Citation
The Utina and the Potano peoples of northern Florida : changing settlement systems in the Spanish Colonial period

Material Information

Title:
The Utina and the Potano peoples of northern Florida : changing settlement systems in the Spanish Colonial period
Creator:
Johnson, Kenneth W., 1951-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
2 v. (xv, 498 leaves) : ill. ; 29 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
History -- Florida -- To 1821 ( lcsh )
Indians of North America ( fast )
Land settlement patterns ( fast )
Timucua Indians ( fast )
Florida ( fast )
Florida Museum of Natural History ( local )
Settlement patterns ( jstor )
Maps ( jstor )
Seriation ( jstor )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1991.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 458-497).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Kenneth W. Johnson.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
24957003 ( OCLC )
ocm24957003

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Full Text











THE UTINA AND THE POTATO PEOPLES OF NORTHERN FLORIDA:
CHANGING SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD














BY

KENNETH W. JOHNSON











A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1991


































Copyright 1991

by

Kenneth Wynne Johnson















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


This study was made possible by funding and support from the

Florida Museum of Natural History, the Florida Division of Recreation and Parks, the Institure for Early Contact Studies at the University of Florida, SantaFe HealthCare, Inc., and the University of Florida Division of Sponsored Research. The field research undertook to locate the sites of Indian villages which were contacted by Hernando de Soto's army in A.D. 1539, and the sites of the 17th century Spanish missions in northern Florida. The study was designed to investigate the consequences of European contact for the native societies of northern Florida. My approach was inspired by the work of Ann Ramenofsky and Marvin Smith who developed several regional case studies of cultural and demographic decline in North America. My goal has been to add one additional case study to their list.

The dissertation is the culmination of my ten years in residence at the University of Florida, including more than six years of continuous research and writing. My years in archaeology and anthropology have been a journey for me intellectually, personally and literally, as 1 have travelled thousands of miles down dusty roads in my field investigations. Archaeologically, I see myself as a student of Dr. Jerald Milanich at the University of Florida, Dr. William Sears at Florida -Atlantic University, and Dr. Lewis Larson at West Georgia College. Throughout my career I have also been influenced, here and



iii










elsewhere, by Dr. Craig Sheldon, Mr. Chip Morgan, Dr. Ray Crook and Mr. Tom Eubanks, who contributed to my early training in archaeology. Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks greatly influenced my historic training. In my research in north Florida I feel as though I have been following in the late Jill Loucks' footsteps, though I never met her. My committee members, Drs. Michael Gannon, Michael Moseley, Barbara Purdy and Elizbeth Wing have provided valuable comments and support. I also learned a great deal from Dr. Brenda Sigler-Eisenberg. I would like to thank Bill Marquardt for his method and theory course, Bill Goza for his interest in my work, and William Maples for his nudging for me to finish.

Fellow students (present or past) I would like to acknowledge include Nina Borremans, Anne Cordell, Tom DesJean, Jonathan Leader, Alan McMichael, Claudine Payne, Elise LeCompte-Baer, Becky Saunders, the late Gary Shapiro, Marvin Smith, Bob Wilson, and other fellow students and friends. The two people with whom I have interacted the most, and whose friendship I value the most, are Donna Ruhl and Cliff Nelson. Donna is the most rigorous scholar I know, and Cliff has kept me down to earth with his keen observations, thorough reasoning, and constructive criticisms. Cliff also analyzed most of the artifacts and produced the computer-generated figures included in this dissertation. He and his wife Mindi have provided a very pleasant base of operations base during our work. Sudye Cauthen's interest and enthusiasm are also appreciated. I would like to thank the Palmores, the Alligoods, the Carlisles, other landowners and informants, and all of my crew members who have contributed to whatever success I have achieved, including



iv









Cliff Nelson, Nina Borremans, Tom DesJean, Jonathan Leader, Keith Terry, Steve Stathakis, Robert Mooney, Robert Schroth and others. Also, thanks to volunteers, including members of the Alligator Archaeolgocial Society in Lake City. Thanks to Tom Eubanks for assistance with equipment whenever needed. As usual, the departmental secretary, Dara Silverberg, deserves special recognition.

My greatest thanks go to Jerald T. Milanich. He has given me

unparalleled research opportunities, worked hard to procure the support to keep me going, and helped me through the dissertation-writing stage. I have profited greatly from his expertise in Flordia archaeology and contact and mission studies. And special thanks to my wife Leslie, my mother (Dorothy Perkins Johnson), and other members of my family for allowing me the years to do the research I stubbornly insisted on doing. Leslie's computer skills and many hours of making editorial changes saved me in the last month of dissertation preparation, when I was scrambling to complete the work on time. My father saw the beginnings of my pursuit of the Ph.D. degree, but not the end. I hope he would have been proud.

Finally, since the time I began my research, Kerianne Elizabeth

(now age 4-1/2) and Dorothy Caitlyn (age 21 months) have come to Leslie and me. This dissertation is for them. I hope that my anthropological scholarship will help instill in them the same sense of values that my parents sought to instill in me.











v















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................... iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................. vi

ABSTRACT .......................................................... xiv

I. INTRODUCTION .................................................. I

II. RESEARCH PROBLEMS ............................................ 9

Perspectives on Settlement Shifts, Culture Change and
Ecological Relationships ............................. 9

Adaptation and Systems ............................... 11

Population, Subsistence and Settlement Systems ....... 13 Subsistence Change ................................... 13

Feedback and Environmental Change .................... 16

Population, Sedentism and Agriculture ................ 17

Agriculture versus Hunting and Gathering ............. 18

Home Range, Sedentism, Storage and Demography ........ 19 Opposing Forces ...................................... 21

Other Factors ........................................ 22

Decision-Making Processes ............................ 22

The Social Setting ................................... 23

Dispersal and Nucleation ............................. 28

Unintended Consequences .............................. 29

Ecosystem Resilience, Economy and Introduced Species. 29

Major Weakness of Cultural Ecology Studies: Demography... 32



vi









Empirical Question: Native Population Levels in Florida
and the Rate of Population Decline ................... 34

History of Settlement Studies and Definition of Terms..... 37

Distinguishing Settlement Patterns, Community Patterns
and Settlement Systems .......................... 39

Settlement Systems as Spatial Archaeology ............ 41

Definition of Terms .................................. 43

Community Patterns: Types, Bridging Arguments, Hypotheses,
and Observational Predictions ........................ 46

Compact Community Pattern ............................ 47

Dispersed Community Pattern .......................... 48

The Contact Period, A.D. 1513-1606 ................... 48

Hypotheses for testing .......................... 49

Bridging arguments .............................. 49

Observational predictions ....................... 50

Discussion ...................................... 51

The Mission Period, A.D. 1606 through the Late 17th
Century (ca. 1675) .............................. 56

Hypotheses for testing .......................... 56

Bridging arguments .............................. 56

Observational predictions ....................... 56

Discussion ...................................... 57

The Late 17th Century, ca. 1675-1704 ................. 59

Hypotheses for testing .......................... 59

Bridging arguments .............................. 59

Observational predictions ....................... 59

Discussion ...................................... 59

Settlement Pattern: Models and Hypotheses ............... 61

Models ............................................... 62


vii









Locational Variables for Testing ..................... 65

III. WHO WERE THE UTINA: A DOCUMENTARY-BASED OVERVIEW ...........

Distinguishing the Northern Utina and the Eastern
Utina: Outina, Utina, Thimogano, Timucua and
Onatheaqua ........................................... 72

The Eastern Utina: Cartographic and Archaeological
Evidence ............................................. 84

The Northern Utina/Onatheaqua ............................ 91

Conclusions .............................................. 96

The Early Explorations and the Missions as Sources of
Settlement Data ...................................... 97

IV. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE: IDENTIFYING THE UTINA IN
TIME ...................................................... 109

The Alachua Tradition Seriation and Its Non-Utility
for North Florida .................................... 110

Sites and Site Clusters .................................. .ll

Defining Utina Ceramics: The Indian Pond Complex ........ 115

Background to the Seriations: Problems, Field Work and
Laboratory Analysis .................................. 119

Constructing the Seriations .............................. 122

Identifying Two Transitions and Two Key "Moments in Time" 131

The Indian Pond-Leon Jefferson Transition ............ 132

Late Precolumbian/Contact Period ..................... 133

The First Half of the 17th Century ................... 135

The Transition From Early Weeden Island to Indian
Pond ............................................ 137

Summary and Conclusions .................................. 138

V. METHODOLOGICAL PROBLEMS: SITE BOUNDARIES AND SIZES ........... 141

General Problems ......................................... 142

Previous Methods ......................................... 142

Determining Site and Community Pattern Type .............. 146


viii









Site Area, Volume of Deposits and Number of Sites ........ 148 Site Duration ............................................ 149

Methods for Determining Site Area and Site Boundaries .... 151

Controlled Surface Collections ....................... 151

Subsurface Testing and Artifact Density Profiles ..... 179 VI. EARLY ROAD AND TRAIL NETWORKS AS COMPONENTS OF
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS ....................................... 197

The Bellamy Road/Royal Spanish Road ....................... 201

The Alachua Trail ......................................... 211

The Black Creek Trail ..................................... 214

The Florida Santa Fe Trail ................................ 216

The High and Low Roads .................................... 221

The Other Santa Fe ........................................ 230

De Soto's Route and the Location of Aguacaleyquen ......... 231 Ichetucknee/Rose Creek/Alligator Lake Trail ............... 232

Connecting Trail Between the High Road and the Low Road... 235 VII. CASE STUDY: MISSION SANTA FE DE TOLOCA AND SURROUNDING
SITES ..................................................... 242

Correlating Site 8AL190 with Mission Santa Fe de Toloca ... 242 Historic Background: Mission Santa Fe de Toloca .......... 245

Previous Research in the Robinson Sinks Vicinity and the
Santa Fe Site ........................................ 252

The Santa Fe Site, 8AL190 ................................. 260

Dating ............................................... 260

Methods of Investigation at the Santa Fe Site ........ 261 Structures and the Cemetery .......................... 275

Community Pattern .................................... 293

Artifacts ............................................ 297



ix









Additional Site Areas: East of Shealy, Structures
5 and 6, and Complicated Stamped Area ........... 299

Associated Sites .......................................... 303

The Palmore Site, 8AL189: Cholupaha and/or Early
Santa Fe? ....................................... 304

Josh Site, BAL188b ................................... 309

The Apple Orchard, 8AL250 ............................ 310

Alligood's North Pasture, SAL239 ..................... 311

The Alligood Site, 8AL188 ............................ 312

Outlying Farmsteads and Villages .......................... 313

The Goodwin Site, 8AL453 ............................. 314

West of Goodwin Site, 8AL2568 ........................ 317

Middle West of Goodwin Site .......................... 317

The Carlisle Site, 8AL ............................ 317

Emerson Cornfield, 8AL67 ............................. 320

Other Sites with Possible Spanish Period Components ....... 321

Jones Wheat Field, 8AL2573 .. ........................ 321

Emerson Farm Northwest, 8AL2578 ...................... 322

Washington ........................................... 323

Hester's Site G, 8AL146 .............................. 323

River Field, 8AL186 .................................. 324

Jones Northwest, 8AL2598 ............................. 324

BAL245 ............................................... 325

Boston Farm, 8AL121 .................................. 325

8AL168 ............................................... 325

Other Sites in the Vicinity Which Are Not Known to Have
a Spanish Period Component ........................... 325

Jones Cornfield Northeast or Jones Northeast, 8AL190A 325



x









Jones Southwest, 8AL248 .............................. 326

8AL191 ............................................... 326

Washington Site South ................................ 328

8AL184 ............................................... 328

Mound Near Sink ...................................... 329

Summary ................................................... 329

VIII. COMMUNITY PATTERNS: SITE SIZES AND NUMBERS, COMPACT AND
DISPERSED SITES, AND HYPOTHESIS TESTING ................... 330

Methodological Problems ................................... 331

Qualitative Site Sizes .................................... 332

Discussion of Qualitative Results: Potano and Utina
site sizes ...................................... 334

Qualitatively-Derived Surface Size Classes ........... 335

Quantitative Results ...................................... 337

Potano Site Sizes and Numbers ........................ 337

Utina/Late Indian Pond Complex Site Sizes and Numbers 339

Site Sizes Per Cluster of Sites: Combining the
Qualitative and Quantitative Date .................... 341

Potano/Late Alachua Tradition clusters ............... 343

Utina/Late Indian Pond Clusters ...................... 349

Compact and Dispersed Sites ............................... 359

Determining Whether Sites Are Compact or Dispersed/
Short Term, by Cluster, Region and Period ....... 362

Integrating the Data Sets: Site Size and Compact or
Dispersed ............................................ 370

Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Clusters ............... 370

Utina/Late Indian Pond Clusters ...................... 373

Adjusting the Raw Numbers: Weighting Factors ............. 384

Contrasting the Two Regions: Changes Through Time ........ 386



xi









Hypothesis Testing: Community Patterns ....................387

Adjustments to the Original Hypothesis ................387

Late Precolumbian/Contact Period, Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition Sites ..................................389

Lake Precolumbian/Contact Period, Utina/Late Indian
Pond Sites ...................................... 390

Mission Period, Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Sites 391 Mission Period, Utina/Late Indian Pond Sites ..........393 Conclusions .......................................... 395

IX. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS: CONSOLIDATED AND DIFFUSE, ENVIRONMENTAL
ZONES AND SETTINGS, AND HYPOTHESIS TESTING .................396

Consolidated or Diffuse Settlement Patterns ................396

Environmental Zones and Site Settings ......................402

Testing the Settlement Pattern Hypotheses ..................414

Environmental Settings Compared with Site Sizes ............418

X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ....................................... 423

Northern Utina ............................................ 423

The Indian Pond Complex: Chronology and Ethnic
Affiliation .......................................... 424

Community Patterns and Settlement Patterns .................427

Site Size Results ......................................... 482

Clusters of Sites ..........................................431

Consolidated Settlement Patterns ...........................436

Environmental Zones and Site Settings ......................436

Environmental Hypotheses ...................................440

Environmental Settings Compared with Site Sizes ............442

Other Settlement Patterning Implications ...................447

Typology and the Concept of Community ......................450

Population Decline .........................................451


xii









Implications of Demographic Decline ....................... 456

REFERENCES CITED .................................................. 458

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ............................................... 498



















































xiii









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE UTINA AND THE POTANO PEOPLES OF NORTHERN FLORIDA:
CHANGING SETTLEMENT SYSTEMS IN THE SPANISH COLONIAL PERIOD, By

Kenneth W. Johnson

May 1991

Chairman: Jerald T. Milanich
Major Department: Department of Anthropology

The archaeological study of settlement systems is used to demonstrate culture changes among the native American peoples of northern Florida during the Spanish colonial period. Settlement systems for two different groups of people (the Utina and the Potano) at two different points in time are examined. A correlation between the Indian Pond ceramic complex and the Utina ethnic group is also established, allowing the recognition of that group in the archaeological record. The Potano have been previously correlated with the Alachua tradition complex.

Two different levels of analysis, local "community patterns" and regional "settlement patterns," are integrated. Characteristics such as site area, whether sites are compact or dispersed, and numbers .of sites are used to reconstruct these patterns. The 17th century Spanish mission of Santa Fe de Toloca was investigated as a case study.

From the late precolumbian/contact period to the mission period, the number of Potano/late Alachua tradition sites declined, but the number of Utina/late Indian Pond complex sites increased, suggesting internal immigration within the Utina region. In both regions, late xiv








precolumbian/contact period sites are commonly large and compact, and their locations are often limited to a narrow range of environmental zones and microenvironmental settings. In contrast, there is a greater diversity in mission period site sizes and microenvironmental settings. In both regions sites are often found in clusters, and are related to the system of trails which existed in north Florida (and which were reconstructed as part of the analysis). In the late precolumbian/contact period the local community was most often represented by a cluster of sites which were all the same size, or by a single large site. In the mission period the local community was usually represented by a cluster composed of one large site and a larger number of smaller sites.

Evidence for population decline is indicated in the abandonment of some clusters after the late precolumbian/contact period, and the increased number of dispersed or short term sites in the mission period. Some mission period sites are dispersed in linear arrangements as though placed at intervals along roads, and are often situated on hilltops far removed from aquatic habitats. Changes in settlement systems reflect adaptations to demographic decline and the changing cultural and natural environments of 16th and 17th century northern Florida, consequences of the European presence.















xv















CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION


This research uses the archaeological study of settlement systems to show culture changes among the native American peoples of northern Florida during the Spanish colonial period. The study reconstructs the settlement systems at two different points in time for two different groups of people and then compares them to show the differences. A correlation between a ceramic complex and the Utina ethnic group is also established, and data relevant to questions of demographic and cultural collapse of the Utina and the Potano peoples during this period are generated.

Two different levels of analysis, the level of local "community patterns" and the level of regional "settlement patterns," are integrated in the settlement systems reconstructions. The impetus for this particular approach is Ann Ramenofsky's (1982:320, 334) observation that, in one case in Missouri during the early historic period, after a deadly disease epidemic the survivors of several small villages amalgamated into a smaller number of larger villages. The implication is that settlement systems and population estimates cannot be extrapolated from either regional data or local data alone, but that both local and regional data must be integrated. Henry Dobyns (1982:190-211) also stresses local and regional data.

Settlement systems are one component of human adaptive systems. A reconstruction of settlement systems is thus a study of cultural


1






2


adaptation. Reconstructions of settlement systems also produce data about other cultural and ecological relationships which are less easily studied. In cultural systems, there are interrelationships among human population size and density, subsistence strategies, resource abundance, technology, social organization, political setting, settlement system, and other variables. The current study develops information for two of these sets of variables, those of settlement systems and human demography.

A method is presented in order to reconstruct settlement patterns. Characteristics such as site area and whether settlements are compact or dispersed are used to reconstruct community patterns. These data are combined with regional settlement pattern data to reveal settlement systems.

Reconstructions of changing settlement systems can also be used to reconstruct demographic patterns and trends. One of the goals of settlement studies is to produce demographic estimates of human population size and density. As Bruce Trigger has shown (1985:72-73), settlement studies are one prerequisite to understanding demography. Data from northern Florida do not yet allow absolute population estimates, but they do allow measurements of relative changes in human population size and density. Achieving absolute population estimates is not an achievable goal at this time because of deficiencies in the data base; only relative changes can be currently detected.

This study deals explicitly with the settlement pattern theme and only implicitly with demography. In recent years there have been many studies of human population growth (e.g., Boserup 1965; Cohen 1977), but few such studies of population decline (e.g., Dobyns 1983; 5mith






3


1984; Ramenofsky 1982). Changes in human demography and settlement systems are only part of the larger picture of changing ecological and cultural relationships.

In summary, the present goals are to reconstruct settlement

systems, generate data relevant to demographic and cultural collapse in aboriginal northern Florida during the colonial period, correlate a ceramic complex with the Utina Indians of that region, summarize the results of research to date, and provide a framework for further research.

To reach these goals several archaeological surveys were performed in Potano and Utina territory in northern Florida. The Potano and the Utina were the native peoples of these regions who were missionized during the 17th century by Franciscan missionaries. During these surveys, carried out over the last five years, approximately 500 archaeological sites of all culture periods were recorded, primarily within Alachua, Columbia, Suwannee and Union counties. Portions of these data are used in this study.

