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Maintenance and change of 18th century Mission Indian identity

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Maintenance and change of 18th century Mission Indian identity a multi-ethnic contact situation
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Waters, Gifford
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English
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xiv, 198 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

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Cultural identity ( jstor )
Decorative ceramics ( jstor )
Ethnic groups ( jstor )
Ethnic identity ( jstor )
Ethnicity ( jstor )
Excavations ( jstor )
Native Americans ( jstor )
Pottery ( jstor )
Pottery making ( jstor )
Refugees ( jstor )
City of St. Augustine ( local )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 2005.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
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Printout.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Gifford Waters.

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University of Florida
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Copyright {Waters, Gifford}. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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ocn880637319

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MAINTENANCE AND CHANGE OF 18TH CENTURY
MISSION INDIAN IDENTITY: A MULTI-ETHNIC CONTACT SITUATION













By

GIFFORD J. WATERS












A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005































Copyright 2005

by

Gifford J. Waters
































For my grandfather, Bishop James Duncan. I hope you would have enjoyed this.














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to first express my deepest gratitude to my chair, Dr. Kathleen Deagan, for her support, guidance, and patience. Dr. Deagan has constantly supported my efforts throughout my graduate career and has always supported me as a student, colleague, and friend. Her guidance made this a better dissertation and she has also contributed to making me a better archaeologist, student, and writer. I will forever be indebted to the years of help she has given me. I would also like to thank my other committee members, Dr. Michael Gannon, Dr. John Moore, and Dr. James Davidson. Their questions, suggestions, and guidance have been a great contribution throughout this process.

I would also like to thank Dr. Michael Heckenberger for his patience and tolerance with me as I would frequently engage him in discussions on ethnicity, most often in social settings such as the Salty Dog. His conversations and advice provided a great deal of aid and direction while I was struggling with theoretical issues. Dr. Kenneth Sassaman also deserves thanks for allowing me to discuss this dissertation with him on countless occasions and offering sound advice throughout. Al Woods deserves recognition as well for all the help he gave me while working in the museum with the collections and never hesitating to help out when he could. Thanks also go of course to all of those who participated in the excavations in St. Augustine and tolerated me as a field supervisor.

A number of friends also need to be thanked for putting up with me during times of frustration and listening to my problems and offering help, whether it be forcing me to take a break or helping with suggestions on how to make my dissertation better. Nick iv








Mrozinske could always be relied on for support and the occasional "study break," as well as to discuss issues of ethnicity. Joe Hefner was always there for me as a friend and colleague, giving me support and acting as a sounding board when I just needed to talk things out.

Last but certainly not least I would like to thank my family. My parents, Mary and Ted, have given me emotional support throughout my graduate career and have offered just enough encouragement, and occasional nagging, to help me get this done. My sisters and brothers, Keely, Blythe, Tyson, and Brodie, were always there for me when I needed to talk and have offered me support and understanding even when they had their own problems to deal with. Finally, I want to give my most heartfelt thanks to my wife, Jamie, for being so understanding through this all. Jamie's willingness to listen to my problems and offer advice and insight, her patience, tolerance, and all around support in general are what ultimately made the completion of my dissertation possible, and for that I will always be grateful.

All of the people mentioned above, and many that I am sure I forgot, contributed in some manner to making this dissertation what it is today. However, any errors or omissions that may occur are mine.
















V















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................................................................................... iv

LIST O F TA BLES .............................................. .............................................. ix

LIST O F FIG U R E S ....................................................................................................... xii

ABSTRA CT ...................... ........................................... ........... xiii

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION AND THEORY .................................... ..........................

Theoretical Perspective......................................... .................................................. 3
Definitions of Ethnicity ...................................................... ..........................3
Bourdieu's Theory of Practice and Concept of Habitus............................. 12


2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND .................................................... 17

Policies of Mission Settlement and Population Movement.............................. 17
Mission Impacts of Native American Life ........................................ ......22
Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions ..................................................24
T he T im ucua.................................................... ..............................................24
T he G uale ...................................................... ................................................33
T he A palachee .................................................. .............................................38
T he Y am asee ......................................................................... ........................43
18th Century St. Augustine................................................... ........................48


3 HISTORICAL APPROACHES AND METHODOLOGICAL
C O N SID ERA TIO N S ................................................. ........................................... 56

Potential Outcomes of Multi-Ethnic Consolidation ..................................... ...57
Models of Culture Contact and Culture Change.................................. .....60
Approaches to ethnicity studies ..................................... ...... .................61
C eram ics and Identity ................................................ ...........................................72
A nalytical Fram ew ork ..................................................................... .....................76
Mission Indian Ceramic Types .......................................................76


vi








A palachee Ceram ics ..........................................................................................77
Western Timucua Ceramics.............................................. ....................78
Suwannee Valley Culture ................................... 78
A lachua Culture..................................................... ............ .............79
G uale C eram ics ........................................................................ ......................79
Eastern Timucua Ceramics ...................................................... 80
Sites and Samples ...............................................................80
Sites Examined in this Study .................................................... ...................82
The Apalachee Region ...................................................... ...................82
A palachee H ill ......................................................... ........... ............82
S an L uis ..................................................... .............................................. 83
The Guale Region ..............................................................84
Santa Catalina de Guale ..................................... ..............84
Harrison Homestead Site.................................................. 85
San Juan del Puerto ............................................. ....... ......... .......... 86
Wright's Landing Site ...................................................... 87
The Y am asee R egion.............................................. ........................................88
The Western Timucua Region.........:..................... ...... ..................88
Baptizing Springs ..........................................................89
Fig Springs ................................................................89
F ox P on d .......................................................................... ....................... 90
Richardson Site .............................................................91
The Eastern Tim ucua Region ........... ..................................................................92
18th Century Mission Sites .....................................................93
L a P unta..................................................... ..............................................93
P ocotalaca................................................... .............................................94


4 DATA AND DATA DISCUSSION: ESTABLISHING REGIONAL AND ETHNIC
MATERIAL PROFILES ............................................................95

The A palachee R egion................................................. ..........................................95
A palachee H ill ......................................................................... .......................95
S an L uis ......................................................... ................................................. 98
Summary: The Apalachee Sites....................................... ........ 100
The Guale Region ........................................ 103
Santa Catalina de Guale.....................................................103
Santa Maria/Santa Catalina .................................................... 107
W right's Landing..................................................... ............. ..............109
San Juan del Puerto ..................................................... ....................................111
Summary: The Guale Sites ..................................... 112
W estern T im ucua Sites ........................................................................................... 121
A lachua Cultural Region ................................................................................... 122
The Richardson Site ..................................... ................122
F ox P on d .................................................................................................... 124
Suwannee Valley Cultural Region ..................................... ... ......126
Baptizing Springs ....................................... 126


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Fig Springs ...............................................................128
Summary: Western Timucua Sites ..................................... 129
Alachua Cultural Region Sites ..................................... 129
Suwannee Valley Cultural Region Sites ........................................ 132
Eastern Timucua ........................................ 135
Nombre de Dios-St. Johns II Period............................... .... ....... 136
N om bre de D ios-16th Century ....................................................................... 137
Nombre de Dios-First Half of the 17th Century ..................................... 139
Nombre de Dios-Second Half of the 17th Century ..................................... 141
Summary: Eastern Timucua Sites ......................................... .......142
Y am asee....................................... ............................................................... 147
Altamaha Town ..............................................................147
Summary: The Yamasee Region ..................................... 149
18th Century M ission Settlem ents.......................................................................... 150
P ocotalaca .......................................................................................................... 150
L a P u nta ............................................................................................................. 15 1
Nombre de Dios-18th Century ..................................... 154
Summary: 18th Century Sites .................................. 157


5 INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS ...................................... ....162

C onclu sion s......................................................... ................................................. 167
F uture R esearch ................................................................... ................................. 175


APPENDIX: ABORIGINAL CERAMIC CODES AND DESCRIPTIONS................179

LIST OF REFEREN CES .................................................... ..................................... 183

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .............................................................. 198





















viii














LIST OF TABLES

Table page

2-1 1717 Census .......................................................... .............................................53

2-2 1738 C ensus .................................................. ..................................................... 54

2-3 1752 C ensus .......................................................... .............................................54

2-4 1759 Census .................................................. ..................................................... 54

4-1 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Apalachee Hill ..................97

4-2 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at San Luis................98

4-3 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at San Luis ............................99

4-4 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Apalachee Region ...... 101 4-5 Percentage of Aboriginal Ceramic Categories at Apalachee Sites and Region..... 102 4-6 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Guale......... 104 4-7 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Guale..... 105 4-8 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Santa Maria.. 107 4-9 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Santa
M aria ...................................................................................................................... 108

4-10 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Wright's Landing ................... 109

4-11 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Wright's Landing ............... 110

4-12 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at San Juan del Puerto ...................111

4-13 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at San Juan del Puerto........ 112 4-14 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Guale Sites............... 114

4-15 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Guale Sites ...................... 118



ix








4-16 Percentage of Aboriginal Ceramic Categories at Guale Sites and Region......... 119 4-17 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site .................. 122

4-18 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site......... 123 4-19 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Fox Pond ................................ 124

4-20 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Fox Pond Site............ 125

4-21 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs Site......... 127 4-22 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs Site.. 127 4-23 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Fig Springs Site ................ 128

4-24 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Fig Springs Site......... 129 4-25 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural
R egion .................................................................................................................... 130

4-26 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural Region
Sites...... ............................................................................................... 131

4-27 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Alachua Cultural Region Sites ............... 132

4-28 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Suwannee Valley
Cultural Region.................................. 133

4-29 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for'the Suwannee Valley Cultural
Region Sites ........................................ 134

4-30 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Suwannee Valley Cultural Region Sites..... 135 4-31 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the St. Johns II Period. ...................................... 137

4-32 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the 16th Century.................................. 138

4-33 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
16th C entury........................................................................................................... 139

4-34 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
First Half of the 17th Century ..................................... 139

4-35 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the first half of the 17th century ................................ 140



x








4-36 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
Second Half of the 17th Century ..................................... 141

4-37 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the sSecond Half of the 17th century ..................................... 142

4-38 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Eastern Timucua Site of
Nombre de Dios ........................................ 144

4-39 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Eastern Timucua
R egion .................................................................................................................... 144

4-40 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Coastal Timucua Sites and Region.......... 146

4-41 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Altamaha Town. 148 4-42 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Altamaha Town ..................................... 149

4-43 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Pocotalaca.............. 150

4-44 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Pocotalaca ......... 151 4-45 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the La Punta Site .................... 152

4-46 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of La Punta ......... 153 4-47 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the 18th Century Site of Nombre
de D ios ................................................................................................................... 154

4-48 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the 18th century site of
Nombre de Dios ........................................ 156

4-49 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at 18th Century Mission Settlements.......... 158



















xi















LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

2-1 Major Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions .................................24

2-2 Timucua Dialect Groups ..........................................................28

3-1 Apalachee Region Sites ............................................................. ........................ 82

3-2 Guale Region Sites .................................................................. ........................... 84

3-3 Western Timucua Region Sites................................................. 88

3-4 18th Century Mission Sites ...................................................... 93

5-1 Main Ceramic Types at 17th Century Sites ..................................... 165

5-2 Main Ceramic Types at 18th Century Sites ..................................... 166



























xii














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

MAINTENANCE AND CHANGE OF 18TH CENTURY MISSION INDIAN IDENTITY: A MULTI-ETHNIC CONTACT SITUATION

By

Gifford J. Waters

August, 2005

Chair: Kathleen Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology

The Spanish mission system of La Florida had major impacts on the lives and cultures of the various Native American groups in the southeastern United States. To date, many archaeological studies have been conducted to assess such issues as the nature of acculturation among the Indians in response to Spanish colonization, changes in Native American subsistence patterns, and the biological impacts of the missions and forced labor in terms of disease and skeletal stress. While all of these studies have provided researchers with a great deal of extremely valuable information on the experiences and roles of the Native Americans of La Florida during the Spanish colonial period, certain other important issues remain unresolved.

Among the most poorly understood of these issues was the role of multi-ethnic interaction and exchange among Native American groups brought into contact through Spanish influenced consolidation. During the mission period Indians from many



xiii








different tribal groups in the Southeast were forced into new social settings in which they found themselves living among or very near each other. The impact of new multi-ethnic or multicultural contact situations into which the various Native American groups were forced into offers a different kind of approach to the study of Native American culture change than has been traditionally taken by researchers in the Southeast. Of particular interest is the question of how these new, multicultural or multi-ethnic contact situations affected cultural and/or ethnic identity and power relations among the Indians of the southeastern United States.

This study will examine the nature of change in Native American society provoked by the aggregation of distinct Native American groups through congregaci6n and reducci6n in eighteenth century St. Augustine, using both archaeological and documentary sources. Particular emphasis will be placed on the degree to which distinctive cultural expressions among the varied Native American groups living in direct or close contact with each other were maintained or altered. At the heart of this issue will be the examination of how these consolidated multi-ethnic contact situations affected patterned material expressions thought to reflect cultural or ethnic identity among the Indians of the southeastern United States.
















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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION AND THEORY

The Spanish mission system of La Florida had major impacts on the lives and

cultures of the various Native American groups in the southeastern United States. While the primary goal of the missions was to convert the Indians to Christianity, they also served many other functions, such as providing a labor force, supplying food for the Spanish settlers, and serving as a buffer between the Spanish territories and those of its competing rivals (Bolton 1921). It can also be argued that the missions benefited the Native Americans to some degree through the introduction of new technologies, providing potential new alliances in the changing political world of colonialism, and serving as places of refuge from enemies. To date, many archaeological studies have been conducted to assess such issues as the nature of acculturation among the Indians in response to Spanish colonization, changes in Native American subsistence patterns, and the biological impacts of the missions and forced labor in terms of disease and skeletal stress (see for example Deetz 1963; Hoover 1989; Hutchinson and Larsen 2001; Larsen 1993, 2001; Larsen and Milner 1994; Larsen et al. 2001). While all of these studies have produced a great deal of extremely valuable information on the experiences and roles of the Native Americans of La Florida during the Spanish colonial period, certain other important issues remain unresolved.

Among the most poorly understood of these has been the role of multi-ethnic

interaction and exchange among Native American groups brought into contact through Spanish-influenced consolidation. During the mission period, and especially during and


1





2

after its collapse, Indians from many different tribal groups in the Southeast, most notably the Timucua, Guale, Apalachee, and Yamasee, were forced into new social settings in which they found themselves living among or very near each other (Bushnell 1994; Deagan 1993; Gannon 1965; Hann 1996; Milanich 1999; Saunders 2001; Worth 1998b). The impact of new multi-ethnic or multicultural contact situations into which the various Native American cultural or ethnic groups were forced offers a different kind of approach to the study of Native American culture change than has been traditionally taken by researchers in the Southeast. Of particular interest is the question of how these new, multicultural or multi-ethnic contact situations affected cultural and/or ethnic identity and power relations among the Indians of the southeastern United States. By extension, such a study has present-day relevance in its potential to inform models of cultural dynamics resulting from externally created multi-ethnic contact situations which have occurred and still occur worldwide today.

This study will examine the nature of change in Native American society provoked by the aggregation of distinct Native American groups through congregaci6n and reducci6n in eighteenth century St. Augustine, using both archaeological and documentary sources. Particular emphasis will be placed on the degree to which distinctive cultural expressions among the varied Native American groups living in direct or close contact with each other were maintained or altered. At the heart of this issue will be the examination of how these consolidated multi-ethnic contact situations affected patterned material expressions thought to reflect cultural or ethnic identity among the Indians of the southeastern United States. Although a great deal of historical research provides the context and framework for this study, the issue of Native American culture





3

change must be addressed archaeologically, as there is no direct written testimony from the Indians. In doing so it is necessary to accept the principle that identity is reflected in distinct observable patterns of cultural practice as encoded in the material world.

Theoretical Perspective

As discussed above, this study examines the impacts that consolidation and

relocation as a result of the Spanish mission system and its collapse had on the ethnic identities of Southeastern Native Americans. Anthropological and archaeological approaches to the study of ethnicity, and identity in general, have evolved over more than thirty years, and there is still a great deal of disagreement about what ethnicity actually is and how it can be studied. This section will begin with an examination of how views of ethnicity have changed over time, and in doing so will define the notion of ethnicity as it is applied in the present study. This is grounded in Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice and concept of habitus (Bourdieu 1977), as well as its relationship to ethnicity, which provides the theoretical framework upon which this study is built. Definitions of Ethnicity

While many anthropologists, archaeologists, and other social scientists have studied ethnicity, few have offered explicit definitions of what they constitute ethnicity as being. According to Wsevold Isajiw (1974), those who have defined ethnicity in their work often use broad, generalistic definitions that are of little use. This has led in turn to a great deal of debate about the nature and definition of ethnicity, ethnic groups, and what it means to be "ethnic." In its most basic level, the debate on the meaning of ethnicity can be broken down to objectivist and subjectivist perspectives, which derive from scholars' prioritization of emic and etic perspectives (Jones 1997).





4


Objectivist views of ethnicity "regard ethnic groups as social cultural entities with distinct boundaries characterized by relative isolation and lack of interaction" (Jones 1997: 57). This entails an etic approach in which the scholar defines ethnicity, and in turn identifies ethnic groups, based on his or her own perceptions of socio-cultural differences. Objectivist approaches see ethnic groups as based on objective cultural practices that are shared by individuals and that exist independently of the perceptions of those involved. Common traits used in objectivists approaches to define distinct ethnic groups are unique languages, territories, and social structures.

In contrast, the subjectivist views of ethnicity see ethnic groups as being culturally or socially created categories, formulated by the groups themselves, that help to inform social interaction and behavior. The subjectivist view takes an emic approach in which importance is placed on the self-categorization of the people being studied (Jones 1997). This approach places importance on the formation and maintenance of shared perceptions and social organization of the members of the group or groups being studied (Jones 1997). The differences in these two approaches were made clear in Michael Moerman's early study (1965) of the Lue people of northern Thailand.

In his analysis of the Lue, Moerman (1965) stated that Lue ethnicity could not be adequately defined using an objectivist approach. Moerman found that the Lue shared a wide range of cultural traits with their neighbors, including language, territory, and certain aspects of social structure. As such, an objectivist view would not define the Lue as a separate, unique and defined ethnic group. However in terms of social organization and interaction, identification of being a member of the Lue was found to have great importance. In the case of the Lue in northern Thailand, Moerman found that factors





5

such as language and home territory were not as important in social relations with other groups as was the identification of a person, either self-identification or identification by others, as being Lue. Moerman asserted that it is the socially constructed selfidentification and relationships of sameness and difference from other groups that help to determine ethnicity, in effect stating that in isolation the Lue do not exist, that they only exist because of interactions with other ethnic groups (Moerman 1965).

Raoll Narroll (1968) on the other hand does not define the Lue as a separate ethnic group, but rather "as a part of a broader cultunit, 'Northern Thai"' (Jones 1997: 58). Narroll bases this assumption primarily on the fact that the Lue share a common language with other peoples in northern Thailand. While there may at one time have been a distinct Lue ethnic identity, at present they do not possess those objectivist characteristics, namely unique language, territory, and social structure. Viewed in this light, Narroll (1968) feels that the people called the Lue are no longer a distinct ethnic group since they share many of the characteristics with other people in the Northern Thailand cultunit.

The Lue example demonstrates the differences between the objectivist and

subjectivist views on ethnicity. While both approaches have some merit, neither one is adequate in and of itself to effectively define ethnicity. The objectivist stance offers the potential of a more empirical approach to the identification and description of ethnic groups based on measurable, material factors; however it often does not take into account social or ideological issues. The subjectivist view on the other hand places primacy on social-ideational factors, such as the self-identification of ethnic groups and interaction between groups. While these are important factors in the formation of ethnic groups,





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they are often difficult to measure, especially in archaeological studies in which there are no living informants.

Research on ethnic groups since the late 1960's has relied primarily on the

subjectivist view of ethnicity, placing importance on social factors and self-identification. However, "a dichotomy of positions (primordialist and instrumentalist) has emerged regarding the formation and maintenance of ethnic groups" (Burley et al. 1992: 5). This dichotomy, although similar to the objectivist/subjectivist dichotomy, also is dynamic and concerned with development, and thus useful to archaeology. The primordialist positions focus on shared cultural traditions and origins as having important and stabilizing roles in the formation and maintenance of ethnic groups and identities. The shared cultural traditions provide "the individual with a knowable, regulated and consistent social environment within a complex and often pluralistic cultural setting" (Burley et al. 1992: 5). The instrumentalist perspective holds that external and competitive forces are necessary for both the formation and recognition of ethnic groups. In the face of competition, most often viewed in terms of economic and political competition, ethnic groups are formed to bring together individuals who hold common interests. The members of ethnic groups then benefit from the alliance with others in the face of other competing groups (Burley et al. 1992; Hill 1996).

The primordialist position finds its origins in the work of Edward A. Shils (1957) examining relational qualities that are inherent in kinship ties. The primordial approach to ethnicity views bonds between people that arise at birth, such as kinship, culture, religion, and common history, as being more important than other social ties that are created during an individual's life (Jones 1997). According to the primordialist view, it is





7


these attachments that explain the existence and persistence of ethnic groups. Early primordialist approaches (Geertz 1963; Shils 1957) used the concept of primordialism to describe the social attachment present in ethnic groups but did not explain how these ties acted in the formation or maintenance of ethnic groups.

Harold Isaacs (1974) uses this approach to explain how primordial ties influence the strength and continuity of ethnic identity in people's lives. Isaacs uses psychological theories of identity to support his position that primordial ties are acquired by individuals at birth and through early socialization. These bonds and "attachments have an overwhelming power because of a universal human, psychological need for a sense of belongingness and self-esteem" (Jones 1997: 66). It is these primordial bonds and ties that not only explain the existence of ethnic groups, but the strength of the bonds and the desire of humans to belong reinforce the bonds and help to perpetuate the existence of ethnic groups. Isaacs (1974: 15) describes basic group identity, which can be equated with ethnic identity, as "the identity made up of what a person is born with or acquires at birth ... distinct from all other multiple and secondary identities people acquire because .. its elements are what make a group." This view recognizes that individuals can have more than a single identity, but states that the identity based on primordial ties is what determines ethnic affiliation. While this view may aid in explaining the strength of ethnicity and ethnic pride, it does not seem to allow for change in or the creation of new ethnic identities.

A major critique of the primordialist approach is that it results in a romanticization of ethnic identity by arguing that identity is based only on primordial attachments such as culture, language, and territory. While these may be important elements, the





8

primordialist approach does give credit to the psychological aspects of ethnicity (Jones 1997). Few researchers would deny that among all humans there is to some degree a desire for acceptance and fitting in. Such ties as shared language and culture are important in giving individuals the psychological sense of fitting in and as such should not be neglected in studies of ethnicity and the formation, maintenance, and change of ethnic identities.

Along these same lines is the critique that because primordialist approaches stress aspects of culture, language, and territory as being of primary importance in ethnic identity, ethnicity then becomes a static, predetermined thing. This is problematic as ethnicity has been shown to be fluid and dependant on, though not determined by, social context, as will be discussed below.

The primoridalist perspective has also been critiqued as essentialist, in that it views ethnicity as a natural phenomenon that is simply part of human nature. Little thought is given to the particular social and historical settings that ethnic groups form; rather they are seen as forming in a social and political vacuum (Jones 1997). Factors such as culture and language that primordialist approaches give primacy to should not be viewed as determining agents of ethnicity; rather they should be seen as a baseline for the construction of ethnicity.

The instrumentalist approach has become far more prevalent in anthropological studies of ethnicity over the last thirty years. This approach views ethnicity as being a "dynamic and situational form of group identity embedded in the organization of social behavior and also in the institutional fabric of society" (Jones 1997: 72). This approach examines the role that ethnicity, and by extension the formation of ethnic identity, plays





9

in the face of competition for economic and political resources with other groups. It is argued that without external forces and competition, ethnic groups would not exist, and that ethnicity is dependant on a relational comparison with some "other." Ethnicity is then seen as a result of processes that bring "together individuals holding common interests who...seek a competitive advantage" (Bentley 1987: 26). The above quotation underscores not only the key tenet of the instrumentalist approach, that of competition, but also makes it clear that there must be a common interest in order for an ethnic group to emerge. The common interest in this sense, discussed below in greater detail, does not necessarily refer to a common economic or political interest, though these are viewed as necessary, but rather to a common historical background or social commonality on which a common ground can be established, a perspective shared with the primordialist approach.

Fredrik Barth (1969) was a key figure in the development of the instrumentalist approach that has so pervaded anthropological research on ethnicity to this date. Barth developed a "programmatic theoretical model" (Jones 1997: 59) to ethnicity which incorporated the subjective approach described above. Barth's research, while addressing the social aspects of ethnicity, was primarily concerned with how ethnic groups were able to maintain their boundaries. Implicit in this research of boundary maintenance was the instrumentalist view that ethnic groups were not isolated units, but could only form as a result of competition of some sort, and as such could only be understood by examining ethnic groups in their social settings with other groups rather than in isolation. Barth (1969: 13) defined an ethnic group as an ascriptive and exclusive group:

A categorical ascription is an ethnic ascription when it classifies a person in terms
of his basic, most general identity, presumptively determined by his origin and





10

background. To the extent that actors use ethnic identities to categorize themselves
and others for the purpose of interaction, they form ethnic groups in this
organizational sense.

While this view does hold that origin, cultural history, and background are important factors in determining ethnicity, it does not place primacy on those factors. Barth (1969) states that there is not a direct, one-to-one relationship between ethnic groups and cultures. Instead ethnic identity is based on social organization in certain areas of thought, behavior, and action. These in turn provide rules and guidelines for accepted behaviors in certain social situations, and following these rules both signifies membership in the ethnic group as well as reinforces the rules of the group (Barth 1969).

What is key to remember in Barth's definition of ethnicity is that while it is clearly subjectivist and instrumentalist in its approach, it also directs attention to origin and background. One's culture and socialization, as discussed in more detail below, also play a critical role in the creation, maintenance, and change of ethnic identity. There must be some underlying, uniting bond, whether real or fictive, in order for ethnic groups to form in the face of competition. Barth further states that inter-ethnic contact, which in the instrumentalist view is a necessity, does not have to result in the loss of cultural or ethnic differences due to acculturative processes. Ethnicity and the formation of a strong sense of ethnic pride are often means by which the social systems of a group are maintained and strengthened, even in the presence of another group (Barth 1969).

A number of critiques have been argued against the instrumentalist approach. First, many of these critiques are reductionist in nature and define ethnicity only in terms of observed regularities of behavior in specific situations. This results in ethnicity basically being "reduced to the mobilization and politicization of culture in the organization of interest groups" (Jones 1997: 77). This critique posits that instrumentalist approaches





11

reduce the dimensions of ethnicity, those aspects that serve to form and maintain ethnic groups, to economic and political aspects only which almost serve to function as deterministic factors. This does not account for shared cultural heritage, language, etc., aspects that clearly contribute to ethnic identity. This leads to the second critique, which is a neglect of the cultural dimensions of ethnicity, a critique that Barth's (1969) approach sought to overcome. A person's or group's culture is viewed as having a secondary role, if any role at all, in the formation of ethnic identity. While political and economic factors, and interaction with other groups do play a role in the formation and maintenance of identity, one's cultural heritage and background play an equally important role (Jones 1997).

A third critique of instrumentalist approaches is the tendency to view human behavior as rational and directed towards maximizing rewards. While it is true that humans often do seek to maximize their rewards, individuals within ethnic groups will not always view this in the same way. Membership in an ethnic group does not mean that all members will perceive things the same way. Individuals view the world based on past, personal experiences and socialization. This results in individuals not only perceiving their interests differently, but also in perceiving their identities differently depending on the social situation (Jones 1997).

Clearly there are both strengths and weaknesses in both primordialist and

instrumentalist approaches to the study of ethnicity and identity. This study attempts to build on the strengths of both approaches, and attempts to reconcile them by adopting Bourdieu's theory of practice and concept of habitus as a theoretical framework. This approach incorporates both cognitive and material aspects of culture to construct an





12


archaeologically workable concept of ethnicity and to examine maintenance and change in ethnic groups and boundaries of the multi-ethnic Native American communities of 18th century St. Augustine.

Bourdieu's Theory of Practice and Concept of Habitus

Bourdieu's theory of practice, which is discussed below, overcomes the dichotomy between objectivist and subjectivist, and primordialist and instrumentalist approaches to the study of ethnicity through the development and use of the concept of habitus (Jones 1997). Bourdieu (1977:72) asserted that

The structures constitutive of a particular type of environment.. .produce habitus, systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to
function as structuring structures, that is, as principles of the generation and
structuring of practices and representations which can be objectively "regulated"
and "regular" without any way of being the product of obedience to rules.

Habitus, therefore, is comprised of "durable dispositions towards certain

perceptions and practices...which become part of an individual's sense of self at an early age, and which can be transposed from one context to another" (Jones 1997: 88). Habitus thus provides a subconscious structural reference gained through socialization on which new experiences can be understood.

According to David Burley et al. (1992: 6), "a theory of practice argues for [an]...integration of cultural characteristics, norms, and 'dispositions' produced by 'objective conditions of existence,' the basic tasks and interactions that must be accomplished on a day-to-day basis." These characteristics become both habitual and distinct and are ultimately reproduced in social action and material representation. The dispositions are imposed on younger generations through socialization which enculturates them with the same views as their ancestors, all of which are based on underlying structures within the society.





13

It is the totality of such dispositions that Bourdieu (1977: 72) refers to as the

habitus. The habitus resides in the subconscious and "is intermediate between underlying structure and external practice" (Hodder 1986: 71). The habitus, which is situated in the common history of a group, serves as a "subliminal conceptual order that produces regular practices and representations without constant reference to overt rules of conscious rationalizations" (Burley et al. 1992: 6). The habitus provides a subconscious framework upon which individuals are able to understand, interpret, and act in their social world. According to Ian Hodder (1986: 72):

The central position of the processes of enculturation in Bourdieu's theory is of
importance for archaeology because it links social practices with "culture history"
of society. As the habitus is passed down through time it plays an active role in
social actions and is transformed by those actions.

An individual's behavior, actions, and beliefs are directed by, though not determined by, the shared habitus of their ethnic group; the actions, behaviors, and beliefs of individuals and groups, while guided by the habitus, also serve to reinforce the habitus.

Using Bourdieu's theory of practice and concept of habitus allows researchers to examine ethnicity and changes in ethnicity more effectively than other approaches. G. Carter Bentley (1987: 32) argues that "according to the practice theory of ethnicity, sensations of ethnic affinity are founded on common life experiences that generate similar habitual dispositions." This demonstrates that ethnic affiliations, while being situated and formed in various areas of social interaction, are informed by the habitus. Ethnicity is not a mere reflection of similarities or differences in people's social structures and cultural practices, nor is it exclusively the product of social interaction. "Rather, drawing on Bourdieu's theory of practice, it can be argued that the intersubjective construction of ethnic identity is grounded in the shared subliminal





14


dispositions of the habitus which shape, and are shaped by, objective commonalities of practice" (Jones 1997: 90). The ties between ethnicity and the habitus aid in explaining the strong emotional affiliations people often have to their ethnic identities and continuity in ethnicity.

Bentley (1987: 35) also argues that ethnicity is multifaceted and will be used and expressed differently depending on the social context when he states that an individual can "possess several different situationally relevant...identities." This view is taken in part from the instrumentalist approach in which ethnicity and ethnic boundaries are only formed in the face of competition with another group. However, as Jones (1997) points out, political and economic interests can also affect both the expression of and perception of ethnic identities by individuals and among ethnic groups as a whole. Ethnic identities are both reproduced and transformed within different contexts as both individuals and groups act as active agents in the pursuit of particular interests. "Nevertheless, the manipulation of ethnic categories does not...take place in a vacuum whereby individual agents maximize their interests. Rather, .such processes are structured by the principles of habitus which engender perception of the possible and the impossible" (Jones 1997: 91).

Concrete examples of the fluid nature of identity during the 17th and 18th century Spanish colonial period in Mexico are provided by Richard Boyer (1997). Boyer cites numerous documented examples in which individuals actively manipulated their own identities and positions, or those of others, within society. Sebastfan de Loaysa, for example, is described in official documents "as a mulatto blanco, very ladino" (Boyer 1997: 69). The significance of this description is that it places Sebastian de Loaysa in two distinct categories, one based on phenotype and the other on his place within Spanish





15

colonial society. Boyer also gives examples of individuals actively changing their identities from both Indian to mestizo as well as from mestizo to Indian. The case of Matias Cort6s "demonstrates that [individuals] could 'have' two identities at once" (Boyer 1997: 71). Cort6s was an Indian who became a mestizo, and then later in his life, "he hastily backtracked and declared himself Indian to escape the jurisdiction of the Holy Office of the Inquisition" (Boyer 1997: 70). Though he had presented himself as being a part of and identified with the ladino Spanish colonial society for much of his life, he also attempted to retain the identity of being Indian when it benefited him. These examples show that during the Spanish colonial period identity was often negotiated and changed by individuals and that categories of identity themselves were often fluid, allowing people to be identified in multiple categories both by themselves and by others, such as in the case of Sebastian de Loaysa. The view of ethnicity as a fluid concept is central to the present study, and it is assumed that the 18th century mission Indians of Spanish Florida actively adjusted their identities depending on the social context within which they were participating.

Bourdieu's (1977) theory of practice and concept of habitus offer an effective perspective to the archaeological study of ethnicity. By overcoming the differences between objectivist and subjectivist, and primordialist and instrumentalist approaches, it offers scholars a means of addressing what ethnicity is, how it is created, maintained, and changed over time, and how it can be examined archaeologically. Acceptance of the core concept of habitus, which is made up of durable dispositions and practices, allows the archaeologist to look not just for symbolic markers for specific ethnic groups but rather patterned behavior and material expressions of identity. An ethnic group's habitus





16

guides, but does not determine, behavior in patterned, recognizable ways. These patterned behaviors and their material representation served in the past and serve in the present as a means for ethnic identification.

By accepting that identity is expressed not only through symbolic markers but also through patterned behavior and its material correlates, these categories of data in the archaeological record become a meaningful reflection of habitus, and thus identity. The operationalization of this is discussed in Chapter 3. The following chapter will present the historical background of the Spanish mission system and the Native American groups most impacted by it. This will be followed by a discussion of the methodology used in this study, which was directly informed by the theoretical perspective discussed above. The final two chapters will present the data analysis, the interpretations, and conclusions.













CHAPTER 2
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

This chapter is intended to provide a historical context for this study, emphasizing the principal Native American cultural and ethnic groups who were involved in and affected by the Spanish mission system of La Florida. They include the Timucua, Guale, Apalachee, and Yamasee Indians. The discussion will provide a generalized historical account of the Spanish mission system, and its trajectory from the initial efforts of missionization through the collapse of the missions and the relocation of small, remnant mission settlements into and around the environs of St. Augustine. The historical origins and trajectories of these groups, from contact through the 18th century will be discussed, as well as ethnohistorical aspects of their social structure, subsistence, economy, and involvement in the Spanish mission system of La Florida. This section, which is not intended as exhaustive or original research, draws on a rich existing ethnohistorical and archaeological literature (see for example Bushnell 1994; Deagan 1978, 1993; Gannon 1965; Green 1992; Hann 1988, 1989, 1994, 1996; Hann and McEwan 1998; Jones 1978; Larson 1978; McEwan 1991, 2000; Milanich 1978, 1994, 1999, 2000; Saunders 1992, 2000; Thomas 1990; Worth 1992, 1998a, 1998b, 2004a, 2004b).

Policies of Mission Settlement and Population Movement

One of the critical impacts of the mission system on Native American lives in La Florida, and one that is central to this study, was the relocation, both voluntary and forceful, of Native Americans during the mission period of La Florida. This practice is generally known as reducci6n. The Spaniards practice of reducci6n was a major piece of


17





18


policy in place before the start of the mission period in La Florida (Moya Pons 1992), but ultimately one that would have to be changed and modified to suit the new and unique situations that arose during the colonization and missionization of La Florida. Though initially utilized for labor purposes, the policy eventually was utilized to relocate Native Americans for missionization.

The implementation of the reducci6n policy in the New World first began in the

Caribbean during the late fifteenth century, and was followed by its later implementation in the mission regions of Central America, California, Sonora, and the Texas coast (Deagan 1993; Saunders 1998). The policy "involved the concentration of native populations at sites usually chosen by the priests to facilitate conversion and acculturation" (Hann 1988:28). Conversion efforts were not the only reason for concentrating native populations into aggregate settlements, for the Spaniards had secular interests in mind as well. By grouping the Indians together it was thought that they would be easier to control, while at the same time it created a larger pool of native laborers from which the Spanish could rely (Milanich 1994).

Because the major Indian groups affected by the mission system of La Florida were already living in fairly centralized settlements, there was often not much need for the Spaniards to make use of the traditional reducci6n policy during the initial stages of missionization. The Timucua, Guale, and Apalachee all lived in fairly centralized settlements of varying size and political status. Although settlements did remain dispersed to some degree to facilitate horticulture and agriculture, particularly of maize, they were organized into three somewhat hierarchical types. The largest and most important Indian villages were those at which the regional chief resided. These villages





19

were the central location where most major religious ceremonies and political decisions were made. They were comprised of the regional chiefs' dwelling and those of his or her close matrilineal relatives. Larger numbers of lesser officials and commoners were scattered about the settlement with houses being dispersed around agricultural fields surrounding the settlement (Hann 1988; Jones 1978; Milanich 1996; Worth 2004a and 2004b). Smaller, but centralized, satellite villages were also found among the various Native American groups in the Southeast, and the smallest settlement types were hamlets consisting of four to five related households (Hann 1988; Larson 1978; Milanich 1978; McEwan 2000; Saunders 1998).

In much of La Florida the Spaniards were able to effectively establish missions by making use of the preexisting social and political structures found among the Native American societies. Based on previous experiences in attempts at missionization of Native Americans in the Caribbean, the Franciscan friars found that they could take advantage of the existing social structures of the Native Americans by first attempting to convert the chief of a village to Christianity. If they were successful, it would make it easier to convert the Indians under the chief's control (Deagan 1985). By first acknowledging and winning over a region's or village's chief, the missionaries gained access to an already fairly centralized group of people, and as a result there was little need to try and force people together through reducci6n (Bushnell 1994; Deagan 1985).

Doctrinas, mission settlements in which a resident friar was present, were typically established in the larger settlements at which the chief presided, while visitas, at which there was no resident friar present but had a church and were regularly visited by the region's friar, were established in the smaller satellite villages. The practice of working





20


through the pre-existing political structures remained important throughout mission period when the Spaniards attempted to move non-Christian Indians into doctrinas located at the villages of the regional.chiefs. Before the Spanish could move a new group onto to a mission, permission had to be granted from the chief of each village (Worth 1998b).

After the mid-seventeenth century, factors such as dwindling population among the mission Indians and increased pressure and raids from the British and their Indian allies to the north (Worth 1998b) provoked the Spaniards to institute a sort of modified reducci6n policy among the mission Indians. The friars began to request, and were eventually granted, permission from the Spanish officials in St. Augustine and Spain to consolidate populations from the villages suffering demographic declines (Worth 1998b). This relocation and consolidation policy was often implemented by moving populations from small satellite villages of the same cultural group together, or incorporating the people of the smaller villages into the doctrinas at the main regional villages. This policy became known as congregaci6n, the directed resettlement of native populations onto mission sites usually occupied by the same cultural group and already in existence (Worth 1998b). This policy was a not a true reducci6n policy in its strictest definition, but rather seems to have been the result of a modification of the earlier policy in an effort to deal with the new and unique situations found among the missions of La Florida.

Although congregaci6n was more frequently used in La Florida, a somewhat more formal reducci6n policy in which Indians from dispersed and often culturally different settlements were relocated and centralized into one settlement, was also occasionally employed. A prime example of the use of this policy, which consisted of both forced and





21


voluntary relocation, can be seen in the movement of groups such as the Chisca (Worth 1998b). The Spaniards described the Chisca as "warlike and nomadic, wandering freely through the entire area then compromising Spanish Florida" (Hann 1988: 16), and were reported to have been raiding and attacking the Christianized Apalachee and Timucua settlements during the early- to mid-seventeenth century. In September of 1647, acting co-governors Francisco Men6ndez Mdrquez and Pedro Benedit Horruytiner gave the Chisca the ultimatum that they were to either settle down with the Christianized Indians within two months, or be forcefully removed from Spanish Florida. The Chisca chiefs decided to settle down with the Christianized Timucua, but before doing so the Spanish had to obtain permission from the Timucua chiefs to allow the resettlement into their areas (Worth 1998b).

This example reveals that the reducci6n policy in La Florida was not always forced, but rather was also at times voluntary. This applied not only to those being moved, but also to those people whose lands were receiving the new people. The relocation and incorporation of the Yamasee Indians of South Carolina among the Guale and Mocama populations during the 1660's and 1670's provides another example of the voluntary aspect of the reducci6n policy in La Florida (Worth 1998b). These examples clearly indicate that not only was the reducci6n policy utilized to at least some degree among the mission populations of Spanish Florida, but that it was modified and transformed, such as in the creation of the congregaci6n policy, to handle the new situations found among the missions of La Florida.

Because the practice of relocation is central to this study, the following discussion will examine this within the historical context of the mission system itself and the events





22

that were occurring during the late sixteenth century through the eighteenth century, however it will first be necessary to discuss the Native American groups most impacted by the mission system of La Florida.

Mission Impacts of Native American Life The lives and cultures of the Southeastern Indians were impacted in a number of ways by the Spanish mission system. The most obvious European influence on Native American culture in the mission settlements was the introduction of Christianity by the friars and the extent to which this religious conversion altered native perspectives, belief systems, and society have been addressed by a number of authors (see for example Bushnell 1994; Gannon 1965; Hann 1988 and 1996; Weber 1990). The introduction of Old World diseases also had a major impact on the Indians of the Southeast. Diseases such as small pox and influenza decimated Native American populations and resulted in major demographic changes in the afflicted groups. Change was manifest in alterations to social organization and cultural practices resulting from demographic decline, as well as in ideological changes in an effort to deal with and understand what was happening as a result of the new foreign visitors and diseases (for detailed consideration of these issues see Cook 1998; Dobyns 1983; Ramenofsky 1987; Smith 1984).

The subsistence patterns of the Southeastern Indians were also altered as the friars introduced new plants and animals to the mission Indians, and tried to instill a more sedentary and agriculturally based way of life (Larsen et al. 1990). This had often more negative consequences than those intended by the friars. Bioarchaeological analysis of skeletal remains from Florida and the Georgia coast has shown that increased reliance on agriculture resulted in a less healthy diet for the Indians than they had in pre-mission times when they relied not only on domesticated plants, but also on hunting and gathering

0





23

of wild resources, and that work-related stress had detrimental effects on the Native Americans as well (Hoshower 1992; Larsen 1993 and 2001; Larsen and Milner 1994; Larsen et al. 1990 and 2001).

Traditional labor regimens of the Southeastern Native Americans were also altered by mission activities as the mission Indians of La Florida served as a labor force for the Spanish, both on and off the missions. The mission Indians were required to plant extra crops for the friars and other Spaniards on or near the missions, such as military personnel stationed at presidios that accompanied some of the missions (Milanich 1994). Cattle ranches, which were owned by both the missions and Spanish settlers, were established in the Apalachee and Western Timucua provinces around 1675 and these too drew upon the missions as a labor pool, enticing Indians to neglect their normal routines to work on the ranches (Bushnell 1978; Hann 1988).

The missions also provided a labor pool of Indian workers for labor outside of the missions, most notably in St. Augustine. Under the repartimiento labor system, Indian men were required to periodically participate in public works for the Spanish Crown, such as carrying food and other supplies to St. Augustine, and other labor in the capital itself, such as the building of the Castillo de San Marcos (Waterbury 1983). Not only did this forced labor affect the lives of the Indians through physical stress (Worth 1998b), but the periodic long term absence of a significant number of males from villages already suffering from the effects of demographic decline undoubtedly had impacts on the social structure of the Indian cultures, as did the manipulation of the draft labor system by the local chiefs.





24


Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions






( Tifton Sever,,
Moultrie, / St. Simons Island



a laive Oak *LakeCit Jacksonville




Ocala LakeGeorge

SApalachee region I .
M Guale region .
Timucuan region OrlandoV~ Tam pa
0 100 .
miles
Figure 2-1. Major Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions (from Worth
1998b: 154)

The Timucua

One of the first Native American groups in La Florida to be in sustained contact with the Europeans was the Timucua. The Timucua Indians, whose population at the time of European contact is estimated to have been 200,000 (Milanich 1996: 60), occupied the northern third of the Florida peninsula and the southern and south-central parts of Georgia. The boundaries of the Timucua province were the Atlantic Ocean on the east and the Aucilla River on the west (Milanich 1978). The Timucua were not organized as a single political unit under the control of one chief, rather they were divided into at least thirty-five simple chiefdoms. These each consisted of two to ten





25

villages, each with its own chief, which paid homage to the chief of the main village (Milanich 2000).

The Timucua were a matrilineal society with a hierarchical arrangement of clans. Chiefly power was inherited along the female line, and certain clans had more prestige than others. Officials served in both civil and religious capacities. While chiefs were primarily men, there are many documented cases in which women served as chiefs (Hann 1996; Milanich 1996, 1999). Aside from the position of hereditary chief, it appears that there were also war chiefs (Milanich 2000), positions which seem to have been situational and awarded based on achievements, rather than being ascribed. In times of war alliances were often created between the various Timucua chiefdoms.

The Timucua tribes were unified through the use of a common language, though the various groups spoke different dialects. Nine different dialectical groups have been identified among the Timucua: Agua Dulce, Icafui, Mocama or Salt Water, Oconi, Potano, Santa Lucia de Acuera, Timucua, Tucururu, and Yufer (Milanich 1996). Speakers of the Agua Dulce, of Fresh Water, dialect inhabited the lower St. Johns River north of Lake George and south of what is today Jacksonville and were associated with the St. Johns archaeological culture at the time of contact. This dialectical group included the Utina and the allied Coya. The Mocama speakers occupied the coastal region north of the St. Johns River to the Altamaha River and were associated with a Savannah-related archaeological culture at the time of contact with the Europeans (Milanich 1996). Distinct groups within the Mocama dialect include the Saturiwa, who were located near the mouth of the St. Johns River and the Tacatacuru whose main village was on Cumberland Island.





26


Present-day Alachua County and northern Marion County were the home of speakers of the Potano dialect, who at the time of contact were associated with the Alachua archaeological culture. The main ethnic group among the Potano dialect speakers is also known as Potano (Milanich 1996). Speakers of the Timucua dialect inhabited the area from the Santa Fe River north into present-day Columbia, Hamilton, Suwannee, and eastern Madison counties, and possibly extended north into southern Georgia. Timucua dialect speakers are related to the Suwannee Valley archaeological culture in the late pre-Columbian period (Milanich 1996). The main sub-ethnic groups within the Timucua dialect are the northern Utina and the Yustaga who were located west of the Suwannee River. Archaeological and historical evidence indicates that the Timucua dialect speakers, and particularly the northern Utina, were the most populous of all the Timucua Indians (Milanich 1996).

The simple chiefdoms of the Timucua have been shown to belong to four distinct archaeologically defined material culture traditions: the Alachua, the St. Johns, the Suwannee Valley or Fort Walton-Leon-Jefferson, and a Cumberland Island tradition that likely derived from earlier Deptford and Wilmington-Savannah cultures (Milanich 1978: 61; Milanich 1996). The origins of the groups in the St. Johns River region can be traced back at least 5000 years in the late-Archaic Mount Taylor culture. Other groups, such as those in the Suwannee Valley and Alachua areas, have direct ties to earlier cultures dating back at least 1000 years before the arrival of the Europeans into Florida (Milanich 2000). Historical documents often refer to groups in the Suwannee Valley and Alachua areas as Utina and Potano respectively, though they are also sometimes lumped together as Timucua. Though ethnohistorically they are often treated and discussed as one large





27

group, the Western Timucua, archaeologically they appear to be distinct cultures based on material assemblages. The Western Timucua in the Alachua area are characterized by Alachua series ceramics. Groups within the Suwannee Valley area are characterized by two distinct ceramic assemblages. Ceramics of the Indian Pond complex, which had a date range from circa 700 A.D. to at least the time of contact with Europeans, were sand or sand and grit tempered and include plain, linear marked, cord marked, fabric marked, incised, and punctated varieties (Johnson 1991). The ceramic complex of the Suwannee Valley cultures changed sometime before the start of the mission period in the area. By the time of the establishment of the missions in the Western Timucua provinces, the Suwannee Valley area was characterized by Leon-Jefferson ceramics. It is not totally apparent at this time why the ceramic assemblage changed, however it is likely that the shift in ceramics was caused by the movement of Timucua speakers from Georgia into the area (Johnson 1991; Milanich 1996). These ceramic assemblages will be discussed in the subsequent chapters.

The archaeological data indicating the great time depth of the Timucua is

significant to notePas there has been debate as to the origins of the Timucua. Granberry (1993) and Greenberg (1987) argue that the Timucua language was related to the Chibchan-Paezan languages of Central and South America, and believe that the cultural origins of the Timucua themselves likely resulted from a migration of people from Venezuela. While there is still debate concerning the linguistic family of the Timucua language, archaeological research does not support the idea that the Timucua were descendants of migrants from Venezuela and has clearly shown a deep culture history for






28


the Timucua that stretches back to the Archaic period of Florida among some of the groups and at least 1,000 years before the arrival of Europeans in the other groups.





YuOcon i Y a Tacatacuru Aracaha?

Uach ilei \Orno loa. Yustagaalca Sorlhern Ulina
S.-asi
i ~Seloy / C Po' no Uli, Coy\ Molona. Pan.la C;hili-"
Calan.ay
F-ecape e dean
r/

0 i
Q 60
miles
Figure 2-2. Timucua Dialect Groups (from Milanich 1999: 62)

Timucua chiefdoms typically consisted of two to ten villages, each headed by a chief. The chief, or cacique as they were referred to by the Spanish, resided in the main village. Each of the main villages is believed to have had a large council house in it in which official business and ceremonies took place. Smaller secondary villages also had their own chief who paid tribute to the chief of the main village (Milanich 2000). Tribute typically consisted of material goods, labor, and food stuffs.

Subsistence practices among the Timucua were similar in many respects

throughout their entire territory. The main sources of food were the hunting of such wild game as deer and turkeys, collecting wild plants, fishing, and the collection of shell fish. Along the coastal regions, shell fish, particularly oysters, comprised a large part of the diet. Even in the interior regions the Timucua collected shell fish in fresh water streams





29

and rivers. The horticultural production of maize was also practiced by the Timucua to some degree throughout the region. However, because the proto-historic Timucua subsistence economy was based primarily on hunting and gathering rather than agriculture, the population density never reached that of the farming regions in the interior Southeast (Milanich 2000).

The earliest mission among the Timucua was the Franciscan mission of Nombre de Dios, which was established at St. Augustine in 1586 in the Saturiwa Timucua territory. In 1587 a mission was established on Cumberland Island, which was in the territory of the Mocama Timucua. Soon after, Spanish missions were established on other barrier islands in Florida, including Fort George Island, Amelia Island, and St. Simons Island (Hann 1990).

By 1606 there were four missions among the Potano, and by 1623 the Yustaga

region had eight missions (Milanich 2000). At least one mission was established among the Acuera, the southernmost group of Timucua in central Florida, by 1630 (Hann 1996; Worth 1998b). By this time most, if not all, of the various Timucua chiefdoms in Florida had received missions, however this was also a time of decreasing population largely through epidemic disease. An epidemic of unknown cause among the Timucua in 1595, at the start of intensive Franciscan missionization efforts, has been documented, as well as epidemics from 1613-1617 during the expansion of the missions into the interior Timucua province, which are reported to have killed half of the Timucua in the mission villages (Hann 1988; Worth 1998b). By 1655, there were only approximately 2,0002,500 Timucua left of the estimated 200,000 at the time of contact, and by the year 1700 only several hundred remained (Milanich 2000: 11).






