls, is an intro
spective, intellectual, reserved and sensitive type, reminiscent of
Claude in The Amours de Voyage and of Clough himself ."5 This same
tendency to identify Clough with the characters he created is criti
cized by Houghton in his review of Chorley's biography of Clough.59
An uncritical use of the poems for the purpose of biography has the
same tendency to lead the biographer into error as does the uncritical
use of any source but it certainly was not wrong for the biographers
of Clough to use his poetry as a source of information about him, as
indeed they did. The difficulty arises when the biographer has found
so many insights into Clough's life through a study of his work that
he may be tempted to use the poetry in an uncritical fashion. Levy
is correct. There are many similarities between Claude, Dipsychus
and Cloughmore similarities than she listed in the quote given above.
The observation and the use of these similarities can lead the student
of literature into a greater understanding of Clough's work just as
the use of such similarities can lead Clough's biographers into a
fuller understanding of his life. This is true because Clough, more
than many poets, drew directly upon his own personal experience and
reflected that experience in his poetry, both directly and indirectly,
Clough's indirect revelation of himself must, of necessity,
have a special importance to the study of his Dipsychian poetry. When
Clough reveals himself indirectly, it is often through his style, and
style is an important constituent of the Dipsychian poetry because


135
Cloughs understanding of Spirit's common-sensical mind with
its strengths and its weaknesses finds its source in the realistic as
pect of Clough's own character which was examined in Chapter Two. Clough's
enjoyment of the active life as it revealed itself in Rugby was continued
throughout his life. Clough always enjoyed travel and change of scene.
For a man of his means he traveled a great dealthrough Europe as far
as Greece, several times in France, frequently to Scotland, once to
Germany,and he visited New England for a year. It will be recalled that
Clough's realistic side extended beyond a taste for active life and trav
el, He placed a high value on the portrayal of ordinary daily life in
his poetry and always maintained a realistic honesty with himself. Clough's
uncompromising realism gave him the insight to portray Spirit with con
siderable understanding because Clough knew that realistic common sense
can easily unite with a materialistic value system within a single per
sonality, At least the realistic side of Spirit was as familiar to
Clough as one aspect of his own mind and so Clough's own realistic point
45
of view enabled him to present Spirit with an attractive, practical side.
In fact, Spirit's sound common sense has so disarmed critics that Garrod,
at least, feels that the reader should be completely on the side of
SpiritM
Spirit's appeal consists in more than his common sense, however.
His humor also engages the reader when it is coupled with Spirit's
honest appraisal of reality, as it usually is. Almost every reader must
find himself agreeing with Spirit when, for example, he sings,
They may talk as they please about what they call pelf,
And how one ought never to think of one's self,


134
It would do a grave injustice to the picture of Spirit which
the poem presents to view him simply as the power of evil which he
pretends to be at the end of the poem. Throughout Dipsychus Spirit
appears as an urbane voice of worldly common sense. Armstrong suggests
that Spirit shows the sort of reasonableness that is characteristic of
natural man and that this reasonableness is not without considerable
force. His flippant rhymes and neat couplets demonstrate his ration
ality and his characteristic energyHe is naturally at his best
when he is devastating some idealistic view; thus he can be expected
to shine when he offers his answer to Berkeley's philosophical idealism
"These juicy meats, this flashing wine, / May be an unreal mere appear
ance;/ Onlyfor my inside, in fine,/ They have a singular coherence."^2
Spirit's philosophical appeal in this argument, be it observed, is to
one's sense impressions which the realistic common-sense person would
hardly doubt, and his ironical acceptance of philosophical idealism in
the next stanza is scarcely more than an urbane jokei "This lovely
creature's glowing charms/ Are gross illusion, I don't doubt that;/
But when I pressed her in my arms/ I somehow didn't think about that."^
It is worth observing, in view of the nature of the humor in the lines
just quoted, that such humor presented an obstacle to a wide acceptance
of Clough's poetry during his own age. Badger points out that for the
Victorians, Clough's humor was rejected as mere flippancy but, in fact,
Mi
Clough actually used humor, as he did above, to serious ends. Spirit's
nonchalant dismissal of a serious philosophical question shows the dan
gerous shallowness of thought that may be concealed under "common-sense
views."


155
background and training, the reader can perceive the Dipsychian poems
for what they really are. They are not the disconsolate outpourings
of a religious sceptic, but the searching examinations of an idealistic
and basically religious man who was aware of the eternal problems that
men must face when they confront the world about them, and who was most
poignantly aware of these problems because he brought himself to face
them in his own life. Clough's Dipsychian poetry is the record of that
confrontation, and the honesty which is apparent in his confrontation
is at once a testimony to both Clough's idealism and to his realism.
He could see himself as he waswith a realism that did not flinch be
fore the examination of his own weakness. And what was that weakness?
Was it the idealism that was trained into him by his mother and Dr.
Arnold, or was it the coolly realistic nature that found expression
in sports and travel, and gave him the capacity to see himself and
his situation in the world with uncompromising honesty? The Dipsychian
poetry offers each reader the opportunity to examine that question for
himself and in the process, not only will he come to understand this
subtle, honest, and complex man, Arthur Hugh Clough, but there is every
chance that he will approach a fuller understanding of himself and the
battle each man must faceand resolvealone.


125
victions or sentiments being simply a matter of taste,Religious
matters were genuinely important to Clough and were not lightly adopted
or discarded. But the middle class Dissenters that formed the Council
were no happier with Clough's anti-creedalism than the authorities
at Oxford had been, Clough felt that he was subject to the pressures
of religious intolerance no matter where he chose to teach. His apprai
sal of the Council's intolerance was reflected in his actions. "Clough
did not care to offend the Committee by publishing his Amours de Voyage,
the long poem he had written in Rome during the summer of 1849, and
which expressed some of his religious views,"17 His recognition of
their intolerant attitude had forced Clough into an unhealthy circum
spection.
In view of Clough's situation at the time that he was writing
Dipsychus, it is not surprising that the major theme of that poem is
the vocational question of how he could fit into the practical world
of affairs. His long period of unemployment and the difficulties that
he confronted after he became Principal of University Hall caused him
to wonder if it would be possible for him to engage in practical life
without any compromise of his moral principles. The intolerance he
found both in Oxford and University Hall accounts for the presence
of the religious theme in Dipsychus. This religious theme is certainly
secondary in the poem and there is very little in the poem itself to
suggest actually what Clough's religious views were. The treatment of
the religious theme, like the vocational theme, is colored by Clough's
immediate situation. When religious matters are brought up, it will
be seen that they are treated in a context of intolerance. For example,


26
poetry and it shows how he was not aiming at a blank scepticism, though
the non-dogma tic nature of the Dipsychian poems, taken by itself, would
seem to suggest that he were. To appreciate how Clough could view the
stimulation of thought as a moral purpose, it should be remembered that
Clough was an intellectual. He was concerned throughout his life with
ideas. The years of undergraduate study at Oxford deepened and advanced
the intellectual habits Clough had acquired at Rugby, and Clough's years
as an Oxford don intimately involved him in the intellectual and re
ligious ferment of the Oxford Movement. At Oxford Clough could observe
at first hand how the espousal of a system of dogma halted further
thought in the dogmatist.
To an intellectual, the sense of his existence, his sense of
being, is closely bound to his continuing process of thought. To cease
to think is to cease to be, as an intellectual. The materialist has
his sense of being primarily bound up with his sensory responses to the
world around him. The man of feeling identifies himself basically with
his emotional awareness. But the man of thought, the intellectual,
must place a primary value on thought. And since thought is a process,
anything conducive to halting the process of thought, such as the es
pousal of a final system of dogma or the arbitrary arrest of further
inquiry, must necessarily be looked upon as deadly. On the other hand,
those structures and situations that further thought will certainly be
valued positively. From the intellectual point of view then, Clough
could naturally endorse a questioning attitude because it would function
as the motive force to ensure the continuance of the process of thought
essential to the intellectual's sense of being.