This study is organized as follows. Chapter II has five sections. The first section places the study within the context of ecological anthropological theory and discusses the links and mechanisms for change that exist between a culture and its natural and cultural environment, with special reference to settlement systems. Demographic data are key variables in ecological interrelationships.

The second section of Chapter II discusses the lack of

demographic data in most cultural ecological studies as a key weakness in those studies. The third section relates the research to the empirical question of native American population levels at the time of






4



first European contact. The fourth discusses settlement pattern analysis as an approach for addressing these theoretical and empirical questions, and traces the history of settlement pattern studies, distinguishing the concepts of community pattern, settlement pattern and settlement system.

The fifth section of Chapter II develops bridging arguments,

hypotheses for testing, and predictions. Hypotheses are explicitly formulated in terms of site size and community pattern. The hypotheses are generated from models produced previously, including a model for Potano/Alachua tradition settlement patterns (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:171), Sigler-Lavelle and Milanich's model (Sigler-Lavelle 1980a, b) for North Florida McKeithen Weeden Island settlement patterns (ancestors of the Utina), and Calvin Jones' model (Jones and Shapiro 1987) for Mission period settlement patterns.

Community pattern types are examined through measurement of site sizes. Large, compact settlements are hypothesized for the earlier period, and small dispersed communities are hypothesized for the later period. Alternative hypotheses are also formulated.

Chapter III introduces and identifies the Utina and Potano Indians of Florida and their geographical distributions. The Utina and the Potano played important roles in the confrontation between the Old World and the New World and the struggle between Spain and England for control of the eastern United States.

Previous generations of students and archaeologists have studied the Potano, but much less is known about the Utina. The current research presents recently developed information about the Utina, which






5


allows comparison with the Potano.

Chapter IV turns to the fundamental problems of chronology and how to identify a group's ethnic affiliation archaeologically. Such information existed previously for the Potano but not for the Utina. This problem had to be resolved before further research questions could be asked.

Variations in aboriginal ceramics and other artifacts are the primary tool by which archaeologists distinguish cultures and time periods. Prior to the current research, the territory of the Utina was known from historic documents, but only a very few Utina sites were known within that territory. Utina sites were "invisible" archaeologically because the ceramic complex was unidentified; archaeologists could not distinguish Utina sites from those of earlier, contemporary or later inhabitants of northern Florida.

The chronology chapter defines a Utina ceramic complex, naming it the Indian Pond complex. Seriations of ceramic styles are included. The complex exhibits changes through time, providing a chronological tool for relative dating of sites, and allowing us to distinguish sites of different time periods. The seriation extends from approximately A.D. 800 to A.D. 1700.

Chapter V, Methodological Problems, deals with the difficulties in defining site boundaries and measuring site area, and the difficulties in transforming these data into demographic estimates. Previous archaeological attempts are reviewed. One of the difficulties in reconstructing settlement patterns is that data are needed from a large number of sites, which requires a great deal of field research. This creates the need to develop and implement low-cost, quick and efficient





6


survey methods for determining site boundaries and site sizes, especially easy-to-follow methods that are likely to be continued by future archaeologists. Such a method for measuring relative changes in certain aspects of community patterns is presented. Artifact density profiles, controlled surface collections, and subsurface testing methods are discussed as components of the method.

In Chapter VI early road and trail networks are reconstructed for north and north central Florida. These networks are seen as components of settlement patterns (Trigger 1968; Clarke 1977). Description of these networks also helps to round out the larger picture of Spanish colonial northern Florida. Transportation and communication routes linked the mission settlements with one another and with St. Augustine.

Old road and trail networks are reconstructed from 17th, 18th, and 19th century maps and from 16th century and later historic documents, as well as field survey. The networks are compared with the distributions of known archaeological sites. We learn that geological and geomorphological features of the Florida peninsula controlled the general trail corridors. Lines of evidence converge to suggest several routes which probably were prehistoric Indian trails and continued as avenues of communication in the colonial period. Trails traced include the Bellamy Road/Purcell Route/Spanish royal road/"low road," the Santa Fe trail/Ray's trail/"First Path to Latchua" (Bartram), the Spanish "high road," the Alachua Trail, the Black Creek Trail and the Fort White/Rose Creek/Alligator Lake trail. Locations of these trail routes were in turn used to predict site locations, a method used successfully to locate several important archaeological sites.





7


Chapter VII presents a case study of community patterns, focusing on the Santa Fe site and environs in northwestern Alachua County, a 17th century Spanish-Indian Franciscan mission complex. Previous research, current research, methods of investigations, and results are described. Methods used to study the settlement system include remote sensing, soil resistivity survey, controlled surface collections, power auger survey, test pit excavations, soil coring, and plowzone mechanical stripping. The church, cemetery, additional structures and habitation areas of the mission were located, and the layout (community pattern) of the complex was determined. The number of habitation structures and the number of inhabitants are estimated.

In Chapter VIII the community pattern hypotheses are tested

against all known Potano and Utina sites for which site size data are available. The settlement pattern hypotheses are tested in Chapter IX. Known sites of the two chronological periods for these two chiefdoms are tabulated and categorized by environmental setting. Consolidated or diffuse settlement pattern types are determined from number and distribution of sites per period and by chiefdom.

Chapter X summarizes the local and regional data on community

patterns and settlement patterns into settlement systems. Potano and Utina settlement systems are described by period. Mission period sites are commonly found in clusters, some of which are dispersed in linear arrangements. That is, sites are placed at intervals along roads, are situated on good agricultural soils on tops of hills, and are often removed some distance from large aquatic habitats (in contrast to earlier periods).





8


Changes through time in settlement systems reflect adaptations to the changing cultural and natural environments of 16th through 18th century Florida. They reflect adaptations to the conditions of demographic and cultural change associated with European colonization. Such events were part of the larger events taking place throughout Florida and the New World as consequences of the European presence.













CHAPTER II
RESEARCH PROBLEMS


This chapter is divided into five sections: (1) outline of

theoretical issues, (2) the lack key demographic data in most cultural ecology studies, (3 empirical issues concerning New World population levels, (4) settlement analysis as an approach for addressing these issues, and (5) hypotheses for testing. Methodological issues are discussed in Chapter V.


Theoretical Issues: Perspectives on Settlement Shifts,
Culture Change and Ecological Relationships

The following discussion summarizes some of the theoretical

relationships among human demography, settlement systems, environmental relations and other factors, and discusses how change in any one affects the others. Postulated relationships are drawn from the anthropological, archaeological and ecological literature. The intent is to outline an approach rather than attempt a comprehensive review of all these factors. Specific examples are given only for illustration. Demonstrating these relationships places the study within the larger context of ecological anthropology, and outlines the links and mechanisms of change that exist between a culture and its natural environment, with special reference to settlement systems.

Several assumptions are made about the comparability of research results: (1) certain ecological principles applicable to other social animals are also applicable to some degree to humans (Vayda and


9





10


Rappaport 1968:492; Anderson 1973:190); (2) some principles which were operating upon hunter-gatherers were also operating upon horticulturists/agriculturists who also practiced some hunting and gathering activities; and, (3) general principles and processes are reversible, for example, the inverse relationship between efficiency and intensification of production (Boserup 1965:15-16). Vayda and Rappaport (1968), Marvin Harris (1979) and others have criticized Steward's position that ecological explanations are applicable only to hunter-gatherers, not to more complex societies. It is recognized that some processes and principles regarding hunter-gatherers are different from horticulturists/agriculturists because some of their ecological adjustments are different. But other processes and principles are shared, especially if the horticulturists/agriculturists still practice some hunting and gathering activities, as did the northern Florida aborigines. And, because population decline is the opposite of population growth, some of the same set of principles are assumed to be in effect in both situations, but operating in opposite fashion. General principles for one can be inferred from the other.

In the discussion that follows postulates of population decline are derived from studies of population growth (e.g., Boserup 1965; Cohen 1977) and studies of population ecology, optimal foraging and optimization theory, ecological anthropology, economic anthropology, and archaeological and ethnographic studies of hunter-gatherers and horticulturists-agriculturists. Many of these relationships and processes are the subject of continuing debate and research. No attempt is made here to prove these general principles. Rather the intent is to provide an approach and a general background for the






11


specific sections that follow. The approach might be described as 11processual ecological anthropology" (Orlove 1980:235, 245-252).

The following attempts to show the links among ecological, demographic and cultural factors, especially factors involved in settlement systems. It is assumed (for the moment) that sizes of local population units declined following European contact. It is also assumed for the moment that little or no large-scale amalgamation or effective Spanish-induced reduction occurred. Amalgamation refers to the coming together of the survivors of several settlements into one settlement. Reduction refers to the Spaniards' attempt to force the Indians to congregate in more densely concentrated settlements for the purpose of control. Amalgamation and reduction may well have occurred, but those factors are excluded from the current discussion for three reasons. First, we do not know to what degree amalgamation and reduction actually occurred. Nucleation by itself is not sufficient to permanently sedentize a population (Descola 1982), especially if the culture has been disrupted and the population dispersed. Second, the purpose is not to summarize historical events in Florida but to identify and isolate potential forces, processes and mechanisms of change which may have operated upon aboriginal populations. Third, nucleation was imposed upon the Florida Indians by an outside force. It is necessary to understand how naturally-occurring processes worked in these populations apart from outside forces. Adaptation and Systems

The central concept in this discussion is that of adaptation (Kirch 1982). This approach to culture change and adaptation is framed in terms of units and concepts originally developed by ecologists (Odum





12


1971:8; Anderson 1973; Vayda and MacCay 1975; Richerson 1977). The components of adaptation include variation, selection, environment, demography and adaptive strategies (Kirch 1982:115). Settlement systems and settlement system shifts are seen as adaptive strategies or components of adaptive strategies. They are human responses to stress, in this case the stress of culture contact and domination. Adaptive strategies are seen as integrated sets of cultural and natural factors, processes and interrelationships. Humans are seen as components of both the ecosystem and the cultural system. The distinction between ecosystems and cultural systems is an analytical tool rather than a reality. A cultural system and its ecosystem are in fact one system, a cultural ecosystem" or an Ilecocultural system." The cultural system and the ecosystem are subsystems.

When other components of the larger system change, settlement

systems also change. Outside forces may trigger changes throughout the system. Stimuli trigger responses. In the colonial period in La Florida (Spain's term for the greater southeastern United States), European contact and domination were the source of outside stimuli (i.e., the prime mover) for cultural and ecological changes. These stimuli included epidemics of introduced disease and the resultant demographic change, military conquest, slave raids, political domination, religious proselytizing, forced labor through taxes and peonage debt and other labor demands, induced social changes, and other forms of socioeconomic and political domination. Outside forces caused changes throughout the aboriginal systems. Some effects were direct and some were indirect. Because of systemic interrelationships, changes in one component entailed changes throughout other components






13


of the human adaptive system and the natural environment. Seemingly minor changes in one component of a system may have far-reaching impacts throughout the rest of the system (Sharp 1968). A minor change in one component of the ecocultural system may surpass some threshold and trigger major repercussions in other components of the system. Many of these processes may be assumed to have been operating upon the Indians of northern Florida even though the data base to detect them is unavailable.

Population, Subsistence and Settlement Systems

There are interrelationships among the variables of human

population size and density, subsistence strategies and settlement systems (e.g., Service 1962, 1966; White 1959; Boserup 1965; Cohen 1975, 1977; Vayda and Rappoport 1968; M. Harris 1979; Lee and DeVore 1976; Binford 1972: Winterhalder and Smith 1981; D. Harris 1977a; Dennett and Connell 1988). The question is, why select a certain set of subsistence resources from among those available (Hawkes et al 1982:394; E. Smith 1983; Smith and Winterhalder 1981:8)? Human population density and characteristics of the resources are key variables determining output requirements and subsistence mixes (Earle 1980:2, 18). Changes in resource use may be associated with increasing or decreasing population size or density or with changing age/sex structure (Earle 1980:18; Hassan 1980; Harpending and Davis 1977; Green and Perlman 1985:7; Winterhalder 1981 [patch and grain]; Botkin 1980). Subsistence Change

Many relationships are illustrated in the mechanisms and processes of subsistence change. Decreasing human population size and density would serve as a stimulus for subsistence change. With human






14


population decline or dispersal, there would be reduced output requirements for the subsistence system (fewer "mouths to feed"), less pressure on resources, de-intensification of production, a trend toward focalization (narrow spectrum/reduced diet breadth and lesser niche width) of subsistence strategies (Earle 1980:20; Hames and Vickers 1982:358; Christenson 1980; Cleland 1976; Green 1980; Perlman 1980) and less pressure to add new resources. (In contrast, nucleation, amalgamation and/or reduction would result in increased output requirements, with opposite effects of those described here.) Diversity refers to the number of resources and niche width or breadth refers to the "evenness" of use (Christenson 1980:34). Demographic change would result in changing resource relative abundance or productivity and changing relative cost/benefit ratios for various procurement strategies (Earle 1980:20). With labor shortage resulting from population decline, high cost foods would be dropped (Earle 1980), contingent upon their nutritional value and importance in the overall diet (Wing and Brown 1979) and the political economy. Reduced output requirements may also result from decreased sociocultural complexity. Social organization, settlement systems and technology can be either causes or consequences of procurement costs, efficiency, accessibility to critical resources (Descola 1982; also see Sahlins 1974 and Bender 1978 for views on social structure as the primary causal forces) and maximum potential yields of particular procurement strategies (Earle 1980:24).

Subsistence strategies (procurement strategies) are closely linked with settlement systems, human population density and other cultural and natural factors. Procurement costs (measured in terms of time or






15


energy, relative cost/benefit ratios and efficiencies and determined through analogy and experimentation) include the costs to procure/produce/extract, collect, transport, process/transform, store, distribute, consume and regulate (Earle 1980:5; Hawkes et al. 1982). A single subsistence economy contains several procurement strategies, each to fill a different need (Earle 1980:2), e.g., protein, calories. There is an optimal mix of these strategies (Earle 1980:8). The optimal strategy mix, including the particular settlement system, changes as other environmental and cultural variables change. Different potential procurement strategies have different effects including different initial costs, marginal costs, cost efficiencies and rates of diminishing returns (Earle 1980:8). Marginal costs refers to potential for intensification, that is the input needed to intensify output and increase production. Different procurement strategies yield different net rates of energy capture and total caloric return (maximum potential yields) (Hames and Vickers 1982; Higgs 1975). These different strategies result in different carrying capacities, energy flow, nutrient cycles, ranking of resources, predator-prey relationships (Packard and Mech 1980; Pimm and Pimm 1982) and food webs (Lugo and McCormick 1981; Norgaard 1981). They result in changes in fertility and mortality rates and age/sex structures of the resources. And they require/result from and interact with different technologies, settlement systems and social organizations (Plog 1978). The spatial patterning of sites across the landscape, that is, the settlement system, reflects and interacts with procurement/subsistence systems. The study of settlement systems thus yields insights into ecological relationships.





16


"Resources" may be animal, plant, mineral, or manufactured.

Relevant characteristics of the resource include resource density and distribution (patchiness, grain), seasonality, predictability, fertility, mortality, biology, and age/sex structure (Pianka 1966; Charnov et al. 1976). The question of how these factors relate to the requirements of society and the human organism involves the factors of settlement systems, costs, potential yields, procurement strategies, technology and social organization (Earle 1980; Earle and Christenson 1980; Winterhalder and Smith 1981; Winterhalder 1981; Higgs 1975).

Changes in relative costs, efficiency, effectiveness (Vayda and McCay 1975:295-297), productivity and availability of various critical resources may result from changes in other factors. These include demography, immigration, trade, technology, ecology, economy, outside influence, and/or interaction of these and other factors. Feedback and Environmental Change

There are feedback loops between ecological systems and cultural systems. Not only may agricultural practices change as a consequence of demographic change, but resulting ecological impacts would also feed back in turn to those agricultural practices, settlement systems and demographic levels (Heizer 1955). Changes in amounts of forest felling and burning, field clearings and edge areas (Ewel et al. 1981; Bartlett 1956; Iverson 1956; Maxwell 1910) would result in changes in floral and faunal composition, density and diversity and abundance of wild resources (for use by people who are farmers but who still practice some hunting and gathering). These changes would, in turn, alter the relative costs/benefits, productivity and reliability of different potential procurement strategies (Abruzzi 1980; Earle 1980). The






17


difference between minimum and maximum diet constraints is the potential area for social selection (Thomas 1971). With changes in the amounts of field clearings (Dimbleby 1978; Odum 1977) and firewood cutting, edge areas/ecotones and fallow cycles (Denevan 1978), there would be changes in biotic diversity and productivity, densities of game species (Abruzzi 1980), changes in the potential for garden hunting (Linares 1976; Peterson 1981; Hastorf 1980:100, 112; Bailey 1981), and changes in natural ecosystemic homeostatic mechanisms (predators). Edge areas would be greatly reduced in a climax forest (if the human subsistence farmers disappeared for whatever reason, e.g., epidemics) or if the forest itself were destroyed (e.g., by cattle ranches or large-scale farms). Population, Sedentism and Agriculture

There is a relationship between (decrease of) size of local population size (Perlman 1985), (decreased) sedentism/(increased) mobility (Lee 1980; Binford 1968), and changing degree of dependence on cultivated plants as opposed to low-cost wild plant and animal foods (D. Harris 1977b). There is a correlation between population density and trophic level, in this case between lesser population density and use of few, low-cost resources (reduced diet breadth) (Hames and Vickers 1982:364; Cohen 1977:189; Earle 1980; Christenson 1980). Farming is not necessarily more efficient than hunting and gathering (Cohen 1977:279). For example, agricultural practices and their degree of dependence on agriculture (full-time or part-time) might be affected by decreased population size and density. Responses might include a shift from intensive to extensive land use (Boserup 1965:15-16), decreased field size, longer fallow periods, greater relative abundance






18


of good land per number of farmers, increased output per man hour, greater efficiency and de-intensification of production (Boserup 1965; but see Bronson 1971 for a critique of the relationships Boserup suggests). There is an inverse relationship between intensification and efficiency (Boserup 1965:15-16). There are links among population density, kind of swidden (forest fallow, short fallow, bush or grass fallow, annual/multiple cropping [Boserup 1965]), land scarcity/abundance, length of fallow period, and resource predictability and productivity (Denevan 1978; Arnason et al. 1982). Agriculture Versus Hunting and Gathering

The distinction between hunter/gatherers versus agriculturists is not clearcut but a matter of degree (Flowers et al. 1982; Bailey 1981). Even some of the Florida Timucua Indians who were agriculturalists would return to the woods for several weeks or months each year in late winter or early spring (Laudonniere in Bennett 1975). The advantage of agriculture over gathering wild plant foods is that agricultural production can be intensified (Cohen 1977:190). Maize has high initial costs (e.g., clearing fields, sowing), but it has higher maximum yields and can be intensified by input of more labor (Earle 1980:12; Speight 1983). In contrast, acorns and other nuts have low initial costs but little can be done to intensify production (D. Harris 1977:208). Acorns and maize are nutritionally similar in that they are rich in carbohydrates but poor in protein and certain micronutrients (D. Harris 1977:206). Through feedback and homeostatic mechanisms, intensification of (large-scale) agriculture increases dependence on agriculture through scheduling conflicts and destruction of other potential sources of food such as nut-bearing forest and the animals it






19


supports. Intensification through various means (e.g., Speight 1983) thus allows production of more food for a growing population, but it would not be needed in a situation of population decline. However, there are opposing forces favoring continuation of traditional ways of doing things (see paragraph below on assumptions about rationality of goals, etc.) One interesting consequence of these adaptive responses is that we might predict (subject to testing) that the late prehistoric Utina might have been more fully agricultural than their Spanish mission period descendants (or the later Seminoles), except where they were compelled to produce crops for the garrison at St. Augustine.