30

During the seventeenth century increasing British slave raids and harassment by enemy Indians, coupled with the encroachment of the Guale from the north, probably resulted in the loss of traditional lands for the mainland Yufera Timucua and the relocation of the Christianized members of that group onto the missions serving the Tacatacuru Timucua (Deagan 1978). Disease outbreaks in the second decade of the century and in 1649-1650 and 1672 also contributed to a decline in Eastern Timucua populations. Census records indicate that the population of Eastern Timucua declined from 1,400 at the beginning of the 17th century to less than 800 by 1655 and to a low of just 210 individuals in 1675 (Deagan 1978: 95).

The Timucua Rebellion of 1656, which actually included both Timucua and Apalachee Indians, also brought about significant alteration to the Timucua and the mission system. The uprising occurred as a result of the efforts by Timucua chiefs of interior Florida to relieve themselves from the ties and demands of the Spanish government. The chiefs claimed that they were revolting against the unfair labor practices forced upon them through the repartimiento system. Diego de Rebolledo, St. Augustine's governor, however blamed the revolt on the Franciscan's cruel treatment of the Indians under their control and quickly sent out soldiers to quell the rebellion, which they did with much cruelty (Milanich 1999). While the rebellion was relatively short lived, it resulted in long term organizational changes among the Timucua missions by the governor of St. Augustine, Diego de Rebolledo. Pre-rebellion mission centers were abandoned and relocated, and others newly created along the camino real, which had been established by at least the early 17th century (Worth 1992). The Spanish Crown ultimately sided with the Indians and friars in their complaints against Governor





31

Rebolledo, and ordered his arrest in 1657. Governor Rebolledo, however, died before he could be taken into custody (Bushnell 1994; Hann 1996; Milanich 1999; Worth 1992)

The imposition of the mission system created new labor demands for the Timucua...The Spanish took advantage of the preexisting tribute system in which food and goods were paid as tribute to the main chief. The Spanish modified this system and required the Timucua to provide food not only for themselves but also for the Spanish (Hann 1996). The food served to feed the friars and military personnel in the local areas, and surplus food was also sold by the friars to gain revenue to pay for the upkeep of the churches and mission stations. The Timucua were also required to contribute labor, such as transporting goods to and from St. Augustine, construction of public buildings, and eventually coquina mining for the Spanish government. Other kinds of labor required of the Timucua included upkeep and construction of the camino real and raising cattle, pigs, and chickens for food. Under the repartimiento labor system, some Timucua spent up to six months at a time on labor projects for the Spanish (Milanich 2000).

The 1670's saw the beginning of enemy raids on the Timucua missions in the

western provinces. Non-mission Native American groups, backed by the British, carried out slaving raids on the missions. These increased in the 1680's and, as noted earlier, ultimately played a large part in the demise of the mission system. Many of the Timucua in the interior missions were captured and taken as slaves and a large number fled from the missions. The resultant depopulation of the missions combined with loss through disease, forced the Spanish to bring in newly converted Indians and Indians from neighboring groups to bolster the mission populations.





32


Specific examples of mission Indian relocations among the Timucua have been documented. By 1675 the total number of mission Indians in the Potano region had fallen to fewer than 200 (Milanich 1978: 78). As a result of these population declines, in 1689 the Spanish brought in approximately 200 non-Potano Indians, possibly from the Apalachee or Guale regions, to the missions in that region (Milanich 1978: 78-79). There are many other examples of Spanish moving Timucua from regions suffering demographic collapses onto aggregate settlements, such as the relocation of the mission Timucua at the visita Santa Ana in the Potano region into the doctrina of San Francisco de Potano (Worth 1998a). Documents also indicate that certain regions of the Timucua province (such as the interior northern and western Timucua regions which were likely less affected by European introduced pathogens than those closer to St. Augustine) not only received Indians from other areas, but on occasion served themselves as a reservoir for other areas (Hann 1986). Jerald Milanich (2000) for example, reports that as populations dropped in the seventeenth century, the Yustaga Timucua region also served as a population reservoir from which Yustaga Indians were moved into the Eastern Timucua province of Mocama. Based on historical documents, it does not appear that there was a great deal of movement among the Eastern Timucua mission populations during the 17th century.

While Spanish-directed relocation policies allowed the Western Timucua missions to continue during the last quarter of the 17th century, the raids by Col. James Moore in 1702 and 1704 ultimately forced the missionaries and Christianized Timucua to retreat to the protection of the garrison at St. Augustine, where they set up refugee villages in and around the city that were served by the Franciscans. A census from 1717 indicates that





33

there were three such refugee villages serving approximately 250 Timucua. By 1725 there were just over 150 Timucua and by 1752 only 29 Timucua are reported as living under Spanish protection in St. Augustine in a single village (Milanich 2000: 22). The Guale

At the time of European contact the Guale Indians occupied the barrier islands and adjacent mainland of what is now Georgia. The southern boundary of Guale territory was the Altamaha River. The northern boundary of the Guale fluctuated through time. Before the arrival of Europeans in North American, the Guale extended as far north as southern South Carolina. This boundary receded however, and by the time the French and Spanish arrived the Guale territory extended no further north than the Savannah River (Bushnell 1994). The origins of the Guale, who likely spoke a Muskogean language (Worth 2004a), can be traced back to at least A.D. 1150 and are believed to be direct descendants of the Savannah (A.D. 1150-1300) and Irene phase (A.D. 1300-1600) peoples (Saunders 2000). According to Clark Spencer Larsen et al. (1996), ideology, production of material goods, mortuary practices, settlement patterns, and social structure were passed down from the Savannah to the Irene to the Guale people with only.minor modification. Both proto-historic and historic period Guale sites were concentrated on the barrier islands, adjacent mainland, and within the Savannah and Altamaha River basins (Worth 2004a).

While the Savannah and Irene phases peoples were organized into complex

chiefdoms, Grant D. Jones (1978) suggests that Guale society was organized as a dual chiefdom. In this system the various Guale chiefdoms, of which there were as many as six under the control of a paramount chief (Worth 2004a), were headed by two contemporaneous and coequal principal towns. These principal towns governed over





34

smaller secondary centers and lesser settlements. Rebecca Saunders (2000) feels that power more than likely shifted between the towns, inhibiting the Guale from being as

-nucleated or hierarchically organized as the chiefdoms of other more interior cultural groups.

Like the Timucua and most other groups in the Southeast, the Guale were a

matrilineal society. The Guale were organized as a three tiered hierarchical society, with each chiefdom consisting of two primary villages, secondary villages, and a number of smaller dispersed settlements or hamlets. The chief of the main village received tribute, which was then redistributed down the hierarchy. The secondary villages were likely administered by a brother or nephew of the main chief (Jones 1978). The chiefs themselves seem to have had actually very little coercive power, and major decisions were made by a consensus of all of the principal men (Saunders 2000). The majority of the Guale population did not live in the principal towns, but rather in smaller mound sites, large villages without mounds, or in temporary special purposes sites that were used for hunting and gathering activities (Pearson 1977; Larson 1978).

Guale subsistence patterns relied primarily on estuarine fishing, oysters and other shell fish, hunting, and gathering. Though there is debate as to the level of intensive agriculture practiced by the coastal and mainland Guale, it is acknowledged that maize, bean, and squash agriculture was undertaken and supplemented the collection of wild plants and animals (Saunders 2000; Worth 2004a). It is also interesting to note that unlike the coastal Timucua sites that are characterized by large sheet middens of oyster shell, Guale sites tend to be characterized by discrete shell midden piles, suggesting differing cultural practices and habits in refuse disposal.





35

Mission efforts among the Guale began in 1568, shortly after the founding of St. Augustine (Milanich 1999), however it wasn't until after the arrival of the Franciscans that missions truly impacted the Guale. By 1595 five missions had been established among the Guale at Asao, the southernmost Guale mission, Talapo, Tupiqui, Tolomato, and Guale (Worth 1998a: 47). However two years later, in 1597, the Guale revolted against the Spanish in what is now known as the Guale Rebellion or Juanillo Revolt. The Guale uprising nearly spelled the end for missionization among the Guale.

The revolt was incited by a Guale leader known as Don Juanillo, who was the heir to "the Guale capital of Tolomato" (Worth 1998a: 48). Juanillo was admonished for having more than one wife, a practice that was allowed among the Guale elite, and Father Corpa, the Franciscan priest at the mission, stripped Juanillo of his right to the chief position of Guale. During the revolt, Father Corpa was murdered as were a number of Franciscans at other missions, and one was enslaved for nine months. As a consequence, the Guale missions were effectively abandoned until after the 1603 visit of Governor Gonzalo M6ndez Canzo to the area.

The outcome of the Guale Revolt nearly resulted in the Spanish Crown abandoning Florida altogether (Arnade 1959), however the Franciscans convinced them to stay, citing their success among the Timucua at the missions of Nombre de Dios and San Juan del Puerto. By 1606 the missions had rebounded, due in part to both the Franciscan's work and dedication and to increased efforts in 1603 by Governors Gonzalo M6ndez Canzo and Pedro de Ybarra. Bishop Juan de las Cabezas de Altamirano reported that during his visit to La Florida in 1606 he confirmed more 200 Timucua at Nombre de Dios, 900 Western Timucua, and 1,600 Guale (Gannon 1965: 46-47). Altamirano's report






36

ultimately had a drastic impact on the mission system of La Florida, as it showed the Spanish Crown that missionary efforts directed towards the Indians of La Florida could indeed be successful.

By the early 17th century, Franciscan interest in establishing missions among the Guale was renewed. The friars felt that the most effective way in which the Guale could be converted was through the process of reducci6n. This process involved the relocation of small villages to the sites of larger ones, or in bringing small villages together to form a new one (Hann 1988). Life on the missions was much the same for the Guale as it was for other Native American groups. They were required to provide not only food for themselves, but also for the friars and other Spanish in the area. This was done through the sabana system, which consisted of fields that the Guale had to tend to in order to supply enough food for the friars to survive, as well as surplus food that would be sold in order to provide repairs and necessities for the church (Bushnell 1994). They were also, along with the Timucua, required to participate in the repartimiento labor system, providing transport of goods to St. Augustine and in working on public works projects. According to Amy Turner Bushnell (1994: 121), this system required that "village authorities [send] quotas of laborers in rotation to construct public works or perform other activities for the general welfare" of the colony, in this case the garrison of St. Augustine.

As with the Timucua, introduced diseases and raids by the British and heathen

Indians on Guale missions had a negative impact on Guale populations. The reducci6n of mission settlements was provoked by population declines by the third quarter of the 17th century resulting in the abandonment and relocation of all of the mainland Guale mission





37

settlements to the barrier islands. By the early 1680's there were only six primary mission towns among the Guale (Worth 1995). It is interesting to note that the Guale appear to have retained their traditional hierarchical social structure throughout this period. The consolidation of various villages into the same mission settlement often resulted in there being multiple chiefs residing in a single village (Milanich 1994). The mainland coastal Guale were not the only people who were brought into the mission settlements on the barrier islands; other groups, such as the Yamasee were also relocated there.

During the last twenty years of the 17th century a major erosion of the Guale

mission territory occurred as the settlements began to be relocated further south due to decreasing populations and pressure from the British. Many of the Guale moved south with the missions, however some retreated to the mainland where they disassociated themselves from the Spanish and the missions. In 1684, increasing pressures of the British caused the Guale missions of Santa Catalina and Satuache to be abandoned and moved south to Amelia Island in Timuctra territory (Saunders 2000). By 1686 the Guale, who once occupied a large area of the Georgia coast, were reduced to a small area south of the St. Mary's river, and by the mid-eighteenth century found themselves relegated to the confines of St. Augustine and its nearby surroundings (Thomas 1988). Disease and English slave raids and attacks eroded Guale populations and forced the Guale missions southward, but the fatal blow to the Guale missions came in 1702.

In that year Col. James A. Moore of South Carolina attacked St. Augustine, and in the process forced the Guale to retreat to the safety of the Spanish garrison. Moore's raids destroyed all of the coastal missions, but they did not destroy the Guale people.






38

Spanish documents record their presence in St. Augustine as early as 1680 where they settled into small villages that were served by the Franciscans (Hann 1996). In 1711 a total of 18-9 Guale lived in two separatevillages in the proximity of St. Augustine. Fifteen years later, their population was approximately the same but they were now dispersed among three villages. By the late 1750's the Guale population had dwindled and they were living with other groups at the Nombre de Dios mission and at Tolomato. It is unknown if any individuals who identified themselves as Guale were living in 1763, but if they were, they left St. Augustine for Cuba as the Spanish relinquished their control of La Florida to the British.

The Apalachee

The Apalachee were perhaps the most sedentary of all the Native American groups that the Spanish drew in to the mission system. They inhabited an area in the Florida panhandle between the Ochlocknee River to the west, the Aucilla River to the east, the Gulf of Mexico on the south, and north approximately to the present day border of Florida and Georgia (McEwan 2000). Archaeological research suggests that the Apalachee were direct lineal descendants of late prehistoric populations that inhabited the region. Based on this research, the culture history of the area has been divided into three phases: the Lake Jackson phase which occurred from A.D. 1100-1500, the Velda phase which occurred from A.D. 1500-1633 and corresponds with the time of early European exploration and contact with the Apalachee, and the San Luis phase which occurred from A.D. 1633-1704, representing the mission period among the Apalachee (Scarry 1996: 195-212). The proto-historic Apalachee shared many traits in common with the Mississippian societies of the interior southeastern United States. They were characterized as having "intensive maize agriculture, hierarchically structured





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sociopolitical organization, participation in an extensive exchange network...and a stratified settlement pattern" (McEwan 2000: 58).

During the Spaniards early entradas into Florida, they found that the Apalachee

were well known among the central Gulf Coast Indians, who considered the Apalachee to be wealthy and fierce people (Milanich 1995). It is possible that the Indians told the Spanish of the Apalachee's wealth in an effort to get the Spanish to move northward quickly (Mitchem 1990). Hernando de Soto and his men stayed in the Apalachee province during the winter of 1539-1540 (Ewen 1998). Documents from this entrada state that the Spanish found widely dispersed villages in the Apalachee region which was probably ruled by two main chiefs, the peace chief Ivitachuco and the war chief Anhaic (McEwan 2000). The Apalachee, like most other groups in the southeast, were matrilineal. However, unlike the Timucua and Guale, there is no evidence that women ever succeeded to the level of chief or other leadership roles (Hann 1988). Once a chief died, his power and title was passed down through the female line, that is to his sister's son, his nephew.

The sedentary nature of the Apalachee was supported by the extensive agricultural production of maize, for which the Apalachee arguably had the most fertile soils for growing. Agricultural pursuits were supplemented by the hunting of wild animals, fishing, and the collection of wild plants, fruits, and nuts. The main towns of Ivitachuco and Anhayca were quite large, with more than 200 and 250 houses respectively. These villages were surrounded by other smaller village settlements, each of which had its own chief, and dispersed hamlets that were probably occupied by no more than one or two families. As with other groups in the southeast, the Apalachee also had a system in






40

which the chiefs were paid tribute in the form of goods and foods that were often redistributed or stored for times of need. The Apalachee, likely as a result of geographic circumscription and intensive agricultural production, were more densely populated than--any of their neighboring groups in Florida (Hann 1988).

As the missions spread eastward from St. Augustine, the Apalachee began to

increase their contact with the Spanish. This unfortunately resulted in disease outbreaks among the Apalachee, which weakened the confidence in their chiefs (Hann 1998). As a consequence, the chiefs sought to strengthen and reinforce their positions of authority by making ties with the newly arrived Europeans. By as early as 1607 Apalachee leaders had sent a request to the governor of St. Augustine to send missionaries to their territory (McEwan 2000). The ties that were created would give both the Spanish and the Apalachee military allies and the goods the chiefs would receive from the Spanish would aid in reinforcing their power. The Apalachee region was visited in 1608 by Father Martin Prieto, who reported that the population in the region was at 36,000 (Hann and McEwan 1998: 27). Although contact continued between the Apalachee and the Spanish, it was not until 1633 that the mission process was begun in earnest among the Apalachee. As in the Timucua and Guale provinces, the Spanish focused their missionary efforts at the villages of regional chiefs and established visitas in the smaller satellite villages. It is probable that the first of the missions were located at the principal villages of Ivitachuco and Anhayca. The Spanish reported that the Apalachee were eager to accept Christianity, so much so that by the 1670's the province was described as being thoroughly Christianized (Hann 1994).





41

The 1640's were a time of expansion and success among the Apalachee missions. The number of Franciscan friars in the region grew, and many of the chiefs became Christians, allowing for the establishment of eight doctrinas, which were mission settlements in which a resident friar was present. This is not to say that all went well with the Apalachee on the missions. In 1647 a group of Apalachee, fed up with the Spanish, incited an uprising. Three of the eight friars in the area as well as the lieutenant governor and his family were killed, and many of the churches were burned to the ground. Upon hearing of the revolt, the Spanish government in St. Augustine dispatched a group of soldiers and a party of 500 Timucua to confront the insurgency. A brutal battle ensued in which both sides lost lives. The revolt was finally put down when the acting governor of Florida persuaded the rebels to surrender and he executed twelve of the leaders (Hann 1988).

The 1647 Apalachee uprising created problems for the Franciscans in a number of ways. The most obvious of these was the disruption of missionary efforts during the rebellion. Another result of the Apalachee revolt was increasingly strained relationships between the Franciscans and the Spanish government, soldiers, and settlers. In 1648 the friars complained to the King Philip IV of Spain that the military and governmental officials in St. Augustine were exploiting the mission Indians through the use of the repartimiento system. The missions carried on nonetheless, and in 1655 they are reported to have collectively served over 25,000 Indians (Gannon 1965: 57). Following the uprising, the Apalachee began to participate more intensively in the Spanish labor draft and tribute system. They worked on construction projects in the Apalachee region and St. Augustine, they carried massive loads of goods to the capital and back, worked on






42

Spanish farms and cattle ranches, and they supplied food to the friars and other Spanish in the area (McEwan 2000).

There appear to have been eleven principalmissions, or doctrinas, and twenty-four satellite missions, visitas, in Apalachee during the 17th century (McEwan 2000). The provincial camp was at San Luis de Jinayca, which was established in 1656 and renamed San Luis de Talimali in 1675, and remained the capital or primary focus of Apalachee mission activity until the abandonment of the missions in 1704 (McEwan 2000: 67).

Seventeenth century movement and relocation of mission Indians in the Apalachee province was less common than in the Guale and Timucua provinces. The Franciscans' mission efforts among the Apalachee were facilitated by the fact that the Apalachee were already living in somewhat centralized and permanent settlements as a result of their heavy reliance on agriculture (Hann 1988). This enabled the friars to establish doctrinas and visitas at already existing village sites. During the seventeenth century the Apalachee province did not experience as much pressure from the English and their Indian allies as did the Guale and Timucua provinces, nor do the demographic declines appear to have been quite as severe. As a result, the Spanish did not find it as necessary to move populations on mission settlements in Apalachee as they did among the Timucua and Guale.

Population movements did occasionally occur, however, such as the resettlement of "the chief of San Luis de Jinayca (first referred to as San Luis de Talirnali in 1675), along with a large native population" to be in closer proximity to the Spanish at the head mission site in Apalachee (McEwan 2000: 67). While this does seem to be an intramission site relocation to some degree, it does show movement and consolidation of






43

Apalachee populations during the seventeenth century. Because of a number of factors, reducci6n and congregaci6n policies were never the major factors among the Apalachee that they were among the Guale and Timucua. These include the Apalachee settlement patterns and heavy reliance on agriculture, the lack of consistent and heavy pressure from the British and their Indian allies to the north, the lack of encroachment from other mission groups, such as that seen in the Guale mission encroachment into traditional Timucua territory, and because of the relative isolation from St. Augustine which resulted in less instances of dramatic population declines as a result of introduced Old World diseases

Between 1702-1704, the Apalachee missions were under almost constant attack from the British and their Creek allies. These attacks resulted in many of the Apalachee being either killed or taken as slaves. The Apalachee population was decimated and dispersed. Many of those who were not killed or enslaved moved north into Georgia or west to Mobile, and some of the remaining Apalachee moved east to the protection of St. Augustine where they numbered approximately 400, accounting for roughly ten percent of the Native American population (Hann 1988: 286). They settled in a village that was named San Luis de Thalimali, which indicates their origin from San Luis de Talimali. Over time the population of Apalachee declined and they dispersed into some of the other mission settlements around St. Augustine, such as the Timucua settlements of Nombre de Dios and Our Lady of Sorrows, and among the Yamasee. When the Spanish left St. Augustine in 1763, only five Apalachee remained (Hann 1988; McEwan 2000). The Yamasee

The Yamasee can best be described as "a multi-ethnic confederation of Native Americans that came to line in the lower Coastal Plain of South Carolina from 1684-






44


1715" (Green 1992: ii). Little is known about the social structure, ideology, and religion of the Yamasee, and ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence has yielded more information regarding their subsistence. Although it is not certain, it is likely that the Yamasee spoke a Muskogean language. Historical documents indicate that there were clear affinities between the Yamasee and Guale languages, the latter of which spoke a Muskogean language (Worth 2004b). The Yamasee, like most other groups in the southeast who lived on or near the coast, relied on a combination of hunting, gathering, and agriculture for subsistence. The Yamasee hunted animals such as deer and turkey, fished, collected shellfish, and grew corn and other crops (Green 1992). Since they formed out of the fragmentation of other southeastern Native American groups, it is likely that they retained many of the typical southeastern Indian traits, such as being a matrilineal society with a hierarchically arranged social organization (Worth 2004b).

The origins of the Yamasee can be traced to the central Georgia chiefdoms

encountered by Hernando de Soto during his entrada into the interior Southeast, such as the Guale of the Georgia coast, the Salchiches from the coastal plains of Georgia, and various other groups. It is likely that the early historic period fragmentation of the interior Altamaha, Ocute, and Ichisi chiefdoms formed the core foundation of the Yamasee (Worth 2004b). The term Yamasee does not appear in Spanish documents until 1675, and it is likely that the name was derived from Tama or "Tama/see, people of Tama" (Green 1992: 2). La Tama was the name used by the Spanish to refer to the large area or province of central Georgia. The term was also used in reference to the people who lived in the area. During the 16th century, Spanish documents indicate that the location of La Tama was in the Oconee River Valley where the Oconee and Ocmulgee





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Rivers join, but during the late 16th or early 17th century power in the Tama region began to shift from Ocute to Altamaha. After the Guale uprising in 1597, interaction between the Guale and Salchiches with the groups that would form the core of the Yamasee increased (Green 1992). Many Yamasee in fact lived with groups such as the Guale, Creek, and Yamacraw at times, and in turn members of the groups joined the Yamasee in South Carolina. While it was the Altamaha, Ocute, and Ichisi that formed the initial core of the Yamasee confederacy, the influx of groups such as the Guale and Salchiches in the 18th century completed the formation of the multi-ethnic Yamasee confederacy (Green 1992).

The period between 1665 and 1684 was a time of fragmentation of the La Tama region (Green 1992). During the second half of the 17th century, either as a result of attacks by hostile Native Americans or the founding of Charles Town in 1670, the Tama, who eventually formed part of the core of the Yamasee confederation, migrated south into the Apalachee region. The Yamasee, as referred to in Spanish documents after 1675, spread out after their southward migration. Missions for the Yamasee had been established in both.the Apalachee province and along the Georgia coast, which was traditionally Guale territory, by 1675 (Hann 1988). Not only were there Yamasee in what was once Guale territory, but Bishop Calder6n's list of 1675 also records four Yamasee villages on Amelia Island (Wenhold 1936). This area had been occupied by the Timucua at the time of contact, but by this time they had fled southwards to St. Augustine. By 1680 Yamasee were living among the interior Timucua (Bushnell 1990; Hann 1990), and as early as 1685 there were Yamasee living with the Lower Creek in southern Georgia.





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The nature of Yamasee presence in Florida and southern Georgia changed in 1683, after a disagreement between the Yamasee cacique Altamaha and the governor of St. Augustine, Governor Don Juan Mdrquez Cabrera. As a result of declining mission Indian populations and British hostilities, Governor Cabrera devised a plan to relocate and consolidate many of the missions in which the Yamasee resided. The Yamasee, after initially considering the relocation plan, decided that it was not in their best interests as they felt that the proposed locations for the new villages were unsuitable due to their small size and low potential for agricultural pursuits (Worth 1995).

This disagreement resulted in a large number of Yamasee moving northward to South Carolina. Many Guale Indians also moved north with the Yamasee in reaction to the governor's plan to relocate their missions. British documents from 1685 discuss the Yamasee movement out of Spanish Florida into South Carolina and their bringing other groups with them (Green 1992). In 1691, as a result of what was viewed as cruel and harsh treatment by Fray Domingo Santos, "who served as pastor at the village of Tama in Apalachee," over 350 Yamasee in the Apalachee region fled to South Carolina and joined with other Yamasee in the area (Hann 1988: 258). It is possible that some Apalachee fled. the region with the Yamasee at this time. In South Carolina the Yamasee divided themselves into upper and lower towns. The lower towns seem to have been descendants of the interior Georgia chiefdoms (those groups that formed the initial core of the Yamasee), and the upper towns were the remnants and emigrants from the Guale, Yamacraw, Salchiches, and others (Green 1992).

The British were quick to take advantage of the Yamasee presence in South Carolina by making them trading partners and allies against the Spanish. The first






47


sustained contact the Yamasee had with the Carolinians was with a group of Scots at Stuart Town (White 2002). The British and Scots began trading guns, ammunition, and other European goods to the Yamasee in exchange for deer skins. As early as 1685, the British had also begun to entice the Yamasee to conduct slave raids in Spanish Florida. Throughout the remainder of the 17th century, the Yamasee harassed the Indians under Spanish protection for years, and at the same time became proficient in the deer skin trade. However, as with the other Native American groups in the southeast, the 18th century would bring drastic changes in the lives of the Yamasee (Green 1992).

In 1702 Colonel James A. Moore and a group of British soldiers and a large band of Indian allies, comprised primarily of Yamasee, attacked Spanish Florida. The Yamasee helped to ravage the city of St. Augustine, and made off with their own bounty. Upon returning to South Carolina however, relations with the British began to slowly erode (Green 1992). It is unclear how many Yamasee accompanied Moore in 1704, and while some scholars assert that the Yamasee played a significant role, others claim that the Yamasee played only a minor role or no role at all (Hann 1988; Green 1992). It is likely that the Yamasee, still having economic ties with the British in South Carolina did participate in the 1704 attacks, but probably to a lesser degree than they did in 1702. In South Carolina tensions between the Yamasee and the British were increasing owing to the encroachment of settlers onto Yamasee land. Trade relations became tense as the British began to take more and more advantage of the Yamasee and abuses became against them became more prevalent. War broke out between the Yarnasee and the Carolinians in 1715, either as a result of abuses by the Carolinians, incitement by the Spanish for the Yamasee to go to war against the British, or a combination of the two.






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Following the war the majority of the Yamasee fled south to St. Augustine, once again allying themselves with the Spanish and seeking protection under the sturdy walls of the Castillo. The Yamasee were declared subjects of Spain and under her protection in 1716, and by 1717 had established the settlements of Nuestra Sefiora de Cadelaria de la Tamaja, Pocotalaca, and Pocosapa near the walled city of St. Augustine. Yamasee were also living with other Indians in other villages (Hann 1989). Even after having retreated to St. Augustine, the Yamasee continued their attacks on the British and were in return the subject of numerous attacks. The Yamasee suffered from these attacks, especially the 1728 attack led by Col. Palmer, but they remained in St. Augustine. In 1738 the Yamasee settlement of Imaculada Concepci6n de Pocotalaca contained 28 people, however just over twenty years later, in 1759, the population dropped to 21. The mission of Nombre de Dios also held a small number of Yamasee into the end of the Spanish hold on Florida. In 1763, the last of the Yamasee, perhaps 40 families, left St. Augustine for Cuba (Green 1992: 38).

18th Century St. Augustine

During the eighteenth century, the Anglo-Spanish rivalry that began with the

founding of Jamestown in 1609 and especially with the settlement of Charles Towne in 1670 culminated in dramatic changes in all of La Florida as well. In 1702, Colonel James Moore led a group of approximately 1,000 men, half of whom were Indians, on an attack of St. Augustine. While the city survived, the coastal missions were forced to relocate to St. Augustine, under the protective watch and guns of the Castillo. Two years later Moore led another group into Apalachee territory, capturing and killing many of the Indians. Those who survived moved north and allied themselves with the British, or moved west to Mobile or east to St. Augustine (Boyd et al. 1951; Hann and McEwan





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1998; McEwan 2000). The Guale and Timucua missions also were deserted and their

populations moved towards St. Augustine (Worth 1998b). By 1708 the Western Timucua ...missions were deserted, with most or all of the remaining Spanish mission Indians living

in and around the city of St. Augustine (Milanich 1999). The result of this collapse was

the creation of a number of small mission Indian settlements located in and around St.

Augustine (Deagan 1993; Hann 1996; Milanich 2000).

The mission system of La Florida at this time was effectively over. Through the

rest of the 18th century, mission activity was largely restricted to the small, mission

Indian villages in and around the environs of St. Augustine. As populations fluctuated, due to death and the arrival of other groups such as the Yamasee, villages were moved,

created, and combined (Hann 1996). This resulted in some villages comprised of only a

single tribal or ethnic group of Indians, while others were of mixed tribal origin. The

composition of the mixed villages also changed over time as Indians from other villages

relocated onto the settlements of mixed Indian origins.

Eighteenth century refugee villages were initially established immediately to the

north of the city walls to serve as a barrier to protect St. Augustine from attacks by the

English and their Indian allies (Milanich 1999). The practice of settling refugee Indians outside of the city walls was carried on throughout the century in an effort to protect the

city from invasion while at the same time giving the Native Americans, whom the

Spanish viewed as new, potential allies, a place to live. As discussed earlier, many of

these new settlements were composed of multiple ethnic or tribal groups. As a result of

this mixture, "marriages between adults of different ethnicities began to occur" (Milanich

1999: 190).





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The influx of refugee Indians into St. Augustine, particularly after the arrival of the Yamasee in 1715, created a financial crisis for the Spanish government. Upon pleading by those in charge in St. Augustine, in 1716 King Philip V nearly tripled the portion of St. Augustine's subsidy that was to go to the Indians to 6,000 pesos per year (Covington 1970). However, Amy Turner Bushnell (1994: 195) reports that during the time period from 1717-1721 the actual "cost of servicing Florida's Indian alliances averages 9,516 pesos per year." The Spanish government clearly saw the importance of supplying funds to maintain and develop alliances with both Christian and non-Christian Indians due to the continued threat of attacks by the English, Creeks, and other Native American groups.

It is unlikely that the Indians actually received much, if any, of the money directly, but rather the subsidy was used by the officials in St. Augustine to supply goods to the Indians. This is indicated in a 1756 report to the King written by Don Pedro Sdnches Grifin. In 1742, GriMn, who may have been "a minor treasury official or prominent merchant in St. Augustine" (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979: 3), was appointed the situador. The position of situador was responsible for the overall management and acquisitionof the situado, acting as a collector and purchasing agent of sorts (Bushnell 1994: 54). In his report to the King, Grifidn states that the "Christian Indians and the heathen [Indians] who offer friendship are rewarded annually with...goods which the natives esteem" (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979: 14).

Throughout the 18th century the refugee villages were under constant threat of attack by the English and Creek that villagers often to refuge within the colonial city walls at night (Hann 1989). Grifiin reported that many of the Indian men were armed and accompanied the Spanish cavalry on patrols of the area around St. Augustine





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(Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). Aside from serving as irregular soldiers, refugee Indians also worked as agricultural laborers in the fields surrounding St. Augustine and spent much of their time hunting (Otto and Lewis 1975). According to James Convington (1970), it appears that participation among the refugee Indians in religious ceremonies declined throughout the 18th century, perhaps due in part to approximately half of the villagers being non-Christians (Milanich 1999). Convington (1970) bases this interpretation on historical documents which record not only a decline in Native American participation in ceremonies, but also the deterioration of many of the mission churches. Not only were many of the churches in various states of disrepair, but also due to the hardships and dangers created by the Creek raids that it was "impossible to have churches in each town" (Covington 1970: 125).

During the 1730's there was dissention between the parish of St. Augustine and the Franciscan friars over the state of the refugee villages. Depositions taken in 1737 indicate that the friars "treated their doctrinas like visitas... [and that] the natives stayed away from Mass on days of obligation" (Bushnell 1994: 205). Not only was it reported that both the friars and the Indians neglected their duties and obligations, but also that the physical state of the churches was deteriorating as well. Aside from the church at Nombre de Dios, all the rest were said to be in such disrepair that "images and vestments had been removed and services were not held at all in windy, rainy weather" (Bushnell 1994: 205). The Indians devotion to the Catholic Church was clearly waning throughout the century, and it is likely that the influence of the Church on the Indians living in the refugee villages was also in decline.





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While it appears that Native American interaction with the Church declined in the 18th century, interaction with the Spanish in St. Augustine seems to have increased. Indians lived in the city where-they established households as well as in the refugee villages. They intermarried with the Spanish and were laborers and consumers within the city walls, both providing goods and services and purchasing goods in shops (Deagan 2002; Parker 1993). During the 17th century the "Indians were not shy when it came to trading. They actively hawked their wares during festival days," a practice that likely increased during the 18th century and became a daily event (Milanich 1996: 149). Deagan (1993: 94) reports that at the level of the individual there was "a certain amount of economic opportunity to be had...in the capital of St. Augustine. This was particularly true for women, who could choose to work in Spanish households, sell pottery or other crafts in the town, or entertain a relationship with a Spanish man." It is clear that the Indians in 18th century St. Augustine were actively engaged in both trade and sales of Native American goods with the Spanish, but there were other ways in which aboriginal goods made their way into the city.

Many Indian women on the refugee settlements worked.as servants in Spanish households, undoubtedly taking material goods, such as cooking vessels, into the households with them (Parker 1993). Indians also intermarried with Spanish men, moving into the city and bringing with them traditional cultural practices (Deagan 1973). Native Americans also took advantage of the flexible racial categories imposed by the Spanish and, on occasion, found it possible to strip themselves of their Native identities and integrate into the Spanish society to some degree. Historian Susan Parker (1999) offers well documented cases of both intermarriage between Spanish and Indians and






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cases of Indians moving out of their villages and into the colonial city. Through the trade and sales of goods, working in Spanish households, and intermarriage with the Spanish and integration into the city, Native American material goods and practices found their way into 18th century St. Augustine. The increased opportunities for interaction with the Spanish in St. Augustine would have also created increase chances for interaction among the various Native American refugee groups as well.

Census records for the 18th century show both fluctuations in Native American populations as well as the creation of refugee mission settlements around St. Augustine and the consolidation of Native American groups onto these settlements. The 1717 census (Table 2-1) lists a total of 942 Indians living in 10 mission villages in and around St. Augustine (Hann 1996: 308-311; Milanich 1999: 190; Worth 1998b: 150). Table 2-1. 1717 Census
Village Group Population Our Lady of the Rosary of Jabosaya Apalachee 34 Santa Catharina de Guale Guale 125 Tolomato Guale 64 Nombre de Dios Timucua (and 3 Apalachee) 50 Our Lady of Sorrows Timucua (and 2 Apalachee) 74 San Buena Bentura de Palica Timucua (and 1 Yamasee) 132 Nuestra Senora de Cadelaria de la Tamaja.. Yamasee 162 Pocosapa Yamasee and Apalachee 172 Pocotalaca Yamasee 96 San Joseph de Jororo Unknown-Timucua or Yamasee 33 Total 942

In just over 10 years, in 1728, the number of Native Americans living in the

refugee villages had dropped to only 436 people (Milanich 1999: 191). The 1728 census also indicates that the number of villages had been reduced to eight (Hann 1996: 315). Table 2-2 shows the 1738 census data that indicate that Native American populations had been reduced to 350 individuals (Hann 1996: 316-317; Milanich 1999: 191). As seen in






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Table 2-3, by 1752 the number of refugee villages had fallen to just six with a total

population of over 155 individuals (Hann 1996: 322-324; Milanich 1999: 193).

Table 2-2. 1738 Census
Village Group Population La Costa Costa 6 Tolomato Guale 64 Nombre de Dios Chiquto Guale and Yamasee 56 Nombre de Dios/Macharis Timucua 49 Palica Timucua 61 San Nicolas Unknown 11 La Punta Yamasee 41 Pocotalaca Yamasee 62

Total 350

It should be noted that the mission village of Nombre de Dios was still in existence when

the 1752 census was undertaken but was left off for unknown reasons.

Table 2-3. 1752 Census
Village Group Population Tolomato Guale 26 Pocotalaca Yamasee 33 La Costa Costa 8 La Punta Yamasee 59 Palica Timucua 29

Total 155

The final census of refugee missions was taken in 1759 (Table 2-4). By this time

the only remaining refugee villages were Nombre de Dios and Tolomato (Hann 1996:

323-324; Milanich 1999: 194).

Table 2-4. 1759 Census
Village Group Population Nombre de Dios Yamasee, Guale, Timucua, Chiluque, Costa, and others 57 Tolomato Chilugue and Guale 18

Total 95

The population at Nombre de Dios was mixed, with Yamasee making up the majority at

this time. The group identified as Chiluque in the census records is the Mocama






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Timucua. The Chiluque that joined the Guale at Tolomato were likely moved from their previous location at Palica (Hann 1996).

As the population of mission Indians dwindled, so to did Spain's hold on La

Florida. The first Spanish period of Florida and the mission system finally came to an end in 1763 as a result of a treaty drawn between the Spanish and British at the end of Queen Anne's War. The Spanish handed over control of La Florida to the British and sailed off to Cuba, taking with them the last 89 Florida mission Indians (Milanich 1999).

The new political landscape created in 18th century La Florida resulted in the Spaniards implementation and enforcement policies of reducci6n, congregaci6n, and other forced and voluntary methods of relocation of the Native Americans of La Florida. This served to ease missionization processes, to pool native laborers together to aid in the effectiveness of the repartimiento draft labor system, and to protect both the Spanish and the Indians from the encroachment of British and Indian hostilities and slave raids from the north. It also created new Native American communities in which Indians from different cultural groups lived in close contact with each other. This produced what might be viewed as a sort of "reverse diaspora" condition in which people of disparate origins were brought together in the same place. In Spanish Florida, this emerged as a result of the modified reducci6n and congregaci6n policies in which Indians from different settlements within a cultural group, as well as Indians from separate and distinct cultural groups, were brought together into a single area around St. Augustine, often in mixed-group settlements. These movements and the process of a "reverse diaspora" offer researchers a new and unique approach to the study of Native American culture change during the late mission period in La Florida.





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CHAPTER 3
HISTORICAL APPROACHES AND METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS

The goal of this study is to assess the nature of change in Native American society provoked by the aggregation of distinct Native American groups through congregaci6n and reducci6n in eighteenth century St. Augustine. As discussed in Chapter 1, Pierre Bourdieu's theory of practice and concept of habitus form the theoretical foundations upon which this study is based, and which provides a framework for assessing material change in identity. Following Siin Jones (1997), it is my belief that the most fruitful categories of data for these questions will be found in domestic settings, such as use of space, material production at the domestic level, and subsistence patterns, which are informed and influenced by the habitus.

This chapter will develop the methodological basis for exploring the problem archaeologically. Potential outcomes of the consolidation of mission Indians in eighteenth century St. Augustine in regards to maintenance and change of identity will first be presented. This will be followed by a discussion of the models of culture contact and change and approaches to the study of ethnicity. A justification of the use of ceramics as markers for identity and a discussion of the analytical framework used in the present study will then follow. The final sections of this chapter will discuss the main ceramic types encountered during the research and the sites from which the data utilized has been gathered.






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Potential Outcomes of Multi-Ethnic Consolidation

There are several potential pathways for the dynamics of cultural identity in the contexts of multi-ethnic consolidation of Indians in the Spanish missions of La Florida. These suggested outcomes are based on archaeological models of ethnic identity formation, maintenance, and change that are discussed in the subsequent section. One potential outcome of multi-ethnic consolidation in terms of identity dynamics is a maintenance or retention of cultural or ethnic identity, reflected in the retention of traditional material goods and behaviors as reflected in the archaeological record. Another potential outcome is that one group may have become dominant over the others, provoking a loss of heterogeneous expression and the predominance of a single material practice. It is also possible that a newly created syncretic expression of "Refugee Mission Indian" identity could have emerged, reflected in new patterns of material goods representing traits from all groups involved. Another possibility is that a combination of the above outcomes occurred. In all such potential scenarios, however, it is assumed that identity and its material expressions were actively used and negotiated by the Native Americans for gains in economic and social power. These potential outcomes of multiethnic consolidation are based on both documented historical circumstances of the period under study and in models of culture change considered in the following discussion.

The first suggested potential outcome that distinct Native American cultural groups might have maintained their original tribal or group identities, suggests a maintenance of material heterogeneity in 18th century mission communities. Although contact is sustained between two or more ethnic groups in these situations; cultural, ethnic, and or social affiliation is maintained by the groups in question to a recognizable extent. This does not imply that there is no exchange among the groups in contact, but rather that any






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changes that do occur are the result of negotiation within each group and that adopted traits are incorporated into already existing meaningful categories of the adopting cultures. In this context, which Edward Spicer (1961) refers to as incorporation, the meaning of the structures or categories themselves are not altered or changed in any significant manner.

The second potential outcome suggested for mission Indian consolidation and

cohabitation in eighteenth century St. Augustine is that one of the groups in contact could become dominant and subsume distinct cultural expression of those groups with whom they coexist. This scenario might be identified by examining sites that were occupied over a long period of time and looking for abrupt changes in and near total replacement of material goods with those from another group. It should be noted however that such a scenario could also be the result of displacement or the result of a group choosing to adopt material goods and behaviors of another group by their own accord.

Another possible way to detect this process would be to locate sites that are known through the historical record to have been occupied by a specific group, and to ascertain whether the artifact assemblage and material record at those sites correspond with known material patterns for those groups during the pre- and early mission periods. If, for example, a site known historically to have been occupied only by Guale Indians during the mid-eighteenth century showed only evidence of Apalachee or Timucua materials, technology, use of space, etc., and if this same type of assemblage was found at most or all other sites dating to the same time period, then one could argue quite strongly for the influence of one cultural group over the others and the subsequent adoption of that identity.






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The creation or ethnogenesis of a new cultural expression is another potential

outcome of multi-ethnic contact situations, an outcome usually arrived at in non-directed situations. The creation or ethnogenesis of a new cultural identity, for example, one that might be referred to as a "Refugee Mission Indian" identity, might be expected to affect the material expression of habitus in ways distinct from either maintenance of distinct identity or dominance by a single groups. The former would predict a heterogeneous material expression, comprised of multiple traditions identifiable with known groups; while the latter would predict homogeneity of material expression reflecting traditions of a dominant group. An ethnogenetic outcome should instead produce new combinations or patterns of material goods representing not only traits from all the Native American, and possibly European, cultures in contact, but newly generated forms.

It is unlikely, however, that any one of these predicted outcomes occurred

exclusively, and may have varied at different scales. It is my hypothesis that the Indians probably maintained certain aspects their specific tribal or ethnic identities, while at the same time creating a broader, shared identity in common with other refuge groups. This hypothesis is: based on the assumption that tribal groups may have maintained aspects of their traditional lifestyles and social structures to differentiate between themselves and others, while at the same time recognizing a unity among all "Indian" groups. This could be both to distinguish themselves as a group from the Spanish, and to unite and create a sense of solidarity in the face of subjugation and decreasing populations. This hypothesis draws on both the primordialist position which emphasizes strong historical ties and affinities and the instrumentalist approach which stresses the importance of external forces in affecting identity creation, maintenance, and change. The creation of a new






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"Refugee Mission Indian" identity could have served as a means for the Indians to align themselves with the Spaniards for economic gains or for protection from the British.

Models of Culture Contact and Culture Change Archaeological approaches to understanding the nature of formation and change in colonial ethnic identity are grounded in models of culture contact and culture change. Early models of contact induced change, such as that of Spicer (1961), suggest that culture contact situations can fall into one of two categories, either directed or nondirected contact situations, both of which can be seen in the study of the impacts of the forced and voluntary relocations of Native Americans during the Spanish mission period of La Florida. As defined by Spicer (1961: 520), a directed contact situation is one which "involves interaction in specific roles between members of two different societies and effective control of some type and degree by members of one society over the members of the other" and that "members of the superordinate society have an interest in changing behavior of members of the subordinate society in particular ways."

Current researchers still value Spicer's directed and non-directed culture contact situations, but now place a further importance on viewing all cultures in the contact.. situation as active participants in the negotiation of culture change and examine power inequalities as a replacement of the strict concepts of superordinate and subordinate cultures (see for example Adams 1989; Cusick 1998; Hoover 1989; Rogers 1990; see also Ortiz 1947 for an early perspective on the concept and introduction of "transculturation," and the active rather than passive role of all groups involved in culture contact situations).

While the directed culture contact situations during the mission period of La Florida had profound impacts on the lives and cultures of the southeastern Native






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Americans, it is the non-directed culture contact situation that is of primary concern to the present study. Non-directed culture contact situations take place when "there is interaction between members of the different societies...but there is no control of one society's members by the other" (Spicer 1961: 520). Furthermore, in non-directed contact situations, "although the innovations may derive directly from one culture, they are accepted and integrated into another culture in accordance with the cultural interests and principles of integration which obtain the latter" (Spicer 1961: 521). Specifically, although one of the cultures may adopt material goods, technology, beliefs, etc. from one group, they are doing so through mechanisms of adoption and change already present and structured in their own cultural systems, rather than through forced and directed influence of the other group.

While directed changes through Spanish influence in religious, economic, and

political institutions over the Native Americans occurred throughout the colonization and missionization periods of La Florida, this study will focus on the effects of contact and cohabitation among the various Indian groups relocated into new villages. Although interaction among Native Americans is the primary focus, Spanish influence in this process cannot be ignored since it was an ever-present context and specific historical factor. Indeed, the nature of potentially unequal and preferential interactions among Spaniards undoubtedly impacted inter-Indian interactions as well, a topic discussed below.

Approaches to ethnicity studies

Mark Wagner (1998) uses Spicer's concepts of directed and non-direct change in his examination of the contact between the Potawatomi Indians and Europeans engaged in the fur trade during the period of the seventeenth through early-nineteenth century





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(Wagner 1998). The Potawatomi are an Algonquin group who lived in the Lake Huron area in the early seventeenth century. Due to outside pressure from the Iroquois, the Potawatomi migrated westward to the Great Lakes region in southern Wisconsin and Michigan, northeastern Illinois, and northwestern Indiana. During the second half of the seventeenth century through the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries the Potawatomi were involved in the fur trade, first with the French and then with the British. Unlike the directed contact found in the Spanish-Indian interaction in the mission system of La Florida, the Indian-European contact resulting from the fur trade in this and other areas was a form of non-directed culture contact in which the Europeans were not a superordinate culture attempting to impose a formal agenda of culture change on the Indians (Wagner 1998).

Although this interaction did provoke some changes among both the Potawatomi and the French and British, it did not result in the loss or alteration of Potawatomi ethnic identity. In his study, Wagner (1998) found through both historical and archaeological research that the Potawatomi were active brokers in the European-Indian contact situation, negotiating which aspects of European material culture they would accept. Furthermore, it was found that European materials that were accepted were incorporated into the pre-existing social structures among the Potawatomi. Not only were the Potawatomi choosing only materials and goods that fit into their social and cultural systems, but they were also active in deciding which Europeans they would trade and associate with. Wagner found that "although certain types of European technological items were adopted, social and religious aspects of the society continued relatively unchanged" (Wagner 1998: 444).





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This was reflected archaeologically in the Potawatomi maintenance and continuity of traditional forms and stylistic attributes of material culture such as ceramics, tools, and stone pipes. Wagner also indicates that unlike sites representing directed culture contact situations, the material culture assemblage found at non-directed situations in which maintenance of traditional cultural or ethnic identity takes place will have a much lower frequency or percentage of foreign goods, especially in those "technologies and artifacts symbolically associated with forced or directed culture change," such as foreign clothing items (Wagner 1998: 444).

Through active participation and negotiation, the Potawatomi were able to maintain their ethnic identity throughout their interaction with the Europeans by accepting cultural influences based on their own preferences and ability to work them into the pre-existing cultural norms of their society, while rejecting material items and behaviors that were associated with directed change and forced acculturation (Wagner 1998).

This study suggests that if Native American ethnic identity in 18th century St. Augustine were maintained in the face of multi-ethnic consolidation, then we would expect the archaeological record to reveal retention of not only specific types of aboriginal ceramics, but also in the retention of stylistic attributes. This includes those aspects of pottery production and use informed by the habitus, that is, production technology and decoration, as well as in forms and use. The most informative stylistic attributes will be those that fall under the category of isochrestic style, which is discussed below.

In an early seminal article, Randall McGuire (1982) pointed out that the field of historical archaeology has great potential in the study of the creation, maintenance, and






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interaction of ethnic groups, both cross-culturally and through time. McGuire further argues that while there have been a number of works that have effectively used the multiple sources of data available-to historical archaeologists to study ethnic groups, the field has not reached its full potential.

The multiple lines of evidence, both documentary and material, available to historical archaeologists allow for a unique approach to the study of ethnicity. Documentary sources often give information regarding ethnic affiliation of people which can be a great benefit to the study of the past. However historical documents tend to focus primarily on major or unusual events and important people rather than the commoners and social relations of everyday life. Furthermore, documentary sources can be severely biased, often along ethnic lines, making it difficult, though not impossible, to use these sources uncritically.

Material remains on the other hand tend to reflect the practices, or habitus, of

everyday life, of all groups and classes. But archaeological remains also have potential biases or limitations. "Because the archaeological record consists only of the material remains of the past, we cannot directly observe or measure the social variables we wish to study" (McGuire 1982: 162). While we may not be able to directly observe social variables and actions of the past, we can use material remains to elicit information about some aspects of social structures, actions, beliefs, and thoughts that are encoded in material remains. It is important to note however that the archaeological record itself is biased. Not all materials are preserved and not all actions or beliefs leave an imprint in the archaeological record. In terms of the study of ethnicity, certain elements such as symbols, emblems, and language may not be preserved in the archaeological record.





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The effective combination of historical documents and the archaeological record allows historical archaeologists to overcome the inherent biases in both sources of data. Historical documents can aid in identifying-the presence or absence of ethnic groups in different places through time. By building on the available historical data, historical archaeologists can examine material remains to further understand social phenomena such as the creation, maintenance, and change in ethnic identities.

McGuire (1982: 162) identified three primary ways in which historical

archaeologists have approached the study of ethnicity and ethnic groups: through assimilation studies, ethnic pride studies, and studies that "attempt to establish [material] criteria for identifying specific ethnic groups." While acknowledging that all of these approaches were important and contributed to our knowledge and understanding of ethnicity in the past, and by extension in the present, McGuire (1982) felt that they failed to reach the full potential that historical archaeology has in its study of ethnic groups and ethnicity. Most scholars have moved past these three approaches, which are somewhat static in their study of ethnicity to a more dynamic, diffuse, and fluid approach. Since the publication of McGuire's article, a fourth approach which examines ethnogenesis and ethnogenetic processes in the past has become prevalent in historical archaeological studies.