20
Dipsychian manner in "Epi-Strauss-ium" and elsewhere. Strauss and others
had brought that problem to the attention of thoughtful Victorians, and
Clough personally had to face it both before and after he considered the
matter of his subscription to the Thirty-Nine Articles,
The Dipsychian strategy of examination of issues by the posing
of the question was natural to Clough. Osborne observes that Clough
as a teacher at Oxford was "cautiously Socratic" in his teaching method
but this caution arose not from some fear of censor by the college
authorities but out of his conscientious attitude toward his students .-*--5
He felt that he should not force an attack upon their views when they
differed from his own, but nevertheless that he should present matters
for their own full, thoughtful consideration. Norton, who observed
Clough's teaching while Clough was in New England, comments "that he
was much too long-suffering to youthful philosophical coxcombry.
Veyriras, however, misjudges the character of English and American
college students when he concludes that Clough's "horreur du dogmatisms
dans tous le domaines l'empechait d'acquerir cette autorite7 que tant
d'etudiants desirent."1/ The evidence appears quite the contrary.
As one who knew him well at Oxford records in the "Memoir" in the Poems
and Prose Remains, Clough was "A most excellent tutor, and exceedingly
beloved by the undergraduates."-*- There is much other evidence to sup
port that view from, perhaps, less prejudiced sources. Thomas Hodgkin,
as a mature man, looked back on Clough's class in Aristotle as "the
most stimulating and fruit-bearing" of his college course.-*-9 Another
of Clough's students, Sir Edward Fry, says much the same thing of Clough's
class, "Perhaps no class was ever more enjoyed by me or added more to


138
The issue in the first half of the poem is whether Dipsychus
will take a worldly attitude regarding certain moral questions. Scenes
II and Ha show Dipsychus rejecting a worldly attitude toward sex. Spirit
calls Dipsychus' attention to the many girls in the crowd in the Public
Gardens of Venice. "What lots of pretty girls, too, hieing/ Hither and
thither-coming, going,/ And with what satisfaction showing,/ To our male
eyes unveiled and bare/ Their dark exuberance of hair."50 Dipsychus'
rejection of that appeal is strongexcessively strong. His response
reveals him in a flood of moral indignation, overreacting to Spirit's
rather natural interest in the ladies. Notice how violently Clough
portrays Dipsychus reaction! "Off, offI Oh heaven, depart, depart, de
part/ Oh me! the toad sly-sitting at Eve's ear/ Whispered no dream more
poisonous than thisl"51 The palpable hyperbole in Dipsychus' reply is
apparent because the toad at Eve's ear precipitated the fall of mankind,
and at this point all Spirit is doing is trying to engage Dipsychus in
a little "girl watching." Veyriras points out that the imagery in other
parts of the poem suggest that Dipsychus is a sort of moral baby ,5?. For
example, in one place Spirit says of Dipsychus, "Don't I see you still,/
Living no life at all? Even as now/ An o'ergrown baby."53 Certainly
such excess of moral purity as Dipsychus shows does seem childish. The
early sections of the poem, however, are designed to show Dipsychus as
the extreme example of moral purity. His childish excess of purity is
sharply contrasted with Spirit's urbane worldly views. Later Spirit
goes considerably beyond simply suggesting that Dipsychus enjoy looking
at the girls by suggesting that Dipsychus should take one to his room.
Naturally Dipsychus refuses after a momentary hesitation and then severely


83
school, in the pulpit, or in private,"2^ This was only to be expected
because it was one of Dr. Arnold's deepest convictions that any se
paration of the sacred from the secular was inimicable to both theology
and morality. The final attitude that Dr. Arnold sought as the fruit
of his moral training was that his pupils would develop a kind of un
conscious tendency toward good. He did not so much strive against
particular vices, simply to check their outbreak, but he castigated
individual sins in an attempt to create a more generalized attitude of
"abhorrence of evil" within his students .45 And while he used every
opportunity in school and in private, as Stanley pointed out, the
clearest expression of Dr. Arnold's moral training available for ex
amination by a modern scholar is found in his sermons. Houghton applies
this description to Dr. Arnold's sermonsi "A passionate and sustained
earnestness after a high moral rule, seriously realized in conduct, is
the dominant character of these sermons.It was Dr. Arnold's in
tention to bring "every thought, and word, and deed, into the obedience
of Christ."47
Given Dr. Arnold's attitude toward a rigorous moral life, and
Clough's intimate exposure to Dr. Arnold's personality and teaching,
Clough's emphasis in his letters to his brother, George, upon a similar
moral purity under God becomes more 'understandable. One area of that
morality which may properly be singled out for specific attention is
the matter of lying. This will be profitable not only as an example
of how Dr. Arnold treated moral questions, but primarily it will il
lustrate how Clough responded to Dr. Arnold's moral teaching. The
question of honesty is also important because it brings together Clough's


144
of Dipsychus, Fairchild points out that the only possible solution
to the conflict in Dipsychus is compromise but Clough oscillates.
This vacillation, which is the hesitation before Cloughs
own decision, is also the cardinal characteristic of Dipsychus and so,
like the ocean waves that St. James associates with his name in the
New Testament, Dipsychus, in Scene X, retracts the submission to the
world that he had given in Scene IX. Dipsychus has reconsidered the
matter in Scene X and has seen that if he does subnit to a life of active
involvement with the world, he stands to lose the peace and occasional
sense of oneness with himself and God that is a part of his present
lifei Moreover, if Dipsychus is to submit to an active life, he will
no longer be allowed the leisure to continually change his mind. The
characteristic that is the most important element in his personality
will have to be given up. There is no room for double-mindedness in a
life of action. In terms of the poem itself, submission involves
Dipsychus denial of himself. His sense of self and his soul are at
stake and this is surely enough to constitute a most dramatic crisis.
If Dipsychus were the hero of a tragedy he would meet such a
crisis by a stern resolution of will. The tragic hero could resolve
to sacrifice himself either by a masterful entry into the arena of action,
or, more likely, by a firm resolve to follow his idealism to his own de
struction. Dipsychus is, by his very nature, incapable of either course
because he lacks the necessary firm resolution either course would de
mand, Dipsychus is not a noble character any more than is Willy Loman
in Death of a Salesman, but Dipsychus' situation is nonetheless signifi
cant even though he lacks the resolution to master his fate. He is in


137
weakness and hypocrisy. In short, if the Spirit were unquestionably
evil, the central question of the poem would have been resolved before
the poem opens and the reader would have been merely beguiled into
thinking that there was a genuine question at stake. Clearly, that is
not what Clough intended. Spirit must be seen as at least partially
correct. There is a certain justice in Spirit's point of view. Every
reader feels it, just as did the Uncle in the Epilogue. "That's the
beauty of the poem"it is ambivalent right to the end.
The central Dipsychian tension in Dipsychus has been examined
as it reveals itself in the structure and through the major characters
of the poem, and the expression of that tension between moral purity
and common sense realism has been discussed in terms of the function
and sources of Dipsychian poetry as discussed in Chapters One and Two.
It remains to examine the climactic portion of the poem to observe
how Clough's concept of duty plays in with the other elements in order
to bring the poem to maximum intensity for the reader and also to make
it fully expressive of the Dipsychian tension that existed in Clough
himself.
The climactic tension is found in the second half of the poem
and can be examined by a consideration of Dipsychus' submission to
Spirit, The early part of the poem, however, functions as a sort of
background to the question of submission which is treated in the second
half of the poem. An examination of one section from the first part of
the poem may serve to illustrate the typical pattern of worldly temp
tation by Spirit and Dipsychus' resistance to that influence which is
characteristic of the whole first half of the poem.