In a situation of cultural breakdown, migration and dispersal, migrants into a previously-unoccupied area (Kramer 1984) may initially place relatively greater reliance on low-cost wild foods because of the greater investments (time and labor, such as the effort to clear new fields) required to establish agriculture in a new area. In contrast, migrants into a previously occupied area (in effect, a re-colonization situation (Kramer 1984) may be more likely to resume agricultural production because the countryside would already be broken up into a patchwork of fields in various convenient stages of fallow. Home Range, Sedentism Storage and Demography

There are also relationships among the factors of size of home range (area most frequently exploited) (Foley 1977; D. Harris 1977;

*Binford 1968; Ellen 1982:36), territoriality (area defended or reserved) (Dyson-Hudson and Smith 1978; Cashdan 1983; D. Harris 1977a:188), settlement systems and site locations (Winterhalder 1980; Descola 1982; Higgs 1975; Jochim 1976), procurement strategies, seasonality and scheduling (Flannery 1968), degree of






20


sedentism/residential mobility (Hames and Vickers 1982:363-364; Binford 1968), and storage (Testart 1982; Ingold 1983). Increased fertility and population growth often involve a shift to sedentary settlement systems (Binford 1968:332; Spooner 1972; Sussman 1972; Engelbrecht 1987); conversely, we might expect declining fertility and population to be associated with a weakening of sedentism (Lee 1980). With decreased size of local population units and decreased human population density, we would expect changes in relative proportions of land and labor available, "gaps" between home ranges, decreased competition for control of these resource areas, changes in rules for access to these critical resources, changes in residence patterns, and decreased territorial defense (Testart 1982). Degree of sedentism/mobility may change as a result of or in relation to (through feedback loops) changing population size or density, changing output requirements, and relative resource abundance (Lee 1980; Descola 1982; Cohen 1977; D. Harris 1977). Resource use may change because of population change (decline) (Binford 1968), (smaller) local groups (E. Smith 1981; Ellen 1982), (smaller) task groups, and (decreased) productive capability. The composition of task groups, and consequently their capacity to produce, may change with changing age and sex structure of local groups (Hassan 1980; Stier 1982). With smaller groups, there are smaller output requirements, but also smaller capability to produce, that is, less availability of labor. Age/sex structure of the local group and of task groups may change if, for example, there are fewer offspring per nuclear family reaching adulthood due to greater childhood susceptibility and mortality during epidemics and sterility of some of the survivors. Changes in human fertility and mortality rates and age-






21


sex ratios would also result from periods of nutritional stress and/or declining relative resource abundance (Lee 1980; Hassan 1980). That is, there are natural and cultural mechanisms and feedback. Opposing Forces

Opposing forces and processes contrary to those listed above would also have been operating simultaneously in La Florida. Under the impact of the expanding world economy and the European world system, there may have been pressure for increased territoriality for control of the deerskin and deer meat trade (Waselkov 1989; Gramly 1977; Turner and Santley 1979), and other exchange items. The capacity and productivity of the deerskin trade may have been stimulated in turn because the natural succession in abandoned "old fields" resulting from human population decline would have provided ideal habitat for browsers such as deer and grazers such as cattle. These same conditions may have contributed to movement of bison into the Southeastern United States during this period. On the other hand, pressure on the deer populations increased because the chiefs had formerly collected deerskins as tribute once a year, but later in the Spanish period the demand became continuous (Loucks 1979:68). Furthermore, fire drives as a deer hunting technique (along with cattle raising), if employed to excess for personal financial gain in the money economy, would have affected the natural successional patterns and altered the composition of the (fire) climax forest and its resources. Changing human/land use interaction may be indicated in the assignment of "hunting preserves" to each village (Loucks 1979:65), perhaps resulting from relative scarcity and/or increased value of certain game animals, especially deer.






22


Other Factors

Interactions of humans with other components of the cultural ecosystem may change because of changes in relative costs, efficiency, effectiveness and productivity of particular subsistence systems, or because of changing (outside) demands or availability of new (introduced) resources such as cattle, oranges, peaches or wheat. These changes may result from diffusion, trade, acculturation, migration, the opening of new opportunities for accumulating wealth (Ferguson 1984), and interaction with technological, economic and other cultural factors. Carrying capacity may change due to degree and type of exploitation (Bailey 1981), technological innovation or diffusion, or other changes altering efficiency and yield. Overexploitation and depletion of the resource is one type of interaction (Hames and Vickers 1982:363).

Decision-Making Processes

All of the above postulated effects assume human rationality of goals (Herskovits 1968; Godelier 1972) and native knowledge of costs, nutrients, availability, and risks (Reidhead 1980; Abruzzi 1980:27). There may also have been tradeoffs between the needs for security (minimization of risk), minimization of effort (least cosf), and maximization of output (Earle 1980:14; Lee 1969; Gould 1977:168-170.) "Satisfaction" (Lee 1972; Gould 1977) is another factor, but is more difficult to measure. Even when certain adaptive responses might appear to be potentially advantageous, these changes may have been resisted (Bender 1978). Reasons for resistance to adaptive change may include risk as a factor in decision making (Lane 1983; Bettinger 1982:226), cost-benefit uncertainty (Earle 1980:16), interference





23



(i.e., individuals increasing their own relative fitness by decreasing their competitors' prey-capturing abilities such as through dominance or territoriality [Wilson 1980:461), traditional ways of doing things, language categorization and perception of what was possible and socially acceptable, and social costs (such as social disruptionY (Earle 1980:16). People judge the potential of their environments (Trigger 1968; Crumley and Marquardt 1983). Language and tradition also play roles in terms of perception of resource availability and classifying products as equivalent or not equivalent with implications for choice of procurement strategy mixes and settlement systems. The Social Setting

In terms of the social setting, there are relationships among settlement systems, sedentism, population density, and the number of opportunities for participating in important social, economic, political and religious activities (Johnson 1982, Rappoport 1969). These activities include opportunities for social exchange (Homans 1968), reaffirmation of kinship and descent ties and obligations, and increased opportunities for marriage due to increased availability of potential marriage mates. That is, there are links among kinship networks, family structure, reciprocal obligations, and sociocultural complexity (Descola 1982). Where the population is sedentized and nucleated (perhaps forcibly), such as at missions (Hemming 1978), there are greater costs for maintaining the mechanisms which regulate order and disorder because mobility and village fragmentation and fissioning are no longer viable options for resolving conflicts. Groups whose political and military institutions have been subverted but whose






24


population remains artificially nucleated because of foreign (Spanish) domination are especially vulnerable to outside threat. They are prevented from adjusting their settlement systems in ways to make themselves more defensible against attack. They are unable to manage their external relations and must instead rely on their conqueror for defence against common enemies such as Georgian and Carolinean Indians supplied with guns by the Spaniards' enemies, the English. Such impacted groups would probably be more susceptible to pressures to "flee to the woods," for example, leaving the San Francisco and other mission stations abandoned or understaffed and leaving practically the whole Potano province deserted in the late 17th century. Some regions may be more impacted than others by the forces of population decline (disease or runaways), leading to shifts in interregional power struggles, competition for control of resource areas, and direction of resource flows (tribute and taxes).

Cultural (especially socioeconomic and political) impediments

to resource flows may hamper the effectiveness of settlement shifts as adaptive responses to stress. Cultural buffering mechanisms against stress include information flows (Rappaport 1977), storage, redistribution (Piddock 1968), exchange (Jochim 1981:70), kinship networks and reciprocal social obligations ("social storage" [Ingold 1983; Cashdan 1983]), structural complexity (e.g., social stratification), and individual resilience and tolerance to stress. Archaeologically, degree of artifact diversity has been used as an index of the culture's capacity to act as a buffering mechanism.

The disease epidemics and the directed social change (by the

Spaniards) would have removed or destroyed the effectiveness of the top





25


echelons of aboriginal social systems (Sears 1961). That is, chiefs and religious specialists were as vulnerable as anyone else to the introduced diseases, and the Spaniards deliberately interferred with inheritance, residence, succession and other social patterns. Furthermore, the Spaniards destroyed the system of regional paramount chiefs (Milanich 1978), altering information flows, organization and control (Peebles and Kus 1977; Rappaport 1977). The Spaniards placed themselves in those superordinate social positions atop aboriginal social hierarchies. They permitted only local village chiefs to continue to function, not the system of paramount chiefs who represented centralized, intervillage government and who might threaten Spanish control (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:224). These changes fragmented and weakened the aboriginal societies' flexibility and ability to withstand and adapt to stress.

Social hierarchies provide social structural stability,

cohesion and organization for regulating complex social relations. They concentrate energy needed for competing with other societies for control of access to scarce critical resources. There are links between sociopolitical centralization, elaboration of ritual (Piddock 1968), inequality, maintanance of authority and social order, control of the rules for distribution and consumption, prestige, storage and accumulation of wealth (Malinowski 1968), warfare (Ferguson 1984; Larson 1972), ability to intensify production, population size and density, agriculture, and sedentism. Larger, more complex social systems may also act as buffering mechanisms against environmental fluctuations such as the global climatic perturbation which occurred during the mid-sixteenth century, precisely during the time when the





26


aboriginal societies of La Florida were most vulnerable. With loss of social hierarchies there would be less stability of social structure, poorer structural integration, less concentration of energy for competing with other societies, less energy for coping with internal social problems, and (with smaller units) less capacity for buffering environmental fluctuations. Disruption and dispersal of human societies may make them more vulnerable to environmental perturbations, such as droughts during the days when the maize plants are at the critical reproductive stage of growth (Wilson and Allison 1978; Lomas and Herrera 1984), affecting food supplies and triggering social storage mechanisms. Environmental change does not directly cause subsistence system and economic change, but it alters the relative costs/benefits and predictability of particular procurement strategies, resulting in new strategy mixes (Earle 1980:21).

Political institutions are interrelated with other cultural and ecological factors. There are relationships between demography (population decline), political organization (decline of central authority) and settlement systems (dispersed communities)(Renfrew 1979). Changing production and efficiency requirements are a cause of social organizational change (Descola 1982). With demographic change there would be changes in the rules for distribution and consumption, residence patterns, and kinship obligations, and opportunities for accumulating wealth (Ferguson 1984). Through feedback, disrupted and dispersed communities resulted from and stimulated further population decline and disruption of kinship systems, chiefly organization and central authority by which social order and stability had been maintained. Population decline and collapse resulted from death,






27



dispersal and/or migration. Consequently lineages, kinship networks, and reciprocal obligations, task groups and production were disrupted, including the mechanisms by which leadership was determined and maintained and the mechanisms (the ranked lineages or clans) by which access to resources was allocated. Shift to a deerskin (Waselkov 1989) and beef (Bushnell 1978, 1981) economy would allow the accumulation of wealth by individuals outside the traditional patterns of wealth and prestige and outside the normal rules for redistribution, resulting in changes in information flows and resource flows and shifts in social status and marital residence patterns (Deetz 1965; Descola 1982). These changes, including changes in the rules for distribution and consumption, undercut the influence, power, and authority of established centralized native authority. Many Indians may have moved to the vicinity of the missions in pursuit o~f prestige goods (Descola 1982; Tonkinson 1974). The most highly prized goods by the Eastern Timucuans were fish hooks, axes or hatchets, knives, scissors, and beads (Covington and Falcones 1963:145-1460). Also disrupted in La Florida were the chiefdoms and the ranked clans and thus enforcement of the rules by which kinship and descent, leadership, inheritance, postmarital residence patterns, and access to critical resources were determined (Deetz 1965; Longacre 1968). Elman Service (1962) suggested that changes to composite bands in one region occurred as results of European economic pressures and diseases; he considered the importance of acculturation in these situations to have been overrated. Decline of the power of central authority includes decline of the social control mechanisms for maintaining social structural cohesion and





28


stability (which cohesion and stability had formerly been provided by hierarchies). The mechanisms for resolving conflicts declined. And the mechanisms and forces for maintaining compact, cohesive communities declined. The degenerative decay of the economic situation is seen in the documentary record where certain Indians asked the Spaniards for permission to relocate their village, reportedly because of depleted firewood, exhausted soils and poor harvests (Pearson 1968:80 in Loucks 1979:57). That is, not only was the economy failing, but the Indians had even lost the power to decide the optimal locations of their own settlements.

Dispersal and Nucleation

There are always opposing forces at work in any situation. The forces for nucleation are always in opposition to the forces for dispersal. Forces for dispersal include, for example, the ability to pursue dispersed natural resources. In a marginal and deteriorating political situation such as late 17th century Spanish Florida (and the 18th century Seminoles), the forces for dispersal of native populations may have begun to outweigh the forces favoring nucleation (such as scattered reports of Indians abandoning the mission villages and returning to their "wild cousins" in the woods), except for two factors. These factors offsetting the dispersal tendencies were the threat of outside attack (slave raids and invasions by the English and their Indian allies) and forced nucleation (the Spanish reduction policy). Further chapters of this dissertation will provide empirical data on the extent to which these populations actually became dispersed or nucleated, that is, data on which competing set of forces became dominant at which times.






29


Lower population density and numbers, coupled with cultural

destruction, would lead to a decrease in public activities (religious, military, political, and socioeconomic) which otherwise provide community and ethnic identity and cohesion. Part of this effect of lower population density derives from resulting longer fallow periods, shorter plot use, decreased size and number of fields, smaller villages, lesser degrees of sedentism, and decline in these public activities. These patterns of cultural decline can be altered and reversed by religious revitalization movements and cultural reformulations. One such movement occurred in association with the prophet Handsome Lake among the Seneca of New York. The mid-l7th century Timucuan rebellion in Florida may be an example of such a movement but a detailed study is not available. Unintended Consequences

There were undoubtedly many unintended consequences of Spanish contact and domination. The disease epidemics and demographic collapse were an unintended consequence. These unintended consequences result from negative feedback. Intensification of one resource, such as Spanish-owned but Indian-operated cattle ranches or wheat farms, may result in destruction or dangerous oversimplification of the ecosystem, such as destruction of ecosystems and dependent Indian adaptive systems (Kirch 1982). Cultural metastability may result from overexploitation and environmental strain (Deevey et al. 1976). Ecosystem Resilience, Economy and Introduced Species

There are links between ecosystem resilience (Vitousek et al.

1981; Hollings 1973), cultural buffering mechanisms, economy, sedentism and settlement systems (D. Harris 1977). Factors in the degree of






30


impact of aboriginal (versus Spanish-directed) agriculture on the ecosystem include human population density, length of fallow period and tree size, length of plot use, size of garden or field, amount of edge area, technology and particular plants grown, and relative rates of soil fertility decline and weed invasion (Denevan 1978; Arnason et al. 1982; D. Harris 1978; W. Clarke 1976; Norgaard 1981; Vitousek et al. 1981; but see Chacon and Chiessman 1982 for re-definition of "weeds" as not all noxious). Introduced animals such as cows, as opposed to deer, trample the underbrush (and fields), opening the soil to increased solar radiation and resulting in destruction of soil structure and microfauna and loss of soil moisture and fertility (Denevan 1978; D. Harris 1978). Deer are also subject to increased mortality when they share territory with cattle because of the Lone Star Tick (Loucks 1979:70). Conversion of forests and fields to pasture makes return to aboriginal-style farming difficult (Denevan 1978; Odum 1981), especially with aboriginal tools poorly suited to breaking up the tough sod layer.

Pigs are another introduced species. Over time, pigs rooting up the soil can lead to destruction of understory vegetative cover and ecosystems, leaving the soil surface bare and subject to erosion, in turn affecting streams and aquatic resources through altered silt content and salinity levels. Pigs are forest dwellers; not having sweat glands they cannot tolerate long exposure in the open sunny areas created by farm fields, forest burning and cattle. Cattle and pigs thus destroy different types of ecosystems leading to further simplification of ecosystems. Both alter the floral and faunal composition, the diversity and relative abundance of forest species.






31


The increasing poverty and declining perogatives of the Indians are seen in the documentary record. In 1600 taxes were reduced from one arroba (approximately 25 pounds or 12 kg) of maize to six ears of maize per Indian per year. The reduced taxes were said to be necessary because of hardship and the poverty of the Indians (Canzo 1600 in Loucks 1979:45). The increasing poverty may have been the result of labor shortage and/or decling yields on worn out soils near permanent mission stations.

Spaniards used the landscape in different ways than did the

natives. Plantations, ranches, and roads are low population density uses. The Indians had resided across the landscape, interacting with, evolving with and being dynamic components of the ecosystems for thousands of years (Cohen 1977; Hassan 1980; Chapman et al. 1982), but the Spaniards interrupted those mutualistic and coevolutionary relationships and adaptations (Thompson 1982; D. Wilson 1980; Rindos 1983; 2Janzen 1980). For example, the introduced (by missionaries) crops such as wheat or manioc (for example, at certain missions in South America [Milton 1984) have different growing cycles than maize and other traditional crops. Wheat is planted in the winter, maize in the spring. The Spaniards pressured the Indians to grow wheat, but doing so disrupted the Indians' traditional patterns of seasonality and scheduling (Flannery 1968), with impacts throughout the system such as protein deficiency among a large, artificially nucleated human population (Milton 1984). There are no data on whether the sizes of Indians' fields changed, or the relative proportions of wheat and maize fields and sizes of harvests. The needs for provisioning St. Augustine and constructing the castillo de San Marcos was another major burden on





32


the Indians. In addition to the visible heavy costs (social, economic, biological) of production, transport. storage, and labor demands, the Indians also bore the hidden costs of redistribution and social control.


Major Weakness of Cultural Ecology Studies: Demography

In recent decades, the ecological sciences have made much progress in explaining animal behavior patterns by defining variables and their interrelationships. As described in the above section there are relationships among many variables. Demographic variables are always crucial in these relationships.

However, these crucial demographic data are unfortunately often lacking from otherwise-excellent studies of settlement patterns and cultural ecology (e.g., Custer 1987; Kingsley 1981). In archaeological research, demographic data are elusive and difficult to pin down, due to methodological problems associated with poor preservation and problems with sampling an unknown universe. But these demographic data are essential before we can progress to other, even more important ecological and anthropological questions. The need for these demographic data is the motive behind the following research.

Settlement pattern studies are a prerequisite to studies of

demographic patterns (Trigger 1985:72-73). The particular approach taken in the current study is motivated by studies in other regions such as Missouri (Ramenofsky 1982:320, 334) which show that local population size (and density?) can be increasing even though overall regional population size is decreasing. Or the size of local population may increase even though overall population size is not





33


increasing (e.g., the shift toward a smaller number of larger bands among the northern boreal fur traders of northeastern North America after European contact [Brasser 1978:84-85 [Handbook of N. Amer. Indians] ). The conclusion is that site size cannot be assumed to decline along with overall regional population decline. Population estimates based solely on macro-level data or solely on micro- and semi-micro-level data are thus inappropriate; all levels of data need to be incorporated. A large number of smaller settlements may be replaced by a few larger settlements, as happened in Ramenofsky's case study in Missouri (1982:320). Survivors may (or may not) abandon their multiple settlements and amalgamate in a few larger settlements.