The initial historical archaeological approach to the examination of ethnic groups that McGuire identified was that of "ethnic pride" studies. These studies are designed to examine and bring to light the neglected contributions of ethnic groups in the past. A primary example of this type of research can be seen in the edited volume by Schuyler (1980), entitled Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America: Afro-American





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and Asian American Culture History. As indicated in the title, this volume seeks to explore the roles and actions of African-Americans and Asian Americans in the past. Beth Anne Bower andByron Rushing's (1980) examination of a 19th-century AfricanAmerican meeting house in Boston not only discusses the archaeology of the site itself, but also seeks to illuminate how the African-Americans who used the meeting house contributed to Bostonian society. By demonstrating African-American involvement in the every day life, politics, and economy of the Bostonian social setting, a more complete understand of the past is gained and the contributions of an often neglected ethnic group are acknowledged. Roberta Greenwood's (1980) analysis of the Chinese in California is another good example of an ethnic pride study. The first goal of Greenwood's study is to demonstrate how the documentary evidence that is available regarding the Chinese in 19th-century California is not only biased, being from an American perspective, but also to point out that it lacks important and salient details regarding the everyday life of this ethnic groups. The second goal of her study was to use both historical and archaeological data to show how the Chinese both acculturated to life in America and how they contributed to the social life and economy of California. These are just two of many studies conducted in historical archaeology that demonstrate the potential the field has for not only giving a voice to the voiceless of the past, but also in its ability to understand ethnic groups of the past.

Archaeological studies, the majority of which to date have largely failed, that examine material correlates or markers for ethnic groups can be seen as following primarily into three categories: (1) studies seeking to identify ethnic groups based on artifacts found in the archaeological record, (2) studies that examine change in the





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material record as a marker for changes in ethnicity, and (3) studies that examine changes in socio-behavioral categories as reflected in the archaeological record that might indicate shifts in ethnic identities. The first of these approaches mentioned has often been criticized for being circular in nature. Using previous research, archaeologists approach a site with the understanding that certain types of artifacts or symbols are historically associated with a specific culture (Burley et al. 1992). When excavating a site that has no historical documentation, archaeologists are then able to state which ethnic groups were present at the site based on the artifacts recovered. This approach, while valid, suffers from being tautological in nature. Archaeologists define the identification of specific groups based on artifacts and symbols believed to be associated with them, and then the discovery of these types of material culture is taken to indicate the presence of said groups. Also known as the "direct ethno-historical approach," this approach has aided archaeologists in determining material and symbolic correlates for ethnic groups and in the identification of ethnic groups, but has not been used effectively to advance our understanding of the processes of maintenance and change of ethnic boundaries or the social functions of ethnicity (Jones 1997).

Assimilation studies examine how ethnic boundaries are weakened and ethnic groups are incorporated into one another. Historical archaeological approaches to assimilation studies use historical documents to identify the ethnic groups present in an area in the past, and examine how the material culture associated with ethnic groups has changed in order to assess the degree of assimilation. While assimilation does not necessarily constitute a total loss of ethnic identity of any of the groups involved, it does indicate a change in the expression of some aspects of peoples traditional identities, and





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incorporation or adoption of aspects of another (McGuire 1982). Examples of these types of studies and can be seen in the early works of James Deetz (1963) and Kathleen Deagan (1973). Both of these studies assessed the degree of ethnic and cultural assimilation in Spanish colonial society, Deetz among mission Indians and Deagan among Spanish colonists. Deetz (1963) found that at the La Purisima mission Native American assimilation into Spanish society was primarily the result of interaction of native men with the Spanish. Deagan's 1973 study examined "mestizaje, or Spanish-Indian intermarriage and descent" (Deagan 1983: 99). This study found that processes of assimilation resulting from Spanish-Native American interaction were different than that at the La Purisima mission because it was the women who played the primary role of cultural brokers or negotiators of cultural change in colonial St. Augustine.

It should be noted that the term "assimilation" is somewhat misleading when describing both of the above studies. Neither case was an example of complete assimilation of Native American cultures or ethnic groups into Spanish culture. Rather there was negotiation among all groups involved that resulted in cultural change in each. The aim was-to determine how this changed occurred and to measure the extent of change in the groups affected.

Archaeological research has also examined changes in the material record over

time as indicators of changes in identity or changes in the presence of ethnic groups over time. Complete replacement of material culture at a site has often been taken as indicating a replacement of one group with another, while alterations in part of the material patterning, such as the replacement of certain categories of artifacts or symbols, is believed to represent changes in identity through contact with outside groups (Carr and





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Maslowski 1995). Studies taking this approach begin to address the potential that historical archaeology has for examining how ethnicity functions and changes over time.

The approaches described above have relied onthe assumption that "material

symbols of ethnic identity provide the most direct archaeological reflections of boundary maintenance" (McGuire 1982: 163). Unfortunately, as Martin Wobst (1977) indicates, such symbols frequently have a long use life and are thus unlikely to comprise a large part of the archaeological record. Furthermore, many of the material symbols or markers for ethnic identity are made of perishable materials. Ethnographic research has shown that clothing is often an important marker for ethnic identity (Burley et al. 1992), however items made of cloth are rarely preserved in the archaeological record. Archaeologists have begun to realize that because overt symbols of ethnic identity comprise only a small part of the archaeological record, owing to their long use life and often poor preservation qualities, that other material correlates for identity need to be examined.

Ten years after his seminal article, Randall McGuire (1992: 163) stated that "the

material correlates of ethnically specific behavior are more likely to be represented in the archaeological record than the material symbols of ethnic identification." While symbols of ethnic identification remain important, focus should be directed on patterned material correlates of ethnic specific behavior. By examining the totality of cultural practice embodied in the archaeological record and tracking changes in behavior through material categories that are independent and specifically documented to reflect that behavior archaeologists are able to study changes in behavior. Such an approach was first operationalized by Stanley South (1977). A number of studies have examined behavioral





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patterns as indicators for ethnicity and found that patterns in food remains, ceramics (or food production), and architecture are often the most salient categories for addressing ethnic specific behaviors, and as a result changes in ethnic identification over time (Baker 1980; Cusick 1993; Ferguson 1980; Otto 1977). As discussed in Chapter 1, and expanded upon below, the idea of placing primacy on material indicators of ethnic specific behavior will be key to this study and its approach to ethnic identification based on the work of Bourdieu (1977) and the theory of practice for ethnicity.

A more recent approach that anthropologists and historical archaeologists have taken in the study of ethnicity is the examination of ethnogenesis and ethnogenetic processes. Ethnogenesis refers to the creation of a new ethnic identity. Classic definitions of ethnogenesis assume the removal of a group from one place and its set of adaptations to a new setting. However, ethnogenesis usually occurs as the result of interaction between multiple ethnic groups, often as the result of migration, displacement, or relocation in periods of conflict (Hill 1996).

A great deal of research has been conducted on the processes of ethnogenesis and its reflection in the archaeological record (Anderson 1999; Deagan 1996; Hill 1996; Sattler 1996; Sturtevant 1971). In these studies the concept of ethnogenesis refers to the creation of a new and unique ethnic or cultural identity, usually resulting from the interaction of multiple ethnic groups, and according to some (Hill 1996), in conditions of violence. It is frequently caused by interaction resulting from displacement or migration. This can provoke the "genesis of previously unrecognized ethnoi who combine and transform elements of multiple cultural traditions in forms and meanings" (Deagan 1998: 29, from Moore 1994). Deagan (1998) lists a number of cultural groups whose evolution





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has been studied as being the result of ethnogenetic processes such as the Seminole Indians, Miskito Indians, and the Garifuna, as well as the criollo and ladino societies that arose in the_S_panish colonies.

Interaction among multiple ethnic groups does not necessarily lead to ethnogenesis, however the origins of ethnogenesis are often found in multi-ethnic contact situations. A number of studies examining both the ethnogenesis of groups such as the Seminole, Choctaw, Yamasee, and Cheyenne and the ethnogenetic processes behind their formation have been carried out by anthropologists and archaeologists (Green 1992; Moore 1987; Sattler 1996; Sturtevant 1971; Worth 2004b). While McGuire (1982) has classified Deagan's (1973) study of mestizaje in colonial St. Augustine as primarily an assimilation study, it can be effectively argued that the long term effects of the assimilation resulted in the ethnogenesis of a new mestizos identity. Of primary importance of studies examining ethnogenesis and ethnogenetic processes is the historical approach they take in which changes in identity over time are examined. In doing so scholars have contributed to our knowledge of how ethnic identity is maintained and changed over time and have furthered the field of ethnicity studies by beginning to place importance on the social roles of ethnic and how identity functions within societies.

Closely associated to ethnogenesis is the concept of creolization. Archaeological

studies of creolization processes began as early as the 1970's (Deagan 1974; Deetz 1977), however during the 1990's they have seen a rise in popularity, especially among historical archaeologists (Dawdy 2000). As with the terms ethnic and ethnicity, there are few agreed upon definitions of what creolization truly means. Various definitions refer to it "as a form of cultural interaction, culture contact, acculturation, transculturation,





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ethnogenesis, identity negotiation, the result of intermarriage, or the blending and transplantation of different traditions in material culture" (Dawdy 2000: 1).

The divergent definitions of creolization make it difficult to assess the natureof the process itself. Linguist models of creolization, such as David Burley's (2000) study of M6tis vernacular architecture, focus on how materials and behaviors adopted by a group fit into preexisting mental structures or grammars. The resultant outcome of such mixtures is not viewed as an ethnogenesis of a new identity, but rather a creolization as materials are adopted by a group in ways consistent with their already existing world view. Other models view creolization as a form of cultural adaptation under colonialism. Within these studies creolization is more closely aligned with ethnogenesis as the emergent "creole" identities result from the negotiation and incorporation of ideas and traits from various groups with the outcome being the formation of a new group identity (Cusick 2000; Ewen 2000). Creolization studies can also take a more biological approach which examines racial categories and multi-ethnic contact situations (Loren 2000). Within these studies creolization is seen to occur as a result of population, racial, or ethnic admixture. While this is biological in nature, it should also be noted that linguistically a creole language does not exist until children are born into speaking it as their primary language.

Ceramics and Identity

Ceramics and ceramic technology will serve in this study as the primary material

reflection of Native American cultural or ethnic identity, both by necessity and by design. Ceramics are abundant and well preserved in the archaeological record and have been consistently correlated as reflecting domestic practice and encoding symbolic elements. It is this close association between ceramic production and domestic practice that ties






73

pottery and pottery traditions to the habitus. For this reason, the primary analytical focus will be on those areas at sites that have been identified as Indian activity areas rather than areas such as the churches, conventos, etc. that may have a much stronger degree of Spanish influence. This data will establish a baseline for identity maintenance practices among the mission Indians in their dealings with each other.

Ceramics have been, and continue to be, an extremely important category of

material culture utilized by archaeologists to ascertain issues of not only ethnic identity, but also changes in identity over time. Indeed, "comparison at the type or style level of classification is expected to reveal answers to questions about nationalistic or ethnic origin ... [and] ... culture contact" (South 1977: 93). Although ceramics and ceramic technology will be the primary category of material remains utilized in this study, it is important to point out "that any area of the material world may support the expression of collective or individual identities ... and that the appropriation of material culture in the realization of social strategies is not necessarily a conscious process" (Gosselain 2000: 189). Thus, according to Oliver Gosselain, any aspect of the cultural world, including ceramic types, has the potential to contain information regarding both conscious and subconscious social identity. In his examination of pottery types and technology as social or ethnic markers in Cameroon, Gosselain (2000: 189) identified five categories of ceramic technology that can be examined: clay processing, vessel form/formation, decorative motifs and tools, firing methods/traditions, and post firing treatment. All of these factors will be considered in this study, but particular emphasis will be placed on paste type and decoration/style as these are the main attributes that have been utilized to distinguish the ceramic types and traditions found among the southeastern Native





74

Americans before and during the Spanish mission period (Goggin 1952; Goggin 1953; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980; Saunders 2000).

Archaeologists have long used.ceramics and ceramic technology and production techniques as material markers for identity. In her seminal volume on ceramic analysis, Prudence Rice (1987: 464) defends this action by identifying the close relations between utilitarian or craft production and its social milieu, citing the "forces of costumbre," which can be equated with tradition, custom, or habitus, that direct pottery production. Roman Roth (2003: 42) further strengthens the relationship between ceramics and ethnic identity by stating that the "production of pottery is itself a routine...which consciously, or more often, sub-consciously [reflects] a development in the social relations of the society producing...the pottery" and that the style of the finished vessel is a product of "the socially conditioned habitus of the potter." Both Rice and Roth utilize Bourdieu's (1977) concept of the habitus, which both informs and is in turn informed by people's identity, to link the practices of ceramic production to identity.

Accepting that the production of ceramics, and by extension the final products

themselves, is conditioned by the habitus, in which ethnic identity is both grounded and shaped (Jones 1997), it is then necessary to determine where ethnically significant style resides. According to James Sackett (1986), style and ethnic signaling can be both active and passive. Active signaling of ethnic identity in ceramic production is most often seen in decorative techniques that are highly symbolic and meant to actively convey a message to others. During times of stress however, such as those encountered by the Indians affected by the Spanish mission system, such stylistic attributes are often lost or





75


simplified even though the ethnic identity of the producers may not have changed (Rice 1987).

It is therefore most important that archaeologists look at those stylistic attributes that are passive signifiers of ethnic identity. Following Sackett's (1986: 268) concept of isochrestism, "style exists wherever artisans belonging to a given ethnic group make specific and consistent choices among isochrestic options open to them." These isochrestic choices, such as in paste tempering, vessel form, firing techniques, and vessel usage, are informed by the habitus, and thus the consistent choices of such attributes by potters reflects identity. Sackett (1986: 270) furthers this point by stating that:

Material culture inevitably carries a heavy load of ethnic symbolism because it is produced in ethnically bounded contexts. Simply by doing things "the way they should be done" according to the accepted patterns and standards of their group
artisans automatically leave an ethnic stamp of their products.

Viewed in this light, ceramics can appropriately be viewed as markers of ethnic identity. The practices of ceramic production and technology are informed by the habitus within which ethnic identity is also grounded. Both active and passive forms of style can be seen as conveying messages, both consciously and subconsciously, regarding the ethnic identity of the potter. While active forms of style such as decoration and symbolic elements are attributes most likely to change or disappear in times of stress (Rice 1987), Sackett's (1986: 274) concept of isochrestism allows archaeologists to examine more techno-functional stylistic aspects as markers of ethnicity as his concept holds "the view that style more often than not entails ethnically significant variation unconsciously invested into banal functional items by passive artisans."






76


Analytical Framework

In order to trace and understand the impacts of the Spanish congregaci6n and other relocation policies on the Indian groups in 18th century Florida, a consideration of chronological and regional differences is necessary. This discussion will examine the archaeological correlates of Native American ethnic groups and settlements from three periods: 1) from before the establishment of missions; 2) during the early and middle mission periods; and finally 3) from the late mission period in and around St. Augustine. This will be done to allow for comparison of material categories relating to cultural or ethnic identity over time in order to detect patterns of change or continuity.

Ceramic assemblages from early and middle mission period settlements in each of the identifiably distinct areas of Native American cultural groups provide a basis for characterizing the material reflection of habitus (identity) specific to those groups. These same categories of data will then be compared to the consolidated, eighteenth century mission settlements in and around St. Augustine. As discussed previously, detailed historical data on these missions permits identification of settlements known to have been occupied by specific cultural groups, as well as by mixed and pluralistic cultural groups in mission settlements both before and after congregaci6n.

By defining a baseline of how specific Native American identities were materially represented before the consolidation and mixing of populations from different cultural groups occurred, I will then be able to document the configuration of these representations found after the major relocation period.

Mission Indian Ceramic Types

Ceramic assemblages associated with the Native people of La Florida have been extensively studied, and much work had been done to associate ceramic varieties with






77

specific cultural groups. These provide the primary basis for the analyses and comparisons on which this study is based, and these ceramic-cultural associations are discussed below.

Apalachee Ceramics

Jefferson Plain: All ceramics locally produced in the Apalachee region with grit, sand, grog, limestone, or a combination tempering (Shapiro et al. 1987).

Lamar-Like Bold Incised: Pottery of this type is grit or coarse sand tempered, exterior fairly smoothed. Sherds are decorated with five to fifteen broad and deeply incised lines. Decoration consists of a horizontal band of scrolls or concentric circles separated by a mestas. This type occurs in the pre- and proto-historic periods in Georgia and the proto- and historic periods in Florida (Shapiro et al. 1987).

Ocmulgee Fields Incised: Sherds are usually fine sand tempered with finely

polished or burnished surfaces, often black in color. Designs are similar to Lamar-Like Bold Incised but the incisions are much finer (Shapiro et al. 1987).

Lamar Complicated Stamped: Sherds are tempered with sand, grit, grog, or a combination ,with a complicated stamped design. Motifs include parallel lines which form herring bone or checker board patterns or concentric circles with a central raise dot, cross, or cross with dots. Over stamping is fairly common. This type occurs from the late prehistoric period through the mission period. This type subsumes sherds previously identified as Jefferson Complicated Stamped (Shapiro et al. 1987).

Leon Check Stamped: Coarse paste ceramic, tempered with sand, grit, grog, or a combination of these. Sherds are stamped with bold checks or diamonds 5-10mm across. This type occurs in the proto-historic and mission periods (Shapiro et al. 1987).





78

Mission Red Filmed: Pottery has a fine grit or sand temper with well smoothed

surfaces. Red filming or painting often occurs in zones that are outlines by incisions and may occur on both the interior and exterior of vessels. _Almost all vessels are in European form, making this a type of Colono ware. This is a mission era pottery type (Shapiro et al. 1987). Mission Red Filmed has also been used as a type name to describe any red filmed ware of the historic era in other cultural regions.

Leon-Jefferson Wares: Paste characteristics are typical of Leon Check Stamped or Lamar Complicated stamped, but surface decoration has been either smoothed over beyond recognition or obliterated. As a result it is impossible to tell if this Apalachee ware is check or complicated stamped. For this reason sherds matching this description are placed in a generic Leon-Jefferson ware category (Bierce-Gedris 1981).

Miller Plain: Sherds are tempered with fine sand and grit and exhibit a compact, black colored paste. Surfaces are well smoothed and appear black to dark grey (BierceGedris 1981).

Western Timucua Ceramics

Suwannee Valley Culture

As discussed in the previous chapter, the Suwannee Valley culture area was

characterized by sand or sand and grit tempered ceramics in plain, linear marked, cord marked, fabric marked, incised, and punctated varieties from circa 700 A.D. until some time before the establishment of missions in the area (Johnson 1991). The ceramic assemblage shifted, likely due to the movement of Georgian Timucua into the area, some time before the establishment of missions in the area. Ceramics of the mission period in the Suwannee Valley culture area are those of the Leon-Jefferson series discussed above, most notably Jefferson Plain.





79

Alachua Culture

Alachua Plain: Pottery has medium size sand and some grit tempering. The

exterior and interior of vessels are poorly smoothed, with surfaces usually grey to buff in color, though can be dark brown. Forms are most likely bowls or round bottomed pots (Milanich 1971).

Alachua Cob Marked: Paste has fine to coarse sand or grit temper with exterior and interior surfaces usually being poorly smoothed. Exterior of vessels is covered with dried corn cob impressions that appear randomly placed. Simple bowls are the most common form. This type occurs from the prehistoric period through at least the early mission era (Scarry 1985).

Lochloosa Punctated: This type has the same paste characteristics and forms are Alachua plain. Before firing the exterior of vessels are punctuated, usually very crudely and with no apparent design motif. Some sherds may have so many punctuates that the surface looks as if it has eroded (Milanich 1971). Guale Ceramics

San Marcos Series Pottery: This type usually has a coarse grit or sand and grit

tempered body. Exterior or vessels can be either plain, incised, stamped, punctated, or a combination. Punctations occur along the bottom of folded rims and may be full or half reed punctates. Stamping motifs primarily consist of a filfot cross, simple stamping, cross-simple stamping, or line block stamping. Complicated, primarily curvilinear, and check stamping also occur. Surfaces of vessels range in color from pinkish to reddish, but may also be grey or brown (Otto and Lewis 1975). This type occurs in both prehistoric and historic contexts, and subsumes sherds identified as Altamaha Stamped and Punctated (Saunders 2000).






80

Eastern Timucua Ceramics

St. Johns Series Pottery: This type is easily identified by its chalkiness resulting from tempering with sponge spicules. Surfaces are fairly smoothed and usually grey in color, though may be buff to tan to orangish. Plain and check stamped varieties are the most common, with the size of checks ranging from approximately 1-5 or more mm. Punctated and incised examples are also known, but likely are restricted to prehistoric contexts. This type occurs from the prehistoric period through the end of the first Spanish period (Goggin 1952).

San Pedro Wares: This type was originally classified as a distinct type due to the inclusion of small to medium grog inclusions as tempering agents (Rolland and Ashley 2000). Recent studies have determined that a small percentage of the type is sand tempered. The type occurs most frequently, and perhaps has its origins, in extreme northeast Florida in the St. Marys River region. San Pedro ceramics rather abruptly replace Savannah series pottery in this region, possibly reflecting a movement of new people into the area. To date few to no examples of San Pedro Colono Ware vessels have been found (Rolland and Ashley 2000).

Sites and Samples

Fortunately a number of the mission settlements of La Florida have been located, excavated, recorded, and published, providing a large body of data dating from before European contact through the end of the mission period and the Spanish departure from St. Augustine in 1763. Data from sites within St. Augustine have been collected from excavations in which I served as field supervisor or from an affiliated program and which I have conducted analysis on the recovered materials. Data from the comparative samples, which serve as baseline samples for groups outside of St. Augustine, are drawn






81

from published literature. As noted, all samples utilized in this study were drawn from Native American contexts of the sites under study as it is believed that it is in these areas that the most useful data regarding material correlates for ethnic identity will be found.

Apalachee region sites that will be examined are the Apalachee Hill site and San Luis de Talimali (Figure 3-1). Sites from the Guale region that will be examined are located primarily on the coastal islands and consist of Santa Catalina de Guale, Santa Catalina de Amelia (which will be referred to as Santa Maria Santa Catalina in this study), San Juan del Puerto, and Wright's Landing (Figure 3-2). The Yamasee region is represented by a single site, referred to as Altamaha Town or Altamaha. Although this is not a mission site, it is being included as it is one of the few Yamasee villages that has been excavated and reported on in detail. Sites from the Western Timucua province include Fig Springs, Baptizing Springs, Fox Pond, and the Richardson site (Figure 3-3). The Eastern Timucua region is represented by only two sites, Nombre de Dios and the Fountain of Youth Park, which are part of the same mission occupation (Figure 3-4). This mission was one of the longest lived of the Florida missions and both prehistoric and mission period components will be examined. Refugee mission settlements from the 18th century in St. Augustine that will be examined include the Nombre de Dios, La Punta, and Pocotalca missions (Figure 3-6).






82


Sites Examined in this Study

The Apalachee Region






Tallahassee
San Luis Apalachee Hill












Apalachee Hill
I,


0 MI Ilk
Figure 3-1. Apalachee Region Sites (from Scarry 1993: 361) Apalachee Hill

The Apalachee Hill site (8LE148) is located approximately six miles east of

present-day Tallahassee, Florida. Apalachee Hill is a multi-component site that includes pre-historic through mission era components. Systematic test excavations at the site were first conducted in 1973 by the Florida Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties under the direction of Jerry Butterfield and Calvin Jones. Katharine Bierce-Gedris (1981) revisited the site in 1977 in order to continue excavations. The 1977 field season consisted of the excavation of 108 test pits and six excavation units totaling 28 square meters.

Bierce-Gedris's study of the site focused primarily on "what was believed to be the single-component, non-mission, historic-period aboriginal area within the site" (1981: 6). The data resulting from excavations at Apalachee Hill will provide a sample representing a mission era Apalachee settlement that was not part of an actual mission. Comparisons






83


of the material culture of this site and Apalachee mission sites will also allow for a better understanding of how Apalachee identity was expressed both on and off of the missions. All data on the Apalachee Hill site reported in this study were gathered from BierceGedris (1981).

San Luis

The San Luis site (8LE4) was the location of the San Luis de Talimali mission. The site is located on the west side of present-day Tallahassee, Florida. "San Luis de Talimali...was the administrative, religious, and military capital of Spanish missions among the Apalachee." (Shapiro 1987: iii) San Luis served as a mission from 1656 until its destruction at the hands of the British and their Creek allies in 1704. After the destruction of the site, the surviving Apalachee fled west to Pensacola and east to St. Augustine. The site was chosen to be included in this study as it represents one of the most intensively studied Apalachee mission settlements (Hann and McEwan 1998; McEwan 1991 and 1992; Shapiro 1987).

The data presented in Chapter 4 was gathered from McEwan's (1992) research on what was believed to be the Apalachee village area of the site. Archaeological testing conducted in 1984, including an auger survey, soil resistivity testing, and a magnetometer survey, identified what was believed to be the location of the Apalachee village portion of the site. Excavations of this area were conducted from 1991 to 1992 under the direction of Dr. Bonnie McEwan (1992), during which time a total of 484 square meters were excavated in the Apalachee village area. Archaeological materials from this portion of the site will give the best reflection of the lives and behaviors of the Apalachee on the mission, and thus offer the best source of data for material expressions of Apalachee identity at the San Luis mission site.






84

The Guale Region



Santa Elen
Savannah


Santa Catalina
de Guale





Amelia Island
San Juan del Puerto

i Wright's Landing
o St. Augustine

Figure 3-2. Guale Region Sites (from Weisman 1992: 2) Santa Catalina de Guale

The site of Santa Catalina de Guale (9LI274) was the principal mission to the Guale during the late 16th century through most of the 17th century. The site itself is located on St. Catherine's Island off the coast of Georgia between the Altamaha and Savannah Rivers, and directly borders Wamassee Creek. It is believed that the island was not a major Guale occupation area until shortly before the establishment of the mission (Thomas 1987). The Spanish abandonment of Santa Elena in 1584 shifted the attention of the Spanish south to St. Catherine's Island, and by 1587 the island was "the principal northern Spanish outpost on the Atlantic coast" (Thomas 1987: 56). Santa Catalina de Guale was one of the longest lived missions that served the Guale Indians, being established in 1587 and lasting through the 1597 Guale revolt well into the 17th century. Increased pressure and raids by the British and their Indian allies finally resulted in the






85


abandonment of the mission in 1684. At this time the surviving Guale began to move south towards the protection of St. Augustine, stopping first at Sapelo Island before moving south to the mouth of the St. Mary's River and finally to St. Augustine. The site was included in this study as it is one of the only Guale mission sites that have been excavated that does not have an earlier, non-Guale mission occupation component on it.

Archaeological investigation of Santa Catalina de Guale began in 1974 under the direction of Dr. David Hurst Thomas of the American Museum of Natural History. Initial work on St. Catherines Island consisted of a transect and remote sensing survey of the island in an effort to identify the location of the mission. Upon isolating the mission location, Thomas conducted an auger survey and excavations. A total of 610 auger holes was placed within the identified mission site. While the site has been extensively excavated and studied, there has been little raw data published to date. The information used in this study was gathered from Thomas's (1987) report on the initial survey and auger testing of the site.

Harrison Homestead Site

The Harrison Homestead Site (8NA4) is located on Amelia Island, situated off the extreme northeast coast of Florida. The site is the location of the Santa Maria mission to the Yamasee as well as the relocated Santa Catalina mission that served the Guale. According to Hemmings and Deagan (1973), the mission occupation of the site occurred from 1675-1702. The Santa Maria mission was the first to be established at this location and served the Yamasee Indians who fled South Carolina and the British. It appears that the Yamasee were the sole Indian occupants of the site for a relatively brief period as the mission of Santa Catalina was relocated to the same site in the mid to late 1680's. After this date the mission served the Guale Indians, although it is possible that some of the






86

Yamasee remained at the site. The site was included in this study as a material assemblage that reflects both Yamasee and Guale Indians during the 17th century mission period.

Data used in this study are drawn from excavations at the site conducted by

Thomas Hemmings and Kathleen Deagan in 1971 (Hemmings and Deagan 1973) Five excavation units totaling 300 square feet and two test trenches, one 88 feet in length and the other 100 feet, were excavated during this field season. Within the present study the site will be referred to as either the Harrison Homestead Site or as the mission Santa Maria/Santa Catalina. The latter nomenclature was designed as to avoid confusion with the original mission of Santa Catalina de Guale and to place the two missions at the site in proper temporal order.

San Juan del Puerto

San Juan del Puerto (8DU53) is the site of a mission of the same name that was

established in 1587 and lasted until its abandonment in 1702 as a result of British attacks on Spanish La Florida. Mission San Juan del Puerto initially served the coastal Timucua Indians, but it-appears that the Guale occupied the mission for much of the second half of the 17th century. Upon the abandonment of the site in 1702, the surviving Indians retreated southward to the safer haven of St. Augustine.

Test excavations at the site were first carried out under the direction of John W.

Griffin in 1955. Six 5'x5' test squares were excavated during this field season. Griffin's work was subsequently followed up in 1961 by William Jones and a group of amateur archaeologists, with some assistance by Dr. Griffin. The 1961 field season utilized the same grid system established in 1955 and again excavated 5'x5' units. Approximately 875 square meters were excavated during the 1961 field season. A surface survey of the




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MAINTENANCE AND CHANGE OF 18TH CENTURY
MISSION INDIAN IDENTITY: A MULTI-ETHNIC CONTACT
SITUATION
By
GIFFORD J. WATERS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2005

Copyright 2005
by
Gifford J. Waters

For my grandfather, Bishop James Duncan. I hope you would have enjoyed this.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to first express my deepest gratitude to my chair, Dr. Kathleen Deagan,
for her support, guidance, and patience. Dr. Deagan has constantly supported my efforts
throughout my graduate career and has always supported me as a student, colleague, and
friend. Her guidance made this a better dissertation and she has also contributed to
making me a better archaeologist, student, and writer. I will forever be indebted to the
years of help she has given me. I would also like to thank my other committee members,
Dr. Michael Gannon, Dr. John Moore, and Dr. James Davidson. Their questions,
suggestions, and guidance have been a great contribution throughout this process.
I would also like to thank Dr. Michael Heckenberger for his patience and tolerance
with me as I would frequently engage him in discussions on ethnicity, most often in
social settings such as the Salty Dog. His conversations and advice provided a great deal
of aid and direction while I was struggling with theoretical issues. Dr. Kenneth Sassaman
also deserves thanks for allowing me to discuss this dissertation with him on countless
occasions and offering sound advice throughout. A1 Woods deserves recognition as well
for all the help he gave me while working in the museum with the collections and never
hesitating to help out when he could. Thanks also go of course to all of those who
participated in the excavations in St. Augustine and tolerated me as a field supervisor.
A number of friends also need to be thanked for putting up with me during times of
frustration and listening to my problems and offering help, whether it be forcing me to
take a break or helping with suggestions on how to make my dissertation better. Nick
IV

Mrozinske could always be relied on for support and the occasional “study break,” as
well as to discuss issues of ethnicity. Joe Hefner was always there for me as a friend and
colleague, giving me support and acting as a sounding board when I just needed to talk
things out.
Last but certainly not least I would like to thank my family. My parents, Mary and
Ted, have given me emotional support throughout my graduate career and have offered
just enough encouragement, and occasional nagging, to help me get this done. My sisters
and brothers, Keely, Blythe, Tyson, and Brodie, were always there for me when I needed
to talk and have offered me support and understanding even when they had their own
problems to deal with. Finally, I want to give my most heartfelt thanks to my wife,
Jamie, for being so understanding through this all. Jamie’s willingness to listen to my
problems and offer advice and insight, her patience, tolerance, and all around support in
general are what ultimately made the completion of my dissertation possible, and for that
I will always be grateful.
All of the people mentioned above, and many that I am sure I forgot, contributed in
some manner to making this dissertation what it is today. However, any errors or
omissions that may occur are mine.
v

TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv
LIST OF TABLES ¡x
LIST OF FIGURES xii
ABSTRACT xiii
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION AND THEORY 1
Theoretical Perspective 3
Definitions of Ethnicity 3
Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice and Concept of Habitus 12
2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 17
Policies of Mission Settlement and Population Movement 17
Mission Impacts of Native American Life 22
Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions 24
The Timucua 24
The Guale 33
The Apalachee 38
The Yamasee 43
18th Century St. Augustine 48
3 HISTORICAL APPROACHES AND METHODOLOGICAL
CONSIDERATIONS 56
Potential Outcomes of Multi-Ethnic Consolidation 57
Models of Culture Contact and Culture Change 60
Approaches to ethnicity studies 61
Ceramics and Identity 72
Analytical Framework 76
Mission Indian Ceramic Types 76
vi

Apalachee Ceramics 77
Western Timucua Ceramics 78
Suwannee Valley Culture 78
Alachua Culture 79
Guale Ceramics 79
Eastern Timucua Ceramics 80
Sites and Samples 80
Sites Examined in this Study 82
The Apalachee Region 82
Apalachee Hill 82
San Luis 83
The Guale Region 84
Santa Catalina de Guale 84
Harrison Homestead Site 85
San Juan del Puerto 86
Wright’s Landing Site 87
The Yamasee Region 88
The Western Timucua Region : 88
Baptizing Springs 89
Fig Springs 89
Fox Pond 90
Richardson Site 91
The Eastern Timucua Region 92
18th Century Mission Sites 93
La Punta 93
Pocotalaca 94
4 DATA AND DATA DISCUSSION: ESTABLISHING REGIONAL AND ETHNIC
MATERIAL PROFILES 95
The Apalachee Region 95
Apalachee Hill 95
San Luis 98
Summary: The Apalachee Sites 100
The Guale Region 103
Santa Catalina de Guale 103
Santa Maria/Santa Catalina 107
Wright’s Landing 109
San Juan del Puerto Ill
Summary: The Guale Sites 112
Western Timucua Sites 121
Alachua Cultural Region 122
The Richardson Site 122
Fox Pond 124
Suwannee Valley Cultural Region 126
Baptizing Springs 126
Vll

Fig Springs 128
Summary: Western Timucua Sites 129
Alachua Cultural Region Sites 129
Suwannee Valley Cultural Region Sites 132
Eastern Timucua 135
Nombre de Dios-St. Johns II Period 136
Nombre de Dios-16th Century 137
Nombre de Dios-First Half of the 17th Century 139
Nombre de Dios-Second Half of the 17th Century 141
Summary: Eastern Timucua Sites 142
Yamasee 147
Altamaha Town 147
Summary: The Yamasee Region 149
18th Century Mission Settlements 150
Pocotalaca 150
La Punta 151
Nombre de Dios-18th Century 154
Summary: 18th Century Sites 157
5 INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS 162
Conclusions 167
Future Research 175
APPENDIX: ABORIGINAL CERAMIC CODES AND DESCRIPTIONS 179
LIST OF REFERENCES 183
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 198
vin

LIST OF TABLES
Table page
2-1 1717 Census 53
2-2 1738 Census 54
2-3 1752 Census 54
2-4 1759 Census 54
4-1 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Apalachee Hill 97
4-2 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at San Luis 98
4-3 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at San Luis 99
4-4 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Apalachee Region 101
4-5 Percentage of Aboriginal Ceramic Categories at Apalachee Sites and Region 102
4-6 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Guale 104
4-7 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Guale 105
4-8 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Santa Maria.. 107
4-9 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Santa
Maria 108
4-10 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Wright’s Landing 109
4-11 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Wright’s Landing 110
4-12 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at San Juan del Puerto Ill
4-13 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at San Juan del Puerto 112
4-14 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Guale Sites 114
4-15 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Guale Sites 118
IX

4-16 Percentage of Aboriginal Ceramic Categories at Guale Sites and Region 119
4-17 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site 122
4-18 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site 123
4-19 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Fox Pond 124
4-20 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Fox Pond Site 125
4-21 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs Site 127
4-22 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs Site.. 127
4-23 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Fig Springs Site 128
4-24 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Fig Springs Site 129
4-25 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural
Region 130
4-26 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural Region
Sites 131
4-27 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Alachua Cultural Region Sites 132
4-28 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Suwannee Valley
Cultural Region 133
4-29 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Suwannee Valley Cultural
Region Sites 134
4-30 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Suwannee Valley Cultural Region Sites 135
4-31 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the St. Johns II Period 137
4-32 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the 16th Century 138
4-33 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
16th Century 139
4-34 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
First Half of the 17th Century 139
4-35 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the first half of the 17th century 140
x

4-16 Percentage of Aboriginal Ceramic Categories at Guale Sites and Region 119
4-17 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site 122
4-18 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site 123
4-19 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Fox Pond 124
4-20 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Fox Pond Site 125
4-21 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs Site 127
4-22 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs Site.. 127
4-23 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Fig Springs Site 128
4-24 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Fig Springs Site 129
4-25 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural
Region 130
4-26 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural Region
Sites 131
4-27 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Alachua Cultural Region Sites 132
4-28 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Suwannee Valley
Cultural Region 133
4-29 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Suwannee Valley Cultural
Region Sites 134
4-30 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Suwannee Valley Cultural Region Sites 135
4-31 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the St. Johns II Period 137
4-32 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the 16th Century 138
4-33 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
16th Century 139
4-34 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
First Half of the 17th Century 139
4-35 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the first half of the 17th century 140
x

4-36 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for the
Second Half of the 17th Century 141
4-37 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the sSecond Half of the 17th century 142
4-38 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Eastern Timucua Site of
Nombre de Dios 144
4-39 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Eastern Timucua
Region 144
4-40 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Coastal Timucua Sites and Region 146
4-41 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Altamaha Town. 148
4-42 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Altamaha Town 149
4-43 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Pocotalaca 150
4-44 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Pocotalaca 151
4-45 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the La Punta Site 152
4-46 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of La Punta 153
4-47 Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the 18th Century Site of Nombre
de Dios 154
4-48 Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the 18th century site of
Nombre de Dios 156
4-49 Percentage of Ceramic Categories at 18th Century Mission Settlements 158
xi

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page
2-1 Major Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions 24
2-2 Timucua Dialect Groups 28
3-1 Apalachee Region Sites 82
3-2 Guale Region Sites 84
3-3 Western Timucua Region Sites 88
3-4 18th Century Mission Sites 93
5-1 Main Ceramic Types at 17th Century Sites 165
5-2 Main Ceramic Types at 18th Century Sites 166
Xll

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
MAINTENANCE AND CHANGE OF 18TH CENTURY
MISSION INDIAN IDENTITY:
A MULTI-ETHNIC CONTACT
SITUATION
By
Gifford J. Waters
August, 2005
Chair: Kathleen Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology
The Spanish mission system of La Florida had major impacts on the lives and
cultures of the various Native American groups in the southeastern United States. To
date, many archaeological studies have been conducted to assess such issues as the nature
of acculturation among the Indians in response to Spanish colonization, changes in
Native American subsistence patterns, and the biological impacts of the missions and
forced labor in terms of disease and skeletal stress. While all of these studies have
provided researchers with a great deal of extremely valuable information on the
experiences and roles of the Native Americans of La Florida during the Spanish colonial
period, certain other important issues remain unresolved.
Among the most poorly understood of these issues was the role of multi-ethnic
interaction and exchange among Native American groups brought into contact through
Spanish influenced consolidation. During the mission period Indians from many
Xlll

different tribal groups in the Southeast were forced into new social settings in which they
found themselves living among or very near each other. The impact of new multi-ethnic
or multicultural contact situations into which the various Native American groups were
forced into offers a different kind of approach to the study of Native American culture
change than has been traditionally taken by researchers in the Southeast. Of particular
interest is the question of how these new, multicultural or multi-ethnic contact situations
affected cultural and/or ethnic identity and power relations among the Indians of the
southeastern United States.
This study will examine the nature of change in Native American society provoked
by the aggregation of distinct Native American groups through congregación and
reducción in eighteenth century St. Augustine, using both archaeological and
documentary sources. Particular emphasis will be placed on the degree to which
distinctive cultural expressions among the varied Native American groups living in direct
or close contact with each other were maintained or altered. At the heart of this issue will
be the examination of how these consolidated multi-ethnic contact situations affected
patterned material expressions thought to reflect cultural or ethnic identity among the
Indians of the southeastern United States.
xiv

CHAPTER 1 -
INTRODUCTION AND THEORY
The Spanish mission system of La Florida had major impacts on the lives and
cultures of the various Native American groups in the southeastern United States. While
the primary goal of the missions was to convert the Indians to Christianity, they also
served many other functions, such as providing a labor force, supplying food for the
Spanish settlers, and serving as a buffer between the Spanish territories and those of its
competing rivals (Bolton 1921). It can also be argued that the missions benefited the
Native Americans to some degree through the introduction of new technologies,
providing potential new alliances in the changing political world of colonialism, and
serving as places of refuge from enemies. To date, many archaeological studies have
been conducted to assess such issues as the nature of acculturation among the Indians in
response to Spanish colonization, changes in Native American subsistence patterns, and
the biological impacts of the missions and forced labor in terms of disease and skeletal
stress (see for example Deetz 1963; Hoover 1989; Hutchinson and Larsen 2001; Larsen
1993, 2001; Larsen and Milner 1994; Larsen et al. 2001). While all of these studies have
produced a great deal of extremely valuable information on the experiences and roles of
the Native Americans of La Florida during the Spanish colonial period, certain other
important issues remain unresolved.
Among the most poorly understood of these has been the role of multi-ethnic
interaction and exchange among Native American groups brought into contact through
Spanish-influenced consolidation. During the mission period, and especially during and
1

2
after its collapse, Indians from many different tribal groups in the Southeast, most
notably the Timucua, Guale, Apalachee, and Yamasee, were forced into new social
settings in which they found themselves living among or very near each other (Bushnell
1994; Deagan 1993; Gannon 1965; Hann 1996; Milanich 1999; Saunders 2001; Worth
1998b). The impact of new multi-ethnic or multicultural contact situations into which the
various Native American cultural or ethnic groups were forced offers a different kind of
approach to the study of Native American culture change than has been traditionally
taken by researchers in the Southeast. Of particular interest is the question of how these
new, multicultural or multi-ethnic contact situations affected cultural and/or ethnic
identity and power relations among the Indians of the southeastern United States. By
extension, such a study has present-day relevance in its potential to inform models of
cultural dynamics resulting from externally created multi-ethnic contact situations which
have occurred and still occur worldwide today.
This study will examine the nature of change in Native American society provoked
by the aggregation of distinct Native American groups through congregación and
reducción in eighteenth century St. Augustine, using both archaeological and
documentary sources. Particular emphasis will be placed on the degree to which
distinctive cultural expressions among the varied Native American groups living in direct
or close contact with each other were maintained or altered. At the heart of this issue will
be the examination of how these consolidated multi-ethnic contact situations affected
patterned material expressions thought to reflect cultural or ethnic identity among the
Indians of the southeastern United States. Although a great deal of historical research
provides the context and framework for this study, the issue of Native American culture

3
change must be addressed archaeologically, as there is no direct written testimony from
the Indians. In doing so it is necessary to accept the principle that identity is reflected in
distinct observable patterns of cultural practice as encoded in the material world.
Theoretical Perspective
As discussed above, this study examines the impacts that consolidation and
relocation as a result of the Spanish mission system and its collapse had on the ethnic
identities of Southeastern Native Americans. Anthropological and archaeological
approaches to the study of ethnicity, and identity in general, have evolved over more than
thirty years, and there is still a great deal of disagreement about what ethnicity actually is
and how it can be studied. This section will begin with an examination of how views of
ethnicity have changed over time, and in doing so will define the notion of ethnicity as it
is applied in the present study. This is grounded in Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of practice
and concept of habitus (Bourdieu 1977), as well as its relationship to ethnicity, which
provides the theoretical framework upon which this study is built.
Definitions of Ethnicity
While many anthropologists, archaeologists, and other social scientists have studied
ethnicity, few have offered explicit definitions of what they constitute ethnicity as being.
According to Wsevold Isajiw (1974), those who have defined ethnicity in their work
often use broad, generalistic definitions that are of little use. This has led in turn to a great
deal of debate about the nature and definition of ethnicity, ethnic groups, and what it
means to be “ethnic.” In its most basic level, the debate on the meaning of ethnicity can
be broken down to objectivist and subjectivist perspectives, which derive from scholars’
prioritization of emic and etic perspectives (Jones 1997).

4
Objectivist views of ethnicity “regard ethnic groups as social cultural entities with
distinct boundaries characterized by relative isolation and lack of interaction” (Jones
1997: 57). This entails an etic approach in which the scholar defines ethnicity, and in
turn identifies ethnic groups, based on his or her own perceptions of socio-cultural
differences. Objectivist approaches see ethnic groups as based on objective cultural
practices that are shared by individuals and that exist independently of the perceptions of
those involved. Common traits used in objectivists approaches to define distinct ethnic
groups are unique languages, territories, and social structures.
In contrast, the subjectivist views of ethnicity see ethnic groups as being culturally
or socially created categories, formulated by the groups themselves, that help to inform
social interaction and behavior. The subjectivist view takes an emic approach in which
importance is placed on the self-categorization of the people being studied (Jones 1997).
This approach places importance on the formation and maintenance of shared perceptions
and social organization of the members of the group or groups being studied (Jones
1997). The differences in these two approaches were made clear in Michael Moerman’s
early study (1965) of the Lue people of northern Thailand.
In his analysis of the Lue, Moerman (1965) stated that Lue ethnicity could not be
adequately defined using an objectivist approach. Moerman found that the Lue shared a
wide range of cultural traits with their neighbors, including language, territory, and
certain aspects of social structure. As such, an objectivist view would not define the Lue
as a separate, unique and defined ethnic group. However in terms of social organization
and interaction, identification of being a member of the Lue was found to have great
importance. In the case of the Lue in northern Thailand, Moerman found that factors

5
such as language and home territory were not as important in social relations with other
groups as was the identification of a person, either self-identification or identification by
others, as being Lue. Moerman asserted that it is the socially constructed self-
identification and relationships of sameness and difference from other groups that help to
determine ethnicity, in effect stating that in isolation the Lue do not exist, that they only
exist because of interactions with other ethnic groups (Moerman 1965).
Raoll Narroll (1968) on the other hand does not define the Lue as a separate ethnic
group, but rather “as a part of a broader cultunit, ‘Northern Thai’” (Jones 1997: 58).
Narroll bases this assumption primarily on the fact that the Lue share a common language
with other peoples in northern Thailand. While there may at one time have been a
distinct Lue ethnic identity, at present they do not possess those objectivist
characteristics, namely unique language, territory, and social structure. Viewed in this
light, Narroll (1968) feels that the people called the Lue are no longer a distinct ethnic
group since they share many of the characteristics with other people in the Northern
Thailand cultunit.
The Lue example demonstrates the differences between the objectivist and
subjectivist views on ethnicity. While both approaches have some merit, neither one is
adequate in and of itself to effectively define ethnicity. The objectivist stance offers the
potential of a more empirical approach to the identification and description of ethnic
groups based on measurable, material factors; however it often does not take into account
social or ideological issues. The subjectivist view on the other hand places primacy on
social-ideational factors, such as the self-identification of ethnic groups and interaction
between groups. While these are important factors in the formation of ethnic groups,

6
they are often difficult to measure, especially in archaeological studies in which there are
no living informants.
Research on ethnic groups since the late 1960’s has relied primarily on the
subjectivist view of ethnicity, placing importance on social factors and self-identification.
However, “a dichotomy of positions (primordialist and instrumentalist) has emerged
regarding the formation and maintenance of ethnic groups” (Burley et al. 1992: 5). This
dichotomy, although similar to the objectivist/subjectivist dichotomy, also is dynamic and
concerned with development, and thus useful to archaeology. The primordialist positions
focus on shared cultural traditions and origins as having important and stabilizing roles in
the formation and maintenance of ethnic groups and identities. The shared cultural
traditions provide “the individual with a knowable, regulated and consistent social
environment within a complex and often pluralistic cultural setting” (Burley et al. 1992:
5). The instrumentalist perspective holds that external and competitive forces are
necessary for both the formation and recognition of ethnic groups. In the face of
competition, most often viewed in terms of economic and political competition, ethnic
groups are formed to bring together individuals who hold common interests. The
members of ethnic groups then benefit from the alliance with others in the face of other
competing groups (Burley et al. 1992; Hill 1996).
The primordialist position finds its origins in the work of Edward A. Shils (1957)
examining relational qualities that are inherent in kinship ties. The primordial approach
to ethnicity views bonds between people that arise at birth, such as kinship, culture,
religion, and common history, as being more important than other social ties that are
created during an individual’s life (Jones 1997). According to the primordialist view, it is

7
these attachments that explain the existence and persistence of ethnic groups. Early
primordialist approaches (Geertz 1963; Shils 1957) used the concept of primordialism to
describe the social attachment present in ethnic groups but did not explain how these ties
acted in the formation or maintenance of ethnic groups.
Harold Isaacs (1974) uses this approach to explain how primordial ties influence
the strength and continuity of ethnic identity in people’s lives. Isaacs uses psychological
theories of identity to support his position that primordial ties are acquired by individuals
at birth and through early socialization. These bonds and “attachments have an
overwhelming power because of a universal human, psychological need for a sense of
belongingness and self-esteem” (Jones 1997: 66). It is these primordial bonds and ties
that not only explain the existence of ethnic groups, but the strength of the bonds and the
desire of humans to belong reinforce the bonds and help to perpetuate the existence of
ethnic groups. Isaacs (1974: 15) describes basic group identity, which can be equated
with ethnic identity, as “the identity made up of what a person is bom with or acquires at
birth ... distinct from all other multiple and secondary identities people acquire because .
.. its elements are what make a group.” This view recognizes that individuals can have
more than a single identity, but states that the identity based on primordial ties is what
determines ethnic affiliation. While this view may aid in explaining the strength of
ethnicity and ethnic pride, it does not seem to allow for change in or the creation of new
ethnic identities.
A major critique of the primordialist approach is that it results in a romanticization
of ethnic identity by arguing that identity is based only on primordial attachments such as
culture, language, and territory. While these may be important elements, the

8
primordialist approach does give credit to the psychological aspects of ethnicity (Jones
1997). Few researchers would deny that among all humans there is to some degree a
desire for acceptance and fitting in. Such ties as shared language and culture are
important in giving individuals the psychological sense of fitting in and as such should
not be neglected in studies of ethnicity and the formation, maintenance, and change of
ethnic identities.
Along these same lines is the critique that because primordialist approaches stress
aspects of culture, language, and territory as being of primary importance in ethnic
identity, ethnicity then becomes a static, predetermined thing. This is problematic as
ethnicity has been shown to be fluid and dependant on, though not determined by, social
context, as will be discussed below.
The primoridalist perspective has also been critiqued as essentialist, in that it views
ethnicity as a natural phenomenon that is simply part of human nature. Little thought is
given to the particular social and historical settings that ethnic groups form; rather they
are seen as forming in a social and political vacuum (Jones 1997). Factors such as
culture and language that primordialist approaches give primacy to should not be viewed
as determining agents of ethnicity; rather they should be seen as a baseline for the
construction of ethnicity.
The instrumentalist approach has become far more prevalent in anthropological
studies of ethnicity over the last thirty years. This approach views ethnicity as being a
“dynamic and situational form of group identity embedded in the organization of social
behavior and also in the institutional fabric of society” (Jones 1997: 72). This approach
examines the role that ethnicity, and by extension the formation of ethnic identity, plays

9
in the face of competition for economic and political resources with other groups. It is
argued that without external forces and competition, ethnic groups would not exist, and
that ethnicity is dependant on a relational comparison with some “other.” Ethnicity is
then seen as a result of processes that bring “together individuals holding common
interests who...seek a competitive advantage” (Bentley 1987: 26). The above quotation
underscores not only the key tenet of the instrumentalist approach, that of competition,
but also makes it clear that there must be a common interest in order for an ethnic group
to emerge. The common interest in this sense, discussed below in greater detail, does not
necessarily refer to a common economic or political interest, though these are viewed as
necessary, but rather to a common historical background or social commonality on which
a common ground can be established, a perspective shared with the primordialist
approach.
Fredrik Barth (1969) was a key figure in the development of the instrumentalist
approach that has so pervaded anthropological research on ethnicity to this date. Barth
developed a “programmatic theoretical model” (Jones 1997: 59) to ethnicity which
incorporated the subjective approach described above. Barth’s research, while addressing
the social aspects of ethnicity, was primarily concerned with how ethnic groups were able
to maintain their boundaries. Implicit in this research of boundary maintenance was the
instrumentalist view that ethnic groups were not isolated units, but could only form as a
result of competition of some sort, and as such could only be understood by examining
ethnic groups in their social settings with other groups rather than in isolation. Barth
(1969: 13) defined an ethnic group as an ascriptive and exclusive group:
A categorical ascription is an ethnic ascription when it classifies a person in terms
of his basic, most general identity, presumptively determined by his origin and

10
background. To the extent that actors use ethnic identities to categorize themselves
and others for the purpose of interaction, they form ethnic groups in this
organizational sense.
While this view does hold that origin, cultural history, and background are important
factors in determining ethnicity, it does not place primacy on those factors. Barth (1969)
states that there is not a direct, one-to-one relationship between ethnic groups and
cultures. Instead ethnic identity is based on social organization in certain areas of
thought, behavior, and action. These in turn provide rules and guidelines for accepted
behaviors in certain social situations, and following these rules both signifies membership
in the ethnic group as well as reinforces the rules of the group (Barth 1969).
What is key to remember in Barth’s definition of ethnicity is that while it is clearly
subjectivist and instrumentalist in its approach, it also directs attention to origin and
background. One’s culture and socialization, as discussed in more detail below, also play
a critical role in the creation, maintenance, and change of ethnic identity. There must be
some underlying, uniting bond, whether real or Active, in order for ethnic groups to form
in the face of competition. Barth further states that inter-ethnic contact, which in the
instrumentalist view is a necessity, does not have to result in the loss of cultural or ethnic
differences due to acculturative processes. Ethnicity and the formation of a strong sense
of ethnic pride are often means by which the social systems of a group are maintained
and strengthened, even in the presence of another group (Barth 1969).
A number of critiques have been argued against the instrumentalist approach. First,
many of these critiques are reductionist in nature and define ethnicity only in terms of
observed regularities of behavior in specific situations. This results in ethnicity basically
being “reduced to the mobilization and politicization of culture in the organization of
interest groups” (Jones 1997: 77). This critique posits that instrumentalist approaches

11
reduce the dimensions of ethnicity, those aspects that serve to form and maintain ethnic
groups, to economic and political aspects only which almost serve to function as
deterministic factors. This does not account for shared cultural heritage, language, etc.,
aspects that clearly contribute to ethnic identity. This leads to the second critique, which
is a neglect of the cultural dimensions of ethnicity, a critique that Barth’s (1969)
approach sought to overcome. A person’s or group’s culture is viewed as having a
secondary role, if any role at all, in the formation of ethnic identity. While political and
economic factors, and interaction with other groups do play a role in the formation and
maintenance of identity, one’s cultural heritage and background play an equally
important role (Jones 1997).
A third critique of instrumentalist approaches is the tendency to view human
behavior as rational and directed towards maximizing rewards. While it is true that
humans often do seek to maximize their rewards, individuals within ethnic groups will
not always view this in the same way. Membership in an ethnic group does not mean that
all members will perceive things the same way. Individuals view the world based on
past, personal experiences and socialization. This results in individuals not only
perceiving their interests differently, but also in perceiving their identities differently
depending on the social situation (Jones 1997).
Clearly there are both strengths and weaknesses in both primordialist and
instrumentalist approaches to the study of ethnicity and identity. This study attempts to
build on the strengths of both approaches, and attempts to reconcile them by adopting
Bourdieu’s theory of practice and concept of habitus as a theoretical framework. This
approach incorporates both cognitive and material aspects of culture to construct an

12
archaeologically workable concept of ethnicity and to examine maintenance and change
in ethnic groups and boundaries of the multi-ethnic Native American communities of
18th century St. Augustine.
Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice and Concept of Habitus
Bourdieu’s theory of practice, which is discussed below, overcomes the dichotomy
between objectivist and subjectivist, and primordialist and instrumentalist approaches to
the study of ethnicity through the development and use of the concept of habitus (Jones
1997). Bourdieu (1977:72) asserted that
The structures constitutive of a particular type of environment.. .produce habitus,
systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to
function as structuring structures, that is, as principles of the generation and
structuring of practices and representations which can be objectively “regulated”
and “regular” without any way of being the product of obedience to rules.
Habitus, therefore, is comprised of “durable dispositions towards certain
perceptions and practices.. .which become part of an individual’s sense of self at an early
age, and which can be transposed from one context to another” (Jones 1997: 88). Habitus
thus provides a subconscious structural reference gained through socialization on which
new experiences can be understood.
According to David Burley et al. (1992: 6), “a theory of practice argues for
[an]... integration of cultural characteristics, norms, and ‘dispositions’ produced by
‘objective conditions of existence,’ the basic tasks and interactions that must be
accomplished on a day-to-day basis.” These characteristics become both habitual and
distinct and are ultimately reproduced in social action and material representation. The
dispositions are imposed on younger generations through socialization which enculturates
them with the same views as their ancestors, all of which are based on underlying
structures within the society.