99
Clough. He had come to Rugby from a home in which he had heard the same
injunctions from his mother. Furthermore, Clough's position at Rugby
was one of special responsibility. During his two years in the sixth
form he was also the head of the Schoolhouse which housed about sixty
students. That meant that he had to carry the duty of keeping order
in the most populous dormitory, directly under the eye of Dr. Arnold
who also lived there. As if this were not enough, his closest friends
had left Rugby to attend the university and the members of the sixth
form with whom he had to work lacked the experience and stature that
were necessary to give him adequate support. At about the same time,
the system of discipline that was used at Rugby came under public at
tack in the newspapers. This placed an added pressure upon Clough.
He thoroughly believed in the school and its system of discipline and
he felt particularly compelled, in the face of public attacks upon it,
to demonstrate to everyone that the system would work well.
In a situation as difficult and, he felt, as important as this
was, Clough assumed his duties with a remarkable courage and determi
nation for a sixteen-year-old boy. He gave to his responsibilities
all the time that he had beyond his studies and, of course, he worried
a good deal about his successes and failures in meeting these responsi
bilities. This complex and trying situation provides the context which
must be used to understand Clough's letters at this time. Some of the
commentators on Clough seem to think that these letters show a priggish
element in his character.^ They commonly choose as an example of his
priggishness a section of a letter which, when viewed in the context
of Clough's difficult situation, shows him not to be a prig but rather


79
it is necessary to indicate exactly how he had the opportunity and the
inclination to influence Clough toward moral purity. Dr. Arnold had
come to Rugby as headmaster only the year before Clough became a student
there. Upon becoming headmaster, Dr. Arnold began to institute many
reforms. As a schoolboy in the lower forms, Clough's relation to the
reforms that Dr. Arnold instituted was, of course, only passive. But
even then he was exposed to a close contact with the headmaster simply
by virtue of the fact that he lived for eight years in the Schoolhouse.3^
There were several separate dwellings for the boys at Rugby and these
were under the administration of the several tutors, many of whom lived
in the same place with the boys. The Schoolhouse was under the direction
of Dr. Arnold and thus the Schoolhouse boys were more directly under his
supervision than were the remainder of the boys at Rugby. When it is
recalled that for most of the time while Clough was at Rugby his family
remained an ocean away in the United States and that Clough lived in
the same residence as did Dr. Arnold, it can be appreciated how natural
it was for Clough to turn to Dr. Arnold as a kind of surrogate father.
Clough often was invited into the Arnold family living quarters in the
Schoolhouse, probably because Mrs. Arnold felt sorry for the lonesome
boy who never had the chance to go home during the vacation periods.
As a result of being especially privileged in this way and because he
was a Schoolhouse boy, Clough fell more directly and personally under
the influence of Dr. Arnold than would have otherwise been the case.
A recollection of Clough and Dr. Arnold in class together suggests how
obvious to others Clough's close emotional ties to his teacher were.
An old friend of Clough's Rugby days recalls a schoolroom scene


50
on either side of the issue of Scriptural interpretation in "Epi-Strauss-
ium" objectifies Clough's own ambivalent experience with that very pro
blem.
Since Clough was employing poetry, in part at least, as a com
mentary on his own experience and as a sounding board for his personal
problems, introspection was naturally involved. The poetry grew out
of the introspection, however, and not the introspection out of the
poetic habit. Introspection was a habit with Clough as early as the
days at Rugby. Veyriras observes that it is one of the surprises which
the publication of Clough's correspondence revealed; to discover that
a young man who was widely admired for his high moral character and
his notable emotional balance was so often prone to indulge himself
in a nearly morbid self-analysis,^7 The best examples of his intro
spection are to be found in Clough's letters to Simpkinson, Simpkinson
had been a close friend of Clough's while they were at Rugby together,
and since Simpkinson was older, when Simpkinson went off to Cambridge,
Clough unburdened his heart to him in many letters during his last
years at Rugby. Before Simpkinson had left Rugby, Clough's other
close friends had also departed for college and Clough felt quite alone
when Simpkinson also left; thus it was natural he should turn to his
closest friend, and,through letters, reveal himself to Simpkinson.
Probably the letter that most reveals the occasional morbid touch
that Clough's adolescent introspection could at times take is the
letter of March 3, 1836, when Clough had just turned seventeen. "Ever
since the week I was in bed for it ^Clough refers to the time he was
ill with the measles7, a kind of sound or tone which haunted me at that


not easily dismissed. Although Dipsychus does not abandon his moral
purity in this temptation or in any of the other early ones, he is
not a saint who is vanquishing temptations of the flesh; instead, he
is a hypermoral young man who finds it difficult to distinguish between
worldly reality and the evil that so readily mixes with that reality.
The poem reaches its climax in the second half because the Spirit
now presents Dipsychus with a moral problem that cannot be resolved by
a retreat from action. In the earlier temptations, as with the temp
tation to sexual indulgence, for example, it was possible for Dipsychus
to maintain his moral purity by not engaging in those actions. Now
Spirit presents Dipsychus with a situation in which Dipsychus must act.
The issue that opens Scene VHI is the question of what Dipsychus is to
do in the world. How is he to earn his living? Spirit suggests a rich
marriage and when that is rejected, he suggests the law. Dipsychus'
first reaction to the legal profession can be predicted. He finds it
is morally reprehensible to involve himself in the messy situations that
are the stuff of law suits. "The Lawl" Dipsychus expostulates, "'Twere
honester, if 'twere genteel,/ To say the dungcart.60 But that first
reaction, brought about by his excessive moral probity, is given an
added complexity when, as Dipsychus continues his monologue on this sub
ject, it becomes apparent that he had hoped by inaction to remain pure.
"Action, that staggers me. For I had hoped,/ 'Midst weakness, indolence,
frivolity,/ Irresolution, still had hopedi and this/ Seems sacrificing
hope."6-1- As he continues in his monologue to evaluate the possibilities
of waiting longer before engaging in action, he sees moral danger in
waiting too. Dipsychus recognizes that "Contamination taints the idler


CHAPTER III i AN APPLICATION OF THE THEOET
This final chapter can serve to illustrate how Clough's con
cern for the maintenance of moral purity in a life of active involve
ment with the world expresses itself in a single Dipsychian poem. In
Chapter One, the description of Dipsychian poetry and the discussion
of Clough's purposes in writing in that manner were necessarily laden
with references to, and analysis of, his poetry. The study of the basic
sources of the moral tension that generated Clough's ambivalent poetry
was supported in Chapter Two by numerous references to his poetry as
well as to biographical and critical sources. It may seem, therefore,
that a chapter devoted to illustrating the expression of the Dipsychian
mode is not strictly called for. It does seem worthwhile, however, to
devote a short chapter to the exclusive study of a single Dipsychian
poem with the aim of illustrating how the previous discussion can pro
vide a helpful point of view for the analysis of Clough's ambivalent
poetry. In spite of its considerable length, the seventy-four-page
poem, Dipsychus, is a natural choice for such a study because it is
probably Clough's master work and its Dipsychian character is certainly
unquestionable, as even the title indicates,
Clough, as has been previously shown, entered upon a period
of moral crisis which extended through the four-year period from 1848
to 1852, The basic issue behind that crisis was the problem of how
he could maintain moral purity and at the same time enter upon an
active involvement with worldly affairs. This problem reached a climax
116


22
Clough employed his Dipsychian poetry to the same end and that it would
have the same effects. The two sides of an argument would be presented
without bias so one's resistance to the force of persuasion would not
hinder an open reexamination of the issue. The readers would become
involved in the intellectual issues and thus prepared to resolve them
for themselves,
Interestingly enough, the initial poem in the first volume of
poems Clough wrote presents one of the characters in the poem using
just such a Socratic technique of questioning. It is as if Clough were
giving his readers a hint of the purpose of the Dipsychian method with
the first poem he intended to present to the reader's eyethe poem
"The human spirits saw I on a day" in the Ambarvalia collection of
Clough's lyrics. As circumstances developed, The Bothie of Tober-na
Vuolich, though written later, happened to be published before Ambar
valia but Clough had intended Ambarvalia to be the first published
volume of his mature years.^2
An examination of this first poem which Clough intended to
present at the beginning of his first publication of his mature poetry
indicates that Clough's poetic purpose is indeed moral though it may,
at first glance, seem sceptical and iconoclastic. The basic pattern
of the poem is that of "The Questioning Spirit" who approaches various
"human spirits" typical of all mankind, and asks them searching ques
tions about their ultimate values in life. When we look at the textual
history it becomes clear that Clough intended that the philosophies
which the various human spirits held are all to be taken seriously,
to be viewed as sacred because Clough, when he described the "human