The present study attempts to determine which pattern existed in Florida. It focuses on a particular culture area and period, that is, the natives of north and north central Florida at the time of European contact. What were the consequences of European contact? How and why did the Timucuan chiefdoms and people become extinct so quickly, that is, within two centuries?

This study is necessarily rather broad scale and coarse grained for several reasons. First, little archaeological research had been done on the Utina and the locations of few sites were known prior to the current research. Only broad scale environmental variables, such as physiographic province, soil type, proximity to aquatic resources and proximity to natural trail corridors are used in this analysis. Detailed data on resource distribution and abundance are unavailable for specific sites. The situation with the Utina was unusual in American archaeology. From the documentary record we had some idea how






34


many mission sites existed, but the locations were unknown. The Utinaassociated ceramic complex had to be identified and a chronology had to be developed before other anthropological questions could be addressed. These problems with ceramics and chronology are dealt with in Chapter IV, Establishing a Chronology.


Empirical Question: Native Population Levels in Florida and the Rate of Population Decline

The current study is part of a larger debate which is currently raging in American archaeology and history, that is, how many Indians were there at the time of first European contact, and what was the magnitude of the impact of European and African diseases (Crosby 1972)? This debate has been brought to a head in recent years by the work of Henry Dobyns (1983), who claims larger original populations and greater effects of disease than had been thought previously. Dobyns' general thesis has been accepted by many archaeologists, but many of the details and his methods are disputed (e.g, Henige 1986, 1989). Part of my goal therefore is to make methodological and empirical contributions that will help lead to more accurate estimates of Timucuan population levels at the time of contact and at intervals afterward.

There were different kinds of culture change associated with

European contact and conquest in the New World. These different kinds of change included acculturation situations on forced-labor agricultural plantations and ranches, participation in mission systems (e.g., Hemming 1978; Service 1954; Geiger 1937; Sayer 1971; Milner 1980; Fish and Fish 1979), and depopulation and cultural disintegration (Ramenofsky 1982; Dobyns 1983; Crosby 1972; Denevan 1976; Cook and





35


Borah 1960). Depopulation and deculturation could also occur independently of sustained European-Indian contact (Smith 1984).

Though it has long been known that the introduction of European and African diseases had great impacts on American Indian populations, the magnitude of the biological and cultural catastrophe has become clearer as a recent of studies. Population collapse, political decentralization, migrations and amalgamation of survivors into new settlements occurred throughout the New World (Crosby 1972; Dobyns 1983; Smith 1984; Ramenofsky 1982). There may have been other responses to population collapse as well. In Florida, such stresses occurred after initial contact and during the period of the establishment of the Spanish mission system. Destruction of the chiefdoms and the ranked kin groups was accomplished by the epidemics, foreign domination, wars, slave raids, and/or the European money economy, which transformed the independent chiefdoms into peasantry. Acculturation at the missions accelerated the culture change and helped lead to the final extinction of these people. Some or many of the changes in native American lifeways often attributed to acculturation may in fact be due to population decline.

In Florida, there were eighteen documented or probable epidemics in two centuries (Dobyns 1983:247-290). Assuming Dobyns' data are reliable, there was at least one epidemic in almost every decade of the 16th and 17th centuries. Using Dobyns' data, we can calculate that a new epidemic or pandemic appeared at an average rate of once every 10.1 years, with only 8.7 years between epidemics, assuming all epidemics are known which seems unlikely. That is, almost every generation for






36


two centuries experienced at least one major acute outbreak. Mortality rates typically ranged from 10% to 50% (Dobyns 1983:247-290).

The natives of north and north central Florida thus became extinct within 250 years after Christopher Columbus' initial voyage to the New World. That is, demographic and cultural collapse occurred in north and north central central Florida resulting from European contact. This collapse can be tracked through time through an archaeological study of changes in aboriginal settlement patterns, changes which, as we have seen in the first section of this chapter, are tied to many other aspects of culture.

This research focuses on the cultural consequences of the

population decline rather than the epidemiological causes of the decline. Accordingly evidence of epidemics per se is not pursued, rather the study builds on the work of others who have already demonstrated that they occurred (e.g., Dobyns 1983).

Among other aims, the research aims at developing a technique for measuring relative changes in certain aspects of community patterns. Site area (Cook and Heizer 1968), whether communities were compact or dispersed, and other data are used to measure the relative changes through time in settlement systems (see Chapter V on Methods).

The puzzle is not why these cultures suffered catastrophes, but why the survivors failed to recover from them. Why did they fail to adapt to the stress? The epidemics cannot fully explain the Timucuan extinction because some other aboriginal groups in North America suffered the same pandemics and survived. There are cultural factors as well in population decline. For example, the Seneca of New York had been experiencing population decline and cultural disintegration but





37


this trend reversed during the cultural transformation associated with the prophet Handsome Lake during the late 18th and early 19th centuries (Wallace 1969:194-196, 303-315). Why did the Timucuans not accomplish a similar cultural revitalization? Timucuan leadership structure broke down by the early 17th century and after that time the "chiefs" functioned in that role only in exceptional circumstances such as the revolt of 1656 (Milanich 1978:67-68; Hann n.d.:3). But leadership is only one of many interrelated cultural and ecological factors, as listed above in an earlier section of this chapter.

That section discussed the links among human demographic, cultural and ecological change. Many of those principles and processes would have been in effect for the Timucua. The Timucua of Florida, in particular their settlement system changes, thus provide a case study of those principles and processes of demographic, cultural and ecological change.

The following sections deal separately with community patterns and settlement patterns. Specifically, the first section presents community pattern hypotheses for testing, bridging arguments and observational predictions. The next section then deals with regional settlement pattern models which have been developed previously for northern Florida. Separate chapters then test these two sets of hypotheses, and the results are integrated in the final chapter.


History of Settlement Studies and Definition of Terms

Archaeological studies of regional settlement patterns began with Gordon Willey's work in the Viru Valley, Peru (1953, 1956) and with the





38


lower Mississippi Valley Survey (Phillips, Ford and Griffin 1951). Willey defined settlement patterns as:

. the way in which man disposed himself over the
landscape on which he lived. It refers to dwellings, to their
arrangement, and to the nature and disposition of other
buildings pertaining to community life. These settlements reflect the natural environment, the level of technology on
which the builders operated, and various institutions of
social interaction and control which the culture maintained
(Willey 1953:1).

The roots of Willey's approach are found in Julian Steward's

cultural ecology and the concept of the "culture core" (Steward 1936, 1938, 1955). The culture core contains the elements of culture which are in direct contact with the natural environment. The roots of the concept can be traced back to the materialist and evolutionary approaches of Morgan (1877), Marx (1867) and Darwin (1859).

Following the early stimulus provided by Willey, a variety of other approaches and applications have also developed in settlement archaeology. For example, a "1955 Seminar in Archaeology" set up a series of ideal types of communities along a continuum from sedentary to nomadic (Meggers 1956). The types included free wandering, restricted wandering, central-based wandering, semi-permanent sedentary, simple nuclear centered, advanced nuclear centered, and supra-nuclear integrated (Meggers 1956). Another early proponent of settlement studies was Chang (1958, 1968), who emphasized social factors in settlement patterns.

From the very beginning settlement studies have been concerned

with spatial arrangements, function, the community, the environment and change (Parsons 1972). The integrated nature of these phenomena is






39


reflected in the concept of "subsistence-settlement system" (Winters 1963; Struever 1968).

Following Willey's lead, numerous settlement studies have been undertaken by American archaeologists (e.g., Ritchie and Funk 1973; Struever 1968; Adams 1965; Flannery 1976; Smith 1978ab; Custer 1987; Painter 1982; Moseley 1983; and others cited throughout this chapter). Distinguishing Settlement Patterns, Community Patterns, and Settlement Systems

In common usage the term "settlement patterns" is used in two

different ways. First, it is often used in a general sense to refer to all site patterning at all levels, including community patterns, settlement patterns, and settlement systems. Second, it is used more narrowly to refer to only one level of patterning--settlement patterns-to the exclusion of community patterns and settlement systems. The current study employs the latter, more restricted usage. Terms as currently used are defined below, following a summary of the history of these studies.

A variety of terms have been used for these concepts. Sanders distinguished community settlement patterns from zonal settlement patterns (Sanders 1956; Parsons 1972). Chang distinguished community pattern from settlement pattern (Chang 1958:299). He defined community pattern as:

the manner in which the inhabitants arrange their various
structures within the community and their communities within
the aggregate (Chang 1958:299).

Citing Murdock (1949:79, 82), Chang defined "community" in terms of interpersonal relationships, as composed of those persons who reside






40


together and interact on a face-to-face basis (Chang 1958:303). And Chang defined settlement pattern as:

the manner in which human settlements are arranged over the landscape in relation to phy siographic environment (Chang
1958:299).

Chang also subdivided community pattern into "microsettlement" and "imacrostructure"l (Chang 1962:7). These two terms refer respectively to patterning within a single site (e.g., to patterning within a structure) and to patterning of the site as a whole (e.g., to the arrangement of all the structures). Early use of the term "community pattern" is found in Sears (1961).

Trigger subdivided community pattern into "'microstructure" and "macrostructure." He referred to settlement patterns as "zonal patterns" (Trigger 1968:54-55). At the regional level, natural resources are key determining factors in human population levels and their distribution (Trigger 1968:66). Trigger acknowledged that a variety of other cultural and historical factors also affect settlement patterns (zonal patterns) (Trigger 1968:69).

Winters distinguished settlement system versus settlement pattern (Winters 1963) and Flannery defined settlement pattern as "the pattern of sites on the regional landscape (Flannery 1976d). However, his use of the concept of settlement system is somewhat different from that used in the current study. He defined settlement system as "the set of 'rules' that generated the pattern in the first place" (Flannery 1976d:162 in Paynter 1982:27).

Clarke used the term ''micro' to refer to the level of resolution within structures (e.g., rooms, graves, houses) (Clarke 1977:11). He






41


used the term "semi-micro" to refer to patterning within sites and he defined "site" as:

a geographical locus which contained an articulated set
of human activities [and] their consequences and often an
associated set of structures. (Clarke 1977:11)

He used the term "macro" to refer to the level of resolution between sites (1977:11). According to Clarke, different types of models are most appropriate for explaining patterning at the different levels of resolution. Individual and cultural models are most appropriate for the micro level, social and architectural models are most appropriate for the semi-micro level, and geographical and economic models are most appropriate for the macro level. The effects of time and distance on energy expenditure account for the appropriateness of the geographical and economic models at the macro level (Clarke 1977:13).

In summary, the three levels of spatial analysis are the micro,

semi-micro and macro (Clarke 1977). The micro level deals with spatial variation within individual structures, the semi-micro or intra-site level deals variation within particular sites, and the macro or intersite (zonal patterns) level deals with spatial variation within entire regions as a whole. The first set of terms are those of Trigger (1968:55) and the second set are those of Clarke (1979:9). Sears' term community pattern" (1956, 1961) correlates with the middle level, that of intra-site or semi-micro.

Settlement Systems as Spatial Archaeology

In recent years settlement archaeology has become subsumed within spatial archaeology (Clarke 1977; Hodder and Orton 1976), as cultural geography, economic anthropology and anthropological archaeology have






42


converged (Marquardt 1983:3). The current study thus deals with one particular variety of spatial analysis, that of settlement systems. Spatial archaeology was defined as follows:

Spatial archaeology might be defined as the retrieval of
information from archaeological spatial relationships and the study of the spatial consequences of former hominid activity patterns within and between features and structures and their
articulation within sites, site systems and their
environments: the study of the flow and integrations of
activities within and between structures, sites and resource spaces from the micro to the semi-micro and macro scales of
aggregation. (Clarke 1977:9)

Settlement pattern analysis or settlement archaeology is thus one type of spatial analysis. Spatial or vocational analysis began with David Clarke (1977) and the field has since expanded (Roper 1979; Crumley 1979) to include such things as exchange systems (Renfrew 1977; Hodder 1982). However, the current study focuses on the original focus: settlement patterns.

There are many different approaches to the study of spatial

analysis of settlement patterns, for example, central place theory, nearest neighbor analysis, catchment analysis (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970), and gravity models (Crumley 1979; Jochim 1976). Catchment analysis requires a greater amount of ecological data than are currently available for these individual sites. In site catchment analysis (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970; Roper 1979), an area is drawn around a site and the resources available within that area are determined. Equal rights to access and equally easy access to all resources within that area are assumed, and resources beyond that area are assumed to be more difficult to exploit. Distance and travel time are key factors. Demographic factors as determinants in settlement





43


patterns have played less of a role in catchment studies than have resource studies (Roper 1979:120).

The current research attempts to integrate different levels of spatial analysis. Most published research deals only with one level, while calling for (but rarely attempting) integration with these other levels.

Definition of Terms

The settlement or the community is defined as "the local context wherein the members of a community are presumed to have resided and lived their daily lives" (Chang 1961). Many archaeological studies have been done at this level of the community or the settlement (e.g., Milanich et al. 1984). The community is viewed functionally as those people who interact on a daily basis within a particular natural environment. The approach reflects Julian Steward's concept of cultural ecology. The question is, which factors determine where people live? At all three levels of analysis, people are adapting to, drawing subsistence from, and interacting with their natural environments. Settlement patterns are one strategy for adapting to the particular environments and to environmental stress. But at all three levels other factors are also present, including ecological, demographic, economic, social, political, belief systems, historical and other factors. Different factors may take on greater or lesser importance at the different levels, and at different levels the different factors may interact in different ways.

As used here community pattern refers to patterning at the local level, settlement patterns refers to patterning at the regional level, and settlement systems refers to integration of community and






44


settlement patterns. Chapter VI deals with community patterns, Chapter VII concerns regional settlement patterns, and Chapter X deals with settlement systems. Terms are defined as follows.

Settlement systems. A settlement system (Winters in Parson

1972:130) is composed of microsettlement patterns, macro or community patterns and zonal or settlement patterns (Trigger 1968).

Community pattern and settlement pattern. The term community

pattern (Sears 1961) refers to the size and arrangement of particular sites. In contrast, the term settlement patterns refers to the distribution of sites over the landscape in relation to various other natural and man-made features (Trigger 1968; Willey 1953).

Diffuse, dispersed, consolidated and compact. These terms indicate ends of continuums representing the degrees to which settlements are spread out internally and in relation to other settlements. Terms such as "diffused" and "dispersed" have been applied both to settlement patterns and to community patterns. As used here, a dispersed (or compact) community pattern is not the same thing as a diffuse (or consolidated) settlement pattern. The former deals with the size and arrangement of particular settlements, and the latter deals with the distribution of whole settlements in relation to each other.

Renfrew described the compact/dispersed continuum as follows:

Amid the great diversity in settlement form and
distribution among traditional farming communities of the world, two opposing extremes of what may be a continuous
spectrum m can be discerned. The first is dispersed
settlement, the population living in small homestead,
farmsteads or compounds, the home of a single extended
family, although naturally linked by various ties of kinship
and solidarity into larger communities. But spatially and
residentially they are isolated units. In the extreme case






45


there are no large and permanent settlements, although often
there are (special places] for periodic or occasional
assembly.

At the other extreme the agricultural population is
entirely agglomerated into large nucleated villages or
compounds, agricultural 'towns' from which the inhabitants go
forth daily to work their fields. (Renfrew 1979:440)

Renfrew cited examples of dispersed settlements in Africa, the Pacific, Central America, and Southeast Asia. He cited examples of agglomerated settlements in Italy, Africa, and the Ilth century American Southwest (Renfrew 1979:440), emphasizing that most societies fall between these two extremes. The reasons for the pattern are not always clear, but factors include transportation costs and social benefits. There may be an inverse relationship (not his terms) between length of fallow period as opposed to settlement size and density. The longer the fallow period, the smaller the settlement size and the lower the settlement density:

(S]ystems with very long fallow periods, which are generally
associated with much lower settlement density, often show
very much smaller settlement units. (Renfrew 1979:441)

Examples of the terms used by various authors are as follows.

Community patterns have been described as "nucleated," "aggregated" or "dispersed" (Renfrew 1979; Parson 1972; Engelbrecht 1987; Faulkner 1973; Glassow 1977). Settlement patterns have been described as "nucleated," "contagious," "clustered," or "dispersed" (Vogt 1983; Pearson 1979; Farnsworth 1989; Faulkner 1973; Engelbrecht 1987; Starke and Young 1981). Another scheme distinguishes dispersed, random and aggregated settlement patterns (Adams and Jones 1981). Willey classified communities depending on whether they consisted of a minimal residential unit, a group residential unit (two or more minimal






46


residential units and implying an extended family), or a cluster of group residential units (Willey 1981:388-391). Examples of settlement system types in the literature, as distinct from community pattern types, include nucleated among the Iroquois (Trigger 1978:344; Engelbrecht 1987) and linear in the aboriginal Southeastern United States after European contact (M. Smith 1984; Ramenofsky 1982; Dobyns 1983) and elsewhere (Reynolds 1976). The Iroquois towns were described as "crowded islands in a vast wilderness" (Engelbrecht 1987:22). Other theoretical discussions of settlement system types are found in B. Smith (1978b), Dewar (1986) and Adams and Jones (1981). Because of the use of duplicate terms for different concepts it is frequently difficult to detect whether community patterns, settlement patterns or settlement systems are being referred to. The current study uses different terms to avoid confusion.

Community Patterns: Types, Bridging Arguments, Hypotheses, and Observational Predictions

In this section, compact versus dispersed community pattern types are distinguished. It also develops hypotheses, bridging arguments and observational predictions for three time periods and two ethnic groups (the Utina and the Potano) in northern Florida are also presented.

Community and settlement pattern shifts, as described in the above theoretical discussion, are cultural responses and aspects of adaptive systems. A study of community patterns will help clarify the reasons for the demise of the Timucuan Indians. Settlement changes may be seen as an attempt--perhaps temporarily successful but ultimately unsuccessful--to resolve the stresses that occurred as a result of European contact and colonization.






47


Many writers assume that contemporaneous sites will be

approximately the same size. For example, Dobyns makes his assumption explicit:

We assume for purposes of estimation that Timucuan
settlements were approximately equal in size... (Dobyns
1983:192).

Despite the above quotation, Dobyns goes on to demonstrate that the above generalization is not valid for the Timucua as a whole. Rather, each Timucuan group must be considered separately because each may have a different system, e.g., lineage townhouses among the Saturiwa, a large main village surrounded by isolated houses among the Ocali and Yustega, and main villages surrounded by satellite villages among (possibly) the Potano, all roughly coeval during the period 1528-1564, the time of Narvaez, de Soto, and Le Moyne (Dobyns 1983:190211). These and other data (see following sections) point out the need to define the different types of settlement systems. Compact Community Pattern

This type system would include situations in which the residences and structures within the settlement were closely arranged, for example, within a palisade. There may or may not be satellite villages or scattered houses around the main village. A compact settlement implies strong social control (see sections on rationale for hypotheses). This was presumably the goal of the "reduction" policy (Gannon 1965:33), that was employed by the Spanish missionaries among the Indians of South America (Hemming 1978:99), but perhaps was never accomplished by the missionaries in North America.