13
It is the totality of such dispositions that Bourdieu (1977: 72) refers to as the
habitus. The habitus resides in the subconscious and “is intermediate between underlying
structure and external practice” (Hodder 1986: 71). The habitus, which is situated in the
common history of a group, serves as a “subliminal conceptual order that produces
regular practices and representations without constant reference to overt rules of
conscious rationalizations” (Burley et al. 1992: 6). The habitus provides a subconscious
framework upon which individuals are able to understand, interpret, and act in their
social world. According to Ian Hodder (1986: 72):
The central position of the processes of enculturation in Bourdieu’s theory is of
importance for archaeology because it links social practices with “culture history”
of society. As the habitus is passed down through time it plays an active role in
social actions and is transformed by those actions.
An individual’s behavior, actions, and beliefs are directed by, though not determined by,
the shared habitus of their ethnic group; the actions, behaviors, and beliefs of individuals
and groups, while guided by the habitus, also serve to reinforce the habitus.
Using Bourdieu’s theory of practice and concept of habitus allows researchers to
examine ethnicity and changes in ethnicity more effectively than other approaches. G.
Carter Bentley (1987: 32) argues that “according to the practice theory of ethnicity,
sensations of ethnic affinity are founded on common life experiences that generate
similar habitual dispositions.” This demonstrates that ethnic affiliations, while being
situated and formed in various areas of social interaction, are informed by the habitus.
Ethnicity is not a mere reflection of similarities or differences in people’s social
structures and cultural practices, nor is it exclusively the product of social interaction.
“Rather, drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of practice, it can be argued that the
intersubjective construction of ethnic identity is grounded in the shared subliminal

14
dispositions of the habitus which shape, and are shaped by, objective commonalities of
practice” (Jones 1997: 90). The ties between ethnicity and the habitus aid in explaining
the strong emotional affiliations people often have to their ethnic identities and continuity
in ethnicity.
Bentley (1987: 35) also argues that ethnicity is multifaceted and will be used and
expressed differently depending on the social context when he states that an individual
can “possess several different situationally relevant...identities.” This view is taken in
part from the instrumentalist approach in which ethnicity and ethnic boundaries are only
formed in the face of competition with another group. However, as Jones (1997) points
out, political and economic interests can also affect both the expression of and perception
of ethnic identities by individuals and among ethnic groups as a whole. Ethnic identities
are both reproduced and transformed within different contexts as both individuals and
groups act as active agents in the pursuit of particular interests. “Nevertheless, the
manipulation of ethnic categories does not.. .take place in a vacuum whereby individual
agents maximize their interests. Rather, such processes are structured by the principles of
habitus which engender perception of the possible and the impossible” (Jones 1997: 91).
Concrete examples of the fluid nature of identity during the 17th and 18th century
Spanish colonial period in Mexico are provided by Richard Boyer (1997). Boyer cites
numerous documented examples in which individuals actively manipulated their own
identities and positions, or those of others, within society. Sebastian de Loaysa, for
example, is described in official documents “as a mulatto bianco, very ladino” (Boyer
1997: 69). The significance of this description is that it places Sebastian de Loaysa in
two distinct categories, one based on phenotype and the other on his place within Spanish

15
colonial society. Boyer also gives examples of individuals actively changing their
identities from both Indian to mestizo as well as from mestizo to Indian. The case of
Matías Cortés “demonstrates that [individuals] could ‘have’ two identities at once”
(Boyer 1997: 71). Cortés was an Indian who became a mestizo, and then later in his life,
“he hastily backtracked and declared himself Indian to escape the jurisdiction of the Holy
Office of the Inquisition” (Boyer 1997: 70). Though he had presented himself as being a
part of and identified with the ladino Spanish colonial society for much of his life, he also
attempted to retain the identity of being Indian when it benefited him. These examples
show that during the Spanish colonial period identity was often negotiated and changed
by individuals and that categories of identity themselves were often fluid, allowing
people to be identified in multiple categories both by themselves and by others, such as in
the case of Sebastian de Loaysa. The view of ethnicity as a fluid concept is central to the
present study, and it is assumed that the 18th century mission Indians of Spanish Florida
actively adjusted their identities depending on the social context within which they were
participating.
Bourdieu’s (1977) theory of practice and concept of habitus offer an effective
perspective to the archaeological study of ethnicity. By overcoming the differences
between objectivist and subjectivist, and primordialist and instrumentalist approaches, it
offers scholars a means of addressing what ethnicity is, how it is created, maintained, and
changed over time, and how it can be examined archaeologically. Acceptance of the core
concept of habitus, which is made up of durable dispositions and practices, allows the
archaeologist to look not just for symbolic markers for specific ethnic groups but rather
patterned behavior and material expressions of identity. An ethnic group’s habitus

16
guides, but does not determine, behavior in patterned, recognizable ways. These
patterned behaviors and their material representation served in the past and serve in the
present as a means for ethnic identification.
By accepting that identity is expressed not only through symbolic markers but also
through patterned behavior and its material correlates, these categories of data in the
archaeological record become a meaningful reflection of habitus, and thus identity. The
operationalization of this is discussed in Chapter 3. The following chapter will present
the historical background of the Spanish mission system and the Native American groups
most impacted by it. This will be followed by a discussion of the methodology used in
this study, which was directly informed by the theoretical perspective discussed above.
The final two chapters will present the data analysis, the interpretations, and conclusions.

I
CHAPTER 2
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
This chapter is intended to provide a historical context for this study, emphasizing
the principal Native American cultural and ethnic groups who were involved in and
affected by the Spanish mission system of La Florida. They include the Timucua, Guale,
Apalachee, and Yamasee Indians. The discussion will provide a generalized historical
account of the Spanish mission system, and its trajectory from the initial efforts of
missionization through the collapse of the missions and the relocation of small, remnant
mission settlements into and around the environs of St. Augustine. The historical origins
and trajectories of these groups, from contact through the 18th century will be discussed,
as well as ethnohistorical aspects of their social structure, subsistence, economy, and
involvement in the Spanish mission system of La Florida. This section, which is not
intended as exhaustive or original research, draws on a rich existing ethnohistorical and
archaeological literature (see for example Bushnell 1994; Deagan 1978,1993; Gannon
1965; Green 1992; Hann 1988, 1989, 1994, 1996; Hann and McEwan 1998; Jones 1978;
Larson 1978; McEwan 1991, 2000; Milanich 1978, 1994,1999, 2000; Saunders 1992,
2000; Thomas 1990; Worth 1992, 1998a, 1998b, 2004a, 2004b).
Policies of Mission Settlement and Population Movement
One of the critical impacts of the mission system on Native American lives in La
Florida, and one that is central to this study, was the relocation, both voluntary and
forceful, of Native Americans during the mission period of La Florida. This practice is
generally known as reducción. The Spaniards practice of reducción was a major piece of
17

18
policy in place before the start of the mission period in La Florida (Moya Pons 1992), but
ultimately one that would have to be changed and modified to suit the new and unique
situations that arose during the colonization and missionization of La Florida. Though
initially utilized for labor purposes, the policy eventually was utilized to relocate Native
Americans for missionization.
The implementation of the reducción policy in the New World first began in the
Caribbean during the late fifteenth century, and was followed by its later implementation
in the mission regions of Central America, California, Sonora, and the Texas coast
(Deagan 1993; Saunders 1998). The policy "involved the concentration of native
populations at sites usually chosen by the priests to facilitate conversion and
acculturation" (Hann 1988:28). Conversion efforts were not the only reason for
concentrating native populations into aggregate settlements, for the Spaniards had secular
interests in mind as well. By grouping the Indians together it was thought that they
would be easier to control, while at the same time it created a larger pool of native
laborers from which the Spanish could rely (Milanich 1994).
Because the major Indian groups affected by the mission system of La Florida were
already living in fairly centralized settlements, there was often not much need for the
Spaniards to make use of the traditional reducción policy during the initial stages of
missionization. The Timucua, Guale, and Apalachee all lived in fairly centralized
settlements of varying size and political status. Although settlements did remain
dispersed to some degree to facilitate horticulture and agriculture, particularly of maize,
they were organized into three somewhat hierarchical types. The largest and most
important Indian villages were those at which the regional chief resided. These villages

19
were the central location where most major religious ceremonies and political decisions
were made. They were comprised of the regional chiefs’ dwelling and those of his or her
close matrilineal relatives. Larger numbers of lesser officials and commoners were
scattered about the settlement with houses being dispersed around agricultural fields
surrounding the settlement (Hann 1988; Jones 1978; Milanich 1996; Worth 2004a and
2004b). Smaller, but centralized, satellite villages were also found among the various
Native American groups in the Southeast, and the smallest settlement types were hamlets
consisting of four to five related households (Hann 1988; Larson 1978; Milanich 1978;
McEwan 2000; Saunders 1998).
In much of La Florida the Spaniards were able to effectively establish missions by
making use of the preexisting social and political structures found among the Native
American societies. Based on previous experiences in attempts at missionization of
Native Americans in the Caribbean, the Franciscan friars found that they could take
advantage of the existing social structures of the Native Americans by first attempting to
convert the chief of a village to Christianity. If they were successful, it would make it
easier to convert the Indians under the chiefs control (Deagan 1985). By first
acknowledging and winning over a region’s or village’s chief, the missionaries gained
access to an already fairly centralized group of people, and as a result there was little
need to try and force people together through reducción (Bushnell 1994; Deagan 1985).
Doctrinas, mission settlements in which a resident friar was present, were typically
established in the larger settlements at which the chief presided, while visitas, at which
there was no resident friar present but had a church and were regularly visited by the
region’s friar, were established in the smaller satellite villages. The practice of working

20
through the pre-existing political structures remained important throughout mission
period when the Spaniards attempted to move non-Christian Indians into doctrinas
located at the villages of the regional chiefs. Before the Spanish could move a new group
onto to a mission, permission had to be granted from the chief of each village (Worth
1998b).
After the mid-seventeenth century, factors such as dwindling population among the
mission Indians and increased pressure and raids from the British and their Indian allies
to the north (Worth 1998b) provoked the Spaniards to institute a sort of modified
reducción policy among the mission Indians. The friars began to request, and were
eventually granted, permission from the Spanish officials in St. Augustine and Spain to
consolidate populations from the villages suffering demographic declines (Worth 1998b).
This relocation and consolidation policy was often implemented by moving populations
from small satellite villages of the same cultural group together, or incorporating the
people of the smaller villages into the doctrinas at the main regional villages. This policy
became known as congregación, the directed resettlement of native populations onto
mission sites usually occupied by the same cultural group and already in existence
(Worth 1998b). This policy was a not a true reducción policy in its strictest definition,
but rather seems to have been the result of a modification of the earlier policy in an effort
to deal with the new and unique situations found among the missions of La Florida.
Although congregación was more frequently used in La Florida, a somewhat more
formal reducción policy in which Indians from dispersed and often culturally different
settlements were relocated and centralized into one settlement, was also occasionally
employed. A prime example of the use of this policy, which consisted of both forced and

21
voluntary relocation, can be seen in the movement of groups such as the Chisca (Worth
1998b). The Spaniards described the Chisca as "warlike and nomadic, wandering freely
through the entire area then compromising Spanish Florida" (Hann 1988: 16), and were
reported to have been raiding and attacking the Christianized Apalachee and Timucua
settlements during the early- to mid-seventeenth century. In September of 1647, acting
co-governors Francisco Menéndez Márquez and Pedro Benedit Horruytiner gave the
Chisca the ultimatum that they were to either settle down with the Christianized Indians
within two months, or be forcefully removed from Spanish Florida. The Chisca chiefs
decided to settle down with the Christianized Timucua, but before doing so the Spanish
had to obtain permission from the Timucua chiefs to allow the resettlement into their
areas (Worth 1998b).
This example reveals that the reducción policy in La Florida was not always forced,
but rather was also at times voluntary. This applied not only to those being moved, but
also to those people whose lands were receiving the new people. The relocation and
incorporation of the Yamasee Indians of South Carolina among the Guale and Mocama
populations during the 1660's and 1670's provides another example of the voluntary
aspect of the reducción policy in La Florida (Worth 1998b). These examples clearly
indicate that not only was the reducción policy utilized to at least some degree among the
mission populations of Spanish Florida, but that it was modified and transformed, such as
in the creation of the congregación policy, to handle the new situations found among the
missions of La Florida.
Because the practice of relocation is central to this study, the following discussion
will examine this within the historical context of the mission system itself and the events

22
that were occurring during the late sixteenth century through the eighteenth century,
however it will first be necessary to discuss the Native American groups most impacted
by the mission system of La Florida.
Mission Impacts of Native American Life
The lives and cultures of the Southeastern Indians were impacted in a number of
ways by the Spanish mission system. The most obvious European influence on Native
American culture in the mission settlements was the introduction of Christianity by the
friars and the extent to which this religious conversion altered native perspectives, belief
systems, and society have been addressed by a number of authors (see for example
Bushnell 1994; Gannon 1965; Hann 1988 and 1996; Weber 1990). The introduction of
Old World diseases also had a major impact on the Indians of the Southeast. Diseases
such as small pox and influenza decimated Native American populations and resulted in
major demographic changes in the afflicted groups. Change was manifest in alterations
to social organization and cultural practices resulting from demographic decline, as well
as in ideological changes in an effort to deal with and understand what was happening as
a result of the new foreign visitors and diseases (for detailed consideration of these issues
see Cook 1998; Dobyns 1983; Ramenofsky 1987; Smith 1984).
The subsistence patterns of the Southeastern Indians were also altered as the friars
introduced new plants and animals to the mission Indians, and tried to instill a more
sedentary and agriculturally based way of life (Larsen et al. 1990). This had often more
negative consequences than those intended by the friars. Bioarchaeological analysis of
skeletal remains from Florida and the Georgia coast has shown that increased reliance on
agriculture resulted in a less healthy diet for the Indians than they had in pre-mission
times when they relied not only on domesticated plants, but also on hunting and gathering

23
of wild resources, and that work-related stress had detrimental effects on the Native
Americans as well (Hoshower 1992; Larsen 1993 and 2001; Larsen and Milner 1994;
Larsen et al. 1990 and 2001).
Traditional labor regimens of the Southeastern Native Americans were also altered
by mission activities as the mission Indians of La Florida served as a labor force for the
Spanish, both on and off the missions. The mission Indians were required to plant extra
crops for the friars and other Spaniards on or near the missions, such as military
personnel stationed at presidios that accompanied some of the missions (Milanich 1994).
Cattle ranches, which were owned by both the missions and Spanish settlers, were
established in the Apalachee and Western Timucua provinces around 1675 and these too
drew upon the missions as a labor pool, enticing Indians to neglect their normal routines
to work on the ranches (Bushnell 1978; Hann 1988).
The missions also provided a labor pool of Indian workers for labor outside of the
missions, most notably in St. Augustine. Under the repartimiento labor system, Indian
men were required to periodically participate in public works for the Spanish Crown,
such as carrying food and other supplies to St. Augustine, and other labor in the capital
itself, such as the building of the Castillo de San Marcos (Waterbury 1983). Not only did
this forced labor affect the lives of the Indians through physical stress (Worth 1998b), but
the periodic long term absence of a significant number of males from villages already
suffering from the effects of demographic decline undoubtedly had impacts on the social
structure of the Indian cultures, as did the manipulation of the draft labor system by the
local chiefs.

24
Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions
Figure 2-1. Major Native American Groups Impacted by the Missions (from Worth
1998b: 154)
The Timucua
One of the first Native American groups in La Florida to be in sustained contact
with the Europeans was the Timucua. The Timucua Indians, whose population at the
time of European contact is estimated to have been 200,000 (Milanich 1996: 60),
occupied the northern third of the Florida peninsula and the southern and south-central
parts of Georgia. The boundaries of the Timucua province were the Atlantic Ocean on
the east and the Aucilla River on the west (Milanich 1978). The Timucua were not
organized as a single political unit under the control of one chief, rather they were
divided into at least thirty-five simple chiefdoms. These each consisted of two to ten

25
villages, each with its own chief, which paid homage to the chief of the main village
(Milanich 2000).
The Timucua were a matrilineal society with a hierarchical arrangement of clans.
Chiefly power was inherited along the female line, and certain clans had more prestige
than others. Officials served in both civil and religious capacities. While chiefs were
primarily men, there are many documented cases in which women served as chiefs (Hann
1996; Milanich 1996, 1999). Aside from the position of hereditary chief, it appears that
there were also war chiefs (Milanich 2000), positions which seem to have been
situational and awarded based on achievements, rather than being ascribed. In times of
war alliances were often created between the various Timucua chiefdoms.
The Timucua tribes were unified through the use of a common language, though
the various groups spoke different dialects. Nine different dialectical groups have been
identified among the Timucua: Agua Dulce, Icafui, Mocama or Salt Water, Oconi,
Potano, Santa Lucía de Acuera, Timucua, Tucururu, and Yufer (Milanich 1996).
Speakers of the Agua Dulce, of Fresh Water, dialect inhabited the lower St. Johns River
north of Lake George and south of what is today Jacksonville and were associated with
the St. Johns archaeological culture at the time of contact. This dialectical group
included the Utina and the allied Coya. The Mocama speakers occupied the coastal
region north of the St. Johns River to the Altamaha River and were associated with a
Savannah-related archaeological culture at the time of contact with the Europeans
(Milanich 1996). Distinct groups within the Mocama dialect include the Saturiwa, who
were located near the mouth of the St. Johns River and the Tacatacuru whose main
village was on Cumberland Island.

26
Present-day Alachua County and northern Marion County were the home of
speakers of the Potano dialect, who at the time of contact were associated with the
Alachua archaeological culture. The main ethnic group among the Potano dialect
speakers is also known as Potano (Milanich 1996). Speakers of the Timucua dialect
inhabited the area from the Santa Fe River north into present-day Columbia, Hamilton,
Suwannee, and eastern Madison counties, and possibly extended north into southern
Georgia. Timucua dialect speakers are related to the Suwannee Valley archaeological
culture in the late pre-Columbian period (Milanich 1996). The main sub-ethnic groups
within the Timucua dialect are the northern Utina and the Yustaga who were located west
of the Suwannee River. Archaeological and historical evidence indicates that the
Timucua dialect speakers, and particularly the northern Utina, were the most populous of
all the Timucua Indians (Milanich 1996).
The simple chiefdoms of the Timucua have been shown to belong to four distinct
archaeologically defined material culture traditions: the Alachua, the St. Johns, the
Suwannee Valley or Fort Walton-Leon-Jefferson, and a Cumberland Island tradition that
likely derived from earlier Deptford and Wilmington-Savannah cultures (Milanich 1978:
61; Milanich 1996). The origins of the groups in the St. Johns River region can be traced
back at least 5000 years in the late-Archaic Mount Taylor culture. Other groups, such as
those in the Suwannee Valley and Alachua areas, have direct ties to earlier cultures
dating back at least 1000 years before the arrival of the Europeans into Florida (Milanich
2000). Historical documents often refer to groups in the Suwannee Valley and Alachua
areas as Utina and Potano respectively, though they are also sometimes lumped together
as Timucua. Though ethnohistorically they are often treated and discussed as one large

27
group, the Western Timucua, archaeologically they appear to be distinct cultures based
on material assemblages. The Western Timucua in the Alachua area are characterized by
Alachua series ceramics. Groups within the Suwannee Valley area are characterized by
two distinct ceramic assemblages. Ceramics of the Indian Pond complex, which had a
date range from circa 700 A.D. to at least the time of contact with Europeans, were sand
or sand and grit tempered and include plain, linear marked, cord marked, fabric marked,
incised, and punctated varieties (Johnson 1991). The ceramic complex of the Suwannee
Valley cultures changed sometime before the start of the mission period in the area. By
the time of the establishment of the missions in the Western Timucua provinces, the
Suwannee Valley area was characterized by Leon-Jefferson ceramics. It is not totally
apparent at this time why the ceramic assemblage changed, however it is likely that the
shift in ceramics was caused by the movement of Timucua speakers from Georgia into
the area (Johnson 1991; Milanich 1996). These ceramic assemblages will be discussed in
the subsequent chapters.
The archaeological data indicating the great time depth of the Timucua is
significant to note.as there has been debate as to the origins of the Timucua. Granberry
(1993) and Greenberg (1987) argue that the Timucua language was related to the
Chibchan-Paezan languages of Central and South America, and believe that the cultural
origins of the Timucua themselves likely resulted from a migration of people from
Venezuela. While there is still debate concerning the linguistic family of the Timucua
language, archaeological research does not support the idea that the Timucua were
descendants of migrants from Venezuela and has clearly shown a deep culture history for

28
the Timucua that stretches back to the Archaic period of Florida among some of the
groups and at least 1,000 years before the arrival of Europeans in the other groups.
Figure 2-2. Timucua Dialect Groups (from Milanich 1999: 62)
Timucua chiefdoms typically consisted of two to ten villages, each headed by a
chief. The chief, or cacique as they were referred to by the Spanish, resided in the main
village. Each of the main villages is believed to have had a large council house in it in
which official business and ceremonies took place. Smaller secondary villages also had
their own chief who paid tribute to the chief of the main village (Milanich 2000). Tribute
typically consisted of material goods, labor, and food stuffs.
Subsistence practices among the Timucua were similar in many respects
throughout their entire territory. The main sources of food were the hunting of such wild
game as deer and turkeys, collecting wild plants, fishing, and the collection of shell fish.
Along the coastal regions, shell fish, particularly oysters, comprised a large part of the
diet. Even in the interior regions the Timucua collected shell fish in fresh water streams

29
and rivers. The horticultural production of maize was also practiced by the Timucua to
some degree throughout the region. However, because the proto-historic Timucua
subsistence economy was based primarily on hunting and gathering rather than
agriculture, the population density never reached that of the farming regions in the
interior Southeast (Milanich 2000).
The earliest mission among the Timucua was the Franciscan mission of Nombre de
Dios, which was established at St. Augustine in 1586 in the Saturiwa Timucua territory.
In 1587 a mission was established on Cumberland Island, which was in the territory of
the Mocama Timucua. Soon after, Spanish missions were established on other barrier
islands in Florida, including Fort George Island, Amelia Island, and St. Simons Island
(Hann 1990).
By 1606 there were four missions among the Potano, and by 1623 the Yustaga
region had eight missions (Milanich 2000). At least one mission was established among
the Acuera, the southernmost group of Timucua in central Florida, by 1630 (Hann 1996;
Worth 1998b). By this time most, if not all, of the various Timucua chiefdoms in Florida
had received missions, however this was also a time of decreasing population largely
through epidemic disease. An epidemic of unknown cause among the Timucua in 1595,
at the start of intensive Franciscan missionization efforts, has been documented, as well
as epidemics from 1613-1617 during the expansion of the missions into the interior
Timucua province, which are reported to have killed half of the Timucua in the mission
villages (Hann 1988; Worth 1998b). By 1655, there were only approximately 2,000-
2,500 Timucua left of the estimated 200,000 at the time of contact, and by the year 1700
only several hundred remained (Milanich 2000: 11).

30
During the seventeenth century increasing British slave raids and harassment by
enemy Indians, coupled with the encroachment of the Guale from the north, probably
resulted in the loss of traditional lands for the mainland Yufera Timucua and the
relocation of the Christianized members of that group onto the missions serving the
Tacatacuru Timucua (Deagan 1978). Disease outbreaks in the second decade of the
century and in 1649-1650 and 1672 also contributed to a decline in Eastern Timucua
populations. Census records indicate that the population of Eastern Timucua declined
from 1,400 at the beginning of the 17th century to less than 800 by 1655 and to a low of
just 210 individuals in 1675 (Deagan 1978: 95).
The Timucua Rebellion of 1656, which actually included both Timucua and
Apalachee Indians, also brought about significant alteration to the Timucua and the
mission system. The uprising occurred as a result of the efforts by Timucua chiefs of
interior Florida to relieve themselves from the ties and demands of the Spanish
government. The chiefs claimed that they were revolting against the unfair labor
practices forced upon them through the repartimiento system. Diego de Rebolledo, St.
Augustine’s governor, however blamed the revolt on the Franciscan’s cruel treatment of
the Indians under their control and quickly sent out soldiers to quell the rebellion, which
they did with much cruelty (Milanich 1999). While the rebellion was relatively short
lived, it resulted in long term organizational changes among the Timucua missions by the
governor of St. Augustine, Diego de Rebolledo. Pre-rebellion mission centers were
abandoned and relocated, and others newly created along the camino real, which had
been established by at least the early 17th century (Worth 1992). The Spanish Crown
ultimately sided with the Indians and friars in their complaints against Governor

31
Rebolledo, and ordered his arrest in 1657. Governor Rebolledo, however, died before he
could be taken into custody (Bushnell 1994; Hann 1996; Milanich 1999; Worth 1992)
The imposition of the mission system created new labor demands for the Timucua..
The Spanish took advantage of the preexisting tribute system in which food and goods
were paid as tribute to the main chief. The Spanish modified this system and required the
Timucua to provide food not only for themselves but also for the Spanish (Hann 1996).
The food served to feed the friars and military personnel in the local areas, and surplus
food was also sold by the friars to gain revenue to pay for the upkeep of the churches and
mission stations. The Timucua were also required to contribute labor, such as
transporting goods to and from St. Augustine, construction of public buildings, and
eventually coquina mining for the Spanish government. Other kinds of labor required of
the Timucua included upkeep and construction of the camino real and raising cattle, pigs,
and chickens for food. Under the repartimiento labor system, some Timucua spent up to
six months at a time on labor projects for the Spanish (Milanich 2000).
The 1670’s saw the beginning of enemy raids on the Timucua missions in the
western provinces. Non-mission Native American groups, backed by the British, carried
out slaving raids on the missions. These increased in the 1680’s and, as noted earlier,
ultimately played a large part in the demise of the mission system. Many of the Timucua
in the interior missions were captured and taken as slaves and a large number fled from
the missions. The resultant depopulation of the missions combined with loss through
disease, forced the Spanish to bring in newly converted Indians and Indians from
neighboring groups to bolster the mission populations.

32
Specific examples of mission Indian relocations among the Timucua have been
documented. By 1675 the total number of mission Indians in the Potano region had
fallen to fewer than 200 (Milanich 1978: 78). As a result of these population declines, in
1689 the Spanish brought in approximately 200 non-Potano Indians, possibly from the
Apalachee or Guale regions, to the missions in that region (Milanich 1978: 78-79). There
are many other examples of Spanish moving Timucua from regions suffering
demographic collapses onto aggregate settlements, such as the relocation of the mission
Timucua at the visita Santa Ana in the Potano region into the doctrina of San Francisco
de Potano (Worth 1998a). Documents also indicate that certain regions of the Timucua
province (such as the interior northern and western Timucua regions which were likely
less affected by European introduced pathogens than those closer to St. Augustine) not
only received Indians from other areas, but on occasion served themselves as a reservoir
for other areas (Hann 1986). Jerald Milanich (2000) for example, reports that as
populations dropped in the seventeenth century, the Yustaga Timucua region also served
as a population reservoir from which Yustaga Indians were moved into the Eastern
Timucua province of Mocama. Based on historical documents, it does not appear that
there was a great deal of movement among the Eastern Timucua mission populations
during the 17th century.
While Spanish-directed relocation policies allowed the Western Timucua missions
to continue during the last quarter of the 17th century, the raids by Col. James Moore in
1702 and 1704 ultimately forced the missionaries and Christianized Timucua to retreat to
the protection of the garrison at St. Augustine, where they set up refugee villages in and
around the city that were served by the Franciscans. A census from 1717 indicates that

33
there were three such refugee villages serving approximately 250 Timucua. By 1725
there were just over 150 Timucua and by 1752 only 29 Timucua are reported as living
under Spanish protection in St. Augustine in a single village (Milanich 2000: 22).
The Guale
At the time of European contact the Guale Indians occupied the barrier islands and
adjacent mainland of what is now Georgia. The southern boundary of Guale territory
was the Altamaha River. The northern boundary of the Guale fluctuated through time.
Before the arrival of Europeans in North American, the Guale extended as far north as
southern South Carolina. This boundary receded however, and by the time the French
and Spanish arrived the Guale territory extended no further north than the Savannah
River (Bushnell 1994). The origins of the Guale, who likely spoke a Muskogean
language (Worth 2004a), can be traced back to at least A.D. 1150 and are believed to be
direct descendants of the Savannah (A.D. 1150-1300) and Irene phase (A.D. 1300-1600)
peoples (Saunders 2000). According to Clark Spencer Larsen et al. (1996), ideology,
production of material goods, mortuary practices, settlement patterns, and social structure
were passed down from the Savannah to the Irene to the Guale people with only minor
modification. Both proto-historic and historic period Guale sites were concentrated on
the barrier islands, adjacent mainland, and within the Savannah and Altamaha River
basins (Worth 2004a).
While the Savannah and Irene phases peoples were organized into complex
chiefdoms, Grant D. Jones (1978) suggests that Guale society was organized as a dual
chiefdom. In this system the various Guale chiefdoms, of which there were as many as
six under the control of a paramount chief (Worth 2004a), were headed by two
contemporaneous and coequal principal towns. These principal towns governed over

34
smaller secondary centers and lesser settlements. Rebecca Saunders (2000) feels that
power more than likely shifted between the towns, inhibiting the Guale from being as
nucleated or hierarchically organized as the chiefdoms of other more interior cultural
groups.
Like the Timucua and most other groups in the Southeast, the Guale were a
matrilineal society. The Guale were organized as a three tiered hierarchical society, with
each chiefdom consisting of two primary villages, secondary villages, and a number of
smaller dispersed settlements or hamlets. The chief of the main village received tribute,
which was then redistributed down the hierarchy. The secondary villages were likely
administered by a brother or nephew of the main chief (Jones 1978). The chiefs
themselves seem to have had actually very little coercive power, and major decisions
were made by a consensus of all of the principal men (Saunders 2000). The majority of
the Guale population did not live in the principal towns, but rather in smaller mound
sites, large villages without mounds, or in temporary special purposes sites that were used
for hunting and gathering activities (Pearson 1977; Larson 1978).
Guale subsistence patterns relied primarily on estuarine fishing, oysters and other
shell fish, hunting, and gathering. Though there is debate as to the level of intensive
agriculture practiced by the coastal and mainland Guale, it is acknowledged that maize,
bean, and squash agriculture was undertaken and supplemented the collection of wild
plants and animals (Saunders 2000; Worth 2004a). It is also interesting to note that
unlike the coastal Timucua sites that are characterized by large sheet middens of oyster
shell, Guale sites tend to be characterized by discrete shell midden piles, suggesting
differing cultural practices and habits in refuse disposal.

35
Mission efforts among the Guale began in 1568, shortly after the founding of St.
Augustine (Milanich 1999), however it wasn’t until after the arrival of the Franciscans
that missions truly impacted the Guale. By 1595 five missions had been established
among the Guale at Asao, the southernmost Guale mission, Talapo, Tupiqui, Tolomato,
and Guale (Worth 1998a: 47). However two years later, in 1597, the Guale revolted
against the Spanish in what is now known as the Guale Rebellion or Juanillo Revolt. The
Guale uprising nearly spelled the end for missionization among the Guale.
The revolt was incited by a Guale leader known as Don Juanillo, who was the heir
to “the Guale capital of Tolomato” (Worth 1998a: 48). Juanillo was admonished for
having more than one wife, a practice that was allowed among the Guale elite, and Father
Corpa, the Franciscan priest at the mission, stripped Juanillo of his right to the chief
position of Guale. During the revolt, Father Corpa was murdered as were a number of
Franciscans at other missions, and one was enslaved for nine months. As a consequence,
the Guale missions were effectively abandoned until after the 1603 visit of Governor
Gonzalo Méndez Canzo to the area.
The outcome of the Guale Revolt nearly resulted in the Spanish Crown abandoning
Florida altogether (Amade 1959), however the Franciscans convinced them to stay, citing
their success among the Timucua at the missions of Nombre de Dios and San Juan del
Puerto. By 1606 the missions had rebounded, due in part to both the Franciscan’s work
and dedication and to increased efforts in 1603 by Governors Gonzalo Méndez Canzo
and Pedro de Ybarra. Bishop Juan de las Cabezas de Altamirano reported that during his
visit to La Florida in 1606 he confirmed more 200 Timucua at Nombre de Dios, 900
Western Timucua, and 1,600 Guale (Gannon 1965: 46-47). Altamirano’s report

36
ultimately had a drastic impact on the mission system of La Florida, as it showed the
Spanish Crown that missionary efforts directed towards the Indians of La Florida could
indeed be successful.
By the early 17th century, Franciscan interest in establishing missions among the
Guale was renewed. The friars felt that the most effective way in which the Guale could
be converted was through the process of reducción. This process involved the relocation
of small villages to the sites of larger ones, or in bringing small villages together to form
a new one (Harm 1988). Life on the missions was much the same for the Guale as it was
for other Native American groups. They were required to provide not only food for
themselves, but also for the friars and other Spanish in the area. This was done through
the sabana system, which consisted of fields that the Guale had to tend to in order to
supply enough food for the friars to survive, as well as surplus food that would be sold in
order to provide repairs and necessities for the church (Bushnell 1994). They were also,
along with the Timucua, required to participate in the repartimiento labor system,
providing transport of goods to St. Augustine and in working on public works projects.
According to Amy Turner Bushnell (1994: 121), this system required that “village
authorities [send] quotas of laborers in rotation to construct public works or perform
other activities for the general welfare” of the colony, in this case the garrison of St.
Augustine.
As with the Timucua, introduced diseases and raids by the British and heathen
Indians on Guale missions had a negative impact on Guale populations. The reducción of
mission settlements was provoked by population declines by the third quarter of the 17th
century resulting in the abandonment and relocation of all of the mainland Guale mission

37
settlements to the barrier islands. By the early 1680’s there were only six primary
mission towns among the Guale (Worth 1995). It is interesting to note that the Guale
appear to have retained their traditional hierarchical social structure throughout this
period. The consolidation of various villages into the same mission settlement often
resulted in there being multiple chiefs residing in a single village (Milanich 1994). The
mainland coastal Guale were not the only people who were brought into the mission
settlements on the barrier islands; other groups, such as the Yamasee were also relocated
there.
During the last twenty years of the 17th century a major erosion of the Guale
mission territory occurred as the settlements began to be relocated further south due to
decreasing populations and pressure from the British. Many of the Guale moved south
with the missions, however some retreated to the mainland where they disassociated
themselves from the Spanish and the missions. In 1684, increasing pressures of the
British caused the Guale missions of Santa Catalina and Satuache to be abandoned and
moved south to Amelia Island in Timucua territory (Saunders 2000). By 1686 the Guale,
who once occupied a large area of the Georgia coast, were reduced to a small area south -----
of the St. Mary's river, and by the mid-eighteenth century found themselves relegated to
the confines of St. Augustine and its nearby surroundings (Thomas 1988). Disease and
English slave raids and attacks eroded Guale populations and forced the Guale missions
southward, but the fatal blow to the Guale missions came in 1702.
In that year Col. James A. Moore of South Carolina attacked St. Augustine, and in
the process forced the Guale to retreat to the safety of the Spanish garrison. Moore’s
raids destroyed all of the coastal missions, but they did not destroy the Guale people.

38
Spanish documents record their presence in St. Augustine as early as 1680 where they
settled into small villages that were served by the Franciscans (Hann 1996). In 1711 a
total of 189 Guale lived in two separate villages in the proximity of St. Augustine.
Fifteen years later, their population was approximately the same but they were now
dispersed among three villages. By the late 1750’s the Guale population had dwindled
and they were living with other groups at the Nombre de Dios mission and at Tolomato.
It is unknown if any individuals who identified themselves as Guale were living in 1763,
but if they were, they left St. Augustine for Cuba as the Spanish relinquished their control
of La Florida to the British.
The Apalachee
The Apalachee were perhaps the most sedentary of all the Native American groups
that the Spanish drew in to the mission system. They inhabited an area in the Florida
panhandle between the Ochlocknee River to the west, the Aucilla River to the east, the
Gulf of Mexico on the south, and north approximately to the present day border of
Florida and Georgia (McEwan 2000). Archaeological research suggests that the
Apalachee were direct lineal descendants of late prehistoric populations that inhabited the
region. Based on this research, the culture history of the area has been divided into three
phases: the Lake Jackson phase which occurred from A.D. 1100-1500, the Velda phase
which occurred from A.D. 1500-1633 and corresponds with the time of early European
exploration and contact with the Apalachee, and the San Luis phase which occurred from
A.D. 1633-1704, representing the mission period among the Apalachee (Scarry 1996:
195-212). The proto-historic Apalachee shared many traits in common with the
Mississippian societies of the interior southeastern United States. They were
characterized as having “intensive maize agriculture, hierarchically structured

39
sociopolitical organization, participation in an extensive exchange network...and a
stratified settlement pattern” (McEwan 2000: 58).
During the Spaniards early entradas into Florida, they found that the Apalachee
were well known among the central Gulf Coast Indians, who considered the Apalachee to
be wealthy and fierce people (Milanich 1995). It is possible that the Indians told the
Spanish of the Apalachee’s wealth in an effort to get the Spanish to move northward
quickly (Mitchem 1990). Hernando de Soto and his men stayed in the Apalachee
province during the winter of 1539-1540 (Ewen 1998). Documents from this entrada
state that the Spanish found widely dispersed villages in the Apalachee region which was
probably ruled by two main chiefs, the peace chief Ivitachuco and the war chief Anhaic
(McEwan 2000). The Apalachee, like most other groups in the southeast, were
matrilineal. However, unlike the Timucua and Guale, there is no evidence that women
ever succeeded to the level of chief or other leadership roles (Hann 1988). Once a chief
died, his power and title was passed down through the female line, that is to his sister’s
son, his nephew.
The sedentary nature of the Apalachee was supported by the extensive agricultural
production of maize, for which the Apalachee arguably had the most fertile soils for
growing. Agricultural pursuits were supplemented by the hunting of wild animals,
fishing, and the collection of wild plants, fruits, and nuts. The main towns of Ivitachuco
and Anhayca were quite large, with more than 200 and 250 houses respectively. These
villages were surrounded by other smaller village settlements, each of which had its own
chief, and dispersed hamlets that were probably occupied by no more than one or two
families. As with other groups in the southeast, the Apalachee also had a system in

40
which the chiefs were paid tribute in the form of goods and foods that were often
redistributed or stored for times of need. The Apalachee, likely as a result of geographic
circumscription and intensive agricultural production, were more densely populated than
any of their neighboring groups in Florida (Hann 1988).
As the missions spread eastward from St. Augustine, the Apalachee began to
increase their contact with the Spanish. This unfortunately resulted in disease outbreaks
among the Apalachee, which weakened the confidence in their chiefs (Hann 1998). As a
consequence, the chiefs sought to strengthen and reinforce their positions of authority by
making ties with the newly arrived Europeans. By as early as 1607 Apalachee leaders
had sent a request to the governor of St. Augustine to send missionaries to their territory
(McEwan 2000). The ties that were created would give both the Spanish and the
Apalachee military allies and the goods the chiefs would receive from the Spanish would
aid in reinforcing their power. The Apalachee region was visited in 1608 by Father
Martin Prieto, who reported that the population in the region was at 36,000 (Hann and
McEwan 1998: 27). Although contact continued between the Apalachee and the Spanish,
it was not until 1633 that the mission process was begun in earnest among the Apalachee.
As in the Timucua and Guale provinces, the Spanish focused their missionary efforts at
the villages of regional chiefs and established visitas in the smaller satellite villages. It is
probable that the first of the missions were located at the principal villages of Ivitachuco
and Anhayca. The Spanish reported that the Apalachee were eager to accept Christianity,
so much so that by the 1670’s the province was described as being thoroughly
Christianized (Hann 1994).

41
The 1640’s were a time of expansion and success among the Apalachee missions.
The number of Franciscan friars in the region grew, and many of the chiefs became
Christians, allowing for the establishment of eight doctrinas, which were mission
settlements in which a resident friar was present. This is not to say that all went well
with the Apalachee on the missions. In 1647 a group of Apalachee, fed up with the
Spanish, incited an uprising. Three of the eight friars in the area as well as the lieutenant
governor and his family were killed, and many of the churches were burned to the
ground. Upon hearing of the revolt, the Spanish government in St. Augustine dispatched
a group of soldiers and a party of 500 Timucua to confront the insurgency. A brutal
battle ensued in which both sides lost lives. The revolt was finally put down when the
acting governor of Florida persuaded the rebels to surrender and he executed twelve of
the leaders (Hann 1988).
The 1647 Apalachee uprising created problems for the Franciscans in a number of
ways. The most obvious of these was the disruption of missionary efforts during the
rebellion. Another result of the Apalachee revolt was increasingly strained relationships
between the Franciscans and the Spanish government, soldiers, and settlers. In 1648 the
friars complained to the King Philip IV of Spain that the military and governmental
officials in St. Augustine were exploiting the mission Indians through the use of the
repartimiento system. The missions carried on nonetheless, and in 1655 they are reported
to have collectively served over 25,000 Indians (Gannon 1965: 57). Following the
uprising, the Apalachee began to participate more intensively in the Spanish labor draft
and tribute system. They worked on construction projects in the Apalachee region and
St. Augustine, they carried massive loads of goods to the capital and back, worked on

42
Spanish farms and cattle ranches, and they supplied food to the friars and other Spanish
in the area (McEwan 2000).
There appear to have been eleven principal, missions, or doctrinas, and twenty-four
satellite missions, visitas, in Apalachee during the 17th century (McEwan 2000). The
provincial camp was at San Luis de Jinayca, which was established in 1656 and renamed
San Luis de Talimali in 1675, and remained the capital or primary focus of Apalachee
mission activity until the abandonment of the missions in 1704 (McEwan 2000: 67).
Seventeenth century movement and relocation of mission Indians in the Apalachee
province was less common than in the Guale and Timucua provinces. The Franciscans’
mission efforts among the Apalachee were facilitated by the fact that the Apalachee were
already living in somewhat centralized and permanent settlements as a result of their
heavy reliance on agriculture (Hann 1988). This enabled the friars to establish doctrinas
and visitas at already existing village sites. During the seventeenth century the
Apalachee province did not experience as much pressure from the English and their
Indian allies as did the Guale and Timucua provinces, nor do the demographic declines
appear to have been quite as severe. As a result, the Spanish did not find it as necessary
to move populations on mission settlements in Apalachee as they did among the Timucua
and Guale.
Population movements did occasionally occur, however, such as the resettlement of
"the chief of San Luis de Jinayca (first referred to as San Luis de Talimali in 1675), along
with a large native population" to be in closer proximity to the Spanish at the head
mission site in Apalachee (McEwan 2000: 67). While this does seem to be an intra¬
mission site relocation to some degree, it does show movement and consolidation of

43
Apalachee populations during the seventeenth century. Because of a number of factors,
reducción and congregación policies were never the major factors among the Apalachee
that they were among the Guale and Timucua. These include the Apalachee settlement
patterns and heavy reliance on agriculture, the lack of consistent and heavy pressure from
the British and their Indian allies to the north, the lack of encroachment from other
mission groups, such as that seen in the Guale mission encroachment into traditional
Timucua territory, and because of the relative isolation from St. Augustine which resulted
in less instances of dramatic population declines as a result of introduced Old World
diseases
Between 1702-1704, the Apalachee missions were under almost constant attack
from the British and their Creek allies. These attacks resulted in many of the Apalachee
being either killed or taken as slaves. The Apalachee population was decimated and
dispersed. Many of those who were not killed or enslaved moved north into Georgia or
west to Mobile, and some of the remaining Apalachee moved east to the protection of St.
Augustine where they numbered approximately 400, accounting for roughly ten percent
of the Native American population (Hann 1988: 286). They settled in a village that was
named San Luis de Thalimali, which indicates their origin from San Luis de Talimali.
Over time the population of Apalachee declined and they dispersed into some of the other
mission settlements around St. Augustine, such as the Timucua settlements of Nombre de
Dios and Our Lady of Sorrows, and among the Yamasee. When the Spanish left St.
Augustine in 1763, only five Apalachee remained (Hann 1988; McEwan 2000).
The Yamasee
The Yamasee can best be described as “a multi-ethnic confederation of Native
Americans that came to line in the lower Coastal Plain of South Carolina from 1684-

44
1715” (Green 1992: ii). Little is known about the social structure, ideology, and religion
of the Yamasee, and ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence has yielded more
information regarding their subsistence. Although it is not certain, it is likely that the
Yamasee spoke a Muskogean language. Historical documents indicate that there were
clear affinities between the Yamasee and Guale languages, the latter of which spoke a
Muskogean language (Worth 2004b). The Yamasee, like most other groups in the
southeast who lived on or near the coast, relied on a combination of hunting, gathering,
and agriculture for subsistence. The Yamasee hunted animals such as deer and turkey,
fished, collected shellfish, and grew com and other crops (Green 1992). Since they
formed out of the fragmentation of other southeastern Native American groups, it is
likely that they retained many of the typical southeastern Indian traits, such as being a
matrilineal society with a hierarchically arranged social organization (Worth 2004b).
The origins of the Yamasee can be traced to the central Georgia chiefdoms
encountered by Hernando de Soto during his entrada into the interior Southeast, such as
the Guale of the Georgia coast, the Salchiches from the coastal plains of Georgia, and
various other groups. It is likely that the early historic period fragmentation of the
interior Altamaha, Ocute, and Ichisi chiefdoms formed the core foundation of the
Yamasee (Worth 2004b). The term Yamasee does not appear in Spanish documents until
1675, and it is likely that the name was derived from Tama or “Tama/see, people of
Tama” (Green 1992: 2). La Tama was the name used by the Spanish to refer to the large
area or province of central Georgia. The term was also used in reference to the people
who lived in the area. During the 16th century, Spanish documents indicate that the
location of La Tama was in the Oconee River Valley where the Oconee and Ocmulgee

45
Rivers join, but during the late 16th or early 17th century power in the Tama region
began to shift from Ocute to Altamaha. After the Guale uprising in 1597, interaction
between the Guale and Salchiches with the groups that would form the core of the
Yamasee increased (Green 1992). Many Yamasee in fact lived with groups such as the
Guale, Creek, and Yamacraw at times, and in turn members of the groups joined the
Yamasee in South Carolina. While it was the Altamaha, Ocute, and Ichisi that formed
the initial core of the Yamasee confederacy, the influx of groups such as the Guale and
Salchiches in the 18th century completed the formation of the multi-ethnic Yamasee
confederacy (Green 1992).
The period between 1665 and 1684 was a time of fragmentation of the La Tama
region (Green 1992). During the second half of the 17th century, either as a result of
attacks by hostile Native Americans or the founding of Charles Town in 1670, the Tama,
who eventually formed part of the core of the Yamasee confederation, migrated south
into the Apalachee region. The Yamasee, as referred to in Spanish documents after 1675,
spread out after their southward migration. Missions for the Yamasee had been
established in both the Apalachee province and along the Georgia coast, which was
traditionally Guale territory, by 1675 (Hann 1988). Not only were there Yamasee in what
was once Guale territory, but Bishop Calderon’s list of 1675 also records four Yamasee
villages on Amelia Island (Wenhold 1936). This area had been occupied by the Timucua
at the time of contact, but by this time they had fled southwards to St. Augustine. By
1680 Yamasee were living among the interior Timucua (Bushnell 1990; Hann 1990), and
as early as 1685 there were Yamasee living with the Lower Creek in southern Georgia.