149
ending. Specifically, Clough would have had to have shown earlier in
the poem some indication that Dipsychus had enough strength of character
to be able, at this point, to take such a strong-willed position. The
poem, of course, does not end at this point and Dipsychus has not been
shown with sufficient strength of character to take upon himself a hero's
mantle,
The lack of strength of will in the character of Dipsychus, as
he had been earlier shown to the reader, is the reason that the heroic
posture he takes at the end of Scene XU is unbelievable. His own
heroic speech seems to mock him. There has been little to suggest
such courage previously and consequently his heroic speech rings very
hollow indeed, Houghton dismisses this outburst of heroics as mere
bravado on Dipsychus' part,-'- It is not quite that, however, Spirit
was closer to its true significance when he mocks Dipsychus speech as
a rationalization, saying, "A truly admirable proceeding!/ Could there
be finer special pleading/ When scruples would be interceding?"2 If
Dipsychus is only rationalizing in Scene XU, then the entire view of
service to others under God can be seen as only a hypocritical veneer
laid over a decayed will which crumbled beneath the pressure of the
world, Dipsychus' heroics are completely quenched, and Clough himself,
who always feared factitiousness, may have wondered, when he confronted
his own problem in the imaginative terms of this poem, whether he too
may have sometimes used the concept of service to God in the world as
a justification of his own position.
After the pact with Spirit is concluded in the beginning of
Scene XIII Dipsychus again relates his position to God but in a much


92
class and the intelligence.?^ A more important cause of Clough's
alienation from the middle class, however, was the fact that he held
moral purity in so high an esteem. Anyone who aspires to maintain the
very highest degree of moral purity must necessarily examine all the
small ethical acts of business with particular care and, because of his
extreme moral sensitivity, he will find shocking moral failures where
another person would only see ordinary business practice. Clough re
cognized this sensitivity within himself and expressed it with his usual
candor. "Now, the over-tender conscience will, of course, exaggerate
the wickedness of the world.Thus it was not only the direct teachings
of his mother, Dr. Arnold and W. G. Ward, all of whom believed the world
tends to corrupt those who become too actively involved with it, but
also Clough's own acceptance of a necessity of moral purity which caused
him to see impurity in the world around him'.
Probably Clough's most complete expression of the idea that the
world tends to corrupt morals is to be found in one of his essays en
titled "The Beneficial and Harmful Effects of Foreign Trade." Here he
discussed all trade, not just foreign trade. Yet he devoted only one
sixth of the essay to the possible benefits of trade. And even there
the benefits are closely hedged about with restrictions until only one
possible benefit emerges and that benefit, characteristically, is trade's
potential for service. But the restrictions he attached to the benefits
of trade prevent one from seriously thinking that Clough believed much
service to man could come from commerce because his first requirement
is that selfishness (i.e, profit and competition) should be eliminated,
"Could we once deprive Commerce of its selfishness, its natural vigour


74
describe the liberal movement in the church at his time which would
accommodate itself to all views. His humor and sprightly conversation
made him acceptable as a friend and companion to men like Emerson,
Carlyle, and Tennyson. Clough does not condemn humor or wit, but he
is fully aware of the dangers of intellectual distortion and trivi
ality that can arise from any misuse of language, especially the lan
guage that one uses for his subjective apprehension of reality.
But while Clough saw some dangers for himself in the temptation
to insincerity which he felt every writer must face, he also responded
to the challenge that sincerity forces upon a writer. His honest re
presentation of his conflicting states of mind would not be half so
moving if the reader did not sense that it represented the report of
a genuine struggle within the author himself. Graham Greene paid this
tribute to Clough's honesty in The Quiet American "He was an adult
poet in the nineteenth century. There weren't so many of them."25
Greene's observation is a recognition of the fact that Clough did main
tain his sincerity. It is one of the qualities that accounts for Clough's
growing appeal to a twentieth century audience of readers. V, S. Pritchett,
in 1953, lists the quality of subjective honesty as important in Clough's
present reputation. "His unofficial manner, his truthfulness about per
sonal feelings, his nonchalance, his curiosity, even his bitterness and
use of anti-climax are closer to the poets of the thirties than they were
to his contemporaries."^ Clear-eyed recognition of reality was Clough's
lifelong habit. As early as his fourteenth year, in a letter home, he


90
Ward was not only Clough's tutor at Oxford, he was for several
years his intimate friend. Their intimacy was so close that others of
Clough's friends tried to counsel Clough to sever his relationship with
Ward. At this time Ward was using his keen mind to probe the possi
bility that his own religious perplexities could be solved by adopting
the kind of rigorously moral religion that Whately and Dr. Arnold were
promoting. He used the Rugby boys who came to Oxford to try out their
ideas, "finding in them 'a sort of flesh and blood argument for the
powerful living force of Arnold's religion.'^3 Clough was the most
Arnoldian of the Rugby boys at Oxford and Ward was drawn to him as much
by his enjoyment of Clough's character as by his embodiment of Arnoldian
principles. It was generally admitted that Ward's influence upon Clough
upset Clough at the time and Ward himself, in a letter to Mrs. Clough
many years later, reproached himself with the damage that he supposed
he had done to Clough's religious development.^ He had forced Clough
to question everything but, as Woodward observes, if Ward had not done
it, someone else would have.^5 The tendency to question was part of
Clough's character and his capacity to see both sides of a question as
if he fully believed each side is the source of his Dipsychian poetry.
But in one important matter Ward's influence supported that of Dr.
Arnold and Clough's own early training. Ward's retreat into the Roman
Catholic Church, even before Newnan made a similar move, was caused
not only by his search for a religious authority to quell the swelling
doubts of his relentlessly logical mind. Ward entered the Roman Catholic
Church also because this move offered him a retreat from the dangers he
envisioned in an involvement with the world. Ward thought that "Worldli-


18
direct our attention to an intellectual apprehension of a moral pro
blem as he does in "Jacob." Both major kinds of Dipsychian poetry,
the objective balanced statements and the use of irony, are designed
to appeal to the thinking mind rather than to either the sensuous mind
or the emotions of the reader.
The intellectual nature of Dipsychian poetry grows out of
Clough's careful presentation of mental experience. The processes of
the mind thus may often become more formative of poetic structure than
poetic conventions. In "Jacob," for example, Clough does not abstractly
balance the life of simple obedience to God with the life of scheming.
Instead, the form of the poem is created by Jacob's psychological pro
cesses, Logical or formal principles do not, for example, determine
the basic order of ideas presented to the reader, but the mental pro
cess of association controls the order of presentation of ideas in
the poem. The form of the resulting poem is not logical but associative
or psychological, Clough has the dying Jacob recall his own experi
ences of "The first-born faith, the singleness of soul"-1-0 and Jacob
contrasts that with his remembered necessity "To plot and think of
plots."11 There follows then a hint of a possible resolution of the
problem in Jacob's recollection of the vision at Luz, where God showed
how His angels go "On stairs invisible betwixt his /sicj heaven/ And
our unholy, sinful, toilsome earth."12 This is the vision of God's
own presence within the problems of the "toilsome earth." But Clough
is psychologically accurate in showing that it was because Jacob
thought primarily of his troubles that he did not manage to incorpor
ate that vision into his life, for Clough has Jacob turn promptly


54
justifiable to accept Clough's own suggestion that he and Dipsychus
were alike in regard to "Easter Day. They both "pretend" to have
written it. Because Clough has, in the writing of "Easter Day," drawn
an identity between himself and Dipsychus, it is probable to assume
that Dipsychus* motive in his pretended creation of the poem is much
the same as Clough's motive in his actual writing of the poem. It
then appears from Spirit's remark, "Say, if you can not help it, less
that Clough, like Dipsychus, writes from some compulsive moti
vation. This is all the more probable when we remember Clough's com
pulsive "poetizing" while he was in Rugby.
It is worthwhile to use this section of Dipsychus to further
probe into the exact nature of this compulsion. In part, the compul
sion comes from the need, as Dipsychus says, "To please my own poor
mindj Spirit offers some amplification of that statement when he
comments on it, saying, "That in religious as profane things/ 'Twas
useless trying to explain things?/ Men's business-wits the only sane
things. Spirit rightly supposes that Dipsychus was compelled to
write his poem in an attempt to explain to himself some religious
matters that had been troubling him. This, then, suggests the thought
ful aspect of Clough's own motivation which is reflected in the strongly
intellectual nature of his poetry, particularly of his Dipsychian poetry.
Clough uses poetry to search out the various aspects of his own philo
sophical and religious problems and exposes them for his own exami
nationas he says, "To please my own poor mindl"
There is, however, more than intellectual examination involved.
Dipsychus suggests another aspect of the poet's motivation in writing.