Compact communities may also have been present in North America

prior to sustained European influence. Examples of this community type






48


include numerous Mississippian and Mississippian-derived towns, palisaded Timucuan towns as depicted in de Bry's engraving and Le Moyne's descriptions (Swanton 1922:352), the Creek town plan (Bartram 1789 in Hudson 1976:214), and probably some of the towns along de Soto's route in Florida (Ranjel 1904:44,72). Dispersed Community Pattern

In this type the population and their residences are widely

distributed rather than closely spaced, yet still constitute a single community; or else the individual residences are so widely dispersed that they must be considered isolated households, without villages. In either case, overall population size would be small. An example of a dispersed community pattern is illustrated in the following statement about Apalache by the Spanish governor in November 1702:

The villages of this province [Apalachel are very
insecure as they are widely scattered, as the individual
houses are likewise, since the villages are distributed over a radius of three or four leagues. (Hann n.d.:22) (Emphasis
added.)

The Contact Period, A.D. 1513-1606

Due to the known epidemics of European-introduced pathogens, we must assume some level of population decline in north central Florida during the 16th and 17th centuries. The term population collapse may be more appropriate, but the total numbers and rate of the decline have not been precisely measured. Rather than attempting to measure population loss directly, this research attempts to measure relative change in site sizes and site numbers.

The contact period begins with the first European landfall on the North American mainland in the early 16th century (Ponce de Leon in 1513), and continues until establishment of the mission system in the



I






49


first third of the 17th century among the Western Timucua, specifically A.D. 1606 for the Potano and 1608 for the Utina.

At least three major epidemics are documented or probable among the Western Timucua before de Soto's arrival (unidentified epidemic in 1513-14, smallpox in 1519-24, measles and gastrointestinal in 1528-33), possibly five epidemics before or during the French explorations (bubonic plague in 1545-48, typhus in 1549, mumps in 1550, influenza in 1559, and unidentified epidemic in 1564-70) and three more epidemics before establishment of the mission system (unidentified in 1585, Cape Verde Island fever in 1586, and measles (?) in 1596 (Dobyns 1983:247290). [Others have disputed Dobyns' handling of the evidence and his conclusions (e.g., Henige 1986, 1989), and Dobyns has added rebuttals (Dobyns 1989). Because of these uncertainties, various writers (e.g., Ramenofsky 1982) have called for new studies and new data sets which are independent of the historic documentary data. The present study of settlement change is one such study.]

Hypotheses for testing.

Hypothesis 1A: Large, compact communities during the contact period or at least for the early part of the period.

Hypothesis IB: Small, dispersed communities during the contact period.

Bridging Arguments. Occupation area is at least partially a function of group size (though the relationship may not be linear). Numbers of artifacts discarded is at least partially a function of group size. A larger number of discarded objects will occupy a larger area. A larger group occupying a larger area will result in artifacts






50


discarded and distributed over a larger area, or vice versa, for a smaller group.

Community pattern is at least partially a function of social,

political and economic organization (Trigger 1968). The greater the distance and spacing between minimal residential units (nuclear families), or between residential units and politico-religious units (e.g., temples, public plazas, chief's house), therefore the more costly, more difficult and less effective the social control mechanisms will be. Conversely the closer the spacing between units, the less costly and more effective the social control mechanisms will be.

Observational Predictions.

A. Large, compact communities (regardless of whether or not

small satellite villages are also present; see Chapter 1X on settlement systems).

1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed at each village site will be large.

2. Several or numerous minimal residential units (nuclear families) will be represented in the archaeological record.

3. The residential units will be closely spaced, that is, their artifact distributions will overlap or touch.

4. There will be internal differentiation within sites, such as mounds and plazas in addition to residential units.

B. Small, dispersed communities

1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed will be small.






51


2. A minimal residential unit or only a small number of minimal residential units will be represented in the archaeological record.

3. A cluster of these contemporaneous small sites will be found near each other within a local area. That is, their artifact distributions do not overlap or touch and are separated at intervals too great for them to be considered a single site.

Discussion. Hypothesis 1A, large compact communities, is the null hypothesis, that there was no significant difference between prehistoric and contact period communities, except that contact period communities were perhaps not as large as prehistoric ones. That is, these cultures were scaled down versions of their prehistoric counterparts, and most economic, political and social institutions had remained intact despite the stresses associated with the population loss.

Prehistorically, most Western Timucuan/Alachua tradition villages 11appear to have been consolidated, with houses placed close together in clusters," though some "had a dispersed pattern" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:172).

Support for this hypothesis in the historic period includes the following. The chroniclers of the Spanish and French expeditions indicate large, seemingly intact, powerful native cultures, centrally organized, actively resisting European influence. The implication is that despite pandemic-induced population decline, there was no imme di ate political, economic or military collapse for at least the first few years of the contact period in Florida. This implies successful cultural adaptations to the stresses of the early epidemics,






52


at least until the later epidemics and Spanish domination, but this must be verified, such as archaeological evidence for little culture change in the period. The speed with which powerful chiefdoms can decline is confirmed by the observations by de Luna's expedition in 1559 concerning some of the same towns that de Soto had visited in 1540 in present-day Alabama (Hudson et al. 1985).

Archaeologically, if this hypothesis is valid, we would expect to see no significant difference between prehistoric and contact period sites and artifact assemblages except possibly (slight) decreases in site area and minor stylistic differences in artifacts, and possibly the presence of a small number of European artifacts. It is anticipated on the basis of currently available data (Milanich 1971, 1972, 1978) that this null hypothesis will be rejected.

Hypothesis 1B, small, dispersed communities, was derived from the following. Collapse of early state societies (and presumably chiefdoms) is characterized by the general features of (1) collapse of central administration, including decline of public works and number of hierarchical levels; (2) disappearance of elites, e.g., elaborate burials; (3) collapse of centralized authority; (4) settlement shifts and population decline, including abandonment of many settlement locations, dispersal into smaller settlements, shift to more defensible locations, and decreased population density; and (5) lower level of sociopolitical integration, including social segmentation of the society, fissioning into smaller territories, and small-group local movements following breakdown in order (Renfrew 1979:482-484). This collapse may include the end of the hierarchical settlement patterns






53


formerly associated with chiefdoms, and the switch to linear, dispersed community patterns (M. Smith 1987:86-112).

Dobyns correlates epidemic mortality and settlement shifts using historic data from the Seneca of New York and other groups (Dobyns 1983:313-327). He uses psychological factors to explain the correlation:

..settlement shifts motivated by the psychological shock of
epidemic mortality or by the fear of the ghosts of deceased relatives, or by migration to maintain a culturally defined
"proper"settlement size. (Dobyns 1983 :324)

In addition to these psychological factors, Dobyns (1983:307) adds the threat of attack as another cause of settlement shifts. Other broader factors in aboriginal culture change included the introduction of European technology (Purdy 1977) and despecialization of aboriginal economic structure (Dobyns 1983:330-333).

There are many additional cultural and ecological factors,

processes, mechanisms for change, feedback loops and interrelationships which are not mentioned by Dobyns. The theoretical section at the beginning of this chapter outlines many of these complex relationships among the variables of human population demography, sociopolitical and economic organization, and settlement systems. A change in one variable such as population decline will result in changes in other cultural variables as well. Factors in demographic and cultural decline include disruption of Timucuan lineages and ranked clans and thus the rules for determining leadership, inheritance and access to resources; loss of social structural stability provided by hierarchies; and decline of effectiveness of social control mechanisms for resolving conflicts and preserving social cohesion (Renfrew 1979:482). Degree of





54


social control and cohesion is reflected in community patterns, in this case, whether settlement systems are compact or dispersed (Renfrew 1979:484). Other factors resulting from reduced population density include reduced requirements for the subsistence system, less pressure on resources, opening of gaps between groups, reduced competition for land, and possibly decline of territoriality (Cashdan 1983) (except for deerskin producing), and reduced need and ability to support numerous levels of social hierarchy which regulate internal and external relations.

Archaeologists have long made the assumption that the presence of features of community patterns such as mounds, plazas and palisades indicates the presence of hierarchical organization, and strong social control mechanisms. Conversely, the opposite assumption is that the lack of these features in a community indicates a lack of strong, formal social control mechanisms.

In the hypothetical absence of further outside contact or

epidemics, eventually population size might have stabilized and then increased (as did the population of the 18th century Seminole Indians), viable villages reestablished through amalgamation, local ecological relationships and traditional subsistence tasks resumed, and traditional cultural institutions and elements (except those lost through death of specialists) reasserted. In a region such as north central Florida, typically long-term human interaction with the ecosystems, abundant land and other natural resources, technology for broad spectrum procurement, and cultural traditions of high population density, we would predict rapid demographic and cultural reestablishment following a catastrophe (Renfrew 1979:484). In effect,





55


a re-colonization situation would develop. Studies of other catastrophes throughout the world, such as epidemics in Russia (Alexander 1980), floods, landslides, and atomic bomb attacks (Lifton 1967) indicate that traditional cultural patterns tend to become reestablished (sometimes by young entrepreneurs moving into vacated positions of prestige) once the period of crisis has passed, and survivors sometimes reoccupy the stricken locations.

Archaeological evidence to support the hypothesis of small,

dispersed communities would include smaller number of sites, wider spacing between sites, reduced site area, reduced volume and density of debris, shorter temporal span of occupation, reduced intentisy of occupation, rapid abandonment of sites, and disappearance of public works (see section on Methods). If amalgamation were occurring, we would expect to see diversification of assemblages and fewer sites but without reduction in site area or intensity of occupation.

Smith notes that the latter half of the 16th century, 1565-1600 (his "Period B") is the period of greatest change in the greater Southeast (Smith 1984:204). Old sites are abandoned, new sites are occupied, and compact, palisaded towns give way to dispersed, linear villages. (Dispersed villages are not linear in Florida because of the absence of linear, fertile river bottomlands.) It remains to be seen whether the pattern also applies to Florida.

Other alternative hypotheses are possible but unlikely to be supported. A large, dispersed community is possible but unlikely during this time period. The community pattern type could result if social and political organization and control broke down prior to demographic decline. That situation is unlikely because the epidemics





56


were the prime movers in post-contact and pre-mission culture change. The epidemics spread well in advance of the appearance of the first Europeans in many regions of the New World.

A pattern of small, compact communities is another alternative hypothesis, but it seems unlikely. It is unclear whether social control mechanisms would remain strong enough to consolidate the population during this time of epidemics and population collapse. The Mission Period, 1606 through the Late 17th Century (ca. 1675)

Hypotheses.

Hypothesis 2A: Large, compact communities during the Mission period.

Hypothesis 2B: Small, dispersed communities during the Mission Period.

Hypothesis 2C: Small, compact communities during the Mission Period.

Bridging Arguments. The same as for Hypothesis 1.

Observational Predictions.

A. Large compact communities

The same as for Hypothesis 1A.

B. Small, dispersed communities

The same as for Hypothesis 1B.

C. Small, compact communities

1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed will be small.

2. Only a few residential units will be represented in the archaeological record.





57


3. There will be internal differentiation within sites, such as the presence at a single site of mission, plazas and different types of residential units.

Discussion. In reference to Hypotheses 2A and 2C, compact

communities (whether large or small) are hypothesized on the basis of the following. The 17th century is the period during which the Spaniards were exercising their greatest degree of control over the Western Timucuans, especially during the period after the 1656 revolt. After the failed revolt several chiefs were hanged and several villages were dispersed, and the Spaniards consolidated their power over the remaining Indians. The assumption is that outside control over the natives will be reflected in various aspects of the culture, including settlement systems. A compact community pattern during this period would be taken as archaeological evidence for the existence of strong social control mechanisms. Through religious, economic and political pressure backed by military force, the Spaniards set themselves up as the highest tier in the hierarchy of Timucuan society. From that vantage point they attempted to make widespread changes in Timucuan culture, including settlement systems (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972).

Compact villages around doctrines or visits may have been large or small, depending on the degree of success of the reduction policy or economic or other pressure, or the number of survivors available for proselytizing.

Hypothesis 2B, small, dispersed communities, was derived from the following observations. Missions were a strong force in Timucuan culture, but other pressures from previous periods may have continued as well and may have counteracted the Spanish pressures toward compact,






58


controllable villages. Epidemics during this period included bubonic plague in 1613-1617, yellow fever in 1649, smallpox in 1653, measles in 1659, influenza M in 1672, unidentified in 1675, and typhus (?) in 1686 (Dobyns 1983:247-290).

Another possibility is that community patterns may be dispersed due to failure of the reduction policy and less than complete control by the Europeans over the Indians. By way of analogy at a 20th century mission station in Australia the missionaries' lack of control over the aborigines was reflected in the aborigines' disordered, less-thancompact camp near the mission (Tonkinson 1974:44-46). Conversely, the Spanish missionaries' control over certain tribes in Brazil and their success (until the next epidemics) with the reduction policy is indicated by the tightly controlled, consolidated villages (Hemming 1978). In north central Florida, archaeological sites may have been large due to amalgamation, pursuit of prestige goods (Descola 1982), or reduction, or sites may have been small if these attempts were unsuccessful or only marginally successful.

If any non-mission Timucuans were remaining in northern Florida in this period, we may hypothesize that they were in isolated homesteads or in villages which were too small or too dispersed to challenge the power of the priests and their mission Indians.

An alternate hypothesis is for large, dispersed communities. That possibility seems unlikely to be supported for this period because there were powerful forces, both Indian and Spanish, for compaction and against dispersal. These forces included economic, political and religious pressures (reduction) and military dangers of invasion and slave raids during this period.





59


The Late 17th Century, ca. 1675-1704

Hypotheses.

Hypothesis 3A: Small, dispersed communities during this period.

Hypothesis 3B: Small compact, remnant villages (e.g., around

doctrines or visitss; no other villages remaining during this period.

Hypothesis 3C: Isolated homesteads, no villages during this period.

Bridging Arguments. The same as for hypotheses 1 and 2.

Observational Predictions.

A. Small, dispersed communities

The same as for Hypotheses 1B and 2B.

B. Small, compact communities

The same as for Hypothesis 2C.

C. Isolated homesteads, no villages

1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed will be small.

2. A minimal residential unit will be represented in the archaeological record.

3. No other sites of the same time period will be found within the same local area, that is, within several miles.

Discussion. The above hypotheses were based on the documentary

evidence that by this time there were few Timucuan Indians remaining in northern Florida. With disappearance of the native peoples, the mission effort collapsed. For example, by 1672 the Spaniards were giving away land to stimulate the development of cattle ranches because there were said to be so few Indians left in interior Florida (Bushnell 1978:20). A 1684 statute ruled against detaining married adult males






60


as household servants, apart from their villages where their wives were (Loucks 1979:59). In 1677-1678, all able-bodied males had abandoned the mission of San Juan de Guacara on the Suwannee River because of food shortages and hard work (Pearson 1968:276-77 in Loucks 1979:63). In 1675 the 20 leagues between the mission of San Diego de Salamototo on the St. Johns River and the mission of Santa Fe in present day Alachua County were said to be uninhabited (Wenhold 1936). By 1710 nearly all of northern Florida was similarly depopulated:

There remains not now, so much as one village with ten houses
in it, in all of Florida, that is subject to the
Spaniards .... (Nairne 1710:34 in Fairbanks 1978:164; Purdy
1977)

Extinction came to the Timucuans in the early 18th century. The Georgia Creeks/Seminoles then occupied the region.

In opposition to the social, political and economic forces which can favor concentrated villages (B. Smith 1978b), other forces favored dispersal. Variables favoring dispersal include distance to resources (e.g., agricultural lands) and the travel time and energy expenditure required to transport products (Hames and Vickers 1982; Hawkes, Hill and O'Connell 1982). With population decline and opening of gaps between groups, land use would tend to change from intensive to extensive (Boserup 1965). Other factors include relationships among the variables of population density, storage, seasonality and scheduling, storage (Testart 1982), seasonal mobility, minimization of risk, procurement strategies, home range (area most frequently exploited), settlement shifts, production of a stable food supply, and potential for population growth (Cohen 1980; Harris 1977; Earle 1980:18, 24; Christenson 1980:36; Bronson 1972:215). Security through






61


storage and other cultural buffering mechanisms (e.g., reciprocal kinship rights and obligations) is especially important for survival in a period of stress. But in an age of conquistadors and tax collectors, storage is precarious. After the collapse of the western Timucuan missions, the few surviving Timucuans shifted toward St. Augustine and became semi-nomadic (Milanich 1978:82).


Settlement Pattern: Models and Hypotheses

Two sets of hypotheses are presented in this overall study: one set for community patterns (see above) and a separate set for settlement patterns, which follows. The settlement pattern hypotheses are derived from three models. The first model was originally developed to explain Potano/Alachua tradition settlement pattern (Milanich 1971; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:71). The second model is the North Florida McKeithen Weeden Island settlement pattern model (Sigler-Lavelle 1980a, 1980b; Milanich et al. 1980:26). This settlement pattern model is appropriate for generating hypotheses relating to the the Utina because the 3rd through 9th century Weeden Island peoples were probably the ancestors of the 16th to 18th century Utina (see Chapter IV, Chronology). Even if they were not the direct lineal descendants, use of the model is still appropriate for generating hypotheses because they occupied the same geographical area. The third model is Calvin Jones' model (Jones and Shapiro 1990:3, 8-9) for 17th century Spanish mission site locations. These three models are summarized briefly below, then hypotheses are formulated. The hypotheses are tested in Chapter VII, Regional Settlement Patterns.






62


Models

Sigler-Lavelle's and Milanich's model of north Florida Weeden

Island settlement patterns is as follows. Two broad provinces are

recognized: the Coastal Lowlands and the Central Highlands (Shelford

1978). Vegetational zones or plant communities present within both

zones include streambank thickets and woods, floodplain forest, mesic hammock, dry pinelands, flatwoods and prairie. The different kinds of

aquatic environments include:

(1) high plain swamps with fluctuating water table, (2)
permanently watered sinkhole lakes and ponds, (3) permanently
watered streams, and (4) poorly drained flatwoods (SiglerLavelle 1980b:23).

Each of these different types of environments has different

resource diversity, density and reliability (Sigler-Lavelle 1980b:23).

Sigler-Lavelle investigated three archaeological sites within the

Coastal Plain province.

Research results were as follows. All three sites are within 300

m of a spring or a 5 to 10 acre spring-fed pond, in a mesic hammock, at

115 to 125 feet elevation above mean sea level, within 1/2 mile of

aquatic microenvironments, within 1 mile of several diverse habitats,

and within 2 to 3 miles of a mound site (Sigler-Lavelle 1980b:24). The

conclusion was that flow-through aquatic microenvironments was the

primary mode of production:

[E]xploitation of aquatic microenvironments is the primary mode of production and heterogeneity and discontinuities of resources affect production cost through travel and pursuit
time. The location of maintenance sites near permanently watered ponds reflect these factors. In addition, travel
time will be inversely related to patch size; and search or
pursuit time inversely related to intra-patch resource
density (after Pianka 1974; Sanders and Webster 1978;
Chisholm 1968). [Sigler-Lavelle 1980b:27]





63


Viewed on a broader scale, that of the whole Weeden Island region rather than just north Florida, settlement patterns in that period were described as follows:

Rarely are sites found on the banks of major rivers,
like the Apalachicola, Chattahppchee, and Suwannee. Rather,
sites tend to be adjacent to small creeks or springheads that
empty into those larger waterways.... From such locales,
villagers had access to a variety of environmental habitats within only a few kilometers .... Much of the Weeden Island
region is an environmental mosaic of terrestrial and aquatic
habitats--a jigsaw puzzle of overlapping resources rather
than a system of broad, dispersed zones.