46
The nature of Yamasee presence in Florida and southern Georgia changed in 1683,
after a disagreement between the Yamasee cacique Altamaha and the governor of St.
Augustine, Governor Don Juan Márquez Cabrera. As a result of declining mission Indian
populations and British hostilities, Governor Cabrera devised a plan to relocate and
consolidate many of the missions in which the Yamasee resided. The Yamasee, after
initially considering the relocation plan, decided that it was not in their best interests as
they felt that the proposed locations for the new villages were unsuitable due to their
small size and low potential for agricultural pursuits (Worth 1995).
This disagreement resulted in a large number of Yamasee moving northward to
South Carolina. Many Guale Indians also moved north with the Yamasee in reaction to
the governor’s plan to relocate their missions. British documents from 1685 discuss the
Yamasee movement out of Spanish Florida into South Carolina and their bringing other
groups with them (Green 1992). In 1691, as a result of what was viewed as cruel and
harsh treatment by Fray Domingo Santos, “who served as pastor at the village of Tama in
Apalachee,” over 350 Yamasee in the Apalachee region fled to South Carolina and joined
with other Yamasee in the area (Hann 1988: 258). It is possible that some Apalachee fled
the region with the Yamasee at this time. In South Carolina the Yamasee divided
themselves into upper and lower towns. The lower towns seem to have been descendants
of the interior Georgia chiefdoms (those groups that formed the initial core of the
Yamasee), and the upper towns were the remnants and emigrants from the Guale,
Yamacraw, Salchiches, and others (Green 1992).
The British were quick to take advantage of the Yamasee presence in South
Carolina by making them trading partners and allies against the Spanish. The first

47
sustained contact the Yamasee had with the Carolinians was with a group of Scots at
Stuart Town (White 2002). The British and Scots began trading guns, ammunition, and
/
other European goods to the Yamasee in exchange for deer skins. As early as 1685, the
British had also begun to entice the Yamasee to conduct slave raids in Spanish Florida.
Throughout the remainder of the 17th century, the Yamasee harassed the Indians under
Spanish protection for years, and at the same time became proficient in the deer skin
trade. However, as with the other Native American groups in the southeast, the 18th
century would bring drastic changes in the lives of the Yamasee (Green 1992).
In 1702 Colonel James A. Moore and a group of British soldiers and a large band
of Indian allies, comprised primarily of Yamasee, attacked Spanish Florida. The
Yamasee helped to ravage the city of St. Augustine, and made off with their own bounty.
Upon returning to South Carolina however, relations with the British began to slowly
erode (Green 1992). It is unclear how many Yamasee accompanied Moore in 1704, and
while some scholars assert that the Yamasee played a significant role, others claim that
the Yamasee played only a minor role or no role at all (Hann 1988; Green 1992). It is
likely that the Yamasee, still having economic ties with the British in South Carolina did
participate in the 1704 attacks, but probably to a lesser degree than they did in 1702. In
South Carolina tensions between the Yamasee and the British were increasing owing to
the encroachment of settlers onto Yamasee land. Trade relations became tense as the
British began to take more and more advantage of the Yamasee and abuses became
against them became more prevalent. War broke out between the Yamasee and the
Carolinians in 1715, either as a result of abuses by the Carolinians, incitement by the
Spanish for the Yamasee to go to war against the British, or a combination of the two.

48
Following the war the majority of the Yamasee fled south to St. Augustine, once
again allying themselves with the Spanish and seeking protection under the sturdy walls
of the Castillo. The Yamasee were declared subjects of Spain and under her protection in
1716, and by 1717 had established the settlements of Nuestra Señora de Cadelaria de la
Tamaja, Pocotalaca, and Pocosapa near the walled city of St. Augustine. Yamasee were
also living with other Indians in other villages (Hann 1989). Even after having retreated
to St. Augustine, the Yamasee continued their attacks on the British and were in return
the subject of numerous attacks. The Yamasee suffered from these attacks, especially the
1728 attack led by Col. Palmer, but they remained in St. Augustine. In 1738 the
Yamasee settlement of Imaculada Concepción de Pocotalaca contained 28 people,
however just over twenty years later, in 1759, the population dropped to 21. The mission
of Nombre de Dios also held a small number of Yamasee into the end of the Spanish hold
on Florida. In 1763, the last of the Yamasee, perhaps 40 families, left St. Augustine for
Cuba (Green 1992: 38).
18th Century St. Augustine
During the eighteenth century, the Anglo-Spanish rivalry that began with the
founding of Jamestown in 1609 and especially with the settlement of Charles Towne in
1670 culminated in dramatic changes in all of La Florida as well. In 1702, Colonel James
Moore led a group of approximately 1,000 men, half of whom were Indians, on an attack
of St. Augustine. While the city survived, the coastal missions were forced to relocate to
St. Augustine, under the protective watch and guns of the Castillo. Two years later
Moore led another group into Apalachee territory, capturing and killing many of the
Indians. Those who survived moved north and allied themselves with the British, or
moved west to Mobile or east to St. Augustine (Boyd et al. 1951; Hann and McEwan

49
1998; McEwan 2000). The Guale and Timucua missions also were deserted and their
populations moved towards St. Augustine (Worth 1998b). By 1708 the Western Timucua
- missions were deserted, with most or all of the remaining Spanish mission Indians living __
in and around the city of St. Augustine (Milanich 1999). The result of this collapse was
the creation of a number of small mission Indian settlements located in and around St.
Augustine (Deagan 1993; Hann 1996; Milanich 2000).
The mission system of La Florida at this time was effectively over. Through the
rest of the 18th century, mission activity was largely restricted to the small, mission
Indian villages in and around the environs of St. Augustine. As populations fluctuated,
due to death and the arrival of other groups such as the Yamasee, villages were moved,
created, and combined (Hann 1996). This resulted in some villages comprised of only a
single tribal or ethnic group of Indians, while others were of mixed tribal origin. The
composition of the mixed villages also changed over time as Indians from other villages
relocated onto the settlements of mixed Indian origins.
Eighteenth century refugee villages were initially established immediately to the
north of the city walls to serve as a barrier to protect St. Augustine from attacks by the
English and their Indian allies (Milanich 1999). The practice of settling refugee Indians
outside of the city walls was carried on throughout the century in an effort to protect the
city from invasion while at the same time giving the Native Americans, whom the
Spanish viewed as new, potential allies, a place to live. As discussed earlier, many of
these new settlements were composed of multiple ethnic or tribal groups. As a result of
this mixture, “marriages between adults of different ethnicities began to occur” (Milanich
1999: 190).

50
The influx of refugee Indians into St. Augustine, particularly after the arrival of the
Yamasee in 1715, created a financial crisis for the Spanish government. Upon pleading
by those in charge in St. Augustine, in 1716 King Philip V nearly tripled the portion of
St. Augustine’s subsidy that was to go to the Indians to 6,000 pesos per year (Covington
1970). However, Amy Turner Bushnell (1994: 195) reports that during the time period
from 1717-1721 the actual “cost of servicing Florida’s Indian alliances averages 9,516
pesos per year.” The Spanish government clearly saw the importance of supplying funds
to maintain and develop alliances with both Christian and non-Christian Indians due to
the continued threat of attacks by the English, Creeks, and other Native American groups.
It is unlikely that the Indians actually received much, if any, of the money directly,
but rather the subsidy was used by the officials in St. Augustine to supply goods to the
Indians. This is indicated in a 1756 report to the King written by Don Pedro Sánches
Griñán. In 1742, Griñán, who may have been “a minor treasury official or prominent
merchant in St. Augustine” (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979: 3), was appointed the
situador. The position of situador was responsible for the overall management and
acquisition of the situado, acting as a collector and purchasing agent of sorts (Bushnell
1994: 54). In his report to the King, Griñán states that the “Christian Indians and the
heathen [Indians] who offer friendship are rewarded annually with...goods which the
natives esteem” (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979: 14).
Throughout the 18th century the refugee villages were under constant threat of
attack by the English and Creek that villagers often to refuge within the colonial city
walls at night (Hann 1989). Griñán reported that many of the Indian men were armed
and accompanied the Spanish cavalry on patrols of the area around St. Augustine

51
(Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). Aside from serving as irregular soldiers, refugee
Indians also worked as agricultural laborers in the fields surrounding St. Augustine and
spent much of their time hunting (Otto and Lewis J975). According to James
Convington (1970), it appears that participation among the refugee Indians in religious
ceremonies declined throughout the 18th century, perhaps due in part to approximately
half of the villagers being non-Christians (Milanich 1999). Convington (1970) bases this
interpretation on historical documents which record not only a decline in Native
American participation in ceremonies, but also the deterioration of many of the mission
churches. Not only were many of the churches in various states of disrepair, but also due
to the hardships and dangers created by the Creek raids that it was “impossible to have
churches in each town” (Covington 1970: 125).
During the 1730’s there was dissention between the parish of St. Augustine and the
Franciscan friars over the state of the refugee villages. Depositions taken in 1737
indicate that the friars “treated their doctrinas like visitas...[and that] the natives stayed
away from Mass on days of obligation” (Bushnell 1994: 205). Not only was it reported
that both the friars and the Indians neglected their duties and obligations, but also that the
physical state of the churches was deteriorating as well. Aside from the church at
Nombre de Dios, all the rest were said to be in such disrepair that “images and vestments
had been removed and services were not held at all in windy, rainy weather” (Bushnell
1994: 205). The Indians devotion to the Catholic Church was clearly waning throughout
the century, and it is likely that the influence of the Church on the Indians living in the
refugee villages was also in decline.

52
While it appears that Native American interaction with the Church declined in the
18th century, interaction with the Spanish in St. Augustine seems to have increased.
Indians lived in the city where they established households as well as in the refugee
villages. They intermarried with the Spanish and were laborers and consumers within the
city walls, both providing goods and services and purchasing goods in shops (Deagan
2002; Parker 1993). During the 17th century the “Indians were not shy when it came to
trading. They actively hawked their wares during festival days,” a practice that likely
increased during the 18th century and became a daily event (Milanich 1996: 149).
Deagan (1993: 94) reports that at the level of the individual there was “a certain amount
of economic opportunity to be had.. .in the capital of St. Augustine. This was particularly
true for women, who could choose to work in Spanish households, sell pottery or other
crafts in the town, or entertain a relationship with a Spanish man.” It is clear that the
Indians in 18th century St. Augustine were actively engaged in both trade and sales of
Native American goods with the Spanish, but there were other ways in which aboriginal
goods made their way into the city.
Many Indian women on the refugee settlements worked as servants in Spanish
households, undoubtedly taking material goods, such as cooking vessels, into the
households with them (Parker 1993). Indians also intermarried with Spanish men,
moving into the city and bringing with them traditional cultural practices (Deagan 1973).
Native Americans also took advantage of the flexible racial categories imposed by the
Spanish and, on occasion, found it possible to strip themselves of their Native identities
and integrate into the Spanish society to some degree. Historian Susan Parker (1999)
offers well documented cases of both intermarriage between Spanish and Indians and

53
cases of Indians moving out of their villages and into the colonial city. Through the trade
and sales of goods, working in Spanish households, and intermarriage with the Spanish
and integration into the city, Native American material goods and practices found their
way into 18th century St. Augustine. The increased opportunities for interaction with the
Spanish in St. Augustine would have also created increase chances for interaction among
the various Native American refugee groups as well.
Census records for the 18th century show both fluctuations in Native American
populations as well as the creation of refugee mission settlements around St. Augustine
and the consolidation of Native American groups onto these settlements. The 1717
census (Table 2-1) lists a total of 942 Indians living in 10 mission villages in and around
St. Augustine (Hann 1996: 308-311; Milanich 1999: 190; Worth 1998b: 150).
Table 2-1. 1717 Census
Village
Group
Population
Our Lady of the Rosary of Jabosaya
Apalachee
34
Santa Catharina de Guale
Guale
125
Tolomato
Guale
64
Nombre de Dios
Timucua (and 3 Apalachee)
50
Our Lady of Sorrows
Timucua (and 2 Apalachee)
74
San Buena Bentura de Palica
Timucua (and 1 Yamasee)
132
Nuestra Señora de Cadelaria de la Tamaja
Yamasee
162
Pocosapa
Yamasee and Apalachee
172
Pocotalaca
Yamasee
96
San Joseph de Jororo
Unknown-Timucua or Yamasee
33
Total
942
In just over 10 years, in 1728, the number of Native Americans living in the
refugee villages had dropped to only 436 people (Milanich 1999: 191). The 1728 census
also indicates that the number of villages had been reduced to eight (Hann 1996: 315).
Table 2-2 shows the 1738 census data that indicate that Native American populations had
been reduced to 350 individuals (Hann 1996: 316-317; Milanich 1999: 191). As seen in

54
Table 2-3, by 1752 the number of refugee villages had fallen to just six with a total
population of over 155 individuals (Harm 1996: 322-324; Milanich 1999: 193).
Table 2-2. 1738 Census
Village
Group
Population
La Costa
Costa
6
Tolomato
Guale
64
Nombre de Dios Chiquto
Guale and Yamasee
56
Nombre de Dios/Macharis
Timucua
49
Palica
Timucua
61
San Nicolas
Unknown
11
La Punta
Yamasee
41
Pocotalaca
Yamasee
62
Total
350
It should be noted that the mission village of Nombre de Dios was still in existence when
the 1752 census was undertaken but was left off for unknown reasons.
Table 2-3. 1752 Census
Village
Group
Population
Tolomato
Guale
26
Pocotalaca
Yamasee
33
La Costa
Costa
8
La Punta
Yamasee
59
Palica
Timucua
29
Total
155
The final census of refugee missions was taken in 1759 (Table 2-4). By this time
the only remaining refugee villages were Nombre de Dios and Tolomato (Hann 1996:
323-324; Milanich 1999: 194).
Table 2-4. 1759 Census
Village
Group
Population
Nombre de Dios
Yamasee, Guale, Timucua, Chiluque, Costa, and others
57
Tolomato
Chiluque and Guale
18
Total
95
The population at Nombre de Dios was mixed, with Yamasee making up the majority at
this time. The group identified as Chiluque in the census records is the Mocama

55
Timucua. The Chiluque that joined the Guale at Tolomato were likely moved from their
previous location at Palica (Hann 1996).
As the population of mission Indians dwindled, so to did Spain’s hold on La
Florida. The first Spanish period of Florida and the mission system finally came to an
end in 1763 as a result of a treaty drawn between the Spanish and British at the end of
Queen Anne’s War. The Spanish handed over control of La Florida to the British and
sailed off to Cuba, taking with them the last 89 Florida mission Indians (Milanich 1999).
The new political landscape created in 18th century La Florida resulted in the
Spaniards implementation and enforcement policies of reducción, congregación, and
other forced and voluntary methods of relocation of the Native Americans of La Florida.
This served to ease missionization processes, to pool native laborers together to aid in the
effectiveness of the repartimiento draft labor system, and to protect both the Spanish and
the Indians from the encroachment of British and Indian hostilities and slave raids from
the north. It also created new Native American communities in which Indians from
different cultural groups lived in close contact with each other. This produced what
might be viewed as a sort of “reverse diaspora” condition in which people of disparate
origins were brought together in the same place. In Spanish Florida, this emerged as a
result of the modified reducción and congregación policies in which Indians from
different settlements within a cultural group, as well as Indians from separate and distinct
cultural groups, were brought together into a single area around St. Augustine, often in
mixed-group settlements. These movements and the process of a “reverse diaspora” offer
researchers a new and unique approach to the study of Native American culture change
during the late mission period in La Florida.

56
CHAPTER 3
HISTORICAL APPROACHES AND METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
The goal of this study is to assess the nature of change in Native American society
provoked by the aggregation of distinct Native American groups through congregación
and reducción in eighteenth century St. Augustine. As discussed in Chapter 1, Pierre
Bourdieu’s theory of practice and concept of habitus form the theoretical foundations
upon which this study is based, and which provides a framework for assessing material
change in identity. Following Sian Jones (1997), it is my belief that the most fruitful
categories of data for these questions will be found in domestic settings, such as use of
space, material production at the domestic level, and subsistence patterns, which are
informed and influenced by the habitus.
This chapter will develop the methodological basis for exploring the problem
archaeologically. Potential outcomes of the consolidation of mission Indians in
eighteenth century St. Augustine in regards to maintenance and change of identity will
first be presented. This will be followed by a discussion of the models of culture contact
and change and approaches to the study of ethnicity. A justification of the use of
ceramics as markers for identity and a discussion of the analytical framework used in the
present study will then follow. The final sections of this chapter will discuss the main
ceramic types encountered during the research and the sites from which the data utilized
has been gathered.

57
Potential Outcomes of Multi-Ethnic Consolidation
There are several potential pathways for the dynamics of cultural identity in the
contexts of multi-ethnic consolidation of Indians in the Spanish missions of La Florida.
These suggested outcomes are based on archaeological models of ethnic identity
formation, maintenance, and change that are discussed in the subsequent section. One
potential outcome of multi-ethnic consolidation in terms of identity dynamics is a
maintenance or retention of cultural or ethnic identity, reflected in the retention of
traditional material goods and behaviors as reflected in the archaeological record.
Another potential outcome is that one group may have become dominant over the others,
provoking a loss of heterogeneous expression and the predominance of a single material
practice. It is also possible that a newly created syncretic expression of “Refugee
Mission Indian” identity could have emerged, reflected in new patterns of material goods
representing traits from all groups involved. Another possibility is that a combination of
the above outcomes occurred. In all such potential scenarios, however, it is assumed that
identity and its material expressions were actively used and negotiated by the Native
Americans for gains in economic and social power. These potential outcomes of multi¬
ethnic consolidation are based on both documented historical circumstances of the period
under study and in models of culture change considered in the following discussion.
The first suggested potential outcome that distinct Native American cultural groups
might have maintained their original tribal or group identities, suggests a maintenance of
material heterogeneity in 18th century mission communities. Although contact is
sustained between two or more ethnic groups in these situations; cultural, ethnic, and or
social affiliation is maintained by the groups in question to a recognizable extent. This
does not imply that there is no exchange among the groups in contact, but rather that any

58
changes that do occur are the result of negotiation within each group and that adopted
traits are incorporated into already existing meaningful categories of the adopting
cultures. In this context, which Edward Spicer (1961) refers to as incorporation, the
meaning of the structures or categories themselves are not altered or changed in any
significant manner.
The second potential outcome suggested for mission Indian consolidation and
cohabitation in eighteenth century St. Augustine is that one of the groups in contact could
become dominant and subsume distinct cultural expression of those groups with whom
they coexist. This scenario might be identified by examining sites that were occupied
over a long period of time and looking for abrupt changes in and near total replacement
of material goods with those from another group. It should be noted however that such a
scenario could also be the result of displacement or the result of a group choosing to
adopt material goods and behaviors of another group by their own accord.
Another possible way to detect this process would be to locate sites that are known
through the historical record to have been occupied by a specific group, and to ascertain
whether the artifact assemblage and material record at those sites correspond with known
material patterns for those groups during the pre- and early mission periods. If, for
example, a site known historically to have been occupied only by Guale Indians during
the mid-eighteenth century showed only evidence of Apalachee or Timucua materials,
technology, use of space, etc., and if this same type of assemblage was found at most or
all other sites dating to the same time period, then one could argue quite strongly for the
influence of one cultural group over the others and the subsequent adoption of that
identity.

59
The creation or ethnogenesis of a new cultural expression is another potential
outcome of multi-ethnic contact situations, an outcome usually arrived at in non-directed
situations. The creation or ethnogenesis of a new cultural identity, for example, one that
might be referred to as a "Refugee Mission Indian" identity, might be expected to affect
the material expression of habitus in ways distinct from either maintenance of distinct
identity or dominance by a single groups. The former would predict a heterogeneous
material expression, comprised of multiple traditions identifiable with known groups;
while the latter would predict homogeneity of material expression reflecting traditions of
a dominant group. An ethnogenetic outcome should instead produce new combinations
or patterns of material goods representing not only traits from all the Native American,
and possibly European, cultures in contact, but newly generated forms.
It is unlikely, however, that any one of these predicted outcomes occurred
exclusively, and may have varied at different scales. It is my hypothesis that the Indians
probably maintained certain aspects their specific tribal or ethnic identities, while at the
same time creating a broader, shared identity in common with other refuge groups. This
hypothesis is based on the assumption that tribal groups may have maintained aspects of
their traditional lifestyles and social structures to differentiate between themselves and
others, while at the same time recognizing a unity among all “Indian” groups. This could
be both to distinguish themselves as a group from the Spanish, and to unite and create a
sense of solidarity in the face of subjugation and decreasing populations. This hypothesis
draws on both the primordialist position which emphasizes strong historical ties and
affinities and the instrumentalist approach which stresses the importance of external
forces in affecting identity creation, maintenance, and change. The creation of a new

60
“Refugee Mission Indian” identity could have served as a means for the Indians to align
themselves with the Spaniards for economic gains or for protection from the British.
Models of Culture Contact and Culture Change
Archaeological approaches to understanding the nature of formation and change in
colonial ethnic identity are grounded in models of culture contact and culture change.
Early models of contact induced change, such as that of Spicer (1961), suggest that
culture contact situations can fall into one of two categories, either directed or non-
directed contact situations, both of which can be seen in the study of the impacts of the
forced and voluntary relocations of Native Americans during the Spanish mission period
of La Florida. As defined by Spicer (1961: 520), a directed contact situation is one which
"involves interaction in specific roles between members of two different societies and
effective control of some type and degree by members of one society over the members
of the other" and that "members of the superordinate society have an interest in changing
behavior of members of the subordinate society in particular ways."
Current researchers still value Spicer's directed and non-directed culture contact
situations, but now place a further importance on viewing all cultures in the contact
situation as active participants in the negotiation of culture change and examine power
inequalities as a replacement of the strict concepts of superordinate and subordinate
cultures (see for example Adams 1989; Cusick 1998; Hoover 1989; Rogers 1990; see
also Ortiz 1947 for an early perspective on the concept and introduction of
"transculturation," and the active rather than passive role of all groups involved in culture
contact situations).
While the directed culture contact situations during the mission period of La
Florida had profound impacts on the lives and cultures of the southeastern Native

61
Americans, it is the non-directed culture contact situation that is of primary concern to
the present study. Non-directed culture contact situations take place when "there is
interaction between members of the different societies... but there is no control of one
society's members by the other" (Spicer 1961: 520). Furthermore, in non-directed contact
situations, "although the innovations may derive directly from one culture, they are
accepted and integrated into another culture in accordance with the cultural interests and
principles of integration which obtain the latter" (Spicer 1961: 521). Specifically,
although one of the cultures may adopt material goods, technology, beliefs, etc. from one
group, they are doing so through mechanisms of adoption and change already present and
structured in their own cultural systems, rather than through forced and directed influence
of the other group.
While directed changes through Spanish influence in religious, economic, and
political institutions over the Native Americans occurred throughout the colonization and
missionization periods of La Florida, this study will focus on the effects of contact and
cohabitation among the various Indian groups relocated into new villages. Although
interaction among Native Americans is the primary focus, Spanish influence in this
process cannot be ignored since it was an ever-present context and specific historical
factor. Indeed, the nature of potentially unequal and preferential interactions among
Spaniards undoubtedly impacted inter-Indian interactions as well, a topic discussed
below.
Approaches to ethnicity studies
Mark Wagner (1998) uses Spicer’s concepts of directed and non-direct change in
his examination of the contact between the Potawatomi Indians and Europeans engaged
in the fur trade during the period of the seventeenth through early-nineteenth century

62
(Wagner 1998). The Potawatomi are an Algonquin group who lived in the Lake Huron
area in the early seventeenth century. Due to outside pressure from the Iroquois, the
Potawatomi migrated westward to the Great Lakes region in southern Wisconsin and
Michigan, northeastern Illinois, and northwestern Indiana. During the second half of the
seventeenth century through the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries the
Potawatomi were involved in the fur trade, first with the French and then with the British.
Unlike the directed contact found in the Spanish-Indian interaction in the mission system
of La Florida, the Indian-European contact resulting from the fur trade in this and other
areas was a form of non-directed culture contact in which the Europeans were not a
superordinate culture attempting to impose a formal agenda of culture change on the
Indians (Wagner 1998).
Although this interaction did provoke some changes among both the Potawatomi
and the French and British, it did not result in the loss or alteration of Potawatomi ethnic
identity. In his study, Wagner (1998) found through both historical and archaeological
research that the Potawatomi were active brokers in the European-Indian contact
situation, negotiating which aspects of European material culture they would accept.
Furthermore, it was found that European materials that were accepted were incorporated
into the pre-existing social structures among the Potawatomi. Not only were the
Potawatomi choosing only materials and goods that fit into their social and cultural
systems, but they were also active in deciding which Europeans they would trade and
associate with. Wagner found that "although certain types of European technological
items were adopted, social and religious aspects of the society continued relatively
unchanged" (Wagner 1998: 444).

63
This was reflected archaeologically in the Potawatomi maintenance and continuity
of traditional forms and stylistic attributes of material culture such as ceramics, tools, and
stone pipes. Wagner also indicates that unlike sites representing directed culture contact
situations, the material culture assemblage found at non-directed situations in which
maintenance of traditional cultural or ethnic identity takes place will have a much lower
frequency or percentage of foreign goods, especially in those "technologies and artifacts
symbolically associated with forced or directed culture change," such as foreign clothing
items (Wagner 1998: 444).
Through active participation and negotiation, the Potawatomi were able to maintain
their ethnic identity throughout their interaction with the Europeans by accepting cultural
influences based on their own preferences and ability to work them into the pre-existing
cultural norms of their society, while rejecting material items and behaviors that were
associated with directed change and forced acculturation (Wagner 1998).
This study suggests that if Native American ethnic identity in 18th century St.
Augustine were maintained in the face of multi-ethnic consolidation, then we would
expect the archaeological record to reveal retention of not only specific types of
aboriginal ceramics, but also in the retention of stylistic attributes. This includes those
aspects of pottery production and use informed by the habitus, that is, production
technology and decoration, as well as in forms and use. The most informative stylistic
attributes will be those that fall under the category of isochrestic style, which is discussed
below.
In an early seminal article, Randall McGuire (1982) pointed out that the field of
historical archaeology has great potential in the study of the creation, maintenance, and

64
interaction of ethnic groups, both cross-culturally and through time. McGuire further
argues that while there have been a number of works that have effectively used the
multiple sources of data available to historical archaeologists to study ethnic groups, the
field has not reached its full potential.
The multiple lines of evidence, both documentary and material, available to
historical archaeologists allow for a unique approach to the study of ethnicity.
Documentary sources often give information regarding ethnic affiliation of people which
can be a great benefit to the study of the past. However historical documents tend to
focus primarily on major or unusual events and important people rather than the
commoners and social relations of everyday life. Furthermore, documentary sources can
be severely biased, often along ethnic lines, making it difficult, though not impossible, to
use these sources uncritically.
Material remains on the other hand tend to reflect the practices, or habitus, of
everyday life, of all groups and classes. But archaeological remains also have potential
biases or limitations. “Because the archaeological record consists only of the material
remains of the past, we cannot directly observe or measure the social variables we wish to
study” (McGuire 1982: 162). While we may not be able to directly observe social
variables and actions of the past, we can use material remains to elicit information about
some aspects of social structures, actions, beliefs, and thoughts that are encoded in
material remains. It is important to note however that the archaeological record itself is
biased. Not all materials are preserved and not all actions or beliefs leave an imprint in
the archaeological record. In terms of the study of ethnicity, certain elements such as
symbols, emblems, and language may not be preserved in the archaeological record.

65
The effective combination of historical documents and the archaeological record
allows historical archaeologists to overcome the inherent biases in both sources of data.
Historical documents can aid in identifying, the presence or absence of ethnic groups in
different places through time. By building on the available historical data, historical
archaeologists can examine material remains to further understand social phenomena
such as the creation, maintenance, and change in ethnic identities.
McGuire (1982: 162) identified three primary ways in which historical
archaeologists have approached the study of ethnicity and ethnic groups: through
assimilation studies, ethnic pride studies, and studies that “attempt to establish [material]
criteria for identifying specific ethnic groups.” While acknowledging that all of these
approaches were important and contributed to our knowledge and understanding of
ethnicity in the past, and by extension in the present, McGuire (1982) felt that they failed
to reach the full potential that historical archaeology has in its study of ethnic groups and
ethnicity. Most scholars have moved past these three approaches, which are somewhat
static in their study of ethnicity to a more dynamic, diffuse, and fluid approach. Since the
publication of McGuire’s article, a fourth approach which examines ethnogenesis and
ethnogenetic processes in the past has become prevalent in historical archaeological
studies.
The initial historical archaeological approach to the examination of ethnic groups
that McGuire identified was that of “ethnic pride” studies. These studies are designed to
examine and bring to light the neglected contributions of ethnic groups in the past. A
primary example of this type of research can be seen in the edited volume by Schuyler
(1980), entitled Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America: Afro-American

66
and Asian American Culture History. As indicated in the title, this volume seeks to
explore the roles and actions of African-Americans and Asian Americans in the past.
Beth Anne Bower and Byron Rushing’s (1980) examination of a 19th-century African^
American meeting house in Boston not only discusses the archaeology of the site itself,
but also seeks to illuminate how the African-Americans who used the meeting house
contributed to Bostonian society. By demonstrating African-American involvement in
the every day life, politics, and economy of the Bostonian social setting, a more complete
understand of the past is gained and the contributions of an often neglected ethnic group
are acknowledged. Roberta Greenwood’s (1980) analysis of the Chinese in California is
another good example of an ethnic pride study. The first goal of Greenwood’s study is to
demonstrate how the documentary evidence that is available regarding the Chinese in
19th-century California is not only biased, being from an American perspective, but also
to point out that it lacks important and salient details regarding the everyday life of this
ethnic groups. The second goal of her study was to use both historical and archaeological
data to show how the Chinese both acculturated to life in America and how they
contributed to the social life and economy of California. These are just two of many
studies conducted in historical archaeology that demonstrate the potential the field has for
not only giving a voice to the voiceless of the past, but also in its ability to understand
ethnic groups of the past.
Archaeological studies, the majority of which to date have largely failed, that
examine material correlates or markers for ethnic groups can be seen as following
primarily into three categories: (1) studies seeking to identify ethnic groups based on
artifacts found in the archaeological record, (2) studies that examine change in the

67
material record as a marker for changes in ethnicity, and (3) studies that examine changes
in socio-behavioral categories as reflected in the archaeological record that might indicate
shifts in ethnic identities. The first of these approaches mentioned has often been
criticized for being circular in nature. Using previous research, archaeologists approach a
site with the understanding that certain types of artifacts or symbols are historically
associated with a specific culture (Burley et al. 1992). When excavating a site that has no
historical documentation, archaeologists are then able to state which ethnic groups were
present at the site based on the artifacts recovered. This approach, while valid, suffers
from being tautological in nature. Archaeologists define the identification of specific
groups based on artifacts and symbols believed to be associated with them, and then the
discovery of these types of material culture is taken to indicate the presence of said
groups. Also known as the “direct ethno-historical approach,” this approach has aided
archaeologists in determining material and symbolic correlates for ethnic groups and in
the identification of ethnic groups, but has not been used effectively to advance our
understanding of the processes of maintenance and change of ethnic boundaries or the
social functions of ethnicity (Jones 1997).
Assimilation studies examine how ethnic boundaries are weakened and ethnic
groups are incorporated into one another. Historical archaeological approaches to
assimilation studies use historical documents to identify the ethnic groups present in an
area in the past, and examine how the material culture associated with ethnic groups has
changed in order to assess the degree of assimilation. While assimilation does not
necessarily constitute a total loss of ethnic identity of any of the groups involved, it does
indicate a change in the expression of some aspects of peoples traditional identities, and

68
incorporation or adoption of aspects of another (McGuire 1982). Examples of these types
of studies and can be seen in the early works of James Deetz (1963) and Kathleen Deagan
(1973). Both of these studies assessed the degree of ethnic and cultural assimilation in
Spanish colonial society, Deetz among mission Indians and Deagan among Spanish
colonists. Deetz (1963) found that at the La Purísima mission Native American
assimilation into Spanish society was primarily the result of interaction of native men
with the Spanish. Deagan’s 1973 study examined “mestizaje, or Spanish-Indian
intermarriage and descent” (Deagan 1983: 99). This study found that processes of
assimilation resulting from Spanish-Native American interaction were different than that
at the La Purísima mission because it was the women who played the primary role of
cultural brokers or negotiators of cultural change in colonial St. Augustine.
It should be noted that the term “assimilation” is somewhat misleading when
describing both of the above studies. Neither case was an example of complete
assimilation of Native American cultures or ethnic groups into Spanish culture. Rather
there was negotiation among all groups involved that resulted in cultural change in each.
The aim was to determine how this changed occurred and to measure the extent of
change in the groups affected.
Archaeological research has also examined changes in the material record over
time as indicators of changes in identity or changes in the presence of ethnic groups over
time. Complete replacement of material culture at a site has often been taken as
indicating a replacement of one group with another, while alterations in part of the
material patterning, such as the replacement of certain categories of artifacts or symbols,
is believed to represent changes in identity through contact with outside groups (Carr and

69
Maslowski 1995). Studies taking this approach begin to address the potential that
historical archaeology has for examining how ethnicity functions and changes over time.
The approaches described above have relied ortthe assumption that “material
symbols of ethnic identity provide the most direct archaeological reflections of boundary
maintenance” (McGuire 1982: 163). Unfortunately, as Martin Wobst (1977) indicates,
such symbols frequently have a long use life and are thus unlikely to comprise a large
part of the archaeological record. Furthermore, many of the material symbols or markers
for ethnic identity are made of perishable materials. Ethnographic research has shown
that clothing is often an important marker for ethnic identity (Burley et al. 1992),
however items made of cloth are rarely preserved in the archaeological record.
Archaeologists have begun to realize that because overt symbols of ethnic identity
comprise only a small part of the archaeological record, owing to their long use life and
often poor preservation qualities, that other material correlates for identity need to be
examined.
Ten years after his seminal article, Randall McGuire (1992: 163) stated that “the
material correlates of ethnically specific behavior are more likely to be represented in the
archaeological record than the material symbols of ethnic identification.” While symbols
of ethnic identification remain important, focus should be directed on patterned material
correlates of ethnic specific behavior. By examining the totality of cultural practice
embodied in the archaeological record and tracking changes in behavior through material
categories that are independent and specifically documented to reflect that behavior
archaeologists are able to study changes in behavior. Such an approach was first
operationalized by Stanley South (1977). A number of studies have examined behavioral

70
patterns as indicators for ethnicity and found that patterns in food remains, ceramics (or
food production), and architecture are often the most salient categories for addressing
ethnic specific behaviors, and asa result changes in ethnic identification over time (Baker
1980; Cusick 1993; Ferguson 1980; Otto 1977). As discussed in Chapter 1, and
expanded upon below, the idea of placing primacy on material indicators of ethnic
specific behavior will be key to this study and its approach to ethnic identification based
on the work of Bourdieu (1977) and the theory of practice for ethnicity.
A more recent approach that anthropologists and historical archaeologists have
taken in the study of ethnicity is the examination of ethnogenesis and ethnogenetic
processes. Ethnogenesis refers to the creation of a new ethnic identity. Classic
definitions of ethnogenesis assume the removal of a group from one place and its set of
adaptations to a new setting. However, ethnogenesis usually occurs as the result of
interaction between multiple ethnic groups, often as the result of migration, displacement,
or relocation in periods of conflict (Hill 1996).
A great deal of research has been conducted on the processes of ethnogenesis and
its reflection in the archaeological record (Anderson 1999; Deagan 1996; Hill 1996;
Sattler 1996; Sturtevant 1971). In these studies the concept of ethnogenesis refers to the
creation of a new and unique ethnic or cultural identity, usually resulting from the
interaction of multiple ethnic groups, and according to some (Hill 1996), in conditions of
violence. It is frequently caused by interaction resulting from displacement or migration.
This can provoke the "genesis of previously unrecognized ethnoi who combine and
transform elements of multiple cultural traditions in forms and meanings" (Deagan 1998:
29, from Moore 1994). Deagan (1998) lists a number of cultural groups whose evolution

71
has been studied as being the result of ethnogenetic processes such as the Seminole
Indians, Miskito Indians, and the Garifuna, as well as the criollo and ladino societies that
arose in the Spanish colonies.
Interaction among multiple ethnic groups does not necessarily lead to ethnogenesis,
however the origins of ethnogenesis are often found in multi-ethnic contact situations.
A number of studies examining both the ethnogenesis of groups such as the Seminole,
Choctaw, Yamasee, and Cheyenne and the ethnogenetic processes behind their formation
have been carried out by anthropologists and archaeologists (Green 1992; Moore 1987;
Sattler 1996; Sturtevant 1971; Worth 2004b). While McGuire (1982) has classified
Deagan’s (1973) study of mestizaje in colonial St. Augustine as primarily an assimilation
study, it can be effectively argued that the long term effects of the assimilation resulted in
the ethnogenesis of a new mestizos identity. Of primary importance of studies examining
ethnogenesis and ethnogenetic processes is the historical approach they take in which
changes in identity over time are examined. In doing so scholars have contributed to our
knowledge of how ethnic identity is maintained and changed over time and have
furthered the field of ethnicity studies by beginning to place importance on the social
roles of ethnic and how identity functions within societies.
Closely associated to ethnogenesis is the concept of creolization. Archaeological
studies of creolization processes began as early as the 1970’s (Deagan. 1974; Deetz 1977),
however during the 1990’s they have seen a rise in popularity, especially among
historical archaeologists (Dawdy 2000). As with the terms ethnic and ethnicity, there are
few agreed upon definitions of what creolization truly means. Various definitions refer to
it “as a form of cultural interaction, culture contact, acculturation, transculturation,

72
ethnogenesis, identity negotiation, the result of intermarriage, or the blending and
transplantation of different traditions in material culture” (Dawdy 2000: 1).
The divergent definitions of creolization make it difficult to assess the nature-of the
process itself. Linguist models of creolization, such as David Burley’s (2000) study of
Métis vernacular architecture, focus on how materials and behaviors adopted by a group
fit into preexisting mental structures or grammars. The resultant outcome of such
mixtures is not viewed as an ethnogenesis of a new identity, but rather a creolization as
materials are adopted by a group in ways consistent with their already existing world
view. Other models view creolization as a form of cultural adaptation under colonialism.
Within these studies creolization is more closely aligned with ethnogenesis as the
emergent “creole” identities result from the negotiation and incorporation of ideas and
traits from various groups with the outcome being the formation of a new group identity
(Cusick 2000; Ewen 2000). Creolization studies can also take a more biological
approach which examines racial categories and multi-ethnic contact situations (Loren
2000). Within these studies creolization is seen to occur as a result of population, racial,
or ethnic admixture. While this is biological in nature, it should also be noted that
linguistically a creole language does not exist until children are bom into speaking it as
their primary language.
Ceramics and Identity
Ceramics and ceramic technology will serve in this study as the primary material
reflection of Native American cultural or ethnic identity, both by necessity and by design.
Ceramics are abundant and well preserved in the archaeological record and have been
consistently correlated as reflecting domestic practice and encoding symbolic elements.
It is this close association between ceramic production and domestic practice that ties

73
pottery and pottery traditions to the habitus. For this reason, the primary analytical focus
will be on those areas at sites that have been identified as Indian activity areas rather than
areas such as the churches, conventos, etc. that may have a much stronger degree of
Spanish influence. This data will establish a baseline for identity maintenance practices
among the mission Indians in their dealings with each other.
Ceramics have been, and continue to be, an extremely important category of
material culture utilized by archaeologists to ascertain issues of not only ethnic identity,
but also changes in identity over time. Indeed, "comparison at the type or style level of
classification is expected to reveal answers to questions about nationalistic or ethnic
origin ... [and]... culture contact" (South 1977: 93). Although ceramics and ceramic
technology will be the primary category of material remains utilized in this study, it is
important to point out "that any area of the material world may support the expression of
collective or individual identities ..., and that the appropriation of material culture in the
realization of social strategies is not necessarily a conscious process" (Gosselain 2000:
189). Thus, according to Oliver Gosselain, any aspect of the cultural world, including
ceramic types, has the potential to contain information regarding both conscious and
subconscious social identity. In his examination of pottery types and technology as social
or ethnic markers in Cameroon, Gosselain (2000: 189) identified five categories of
ceramic technology that can be examined: clay processing, vessel form/formation,
decorative motifs and tools, firing methods/traditions, and post firing treatment. All of
these factors will be considered in this study, but particular emphasis will be placed on
paste type and decoration/style as these are the main attributes that have been utilized to
distinguish the ceramic types and traditions found among the southeastern Native

74
Americans before and during the Spanish mission period (Goggin 1952; Goggin 1953;
Milanich and Fairbanks 1980; Saunders 2000).
Archaeologists have long used.ceramics and ceramic technology and production
techniques as material markers for identity. In her seminal volume on ceramic analysis,
Prudence Rice (1987: 464) defends this action by identifying the close relations between
utilitarian or craft production and its social milieu, citing the “forces of costumbre,”
which can be equated with tradition, custom, or habitus, that direct pottery production.
Roman Roth (2003: 42) further strengthens the relationship between ceramics and ethnic
identity by stating that the “production of pottery is itself a routine.. .which consciously,
or more often, sub-consciously [reflects] a development in the social relations of the
society producing.. .the pottery” and that the style of the finished vessel is a product of
“the socially conditioned habitus of the potter.” Both Rice and Roth utilize Bourdieu’s
(1977) concept of the habitus, which both informs and is in turn informed by people’s
identity, to link the practices of ceramic production to identity.
Accepting that the production of ceramics, and by extension the final products
themselves, is conditioned by the habitus, in which ethnic identity is both grounded and
shaped (Jones 1997), it is then necessary to determine where ethnically significant style
resides. According to James Sackett (1986), style and ethnic signaling can be both active
and passive. Active signaling of ethnic identity in ceramic production is most often seen
in decorative techniques that are highly symbolic and meant to actively convey a message
to others. During times of stress however, such as those encountered by the Indians
affected by the Spanish mission system, such stylistic attributes are often lost or

75
simplified even though the ethnic identity of the producers may not have changed (Rice
1987).
It is therefore most important that archaeologists look at those stylistic attributes
that are passive signifiers of ethnic identity. Following Sackett’s (1986: 268) concept of
isochrestism, “style exists wherever artisans belonging to a given ethnic group make
specific and consistent choices among isochrestic options open to them.” These
isochrestic choices, such as in paste tempering, vessel form, firing techniques, and vessel
usage, are informed by the habitus, and thus the consistent choices of such attributes by
potters reflects identity. Sackett (1986: 270) furthers this point by stating that:
Material culture inevitably carries a heavy load of ethnic symbolism because it is
produced in ethnically bounded contexts. Simply by doing things “the way they
should be done” according to the accepted patterns and standards of their group
artisans automatically leave an ethnic stamp of their products.
Viewed in this light, ceramics can appropriately be viewed as markers of ethnic identity.
The practices of ceramic production and technology are informed by the habitus within
which ethnic identity is also grounded. Both active and passive forms of style can be
seen as conveying messages, both consciously and subconsciously, regarding the ethnic
identity of the potter. While active forms of style such as decoration and symbolic
elements are attributes most likely to change or disappear in times of stress (Rice 1987),
Sackett’s (1986: 274) concept of isochrestism allows archaeologists to examine more
techno-functional stylistic aspects as markers of ethnicity as his concept holds “the view
that style more often than not entails ethnically significant variation unconsciously
invested into banal functional items by passive artisans.”

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Analytical Framework
In order to trace and understand the impacts of the Spanish congregación and other
relocation policies on the Indian groups in 18th century Florida, a consideration of
chronological and regional differences is necessary. This discussion will examine the
archaeological correlates of Native American ethnic groups and settlements from three
periods: 1) from before the establishment of missions; 2) during the early and middle
mission periods; and finally 3) from the late mission period in and around St. Augustine.
This will be done to allow for comparison of material categories relating to cultural or
ethnic identity over time in order to detect patterns of change or continuity.
Ceramic assemblages from early and middle mission period settlements in each of
the identifiably distinct areas of Native American cultural groups provide a basis for
characterizing the material reflection of habitus (identity) specific to those groups. These
same categories of data will then be compared to the consolidated, eighteenth century
mission settlements in and around St. Augustine. As discussed previously, detailed
historical data on these missions permits identification of settlements known to have been
occupied by specific cultural groups, as well as by mixed and pluralistic cultural groups
in mission settlements both before and after congregación.
By defining a baseline of how specific Native American identities were materially
represented before the consolidation and mixing of populations from different cultural
groups occurred, I will then be able to document the configuration of these
representations found after the major relocation period.
Mission Indian Ceramic Types
Ceramic assemblages associated with the Native people of La Florida have been
extensively studied, and much work had been done to associate ceramic varieties with

77
specific cultural groups. These provide the primary basis for the analyses and
comparisons on which this study is based, and these ceramic-cultural associations are
discussed below. _
Apalachee Ceramics
Jefferson Plain: All ceramics locally produced in the Apalachee region with grit,
sand, grog, limestone, or a combination tempering (Shapiro et al. 1987).
Lamar-Like Bold Incised: Pottery of this type is grit or coarse sand tempered,
exterior fairly smoothed. Sherds are decorated with five to fifteen broad and deeply
incised lines. Decoration consists of a horizontal band of scrolls or concentric circles
separated by a mestas. This type occurs in the pre- and proto-historic periods in Georgia
and the proto- and historic periods in Florida (Shapiro et al. 1987).
Ocmulgee Fields Incised: Sherds are usually fine sand tempered with finely
polished or burnished surfaces, often black in color. Designs are similar to Lamar-Like
Bold Incised but the incisions are much finer (Shapiro et al. 1987).
Lamar Complicated Stamped: Sherds are tempered with sand, grit, grog, or a
combination with a complicated stamped design. Motifs include parallel lines which
form herring bone or checker board patterns or concentric circles with a central raise dot,
cross, or cross with dots. Over stamping is fairly common. This type occurs from the
late prehistoric period through the mission period. This type subsumes sherds previously
identified as Jefferson Complicated Stamped (Shapiro et al. 1987).
Leon Check Stamped: Coarse paste ceramic, tempered with sand, grit, grog, or a
combination of these. Sherds are stamped with bold checks or diamonds 5-10mm across.
This type occurs in the proto-historic and mission periods (Shapiro et al. 1987).

78
Mission Red Filmed: Pottery has a fine grit or sand temper with well smoothed
surfaces. Red filming or painting often occurs in zones that are outlines by incisions and
may occur on both the interior and exterior of vessels. Almost all vessels are in European
form, making this a type of Colono ware. This is a mission era pottery type (Shapiro et
al. 1987). Mission Red Filmed has also been used as a type name to describe any red
filmed ware of the historic era in other cultural regions.
Leon-Jefferson Wares: Paste characteristics are typical of Leon Check Stamped or
Lamar Complicated stamped, but surface decoration has been either smoothed over
beyond recognition or obliterated. As a result it is impossible to tell if this Apalachee
ware is check or complicated stamped. For this reason sherds matching this description
are placed in a generic Leon-Jefferson ware category (Bierce-Gedris 1981).
Miller Plain: Sherds are tempered with fine sand and grit and exhibit a compact,
black colored paste. Surfaces are well smoothed and appear black to dark grey (Bierce-
Gedris 1981).
Western Timucua Ceramics
Suwannee Valley Culture
As discussed in the previous chapter, the Suwannee Valley culture area was
characterized by sand or sand and grit tempered ceramics in plain, linear marked, cord
marked, fabric marked, incised, and punctated varieties from circa 700 A.D. until some
time before the establishment of missions in the area (Johnson 1991). The ceramic
assemblage shifted, likely due to the movement of Georgian Timucua into the area, some
time before the establishment of missions in the area. Ceramics of the mission period in
the Suwannee Valley culture area are those of the Leon-Jefferson series discussed above,
most notably Jefferson Plain.

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Alachua Culture
Alachua Plain: Pottery has medium size sand and some grit tempering. The
exterior and interior of vessels are poorly smoothed, with surfaces usually grey to buff in
color, though can be dark brown. Forms are most likely bowls or round bottomed pots
(Milanich 1971).
Alachua Cob Marked: Paste has fine to coarse sand or grit temper with exterior and
interior surfaces usually being poorly smoothed. Exterior of vessels is covered with dried
com cob impressions that appear randomly placed. Simple bowls are the most common
form. This type occurs from the prehistoric period through at least the early mission era
(Scarry 1985).
Lochloosa Punctated: This type has the same paste characteristics and forms are
Alachua plain. Before firing the exterior of vessels are punctuated, usually very crudely
and with no apparent design motif. Some sherds may have so many punctuates that the
surface looks as if it has eroded (Milanich 1971).
Guale Ceramics
San Marcos Series Pottery: This type usually has a coarse grit or sand and grit
tempered body. Exterior or vessels can be either plain, incised, stamped, punctated, or a
combination. Punctations occur along the bottom of folded rims and may be full or half
reed punctates. Stamping motifs primarily consist of a filfot cross, simple stamping,
cross-simple stamping, or line block stamping. Complicated, primarily curvilinear, and
check stamping also occur. Surfaces of vessels range in color from pinkish to reddish,
but may also be grey or brown (Otto and Lewis 1975). This type occurs in both
prehistoric and historic contexts, and subsumes sherds identified as Altamaha Stamped
and Punctated (Saunders 2000).