39
Yet poetic activity was not of equal intensity during each of
the three major periods of Clough's poetic activity prior to 1852. The
Rugby period produced the least amount of poetry, probably for two rea
sons. First, Clough was just beginning to learn his craft as a poet.
The second reason, and the more important one, is that Clough probably
never again worked as arduously on other projects as he did during his
years at Rugby. Many years later Clough wrote to his fiancee, Miss
Blanche Smith, about the long hours he spent on his studies at Rugbyi
"When I was a boy, between 14 and 22 throughout, I may say, you don't
know how much of this regular drudgery I went through.... Certainly
as a boy, I had less of boyish enjoyment of any kind whatever either
at home or at school than nine-tenths of boys,"-^ Such concentrated
efforts on his studies, coupled with his other duties at Rugbythe
responsibilities of being a praeposter, the long hours he had to put
in as sole editor of the Rugby Magazineleft Clough little time for
extensive poetic production no matter how much he felt drawn towards
poetry by its capacity to help him relieve some of his inner stresses
during this period.
The poetic production for the period from 1839 to 1847 cannot
be called slight for it was during those years that the sixty-four
pages of Ambarvalia were written, together with about eight more poems
that were later published separately. But when this period is compared
with the period of Clough's greatest poetic activity, the contrast
makes the periods of earlier poetic creation seem very slight indeed.
In the four-year period from 1848 to 1852 Clough wrote the greatest
volume of his work. Perhaps the best way to compare the production


2
example, in "Peschieria" and Alteram Partem where Clough weighs the
ultimate value of patriotic heroism. Furthermore, within single lyrics
he frequently takes one view of an issue, only to shift to another view
before the poem ends as he does in "Epi-Strauss-ium" or in "Is it true,
ye gods, who treat us." In Clough's long narrative poems the two sides
of an issue are most often embodied in two opposing characters as with
Dipsychus and Spirit in Dipsychus. In all such careful balancing of
thought, Clough can be observed tracing his own mental processes as he
seeks resolution of some problem or the discovery of some truth.
This obvious ambivalence has naturally puzzled many of Clough's
readers from the beginning and each age has responded according to its
intellectual predispositions, Clough's Victorian contemporaries, who
were being forced by the advance of science and historical criticism
into a religious insecurity as they felt the grounds of the ortho
dox faith cut from under them, were usually disposed to see in Clough's
ambivalence the troubled mind of the religious doubter. Victorian
critics were frequently unable to apprehend that Clough was subjecting
religious issues to a coolly rational examination while maintaining
a warmly positive attitude toward the underlying central truths of
the faith. When they saw John Henry Newman forcing himself out
of the Anglican communion by the rigor of his logic and when they
saw the logic of science speeding up the materialistic tendencies
which threatened Evangelical otherworldliness, the conservative re
action was an understandable distrust of the results of logical exami
nation of matters of faith. It was to be expected that they called


52
ship between Clough's introspection and his poetic creativity, is,
perhaps, a bit romantic in its expression but it lays bare the heart
of the matter. She is grateful that Clough's letters preserve some
glimpses of his morbid introspection, "For here, clearly recognizable,
is the seedbed from which most of Clough's most moving poetry springs;
the poetic imagination fertilized, conjured into action by self-torture."'72
It is probably because of the presence of emotional pressures and the
need to objectify them that Clough turned to poetry rather than to
prose. While prose is the most responsive medium for the rendering
of thought, poetry makes it possible to express thoughts together with
their subtle coloring of emotional values and, at the same time, to
trace the complex inner workings of the human mind. Poetry's respon
siveness to emotional and psychological nuances, together with Clough's
natural talent in his medium, were both, no doubt, factors in the
choice of poetry as the means for him to express the thoughts and
emotions which his introspection led him to observe in himself.
Since Clough is so self-aware, it is not surprising to find that
he recognizes the potential that writing poetry has for the relief and
self-expression of those suffering some mental turmoil. In Dipsychus,
after Dipsychus has recited a section of Clough's "Easter Day," Spirit
questions Dipsychus about it. Spirit's objection to the "Easter Day"
poem seems to rest upon its Dipsychian character. Because of the poem's
ambivalence, Spirit's matter-of-fact mind finds the poem unclear in
both opinion and tone. Spirit expresses his objection thus: "Well,
now it's anything but clear/ What is the tone that's taken here;/
...That's a great fault; you're this and that,/ And here and there,



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148
difficulties with such a solution. The main difficulty is that God
thus becomes a cruel and somewhat evil master because He forces His
servants to such a compromising course of action. Fairchild comments
on Dipsychus' situation at this point in the following terms "God wants
him to act for the good of mankind; he cannot so act on any effective
scale without money and power; he cannot obtain money and power without
adopting the Machiavellian tactics of the Spirit; he cannot use these
tactics without being corrupted."77 Dipsychus realizes that a God who
commands such action is certainly cruel, for he says, "0, who sent me
though?/ Some one, and to do something, 0 hard master!/ To do a treachery.
If Dipsychus is sent by his God to do treacherous service to the spirit
of the world, such a God seems to compromise Himself by the nature of
the task that He sets His servant. Nevertheless, Dipsychus draws on
Clough's own apprehension of the importance of duty and, in Dipsychus'
closest approach to heroic stature, Dipsychus determines to play out
this foul game to its end, an end which will involve his own destruction.
He pictures himself as Samson, "Whom these uncircumcised Philistines/
Have by foul play shorn, blinded, maimed and kept,"79 And like Samson,
Dipsychus thinks that he will destroy his enemies even though he de
stroys himself as well. He says, "Wait, then, wait, 0 my soul! grow,
grow, ye locks,/ Then perish they, and if need is, I too."^
If the poem had ended on this note of heroism, it would not be
a Dipsychian poem because the basic issue would have been resolved,
Dipsychus would have taken a positive position and the author's tone
would have suggested his own endorsement of that position. Of course,
there would have had to have been some earlier preparation for such an


28
kept up by deliberate action of the will."33 Clough was the type of
intellectual who insisted upon keeping his options open so that the
process of thought would be continued.
From this point of view it becomes clearer that those who con
sider Clough a poet of "doubt" are not really examining the situation
with the thoroughness that is required. Certainly Clough does call
propositions into question, and perhaps could, in the strict sense of
the word, then be classed as a "doubter." But Clough is not a doubter
in the sense that he has had his belief destroyed. Nor does he wish
to destroy the faith of others. He is not a doubter in the sense that
Voltaire could be called a doubter. Neither is Clough a doubter in
the sense that he brings up questions about one side of an issue only,
such as frequently occurs with religious doubters who only question
the orthodox view but do not question their own "anti-orthodoxy."
Clough wished to question both, and he did. Clough's typical "per
haps" and "perhaps not" can best be seen as neither irresolution nor
as the usual religious doubt, but as a pattern of mind that can best
be described as open-mindedness. When such a habit of mind comes to
express itself, one of its possible modes of expression could naturally
be Dipsychian ambivalence. In such a form, open-mindedness would be
employed to examine and evaluate both sides of an issue. The effect
upon the reader would then be one that would be highly valued by the
intellectual Cloughi the reader will be induced to think and thus the
reader's sense of being as an intellectual would be promoted.
There is definite evidence that Clough did structure his writing
according to the effect that it would have upon a particular audience,


129
"Nothing is very good, I am afraid, anywhere. I could have gone cracked
at times last year JJS>5^J with one thing or another, I thinkbut the
wheel comes round."28 As Clough looks back, he recalls the crisis he
endured in 1850 and then he asserts that he had gotten over the worst
of it by 1851. Part of the method that Clough had used to resolve his
crisis of values was to work them out in an objective form in the poem
Dipsychus.
When the organization of Dipsychus is examined from the point
of view of Clough's use of poetry to solve Borne of his personal problems,
some interesting observations can be made. First, the basic organi
zation of this very long dramatic poem is a bipartite structure where,
in the first seven scenes, "the question raised by the tension between
the protagonists is whether or not Dipsychus is to adopt the standards
of the world."^9 The question in the second half of the poem (Scenes
Vm-XHl) is "whether Dipsychus is to adopt a worldly vocation.... The
second question is simply a special case of the first."30 Therein lies
the unity of the poemj it deals, as a whole, with the question of sub
mission to the world, But when we remember that Clough often used his
poems to work out his problems, the heavy emphasis upon the vocational
aspects of the question of submission to the world obviously develops
out of the fact that it was precisely at that point that Clough him
self faced this problem. It can be observed, furthermore, that the
temptations to adopt worldly standards in the other areas which are treated
in the first half of the poem are generally rather easily resisted by
Dipsychus, On the other hand, the question of whether he is to adopt a
worldly vocation is not easily answered at all. The poem reflects Clough's
own psychology as he faced this problem himself.