[T]he Weeden Island peoples lived adjacent to freshwater
sources, often near other aquatic habitats, that provided
fish, shellfish, and other animals. Their villages were usually located in deciduous or mixed pine and deciduous
forests, from which the largest variety and amount of foods
could be extracted. (Milanich et al. 1980:26)

The degree to which this Weeden Island model can be applied successfully to their descendants the Utina will be determined in the hypothesis testing section below.

Milanich, drawing on earlier work by Goggin and Bullen, also developed a model for Alachua tradition/Potano settlement patterns (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:169). The distribution of the Alachua tradition sites conform in general with the distribution of hardwood forests in north central Florida. That is, the eastern and western boundaries are the beginnings of the coastal scrub flatlands (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:169). Thus in a broad sense the Alachua tradition represents an adaptation to forested highlands (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:169). The Alachua tradition represents sedentary agriculturists who lived in large villages on good agricultural soils (Goggin 1964:130). At a finer scale of resolution, the Alachua tradition represents adaptation to microenvironments within this broad zone. Permanent villages "are always found on high ground close to lakes or






64


ponds" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:171). Villages are found on locations which offer easy access to three different microenvironments and associated sets of subsistence strategies: (1) growing maize, beans, squash and other crops on elevated, well-drained soils, (2) netting fish and procuring turtles and wading birds from lakes and ponds, and (3) hunting/trapping/snaring a variety of game animals (especially deer) in swamp forests and upland hardwood forests. The Alachua tradition subsistence system was thus a mix of several different procurement strategies. Village sites are found at locations offering easy access to all of these microenvironments simultaneouly.

Calvin Jones produced a model of 17th century Spanish mission site locations based on his field experiences at sites in the Apalache/Tallahassee region and to a lesser extent the Western Timucua region. In his model, Spanish mission sites are found on a high flat topped hills, with two water sources within half a mile, and on good loamy soils for agriculture. His model will be applied to both the Potano and the Utina. It is unclear whether the model was intended to apply to all Spanish-Indian sites or only to mission sites. That question will be addressed in the hypothesis testing stage below.

From the above three models, a set of hypotheses is generated.

This single set of hypotheses is applied to all case studies to provide for comparability of results.

The subsistence system of each of the three cases (Weeden Island, Alachua tradition/Potano, and Mission Period) was a mix of several different procurement strategies. Village sites are found at locations offering easy access simultaneously to all of the microenvironments essential to that subsistence system. Locations with access to some but not all of the essential microenvironments should contain either





65


smaller village sites, or only special purpose (resource extraction) sites, or no sites. Since the different cultures each have different cultural requirements and potentials, demographic levels, output requirements, different mixes of procurement strategies and thus different overall subsistence systems, therefore the site locations will be somewhat different. The largest villages for each period should be found on locations offering the easiest access and greatest abundance of the mix of resources essential to that culture. Settlement patterns analysis will highlight the differences between these systems.

Locational Variables for Testing

The Potano and Utina territories are located wholly or partly

within the Northern Highlands, the Western Valley, the Central Valley and the Alachua Lake Cross Valley physiographic provinces (White 1970:Map 1B). However, those categories are too broad for adequately detailed analysis. Within those broad provinces there are a variety of environmental zones, microenvironments and site settings. All known Potano and Utina site locations for these time periods will be characterized in terms of their proximity to the following environmental zones, micorenvironments and settings: Broad Environmental Zones or Districts
1. Riverine (within 2 miles of river) 2. Green desert/dry sandhill district
3. Lake district (either Potano or Utina lake district)
4. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district
5. Deciduous forest or mixed pine and deciduous forest zones Microenvironments and Site Locations
1. Riverine or lower slope at river
2. Green desert/dry sandhills
3. Large lakes, prairies, marshes, or swamps--shore or lower slope
4. Small flow-through aquatic systems: Small, flow-through
swamps (often linear), lakes, ponds, marshes and streams
5. Small land-locked aquatic systems: Small, land-locked lakes,
ponds (e.g., sinkhole ponds), small isolated swamps and marshes
6. Hill crest or upper slope





66


This list constitutes the set of hypotheses against which all known Potano and northern Utina site locations will be tested.

Descriptions of these environmental zones are as follows. The riverine zone cross-cuts all other major zones. That is, it cuts through all the other major zones. The zone includes the Suwannee, Santa Fe, Ichetucknee, Alapaha, Withlacoochee and New rivers and Olustee Creek. Numerous archaeological sites of all time periods are known in this zone.

The "green desert" zone refers to the zone of dry sandhills and rocky limestone plain with little surface water except in deep sinkholes or seasonal ponds. The vegetational community in this zone is predominantly turkey oak-longleaf pine. The abundance and diversity of faunal and floral resources is relatively poor compared to other zones. However, this zone contains abundant chert sources. This zone occupies the southern half of Columbia County and the southern twothirds of Suwannee County. The zone geographically buffers the riverine zones and the Utina lake district. Few Utina or Potano sites are known or anticipated in the "green desert."

The Potano and Utina areas both contain lake districts, but the two districts are very different. The Potano lake district is in the lowlands and the Utina lake district is in the highlands. Both are generally devoid of major rivers. The lake district of Potano territory, that is, the area of Paynes Prairie, Orange Lake, Newnans and other lakes and prairies, occupies portions of the Alachua Lake Cross Valley and the northern end of the Central Valley (White 1970:Map 1B). These major lakes and marshes sit at the toe of the Northern Highlands escarpment. In terms of scale, the lakes of the Potano lake district are on a distinctly larger scale than the lakes of the Utina






67



lake district. Abundance of aquatic resources is correspondingly greater in the Potano area. The Potano were farmers, but they also were adapted to the abundance of aquatic food resources found in the lake district. Because of the difference in scale of these lakes and marshes, we might predict that the Utina would be less dependent upon aquatic resources than were the Potano, suggesting that the Utina relied more on agriculture than did the Potano.

The Utina lake district is situated within the Northern Highlands. The zone is found within the interriverine highlands, that is, is set back from the rivers (except where it strikes the Suwannee). It extends from Lake City in central Columbia County, westward into Suwannee County and westward across northern Suwannee County to the Suwannee River. Calling this simply the lake district may be somewhat misleading because agricultural soils and mixed pine-hardwood forests of this zone may have been equally important or more important to the aboriginal occupants than the lakes.

The zone also contains a number of small swamps, especially in the western portion north of Live Oak where the cluster of lakes fades out into small swamps; the band of good soil continues in this portion of the zone. The topography of most of the Utina lake district is rolling, while that of the Potano lakes region is flat. Many of the Utina area lakes are formed in karst topography, but are much larger than sinkholes. Many of them have formed along the escarpments of ancient shoreline terraces. Through a combination of runoff downcutting the sides of the escarpments and karst action in the bottom of the lake valleys, many of the lakes (e.g., Peacock Lake, Alligator Lake) are deeply entrenched with high, steep bluffs. Many also "come





68


and go" as sinkholes and springs that feed the lakes periodically clog and become unclogged, such as with Alligator Lake. Alligator Lake at Lake City is the largest and most outstanding example of these Utina region lakes.

The best agricultural soils in Columbia and Suwannee counties are found in a long, narrow band running southeast to northwest across the counties. This band closely parallels the lake district, but is not exactly coterminous with it. The two zones, the lake zone and the good soils zone, are combined here for the purposes of analysis because they are so parallel in extent, and even overlapping in places. The Suwannee County portion of the good soil zone, in particular north and northwest of Live Oak, has received little archaeological attention to date. Westward from Lake City, the lake zone terminates in north central Suwannee County, although the good soil zone continues farther westward, striking the Suwannee River at the mouth of the Alapaha River. It is no coincidence that this band of good soils is also the route of at least one old road, a road which perhaps was Hernando de Soto's route as he passed from Indian village to Indian village. This route no doubt originated long before de Soto and served as an Indian trail.

Lakes, streams and swamps are far more numerous in the Utina lakes region than in the arid "green desert" zone. The pine flatwoods and high plain swamps district contain a large number of wetlands but they are different from the lake district. This flatwoods zone is a mosaic of small swamps, (seasonal) streams and patches of flatwoods. There are few large lakes in this zone except Palestine Lake, Swift Creek Pond and Lake Butler, all in Union County, and Ocean Pond in Baker County. Most of these feed Olustee Creek. Palestine Lake has two





69


outlets, one of which flows to the Atlantic by way of the St. Marys River and the other of which flows to the Gulf of Mexico by way of Olustee Creek. Archaeological sites of all time periods are abundant in this zone but most appear to be small sites. The nature of these sites (seasonal or permanent; residential or extractive) is unclear because of insufficient research. Few surveys have been undertaken in many of these areas (such as Union County; see Johnson 1987; Johnson, Nelson and Terry 1988).

The locations of all known Potano and Utina sites are plotted on maps. Their locations in relation to the above described broad environmental zones and microenvironments are then determined and the results tabulated. The sites are then separated into four analytical units, as closely as the sites can be dated with currently available archaeological data. The four categories are:

1. Late precolumbian/contact period Potano sites
2. 17th century mission period Potano sites
3. Late precolumbian/contact period Utina sites
4. 17th century mission period Utina sites

The results are used to demonstrate or refute the utility of the Sigler-Lavelle, Milanich, and Jones models presented above for north Florida and north central Florida settlement patterns.














CHAPTER III
WHO WERE THE UTINA: A DOCUMENTARY-BASED OVERVIEW


The Utina of north Florida were one of at least fifteen groups within the Timucua language family (Goggin 1953; Milanich 1978:59). Timucuans are generally divided into two geographical divisions. The western Timucua included the Acuera, Ocale, Potano, Utina, and Yustaga Indians (Milanich 1978:60). Dobyns (1983) adds the Mocoso to the western Timucuans. The eastern Timucuans included the Freshwater, Cascange, Icafui, Saturiwa, Tacatacuru and Yufera (Milanich 1978:59; Deagan 1978; Goggin 1953) and Outina/Thimogano Indians (see below). The eastern and western Timucua can also be distinguished on the basis of their physical environments. The eastern Timucua were adapted to coastal (barrier island and mainland), adjacent coastal plain and riverine environments of northeast Florida and southeast Georgia. The western Timucua were adapted to the pine-oak forests of north and north-central Florida (Milanich 1978:59).

Among the western Timucuans, the Potano have received an overly large share of research attention. John Goggin and his students surface collected and tested a number of sites, and other archaeologists have followed with additional research. Investigations have been undertaken at the Richardson site ((Milanich 1972), Fox Pond (Symes and Stephens 1965; unpublished work by several other archaeologists), and the Zetrouer site (Seaberg 1955), all of which are contact or mission period Potano sites. Prehistoric Potano/Alachua


70





71


Tradition sites investigated include Rocky Point (Milanich 1971a:1525), the Woodward site (Bullen 1949; Milanich 1971a:9-15), and site 8A-273 (Milanich 1971a:7-9). Relevant settlement and community pattern data from these and other investigations will be compiled and used to test hypotheses in later chapters of this study. In addition, various documentary studies of the Timucua have been undertaken (e.g., Hann 1986a, 1986b, 1989, n.d.a, n.d.b, n.d.c; Gannon 1965:191-198; Milanich 1972; Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:1-21; Swanton 1922:320-387; Deagan 1978; Granberry 1987). No attempt is made here to summarize the details of all these.studies. Instead, relevant data are used to identify the Utina in the current chapter. Pertinent data are also extracted from these various sources and used to test hypotheses in later chapters of this study. This chapter deals primarily with the Utina, not the Potano, because less is known about the Utina.

The Utina of north Florida were one of the most powerful peoples in aboriginal Florida (Milanich 1978:69-70). Their story is an epic tale of confrontation between the Old World and the New World, and the confrontation between Spain and England for control of the Florida colony. The Utina's role was pivotal in the 16th century de Soto entrada, the French explorations in La Floriddin the 1560s, the 17th century Spanish mission system, and the collapse of Spain's La Florida colony. It was in this province that de Soto encountered the Indian towns of Aguacaleyquen, Uriutina, "Many Waters," and Napituca, and where the famous Battle of the Ponds occurred. It was in Utina territory that de Soto abandoned his straight-as-an-arrow northward trek and turned westward toward Apalachee.





72


However, even such fundamental information as the location of Utina territory has been confusing because of problems with the documentary record (Milanich 1978:71), such as errors made by the chroniclers of the de Soto expedition and duplicate uses of the same names for different groups in later French and Spanish documents. Furthermore the Utina have been strangely "invisible" archaeologically until now because their ceramic complex and other artifact assembalges were unidentified. This chapter examines who were the Utina and who were not, and defines their territory. Their ceramic complex is defined in Chapter IV.

Distinguishing the Northern Utina and the Eastern Utina:

Outina, Utina, Thimogano, Timucua and Onatheaqua

In the mid-16th century the terms Timogona and Outina were both used to refer to one group of Indians near the St. Johns River. One name was used by the people to refer to themselves, and the other name was given to them by their enemies. This dual naming system of "we" versus "they" is common among small societies worldwide. In the 17th century the same two names (in various spellings) were again used for a single group of people, but this time for a different group in north Florida. Perhaps these terms were more like descriptions than names, Utina glossing to something like "home" or "my people" or "we, the human beings" or "us." Timucua originally meant "enemy" (Laudonniere in Bennett 1968:102). Gatschet defined the word Utina as "my country" or "upper chief" (Lowery 1911:62, note 2, in Hann n.d.a:14). Cranberry defines it as "province, region; power; powerful; command; idol." It is derived from uti meaning "land/country" and -na meaning "my" (Granberry 1987:125 in Hann n.d.a:14).





73


There are therefore two different geographical areas, both of

which have been called Utina and Timucua. The terms northern Utina and eastern Utina are used here to distinguish the two groups (Figure 3-1). In later chapters the term Utina is used to refer to the northern Utina exclusively. These are heuristic terms; there is no evidence that the Spaniards or the Indians had corresponding terms. I use the term northern Utina rather than western Utina because of their geographical position in north Florida, and because they were more northerly than (and west of) the eastern Utina. Also, the term western Utina might become confused with the term western Timucuan. In addition, the term Timucua is commonly used in a generic sense to refer to not only these two provinces but also to the other sixteen or more groups who spoke the same language.

The first use of the name Timucua, in the form of Thimogona, is found in the 1564 French writings distinguishing events and people along the St. Johns River (River of May) (Bennett 1975:66, 127). Chief Paracousi Satouriona (or Saturiwa) and his people were enemies of the people they called Thimogona, meaning enemy. These people did not call themselves Thimogona. They considered themselves vassals of King Olata Ouae Outina (Bennett 1975:76).

In 1564 the Thimogona lived upriver (south) and somewhat inland from Chief Paracousi Satourina (Saturiwa). Laudonniere wrote about Satourina and Satourina's enemies the Thimogona:

[He] showed me by signs that [a slab of silver] came from a place far up the [St. Johns] river and several days distant
from the river, and that all they had of it they took by
force of arms from the people of that place called by them
'Thimogona.' (Bennett 1975:66)






74
















IGEORGIA CHARLTON CAMDEN


ITHOMAS BROOKS -CLINCH NASSAU
JEFFERSON LOWNDES ECHOLS L I
MADISON HAMILTON WARE
COLUMBIA BAKER DUVAL


SUWANNEE
TAYLOR NORTHERN

UTINA CLAY
LAFAYETTE SAINT JOHNS
\BRADFORD

EASTERN
ALACHUA
DIXIE GILCHRIST PUTNAM
UTINA
POTANO
























Figure 3-1. General Location Map: Eastern Utina, Northern Utina, and
LAGLPotano.ER
LEVY MARION*



VOLUSIA



CITRUS
UMTER LKE













Figure 3-1. General Location Map: Eastern-Utina, Northern Utina, and
Potano.





75


The village of Thimogona/Outina was said to be about six leagues inland (west) from the St. Johns River (Laudonniere 1564 in Bennett 1975:127) though Menendez later placed it five leagues inland. Laudonniere put a soldier among the Indians, and he reported back to Laudonniere that the chiefs of Molona, Cadecha, Chilili, Eclavou, Eucappe, Calanay, Onachaquara, Omittaqua, Acquera Moquoso and thirty other chiefs were all vassals of King Olata Ouae Outina (Bennett 1975:76). Their most hated enemy was Chief Paracousi Satouriona "who had thirty vassal chiefs under him" (Bennett 1975:76).

In 1566 Pedro Menendez de Aviles verified the location of Outina:

The day after he left San Mateo, having ascended that river [St. Johns] 20 leagues, he disembarked, and with a guide he
had brought with him he walked 5 leagues through the good
level lands of a cacique they called Hotina. (Solis de Meras
1964:202)

A mutual enemy of both Satourina and Outina was Chief Potavou (Potano), "a fierce man of war." An attack force composed of French soldiers and Outina warriors reached Chief Potano's village in one night's travel time from Outina's village (Bennett 1975:91), but a subsequent, larger force required two days to reach Potano (Bennett 1975:119).

Other powerful enemies of Chief Outina were the Onatheaqua and Houstaqua described by Laudonniere in 1564:

Two others named were Onatheaqua and Houstaqua, powerful
and wealthy lords, especially Onatheaqua, who lived near the
high mountains which are full of many unusual things,
including stone from which they make wedges to split wood.
(Bennett 1975:77)

The Outina indicated that they had previously gone to war with the Onatheaqua. That is, the eastern Utina had gone to war with the northern Utina, indicating that they were two different chiefdoms.





76


Onatheaqua is probably synonymous with northern Utina. The correlation between Onatheaqua and the northern Utina is based on several lines of evidence, including: the correlation between Yustaga, Uzachile and Houstaqua; the relationships between Onatheaqua and Yustaga/Houstaqua/ Uzachile; and the correlation between Onatheaqua and the northern Utina.

First let us look at the equations of Houstaqua, Yustaga and

Uzachile. At the time of de Soto, Uzachile was the name of the chief who occupied the province west of the Suwannee River (River of the Deer) and east of the Aucilla River. He and his people were enemies of the next westerly province, Apalachee. Yustaga was the name used later by the Spanish missionaries for this same territory, as verified by mission period documents (Milanich 1978:63). The Yustaga also occupied those portions of north Florida west of the Suwannee River and east of the Aucilla River, including current Madison and northern Taylor counties. Uzachile of the de Soto era was therefore the Yustaga of the Franciscan missionaries. Uzachile and Yustaga are the same group occupied the lands west of the Suwannee River and east of the Aucilla.