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Eastern Timucua Ceramics
St. Johns Series Pottery: This type is easily identified by its chalkiness resulting
from tempering with sponge spicules. Surfaces are fairly smoothed and usually grey in
color, though may be buff to tan to orangish. Plain and check stamped varieties are the
most common, with the size of checks ranging from approximately 1-5 or more mm.
Punctated and incised examples are also known, but likely are restricted to prehistoric
contexts. This type occurs from the prehistoric period through the end of the first
Spanish period (Goggin 1952).
San Pedro Wares: This type was originally classified as a distinct type due to the
inclusion of small to medium grog inclusions as tempering agents (Rolland and Ashley
2000). Recent studies have determined that a small percentage of the type is sand
tempered. The type occurs most frequently, and perhaps has its origins, in extreme
northeast Florida in the St. Marys River region. San Pedro ceramics rather abruptly
replace Savannah series pottery in this region, possibly reflecting a movement of new
people into the area. To date few to no examples of San Pedro Colono Ware vessels have
been found (Rolland and Ashley 2000).
Sites and Samples
Fortunately a number of the mission settlements of La Florida have been located,
excavated, recorded, and published, providing a large body of data dating from before
European contact through the end of the mission period and the Spanish departure from
St. Augustine in 1763. Data from sites within St. Augustine have been collected from
excavations in which I served as field supervisor or from an affiliated program and which
I have conducted analysis on the recovered materials. Data from the comparative
samples, which serve as baseline samples for groups outside of St. Augustine, are drawn

81
from published literature. As noted, all samples utilized in this study were drawn from
Native American contexts of the sites under study as it is believed that it is in these areas
that the most useful data regarding material correlates for ethnic identity will be found.
Apalachee region sites that will be examined are the Apalachee Hill site and San
Luis de Talimali (Figure 3-1). Sites from the Guale region that will be examined are
located primarily on the coastal islands and consist of Santa Catalina de Guale, Santa
Catalina de Amelia (which will be referred to as Santa Maria Santa Catalina in this
study), San Juan del Puerto, and Wright’s Landing (Figure 3-2). The Yamasee region is
represented by a single site, referred to as Altamaha Town or Altamaha. Although this is
not a mission site, it is being included as it is one of the few Yamasee villages that has
been excavated and reported on in detail. Sites from the Western Timucua province
include Fig Springs, Baptizing Springs, Fox Pond, and the Richardson site (Figure 3-3).
The Eastern Timucua region is represented by only two sites, Nombre de Dios and the
Fountain of Youth Park, which are part of the same mission occupation (Figure 3-4).
This mission was one of the longest lived of the Florida missions and both prehistoric and
mission period components will be examined. Refugee mission settlements from the
18th century in St. Augustine that will be examined include the Nombre de Dios, La
Punta, and Pocotalca missions (Figure 3-6).

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Sites Examined in this Study
The Apalachee Region
Figure 3-1. Apalachee Region Sites (from Scarry 1993: 361)
Apalachee Hill
The Apalachee Hill site (8LE148) is located approximately six miles east of
present-day Tallahassee, Florida. Apalachee Hill is a multi-component site that includes
pre-historic through mission era components. Systematic test excavations at the site were
first conducted in 1973 by the Florida Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties under the
direction of Jerry Butterfield and Calvin Jones. Katharine Bierce-Gedris (1981) revisited
the site in 1977 in order to continue excavations. The 1977 field season consisted of the
excavation of 108 test pits and six excavation units totaling 28 square meters.
Bierce-Gedris’s study of the site focused primarily on “what was believed to be the
single-component, non-mission, historic-period aboriginal area within the site” (1981: 6).
The data resulting from excavations at Apalachee Hill will provide a sample representing
a mission era Apalachee settlement that was not part of an actual mission. Comparisons

83
of the material culture of this site and Apalachee mission sites will also allow for a better
understanding of how Apalachee identity was expressed both on and off of the missions.
All data on the Apalachee Hill site reported in this study were gathered from Bierce-
Gedris (1981).
San Luis
The San Luis site (8LE4) was the location of the San Luis de Talimali mission.
The site is located on the west side of present-day Tallahassee, Florida. “San Luis de
Talimali...was the administrative, religious, and military capital of Spanish missions
among the Apalachee.” (Shapiro 1987: iii) San Luis served as a mission from 1656 until
its destruction at the hands of the British and their Creek allies in 1704. After the
destruction of the site, the surviving Apalachee fled west to Pensacola and east to St.
Augustine. The site was chosen to be included in this study as it represents one of the
most intensively studied Apalachee mission settlements (Hann and McEwan 1998;
McEwan 1991 and 1992; Shapiro 1987).
The data presented in Chapter 4 was gathered from McEwan’s (1992) research on
what was believed to be the Apalachee village area of the site. Archaeological testing
conducted in 1984, including an auger survey, soil resistivity testing, and a magnetometer
survey, identified what was believed to be the location of the Apalachee village portion
of the site. Excavations of this area were conducted from 1991 to 1992 under the
direction of Dr. Bonnie McEwan (1992), during which time a total of 484 square meters
were excavated in the Apalachee village area. Archaeological materials from this portion
of the site will give the best reflection of the lives and behaviors of the Apalachee on the
mission, and thus offer the best source of data for material expressions of Apalachee
identity at the San Luis mission site.

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The Guale Region
Figure 3-2. Guale Region Sites (from Weisman 1992: 2)
Santa Catalina de Guale
The site of Santa Catalina de Guale (9LI274) was the principal mission to the
Guale during the late 16th century through most of the 17th century. The site itself is
located on St. Catherine’s Island off the coast of Georgia between the Altamaha and
Savannah Rivers, and directly borders Wamassee Creek. It is believed that the island was
not a major Guale occupation area until shortly before the establishment of the mission
(Thomas 1987). The Spanish abandonment of Santa Elena in 1584 shifted the attention
of the Spanish south to St. Catherine’s Island, and by 1587 the island was “the principal
northern Spanish outpost on the Atlantic coast” (Thomas 1987: 56). Santa Catalina de
Guale was one of the longest lived missions that served the Guale Indians, being
established in 1587 and lasting through the 1597 Guale revolt well into the 17th century.
Increased pressure and raids by the British and their Indian allies finally resulted in the

85
abandonment of the mission in 1684. At this time the surviving Guale began to move
south towards the protection of St. Augustine, stopping first at Sapelo Island before
moving south to the mouth of the St. Mary’s River and finally to St. Augustine. The site
was included in this study as it is one of the only Guale mission sites that have been
excavated that does not have an earlier, non-Guale mission occupation component on it.
Archaeological investigation of Santa Catalina de Guale began in 1974 under the
direction of Dr. David Hurst Thomas of the American Museum of Natural History.
Initial work on St. Catherines Island consisted of a transect and remote sensing survey of
the island in an effort to identify the location of the mission. Upon isolating the mission
location, Thomas conducted an auger survey and excavations. A total of 610 auger holes
was placed within the identified mission site. While the site has been extensively
excavated and studied, there has been little raw data published to date. The information
used in this study was gathered from Thomas’s (1987) report on the initial survey and
auger testing of the site.
Harrison Homestead Site
The Harrison Homestead Site (8NA4) is located on Amelia Island, situated off the
extreme northeast coast of Florida. The site is the location of the Santa Maria mission to
the Yamasee as well as the relocated Santa Catalina mission that served the Guale.
According to Hemmings and Deagan (1973), the mission occupation of the site occurred
from 1675-1702. The Santa Maria mission was the first to be established at this location
and served the Yamasee Indians who fled South Carolina and the British. It appears that
the Yamasee were the sole Indian occupants of the site for a relatively brief period as the
mission of Santa Catalina was relocated to the same site in the mid to late 1680’s. After
this date the mission served the Guale Indians, although it is possible that some of the

86
Yamasee remained at the site. The site was included in this study as a material
assemblage that reflects both Yamasee and Guale Indians during the 17th century mission
period.
Data used in this study are drawn from excavations at the site conducted by
Thomas Hemmings and Kathleen Deagan in 1971 (Hemmings and Deagan 1973) . Five
excavation units totaling 300 square feet and two test trenches, one 88 feet in length and
the other 100 feet, were excavated during this field season. Within the present study the
site will be referred to as either the Harrison Homestead Site or as the mission Santa
Maria/Santa Catalina. The latter nomenclature was designed as to avoid confusion with
the original mission of Santa Catalina de Guale and to place the two missions at the site
in proper temporal order.
San Juan del Puerto
San Juan del Puerto (8DU53) is the site of a mission of the same name that was
established in 1587 and lasted until its abandonment in 1702 as a result of British attacks
on Spanish La Florida. Mission San Juan del Puerto initially served the coastal Timucua
Indians, but it appears that the Guale occupied the mission for much of the second half of
the 17th century. Upon the abandonment of the site in 1702, the surviving Indians
retreated southward to the safer haven of St. Augustine.
Test excavations at the site were first carried out under the direction of John W.
Griffin in 1955. Six 5’x5’ test squares were excavated during this field season. Griffin’s
work was subsequently followed up in 1961 by William Jones and a group of amateur
archaeologists, with some assistance by Dr. Griffin. The 1961 field season utilized the
same grid system established in 1955 and again excavated 5’x5’ units. Approximately
875 square meters were excavated during the 1961 field season. A surface survey of the

87
site was also conducted in 1966 following construction activities at the site. The data
reported in the following chapters was gathered from these field seasons as reported by
Judith McMurray (1973).
According to McMurray, the excavated portion of the site “is a late 17th century
site of the mission of San Juan del Puerto with an occupation which had a basically
Gualean population with some Timucua in residence” (1973: 80). The data from San
Juan del Puerto presented in this study was gathered from McMurray’s (1973) report on
the site. While it is true that the Timucua initially were served at this mission, all
evidence points to the excavated portion of the site being focused on the Guale
occupation. For this reason the site has been included as an example of a 17th century
Guale mission site. Undoubtedly the material record reflects the earlier Timucua
occupation to some degree, however it is believed that this influence is negligible in the
data that is recorded (McMurray 1973: 33).
Wright’s Landing Site
The Wright’s Landing Site (8SJ3) is located just north of St. Augustine in the
Guana River State Park. According to Worth (1998b), this is the site of the 17th century
Guale mission Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Tolomato. Some time between 1624-
1630, “Governor Don Luís de Rojas y Borja relocated the entire Guale town of Tolomato
from its original site in the coastal zone of present-day Georgia to a site three leagues
north of St. Augustine” (Worth 1998b: 31). This new settlement became the mission
Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Tolomato. Unfortunately the date of destruction of this
mission is unknown, however at least one document from 1682 records the mission as
still being in existence (Worth 1998b). It is likely that this mission lasted until the
beginning of the 18th century when the friars and the Guale retreated to St. Augustine in

88
advance of Col. Moore’s 1702 attack. There they reestablished the Tolomato settlement
outside the walls of St. Augustine just to the northwest of the colonial city.
This site was excavated in the early 1950’s by University of Florida archaeologists
under the direction of Dr. John Goggin. Archaeological investigations at the site
consisted primarily of surface collections, however some limited test excavations were
also conducted. All data presented in reference to this site was compiled from analysis
cards that are on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History and represents the surface
collections and test excavations conducted from 1951-1952.
The Yamasee Region
The Altamaha Town site (38BU1206) is a multi-component site located in southern
South Carolina near the Broad River. The site was excavated under the direction of
William Green (1992) from July to March 1990. Archaeological research at the site
included a surface collection and the excavation of ninety-nine shovel test pits, a slot
trench, and two test units. The site was settled by the Yamasee some time in the early
18th century and occupied until the departure of the Yamasee to Florida (Green 1992).
The Western Timucua Region
Figure 3-3. Western Timucua Region Sites (from Weisman 1992: 2)

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Baptizing Springs
The Baptizing Springs site (8SU65), which lies with the Suwannee Valley
archaeological culture area, was originally thought to be the location of the Utina mission
of San Agustin de Urica (Loucks 1979; 1993). Subsequent documentary research has
shown that the site is more likely the location of the mission of San Juan de Guacara.
(Worth 1998a) The mission, which served the Western Timucua of the Suwannee Valley
archaeological culture, was established around 1609 and lasted until the rebellion of
1657. At that time it was relocated to the west along the Suwannee River at Charles
Spring where it survived until 1691. San Juan de Guacara is included in this study as a
material representation of 17th century Western Timucua mission Indian life within the
Suwannee Valley archaeological cultural region.
The Baptizing Springs site was discovered in 1976, and an initial assessment of it
was carried out under the direction of Jerald Milanich. The 1976 excavations covered a
total of 346 square meters at the site. The following year Lana J. Loucks conducted a
survey of the site in an effort to further delineate site boundaries. Large scale
excavations, totaling 197 square meters, were again carried out in 1978. The data
presented in the following chapters was gathered from Loucks’s (1979) dissertation
detailing the site and comparing it to other 17th century mission sites.
Fig Springs
The Fig Springs site (8C01), which lies within the Suwannee Valley
archaeological culture area, has been identified as the location of the 17th century
mission San Martín de Ayacuto, which served the Western Timucua (Worth 1998a). In
1597 the brother of the Timucua cacique traveled to St. Augustine to pledge Timucua
obedience to the King of Spain and request that missionaries be sent to the area. In

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September of that year Fray Baltazar López arrived at the head village of San Martin
marking the first missionary contact with the Timucua at the Fig Springs site. At the time
of his visit, López reported that there were a total of approximately 1,500 Timucua living
at the main village and satellite villages. In 1608 the mission of San Martín de Ayacuto,
also referred to as San Martin de Timucua, was founded at the Fig Springs site. San
Martin was one of the main centers involved in the Timucua Rebellion of 1656 (Weisman
1992). Some time during the late 1660’s the mission was abandoned, though the reasons
for this are unclear. After the abandonment of the mission it is likely that it fused with
either a neighboring satellite village visita, or with the newly formed doctrina in the area,
Santa Catalina (Worth 1998a).
The Fig Springs site was originally discovered by John Goggin in 1949. During the
1950’s Goggin returned to the site numerous times to conduct surface underwater
archaeological collections. Excavations at the-site, under the direction of Brent
Weisman, were carried out in 1988 and 1989. The first phase of archaeological research
during this period was an auger survey of the site. Analysis of data gathered from the
208 auger borings during the survey indicated a number of discrete activity areas within
the mission component of the site. Full scale excavations followed in the winter of 1988
and 1989. During these excavations, which uncovered approximately 320 square meters
of the site, the church, convento, cemetery, and an aboriginal structure were investigated
along with other areas of the site. The data used in this study is from the Weisman’s
(1992) 1988 and 1989 excavations.
Fox Pond
The Fox Pond site (8A272) is the site of the mission of San Francisco de Potano,
and lies within the Alachua archaeological culture area. The site is located northwest of

91
Gainesville in the San Felasco Hammock area. San Francisco de Potano was founded in
1606 and was destroyed in 1656 as a result of the Timucua revolt. The mission was
rebuilt in 1659 and continued to operate until 1706 when increasing pressure and threats
from the British and their Indian allies forced its abandonment, forcing the Indians and
friars to flee to the protection of the garrison at St. Augustine (Symes and Stephens
1965). San Francisco de Potano was a principal town of the Potano chiefdom in the early
17th century and it is not surprising that the Spanish friars decided to make the settlement
a doctrina. In 1673 the nearby satellite community of Santa Ana fused with San
Francisco, probably as a result of population decreases at the former site. Still
functioning in 1706, San Francisco de Potano was the last surviving Timucua mission
west of the St. Johns River (Worth 1998a).
The site itself was excavated in 1964 under the direction of William Sears and
Charles Fairbanks. Unfortunately the total area of excavation during the 1964 field
season can not be determined from the published reports. The data related to San
Francisco de Potano presented in the subsequent chapters was gathered from Symes and
Stephens (1965) report on the site.
Richardson Site
The Richardson site (8A100), located within the Alachua archaeological culture
area, is the location of the 17th century San Buenaventura mission that served the Potano
Indians of the Western Timucua. (Worth 1998a) The site is located southwest of
Gainesville, Florida and borders Orange Lake. San Buenaventura was founded shortly
after the primary mission in the area, San Francisco de Potano, sometime between 1607
and 1608. It is believed that San Buenaventura, which may have also been referred to as
Apalo, eventually became a doctrina (Worth 1998b). Unfortunately the end date of

92
occupation of this mission is unknown, but based on the historical and archaeological
evidence it is likely that the Richardson site mission era occupation occurred during the
first half of the 17th century. (Milanich 1972; Worth 1998a) The site was included in
this study as it offers a detailed looked at the lives of the Potano, Western Timucua,
during the 17th century.
During the late- 1940’s and early 1950’s John Goggin conducted a series of
extensive surface collections at the site, followed up by limited test excavations in 1952.
Full scale excavations at the site were carried out in 1970 under the direction of Charles
Fairbanks and Jerald T. Milanich. The 1970 excavations covered an area of 1,900 square
feet. All data reported in this study was gathered from Milanich’s (1972) report on the
site.
The Eastern Timucua Region
The Nombre de Dios site (8SJ31 and 8SJ34) is the site of the mission to the
Timucua of the same name. The Nombre de Dios mission was one of the first established
in Spanish Florida in 1586 and one of the last two mission settlements at the end of the
first Spanish period. Also referred to as the mission Nuestra Señora de la Leche and
Nombre de Dios Macariz in later historical documents (Worth 1998a), the mission
primarily served the Timucua Indians from its beginnings to its end. At times there were
Guale and Yamasee, and perhaps Apalachee Indians living at the mission, but the
majority of the population was Timucua. During the second half of the 17th century and
in the 18th century the mission was an aggregated settlement of Timucua, meaning that
there were both Eastern and Western Timucua living on the mission.
The Nombre de Dios site is central to this study. First, the physical Nombre de
Dios mission site, which actually includes both the Nombre de Dios (8SJ34) and

93
Fountain of Youth (8SJ31) sites, is one of the only 17th century Coastal Timucua mission
sites that has been systematically excavated and recorded. Secondly, excavations carried
out by the Florida Museum of Natural History under the direction of Principal
Investigator Kathleen Deagan and Field Supervisor Gifford Waters and others have been
able to isolate discrete chronological periods on the site, permitting the segmentation of
deposits and contexts from the site that date respectively to the first half of the 17th
century, the second half of the 17th century, and the 18th century (ca. 1702-1763). This
long occupation and contextually specific excavation of the site allows for chronological
analyses to assess change in the same Timucua population over time.
18th Century Mission Sites
The site of La Punta (8SJ3499) is located to the south of colonial St. Augustine and
is situated between Maria Sanchez Creek and the Matanzas River. The site which was
officially named the mission Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta, was established in
the 18th century and served primarily the refugee Yamasee Indians. It has also been
reported that there were likely some Apalachee Indians at La Punta as well (Worth

94
1998b). The site was excavated by Carl Halbirt, St. Augustine City Archaeologist, in
1997 and the material remains were analyzed by Andrea White (2002) and Gifford
Waters. The 1997 field season uncovered a total of 125 square meters at the site. The
site represents one of the few 18th century refugee/mission settlements located in St.
Augustine. This site will offer an important resource for examining the post¬
consolidation Yamasee and Apalachee after they arrived in St. Augustine following the
collapse of the Spanish mission system. The data used from the La Punta site was
gathered from White’s (2002) Master’s Thesis examining the site and subsequent
reanalysis of the materials conducted by Gifford Waters in 2004.
Pocotalaca
The site of Pocotalaca is located at 126 Oneida Street in St. Augustine (to date no
Florida Master Site File number has been assigned) and is situated in the southwest
portion of the city, just outside the colonial walls. This site, also known as San Antonio
de Pocotalaca and Nuestra Señora de la Concepción de Pocotalaca, was established in the
18th century as a refugee community. (Worth 1998b) The Pocotalaca refugee settlement
served both the Guale and Yamasee who fled to St. Augustine as a result of British
encroachment. The population of the settlement was 96 in 1717, and after that the
population figures never rise above 60. (Worth 1998b: 152-153) The site was included in
this study as it is one of the few 18th century mission sites in and around St. Augustine
that have been archaeologically investigated. The site was investigated in 2001 by Carl
Halbirt, St. Augustine City Archaeologist, and analysis of the materials was conducted at
the Florida Museum of Natural History by Gifford Waters. The limited excavations at
the site consisted of a series of post hole tests and three lxl meter test pits. The data
presented in the following chapters is from that analysis.

CHAPTER 4
DATA AND DATA DISCUSSION: ESTABLISHING REGIONAL AND ETHNIC
MATERIAL PROFILES
This chapter will consider the ceramic assemblages of the sites discussed in the
previous chapter, in order to establish material patterns that are considered to be a
reflection of habitus and identity for specific peoples at specific times. The chapter will
be organized by cultural region, beginning with the Apalachee region, followed by the
Guale, Western Timucua, Eastern Timucua, and Yamasee regions. The 18th century St.
Augustine area mission settlements will then be discussed. The materials from each site
in a region will be examined and discussed, followed by an assessment of the data and
interpretations of regional characteristics. These patterns will be compared in Chapter 5
to the archaeological data from post-consolidation Native American sites of the 18th
century in St. Augustine, for which documentary information identifying the cultural and
ethnic groups that lived on them is available.
The Apalachee Region
Apalachee Hill
The Apalachee Hill site (8LE148) was an Apalachee village site located apart from
the missions in the area, and was occupied from the archaic period through the end of the
mission period in the Apalachee region. Table 4-1 shows the distribution of aboriginal
ceramics by type from the Apalachee Hill site. Native American ceramics accounted for
100% of the total ceramic assemblage at the site. Certain ceramic types that were
identified by Katharine Bierce-Gedris (1981) were renamed for the present study
95

96
following the revised type-variety system for the Fort Walton area proposed by Scarry
(1985), who renamed the category of ceramics initially identified as Jefferson
Complicated Stamped to Lamar Complicated Stamped. Sherds identified as “Jefferson
Rims” (Bierce-Gedris 1981) have also been included in the Lamar Complicated Stamped
category. Although unchanged in the present study, Bierce-Gedris’s (1981: 256)
category of Leon-Jefferson Complicated Stamped also deserves closer examination. As
discussed in Chapter 3, this type has an obliterated, stamped decorative motif with paste
characteristics identical to Leon Check Stamped and Lamar Complicated Stamped
ceramics. Because the decorative motif can not be discerned these pieces can not be
placed into either of the above types with any certainty. While this may seem
problematic, both Leon Check Stamped and Lamar Complicated Stamped ceramics are
closely associated with mission-era Apalachee Indians (Scarry 1985 and Shapiro et al.
1987), and should not affect the interpretation of the ceramic data.
The most abundant ceramic type at Apalachee Hill was Jefferson Plain (n=l,158)
which comprised 59.45% of the total ceramic assemblage at the site. Lamar Complicated
Stamped pottery (n=420) comprised the next largest percentage of Native American
pottery at 21.56%, followed by Leon-Jefferson Complicated Stamped (n=75) at 3.85%.
If the majority of the Leon-Jefferson Complicated Stamped ceramics are actually Lamar
Complicated Stamped, it would make the percentage of the latter type over 25% of the
total ceramic assemblage. The type Miller Plain (n=72), all of which occur in Colono
ware forms at the site (Bierce-Gedris 1981), comprised 3.70% of the aboriginal ceramic
assemblage at Apalachee Hill while Leon Check Stamped pottery (n=54) comprised

97
2.77%. These types, which are all associated with mission-era Apalachee Indians
combine to account for 91.33% of the ceramic assemblage at the site.
Table 4-1. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Apalachee Hill
Item
Frequency
Percent
ABOGRITP
5
0.26
ABOINC
86
4.41
ABOP
7
0.36
ABOSTP
6
0.31
ALACHCOB
4
0.21
AUCINC
19
0.98
DEPTCHECK
2
0.10
DEPTP
2
0.10
DEPTS
2
0.10
FRANKLINP
5
0.26
FWINC
10
0.51
JEFFP
1158
59.45
LAMARCOMP
420
21.56
LEONCHECK
54
2.77
LEON JEFF
75
3.85
MILP
72
3.70
MISS
10
0.51
OCMULINC
2
0.10
PENSINC
2
0.10
PENSP
2
0.10
SWCRKS
5
0.26
1948
100.00
Other notable categories of aboriginal ceramics at Apalachee Hill include Mission
Red Filmed and unidentified aboriginal incised pottery. Mission Red Filmed (n=10)
makes up only 0.51% of the ceramic assemblage and the unidentified aboriginal incised
pottery (n=86) comprises 4.41%. Each other category of ceramics comprises less than
one percent of the total ceramic assemblage, and include unidentified ceramics, types
from the western panhandle of Florida, such as Pensacola Incised and Pensacola Plain,
and types from central Florida, such as Alachua Cob Marked.

98
San Luis
The second study site in the Apalachee region is the 17th century doctrina San Luis
de Talimali (8LE4). Table 4-2 lists the percentages of ceramic categories for the entire
ceramic assemblage at the site. As indicated in the table, aboriginal ceramics account for
over 94% of the total ceramic assemblage. European table wares, the majority of which
are Spanish majolica, account for 2.87% followed by European utilitarian wares which
comprise 2.58%. Close to 90% of the European utilitarian wares are olive jar.
Table 4-2. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at San Luis
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
201
2.87
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
181
2.58
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
6633
94.55
7015
100.00
As with the Apalachee Hill data, some modifications were made to the type names
of the data presented by Bonnie McEwan (1992) for the sake of consistency, and in order
to facilitate comparisons between sites. The most significant adjustment to the data was
placing the San Luis aboriginal plain type into the category of Jefferson Plain. According
to Gary Shapiro (1987: 162) the aboriginal plain designation at San Luis “includes all
plain wares with grit, sand, grog, clay, or limestone temper, or any combination of
these...[and] includes all locally made plain wares from Woodland through mission
times.” This description corresponds to Bierce-Gedris’s (1981) description of Jefferson
Plain, as well as recent technological analyses of ceramic from the San Luis site (Ann
Cordell, personal communication, 2004). The aboriginal plain ceramics reported by
McEwan (1992) were grouped with Jefferson Plain in this study. The data for the
aboriginal ceramic assemblage at San Luis is shown in Table 4-3.

99
Table 4-3. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at San Luis
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOIMP
4
0.06
ABOINC
216
3.26
ABOPUNC
5
0,08
ABOS
254
3.83
ABOUID
345
5.20
CARABELPUNC
2
0.03
CHATBRUSH
4
0.06
CLNO
14
0.21
FWINC
26
0.39
JEFFP
5323
80.25
LAMARCOMP
162
2.44
LAMLKBINC
2
0.03
LEONCHECK
22
0.33
LKJACKINC
12
0.18
MARSHISLINC
17
0.26
MISS
161
2.43
OCMULINC
35
0.53
PTWASHINC
17
0.26
STANDREWS
1
0.02
SWCRKS
4
0.06
WAKCHECK
7
0.11
6633
100.00
The most abundant type of pottery at San Luis is Jefferson Plain (n=5,323) which
makes up 80.25% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. Lamar Complicated
Stamped (n=162) comprises 2.44% of the assemblage while Leon Check Stamped (n=22)
makes up 0.33%. Combined these three types, all associated with mission-era Apalachee
Indians, account for 83.02% of the Native American produced ceramic assemblage at San
Luis.
Mission Red Filmed (n=161) makes up only 2.43% of the assemblage, although it
is possible that some or all of the identified Colono Ware sherds (n=14) may have
conformed to Mission Red Filmed in paste and surface decoration, but because they were
clearly constructed in European forms, they were categorized as Colono Ware. When
Mission Red Filmed, which is a type of Colono Ware, is combined with the Colono Ware

100
category at San Luis the group as a whole comprises 2.64% of the total assemblage.
Unidentified categories of aboriginal incised (n=216), aboriginal stamped (n=254), and
unidentified aboriginal (n=345) account for 3.26%, 3.83%, and 5.20% of the total
aboriginal ceramic assemblage respectively. All other types of Native American
ceramics each comprise less than one percent of the total assemblage.
Summary: The Apalachee Sites
The Native American ceramic assemblages from both sites examined from the
Apalachee region are dominated by locally produced ceramics, most notably Jefferson
Plain. Tempering practices of this type are similar at both sites. At the Apalachee Hill
site 67.8% of the Jefferson Plain sherds are grog tempered (Bierce-Gedris 1981: 257),
while at the San Luis site it is reported that the majority of the sherds are grog tempered
(Cordell 2001). The combined data for the Apalachee region is shown in Table 4-4. As
indicated in the table, types traditionally associated with the mission-era Apalachee make
up the largest percentage of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage, and the only other types
that make up more than one percent of the assemblage are unidentified aboriginal incised,
3.52%, unidentified aboriginal stamped, 2.96%, and unidentified aboriginal (categorized
as such because the decorative motif was indistinguishable), 4.02%. While the
Apalachee undoubtedly traded with other Native American groups in the southeast, the
very low frequencies and percentages of types from outside the region (such as from
Georgia, central Florida, and the western panhandle of Florida) make productive
assessment of the role of trade on material correlates for Apalachee identity
inappropriate. Based on the data for the Apalachee sites used in this study, Apalachee
ceramic identity is characterized in general by a majority of Jefferson Plain and Lamar

101
Complicated Stamped pottery types with a lot of miscellaneous types being present as
well.
Table 4-4. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies
and Percentages for the Apa1
Item
Ap.Hill
SanLuls
Region
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABOCOMPS
0.00
84
1.27
84
0.98
ABOGRITP
5
0.26
0.00
5
0.06
ABOIMP
0.00
4
0.06
4
0.05
ABOINC
86
4.41
216
3.26
302
3.52
ABOP
7
0.36
0.00
7
0.08
ABOPUNC
0.00
5
0.08
5
0.06
ABOS
0.00
170
2.56
170
1.98
ABOSTP
6
0.31
0.00
6
0.07
ABOUID
0.00
345
5.20
345
4.02
ALACHCOB
4
0.21
0.00
4
0.05
AUCINC
19
0.98
0.00
19
0.22
CARABELPUNC
0.00
2
0.03
2
0.02
CHATBRUSH
0.00
4
0.06
4
0.05
CLNO
0.00
14
0.21
14
0.16
DEPTCHECK
2
0.10
0.00
2
0.02
DEPTP
2
0.10
0.00
2
0.02
DEPTS
2
0.10
0.00
2
0.02
FRANKLINP
5
0.26
0.00
5
0.06
FWINC
10
0.51
26
0.39
36
0.42
JEFFP
1158
59.45
5323
80.25
6481
75.53
LAMARCOMP
420
21.56
162
2.44
582
6.78
LAMLKBINC
0.00
2
0.03
2
0.02
LEONCHECK
54
2.77
22
0.33
76
0.89
LEONJEFF
75
3.85
0.00
75
0.87
LKJACKINC
0.00
12
0.18
12
0.14
MARSHISLINC
0.00
17
0.26
17
0.20
MILP
72
3.70
0.00
72
0.84
MISS
10
0.51
161
2.43
171
1.99
OCMULINC
2
0.10
35
0.53
37
0.43
PENSINC
2
0.10
0.00
2
0.02
PENSP
2
0.10
0.00
2
0.02
PTWASHINC
0.00
17
0.26
17
0.20
STANDREWS
0.00
1
0.02
1
0.01
SWCRKS
5
0.26
4
0.06
9
0.10
WAKCHECK
0.00
7
0.11
7
0.08
1948
100.00
6633
100.00
8581
100.00
achee Region
As discuss above, the most significant aspect of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage
at the Apalachee sites is the overwhelming preponderance of ceramic types that are

102
traditionally associated with the mission period Apalachee Indians (Table 4-5). These
ceramics fall into the Lamar Tradition which developed out of the Fort Walton Tradition
around 1500 AD (Scarry 1990), and thus can be viewed as material correlates for
Apalachee identity before contact with Europeans and the implementation of the Spanish
mission system. At the Apalachee Hill site more than 90% of the total ceramic
assemblage is comprised of Apalachee wares, while at San Luis Apalachee wares account
for over 83% of the assemblage. The percentage of Mission Red Filmed at San Luis is
nearly five times as great as at Apalachee Hill, indicating that the production of this type
can be strongly associated with mission related activity rather than being a purely
Apalachee Indian phenomenon.
Table 4-5. Percentage of Aboriginal Ceramic Categories at Apalachee Sites and Region
Apalachee Hill
San Luis
Region
Ap. Wares Decorated
28.18
2.77
8.54
Ap. Wares Plain
63.15
80.25
76.37
Mission Red Filmed
0.51
2.43
1.99
Total
91.84
85.45
86.90
The differences in the proportions of plain versus decorated Apalachee wares are
also potentially significant. The overwhelming majority of plain ware at the San Luis
mission site suggests a discontinuity of decorative ceramic traditions among Apalachee
Indians living on the missions. The fact that decorated ceramics account for more than
ten times the percentage of Apalachee wares at Apalachee Hill, which was not the site of
a mission, than at San Luis strengthens this assertion. This alone however does not
indicate a loss of traditional Apalachee identity. In situations of “cultural stress
decoration frequently becomes simplified, with treatments being abandoned or greatly
reduced in complexity” (Rice 1987: 464). It is undoubted that the Apalachee living at
San Luis were under more pressure and stress from the friars and soldiers than those

103
living at Apalachee Hill due to factors such as forced labor and having to supply food to
the Spanish. This stress may account for the disproportionate amount of undecorated
wares.at the mission. Furthermore, it is also likely that the higher percentage of Colono
wares, such as those identified as Colono ware, Mission Red Filmed, and Miller Plain, at
San Luis were a result of exterior forces. These ceramics were likely made by the
Apalachee for Spanish consumption and reflect an economic, rather than an identity
change (Shapiro et al. 1987).
Nevertheless, the Apalachee region shows an overall continuity in basic production
technology and practices of Apalachee wares, which thus provides a baseline for the
material representation of mission period Apalachee identity. The decline in decoration
of pottery and the higher percentage of Mission Red Filmed at the mission of San Luis
suggests that the Apalachee at the mission were undergoing some change. As discussed
above, the decline in decoration could be a result of increased labor demands which
limited the amount of time available for pottery production, resulting in the higher
percentage of plain ceramics. The high amount of Mission Red Filmed pottery may not
reflect changes in Apalachee identity but rather a desire of the Spanish at the site to
obtain that particular ceramic. Overall the Apalachee appear to have retained traditional
practices which reflect identity. This is seen primarily in the continuity in production
techniques, and to a smaller degree in the retention of traditional decorative motifs,
although with much less frequency.
The Guale Region
Santa Catalina de Guale
Santa Catalina de Guale, as discussed in Chapter 3, was a late- 16th to 17th century
mission located on St. Catherine’s Island, Georgia and was the primary mission to the

104
Guale people. The data utilized in this study was gathered through auger testing done at
the site and reported by David Hurst Thomas (1987: 149-150). As with the sites
discussed above, it was necessary to place certain types identified by Thomas (1987) into
other categories for the sake of consistency with typology nomenclature used at other
sites, and to allow effective comparisons between sites. As discussed in Chapter 3,
Altamaha ceramics recorded from auger testing at Santa Catalina de Guale were
reclassified as San Marcos series pottery. While there are some differences, the
tempering agents, forms, and most importantly the decorative motifs and designs
recorded for Thomas’s Altamaha pottery are similar enough to those of what are now
called San Marcos series pottery to allow for this change. As indicated by Rebecca
Saunders (2000), the difference in names is a result of differences in nomenclature among
archaeologists and does not reflect and temporal, geographical, and cultural differences.
It should be noted however that Kathleen Deagan (1993) feels that there are physical
differences between San Marcos and Altamaha pottery.
The frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups that make up the entire ceramic
assemblage at Santa Catalina de Guale is presented in Table 4-6. As shown in the table,
aboriginal ceramics make up close to 99% of the total ceramic assemblage at the site.
European utilitarian wares, comprised exclusively of olive jar, account for slightly over
1%, and table wares, all of which are Spanish majolica, account for only 0.13% of the
total ceramic assemblage.
Table 4-6. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Guale
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
3
0.13
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
28
1.21
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
2279
98.66
2310
100.00

105
As indicated by Table 4-7, outside of unidentified aboriginal ceramics, by far the
most common aboriginal ceramic type found at Santa Catalina de Guale are those of the
San Marcos Series. San Marcos Stamped (n=882) includes simple stamped, cross-simple
Table 4-7. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Guale
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOFT
5
0.22
ABOFTGRIT
1
0.04
ABOFTGROG
2
0.09
ABOFTST
1
0.04
ABOGGRTST
2
0.09
ABOGGT
1
0.04
ABOGGTS
2
0.09
ABOGRGST
6
0.26
ABOGRIT
530
23.26
ABOGRITCHECK
2
0.09
ABOGRITCOB
1
0.04
ABOGRITINC
69
3.03
ABOGRITINCPUNC
10
0.44
ABOGRITP
185
8.12
ABOGRITPUNC
51
2.24
ABOGRITS
251
11.01
ABOGROG
19
0.83
ABOGROGCORD
7
0.31
ABOGROGP
11
0.48
ABOGRTST
27
1.18
ABOGRTSTINC
1
0.04
ABOGRTSTP
25
1.10
ABOGRTSTS
2
0.09
ABOST
30
1.32
ABOSTINC
7
0.31
ABOSTP
9
0.39
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOSTS
5
0.22
DEPT
12
0.53
DEPTCHECK
26
1.14
IRENES
17
0.75
REFUGE
9
0.39
REFUGEP
6
0.26
REFUGES
11
0.48
SAV
1
0.04
SAVCHECK
1
0.04
SAVINC
1
0.04
SAVP
6
0.26
SAVS
1
0.04

106
(
Table 4-7. Continued
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
SMCHECK
3
0.13
SMINC
1
0.04
SMPUNC1NC
6
0.26
SMRF
9
0.39
SMS
882
38.70
STCATHP
1
0.04
STCATHSCRAPE
2
0.09
STSIMON
2
0.09
STSIMONP
12
0.53
WILMINGTON
3
0.13
WILMINGTONCORD
3
0.13
WILMINGTONP
2
0.09
2279
100.00
were not able to be identified as such. If the unidentified grit tempered sherds are in fact
San Marcos series pottery, combined they would constitute over 85% of the total
aboriginal ceramic assemblage. Sherds that are identified as having grit in addition to
sand or grog tempering do not constitute a major percentage of the assemblage.
A number of types also represented in the sample are associated with the pre¬
historic and proto-historic periods, thus indicating the historical depth of the occupation
of St. Catherine’s Island. Of these types, the Deptford pottery (n=38) comprises the
largest percentage at 1.67%, followed by Refuge Plain and Stamped (n=26) at 1.13%, the
Savannah series (n=10) which makes up 0.82%, St. Simons (n=13) at 0.62%, Wilmington
Plain and Cord Marked (n=8) at 0.35%, and St. Catherine’s Plain and Scraped (n=3)
which makes up only 0.13% of the assemblage. It should also be noted that ceramics
falling into the San Marcos series were also being produced before the arrival of the
Spanish, but the majority of those represented in the sample are believed to be associated
with the mission era occupation of the site (Thomas 1987).

107
Santa Maria/Santa Catalina
The second site used in the Guale region is the Harrison Plantation site (8NA41) on
Amelia Island. As discussed previously, this site was the location the mission Santa
Catalina de Santa Maria, which served as both a Yamasee and Guale mission. The data
presented in Tables 4-8 and 4-9 has been gathered from E. Thomas Hemmings and
Kathleen Deagan’s (1973: 12) report on excavations carried out at the site in 1971. It is
believed that the excavations were situated in what was primarily the later Guale mission
on the site rather than the earlier Yamasee mission (Milanich and Saunders 1986), though
it is likely that the assemblage includes at least some artifacts associated with the
Yamasee occupation of the area.
Table 4-8 lists the frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups for the total
ceramic assemblage at the site. Aboriginal ceramics account for over 98% of the total
ceramic assemblage at the Santa Maria/Santa Catalina site. Slightly over 1% of the
ceramic assemblage is comprised of European utilitarian ceramics, all of which are olive
jar, and Spanish majolica, which make up the entire table wares group, accounts for
0.14%.
Table 4-8. Ceramic
Group Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Cata'
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
2
0.14
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
14
1.01
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
1371
98.85
1387
100.00
ina de Santa Maria
As indicated in Table 4-9, San Marcos series ceramics (n=783) comprise 57.11% of
the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage at the site. Unidentified aboriginal sand
tempered plain pottery (n=290) makes up the second largest portion of the assemblage at
21.15%.

108
Table 4-9. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Santa Catalina de Santa
Maria
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOGROGCOB
7
0.51
ABOGROGP
59
4.30
ABOSTCOB
13
0.95
ABOSTINC
9
0.66
ABOSTP
290
21.15
SAVCHECK
5
0.36
SAVCORD
160
11.67
SJP
22
1.60
SJS
18
1.31
SMS
783
57.11
WILMINGTONCORD
5
0.36
1371
100.00
The next most frequent type are those of the Savannah series (n=165), both check
stamped and cord marked), which combined comprise 12.03% of all Native American
ceramics. It should be noted that Savannah Check Stamped and Savannah Cord Marked
types are markers for the Savannah period which has a date range of A.D. 1150-1300
(Williams and Shapiro 1990). Recent research by Keith Ashley (2003) however, has
suggested that Savannah series ceramics were produced at least until A.D. 1500 and
possibly into the historic period. Unidentified aboriginal grog tempered ceramics (n=66)
make up 4.81% of the ceramics. While these ceramics were not identified as a particular
type, it should be noted that the use of grog tempering was fairly common in extreme
coastal northeast Florida (Ashley 2003) and could represent either ceramics from an
earlier occupation, the production of grog tempered ceramics by the Guale, or the
presence of a northern Timucua group in the mission. Pottery associated with the
Timucua south of the St. Johns River, St. Johns Plain (n=22) and Check Stamped (n=18),
make up 2.91% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage when combined.

109
Wright’s Landing
Wright’s Landing (8SJ3) is the site of the mission Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de
Tolomato, which was a Guale mission relocated just north of St. Augustine in the 17th
century. The data presented in Tables 4-10 and 4-11 was gathered from analysis cards at
the Florida Museum of Natural History.
Table 4-10. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Wright’s Landing
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
33
0.65
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
568
11.19
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
4473
88.16
5074
100.00
As shown in Table 4-10, aboriginal ceramics make up over 88% of the total
ceramic assemblage at Wright’s Landing. European utilitarian ceramics, all but one of
which are olive jar, account for slightly over 11% of the assemblage and table wares
represents 0.65%. It is probable that the higher percentage of European ceramics at
Wright’s Landing compared to the other Guale mission sites is due to its closer proximity
to St. Augustine and that it was occupied later in time.
As indicated in Table 4-11, the San Marcos series (n=3,017) comprise 67.44% of
the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage at the site. San Marcos Stamped (n=2,686),
which includes simple stamped, cross-simple stamped, and complicated stamped, makes
up more than 60% of the total assemblage, San Marcos Plain (n=307) making up 6.86%,
and San Marcos decorated (n=24) comprising 0.53%. The next most frequent ceramics
are those in the St. Johns series (n=965) which make up 21.58% of the ceramic
assemblage. St. Johns Plain (n=640) makes up 14.31% of the total assemblage, St. Johns
Check Stamped (n=312) 6.98%, and St. Johns Decorated (n=13) accounting for 0.29%.

110
The high percentage of St. Johns ceramics could be the result of a Timucua occupation at
the site before the Guale relocation.
Table 4-11. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at Wright’s Landing
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOGRITCHECK
8
0.18
ABOGRITDEC
10
0.22
ABOGRITINC
6
0.13
ABOGRITINCPUNC
1
0.02
ABOGRITP
389
8.70
ABOGRITPUNC
4
0.09
ABOGRITS
37
0.83
ABOGROGP
13
0.29
ABOGRTSHCHECK
1
0.02
ABOGRTSHS
2
0.04
ABOLMSTNP
2
0.04
ABOSHP
1
0.02
CLNO
1
0.02
LITTLEMANATEES
6
0.13
ORNGP
2
0.04
SARASOTAINC
1
0.02
SAVCORD
5
0.11
SJCORD
4
0.09
SJDEC
5
0.11
SJINC
1
0.02
SJP
640
14.31
SJPUNC
3
0.07
SJS
312
6.98
SMCHECK
1
0.02
SMINC
14
0.31
SMP
307
6.86
SMRF
8
0.18
SMS
2686
60.05
SMSINC
1
0.02
WEEDENISLP
2
0.04
4473
100.00
Unidentified aboriginal grit tempered pottery (n=455) constitutes 10.17% of the
total aboriginal ceramic assemblage, with undecorated (n=389) accounting for 8.70% and
decorated (n=66) making up 1.47% of the assemblage. All other types account
individually for less that one percent of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage.

Ill
San Juan del Puerto
The mission of San Juan del Puerto (8DU53) originally served the Timucua Indians
before becoming a predominantly Guale mission. As discussed Chapter 3, the site of San â– -
Juan del Puerto is being discussed as a Guale mission since Judith MacMurray (1973)
states that the area of excavations at the site are more likely associated with the Guale
Indian occupation rather than the Timucua occupation. The data shown in Tables 4-12
and 4-13 is gathered from that presented by MacMurray (1973: 29, 32).
Table 4-12 list the frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups for the entire
ceramic assemblage at San Juan del Puerto. 95.34% of the total ceramic assemblage at
the site is made up of aboriginal ceramics. Spanish majolica, which account for all of the
table wares, comprise 2.74% and European utilitarian wares, all of which are olive jar,
make up 1.92% of the total ceramic assemblage at San Juan del Puerto.
Table 4-12. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at San Juan del Puerto
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
174
2.74
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
122
1.92
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
6060
95.34
6356
100.00
As indicated in Table 4-13, pottery from the San Marcos series (n=4,757) makes up
78.49% of the total Native American ceramic assemblage. Of these, San Marcos
Stamped (n=3,978) is the most numerous and comprises 65.64% of the aboriginal
ceramic assemblage. St. Johns series pottery (n=292) make up 4.82% of the assemblage.
The next largest percentage is found with the unidentified aboriginal cob marked pottery
(n=266) which constitutes 4.39% followed by unidentified aboriginal grog tempered
plain (n=207) which makes up 3.42% of the ceramic assemblage.

112
Table 4-13. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at San Juan del Puerto
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOCOB
266
4.39
ABOCORD
54
0.89
ABOGROGP
207
3.42
ABOINC
3
0.05
ABOPUNC
1
0.02
ABOSHFILM
1
0.02
ABOSTP
126
2.08
FORTGRF
115
1.90
IRENES
1
0.02
LAMLKBINC
11
0.18
MCINTOSHINC
8
0.13
MCINTOSHP
8
0.13
OCMULINC
1
0.02
ORNGINC
2
0.03
ORNGP
204
3.37
SJDEC
1
0.02
SJP
2
0.03
SJS
289
4.77
SMCOB
8
0.13
SMCORD
2
0.03
SMDEC
310
5.12
SMP
459
7.57
SMS
3978
65.64
SWCRKS
2
0.03
WEEDENISLINC
1
0.02
6060
100.00
The only other types of pottery that account for more than one percent of the total
aboriginal ceramic assemblage are Orange Fiber Tempered pottery (n=206, 3.40%),
unidentified aboriginal sand tempered plain (n=126, 2.08%), and Fort George Red Filmed
(n=l 15, 1.90%). The latter type is likely related to Mission Red Filmed pottery and is
clearly a historic period pottery (MacMurray 1973: 45-47, 55-56).
Summary: The Guale Sites
All of the sites discussed in the Guale region had San Marcos series pottery as the
predominant types, except for Santa Catalina de Guale which had unidentified aboriginal
grit tempered wares as the most common types. As discussed above however, it is quite

113
likely that many, if not the majority, of these pieces were actually San Marcos series
sherds that could not be properly identified due to factors such as small size or eroded
condition of the sherds. As a result, when examined as a group (Table 4-14), it is not
surprising to see that San Marcos series pottery account for 66.69% of the total aboriginal
ceramic assemblage of all sites combined. Another significant aspect of the Guale sites
when examined as a group is the large amount of unidentified aboriginal grit tempered
pottery which makes up 10.97% of the assemblage. As mentioned above, it is likely that
many of these sherds are actually San Marcos series pottery which would further increase
the percentage that San Marcos wares make up in the overall aboriginal ceramic
assemblage.
St. Johns pottery, primarily St. Johns Check Stamped (n=619) constitute a total of
9.14% of the ceramic assemblage of Guale sites as a whole. The only other pottery types
dating to the mission era that make up a significant portion of the ceramic inventory of
Guale mission sites are unidentified aboriginal cob marked at 1.88%, unidentified
aboriginal grog tempered at 2.14%, and unidentified aboriginal sand tempered pottery at
3.45%. The only other types that are present in frequencies representing more than one
percent of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage for all Guale sites combined are pre¬
historic or proto-historic types.
As shown in Table 4-15, aboriginal ceramics make up the largest percentage of the
total ceramic assemblages at all of the Guale sites. Wright’s Landing is the only site at
which aboriginal ceramics account for less than 95% of the ceramic assemblage.