113
^9Veyriras, p. 4l.
^Clough, Poems, p. 295.
^kilough, Selected Prose, pp. 280-281.
^^tanley, p. 242.
^^Woodward, p, 137.
^Wilfrid Ward, William George Ward and the Oxford Movement
(London & New York, I889), pp. 109-110.
^Woodward, p. 138.
^^Ward, p. 69.
67Ibld., p. 70.
^Clough, Poems, p. 402,
^9Clough, Correspondence, p. 284,
7Chorley, p. 213.
71Ibid.t p. 214.
72Clough, Poems, p. 294.
7-^Clough, Selected Prose, p. 207.
74Ibid.
7^Ibid,, p. 206,
7^Clough, Poems, p. 484.
77Ibid., p. 69.
78Ibid.t p. 72.
79Ibid., p. 70.


103
but he could write of it in 'subjective' verse only by making his own
experience a parable for the edification of others.95 This kind of
sublimation of his feelings was quite natural to Clough because the
idea of the duty to influence others to their betterment was a cardinal
point in his duties at Rugby. Now that he was on his own at Oxford he
quite naturally developed the old Rugby idea of the duty of service
to others to fit his larger sphere. This development of Clough's con
ception of duty during his years at Oxford, and particularly during
his years as a Fellow at Oriel, is of central importance to the under
standing of the Dipsyehian mind,
Osborne observes that about one-half of the poetry Clough wrote
during the period he was at Oriel was introspective verse that treated
the question of duty.9^ Later, by the beginning of the Dipsyehian period
(1848), Clough had evolved a solution to the question of duty's function,
which was to serve others. Timko observes that Clough's poems which il
lustrate this active function of duty are seldom cited by those who por
tray Clough as one who would rather wait out his life than take action,97
Clough's final resolution to the question of what constituted the proper
goal of duty was that one should take an active part in life, active in
the service of his fellow men. Timko lists five major poems in which
this theme is developed by Clough.^ It is important to add that all
of them were written during the Dipsyehian period. It is scarcely sur
prising, considering his Rugby experience, that Clough should look upon
service to others as his duty. What is surprising is that it took him
so long to arrive at the complete and definite recognition that, for
him, this was the primary objective of duty.


Ill
^Clough, Selected Prose, p. 145.
2ArnoId, Letters to Clough, p. 135.
2%addington, p. 139.
22Clough, Poems and Prose Remains, I, 173.
23Clough, Correspondence, I, 303
2^Clough, Poems, p. 75.
^Houghton, Poetry of Clough, p, xii.
2^Victor S. Pritchett, Books in General (London, 1953) p. 6.
The italics are my own.
2?Clough, Correspondence, I, 5
2Sir Desmond MacCarthy, Portraits (New York, 195*0 P- 66.
29palgrave, p. 528.
^Clough, Poems and Prose Remains, I, 8.
31Ibid., I. 9.
320sborne, p. 13.
33Clough, Correspondence, I, 10.
^Walter E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mlndi 1830-1870
(New Haven, 1957) P* 222.
33Clough, Correspondence, I, 50.
-^Chorley, p. 22.
^Veyriras, p. 65.
3Frances J. Woodward, The Doctors Disciples (London, 195*0
P. 33.


40
of the two periods is to compare the number of pages the production
from each period requires in the 1951 definitive edition of Clough's
Poems. The poems from the period 1839 to 1847 cover about fifty pages
in that dition, while the poems from the shorter period (1848-1852)
fill three hundred and five pages, Clough wrote approximately six
times as much poetry during half the length of time in the period from
1848 to 1852. In this later period Clough wrote not only lyrics but
also all but one of his narrative poems. The Bothie of Tober-na-
Vuolich, The Amours de Voyage, and Dipsychus, as well as the unfinished
Adam and Eve, were all long narrative or dramatic poems written during
this short span of four years. If Clough had continued writing at
that rate of production he would have filled several volumes of poetry
before his early death at forty-two years of age.
What accounts for this period of intensive poetic creation
during the years between 1848 and 1852? The answer must be the same
as that which accounts for the creativity of the other earlier periods.
This period, like the earlier ones, was a time of personal stress, but
this time, however, was a period of much greater stress than the earlier
ones. Mrs. Clough describes the period thusi "This was without doubt
the dreariest, loneliest period of his life, and he became compressed
and reserved to a degree quite unusual with him, both before and after
wards."^ His period of greatest personal stress is by far the period
of Clough's greatest poetic activity. No doubt there were other in
fluences which also made this production possible, as, for example,
the increased leisure of this period compared to that of his Rugby
period. But he probably had less leisure during his most creative


117
during this period because circumstances had placed Clough in a position
where he had to personally face such a moral problem. In order to pro
perly understand Dipsychus. one must observe what had happened to him
during the years immediately before he began its composition. When one
considers Clough's life between 1848 and I85O in the light of his pre
vious training in morality and duty, then Clough's immediate motives
in writing Dipsychus become clearer and the theme of moral tension in
his long and complex poem stands out in sharp relief.
In 1848 Clough had left his position as a Fellow and tutor at
Oriel College, Oxford, because he felt that he could no longer sub
scribe to the Thirty-Nine Articles in a way that would satisfy his con
science.He had earlier frankly expressed his doubts to Edward Hawkins,
the Provost of Oriel who held that all of the tutors must maintain their
subscription to the Articles whether they were directly engaged in the
teaching of theology or not, as Hawkins then explained in a letter to
Clough.^ In itself the difficulty with subscription would have been
enough to cause Clough to decide to leave Oxford, Clough's basic ob
jection to the necessity of subscription was typical of his questioning
mind. In one of his letters to Hawkins, Clough states that basic ob-
jectiom "My objection.. .to Subscription would be that it is a painful
restraint on speculation."-^ But in addition to the problem of intel
lectual conformity which that subscription presented, Clough was also
brought to leave Oxford by a complex of personal reasons. He was
growing more and more to feel that Oxford was out of touch with the
active life of the time and he had suggested as much to his friend,
Shairp, in a letter, an excerpt of which, though quoted earlier, bears


49
become "invisible and gone." Now, as Clough sees it, the church has
lost its old glory though it has, as a sort of compensation, more direct
light from the sun. "The place of worship the meantime with light/ Is,
if less richly, more sincerely bright."
From even such a brief examination of a very complex, though
short lyric, it is possible to apprehend that Clough had incorporated
and objectified his various attitudes toward the matter of Scriptural
interpretation. His early Evangelical training was reflected in his
wistful attitude toward the early revelation given to the Church
through the Gospels. The concept of progressive revelation which he
learned from Dr. Arnold and which he had further developed and applied
to the New Testament during his Oxford years, in his reaction against
Ward and the Oxford Movement, is implicit in the movement of the sun
from the stained glass windows to the plainly glassed windows of the
church. The recognition of the aesthetic appeal of the sun shining
through the stained glass "With gorgeous portraits blent" can easily
be taken for Clough's own realization that for many people, the rituals
and devotions of the Church had a great value. He personally observed
the attachment that many persons in the Oxford Movement gave to these
things. Though ritual did not hold appeal for Clough, his experience
with those for whom it did hold a great appeal becomes an inevitable
part of his Dipsychian examination of both sides of the questions in
volved in the matter of Scriptural interpretation. Because Clough
created a poem based upon his own conflicting experience, and since
that poem reflected conflicting elements by reflecting that experience,
the Dipsychian form was in a sense inevitable. The balanced statement