Beyond the obvious similarity of names, there is additional

evidence that Laudonniere's Houstaqua was the same thing as Yustaga. Information in the French accounts indicates that Houstaqua and Onatheaqua were situated in north Florida rather than central or south Florida. Laudonniere's explorers visited a powerful chief who "knew the location of the Appalachian mountains" (Bennett 1975:116). This chief, Hostaqua, had three or four thousand warriors under his command. Other reports indicate that the French thought they had reached the foothills of the mountains when they were at Hostaqua and Onatheaqua,





77


an apparent reference to hilly north Florida. The French were very interested in reaching the mountains because they thought that was where gold would be found. Laudonniere reported explorations into north Florida by at least two of his men, one of whom was Crotauld:

After staying there about two months, doing a good job of
exploring with another who had been there for quite a while
for this purpose, he returned to the fort and told me that he
had never seen a more beautiful countryside. Among other
things that he told me about was his visit to a place called
Houstaqua, where the king was so powerful that he could
command three or four thousand savages in battle. He [chief
Houstaqua] said that if I wished to join up with him we could
put everyone else under our authority. Moreover, this king
knew the location of the Appalachian mountains, where we
Frenchmen very much desire to go and where the enemy of
Houstaqua lives. This enemy would be easy to defeat,
providing that we all worked together. This king sent me several plates of copper taken from this mountain, at the
foot of which there runs a thread of gold or copper as the
savages think. (Bennett 1975:116)

Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were among the most powerful chiefdoms of Florida. They were geographically well positioned to control the flow of people and valuable trade goods to and from other societies in the interior, and they straddled the routes to the mineral-bearing lands. The Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were actively involved in building alliances, fighting wars and competing with other societies for control of this flow of resources and information. Access to these lands and goods is precisely why the Frenchmen were interested in Inatheaqua and Houstaqua. When the French reached hilly north Florida, coming from the flatlands of the St. Johns region, they apparently thought they had reached the foothills of the mountains. The Columbia county portion of Onatheaqua territory is approximately 50 miles or 80 km from the St. Johns River.






78


The French spoke of the mountains as the source of gold. Quite likely, the metal referred to by the natives was copper, which was mined from the Appalachians during the Mississippi period.

The place "where the enemy of Houstaqua lives" probably is at or above (north of) the fall line in central Georgia where the Piedmont region begins. Hilly north Florida is somewhat similar in surface appearance to the fall line hills and the lower Piedmont region, but the regions are composed of different rocks and minerals. Copper and gold are found in Appalachian and Piedmont regions but not in Florida. No copper or gold is found in Florida because the region is composed of limestone rock overlain by sand or clay. The Apppalachian mountains are composed primarily of sedimentary rocks, and the Piedmont is composed of igneous rocks (American Association of Petroleum Geologists 1962).

Additional details support the contention that the Frenchmen reached north Florida, that north Florida is where Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were located, and that Houstaqua is synonymous with Yustaga and that Onatheaqua is synonymous with northern Utina. The French explorers were required to travel beyond the province of Potano in order to reach Onatheaqua and Houstaqua, and beyond Potano is where the northern Utina and Yustaga territories are found. The documents cited here and the Le Moyne map of 1564 reflect this relative placement. Furthermore the French explorers had ample time and opportunity to travel this far because they were gone from Fort Caroline for periods of two to six months at a time (Bennett 1975:96, 101-102). Columbia County, which is a portion of northern Utina/Onatheaqua territory is approximately 50 miles (80 kin) into the interior from coastal Fort





79


Caroline at the mouth of the St. Johns river.

Laudonniere also reported explorations in north Florida by La

Rouche Ferriere. Ferriere and Grotauld may have been working together

at times:

I sent two of my men, La Roche Ferriere and another ....
In the space of five or six months, they discovered many
villages and among them one named Hostaqua. The king of this
place desired my friendship and sent me a quiver made from
wolfskin, full of arrows, a couple of bows, four or five
skins painted in Indian fashion, and a silver chain weighing
about a pound. In return I sent him two complete sets of
clothes, together with some cutting hooks or axes. (Bennett
1975:96)

Le Moyne wrote about these same events, adding important details

not found in Laudonniere's written version. This information was

perhaps told to Le Moyne verbally. He identifies La Rouche Ferriere's

companion as De Groutaut (Bennett 1968:103), and adds additional

details:

..La Rouche Ferriere, who, having reached the
mountains, succeeded by prudence and assiduity in placing himself on a friendly footing with the three chiefs before
mentioned [Potanou, Onatheaqua and Houstaca], the most bitter
enemies of King Outina. He was astonished at their
civilization and opulence, and sent to M. de Laudonniere at
the fort [Fort Caroline] many gifts which they bestowed upon him. Among these were circular plates of gold and silver as
larger as a moderate-sized platter, such as they are
accustomed to wear to protect the back and breast in war;
much gold alloyed with brass, and silver not thoroughly
smelted. He sent also some quivers covered with very choice skins, with golden heads to all the arrows; and many pieces of a stuff made of feathers, and most skillfully ornamented with rushes of different colors; also green and blue stones, which some thought to be emeralds and sapphires, in the form of wedges, and which they used instead of axes, for cutting wood. M. de Laudonniere sent in return such commodities as
he had, such as some thick rough cloths, a few axes and saws,
and other cheap Parisian goods, with which they were
perfectly satisfied.

By these dealings M. la Rouche Ferriere brought himself
into the worst possible color with King Outina, and still
more among his subordinate chiefs, who conceived such a





80


hatred for him that they would not even call him by name,
saying always, instead 'Timogua,' that is, Enemy. As long however, as La Rouche Ferriere preserved the friendship of the three chiefs, he was able to go to and from the fort by
other roads, as there are many small streams which empty into
the River of May for fifteen or sixteen miles below the
territory of King Outina. (Bennett 1968: 101-102)

The above passage indicates that La Rouche Ferriere found a route from Fort Caroline to Houstaqua and Onatheaqua which avoided Outina. His entry point was "fifteen or sixteen miles" downstream (north) from Outina, further ruling out south and central Florida as the location of these two chiefdoms. If the trail to Outina's village was the same route as the later mission road, Purcell route and Bellamy road, then fifteen or sixteen miles downstream is a point between Black Creek and Doctor's Inlet on the St. Johns. Lowery suggests that Black Creek was the Frenchmen's route into the interior. Trout River is another possible location of the trailhead, based on Le Moyne's 1564 map (see below). The Trout river (or its tributary the Ribault river) appears to be the point at which Le Moynes' bogus "river" from Apalatci strikes the St. Johns river. Either of these two streams, the Trout River and Black Creek, could have been the Frenchmen's route into the interior. Probably there was a network of side trails, and both routes may have been possible. However, Black Creek is most likely because of the historic Black Creek trail. The Black Creek trail begins at Middleburg where Black Creek creek splits into the north prong and the south prong. The stream is easily navigated by small boats up to this trailhead. Of all the streams emptying into the St. Johns, this one is best suited for a trailhead. Most other streams have their origin within the riverine lowlands, but Black Creek has its origin farther inland. This trail then leads westward into interior Florida,





81


intersecting the Alachua trail and other historic trails. The Creek trail was likely La Rouche Ferriere's route to Houstaqua and Onatheaqua. The route of this trail is traced in greater detail in Chapter VIII.

Le Moyne's 1564 map depicts a "river" flowing across northern

Florida to the St. Johns. This river should be interpreted as a trail rather than a river. The trail probably was La Rouche Ferriere's and Grotlaud's route into interior Florida. Its junction with the St. Johns is well downstream (north) from Outina's village, just as La Rouche Ferriere indicated. On the map Hicaranaou, Anouala, Ehiamana, Potanou, Onatheaqua, Oustaca, and Apalatci are located near this "river." Anouala and Potanou are located on large lakes rather than directly on the "river," indicating that these settlements were off the main trail on side trails. Appalou and Oustaca are located on (other) rivers (other than the river/trail). The river/trail runs southeast on the map. If the route were rotated 45 degrees, closer to due east, then the route matches known trail routes, and the town locations are all more or less correctly placed relative to each other. For example, Onatheaqua and Oustaca occupy the region between Potanou and Apalatci. This map thus verifies other information that Onatheaqua and Oustaca/Houstaqua were located in northern Florida.

The emerald- and sapphire-like stones cited by Laudonniere and Le Moyne used for cutting wood are further evidence for the northern position of these two chiefdoms. Some modern scholars have speculated that they may have been made of greenstone. However, greenstone is opaque. The stones' translucence, hardness and abundance in sufficient quantities to be used for axes indicate that they were more likely





82


quartz. Quartz is found in great abundance in the Piedmont physiographic province of Georgia, Alabama and other states. The Piedmont region, which is the foothills of the Appalachian mountains, begins in middle Georgia approximately one hundred fifty miles north of Onatheaqua and Houstaqua territory. Such quartz tools are extremely common on sites in this region (Johnson 1980, 1981; Sheldon and Johnson 1976) and could have been obtained by Hostaqua and Onatheaqua by exchange or from the gravel beds of rivers (such as the Chattahoochee, Flint, Ocmulgee and Oconee) which flow out of the Piedmont. Hostaqua and Onatheaqua were geographically well positioned relative to the sources of these mineral resources, which is why the Frenchmen were interested in Hostaqua and Onatheaqua.

The de Soto and French accounts indicate close ties between Onatheaqua and Houstaqua. At the time of de Soto in 1539 and the Frenchmen in 1564, the two provinces of Yustaga/Uzachile and Onatheaqua/northern Utina were a single province politically and militarily, as Onatheaqua was subject to Houstaqua/Uzachile. There were probably other ties as well. The two groups fought together against the Appalache, as indicated in the de Soto accounts. Further evidence for the solidarity between Houstaqua and Onatheaqua is the fact that they painted their faces black, whereas the eastern Outina painted theirs red (Bennett 1975:77).

The de Soto expedition in 1539 (Biedma, Elvas, Ranjel) did not

give a name for the northern Utina/Onatheaqua province. They did not use the name Utina, but the name does appear within town names they visited in northern Florida, for example, Uriutina. Onatheaqua and the northern Utina are synonymous because they occupied the same territory





83


and there is no documentary, cartographic or archaeological evidence that the native peoples were displaced by other groups during the early Spanish Colonial period. The name Timucua province was also sometimes used to refer to this same province, but at other times the name Timucua was used in a broader sense to refer to all of the native Americans groups of north and east Florida.

One puzzle is why Houstaqua (or variant spellings) is mentioned in the 1560's French documents several times and yet neighboring Onatheaqua (northern Utina) is mentioned fewer times. The Onatheaqua were a powerful, populous chiefdom, possibly even more populous than the Yustaga. They occupied a larger territory and thus may have had more towns and more people than the Houstaqua. Furthermore, Houstaqua and Onatheaqua straddle the major east-west and north-south travel route. The Onatheaqua were eastward of the Yustaga, and travellers from east Florida (including the eastern Utina) would normally have to travel through Potano and Onatheaqua/northern Utina in order to reach Houstaqua.

The clue to the puzzle, that is, the scarcity of references to

Onatheaqua, may be found in the de Soto accounts. The clue is that the northern Utinan chiefs of Aguacaleyquen, Uriutina and Napituca were subservient to Uzachile. At the time of de Soto in 1539 and the French in 1564, the two provinces of Uzachile/Houstaqua (Yustaga) and Onatheaqua/northern Utina were a single province or chiefdom in the sense that Onatheaqua was vassal to Uzachile politically and militarily. Threat of attack from nearby Apalachee was probably part of the reason for their alliance. The reference to three thousand or four thousand warriors surely does not refer to Houstaqua alone, since





84


it is a relatively small province. In their reports the French explorers rightly cited only the name of the dominant chief, Houstaqua. There was little need for them to also cite the name of his subordinates the Onatheaqua. Thus the name Houstaqua/Yustaga appears in the documentary record more often than does the name Onatheaqua.

Perhaps Onatheaqua was the name of the new, post-de Soto chief who succeeded Chief Napituca or Chief Uriutina. De Soto's army captured both of these two chiefs in the Battle of the Ponds, and both presumably were killed in the subsequent rebellion.

In summary, the Uzachile of the early 16th century de Soto era

were the Houstaqua/Oustaca of the late 16th century French era and the Yustaga of the 17th century Spanish mission period. Late 16th century Onatheaqua was the territory of early 16th century Napituca, Uriutina and Aguacaleyquen in de Soto's data and the Utina of the 17th century Spanish missionaries. The northern Utina were not the same group as the eastern Outina.


The Eastern Utina: Cartographic and Archaeological Evidence

As discussed below, the eastern Utina occupied portions of current Putnam and Clay counties. In contrast, the Onatheaqua/northern Utina occupied current Columbia and Suwannee counties and adjacent areas as discussed below. The intervening area is Union and Bradford counties. Probable northern Utina sites have been found in Union County, such as the Long Bridge and Deerfly sites (Johnson, Nelson and Terry 1988), but little is known about Bradford County. We do not yet know the southeastern boundary of the northern Utina, nor do we know the northwestern boundary of the eastern Utina. However, it is clear that






85


the 16th century Outina were a different people occupying a different territory than the 17th century Utina.

Pedro Menendez de Aviles, founder of St. Augustine, provides information on the location of Outina/Hotina/ eastern Utina. He describes marching overland away from the St. Johns River to reach chief Utina's town (Solis de Meras 1964:202). Albert Manucy summarized the information as follows:

So upriver they went, a hundred men in three bergantines,
guided by an Indian interpreter. Against the current,
progress was slow; but by midnight of the second day they
were twenty leagues from San Mateo, and not far from the town
of the Cacique Otina. At one in the morning they landed.
The guide led them through level lands toward the
settlement .... Envoys who went ahead reached the village
after daybreak.... (Manucy 1965:68)

The cacique Otina is said to have been accompanied by 300 warriors.

Additional documentary, cartographic, geological, and

archaeological evidence supports the conclusion that the eastern Utina were located in current Clay and Putnam counties, Florida. More precisely, the following discussion is intended to show that Lake Crandin or a larger, ancestral version of Lake Crandin in northwestern Putnam County is most likely the lake that Le.Moyne drew on his map in 1564, that the town of Utina shown on the map was probably located on Lake Crandin, and that this region as a whole was the home of the eastern Utina.

Cartographic evidence begins with Le Moyne's map of 1564,

reproduced as an engraving by de Bry (Lorant 1946:34-35). The St. Johns River is drawn relatively accurately on this map. Though compass directions are off, the curves in the river are drawn essentially correct. Each curve is correct in direction of arc, degree of arc,




Full Text
339
Utina/Late Indian Pond Complex Site Sizes and Numbers
The quantitatively-derived size results for the Utina/Late Indian
Pond complex sites are summarized below in Table 8-4.
Changes in the Potano/Alachua Tradition region are mirrored in the
similar changes in the Utina/Indian Pond region. For the late
precolumbian period, all known sites for which numerical size data are
available are either medium (1 site), large (1 site) or very large -(2
sites). As with the Potano area, the absence of small and very small
sites may be valid or it may result from problems with small samples.
Table 8-4; Quantitatively Derived Utina/Late Indian Pond Complex Site
Sizes
Number
of sites
Utina/Late Indian Pond complex
Late precolumbian/contact period
Very large 2
Large 1
Medium 1
Small 0
Very small 0
4 Total
Mission period
Very large 3
Large 3
Medium 10
Small 7
Very small 2
27 Total
,. i ; Utina siles.
Either Late precolumbian/contact or Mission
Very large.nf vnrv ^'?? in the efthcr ^T
Large 0
Medium 1
Small 1
Very small 3
3 Total


144
of inhabitants is about "one-tenth of the floor area in square meters"
(Naroll 1962:589). Many archaeologists have ignored the allometric
nature of the relationship and instead cite only the "rough estimate"
of ten square meters of floor area per person (e.g., Lennox 1986:237).
Others have followed Naroll and produced other formulas for
estimating population based on floor area (Cook 1972; Wiessner 1974,
1979; Yellen 1979; Casselberry 1974; Hassan 1981b:234). Such methods
have been successfully applied by archaeologists, for example, at a
late prehistoric-to-contact period household in Tennessee (Sullivan
1987). Weissner estimated that among the hunter-gatherers of the
Kalahari, ten persons occupied 5.9 square meters per person and twenty-
five persons occupied 10.2 square meters per person (Hassan article
1981:234). Casteel calculated power or exponential curves using
Weissner's data (Hassan 1981:68). Norbeck, using the cross-section of
a volcano as an analogy to urban population densities with few people
residing in the center of the city, described growth as allometric. As
the population grows, the amount of site area added to the settlement
per person is not constant (Hassan 1981:69).
Cook and Heizer contrasted floor area and site area as measures of
population. They concluded that both are correlated with population
but that they are related to population through different mechanisms
(Cook and Heizer 1968:115).
Room counts and roofed-over area have not been used in Florida
because those data are not readily available. There are no standing
structures and very little construction debris, because stone or
masonry was used, and former house locations are thus difficult to
detect archaeologically. No large scale excavations have been


234
immediately "downstream" from the end of Rose Creek, which currently
disappears into a sinkhole at Columbia. That is, the channel continues
but the flow disappears. The channel of Rose Creek is thus continuous
with the channel of the Ichetucknee, but there is normally no flow
between them except after hurricanes. It is not known how long ago
this was a flowing stream. Clay Hole Creek also joins Rose Creek at
Columbia.
The community of Bass is three miles north of Columbia. The trail
forked midway between Columbia and Bass. The left fork led from
Columbia to Bass and then to Alligator Lake. The right fork led from
Columbia directly to Alligator Lake. On some maps one fork looks like
the main trail, and on other maps the other fork looks like the main
trail. The multiple routes served as shorcuts between other major
north-south and east-west trails which intersected at Alligator.
Florida Highway 47 parallels most of the trail but is generally
one to two miles east of it. The trail and the the highway converge
only for a three-mile stretch at Columbia. Part of the left fork is
abandoned and part is paved or dirt secondary roads. The right fork
follows Highway 47 to Alligator Lake.
Bass is situated at the site of Fort #16, a Second Seminole War
fort. Here the trail crosses Clay Hole Creek, another past tributary
of the Ichetucknee. Local residents report that former springs and a
lake at Bass once rivaled Ichetucknee Springs. The springs reportedly
closed up after dynamiting associated with nearby railroad
construction, and the old swimming hole is now dry. Bass is currently
mostly farmland with only a few modern residences in the area. The
late Mr. Russell Platt of Columbia County reportedly found horse spurs


138
Incised, and Carabelle Punctated. These types persist, though in low
numbers, throughout the period from Weeden Island to historic Utina and
they disappear only after the Leon-Jefferson series supplants
everything else. For example, they are found at the McKeithen Weeden
Island site, at the transitional Little Hell Lake site, and at the 17th
century Baptizing Springs mission site and other 17th century sites in
the Baptising Springs cluster. The sample sizes of these types are too
small to list them separately on the seriation charts, but their
persistence appears to show the cultural continuity from Weeden Island
through Utina, that is, from circa A.D. 730 or earlier, until the early
to mid-17th century.
Additional evidence for long-term cultural continuity may be seen
in the clustered settlement patterns and localized assemblages, as
though specific groups of people resided in specific areas for long
periods of time. Even when village locations were shifted, they did
not move far. At all three local clustersBaptizing Springs, Indian
Pond/McKeithen and Santa Femost of the sites are within a few hundred
meters of each other.
Summary and Conclusions
The Indian Pond ceramic complex was associated with the Utina
Indians of north Florida. The complex contains cord and fabric marked
ceramics, an unidentified linear marked category, and other ceramics.
Ceramic seriations show the transitions from early Weeden Island to
Indian Pond to the Leon-Jefferson series. Different geographical
localities within Utina territory contain slightly different
assemblages.