Table 4-14. Aboriginal Ceramic
Frequencies and Percentages for the Guale Sites
Item
SCdG
SMS
C
WL
SJdP
REGION
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABOCOB
0.00
0.00
0.00
266
4.39
266
1.88
ABOCORD
0.00
0.00
0.00
54
0.89
54
0.38
ABOFT
5
0.22
0.00
0.00
0.00
5
0.04
ABOFTGRIT
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOFTGROG
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
ABOFTST
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGGRTST
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
ABOGGT
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGGTS
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
ABOGRGST
6
0.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
6
0.04
ABOGRIT
530
23.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
530
3.74
ABOGRITCHECK
2
0.09
0.00
8
0.18
0.00
10
0.07
ABOGRITCOB
1
0.04
0:00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGRITDEC
0.00
0.00
10
0.22
0.00
10
0.07
ABOGRITINC
69
3.03
0.00
6
0.13
0.00
75
0.53
ABOGRITINCPUNC
10
0.44
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
11
0.08
ABOGRITP
185
8.12
0.00
389
8.70
0.00
574
4.0,5
ABOGRITPUNC
51
2.24
0.00
4
0.09
0.00
55
0.39
ABOGRITS
251
11.01
0.00
37
0.83
0.00
288
2.03
ABOGROG
19
0.83
0.00
0.00
0.00
19
0.13
ABOGROGCOB
0.00
7
0.51
0.00
0.00
7
0.05
ABOGROGCORD
7
0.31
0.00
0.00
0.00
7
0.05
ABOGROGP
11
0.48
59
4.30
13
0.29
207
3.42
290
2.04
ABOGRTSHCHECK
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
1
0.01
ABORTSHS
0.00
0.00
2
0.04
0.00
2
0.01
ABOGRTST
27
1.18
0.00
0.00
0.00
27
0.19
ABOGRTSTINC
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGRTSTP
25
1.10
0.00
0.00
0.00
25
0.18

Table 4-14. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Guale Sites
Item
SCdG
SMS
C
WL
SJdP
REGION
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABOCOB
0.00
0.00
0.00
266
4.39
266
1.88
ABOCORD
0.00
0.00
0.00
54
0.89
54
0.38
ABOFT
5
0.22
0.00
0.00
0.00
5
0.04
ABOFTGRIT
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOFTGROG
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
ABOFTST
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGGRTST
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
ABOGGT
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGGTS
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
ABOGRGST
6
0.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
6
0.0ft
ABOGRIT
530
23.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
530
3.74
ABOGRITCHECK
2
0.09
0.00
8
0.18
0.00
10
0.07
ABOGRITCOB
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGRITDEC
0.00
0.00
10
0.22
0.00
10
0.07
ABOGRITINC
69
3.03
0.00
6
0.13
0.00
75
0.53
ABOGRITINCPUNC
10
0.44
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
11
0.08
ABOGRITP
185
8.12
0.00
389
8.70
0.00
574
4.05
ABOGRITPUNC
51
2.24
0.00
4
0.09
0.00
55
0.39
ABOGRITS
251
11.01
0.00
37
0.83
0.00
288
2.03
ABOGROG
19
0.83
0.00
0.00
0.00
19
0.13
ABOGROGCOB
0.00
7
0.51
0.00
0.00
7
0.05
ABOGROGCORD
7
0.31
0.00
0.00
0.00
7
0.05
ABOGROGP
11
0.48
59
4.30
13
0.29
207
3.42
290
2.04
ABOGRTSHCHECK
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
1
0.01
ABORTSHS
0.00
0.00
2
0.04
0.00
2
0.01
ABOGRTST
27
1.18
0.00
0.00
0.00
27
0.19
ABOGRTSTINC
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
ABOGRTSTP
25
1.10
0.00
0.00
0.00
25
0.18

Table 4-14. Continued
Item
SCdG
SMS
C
WL
SJdP
REGION
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABOGRTSTS
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
ABOINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
3
0.05
3
0.02
ABOLMSTNP
0.00
0.00
2
0.04
0.00
2
0.01
ABOPUNC
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
1
0.01
ABOSHFILM
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
1
0.01
ABOSHP
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
1
0.01
ABOST
30
1.32
0.00
0.00
0.00
30
0.21
ABOSTCOB
0.00
13
0.95
0.00
0.00
13
0.09
ABOSTINC
7
0.31
9
0.66
0.00
0.00
16
0.11
ABOSTP
9
0.39
290
21.15
0.00
126
2.08
425
3.00
ABOSTS
5
0.22
0.00
0.00
0.00
5
0.04
CLNO
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
1
0.01
DEPT
12
0.53
0.00
0.00
0.00
12
0.08
DEPTCHECK
26
1.14
0.00
0.00
0.00
26
0.18
FORTGRF
0.00
0.00
0.00
115
1.90
115
0.81
IRENES
17
0.75
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
18
0.13
LAMLKBINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
11
0.18
11
0.08
LITTLEMANATEES
0.00
0.00
6
0.13
0.00
6
0.04
MCINTOSHINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
8
0.13
8
0.06
MCINTOSHP
0.00
0.00
0.00
8
0.13
8
0.06
OCMULINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
1
0.01
ORNGINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.03
2
0.01
ORNGP
0.00
0.00
2
0.04
204
3.37
206
1.45
REFUGE
9
0.39
0.00
0.00
0.00
9
0.06
REFUGEP
6
0.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
6
0.04
REFUGES
11
0.48
0.00
0.00
0.00
11
0.08
SARASOTAINC
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
1
0.01
SAV
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01

Table 4-14. Continued
Item
SCdG
SMS
C
WL
SJdP
REGION
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
SAVCHECK
1
0.04
5
0.36
0.00
0.00
6
0.04
SAVCORD
0.00
160
11.67
5
0.11
0.00
165
1.16
SAVINC
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
SAVP
6
0.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
6
0.04
SAVS
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
SJCORD
0.00
0.00
4
0.09
0.00
4
0.03
SJDEC
0.00
0.00
5
0.11
0.00
5
0.04
SJINC
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
1
0.01
SJP
0.00
22
1.60
640
14.31
2
0.03
664
4.68
SJPUNC
0.00
0.00
3
0.07
0.00
3
0.02
SJS
0.00
18
1.31
312
6.98
290
4.79
620
4.37
SMCHECK
1
0.04
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
2
0.01
SMCOB
0.00
0.00
0.00
8
0.13
8
0.06
SMCORD
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.03
2
0.01
SMDEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
310
5.12
310
2.19
SMINC
1
0.04
0.00
14
0.31
0.00
15
0.11
SMP
0.00
0.00
307
6.86
459
7.57
766
5.40
SMPUNCINC
6
0.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
6
0.04
SMRF
9
0.39
0.00
8
0.18
0.00
17
0.12
SMS
884
38.79
783
57.11
2686
60.05
3978
65.64
8331
58.74
SMSINC
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
0.00
1
0.01
STCATHP
1
0.04
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.01
STCATHSCRAPE
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
STSIMON
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
STSIMONP
12
0.53
0.00
0.00
0.00
12
0.08
SWCRKS
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.03
2
0.01
WEEDENISLP
0.00
0.00
2
0.04
0.00
2
0.01
WEEDENISLINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.02
1
0.01

Table 4-14. Continued
Item
SCdG
SMS
C
WL
SJdP
REGION
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
WILMINGTON
3
0.13
0.00
0.00
0.00
3
0.02
WILMINGTONCORD
3
0.13
5
0.36
0.00
0.00
8
0.06
WILMINGTONP
2
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.01
2279
100.00
1371
100.00
4473
100.00
6060
100.00
14183
100.00
i

118
The percentage of Spanish majolica at San Juan del Puerto, 2.74% of the ceramic
assemblage at the site, is also significantly different from the other sites.
SCG
SMSC
WL
SJP
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN
TABLE WARES
3
0.13
2
0.14
33
0.65
174
2.74
EUROPEAN
UTILITARIAN
28
1.21
14
1.01
568
11.19
122
1.92
ABORIGINAL
UTILITARIAN
2279
98.66
1371
98.85
4473
88.16
6060
95.34
2310
100.00
1387
100.00
5074
100.00
6356
100.00
The data from the Guale occupied sites discussed above are summarized in Table
4-16. Unlike the Apalachee sites, where Apalachee tradition pottery comprised over 80%
of each site’s total ceramic assemblage, the San Marcos series Guale tradition pottery
varied widely among sites between approximately 40 and 80% of the assemblage. This
might be a factor of classification bias, if in fact the unidentified aboriginal grit and
unidentified aboriginal sand and grit ceramics are actually San Marcos series wares. In
such a case the combined percentage of these and the San Marcos series wares account
for over 80% of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage at all sites except for the Santa Maria
Santa Catalina site. More than 22% of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage at the Santa
Maria Santa Catalina site is comprised of unidentified aboriginal sand tempered pottery.
Possible explanations for the divergence of the assemblage at the Santa Maria Santa
Catalina site from those of other sites in the Guale region may be that the sand tempered
wares may be associated with the earlier Yamasee occupation of the site, or they may be
associated with an even earlier component and the sherds may be part of the sand
tempered Savannah series wares. Hemmings and Deagan (1973) report that no evidence

119
of a pre-mission occupation of the site was uncovered, thus negating the likelihood of the
unidentified sand tempered sherds belonging to the Savannah series wares.
Table 4-16. Percentage of Aboriginal Ceramic Categories at Gua
S.C. de
Guale
S. Maria
S. Cat
S.J. del
Puerto
Wright's
Landing
Region
San Marcos Stamped
38.70
57.11
65.64
60.07
58.73
San Marcos Plain
0.00
0.00
7.57
6.86
5.40
San Marcos Checked
0.13
0.00
0.00
0.02
0.03
San Marcos Decorated
0.69
0.00
5.28
0.49
2.53
Grit/Grit and Sand Stamped
11.10
0.00
0.00
0.83
2.04
Grit/Grit and Sand Plain
9.22
0.00
0.00
8.70
4.06
Grit/Grit and Sand Checked
0.09
0.00
0.00
0.18
0.07
Grit/Grit and Sand Decorated
30.23
0.00
0.00
0.46
5.02
St. Johns Stamped
0.00
1.31
4.77
6.98
4.36
St. Johns Plain
0.00
1.60
0.03
14.31
4.68
St. Johns Decorated
0.00
0.00
0.03
0.29
0.10
Total
90.16
60.02
83.32
99.19
87.02
e Sites and Region
A notable aspect of the Guale sites is the preponderance of decorated ceramics,
primarily San Marcos Stamped. While it is likely that the mission Guale were
undergoing similar stresses, such as depopulation and abuse, and labor requirements as
the mission Apalachee, they continued the production of decorated ceramics as the
primary ceramic type. This suggests that during the 17th century mission era there was
continuity in traditional ceramic production and design and, by extension, retention of
Guale identity.
Another notable aspect of the data from these sites is the distribution of St. Johns
series ceramics. St. Johns pottery accounts for approximately 3% of the total assemblage
at the Santa Maria Santa Catalina site, at San Juan del Puerto it accounts for
approximately 5%, and at the Wright’s Landing site St. Johns series pottery comprise
roughly 22% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. At Santa Catalina de Guale, the
only one of the sites that was never occupied by the Timucua, St. Johns pottery is not
present at all. It is likely that the St. Johns pottery at Santa Maria Santa Catalina and San

120
Juan del Puerto, due to their closer proximity to St. Augustine, is the result of trade and
exchange with Eastern Timucua. This is supported by the even higher percentage of St.
Johns ceramics at the Wright’s Landing site. It is likely that some of the St. Johns
present at the site represent an earlier Timucua occupation, while some of it was likely
produced nearby and traded or given to the friars and Guale Indians at the site. The close
proximity of the site to St. Augustine would support this conclusion.
A final observation regarding the data from the Guale region is the absence of
Mission Red Filmed pottery. While this type made up a small minority of the pottery at
San Luis and Apalachee Hill, it is totally absent from the Guale sites used in this study.
This suggests the possibility that the Guale Indians were not engaged in the production of
Mission Red Filmed pottery during the 17th century. Furthermore, based on the sites
used in the present study, it does not appear that the Guale were engaged in the
production of ceramics in European forms to a large degree, as only one Colono Ware
sherd was identified in the Guale region. The Guale sites all have San Marcos series
decorated pottery as the largest part of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage. Unidentified
grit and sand and grit pottery also make up a large part and were likely locally produced
ceramics that during analysis were too weathered or small to properly identify as San
Marcos pottery.
The data suggest that during the 17th century the Guale continued traditional
pottery production and did not engage to any noticeable degree in the alteration of
ceramic traditions, except through trade with groups such as the Eastern Timucua as
indicated at Wright’s Landing, and to a lesser degree San Juan del Puerto and Santa
Maria Santa Catalina. The continuation of practices ingrained in the habitus supports the

121
hypothesis that continuity of identity was maintained among the Guale during the 17th
century and that the assemblages offer a material reflection of Guale identity during this
period. As indicated by the data, though there was a general degradation in motif
(Saunders 2000), paddle stamping was still the most prevalent decorative technique
during the mission period. It should also be noted that the sample obtained from the
Santa Catalina de Santa Maria site, other than having no grit or sand and grit tempered
pottery identified, follows the same patterns as the other sites in the Guale region with
San Marcos decorated pottery comprising the largest percent of the ceramic assemblage.
Western Timucua Sites
According to Jerald Milanich (1996), sites within the Western Timucua region
belong to two distinct archaeological cultures, the Alachua culture and the Suwannee
Valley culture. Both the Richardson and Fox Pond sites fall into the region encompassed
by the Alachua culture. At the time of European contact the ceramic assemblages of sites
in this region were characterized by Alachua series pottery indicative of the Potano
Timucua. The Fig Springs and Baptizing Springs sites, both of which were occupied by
Timucua belonging to the northern Utina, fall into the Suwannee Valley archaeological
culture. Pre-contact ceramic assemblages in these sites differ from the Alachua tradition
and are characterized by check-stamped, cord-marked, cob-marked, and brushed wares
and may have been influenced by the Apalachee region or peoples from south-central
Georgia (Milanich 1996). The distinct archaeological cultures represented among the
Western Timucua explains the diversity in the ceramic assemblages of sites examined in
this study. It should be noted that even today there is a great deal of uncertainty among
archaeologists regarding the causes for the differences in material culture among the

122
Western Timucua groups and the timing at which these differences first occurred
(Milanich, personal communication, 2005)
Alachua Cultural Region
The Richardson Site
The Richardson site (8AL100) is the location of the 17th century San Buenaventura
mission that served the Timucua (Worth 1998a). The data presented in Tables 4-16 and
4-17 was gathered from Milanich’s (1972) report detailing the 1970 excavations of the
site. The only modification to the data that Milanich (1972) reported was reclassifying
Jefferson Complicated Stamped sherds as Lamar Complicated Stamped for the sake of
consistency in ceramic designations. This nomenclature facilitates comparisons between
sites and does not affect interpretations of the ceramic assemblage.
The data presented in Table 4-17 shows the ceramic group frequencies and
percentages for the total ceramic assemblage at the Richardson site. Aboriginal ceramics
make up close to 99% of the assemblage at the site. European utilitarian wares,
comprised almost exclusively of olive jar, account for just over 1% and European table
wares make up 0.08% of the total ceramic assemblage.
Table 4-17. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
3
0.08
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
39
1.07
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
3593
98.84
3635
100.00
As Table 4-18 shows, the vast majority of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage at the
Richardson site is comprised of Alachua series wares (n=3,204) which make up a
combined 89.17% of the assemblage.

123
Table 4-18. Aborigina
Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Richardson Site
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOCOBPUNC
1
0.03
ABOGRITINC
1
0.03
ABOP
1
0.03
ABOS
1
0.03
ABOUID
1
0.03
ALACHCOB
1559
43.39
ALACHP
1645
45.78
LAMARCOMP
4
0.11
LEONCHECK
7
0.19
LITTLEMANATEES
1
0.03
LOCHLOOSAPUNC
66
1.84
PRARIECORD
42
1.17
SAFHARBINC
3
0.08
SJCOB
1
0.03
SJCORD
1
0.03
SJDEC
1
0.03
SJP
147
4.09
SJS
111
3.09
3593
100.00
The differences in percentages of Alachua Plain and Alachua Cob Marked, 45.78% and
43.39% respectively, does not appear to be significant. The only other ceramic group
that makes up a significant portion of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage are those in the
St. Johns series (n=264) which comprise a total of 7.35% of the total assemblage. Within
this series St. Johns Plain (n=147) and St. Johns Check Stamped (n=l 11) make up the
largest portion. Ceramics associated with the Apalachee and Suwannee Valley cultural
regions, Lamar Complicated Stamped (n=4) and Leon Check Stamped (n=7), make up a
combined 0.3% of the total assemblage. The overall makeup of the aboriginal ceramic
assemblage shows a preponderance of Alachua tradition ceramics at nearly 90% and a
small amount of the traditional Eastern Timucua St. Johns wares at over 7%.

124
Fox Pond
Fox Pond (8AL272) is the site of the mission San Francisco de Potano. The data
presented in Tables 4-19 and 4-20 was garnered from Symes and Stephens’s (1965)
report on the 1964 excavations at the site. As indicated in Table 4-19, aboriginal
ceramics account for over 91% of the total ceramic assemblage at the site. European
utilitarian wares, made up exclusively of olive jars, make up close to 7% of the ceramic
assemblage while table wares, all of which are Spanish majolica, make up 1.72%.
Table 4-19. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at Fox Pond
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
36
1.72
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
144
6.87
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
1915
91.41
2095
100.00
Table 4-20 lists the aboriginal ceramic frequencies and percentages at Fox Pond.
As with the other site assemblages, the Jefferson Complicated Stamped category was
renamed Lamar Complicated Stamped. The only other alteration of reported data
involved the reported Miller Plain sherds. Symes and Stephens (1965: 71) decided to
classify plain, sand tempered sherds as Miller Plain rather than Alachua Plain due to the
fact that some of the sherds demonstrated European vessel forms such as “ring bases,
strap handles, and a portion of a pitcher spout.” University of Florida graduate student
Dianne Kloetzer has reexamined the materials from Fox Pond and has determined that
the vast majority, if not all, of the sherds classified as Miller Plain are indeed Alachua
Plain (personal communication, 2004). Because of this, it was decided to reclassify
Miller Plain sherds as Alachua Plain for the purposes of this study.

125
Table 4-20. Aborigina Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Fox Pond Site
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOGROGCOB
1
0.05
ABOGROGP
1
0.05
ABOINC
1
0.05
ABOLMSTN
1
0.05
ABOSH
20
1.04
ALACHCOB
126
6.58
ALACHP
1037
54.15
AUCINC
4
0.21
JEFF
117
6.11
LAMARCOMP
245
12.79
LKJACKP
16
0.84
LOCHLOOSAPUNC
22
1.15
MISS
18
0.94
PASCOP
14
0.73
PRARIECORD
4
0.21
SJP
108
5.64
SJS
163
8.51
WEEDENISLP
4
0.21
WFLCORD
13
0.68
1915
100.00
As demonstrated in Table 4-20, Alachua series wares (n=l,163) comprise a total of
60.73% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage at the Fox Pond site. Of these,
Alachua Plain (n-=1,037) makes up 54.15% of the total assemblage and Alachua Cob
Marked (n=126) makes up 6.58%. The frequency and percentage of Cob Marked
Alachua wares is in stark contrast to the Richardson site, where they comprise 43.39%.
As a group, the St. Johns wares represent a total of 14.15% of the total aboriginal
ceramic assemblage at the Fox Pond site (St. Johns Check Stamped, n=163, 8.51%; St.
Johns Plain, n=108, 5.64%), and there is also a significant amount of pottery (18.90%)
associated with the Apalachee and Suwannee Valley cultural regions at the site. Of these
Lamar Complicated Stamped (n=245) makes up 12.79% of the assemblage and
unidentified Jefferson wares (n=l 17) make up 6.11%. The significance of the relatively
large percentage of ceramics traditionally associated with the Apalachee and Suwannee

126
Valley cultural regions and the Eastern Timucua area will be discussed below and in the
subsequent chapter.
Suwannee Valley Cultural Region
Baptizing Springs
As discussed Chapter 3, John Worth (1998a) has identified Baptizing Springs as the
location of the mission San Juan de Guacara, which served the central Timucua during
the 17th century. The data in Tables 4-21 and 4-22 was derived from Lana Jill Loucks’s
(1979) dissertation. As with all other sites, pottery classified initially as Jefferson
Complicated Stamped was renamed Lamar Complicated Stamped for this study. Another
nomenclature problem encountered with the published data (Loucks 1979) was the
category unidentified aboriginal plain, which had a frequency of 4,717 and accounted for
61.44% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. Loucks’s (1979: 185) states that
“some undecorated types such as St. Johns Plain, Miller Plain, and some Jefferson Ware
plain” will be discussed in her study as they are defined by specific paste or form
characteristics. Based on this statement it was assumed that those sherds listed as
unidentified aboriginal plain ceramics would not fall into any of the types listed above.
However, reanalysis of a large sample of the materials from Baptizing Springs conducted
by Gifford Waters at the Florida Museum of Natural History in 2004 indicated that the
vast majority of sherds originally identified as aboriginal plain are actually Jefferson
Plain. As a result it was decided to reclassify the unidentified aboriginal plain category
as Jefferson Plain.
As shown in Table 4-21, 94.78% of the ceramic assemblage at the Baptizing
Springs site is made up of aboriginal ceramics. Spanish majolica, which accounts for all

127
of the table wares, makes up 2.86% of the assemblage and European utilitarian wares, of
which over 93% are olive jar, account for 2.36%
Table 4-21. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs Site
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
232
2.86
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
191
2.36
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
7677
94.78
8100
100.00
Table 4-22. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Baptizing Springs
Site
Item
SumOfFreq
Freq.
ABOCORD
57
0.74
ABODEC
15
0.20
ABOIMP
19
0.25
ABOINC
22
0.29
ABOPINCH
1
0.01
ABOPUNC
34
0.44
ABOS
1893
24.66
ABOSCRAPED
163
2.12
ALACHCOB
5
0.07
AUCINC
9
0.12
CARABELPUNC
10
0.13
CHATBRUSH
19
0.25
JEFFP
4717
61.44
JEFFPINCH
11
0.14
LAMARCOMP
279
3.63
LOCHLOOSAPUNC
16
0.21
MISS
19
0.25
OCMULINC
19
0.25
PINELLASINC
1
0.01
SJP
61
0.79
SJS
282
3.67
WEEDENISLINC
8
0.10
WEEDENISLS
17
0.22
7677
100.00
In Table 4-22, Jefferson Plain (n=4,717) makes up 61.44% of the total aboriginal
ceramic assemblage while other ceramics associated with the Suwannee Valley
archaeological cultural region, such as unidentified Jefferson wares and Lamar

128
Complicated Stamped, make up a combined 3.77%. The St. Johns ceramics (n=343)
make up 4.46%, while Alachua Cob Marked (n=5), the only Alachua series ceramic
listed, comprises only 0.07% of the assemblage. The only other type that makes up a
significant portion of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage at Baptizing Springs is
unidentified aboriginal stamped pottery (n=l,893) which constitutes 24.66% of the
assemblage.
Fig Springs
The Fig Springs site has been identified as the location of the 17th century mission
San Martín de Ayacuto, which served the Western Timucua. The data presented in
Tables 4-23 and 4-24 were assembled from Brent Weisman’s (1998) study of the site. As
demonstrated in Table 4-23, more than 97% of the total ceramic assemblage at the site is
made up of aboriginal ceramics. European utilitarian and table wares account for 2.40%
and 0.56% of the ceramic assemblage respectively.
Table 4-23. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Fig Springs Site
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
20
0.56
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
86
2.40
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
3473
97.04
3579
100.00
Table 4-24 shows the frequencies and percentages of aboriginal ceramic types at
the Fig Springs site. As with all other sites, ceramics classified as Jefferson Complicated
Stamped were renamed Lamar Complicated Stamped for this study. Jefferson Plain
(n=2,148) comprises 61.85% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. All other
ceramics traditionally associated with the Apalachee and Suwannee Valley cultural
regions, such as Lamar Complicated Stamped and Leon-Jefferson wares, make up a

129
Table 4-24. Aborigina
Ceramic Frequencies and Percenl
.ages at the
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOINC
5
0.14
ABOS
229
6.59
ABOUID
316
9.10
ALACHCOB
3
0.09
ALACHP
4
0.12
FSPRINGSROUGH
49
1.41
FWINC
9
0.26
GOGGINCORD
33
0.95
GOGGINiNC
1
0.03
GOGGINP
23
0.66
JEFFP
2148
61.85
LAMARCOMP
385
11.09
LAMARDEC
9
0.26
LAMARP
50
1.44
LEONJEFF
102
2.94
LOCHLOOSAPUNC
12
0.35
MISS
3
0.09
PRARIECORD
58
1.67
PRARIEDEC
1
0.03
SJP
18
0.52
SJS
15
0.43
Total
3473
100.00
at the Fig Springs Site
combined 15.68% of the assemblage. Unidentified aboriginal ceramics (n=316) account
for 9.10% of the assemblage while unidentified aboriginal stamped pottery (n=229) make
up 6.59%. St. Johns series ceramics (n=33) and Alachua series ceramics (n=7) each
account for less than 1% of the assemblage at Fig Springs.
Summary: Western Timucua Sites
Alachua Cultural Region Sites
Table 4-25 shows the aboriginal ceramic data for the sites within the Alachua
cultural region and the region as a whole. As demonstrated in the table, Alachua wares
make up close to 80% of the ceramic assemblage for the region, with the majority being
plain wares. St. Johns ceramics account for over 9% of the assemblage for the region as

130
a whole and Lamar Complicated Stamped comprises 4.52%. No other types make up a
significant portion of the ceramic assemblage for the region as a whole.
Table 4-25. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural
Region
Item
RICH
FP
Reqlon
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABOCOBPUNC
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
ABOGRITINC
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
ABOGROGCOB
0.00
1
0.05
1
0.02
ABOGROGP
0.00
1
0.05
1
0.02
ABOINC
0.00
1
0.05
1
0.02
ABOLMSTN
0.00
1
0.05
1
0.02
ABOP
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
ABOS
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
ABOSH
0.00
20
1.04
20
0.36
ABOUID
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
ALACHCOB
1559
43.39
126
6.58
1685
30.59
ALACHP
1645
45.78
1037
54.15
2682
48.69
AUCINC
0.00
4
0.21
4
0.07
JEFF
0.00
117
6.11
117
2.12
LAMARCOMP
4
0.11
245
12.79
249
4.52
LEONCHECK
7
0.19
0.00
7
0.13
LITTLEMANATEES
1
0.03 '
0.00
1
0.02
LKJACKP
0.00
16
0.84
16
0.29
LOCHLOOSAPUNC
66
1.84
22
1.15
88
1.60
MISS
0.00
18
0.94
18
0.33
PASCOP
0.00
14
0.73
14
0.25
PRARIECORD
42
1.17
4
0.21
46
0.84
SAFHARBINC
3
0.08
0.00
3
0.05
SJCOB
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
SJCORD
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
SJDEC
1
0.03
0.00
1
0.02
SJP
147
4.09
108
5.64
255
4.63
SJS
111
3.09
163
8.51
274
4.97
WEEDENISLP
0.00
4
0.21
4
0.07
WFLCORD
0.00
13
0.68
13
0.24
3593
100.00
1915
100.00
5508
100.00
At the Richardson site Alachua wares make up close to 90% of the aboriginal
ceramic assemblage while at the Fox Pond site they account for slightly more than 60%.

131
Jefferson ceramics and Lamar Complicated Stamped pottery, both of which are
traditionally associated with the Apalachee and Suwannee Valley Culture Indians account
for close to 19% of the assemblage at Fox Pond. At the Richardson site these ceramics
account for less than one percent of the assemblage. St. Johns series ceramics account
for approximately 14% and 7% of the assemblage at Fox Pond and the Richardson site
respectively.
Table 4-26 shows the frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups comprising
the total ceramic assemblage at the Western Timucua sites in the Alachua cultural region.
Aboriginal ceramics account for more than 90% of the total ceramic assemblage at the
Alachua cultural region sites. The Fox Pond assemblage has a much larger percentage
(6.87%) of European utilitarian wares than the Richardson assemblage (1.07%), as well
as a much larger percentage of European table wares (1.72% compared to 0.08%). It is
likely that the higher percentage of European ceramic at Fox Pond reflects the importance
of the site within the mission system as it is documented that the mission functioned as a
doctrina.
Table 4-26. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Alachua Cultural Region
Sites
RICH
FOX
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
3
0.08
36
1.72
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
39
1.07
144
6.87
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
3593
98.84
1915
91.41
3635
100.00
2095
100.00
The aboriginal ceramic assemblages at the Fox Pond and Richardson sites contain
greater than 60% of Alachua series pottery (Table 4-27). At the Fox Pond site the
majority of the Alachua series ceramic are plain wares, while at the Richardson site the

132
percentages of Alachua Plain and Alachua Cob Marked are nearly identical. This
suggests that the high percentages of local Alachua series pottery at the two sites reflect
cultural continuity among the Western Timucua in the Alachua cultural region during the
17th century, and by extension the maintenance of traditional identity. While
maintenance of identity is suggested by the continued production of Alachua series
ceramics, the Fox Pond assemblage is interesting in that 18.90% of the assemblages
comprised of Lamar and Jefferson series pottery, types traditionally associated with the
Apalachee and Suwannee Valley cultural region Timucua. This may suggest a
movement of people from Apalachee and/or the Suwannee Valley during the 17th
century or that the Potano Indians were beginning to produced these ceramics during the
17th century.
Table 4-27. Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Alachua Cultura
Richardson
Fox
Pond
Alachua Plain
45.78
54.15
Alachua Cob
43.39
6.58
Lamar/Jefferson
0.30
18.90
St. Johns Plain
4.09
5.64
St. Johns
Stamped
3.09
8.51
St. Johns
Decorated
0.09
0.00
Mission Red
Filmed
0.00
0.94
UID Decorated
0.12
0.10
Total
96.86
94.82
Region Sites
Suwannee Valley Cultural Region Sites
Table 4-28 shows the aboriginal ceramic data for the Western Timucua sites in the
within the Suwannee Valley cultural region and the region as a whole. As demonstrated
in the table, the aboriginal ceramic assemblage of the Suwannee Valley cultural region
sites as a group are comprised of more than 68% Jefferson and Lamar series ceramics,

133
Table 4-28. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Suwannee Valley
Cultural Region
Item
Bapt.
Sp.
Fig
Sp.
Region
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABOCORD
57
0.74
0.00
57
0.51
ABODEC
15
0.20
0.00
15
0.13
ABOIMP
19
0.25
0.00
19
0.17
ABOINC
22
0.29
5
0.14
27
0.24
ABOPINCH
1
0.01
0.00
1
0.01
ABOPUNC
34
0.44
0.00
34
0.30
ABOS
1893
24.66
229
6.59
2122
19.03
ABOSCRAPED
163
2.12
0.00
163
1.46
ABOUID
0.00
316
9.10
316
2.83
ALACHCOB
5
0.07
3
0.09
8
0.07
ALACHP
0.00
4
0.12
4
0.04
AUCINC
9
0.12
0.00
9
0.08
CARABELPUNC
10
0.13
0.00
10
0.09
CHATBRUSH
19
0.25
0.00
19
0.17
FIGSPRINGSROUGH
0.00
49
1.41
49
0.44
FWINC
0.00
9
0.26
9
0.08
GOGGINCORD
0.00
33
0.95
33
0.30
GOGGININC
0.00
1
0.03
1
0.01
GOGGINP
0.00
23
0.66
23
0.21
JEFFP
4717
61.44
2148
61.85
6865
61.57
JEFFPINCH
11
0.14
0.00
11
0.10
LAMARCOMP
279
3.63
385
11.09
664
5.96
LAMARDEC
0.00
9
0.26
9
0.08
LAMARP
0.00
50
1.44
50
0.45
LEONJEFF
0.00
102
2.94
102
0.91
LOCHLOOSAPUNC
16
0.21
12
0.35
28
0.25
MISS
19
0.25
3
0.09
22
0.20
OCMULINC
19
0.25
0.00
19
0.17
PINELLASINC
1
0.01
0.00
1
0.01
PRARIECORD
0.00
58
1.67
58
0.52
PRARIEDEC
0.00
1
0.03
1
0.01
SJP
61
0.79
18
0.52
79
0.71
SJS
282
3.67
15
0.43
297
2.66
WEEDENISLINC
8
0.10
0.00
8
0.07
WEEDENISLS
17
0.22
0.00
17
0.15
7677
100.00
3473
100.00
11 150
100.00

134
with Jefferson Plain occurring at a frequency over ten times that of decorated varieties.
Unidentified aboriginal stamped ceramics account for 19.03% of the ceramic assemblage
for the region. Slightly more than 3% of the regions assemblage is comprised of St.
Johns ceramics, with the majority of these being check stamped. No other types make up
a significant portion of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage for the region as a whole.
Table 4-29. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Suwannee Valley
Cultural Region Sites
BAPT
FIG
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE
WARES
232
2.86
20
0.56
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
191
2.36
86
2.40
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
7677
94.78
3473
97.04
8100
100.00
3579
100.00
Table 4-29 shows the frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups comprising
the total ceramic assemblage at the Western Timucua sites in the Suwannee Valley
cultural region. Aboriginal ceramics account for more than 94% of the total ceramic
assemblage at the Alachua cultural region sites. The percentage of European ceramics at
the Baptizing Springs site (5.12%) is almost twice as much as at the Fig Springs site
(2.96%). Interestingly the percentages of European utilitarian wares are almost identical.
Table wares, all of which were majolica, have a frequency at Baptizing Springs over ten
times higher than at Fig Springs. It is likely that the higher percentage of European
ceramics at Baptizing Springs reflect the importance of the site within the mission
system.
Ceramics of the Lamar and Jefferson series make up more than 77% of the
aboriginal ceramic assemblage at Fig Springs and over 65% at Baptizing Springs (Table
4-30). As discussed above, the majority of these ceramics are plain wares. Unidentified

135
decorated ceramics are the only other types that make up a significant portion of the
assemblages at the sites within the Suwannee Valley cultural region. According to
Loucks (1979: 158-159), the majority of the unidentified aboriginal decorated pottery at
Baptizing Springs is complicated stamped, and possibly within the Lamar Complicated
Stamped tradition. If this is the case, then ceramics within the Lamar and Jefferson series
account for over 90% of the total ceramic assemblage at the site. Alachua series pottery
makes up less than one percent of the assemblage at each site, and thus can not be used as
marker for identity among the Suwannee Valley cultural region Timucua during the 17th
century. While there is still debate as to when Lamar and Jefferson series ceramics began
to be produced in the region and what caused the shift in material culture production, it is
clear that by the establishment of missions in this region, and likely before, that these
ceramic traditions had been firmly established in the region.
Table 4-30. Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Suwannee Valley Cultural Region Sites
Fig
Springs
Bapt.
Springs
Alachua Plain
0.12
0.00
Alachua Cob
0.09
0.07
Lamar/Jefferson
77.57
65.21
St. Johns Plain
0.52
0.79
St. Johns Stamped
0.43
3.67
St. Johns Decorated
0.00
0.00
Mission Red Filmed
0.09
0.25
UID Decorated
6.73
28.71
Total
85.55
98.70
Eastern Timucua
The Eastern Timucua region is archaeologically represented in this study by the
archaeological remains of the Nombre de Dios mission. As discussed in Chapter 3, the
Nombre de Dios mission was established in the 16th century and carried on until the
demise of the first Spanish period in Florida in 1763. The site of the mission itself

136
actually encompasses two distinct contemporary archaeological sites, the Nombre de
Dios mission site (8SJ34) and the Fountain of Youth site (8SJ31). For the purposes of
this study the data from the two sites have been combined. The data reported below were
gathered from excavations conducted by the Florida Museum of Natural History,
supervised by Gifford Waters under Principal Investigator Dr. Kathleen Deagan. Data
for the St. Johns II period and the 16th century are from Deagan’s (2004) summary of
excavations at the Fountain of Youth site and data for the 17th century was generated
from the Florida Museum of Natural History’s Historical Archaeology database. The
first two tables of data from Nombre de Dios, Table 4-31 and 4-32, list the aboriginal
ceramic assemblage for the St. Johns II period and the 16th century, respectively. Table
4-33 lists the frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups for the total ceramic
assemblage during the 16th century at Nombre de Dios. These data are being included to
establish an early material baseline for Eastern Timucua identity before any significant
mission activity or consolidation occurred. Tables 4-34 and 4-35 list the group
frequencies and percentages for the total ceramic assemblage and the type frequencies
and percentages for the aboriginal ceramic assemblage for the first half of the 17th
century. Tables 4-36 and 4-37 contain the same data for the second half of the 17th
century.
Nombre de Dios-St. Johns II Period
The St. Johns series ceramics (n=219) comprise 73.49% of the total aboriginal
ceramic assemblage at Nombre de Dios during the St. Johns II period. Within this series
the plain wares have a frequency more than four times the decorated wares. Unidentified
sand tempered pottery (n=48) accounts for 16.11% of the assemblage, while sherds
tempered with grog (n=12), including both San Pedro and unidentified sherds, make up

137
4.03%. San Marcos series pottery (n=10) comprises 3.36% and unidentified sand and
grit tempered pottery (n=9) makes up 3.02%.
Table 4-31. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site
for the St. Johns II Period.
Item
Sum
Percent
ABOGRGSTDEC
2
0.67
ABOGRGSTP
9
3.02
ABOGRTSTP
9
3.02
ABOSTP
44
14.77
ABOSTS
4
1.34
SANPEDRO
1
0.34
SJP
179
60.07
SJS
40
13.42
SMP
9
3.02
SMS
1
0.34
TOTAL
298
100.00
Nombre de Dios-16th Century
The aboriginal ceramic assemblage for the 16th century component of Nombre de
Dios, shown in Table 4-32, is dominated by St. Johns wares (n=5,414, 71.99%). Within
this series St. Johns Plain (n=4,288) accounts for close to four times the amount of St.
Johns Check Stamped (n=l,102). All other varieties of St. Johns individually account for
less than one percent of the ceramic assemblage. The next most frequent pottery group is
the San Marcos series (n=618), making up 8.21%, with plain wares occurring at nearly
twice the frequency of decorated wares. Unidentified sand tempered pottery (n=615)
constitute 8.08% with the majority being undecorated. Grog tempered pottery, including
San Pedro and unidentified grog tempered ceramics (n=413) make up 5.49% of the
assemblage, and sand and grit tempered (n=353) comprise 4.69%. All other types
account for less than one percent each.

138
Table 4-32. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site
for the 16th Century
Item
Sum
Percent
ABOGRGSTDEC
45
0.60
ABOGRGSTP
325
4.32
ABOGRTSTP
271
3.60
ABOGRTSTRF
3
0.04
ABOGRTSTS
79
1.05
ABOP
5
0.07
ABORF
7
0.09
ABOSHDEC
9
0.12
ABOSHP
61
0.81
ABOSTINC
7
0.09
ABOSTP
521
6.93
ABOSTRF
4
0.05
ABOSTS
83
1.10
ABOSTSHP
8
0.11
ABOSTSHS
3
0.04
ALTA
6
0.08
LAMLK
1
0.01
MILP
1
0.01
SANPEDRO
43
0.57
SAVCORD
7
0.09
SJ
2
0.03
SJINC
17
0.23
SJP
4288
57.01
SJPUNC
2
0.03
SJRF
2
0.03
SJS
1102
14.65
SJSIMPS
1
0.01
SMCHECK
7
0.09
SMDEC
3
0.04
SMP
405
5.38
SMS
203
2.70
TOTAL
7521
100.00
As shown in Table 4-33, 86.25% of the total 16th century ceramic assemblage at
Nombre de Dios is made up of the aboriginal ceramics discussed above. European
utilitarian ceramics, consisting primarily of olive jar, make up just over 12% of the
assemblage. The remaining portion of the total ceramic assemblage is made up of table

139
wares (1.59%), the majority of which are Spanish majolica. The large percentage of
European ceramics may be a reflection of the Spanish occupation at the site.
Table 4-33. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the 16th Century
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
139
1.59
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
1060
12.16
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
7521
86.25
8720
100.00
Nombre de Dios-First Half of the 17th Century
As shown in Table 4-34, over 91% of the total ceramic assemblage for the first half
of the 17th century at the Nombre de Dios site is comprised of aboriginal ceramics.
European utilitarian wares, comprised almost exclusively of olive jar, account for 5.85%
of the assemblage. European table wares make up 2.93% of the ceramic assemblage.
Table 4-34. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the First Half of the 17 th Century
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
11
2.93%
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
22
5.85%
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
343
91.22%
376
100.00%
As shown in Table 4-35, St. Johns series pottery (n=120) comprise the largest
proportion (34.98%) of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage for the first half of the 17th
century at Nombre de Dios. Within the St. Johns series St. Johns Plain (n=97) makes up
the largest portion, equaling 28.28% of the total assemblage, followed by St. Johns Check
Stamped (n=22) at 6.41%. As a group the San Marcos wares (n=87) make up 25.36% of
the assemblage with the amount of San Marcos Plain (n=41) and San Marcos Stamped
(n=43) being nearly identical. Unidentified aboriginal sand tempered pottery (n=61),

140
Table 4-35. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site
for the first half of the 17 th century
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOGRGSTP
7
2.04
ABOGRITINC -
1
0.29
ABOGRITP
8
2.33
ABOGROGP
3
0.87
ABOGRTSTP
31
9.04
ABOGRTSTS
2
0.58
ABOP
5
1.46
ABOQDEC
2
0.58
ABOSTCHECK
3
0.87
ABOSTINC
1
0.29
ABOSTP
55
16.03
ABOSTS
6
1.75
ABOSTSHP
1
0.29
ALTA
1
0.29
LAMARCOMP
1
0.29
LAMLKINC
1
0.29
MISS
5
1.46
ORNGP
2
0.58
SANPEDRO
1
0.29
SJIMP
1
0.29
SJP
97
28.28
SJS
22
6.41
SMCHECK
2
0.58
SMP
41
11.95
SMS
43
12.54
SMSPUNC
1
0.29
343
100.00
both plain and decorated, account for 17.78% of the assemblage and unidentified
aboriginal sand and grit tempered pottery (n=33) makes up 9.62%. The only other
pottery types that make up a significant percentage of the assemblage are unidentified grit
tempered (n=9) at 2.62%, unidentified grog and sand tempered (n=7) at 2.04%,
unidentified aboriginal plain (n=5) at 1.46%, and Mission Red Filmed (n=5) which
accounts for 1.46% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. All other types account
for less than one percent of the assemblage.

141
Nombre de Dios-Second Half of the 17th Century
Table 4-36 shows the frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups making up the
total ceramic assemblage for the second half of the 17th century at Nombre de Dios. -
96.86% of the ceramic assemblage is made up of aboriginal ceramics. Table wares, of
which the majority are Spanish majolica, make up the next largest percentage of the
assemblage at 2.28%, followed by European utilitarian wares at 0.86%.
Table 4-36. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site for
the Second Half of the 17th Century
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
8
2.28
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
3
0.86
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
339
96.86
350
100.00
Table 4-37 shows the aboriginal ceramic assemblage for the second half of the
17th century at Nombre de Dios. During this period of the mission, San Marcos wares
(n= 121) dominate and represent 35.68% of the total assemblage. These include San
Marcos Plain (n=71) accounting for 20.94% of the total assemblage, and San Marcos
Stamped (n=46) comprising 13.57%. As a group the St. Johns pottery (n=95) constitute
28.01% of the assemblage, with St. Johns Plain (n=77) accounting for 22.71% of the
assemblage and St. Johns Check Stamped (n=17) making up 5.01%. Unidentified
aboriginal sand tempered pottery (n=63) makes up 18.58% of the assemblage with
unidentified aboriginal sand tempered plain accounting for the majority of sherds in this
group. 5.29% of the total assemblage is made up of unidentified aboriginal sand and grit
tempered pottery (n=18) with the majority of these being undecorated. The only other
Native American pottery types that are present in significant numbers are unidentified

142
aboriginal plain pottery (n=21) representing 6.19% of the assemblage and unidentified
aboriginal grog tempered pottery (n=l 1) which accounts for 3.24%.
Table 4-37. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the Nombre de Dios Site
for the Second Half of the 17th century
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABODEC
1
0.29
ABOGRITP
2
0.59
ABOGROGP
11
3.24
ABOGRTSHP
2
0.59
ABOGRTSTCHECK
1
0.29
ABOGRTSTDEC
1
0.29
ABOGRTSTINC
1
0.29
ABOGRTSTP
12
3.54
ABOGRTSTS
1
0.29
ABOP
21
6.19
ABOS
3
0.88
ABOSTCHECK
2
0.59
ABOSTP
56
16.52
ABOSTS
5
1.47
ABOSTSHDEC
1
0.29
MISS
1
0.29
ORNG
1
0.29
ORNGP
1
0.29
SJIMP
1
0.29
SJP
77
22.71
SJS
17
5.01
SM
1
0.29
SMDEC
3
0.88
SMP
71
20.94
SMS
46
13.57
339
100.00
Summary: Eastern Timucua Sites
Table 4-38 shows the frequencies and percentages of ceramic groups that make up
the ceramic assemblages at the Nombre de Dios site during the time periods discussed
above. Aboriginal ceramics make up over 90% of the total ceramic assemblage for every
time period except the 16th century. The ceramic assemblage for this time period also
contains the largest percentage of European utilitarian wares at 12.16%, with the next

143
highest level being 5.85% in the first half of the 17th century. Table ware percentages
are comparable for each of the time periods with the first half of the 17th century having
a somewhat larger percentage (2.93%) compared to the other periods of the historic era.
The majority of European table wares in all time periods is Spanish majolica. The fact
that the Spanish occupied the site alongside the Timucua during the 16th century likely
accounts for the significantly higher percentage of European ceramics during that time
period.
Table 4-39 shows that the Eastern Timucua mission site of Nombre de Dios is
dominated by both St. Johns and San Marcos series ceramics. During the St. Johns II
period and the 16th century, St. Johns ceramics make up 73.49% and 71.99% of the
ceramic assemblage respectively. St. Johns ceramics comprise 34.98% in the first half of
the century and 28.01% in the second half. San Marcos series ceramics increase
dramatically in percentage during the 17th century. San Marcos makes up only 3.36% of
the St. Johns II assemblage and 8.21% of the 16th century assemblage. During the 17th
century the percentage of San Marcos is 25.36% for the first half and 35.68% for the
second half. Unidentified sand tempered pottery also makes up a significant percentage
of the ceramic assemblage for each period, comprising 16.11% during the St. Johns II
period, 8.08% during the 16th century, 17.78% in the first half of the 17th century, and
18.58% in the second. The percentage of grog tempered pottery remains relatively stable
throughout each period, with the lowest percentage being 4.03% during the St. Johns II
period and the highest, 5.49%, during the 16th century. The only other type making up a
significant portion of the assemblages in unidentified sand and grit tempered pottery.
This unidentified type accounts for 3.02% of the St. Johns II assemblage, 4.69% of the

144
16th century assemblage, 9.62 of the first half of the 17th century, and 4.70% of the
second half.
Table 4-38. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages for the Eastern Timucua Site of
Nombre de Dios
SJ II
16
17a
17b
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN
TABLE WARES
0
0.00
139
1.59
11
2.93
8
2.28
EUROPEAN
UTILITARIAN
0
0.00
1060
12.16
22
5.85
3
0.86
ABORIGINAL
UTILITARIAN
298
100.00
7521
86.25
343
91.22
339
96.86
298
100.00
8720
100.00
376
100.00
350
100.00
Table 4-39. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages for the Eastern Timucua
Region
Item
SJ II
16
17a
17b
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABODEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
ABOGRGSTDEC
2
0.67
45
0.60
0.00
0.00
ABOGRGSTP
9
3.02
325
4.32
7
2.04
0.00
ABOGRITDEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
ABOGRITINC
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
0.00
ABOGRITP
0.00
0.00
8
2.33
2
0.59
ABOGROGCM
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
ABOGROGDEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
ABOGROGP
0.00
0.00
3
0.8
11
3.24
ABOGRTSHP
0.00
0.00
0.00
2
0.59
ABOGRTSTCHECK
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
ABOGRTSTDEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
ABOGRTSTINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
ABOGRTSTP
9
3.02
271
3.60
31
9.04
12
3.54
ABOGRTSTRF
0.00
3
0.04
0.00
0.00
ABOGRTSTS
0.00
79
1.05
2
0.58
1
0.29
ABOP
0.00
5
0.07
5
1.46
21
6.19
ABOQDEC
0.00
0.00
2
0.58
0.00
ABORF
0.00
7
0.09
0.00
0.00
ABOS
0.00
0.00
0.00
3
0.88
ABOSHDEC
0.00
9
0.12
0.00
0.00
ABOSHP
0.00
61
0.81
0.00
0.00
ABOSTCHECK
0.00
0.00
3
0.87
2
0.59
ABOSTDEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
ABOSTINC
0.00
7
0.09
1
0.29
0.00
ABOSTP
44
14.77
521
6.93
55
16.03
56
16.52
ABOSTRF
0.00
4
0.05
0.00
0.00

145
Table 4-39. Continued
Item
SJ II
16
17a
17b
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
Freq
Percent
ABOSTSHDEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
ABOSTSHP
0.00
8
0.1
1
0.29
0.00
ABOSTSHS
0.00
3
0.04
0.00
0.00
ALTA
0.00
6
0.08
1
0.29
0.00
LAMARCOMP
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
0.00
LAMLKBINC
0.00
1
0.01
1
0.29
0.00
MILP
0.00
1
0.01
0.00
0.00
MISSRF
0.00
0.00
5
1.46
1
0.29
ORNG
0.00
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
ORNGP
0.00
0.00
2
0.58
1
0.29
ORNGINC
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
SANPEDRO
1
0.34
43
0.57
1
0.29
0.00
SAVCORD
0.00
7
0.09
0.00
0.00
SJ
0.00
2
0.03
0.00
0.00
SJDEC
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
SJIMP
0.00
0.0
1
0.29
1
0.29
SJINC
0.00
17
0.23
0.00
0.00
SJP
179
60.07
4288
57.01
97
28.28
77
22.71
SJPUNC
0.00
2
0.03
0.00
0.00
SJRF
0.00
2
0.03
0.00
0.00
SJS
40
13.42
1102
14.65
22
6.41
17
5.01
SJSIMPS
0.00
1
0.01
0.00
0.00
SM
0.00
0.0
0.00
1
0.29
SMCHECK
0.00
7
0.09
2
0.58
0.00
SMDEC
0.00
3
0.04
0.00
3
0.88
SMP
9
3.02
405
5.38
41
11.95
71
20.94
SMPUNC
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
SMS
1
0.34
203
2.70
43
12.54
46
13.57
SMSPUNC
0.00
0.00
1
0.29
0.00
SWCRS
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
298
100.00
7521
100.00
343
100.00
339
100.00
The Nombre de Dios site is the only Eastern Timucua community represented in
this study. The mission at this site was occupied from the late 16th century until the end
of the first Spanish period in Florida (Table 4-40). During the St. Johns II period and the
16th century St. Johns series ceramics account for approximately 73% and 70 % of the
total aboriginal ceramic assemblage respectively. San Marcos series ceramics make up a
very small portion of the assemblage in each of these time periods, comprising slightly

146
more than 4% in the St. Johns II period and approximately 9% in the 16th century.
Unidentified aboriginal sand tempered ceramics are also well represented in the
assemblages, accounting for over 16% in the St. Johns II period and close to 8% in the
16th century.
Table 4-40. Percentage of Ceramic Categories at Coastal Timucua Sites and Region
SJ II
16
17a
17b
St. Johns Plain
60.70
55.12
28.28
22.71
St. Johns Stamped
13.42
14.16
6.41
5.01
St. Johns Decorated
0.00
0.29
0.29
0.29
San Marcos Plain
3.02
5.21
11.95
20.94
San Marcos Stamped
0.34
2.61
12.83
13.57
San Marcos Decorated
0.00
0.04
0.00
1.17
San Marcos Checked
0.00
0.09
0.58
0.00
Mission Red Filmed
0.00
0.00
1.46
0.29
Grit/Grit Sand Plain
3.02
3.48
11.37
4.13
Grit/Grit Sand Stamped
0.00
1.02
0.58
0.29
Grit/Grit Sand Checked
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.29
Grit/Grit Sand Decorated
0.00
4.00
0.29
0.58
Sand Plain
14.77
6.70
16.03
16.52
Sand Stamped
1.34
1.07
1.75
1.47
Sand Checked
0.00
0.00
0.87
0.59
Sand Decorated
0.Q0
0.14
0.29
0.00
Total
96.61
93.93
92.98
87.85
In the first half of the 17th century St. Johns series ceramics account for close to
35% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage at the site, with the vast majority of these
being plain wares. San Marcos series pottery accounts for slightly over 25% of the
assemblage, with slightly over half of the San Marcos wares being decorated with a
stamped motif. Unidentified grit and sand and grit tempered pottery account for over
12% of the assemblage. If these are actually San Marcos series pottery then San Marcos
wares would account for over 35% of the total assemblage. During th.e second half of the
17th century the St. Johns series accounts for just over 28% of the aboriginal ceramic
assemblage at Nombre de Dios while the San Marcos series accounts for over 35%. If
unidentified grit and sand and grit tempered pottery are included with San Marcos then

147
the series accounts for close to 41% of the total assemblage. Mission Red Filmed pottery
comprises just under 1.5% of the ceramic assemblage during the first of the 17th century
and less than 0.5% during the second. This suggests that while it was present, it was not
being produced by the Eastern Timucua in a significant amount and its presence may be
the result of trade.
These data indicate that during the 17th century San Marcos pottery became the
dominant aboriginal ceramic type at Nombre de Dios, increasing 15% as an identified
type and by more than 25% if grit and sand and grit tempered pottery is included over
16th century levels. Whether the unidentified sherds are San Marcos or not, it is clear
that either the production or importation of Guale ceramics was on the rise during the
17th century at Nombre de Dios. The data indicate that this trend continued into the
second half of the century as San Marcos series ceramics became even more prevalent.
One possible explanation for this increasing dominance of San Marcos pottery is that at
some time during the 17th century local Timucua potters began making ceramics that
resembled San Marcos wares, and that this practiced intensified over time. It is also
possible that the increase in San Marcos ceramics represents either trade with the Guale
or Yamasee or the presence of these groups at the mission. As will be discussed in
greater detail below, it is possible that there was a Spanish preference for San Marcos
ceramics, and in order to participate in the market the Timucua began to produce the
desired type.
Yamasee
Altamaha Town
Altamaha Town is one of the few Yamasee village sites that has been excavated
and reported on in detail. The site, located in Beaufort County, South Carolina, was

148
excavated by William Green from 1989 to 1990. The Yamasee settled on the site some
time during the early 18th century. Green’s (1992) report does not specify which
component of the site the historic ceramics came from, so only- the aboriginal pottery will
be presented and discussed (Table 4-41).
Table 4-41. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Altamaha
Town
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOBRUSH
1
0.32
ABOCORD
54
17.09
ABOIMP
1
0.32
ABOPUNC
2
0.63
ABORF
1
0.32
ABOS
1
0.32
ABOUID
98
31.01
IRENE
9
2.85
SMCHECK
36
11.39
SMP
61
19.30
SMS
52
16.46
316
100.00
As shown in Table 4-41, San Marcos series ceramics (n=149) comprise 47.15% of
the aboriginal ceramic assemblage at Altamaha Town. Within the San Marcos pottery,
plain wares make up the largest portion followed by San Marcos stamped (19.30% and
16.46% of the total assemblage respectively). Check stamping on San Marcos is also
fairly common at Altamaha Town and makes up 11.39% of the assemblage. More than
30% of the ceramic assemblage was recorded as unidentifiable. These sherds could not
be identified due to eroded or weather surfaces. It is likely that these sherds were San
Marcos series ceramics. If this is true, then San Marcos would account for close to 80%
of the ceramic assemblage at the site. The only other ceramic that is present in
significant quantities at the site was unidentified aboriginal cord marked (n=54) which
makes up just over 17% of the assemblage.