143
that he is "a man who cannot suit himself to the world nor the world to
him, who will neither heartily accept mundane conditions and pursue the
objects of ordinary mankind, nor effectively reject them as a devotee
of something definite."^ while that is a fair characterization of
Cloughs mood during this period of moral crisis, it certainly was not
always true of him.
The absence of the heroic tone and its reflection of Clough's
own mood at the time merely reveals the fact that Clough was writing
this poem in complete fidelity to his own experience during that period
of his life, Osborne observes that Dipsychus lacks drama because it is
"an attempt to represent the essential conflict of life just exactly as
it really is. 66 Clough was representing the conflict exactly as he
felt it but the lack of drama is partly a question of what one expects.
What Osborne associates with drama is a romantic intensity and passion
that certainly Dipsychus does not have. However, to a current generation
trained in the appreciation of drama of the commonplace, such as one
finds in Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman, there may be some complaint
about the lack of action at the end of Dipsychus, but there is no want
of drama, Houghton shows that the issues present in the last half of
the poem are full of the conflict that is the heart of drama. "For
the question is no longer whether Dipsychus will do this or do that,
but whether he will live his own life or submit to serve as other
servants do; and don the lacquey's livery of the house' (IX, 138-39)
In a very real sense his soul is at stake."67 Drama is definitely pres
ent and Clough can feelingly respond to it because at the time of
writing Dipsychus it was his own personal problem. Furthermore, Clough's
own indecision, in the face of this conflict, is embodied in the character


82
security, together with an excessive attachment to moral probity.
The attitude of insecurity toward father figures can be observed in
"The Lawyers First Tale" in Mari Magno which Clough wrote during the
last year of his life. Many of the Lawyer's experiences and attitudes
are the same as those Clough had as a young man. It is revealing to
observe, moreover, that the Lawyer, like young Clough, looked upon
older men with a sense of insecurity. The Lawyer says that he "Looked
to their father still with fear/ Of how to him I must appear."^
Cloughs sense of insecurity in his hard won approval from his surro
gate father, Dr. Arnold, would naturally act to make Trim try even
harder. From all of this it can be seen that there was a great deal
of energy generated within Clough during his Rugby years to cause him
to strive for a high moral character. Consequently, the necessity for
moral purity became deeply ingrained in his personality.
It was, of course, Dr, Arnold's deliberate and continual aim
to cultivate a high moral character in his pupils and the primary source
of that morality was placed in religious training. As Dr. Arnold ex
pressed it, "Physical science alone can never make a man educated;
even the formal sciences.. .invaluable as they are with respect to the
discipline of the reasoning powers, cannot instruct the judgment; it
43
is only moral and religious knowledge which can accomplish this."
Dr. Arnold did not separate religious training from other matters,
but instead, incorporated it into all the other matters. Thus he
created a pervasively religious influence at Rugby "which often made
it impossible for his pupils to say in after life, of much that had
influenced them, whether they had derived it from what was spoken in


64
faced a crisis of values that was insoluble for him at that time.
It will be seen later in this chapter that the problem which he faced
was essentially a question of whether moral obedience to God and ser
vice to others in this world could be rightfully reconciled. One side
of the conflict was Clough's wish to remain morally pure and to escape
the taint of impurity that he saw others receive through their contact
with the world of men and affairs. Clough's idea that the world tends
to corrupt those who mix with it could have been observed in a number
of the poems that were previously examined. A prime example of that
attitude is found in Clough's poem, "In the Great Metropolis." There,
it will be recalled, he bitterly observed that the world in all of
its contacts with manfrom the time of being a schoolboy, through
out his business activities, -until his old age and deathteaches the
lesson of selfishness through the doctrine of competition, or as the
refrain of the poem puts it, "The devil take the hindmost." In much
the same way that the world teaches selfishness, Clough saw it bring
other types of moral failure upon individuals, sometimes by temptation,
sometimes by influences, The more intimate a person was in his in
volvement in worldly affairs, the more probable was his moral break
down in one area or another. So it seemed to Clough that the only-
course open to one who wished to remain pure was to avoid contact with
the world.
As Clough saw it, however, contact with the world was imposed
upon man by Godi that thought is the burden of Clough's poem, "Qui
Laborat, Orat." Not only were men forced by their nature and circum
stances to live in the world, they were seemingly prohibited from


25
is not that they remain in their condition of doubt. The questioning
spirit intends that his questioning continue "Till that, their dreams
deserting, they with me/ Come all to this true ignorance and thee."29
When we examine the context we can see that this means that the human
spirits are to abandon their present blind faith in whatever philosophy
they may hold, "their dreams deserting," and that they will come to
know that even though they do not have a completely rational reason
for the adoption of their new philosophy of "duty" yet they will be
able to be hopeful in spite of their ignorance because they are fol
lowing the best philosophy, that of duty. Therefore they "Come all
to this true ignorance," an ignorance that will permit hope, in con
trast to their previous state of "sceptic melancholy." It is important
to realize that there is no necessary positive advance in knowledge
promised. The human spirits are ignorant of the ultimate value of
life if they follow their old philosophies which place primary values
on material acquisition, knowledge, strife, passivity, love or social
conventions, or, on the other hand, even though they choose the philosophy
of duty they still "know not. Clough, however, does assert that
though there is no greater intellectual certainty in following duty,
there certainly is an advance in attitude. They will move from "sceptic
melancholy" to the attitude of hope when they follow the philosophy
of duty.
The examination of "The human spirits saw I on a day" is im
portant. Even though it is not strictly Dipsychian in its structure,
it points to the nature of the moral purpose that does inform Clough's


77
mother's tendency that relatives and friends were accustomed to find
dominant in Arthur, And the most dominant characteristic in both
Arthur and his mother was the love of the stern and noble, the aspiring
concern for moral purity and uprightness.
The influences that Arthur Hugh Clough met with at Rugby only
acted to reinforce his mother's training. One of the clearest indi
cations of Clough's moral concern as a schoolboy is found in his letters
to his brother, George. George was attending a different school in
England and Arthur, in his letters to George, served as the helpful,
older brother. In nearly every one of these letters the idea that one
must devote one's self to moral purity before God occupies a large part
of the correspondence. It is certainly quite unlikely that young George
Clough was a rake or rowdy. The strongly moralistic character of Arthur's
letters to George cannot be accounted for on the basis of some character
flaw in George. Instead, the reason for Arthur's moralizing is that
purity before God had become an overriding concern of Clough's at an
early age. When Arthur was fifteen he wrote to encourage his thirteen-
year-old brother to a more strenuously moralistic sort of life. "I
should think that you are not so dependent upon God's help as on your
own strength, which you know is nothing against Sin..,. You must do
everything to please God, or else you are not as you ought to be....
You must grow in goodness and not day after day go round the same
duties no better today than you were yesterday."^3 Though it sounds
as if George were on the brink of moral disaster, the fact is that he
had become irregular in his daily Bible readings and on one occasion
had told a lie.