149
Summary: The Yamasee Region
As discussed above, San Marcos series pottery comprised the largest proportion of
the aboriginal ceramic assemblage at the Yamasee site of Altamaha. While close to half
of the assemblage was recorded as San Marcos, it is likely that the unidentified pottery is
also San Marcos which would raise the percentage to close to 80%. Of particular interest
in the San Marcos series is the relatively high percentage of check stamping and plain
varieties. This is in stark contrast to sites of the Guale, who also produced San Marcos
ceramics but had simple and cross simple stamping as the most prevalent decorative
motifs. It is believed that this difference is significant and can be used to distinguish
assemblages between the Yamasee and Guale.
Table 4-42 shows the percentage of ceramic categories at the Yamasee site of
Altamaha town. Unlike the Guale sites discussed, the Yamasee site has a larger
percentage of San Marcos plain than San Marcos stamped. Also of note is the large
percentage of check stamping on San Marcos. It is believed that check stamping and
higher percentages of plain wares among the San Marcos series ceramics is a signifier of
Yamasee identity. It should also be noted that the actual percentage of San Marcos is
likely closer to 80% at the site based on the amount of unidentified pottery as discussed
above.
Table 4-42. Percentage o:
Ceramic Categories at Altamaha Town
Altamaha
Town
San Marcos Check
11.39
San Marcos Plain
19.30
San Marcos Stamped
16.46
Cord Marked
17.09

150
18th Century Mission Settlements
Pocotalaca
The Pocotalaca mission, also known as the mission of San Antonio de Pocotalaca.
(Worth 1998b), is located at 126 Oneida Street in the southwest portion of St. Augustine,
outside the western historic city walls. The 18th century Pocotalaca mission served as a
refugee mission site for both Guale and Yamasee Indians (Worth 1998b). The site was
excavated by Carl Halbirt and analysis was carried out by Gifford Waters at the Florida
Museum of Natural History. Table 4-43 lists the entire ceramic assemblage for the site.
Over 95% of the ceramic assemblage at Pocotalaca is made up of aboriginal ceramics.
European table wares, the majority of which are majolica, account for 3.14% and
European utilitarian wares account for 1.79%.
Table 4-43. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Pocotalaca
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
7
3.14%
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
4
1.79%
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
212
95.07%
223
100.00%
As shown in Table 4-44, over half of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage at
Pocotalaca is comprised of San Marcos pottery (n=136, 55.28%). Within the San Marcos
series, San Marcos Plain (n=94) occurs at more than two times the frequency of San
Marcos Stamped (n=40). Unidentified aboriginal sand and grit tempered pottery as a
group (n=50) makes up 20.33% of the assemblage, with over half of those sherds being
plain (n=38). Unidentified aboriginal sand tempered pottery (n=40) comprises 16.27% of
the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage with the plain variety (n=29) being the most
common. Plain and decorated Mission Red Filmed ceramics (n=8) make up 3.26% of the
assemblage, while unidentified aboriginal grog tempered plain (n=3) comprises 1.22%.

151
The only other group of pottery that comprises a significant portion of the ceramic
assemblage at Pocotalaca are those associated with the Apalachee region, namely Lamar
Complicated Stamped (n=4) and Miller Plain (n=3). Combined, these types account for
2.85% of all aboriginal ceramics.
Table 4-44. Aboriginal
Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of Pocotalaca
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOGROGP
3
1.22
ABOGRTSTCHECK
2
0.81
ABOGRTSTINC
1
0.41
ABOGRTSTP
38
15.45
ABOGRTSTS
9
3.66
ABOSTCHECK
1
0.41
ABOSTINC
1
0.41
ABOSTP
29
11.79
ABOSTS
9
3.66
ABOSTSHS
2
0.81
LAMARCOMP
4
1.63
MILP
3
1.22
MISS
7
2.85
MISSDEC
1
0.41
SMCHECK
2
0.81
SMP
94
38.21
SMS
40
16.26
246
100.00
La Punta
The site of La Punta (8SJ3499) was the mission Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la
Punta (Worth 1998b). This site, located at the southern extremes of colonial St.
Augustine, was excavated by Carl Halbirt and analysis was performed and reported by
Andrea White (2002). The La Punta mission primarily served the Yamasee Indians,
although there were likely Apalachee Indians at the mission as well (Worth 1998b).
As the data in Table 4-45 show, aboriginal ceramics make up over 89% of the
ceramic assemblage at La Punta. European table wares account for 7.19% of the ceramic
assemblage at La Punta, but unlike all other sites discussed so far, the majority of

152
ceramics in this category are not Spanish majolica but rather English slip wares and delft.
European utilitarian wares account for 3.62% of the ceramic assemblage, with the
majority of the utilitarian wares being olive jar.
Table 4-45. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the La Punta Site
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
296
7.19
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
149
3.62
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
3670
89.19
4115
100.00
The data for the aboriginal ceramic assemblage for the site of La Punta are recorded in
Table 4-46. 61.80% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage at La Punta is comprised
of San Marcos wares (n=2,268). Within this category, San Marcos Plain (n=840)
comprises the majority and makes up 22.89% of the total assemblage. The next most
frequent is San Marcos unidentified (n=773). These sherds were listed simply as “San
Marcos” because of weathering or eroding of the surface of the sherds which prohibited
them from being placed in a more specific category. San Marcos Check Stamped
(n=375) is the next most common of the San Marcos series and comprises 10.22% of the
assemblage, followed by San Marcos Stamped (n=264) which accounts for 7.19% of all
of the aboriginal ceramics. Unidentified aboriginal sand tempered pottery (n=975) makes
up 26.57% of the assemblage, with the plain variety (n=461) making up the majority. As
with the San Marcos series pottery, unidentified aboriginal check stamped pottery
(n=107) also makes up a significant portion of the assemblage at 2.92%.
The next most frequent category of aboriginal ceramics is Mission Red Filmed
series (n=271), including Missions Red Filmed Plain (n=219), Mission Red Filmed
Stamped (n=37), and Mission Red Filmed Check Stamped (n=15), which combined
account for 7.33% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage.

153
Table 4-46. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the site of La Punta
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABODEC
3
0.08
ABOFTDEC
4
0.11
ABOGGTDEC
2
0.05
ABOGGTP
3
0.08
ABOGGTS
1
0.03
ABOGROGP
5
0.14
ABOGRTSHCHECK
4
0.11
ABOGRTSHDEC
27
0.74
ABOGRTSHP
10
0.27
ABOGRTSHS
3
0.08
ABOGRTSTCHECK
1
0.03
ABOGRTSTP
1
0.03
ABOSHCHECK
6
0.16
ABOSHDEC
20
0.54
ABOSHP
9
0.25
ABOSHS
1
0.03
ABOSTCHECK
107
2.92
ABOSTDEC
333
9.07
ABOSTINC
1
0.03
ABOSTP
461
12.56
ABOSTPUNC
1
0.03
ABOSTS
72
1.96
ABOSTSHDEC
1
0.03
CLNO
15
0.41
MISS
219
5.97
MISSCHECK
15
0.41
MISSS
37
1.01
SJ
2
0.05
SJDEC
6
0.16
SJP
23
0.63
SJS
9
0.25
SM
773
21.06
SMCHECK
375
10.22
SMCHECKINC
1
0.03
SMDEC
11
0.30
SMIMP
1
0.03
SMINC
1
0.03
SMP
840
22.89
SMPUNC
2
0.05
SMS
264
7.19
3670
100.00

154
The only other series of Native American pottery present in a significant amount at La
Punta is the St. Johns series (n=40) which makes up 1.09% of the assemblage. More than
half of the St. Johns sherds are St. Johns Plain (n=23), followed by St. Johns Check
Stamped (n=9), St. Johns Decorated (n=6), and St. Johns (n=2). St. Johns Decorated
sherds were clearly decorated, however the decorative motif was either eroded or
obliterated, preventing more specific categorization. St. Johns with no description
indicates that the sherds were clearly St. Johns, but were too eroded to determine if they
were decorated or undecorated. It should also be noted that check stamped ceramics that
are not part of the St. Johns or San Marcos series account for 3.22% of the total
aboriginal ceramic assemblage.
Nombre de Dios-18th Century
The mission of Nombre de Dios (8SJ34 and 8SJ31) continued to serve the Eastern
Timucua Indians during the 18th century, but also saw the arrival of Timucua Indians
from the interior of Florida. It is also likely that at various times there were small
numbers of Guale, Yamasee, and Apalachee at the mission, but the majority of the
population was Timucua. (Worth 1998b). To date no 18th century mission deposits have
been found during at excavations at the Fountain of Youth Park site (8SJ31) (Deagan
2004). Eighteenth century mission deposits presented in Tables 4-47 and 4-48 are from
the Nombre de Dios site (8SJ34).
Table 4-47. Ceramic Group Frequencies and Percentages at the 18th Century Site of
Nombre de Dios
Freq
Percent
EUROPEAN TABLE WARES
12
2.01%
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN
29
4.85%
ABORIGINAL UTILITARIAN
557
93.14%
598
100.00%

155
The data in Table 4-47 shows that 93.14% of the 18th century ceramic assemblage
at Nombre de Dios is made up of aboriginal ceramics. Utilitarian ceramics comprise the
next largest_percentage at 4.85%, followed by European table wares, the majority of
which are Spanish majolica, which account for 1.17% of the total ceramic assemblage.
As shown in Table 4-48, San Marcos series pottery (n=217) is the most prevalent
aboriginal ceramic during the 18th century at the mission Nombre de Dios and accounts
for 38.97% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. The majority of San Marcos
wares are San Marcos Stamped (n=l 13) which make up 20.29% of the total assemblage
and San Marcos Plain (n=83) which account for 14.90%. San Marcos Check Stamped
(n=9), while not extremely common, accounts for 1.62% of the total aboriginal ceramic
assemblage. The next most abundant group of Native American ceramics are those in the
St. Johns series (n=162) which account for 29.09% of the total assemblage. Of these
sherds, St. Johns Check Stamped (n=90) are the most common and make up 16.16% of
the total assemblage followed by St. Johns Plain (n=68) which constitute 12.21%.
No other formally defined types occur in any significant amounts at Nombre de
Dios during the 18th century, however there are a number of unidentified categories that
are significant in quantity and percentage. Unidentified aboriginal sand temper wares
(n=75) make up 13.47% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage, with the plain variety
(n=70) making up the vast majority. Unidentified aboriginal grit tempered pottery (n=38)
also appears in significant numbers and accounts for 6.82% of the total assemblage, again
with the plain variety (n=34) accounting for the majority. 4.67% of the total aboriginal
ceramic assemblage is comprised of unidentified aboriginal sand and grit tempered
pottery (n=26), all of which are undecorated.

156
Table 4-48. Aboriginal Ceramic Frequencies and Percentages at the 18th century site of
Nombre de Dios
Item
SumOfFreq
Percent
ABOCHECK
3
0.54
ABOGGTS
2
0.36
ABOGRGSTCHECK
1
0.18
ABOGRITCHECK
3
0.54
ABOGRITP
34
6.10
ABOGRITPUNC
1
0.18
ABOGROGCHECK
1
0.18
ABOGROGP
8
1.44
ABOGROGPUNC
1
0.18
ABOGROGS
1
0.18
ABOGRTSHP
4
0.72
ABOGRTSTP
26
4.67
ABOP
10
1.80
ABOPUNC
1
0.18
ABOSHP
1
0.18
ABOSTCHECK
2
0.36
ABOSTDEC
2
0.36
ABOSTP
70
12.57
ABOSTPUNC
1
0.18
ABOSTSHP
2
0.36
DEPTSPUNC
1
0.18
MISS
1
0.18
ORNG
2
0.36
SJ
4
0.72
SJP
68
12.21
SJS
90
16.16
SM
9
1.62
SMCHECK
9
1.62
SMINC
1
0.18
SMP
83
14.90
SMPUNC
1
0.18
SMS
113
20.29
SMSPUNC
1
0.18
557
100.00
Finally, unidentified aboriginal grog tempered pottery (n=ll) comprises 1.98% of the
total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. Check stamped pottery not belonging to the St.
Johns or San Marcos series makes up 1.80% of the total aboriginal ceramic assemblage at
the Nombre de Dios site during the 18th century.

157
Summary: 18th Century Sites
The 18th century mission settlements are represented by three sites, Nombre de
Dios which was primarily occupied by the Timucua, the La Punta site which was
primarily inhabited by the Yamasee, and the site of the Pocotalaca mission which served
both the Guale and the Yamasee. During this time period the ceramic assemblage at
Nombre de Dios shows an increased dominance of the San Marcos series pottery (Table
4-49). St. Johns series pottery accounts for just over 29% of the assemblage and San
Marcos series pottery comprises close to 39%. During the 17th century St. Johns Plain
occurred in higher percentages than St. Johns Check Stamped but in the 18th century the
Check Stamped variety is more prevalent. Also of note is that within the San Marcos
series stamping is more common than undecorated sherds at Nombre de Dios in the 18th
century. San Marcos Check Stamped occurs at nearly five times the percentage during
the 18th century as it does during the 17th. This is significant in that the percentage of
San Marcos Check Stamped at Nombre de Dios during the 18th century is not only much
higher than that during the 17th century, but also because it occurs at a level nearly fifty-
five times greater than in the Guale sites. This strongly suggests the continuation of
traditional pottery production techniques among the Yamasee at the site.
At the 18th century Yamasee site of La Punta, San Marcos series pottery comprises
more than 61% of its total aboriginal ceramic assemblage. While initially this may imply
a Guale dominated ceramic assemblage at the site, it must be remembered that the
ceramics produced by the Yamasee and the Guale are both categorized as San Marcos
(Saunders 2001). Of particular note within the San Marcos series pottery is the high
percentage of San Marcos Check Stamped (10.25%), at La Punta.

158
Table 4-49. Percentage of Ceramic Categories at 18th Century Mission Settlements
Nombre 18
La Punta
Pocotalaca
St. Johns Plain
12.21
0.63
0.00
St. Johns Stamped
16.16
0.25
0.00
St. Johns Decorated
... 0.72
0.21
0.00
San Marcos Plain
14.90
22.89
38.21
San Marcos Stamped
20.47
7.19
16.26
San Marcos Check
1.62
10.25
0.81
San Marcos Decorated
1.98
21.47
0.00
Mission Red Filmed
0.18
7.39
3.26
Lamar/Leon-Jefferson
0.00
0.00
2.85
Grit/GritSand Plain
10.77
0.03
15.45
Grit/GritSand Stamped
0.18
0.00
3.66
Grit/GritSand Checked
0.54
0.03
0.81
Grit/GritSand Decorated
0.00
0.00
0.41
Sand Plain
12.57
12.56
11.79
Sand Stamped
0.00
1.96
3.66
Sand Checked
0.36
2.92
0.41
Sand Decorated
0.54
9.13
0.41
Total
93.20
96.91
97.99
This, when considered with the data from Altamaha Town, is an indication that the
Yamasee were more inclined to practice check stamping as a decorative motif than the
Guale. Excluding the San Marcos Check Stamped from the series, plain wares comprise
just less than 5% of the aboriginal ceramics assemblage than the decorated varieties.
This is in contrast to samples from the 17th century Guale mission sites, where San
Marcos decorated sherds are more prevalent than plain sherds. This increased amount of
San Marcos Plain at La Punta may be a reflection of Yamasee ceramic production or
preference.
Also of note is that Mission Red Filmed accounts for more than 7% of the
assemblage at La Punta, suggesting that the Yamasee, or the Apalachee at the mission,
were engaged in its production. While it is unclear whether it was the Yamasee, the
Apalachee, or both who were producing Mission Red Filmed, the total absence of
Apalachee tradition wares at the site may hint that the Apalachee had discontinued their

159
earlier pottery traditions when relocated to St. Augustine. Unidentified grit and sand grit
tempered pottery is almost nonexistent at La Punta, but sand tempered pottery is
prevalent, comprising over 26% of the total assemblage. As with the San Marcos series
pottery at the site, plain pottery in this category is most common, although it should be
noted that unidentified decorated pottery and unidentified aboriginal sand tempered check
stamped pottery account for close to 3% of the total ceramic assemblage.
The data show that the Yamasee at La Punta primarily produced San Marcos series
pottery, but that plain and check stamped varieties had greater importance than seen at
any of the Guale sites discussed. It is likely that the Yamasee had already incorporated
check stamping as a decorative technique for their pottery before their arrival into St.
Augustine in the 18th century, a hypothesis supported by the data from Altamaha Town.
Furthermore, the relatively high percentage of Mission Red Filmed indicates the likely
production of the type at the site. It is likely that the Apalachee present at the site
encouraged the development of its production as it was a type they were already familiar
with. However it can be argued that the Yamasee also participated in its manufacture as
some of the recovered sherds have check stamping and other stamping on them.
The third 18th century refugee village site that was examined is the site of
Pocotalaca, which served both the Guale and the Yamasee. Close to 55% of the total
ceramic assemblage at this site was comprised of San Marcos series pottery. San Marcos
Plain was even more prevalent at Pocotalaca than at La Punta, comprising close to five
times the percentage of stamped wares in the aboriginal ceramic assemblage as stamped.
This might further strengthen the hypothesis that plain varieties of San Marcos were
preferred by the Yamasee over stamped, or that Guale decoration overall declined in the

160
18th century consolidated villages. There are other aspects of the data that may also be
influential. San Marcos Check Stamped accounts for less than 1% of the total
assemblage at Pocotalaca and unidentified aboriginal sand tempered check stamped
accounts for less than 0.5%. It is thus hypothesized that while both Guale and Yamasee
were present at the site, it was primarily occupied by Guale or that Guale people were the
primary potters. If in fact check stamping and undecorated ceramics are Yamasee-
associated traits and not representative of Guale cultural change, this would explain the
absence of check stamping of pottery to any large degree and the high percentage of San
Marcos Plain was likely the result of the loss of decorative techniques due to stress and
work load.
It is interesting to find that close to 3% of the assemblage at Pocotalaca is
comprised of Apalachee wares (n=7), and that slightly over 3% of the assemblage is
Mission Red Filmed (n=8). Laboratory analysis of the materials from Pocotalaca
indicates that four of the Lamar Complicated Stamped sherds, however, were from the
same vessel. If these had not broken apart so much it would have reduced the percentage
that these wares made up at the site.
The assemblage from the Pocotalaca site indicates a continuity of ceramic
traditions among the Guale and Yamasee at the site with some modifications.
Unidentified aboriginal pottery with check stamping accounts for 1.22% of the total
aboriginal ceramic assemblage. When combined with San Marcos Check Stamped,
check stamping as a decorative motif makes up 2.03% of the assemblage. It is quite
possible, especially when coupled with the data from Altamaha Town and La Punta, that
check stamping is not only associated with the Timucua, such as on St. Johns Check

161
Stamped, but also with the Yamasee. The presence of Mission Red Filmed might be the
result of limited production at the site or as a result of trade with Indians from the nearby
La Punta mission. Lastly, while the data indicate that pottery traditions remained fairly
constant among the Guale, there was relatively high percentage of undecorated pottery at
Pocotalaca. It is likely that this is a result of Yamasee preference or a tradition of
undecorated pottery among the Yamasee, based on the high percentage of undecorated
pottery at La Punta, however it could also be a result of stress brought on by hardships
faced on the mission resulting in a loss of decorative traditions as discussed above.
c*

CHAPTER 5
INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
This chapter will provide an interpretation of the data presented in the previous
chapter, and conclusions as they related to the central theme of this dissertation. The
main goal of this study is to examine the effects of the new multi-ethnic or multicultural
contact situations in which the various Native American cultural or ethnic groups found
themselves in the 18th century. Of particular interest is the question of how these new,
multicultural or multi-ethnic contact situations affected cultural and/or ethnic identity
among the Indians of the southeastern United States. The combination of archaeological
and historical data on the framework of the theoretical perspective discussed in Chapter 1
makes this study possible.
The use of Bourdieu’s (1977) practice theory of ethnicity and concept of habitus
helps to frame the data offered in the preceding chapter in a way meaningful to the
attempt to view ethnicity in the archaeological record and changes in it over time.
Acceptance of the core concept of habitus, which is made up of durable dispositions and
practices, allows the archaeologist to look not just for symbolic markers for specific
ethnic groups but rather patterned behaviors and material expressions of identity.
It is argued in Chapter 3 that ceramic production and ceramic attributes, both
technological and stylistic, are primarily domestic activities whose roots are founded in
the habitus. The practices of ceramic production, including tempering agents, form,
decorative motifs, and use are passed down from one generation to the next, the
knowledge being transmitted without the actors consciously thinking about why things
162

163
are done the way they are. The patterned material expressions of this behavior are then
viewed by archaeologists as expressions of ethnic identity, many of the traits being
subconscious while others, such as overt symbolic markers, being conscious decisions.
As discussed in Chapter 3, Sackett (1986) states that style and ethnic signaling can be
both active and passive. Active signaling of identity in ceramic production is most often
seen in decorative techniques, such as stamping motifs on San Marcos pottery, that can
be highly symbolic and meant to actively convey a message to others. During times of
stress however, such as those encountered by the Indians affected by the Spanish mission
system, such active stylistic attributes are often lost or simplified even though the ethnic
identity of the producers may not have changed (Rice 1987). It is therefore important
that archaeologists look at those stylistic attributes that are passive signifiers as being the
main areas in which ethnicity and identity reside in ceramic technology.
Following from Bourdieu (1977) and Jones (1997), ethnicity and identity are also
characterized as situational or contextual, that is, that identity is a fluid concept and that
people may claim different or multiple identities depending on the situational context in
which they find themselves. Expressions of identity may then be dependant on issues of
scale, in this case identity within the refugee mission settlements versus identity
representation on the larger, city scale, that is, representation of Indian identity when
dealing with other Indians versus representation of identity when dealing with the
Spanish.
As discussed in Chapter 3, throughout the 18th century, census and parish records
and other official documents often include information about the cultural or tribal
affiliation of the Indians based primarily on language. These records were used to

164
identify the tribal or ethnic affiliation of Native Americans living on the 18th century
refugee villages. This information was then combined with the archaeological data from
the sites used in this study to examine the effects of mission village relocation and
consolidation on Native American identity in the 18th century.
Analysis of the data presented in Chapter 4 documents the ceramic patterns that
characterized the various groups being studied that result from durable dispositions and
practices (habitus), and by extension, reflect identity. For example, 17th century mission
Apalachee identity can be recognized archaeologically through the production of
ceramics such as Lamar Complicated Stamped, Leon Check Stamped, and Jefferson
Plain, Western Timucua group identity is expressed through the production of Alachua
series ware among the Potano and Jefferson Plain and unidentified decorated ceramics
among the Suwannee Valley groups, and Guale and Yamasee identity is expressed
through San Marcos series pottery production, with the latter group having a higher
percentage of plain and check stamped pottery (Figures 5-1 and 5-2).
The first section of the chapter will detail conclusions that have been drawn from
the data and their interpretations as they relate to the issue of maintenance and change of
Native American identity as reflected in the archaeological record. The final section of
this chapter will focus on the potential for future research based on the results of this
research, considering not only how this particular study could be expanded in the future,
but also the potentials that the study has to serve as a model for research in other areas.

i
17th Century Apalachee Sites
17th Century Guale Sites
90.00 -i
80.00
70.00
oí 60.00
| 50.00
8 40.00
“ 30.00
20.00
10.00
0.00
Lamar/Jefferson Mission Red Filmed
70.00
60.00
g> 50.00
f 40.00
8 30.00
¿ 20.00
10.00
0.00
San San San Grit/Grit Grit/Grit
Marcos Marcos Marcos and Sand and Sand
Stamped Plain Decorated Decorated Plain
Main Ceramic Types
Main Ceramic Types
17th Century Yamasee Site
25.00
a> 20.00
| 15.00
o 10.00
o
o. 5.00
0.00
I
I
San San
Marcos Marcos
Check Plain
Stamped
San UID Cord
Marcos Marked
Stamped
Main Ceramic Types
3
c
(D
O
17th Century Eastern Timucua Sites
St. Johns St. Johns San Marcos San Marcos Sand
Plain Stamped Plain Stamped Tempered
Plain
Main Ceramic Types
os
Ln
Figure 5-1. Main Ceramic Types at 17th Century Sites

18th Century Sites
a)
O)
+*
c
o
o
v.
0.
45.00
40.00
35.00
30.00
25.00
20.00
15.00
10.00
5.00
0.00
San San San St. Johns St. Johns Sand/Grit Mission
Marcos Marcos Marcos Stamped Plain and Sand Red
Plain Check Stamped Plain Filmed
Stamped
Main Ceramic Types
HO La Punta
0 Nombre de Dios
B Pocotalaca
Figure 5-2. Main Ceramic Types at 18th Century Sites

167
Conclusions
This study indicates that traditional ethnic and cultural identity was retained by at
least some segments of the Eastern Timucua, Guale, and Yamasee in the altered cultural
landscape of 18th century Spanish St. Augustine. This is suggested by the continued
production of traditional ceramic types among each of the groups. The Yamasee and
Guale, for example, were clearly continuing the production of their traditional San
Marcos series pottery throughout the entire mission period. As discussed in Chapter 4,
changes in San Marcos ceramics from the 17th to the 18th century are seen primarily in
the degradation of decorative motifs, from complicated stamping and the use of the filfot
cross motif to cross-simple and simple stamping, and the increased production of plain
wares. This is important because, following Sackett (1986) and Rice (1987), markers for
ethnicity and identity are thought to be embedded in the more technological stylistic
production aspects of pottery rather than decorative motifs.
Undecorated and check stamped San Marcos pottery are more prevalent on the 18th
century Yamasee sites than on earlier Guale sites, and this prevalence, when combined
with the data from Altamaha Town, suggest that these traits might represent Yamasee
pottery traditions. They do not, however, represent pre-consolidated Guale pottery
traditions, and thus the increased percentage of plain wares may reflect stresses in Guale
society caused by the mission system itself, and especially its collapse. These stresses
would not necessarily cause a shift in identity but could affect secondary aspects of
ceramic production, such as decorative motifs (Rice 1987).
Maintenance of identity to some degree among the Eastern Timucua is also
suggested, as seen in the continuation in the production of traditional ceramic types, in
this case St. Johns wares. In the first half of the 17th century St. Johns ceramics account

168
for 34.98% of the ceramic assemblage at Nombre de Dios, 28.01% in the second half of
the 17th century, and 29.09% in the 18th century. While the percentages of St. Johns
ceramics fell nearly 6% from the 17th century through the 18th century at Nombre de
Dios, the percentage of San Marcos rose from 25.36% to 38.97%, likely reflecting the
presence of relocated Guale and Yamasee on the site or Timucua acquiring ceramics
from the Guale and Yamasee. Overall, however, the maintenance of identity by at least
some segments of the Eastern Timucua population at Nombre de Dios is suggested by the
continued production of St. Johns ceramics.
Interestingly though, St. Johns Check Stamped ceramics occur at a higher
percentage in the 18th century at the Nombre de Dios site than they do during the 17th
century (16.16% in the 18th century versus 6.41% in the first half of the 17th century and
5.01% in the second half). It is possible that the reinvigoration of check stamping among
the Timucua during the 18th century is the result of active expression of identity through
traditional pottery decoration among the Timucua in a sort of revitalization movement of
Eastern Timucua identity. Although groups of Guale, Yamasee, and others had been
gradually encroaching upon and entering the Timucua territory prior to this period, the
18th century saw the peak of arrival and settlement of more outsiders into the area. As a
result, some segments of the Eastern Timucua population may have actively sought to
display their identity through the increased production of check stamping on pottery as a
means of actively displaying their traditional identity.
However there were also changes occurring among the refugee Indians that are
reflected in the material culture. While the Eastern Timucua appear to be persisting to
some degree in the 18th century, the Western Timucua, from both the Alachua and

169
Suwannee Valley cultural areas, and Apalachee Indians seem to disappear from the
archaeological record. While their presence is noted in census records and other
documents, they do not appear to have maintained traditional cultural practices that
would be reflected materially. The archaeological record also suggests changes among
the 18th century mission Indians that were situational and most often invoked when
dealing with the Spanish, such as for enhanced economic opportunities. Furthermore, it
is likely that Spanish preference for certain Native American produced goods dictated the
way in which this was expressed materially.
As discussed in Chapter 2, the 18th century refugee Indians in St. Augustine
witnessed increased opportunities, both as laborers and consumers, to participate in
interactions with the Spanish. The closer proximity of the refugee villages to the city and
its Spanish residents would obviously allow for a greater chance of interaction than in the
17th century. Indian men would often accompany soldiers on patrols outside the city
walls (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979), work as agricultural laborers (Otto and Lewis
1975), and hunt wild game. The food procured by the Indians was then used for both
personal consumption and for sale or trade with the Spanish. By participating in these
practices, the Indian men found increased opportunities for interaction with the Spanish
of St. Augustine through work and trade.
Indian women of the refugee villages had even greater opportunities than men for
interaction with the Spanish. It has long been documented that intermarriage among
Spanish men and Indian women was frequent and regular (Deagan 1993 and 2002; Parker
1993). Indian women on the refugee villages often took jobs working in Spanish
households within the city walls (Parker 1993). Not only did women work in and marry

170
into households, they also had opportunities to sell pottery and other crafts in town
(Deagan 1993).
The Indians of the 18th century refugee villages clearly had multiple avenues of
interactions with the Spanish, through the trade and sale of goods, working in Spanish
households, intermarriages with Spanish, and integration into the city of St. Augustine,
but the issue that remains is how did this affect Indian identity.
Participation in the Spanish markets by the Native Americans during the 18th
century is supported by the presence of European ceramics in the refugee villages and by
Native wares in Spanish households. Over 10% of the ceramic assemblage at La Punta is
comprised of European ceramics, while at Nombre de Dios and Pocotalaca the figures are
6.86% and 4.93% respectively. This may suggest that the Indians at La Punta had greater
access to the markets, perhaps due to preferential treatment by the Spanish or as a result
of producing goods more valued by the Spanish, and thus were engaged in more intensive
interaction with the Spanish, than the Indians at Nombre de Dios and Pocotalaca. This
seems to be supported by the data from the Timucua mission at Nombre de Dios. During
the 16th century close to 14% of the entire ceramic assemblage at Nombre de Dios is
made up of European ceramics. As the Spanish mission system expanded in the 17th
century and contact with other Indian groups increased, European ceramics account for
8.88% in the first half of the century and only 3.14% in the second half. This might
suggest that over time, the Spanish began focusing trade and interaction with other
groups over the Eastern Timucua. In the 18th century the percentage of European
ceramics in the assemblage at Nombre de Dios increases to 6.86%. While this may
indicate increased interaction Eastern Timucua involvement in trade with the Spanish, it

171
is more likely that this reflects Spanish interaction with the Yamasee and Guale at the site
during this period rather than the Timucua. As will be discussed below, this is supported
by data from 18th century Spanish households in St. Augustine which indicate European-
Native American trade occurring primarily between Spanish and the Guale and Yamasee.
As mentioned above, it appears that there was a clear preference by the Spanish for
particular types of Native American goods. Kathleen Deagan (1990: 320) and Bruce
Piatek (1985) report that more than 80% of the aboriginal pottery found in Spanish
households during the 18th century was San Marcos wares, while St. Johns ceramics
comprise just over 13%. The fact that San Marcos series pottery makes up the largest
portion of the material record within the colonial city of St. Augustine suggests that there
was a Spanish preference for the San Marcos pottery, and possibly a preference for
trading with the Guale and Yamasee (Deagan 1992). At the primarily Yamasee villages
of La Punta and Pocotalaca, 61.80% and 55.28%, respectively, of the Native American
ceramic assemblage is comprised of San Marcos ceramics, while at Nombre de Dios San
Marcos wares comprised just under 39% of the assemblage during the 18th century.
When this information is compared to the 18th century Spanish households, in which San
Marcos ceramics account for over 80% of the ceramic assemblage, it is clear that there
was a Spanish preference for San Marcos ceramics. It is possible that the Guale and
Yamasee may have been producing some San Marcos ceramics specifically for Spanish
consumption. However, the only way in which this can be confirmed is through ceramic
analysis looking for differences between San Marcos pottery on the refugee villages and
those in the Spanish households.

172
As such, it is argued that in order to be able to effectively negotiate in the broader
scale of Native American-Spanish interaction sphere, the Guale and Yamasee took
advantage of the Spanish preferences for their wares and began to produce greater
quantities for Spanish consumption. It is also possible that the Timucua, Apalachee and
other refugee groups began to produce San Marcos pottery to trade with the Spanish.
This would have resulted in the Indians actively altering their behavior when dealing with
the Spanish. It should be noted however that the production of San Marcos ceramics may
not represent the creation or ethnogenesis of a new identity, but rather a shift in social
strategies in an effort to have increased access to the Spanish markets for economic gains.
This is supported by the data from the 18th century refugee villages. The high
presence of San Marcos series wares at the Nombre de Dios site during the 18th century
(38.97% of the total Native American ceramic assemblage) suggests the possibility that
the Timucua were engaged in at least limited local production of San Marcos pottery for
Spanish consumption, and thus enhanced economic opportunities, while maintaining
traditional St. Johns pottery production as well. However, it should be noted that during
the 18th century, the percentage of San Marcos Check Stamped and sand and/or grit
tempered check stamped pottery in the Nombre de Dios ceramic assemblage is at its
peak, approximately double that of any other period. While it is possible that this may be
the result of Timucua potters producing these wares but continuing traditional decorative
motifs, it is more likely that the increase in proportions of San Marcos check stamped and
sand and/or grit tempered check stamped pottery is a reflection of the relocation of
Yamasee Indians to Nombre de Dios during the last century of the first Spanish period of
La Florida. This is supported by documentary evidence indicating that 8 of the 16

173
women residing at Nombre de Dios in 1738 were Yamasee (Hann 1996: 320). Thus,
while it is possible that some of the San Marcos wares recovered from 18th century
contexts at the Nombre de Dios site was produced by Timucua Indians, it is more likely
that the majority of these ceramics was produced by Yamasee or Guale women living at
the mission.
This study indicates that though there were some changes in the material culture
assemblages of the 18th century refugee Indian groups, especially as seen in the Timucua
village of Nombre de Dios, that traditional identity was maintained by at least some
segments of the refugee Indian populations. The Apalachee and Western Timucua
refugees are not reflected in the archaeological record even though historical documents
establish their presence. It is possible that this suggests a loss of identity among the
Apalachee and Western Timucua. Furthermore, it is possible that the increase in St.
Johns Check Stamped pottery at Nombre de Dios in 18th century is the result of a small
segment of the Eastern Timucua actively signifying their identity when dealing with other
Native Americans, such as Yamasee and Guale that relocated into St. Augustine during
the 18th century. Although it cannot be definitively demonstrated, it is possible that they
were producing some of San Marcos and San Marcos-like ceramics found at site. If
indeed this was the case, it was most likely done for Spanish consumption and does not
reflect a shift in identity, rather a change in social strategy in an effort to increase
economic opportunities with the Spanish. The data also indicate that if inter-Indian trade
was occurring during the 18th century that it was one way. The Timucua may have been
engaged in trading with the Guale and Yamasee for San Marcos wares, however the lack

s
174
of St. Johns wares in significant quantities at Pocotalaca (0%) and La Punta (1.09%)
indicate that the Yamasee and Guale were not trading for St. Johns pottery.
The social strategy of production of San Marcos ceramics for Spanish consumption
was not created out of competition or interaction between the various Native American
groups, but rather as a result of dealings with the Spanish. The fact that this strategy was
expressed most closely along the lines of Guale and Yamasee identity material expression
was a result of the Spanish desires, not Guale or Yamasee influence. However, the Guale
and Yamasee appear to have used the Spanish preference for San Marcos ceramics to
their advantage, engaging in trade to a much larger extent with the Spanish than the
Timucua, and possibly exporting their identity on the other Native American groups.
While there was a retention of traditional Eastern Timucua identity among some
segments of the population in the 18th century, overall the Guale and Yamasee appear to
have been better able to cope with and retain their traditional identities in the new, multi¬
ethnic contact situations in which they found themselves. Identity was maintained, and
possibly even exaggerated when dealing with other Native Americans as indicated among
the Timucua with the reemergence of check stamping, yet social strategies changed when
dealing with the Spanish.
By differentiating between mission Indian private space versus public space, such
as markets and churches, we could better ascertain the shifting nature of identity, be it
ethnic or social presentation of identity. It is likely that in areas outside of the watchful
eye of the Spanish that traditional forms of material culture and behavior would
predominate. In those areas of the mission settlements seen by the Spanish and
especially in town and in the market the material culture and behavior of the Indians

175
would likely be somewhat different, presenting the guise of the “good Mission Indian”
identity or social persona in the pursuit of enhanced economic gains and opportunities.
Future Research
This final section will identify some of the limitations encountered in the present
study and potential ways that scholars can overcome them in the future, as well as to
discuss future directions this research can be taken. As discussed earlier, one of the most
limiting factors to this study was the nature of the data itself that was available. Many of
the sites that were utilized in this study were excavated decades ago, and as a result the
data that has been published on them is rather limited in most cases. The only consistent
category of material culture that was available was the ceramic component for each of the
sites. While this was enough for valid interpretations and conclusions to be drawn, there
were some problems even with this data. The first problem, which has already been
discussed, was changes in nomenclature through the years. Fortunately this problem was
easy to overcome as the more recent typologies included reference indicating where old
types were renamed or subsumed into new types. A second problem with the ceramic
data concerns the description of identified ceramics. In some cases ceramics were simply
listed as unidentified with no mention given to paste characteristics. Reanalysis of those
collections lacking paste characteristics may result in different patterns being found in
regards to ceramic identification and production. The same can be said true of decorative
motifs which were most often lacking in detail, in both old and more recent studies. This
however does not negate the analysis and conclusions of this study as the data for the
sites were able to be effectively compared.
Future analysis and reanalysis of the sites used in this study should also include
other categories of material culture, such as tools, weaponry, and activity related artifacts.

176
Ceramic production is not the only aspect of human behavior through which identity is
expressed, and the ability to analyze these other categories could greatly add to this study
in the future. Domestic and activity related inventories of all artifact categories could aid
in determining other ways in which identity is expressed through patterned material
expression of identity. It is also likely that there were other overt symbols of identity that
were used by the Indians that did not preserve in the archaeological record or that were
not recorded in the documentary record. One of the prime examples of this would be
clothing. Dress and dress style often reflect ethnic or cultural identity, and the practice of
displaying symbols of identity through dress was possibly retained by the mission Indians
of the 18th century.
Spatial analysis would also aid in future studies examining the effects of multi¬
ethnic consolidation situations on identity. It is believed that ethnically specific behavior
is often reflected materially through the use of space (Burley et al. 1992; Jones 1997).
An analysis of the archaeologically reflected use of space of specific groups through time
might yield even further insight as to the maintenance and or change of ethnic identity.
Unfortunately for the majority of the sites used in this study this type of information was
not available and there are few reliable provenience guides with which one can try and
reconstruct spatial data. The Pocotalaca site was excavated first as a post hole survey and
then with three small test units, thus resulting in a lack of spatial analysis. Re-excavation
of these sites on a larger scale and the recording of spatial data would potentially
contribute greatly to this study, and perhaps can be done on at least some of the sites in
the future. As discussed above, spatial analysis would also contribute to our
understanding of the use of public versus private space among the mission Indians.

177
The data associated with the 18th century mission settlements in and around
colonial St. Augustine can also be expanded in the future. Further excavations at the sites
could undoubtedly enhance the study, but even more important would be the excavation
of other 18th century mission settlements. The site of the 18th century Palica mission in
St. Augustine has been identified, but to date only a post hole survey which recovered
approximately 90 aboriginal ceramics has been conducted. Work to the north of the
Castillo de San Marcos should also be undertaken, focusing in the Abbott Tract area.
While an auger survey has been conducted in the area, no large scale excavations have
taken place in this area which has been identified as the location of the Las Costas
mission. The Tolomato mission located to the northwest of the old colonial walls of St.
Augustine would also be a potential area to investigate. These sites, combined with the
ones discussed within this dissertation, would provide a good understanding of the
Indians served by the 18th century missions and their lives. It would also be beneficial to
locate and archaeologically examine two mission settlements close to ten miles south of
St. Augustine and the watchful eye of the Spanish, those being Chiquito and San Nicolás
de Casapullas. It would be interesting to see if traditional identities were held onto more
fiercely among Indians when not under the constant eye of the Spanish.
The theoretical model and methodology used in this study, based on the works of
Bourdieu (1977) and Jones (1997) does not have to be confined to the study of 18th
century mission Indians in Florida. The theoretical perspective and methodology can
potentially be applied to any multi-ethnic contact situation of the past or today. An
obvious extension of this work would be to address the Spanish mission system in the
southwest or other areas of the colonial Spanish domain the same way. The models that

178
this study was built upon could also be utilized effectively to examine issues of identity
on slave plantations, looking at the results of Africans of different ethnic backgrounds
being.forced together and into slavery. The multi-ethnic communities that are developing
today throughout the world, especially in Eastern Europe, could also be examined under
the approach used in this study. There are many directions that this research can take in
the future, depending on the nature of the area and people being studied. This research
and others that follow can always be built upon and strengthened with a more robust and
detailed data set. People of different ethnicities have and continue to interact with each
other and the potential outcomes of these interactions are of great interest. It is hoped
that the present study can in some way contribute to the greater understanding of these
situations and potential outcomes.

APPENDIX
ABORIGINAL CERAMIC CODES AND DESCRIPTIONS
Code
Description
ABOCHECK
Unidentified Aboriginal Check Stamped
ABOCOB
Unidentified Aboriginal Cob Marked
ABOCORD
Unidentified Aboriginal Cord Marked
ABODEC
Unidentified Aboriginal Decorated
ABOFT
Unidentified Fiber Tempered
ABOFTDEC
Unidentified Fiber Tempered Decorated
ABOFTGRIT
Unidentified Grit and Fiber Tempered
ABOFTGROG
Unidentified Grog and Fiber Tempered
ABOFTST
Unidentified Sand and Fiber Tempered
ABOGGRTST
Unidentified Grit, Sand, and Fiber Tempered
ABOGGT
Unidentified Grit and Grog Tempered
ABOGGTDEC
Unidentified Grit and Grog Tempered Decorated
ABOGGTP
Unidentified Grit and Grog Tempered Plain
ABOGGTS
Unidentified Grit and Grog Tempered Stamped
ABOGRGST
Unidentified Sand and Grog Tempered
ABOGRGSTCHECK
Unidentified Sand and Grog Tempered Check Stamped
ABOGRGSTP
Unidentified Sand and Grog Tempered Plain
ABOGRIT
Unidentified Grit Tempered
ABOGRITCHECK
Unidentified Grit Tempered Check Stamped
ABOGRiTCOB
Unidentified Grit Tempered Cob Marked
ABOGRITDEC
Unidentified Grit Tempered Decorated
ABOGRITINC
Unidentified Grit Tempered Incised
ABOGRITINCPUNC
Unidentified Grit Tempered Incised and Punctated
ABOGRITP
Unidentified Grit Tempered Plain
ABOGRITPUNC
Unidentified Grit Tempered Punctated
ABOGRITS
Unidentified Grit Tempered Stamped
ABOGROG
Unidentified Grog Tempered
ABOGROGCHECK
Unidentified Grog Tempered Check Stamped
ABOGROGCOB
Unidentified Grog Tempered Cob Marked
ABOGROGCORD
Unidentified Grog Tempered Cord Marked
ABOGROGDEC
Unidentified Grog Tempered Decorated
ABOGROGP
Unidentified Grog Tempered Plain
ABOGROGPUNC
Unidentified Grog Tempered Punctated
ABOGROGS
Unidentified Grog Tempered Stamped
ABOGRTSHCHECK
Unidentified Grit and Shell Tempered Check Stamped
ABOGRTSHDEC
Unidentified Grit and Shell Tempered Decorated
ABOGRTSHP
Unidentified Grit and Shell Tempered Plain
ABOGRTSHS
Unidentified Grit and Shell Tempered Stamped
ABOGRTST
Unidentified Grit and Sand Tempered
179

180
ABOGRTSTCHECK
Unidentified Grit and Sand Tempered Check Stamped
ABOGRTSTDEC
Unidentified Grit and Sand Tempered Decorated
ABOGRTSTINC
Unidentified Grit and Sand Tempered Incised
ABOGRTSTP
Unidentified Grit and Sand Tempered Plain
ABOGRTSTS
Unidentified Grit and Sand Tempered Stamped
ABOIMP
Unidentified Aboriginal Impressed
ABOINC
Unidentified Aboriginal Incised
ABOLMSTN
Unidentified Limestone Tempered
ABOLMSTNP
Unidentified Limestone Tempered Plain
ABOP
Unidentified Aboriginal Plain
ABOPINCH
Unidentified Aboriginal Pinched
ABOPUNC
Unidentified Aboriginal Punctated
ABOQDEC
Unidentified Quartz Tempered Decorated
ABOS
Unidentified Aboriginal Stamped
ABOSCRAPED
Unidentified Aboriginal Scraped
ABOSH
Unidentified Shell Tempered
ABOSHCHECK
Unidentified Shell Tempered Check Stamped
ABOSHDEC
Unidentified Shell Tempered Decorated
ABOSHFILM
Unidentified Shell Tempered Filmed
ABOSHP
Unidentified Shell Tempered Plain
ABOSHS
Unidentified Shell Tempered Stamped
ABOST
Unidentified Sand Tempered
ABOSTCHECK
Unidentified Sand Tempered Check Stamped
ABOSTCOB
Unidentified Sand Tempered Cob Marked
ABOSTDEC
Unidentified Sand Tempered Decorated
ABOSTINC
Unidentified Sand Tempered Incised
ABOSTP
Unidentified Sand Tempered Plain
ABOSTPUNC
Unidentified Sand Tempered Punctated
ABOSTS
Unidentified Sand Tempered Stamped
ABOSTSHDEC
Unidentified Sand and Shell Tempered Decorated
ABOSTSHP
Unidentified Sand and Shell Tempered Plain
ABOSTSHS
Unidentified Sand and Shell Tempered Stamped
ABOUID
Unidentified Aboriginal
ALACHCOB
Alachua Cob Marked
ALACHP
Alachua Plain
ALTA
Altamaha
AUCINC
Aucilla Incised
CARABELPUNC
Carabel Punctated
CHATBRUSH
Chatahoochee Brushed
CLNO
Colono Ware
DEPT
Deptford
DEPTCHECK
Deptford Check Stamped
DEPTP
Deptford Plain
DEPTS
Deptford Stamped
DEPTSPUNC
Deptford Stamped and Punctated
FORTGRF
Fort George Red Filmed
FRANKLINP
Franklin Plain

181
FWINC
Fort Walton Incised
IRENES
Irene Stamped
JEFF
Jefferson
JEFFP
Jefferson Plain
JEFFPINCH
Jefferson Pinched
LAMARCOMP
Lamar Complicated Stamped
LAMLKBINC
Lamar-Like Bold Incised
LEONCHECK
Leon Check Stamped
LEONJEFF
Leon-Jefferson
LITTLEMANATEES
Little Manataee Springs Stamped
LKJACKINC
Lake Jackson Incised
LKJACKP
Lake Jackson Plain
LOCHLOOSAPUNC
Lochloosa Punctated
MARSHISLINC
Marsh Island Incised
MCINTOSHINC
McIntosh Incised
MCINTOSHP
McIntosh Plain
MILP
Miller Plain
MISS
Mission Red Filmed
MISSCHECK
Mission Red Filmed Check Stamped
MISSDEC
Mission Red Filmed Decorated
MISSS
Mission Red Filmed Stamped
OCMULINC
Ocmulgee Fields Incised
ORNG
Orange Fiber Tempered
ORNGINC
Orange Fiber Tempered Incised
ORNGP
Orange Fiber Tempered Plain
PASCOP
Pasco Plain
PENSINC
Pensacola Incised
PENSP
Pensacola Plain
PINELLASINC
Pinellas Incised
PRARIECORD
Prarie Cord Marked
PTWASHINC
Point Washington Incised
REFUGE
Refuge
REFUGEP
Refuge Plain
REFUGES
Refuge Stamped
SANPEDRO
San Pedro
SARASOTAINC
Sarasota Incised
SAV
Savannah
SAVCHECK
Savannah Check Stamped
SAVCORD
Savannah Cord Marked
SAVINC
Savannah Incised
SAVP
Savannah Plain
SAVS
Savannah Stamped
SJ
St. Johns
SJCORD
St. Johns Cord Marked
SJDEC
St. Johns Decorated
SJIMP
St. Johns Impressed
SJINC
St. Johns Incised

182
SJP
St. Johns Plain
SJPUNC
St. Johns Punctated
SJS
St. Johns Check Stamped
SM
San Marcos
SMCHECK
San Marcos Check Stamped
SMCHECKINC
San Marcos Check Stamped and Incised
SMCOB
San Marcos Cob Marked
SMCORD
San Marcos Cord Marked
SMDEC
San Marcos Decorated
SMIMP
San Marcos Impressed
SMINC
San Marcos Incised
SMP
San Marcos Plain
SMPUNC
San Marcos Punctated
SMPUNCINC
San Marcos Punctated and Incised
SMRF
San Marcos Red Filmed
SMS
San Marcos Stamped
SMSINC
San Marcos Stamped and Incised
SMSPUNC
San Marcos Stamped and Punctated
STANDREWS
St. Andrews
STCATHP
St. Catherines Plain
STCATHSCRAPE
St. Catherines Scraped
STSIMON
St. Simon
STS 1 MON P
St. Simon Plain
SWCRKS
Swift Creek Complicated Stamped
WAKCHECK
Wakulla Check Stamped
WEEDENISLINC
Weeden Island Incised
WEEDENISLP
Weeden Island Plain
WEEDENISLS
Weeden Island Stamped
WFLCORD
West Florida Cord Marked
WILMINGTON
Wilmington
WILMINGTONCORD
Wilmington Cord Marked
WILMINGTONP
Wilmington Plain

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Retrospective on Guale and Mocama. Anthropological Papers of the
American Museum of Natural History 75.
1998a Timucua Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida Volume 1: Assimilation.
Gainesville: University Press of Florida.
1998b Timucua Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida Volume 2: Resistance and
Destruction. Gainesville: University Press of Florida.

197
2004a Guale. In Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 14: Southeast. R.D.
Fogelson, ed. Pp. 238-244. Washington: Smithsonian Institution.
2004b Yamasee. In Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 14: Southeast.
R.D. Fogelson, ed. Pp. 245-253. Washington: Smithsonian Institution.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Gifford was bom in Tallahassee in the summer of 1972. He was fortunate enough
to have two loving parents, two sisters, and two brothers. Aside from one year, Gifford
grew up in Tallahassee, graduating from Leon High School in 1990. That summer he
made his way down to Gainesville to begin his life as a university student. He graduated
with a bachelor’s degree in anthropology in 1994 and earned his master’s in
anthropology, with a focus in history, in 1998. Now he is finally completing his goal of
earning his Ph.D. in anthropology with a focus in historical archaeology. And hopefully
he will quickly find gainful employment.
198

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy/
caJÁjj^ lie
Kathleen Deagan, Chair
Distinguished Research Professor of
Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Michael Gannon
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. A
JohmMdore
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
James Davidson
Professor of Anthropology
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of
Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and
was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy.
Dean, Graduate Schodfl
August 2005




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