4
raised by his times. It is the record of the thought that proceeded
a religious and moral decision.
While a discussion of Clough must account for the ambivalence
in his poetry, there is a second matter which must also be examined
here. Largely on the basis of what they found in his poetry, Clough's
Victorian critics reached the conclusion that he was personally ir
resolute. This conclusion is understandable in the context of one of
the major expectations that Victorians had for poetry before the eighteen-
seventies. From the early thirties thoughtful Victorians were expressing
the idea that the poet should be a prophet to the troubled times. They
saw the old traditions crumbling in the face of widespread social change
and, in the words of Carlyle, they looked to the writer to "by wise
teaching guide the souls of men."-^ When the positive prophetic voice
which they had expected was lacking in Clough's poetry they looked at
his life with every expectation of finding him to be an irresolute man
who lacked the intellectual fortitude to seize upon decision in the
trials of his personal life. That early biographers, like Osborne,
could find what they could consider to be evidences of irresolution in
their examination of his life is not surprising. Beside the fact that
they were deliberately looking for such proof, the success of their
search was assured by the special character of Clough's life. His was
basically a life of thought rather than of action. Thus the main streams
of his life were hidden from view. Mrs. Clough identifies this char
acteristic of Clough's life in a letter to C. E. Nortoni "It is so much
a hidden and inner life that it would require something like genius to
express it, I think.Since Clough's was an inner life, the decisions


38
a greater mental activity. For this reason he could not "bring himself
to believe enough in the value of his own poetry. Instead of the
calming effect he had sought, he was the more stimulated and he turned
away from the meditative, spiritual mode of thinking that he had been
hoping to promote. In his "Journal" one Sunday morning in September,
1835, he wrote, "Instead of turning to God last night I wrote a sonnet,
*50
and poetized till 10 o'clock. Composed 2 more in bed,"^ The sixteen-
year-old Clough felt that such an activity amounted to turning to poetry
instead of turning to God,
When Clough was caught up in the poetic mood, however, he some
times felt that poetry offered him more than other modes of thought.
Chorley asserts, "A number of these schoolboy poems were published in
the Rugby Magazine of which he became editor during his last year."5^
One of Clough's poems, which he published in the Rugby Magazine in
April, I836, illustrates Clough's mood of poetic rapture very well.
"Yet let our earthly souls in that bright wake /the wake of poesy//
Still, still with fond and springing rapture ride;/ This burning thirst,
those high desires still slake/ And joy as in these hues,"^ These
lines from the poem which young Clough called "The Exordium of a Very
Long Poem show how deeply poetry excited the very depths of his being.
That as a schoolboy Clough struggled against that sort of poetic rap
ture accounts in part for the intellectual character of most of his
later verse. The main point to be observed, however, is that almost
in spite of himself at such an early age, Clough naturally turned to
poetry during a period of stress, and,despite his conscious reasonings
to the contrary, Clough did find a large measure of comfort and relief
in poetic activity.


86
symbolize this. "Therefore for me sweet Nature's scenes reveal not/
Their charm."53 gut Clough further recognizes that the lie corrupts
the enjoyment of art and the relationship with other people, "...sweet
Music greets me and I feel not;/ Sweet eyes pass off me uninspired;"^
All avenues of contact with reality are corrupted by the lie,
In another poem from Ambarvalia Clough examines the matter in
a more Dipsychian fashion, examining the advantages and disadvantages
of being true to his inner reality. The issue is whether one should
accept a conventional view of things, which would be true to one's self,
or whether one should be true to one's own inner apprehension of reality.
The basic imagery is that of music and the poet phrases the problem in
terms of the dance. "Why should I...dance about to music that I hear
not?" The answer is obviousi unless he does, he "Shall be shoved and
be twisted by all he shall meet.55 gut with a typical Dipsychian turn
of the argument Clough opens the possibility that if he remains true to
his own inner music, soon he may perceive the whole truth, the whole
melody to which others are now dancing, and then he would be in complete
accord with them. "And I anon, the music in my soul,/ In a moment read
the whole;/ The music in my heart,/ Joyously take my part,/ And hand in
hand, and heart with heart, with these retreat, advance.That kind
of complete accord that might come from remaining true to one's own
sense of inner reality seems then too great a hope to lose by a present,
premature assertion of his own sense of the music and so, perhaps after
all, he should remain true to himself.
Then in a style that Clough has made one of the keynotes of his
Dipsychian poetry, he turns the whole argument around upon itself and


TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
ABSTRACT v
PROLOG DE i HESITATION BEFORE DECISION 1
CHAPTER 11 THE PLOT HAS COUNTERPLOT 12
CHAPTER II i THE DIPSYCHIAN MIND 63
CHAPTER IH1 AN APPLICATION OF THE THEORY 116
BIBLIOGRAPHY l6l
VITA 167
ir


DEDICATION
To my wife,
aid deserve
Gloria Haich, whose encouragement and loving
a larger tribute than a dedication allows.
ii


9
of his poetry though it must take into account his life and its his
torical context. Clough's major ambivalent works of each period will
then bear a new significance when examined from a point of view that
at once focuses upon Clough's unique ambivalence and can demonstrate
how the problems he so considered were best treated by a man of Clough's
temperament, in that precise manner, at that particular time in his
life.
The organization of "The Description and Function of Clough's
Ambivalent Poetry and Its Sources in His Life and Thought, with Special
Application to Dipsychus" is reflected in its title. Chapter One de
scribes Clough's ambivalent poetry and discusses the uses the poet in
tended such poetry to serve for himself and for his readers. Chapter
Two examines the influences and experiences which helped to create
the particular moral tension which Clough expressed in his ambivalent
poetry. The final chapter uses the ideas from Chapter One and Chapter
Two to show how well they work in actual application to a single poem.
The field is well prepared for this sort of discussion of Clough's
poetry. The texts of Clough's works have recently received modern
editorial reconstruction based upon a thorough reappraisal of the manu
scripts. This editorial work is particularly important in Clough's
case because he himself saw so little of his work through the press.
Though the earlier text of Cloughs works was assembled by his wife
and others, especially C. E. Norton, and saw fifteen editions between
1869 and 1930, sometimes these editors had suppressed whole sections
of certain poems and often they had added titles without any manu
script authority. Therefore, the 1951 edition of Clough's poems has


29
and, further, that the intended effect was often to bring an audience
which supported one side of an issue to reconsider its own side and
to see somewhat of the other side. Probably one of the more striking
examples of Clough's practice in this regard is discovered in Clough's
prose piece, "Address on Socialism." This was written probably about
ok
1851.-^ It was directed to a group of socialist workmen who had formed
one of the numerous workmen's cooperative associations that were
springing up in England during the late 1840's and early 1850's.
A group of Oxford and Rugby men and their friends formed the
nucleus of a group who interested themselves in various activities on
behalf of the working class. The group was begun by Charles Kingsley,
F, Maurice, the principal of Queen's College, and J. M. Ludlow, a
young barrister who had been practicing at Lincoln's Inn. Ludlow was
the "prophet" of the group because as a boy he "had seen one revolution
in Paris, and as a student he had drunk deep of the Fourierian spring."-^
Fourier, it will be recalled, was the thinker behind such cooperatives
as the memorable one that flourished at Brook Farm outside of Boston
during the 1840's.-^ The cooperative idea had held such appeal for
Nathaniel Hawthorne at Brook Farm that he, who had never worked with
his hands, found himself cleaning stables, hoeing, and working as he
had never before done. These same ideas appealed to Clough when, after
Maurice had brought Thomas Hughes into the group, Clough then became
associated through Hughes. Though Clough had met another member of
the group, Charles Kingsley through Froude at Oxford, Kingsley rather
puzzled Clough more than attracted him.-^ Thus it was Tom Hughes, a
fellow Rugbian with Clough, who involved Clough in this particular


146
dream that each man must lose. Dipsychus may not be heroic but he
certainly is a widely representative figure--'the idealist unwilling
to sacrifice himself for an ideal that may be but an empty dream, yet
forced by the world to compromise his idealism.
The next to the last scene of Dipsychus brings a latent dimen
sion into focus. In Scene VII the recital by Dipsychus of Clough's
poem "Easter Day" show that Dipsychus believes that the conventional,
personal God of Christian orthodoxy is lost through the demythologizing
of Strauss and the New Testament higher critics. Scene V had also por
trayed the bleak pointlessness of life without God; Dipsychus dreamed
of what life without God would be. Certainly hedonism would then be
a freely available option, but hedonism offers only a shallow existence.
As Dipsychus says in this dream song, "Wine has dregs; the song an end;/
A silly girl is a poor friend/ And age and weakness who shall mend?"'!7!
And then, more to the point of the vocational issue in the last half
of Dipsychus, he recognizes that daily labor in a life without God
would not be compelled by God, but neither would it provide any satis
faction to the laborer. Dipsychus says, "Do, if you like, as now you
do;/ If work's a cheat, so's pleasure too;/ And nothing's new and
nothing's true.^^ After this dream Dipsychus wakes in light and thinks
that perhaps the loss of God was only a dream; perhaps the blank, empty
life that he had dreamed of would not become his living reality.
In Scene XU Dipsychus dreams again. After his submission to
the iron necessity of reality, he dreams of voices from the light of
God that offer help while one struggles with this life. The angelic
voices in this dream sing of aid that will be rendered in this life,