305
Flfcth century (or even 15th century or early 17th century) site.
Imp
Towever, the proximity to the Santa Fe site and the presence of Spanish
artifacts on one part of the Palmore site (Table 7-12) suggests it was
^occupied into the mission period. Missions were apparently established
Kv' <
iear existing Indian villages, and this village may be the one near
i
?-V
lich Santa Fe was established. No other village area of this period
p 1-
Is known near the Santa Fe site; there are other large village area in
I 1
Tthe vicinity but they all date to earlier or later time periods.
Palmore may also have been the village of Cholupaha encountered by de
jto1s army in 1539, 70 years prior to Santa Fe. A major north-south
trail route leads to this site (Chapter VI), and Cholupaha was the last
irillage de Soto encountered along this trail before reaching the Santa
fe river. This relative placement matches the Palmore site's location
. If?'
Ejrecisely. More research is needed to clarify the time and duration of
3cUpat ion.
"7
|.4 Recent investigations included 26 shovel tests in east-west
J2
ifarisects across the site (Table 7-13; Johnson 1986), 74 auger tests in
jrth-south transects, two test pits, and plowing and controlled
jirface collecting. The majority of the artifacts are aboriginal
iff 2
ilthics and sand tempered plain ceramics, with smaller amounts of other
1
tempers and certain decorated sherds (Chapter IV; Tables 7-12, 7-13).
k: j.
Contrary to earlier reports (Henry 1952:9), no olive jar sherds
ery few cob marked sherds were encountered on the main portion of
ShiU: u;-s¡ j <"' C 5 .** i f v
ite.hiInstead, Spanish artifacts were found immediately northeast
the main part of Palmore, within an approximately 60 m diameter
called the Birdhouse or Corner of the Pines Area. It is not


114
are taken from excavations in Stratum 1 in the village area (Kohler
1978:51). Data from Johns Pond are taken from Brenda Sigler-Lavelle's
survey (Milanich et al. 1984:202). Controlled surface collections were
conducted at all known village areas at Indian Pond (Nelson and Johnson
n.d.). Some of the occupation areas at Indian Pond are not included in
the seriation chart because they yielded only small samples of
decorated sherds.
The third cluster of sites, the Santa Fe cluster, is located in
northwestern Alachua County and includes the Carlisle site, the Santa
Fe site (8AL190), and the Palmore site (8AL189). Additional sites,
including Spanish period sites, are present in the area but sample
sizes of decorated sherds are small.
Santa Fe is the site of a 17th century Spanish mission (Chapter
VII). One complete and several partial field seasons of investigations
have been completed (Johnson 1989; Leader and Nelson 1989). The
Palmore site is adjacent to the Santa Fe mission site and may be
associated with it. Data from the Palmore site are derived partly from
re-analysis of artifacts collected by John Goggin's students in the
early 1950s. Our recent work included plowing part of the Palmore site
for controlled surface collections, which revealed a large horseshoe-
shaped village area. Two mounds formerly existed near the village
area.
The Carlisle site, 2 km south of the Santa Fe site, is a village
area approximately 50 m in diameter. An additional site area
representing probably two or more aboriginal houses is situated 60 m
farther south. Controlled surface collections and limited testing were
conducted in both areas. Artifact density was found to be light in


202


212
River and went to Micanopy. Several forts were built along that
section of the trail. The section north of Micanopy is the focus here.
The Micanopy area is a key geographical junction for travelers
headed northward along the Florida peninsula, whether they were
prehistoric Indians, European explorers, or present-day travelers. At
Micanopy, one must decide whether to swing northwest or northeast
around Paynes Prairie (Alachua Lake). The choice has important
consequences for the geographical, ecological, and cultural features
which the traveler will encounter later. From Micanopy the Alachua
Trail went northeastward, rather than northwest, around the east side
of Paynes Prairie, through present Rochelle, past former Ft. Crane
(Second Seminole War fort), and east of Newnans Lake (Pithlochoco
Lake). Massive oaks lining State Highway 231 east of Newnans Lake may
represent the early settler's historic Alachua Trail. Highway 231 ends
at Highway 26 at a point 2.7 miles east of Orange Heights, but the
trail continues north of that intersection as a jeep trail.
The next segment is Purcell's second "path to Latchua." It
intersects Purcells's route, also the Bellamy Road, about a mile north
of Highway 26 on modern maps and 29 1/4 miles from the Natural Bridge
on Purcell's map. This is thus an important intersection because a
major north/south route here intersects with a major east/west route.
The vicinity is unknown archaeologically. It is in planted pine
plantation with access by jeep trail, with little or no surface
visibility.
North of this intersection the Alachua Trail continues northward
west of Santa Fe Lake and fords the Santa Fe River near the 19th
century site of Ft. Harlee on Hampton Lake (also called Little Santa Fe


6
survey methods for determining site boundaries and site sizes,
especially easy-to-follow methods that are likely to be continued by
future archaeologists. Such a method for measuring relative changes in
certain aspects of community patterns is presented. Artifact density
profiles, controlled surface collections, and subsurface testing
methods are discussed as components of the method.
In Chapter VI early road and trail networks are reconstructed for
north and north central Florida. These networks are seen as components
of settlement patterns (Trigger 1968; Clarke 1977). Description of
these networks also helps to round out the larger picture of Spanish
colonial northern Florida. Transportation and communication routes
linked the mission settlements with one another and with St. Augustine.
Old road and trail networks are reconstructed from 17th, 18th, and
19th century maps and from 16th century and later historic documents,
as well as field survey. The networks are compared with the
distributions of known archaeological sites. We learn that geological
and geomorphological features of the Florida peninsula controlled the
general trail corridors. Lines of evidence converge to suggest
several routes which probably were prehistoric Indian trails and
continued as avenues of communication in the colonial period. Trails
traced include the Bellamy Road/Purcell Route/Spanish royal road/"low
road," the Santa Fe trail/Ray's trail/"First Path to Latchua"
(Bartram), the Spanish "high road," the Alachua Trail, the Black Creek
Trail and the Fort White/Rose Creek/Alligator Lake trail. Locations
of these trail routes were in turn used to predict site locations, a
method used successfully to locate several important archaeological
sites.


334
Indian Pond or late Alachua Tradition ceramic collections.
Identification of the latter two are more difficult because they are
based on relative percentages of certain ceramic rather than the
presence or absence of ceramic types. The problem of assigning period
of occupation is especially difficult at small sites where sample sizes
are small, thus leading to a bias against the earlier sites. And
because the mission period is defined (in part) on the basis of the .
presence of Leon-defferson pottery, an easily recognizable type, we
might expect our list to include a larger number of mission period
sites than late precolumbian/contact period sites, other factors being
egual.
Discussion of Qualitative Results: Potano and Utina Site Sizes
The expectation of identifying larger numbers of mission sites
than late precolumbian/contact sites was not fulfilled for the Potano
region (Table 8-1 above). There are approximately half as many Potano
mission period sites as late precolumbian/contact period sites.
Because the ratio of larger sites to smaller sites ("villages" to
"farmsteads," "hamlets" and "campsites") does not change through time,
the most likely explanation is either population decline or community
pattern change or both. Community pattern change refers to the degree
to which sites are compact or dispersed, or changed size in some way
that is more subtle than the simple "village"/"campsite,"
I
"large"/"small" dichotomy (see various sections below). -
In contrast to the Potano/Alachua tradition region, for the
Utina/Indian Pond complex region the above list of sites includes many
more mission period sites than late precolumbian/contact period sites.


335
All the factors in this change and their relative importance are not
yet clear, but the factors probably include population change,
methodological problems with identifying ceramics and sample sizes, and
other factors (Chapter X). To compensate for the bias resulting from
problems with pottery samples, the number of late precolumbian/contact
sites probably would have to be multiplied by a factor of two or three
or more. Until more research is completed it is difficult to estimate
a better weighting factor, but an attempt to introduce approximate
weighting factors is made later in this chapter.
Quantitatively-Derived Surface Size Classes
Size classes were determined quantitatively, and then each
individual site was placed into its proper class. The classes were
determined as follows. Surface sizes of all known late
precolumbian/contact and mission period site sizes in both regions were
graphed. Also included are the sites which are either late
precolumbian/contact or mission period, but it unclear which of the two
periods they represent.
Inspection of the graph revealed several natural breaks in the
curve, indicating four clusters of size groups, with gaps in between.
2 2 2
The groups are 0-1999 m 2000-8600 m 10,000-16,000 m and 20,000-
2
35,000 m The smallest category was further split into two
2 2
categories, 0-999 m and 1000-1999 m The five resulting categories
are termed very small, small, medium,-large and very large.- These size
classes are listed in Table 8-2.
The classes were thus derived numerically, but they also appear to
be valid based on field observations at these sites. Sites that we


132
the Indian Pond complex into the Leon-Jefferson (or Lamar) complex.
Two key "moments in time," the initial contact period and the early
17th century, can also be identified. The following discussion treats
these events in reverse order, from latest to earliest.
The Indian PondLeon Jefferson Transition
The reasons for the appearance and seemingly rapid ascendancy of
the Leon-Jefferson pottery in north Florida are unknown. These
ceramics dominate 17th century mission period collections, but it is
not known whether the change is associated with the missions or
resulted from earlier disruptions such as disease epidemics.
Whatever the explanation for the Leon-Jefferson series, its growth
can be tracked on seriation charts. It replaces the indigenous Indian
Pond assemblage on all seriation charts, that is, in all geographical
areas examined here, and its appearance also signals the appearance of
Spanish artifacts at most sites. It is a pan-Utina phenomenon in the
sense that it occurred in all known areas. It is not known if the
Leon-Jefferson ceramics appeared at precisely the same time at all
sites throughout the province, or if there was some delay from one
portion of the province to another.
The replacement of the Indian Pond complex by the Leon-Jefferson
complex is illustrated most clearly in Figure la, 2a and 3a, in which
only the two predominant wares are contrasted. On all three
seriations, the Indian Pond complex is strongest at the oldest sites
(bottom of the chart), declines steadily relative to Leon-Jefferson in
the middle, and fades out at the top where Leon-Jefferson replaces it
completely.


227
route of the old high road across central Union County, and is part of
the old route from Black Creek to the Suwannee River.
Continuing on the Romans map generally westward or northwestward
(though compass directions are unreliable), the road leaves Alligator
Lake/Alligator Town/Fort Twiggs and swings northwest to Mineral Springs
on the Suwannee River in northwest Suwannee County (L247-93; Mackay and
Blake 1840), the same route now taken by Florida Highway 249. From
Alligator, another trail continued due west, linking with Charles Ferry
(and the low road) on the Suwannee (L247-93; L247-58; Mackay and Blake
1840; Burr 1939). It is not clear at which point these two trails
diverged, whether at current Lake City or Live Oak. In any case, both
routes are through the heart of Utina territory (Chapter IV). Several
important 17th century sites are found in this area of central to
western Columbia County and eastern Suwannee County, including Forest
Hills Academy (8C0148), North Alligator Lake (8C0149), Indian Pond
(8C0229), and the Peacock Lake/White Lake cluster of sites (Chapters
VIII and IX). The age of the last-described trail segment, whether or
not it predates the 19th century, is uncertain because it does not
appear on earlier maps, but it may well have connected the Spanish
period sites at Charles Springs and Alligator and other sites in
between. This discussion concentrates on the segment which goes
northwest from Alligator Lake to Mineral Springs and "Alachua" because
the Romans map shows that this was the high road.
The high road reaches "Alachua" (Romans 1776) on the east bank of
the Suwannee River ("Rio S. duan" or "L. Seguana"). This use of the
name Alachua is clearly a re-use of the old name at a new place. This
Alachua is shown on the Suwannee River opposite the mouth of the


115
both areas. The Carlisle site is the only site in the area which is
known to have yielded a 17th century religious medallion. Carlisle was
probably an outlying settlement from (satellite village of) the Santa
Fe mission.
Other Utina sites include Fig Springs (8C01) (Johnson 1990;
Weisman 1988) in Columbia County, Bibby (8SU130) in Suwannee County,
the 129 Mound and Village (8HA136) in Hamilton County, and Deerfly
(8UN25) and Long Bridge (8UN134) in Union County (Johnson 1987a;
Johnson, Nelson and Terry 1988). However, data from those sites are
not included in the seriations because of insufficient data. Each site
should be part of a larger cluster of sites but the other sites in
those clusters are unknown. Presumably other clusters exist as well
throughout Utina territory.
Defining Utina Ceramics; The Indian Pond Complex
The ceramic complex associated with the Utina has been described
previously in the literature, but at the time no seriations were
available and it was called late Weeden Island, i.e., post-A.D. 750.
It was described as follows:
[Tjhese sites suggest that Weeden Island II village
ceramic assemblages are characterized by large amounts of
undecorated pottery with varying amounts of check stamped,
cord marked, incised, and Lochloosa Punctated-like
pottery.... Some potsherds have a simple stamped-like motif
that occasionally resembles brushing or incising (and may
be). At times, the eroded surfaces of some sherds makes
distinguishing simple stamping, brushing and incising almost
impossible. (Milanich et al. 1984:201)
Other than the date "post-A.D. 750," Milanich and his associates were
unable to place a date on this Weeden Island II complex.


2
adaptation. Reconstructions of settlement systems also produce data
about other cultural and ecological relationships which are less easily
studied. In cultural systems, there are interrelationships among human
population size and density, subsistence strategies, resource
abundance, technology, social organization, political setting,
settlement system, and other variables. The current study develops
information for two of these sets of variables, those of settlement
systems and human demography.
A method is presented in order to reconstruct settlement patterns.
Characteristics such as site area and whether settlements are compact
or dispersed are used to reconstruct community patterns. These data
are combined with regional settlement pattern data to reveal settlement
systems.
Reconstructions of changing settlement systems can also be used
to reconstruct demographic patterns and trends. One of the goals of
settlement studies is to produce demographic estimates of human
population size and density. As Bruce Trigger has shown (1985:72-73),
settlement studies are one prerequisite to understanding demography.
Data from northern Florida do not yet allow absolute population
estimates, but they do allow measurements of relative changes in human
population size and density. Achieving absolute population estimates
is not an achievable goal at this time because of deficiencies in the
data base; only relative changes can be currently detected.
This study deals explicitly with the settlement pattern theme and
only implicitly with demography. In recent years there have been many
studies of human population growth (e.g., Boserup 1965; Cohen 1977),
but few such studies of population decline (e.g., Dobyns 1983; Smith


223
is not readily apparent from the disconnected segments. Many segments
disappeared before the drafting of the 19th century maps which are a
main-stay of much research. Three centuries had passed since de Soto,
and the disappearance of trails is no doubt related to the
disappearance of the Indian societies using them. The disappearance of
the high road is nearly as complete as the analogous disappearance of
the site of Santa Fe from recorded history. However, the route has
been partly reconstructed as follows.
On the Romans map (1776), the high road parallels the Bellamy Road
but is generally 13 to 20 miles (24 to 32 km) north of it. After
leaving Poppa, the high road crosses a small stream and then passes
through "Jottanoga" almost immediately. Various other maps disagree on
whether Jurlanoca was on the headwaters of Black Creek or on a small
stream which flowed directly into the St. Johns River at Poppa. On
some maps (PKY 242, dated 1821), Jurlanoca is shown on the west bank of
the South Fork of Black Creek, west of current Penney Farms in central
Clay County (see section on Black Creek Trail).
Various maps of the Second Seminole War period show segments of
the high road. One segment extends from a point southwest of Kingsley
Pond, westward along the north side of Sampson Pond, and to Ft. Crabbe
on the New River (Maps 1, 2 and 3). Two maps note that this is a
distance of fifteen miles (L247-58; L247-93). The location near
Kingsley is at or near the junction with the Black Creek Trail. At
this intersection "Mrs. Monroe's" and Fort Van Courtland were located
(see section on Black Creek Trail). The Black Creek Trail, and thus
the other trails intersecting it, may have been the French explorers'
1360s route into interior Florida from the St. Johns River. Ninteenth


313
Table 7-18: Surface Collections from Alligood, 8AL188 (Henry 1932:6)
1274 Plain gritty ware, body sherds
30 Plain gritty ware, rim sherds
7 Complicated stamped, unclassified
6 Keith Incised
1 Cord marked
8 Weeden Island Incised
5 Carabelle Incised
8 Swift Creek Complicated Stamped
21 Weeden Island Plain
10 Weeden Island Punctate
3 Wakulla Check Stamped
3 Pasco Plain (but only 1 is listed in Cooper 1952:10)
2 Weeden Island Red
2 St. Johns Check Stamped
1 Mound Field Net Marked
11 Carabelle Punctate
2 Hammerstones
1 Greenstone celt
20 "Flint" points, large medium
6 Crooked River Complicated Stamped
In addition to the collections of Goggin's students and the
several 1 X 1 m test pits by Johnson and crew in 1986. Large numbers
of sherds and lithics were encountered; the few decorated sherds were
all identified as Weeden Island period. All tests were around the
periphery of the site because of the presence of the Alligood home and
lawns on the center of the site. The Alligoods had reported
encountering shell-filled firepits while planting trees on the front
lawn. These could not be detected on the remote sensing images.
Outlying Farmsteads and Villages
The second set of sites includes several 17th century Spanish-
I
Indian sites which appear to represent outlying settlements from the'
Santa Fe mission. Controlled surface collections and limited testin'g
have been conducted at two of these, Goodwin and Carlisle, and others
have been general surface collected.


122
supported by data from the seriation charts. The method by which this
hypothesis was tested is described below.
Constructing the Seriations
The elements in the matrix are broad categories rather than named
pottery types for the reasons given above. The categories are based on
surface treatment or decoration. The categories include Complicated
Stamped, Linear Marked, Cord and Fabric Marked, Cob Marked, Incised,
Punctated, Check Stamped, and St. Johns. Early Weeden Island-era and
Leon-Jefferson complicated stamped categories are different but they
are placed along the same column on the charts for convenience (e.g.,
Figure 4-4, left hand column). Early Weeden Island period complicated
stamped is placed at the bottom of the column and Leon-Jefferson
complicated is placed at the top of the column. No known site contains
both groups in association.
Early Weeden Island and Leon-Jefferson complicated stamped
ceramics are distinguished by decorative motif, context and ware
characteristics. Grog tempering has chronological significance in that
Leon-Jefferson sherds are usually grog tempered and Weeden Island and
Indian Pond complex sherds are not. The significance of grog tempering
is also seen at other Utina sites not otherwise discussed in this
chapter such as Fig Springs (8C01). The chronological significance of
grog tempering was pointed out to John Worth who later verified its
chronological significance in his subsequent analysis of collections
from the Fig Springs site (Weisman n.d.).
The "Linear Marked" category described above is a continuum
containing sherds that variously appear as brushed, wiped, scraped, or


413
are found within riverine microenvironments. Of the 16 sites in the
riverine zone, only 4 are also in riverine microenvironments. In other
words, much of the populance was located near but back from the rivers;
an example is the Baptizing Spring cluster of sites.
Within microenvironments, most sites are located at small flow
through aquatic systems (8 sites), small land-locked aquatic systems (8
sites), hillcrests or upper slopes (8 sites), or at large lakes (8
sites). Some of these are on hillcrests, upper slopes or bluffs high
above the lakes. It appears that higher elevations above lakes or
rivers were being selected for, not necessarily greater distance from
them.
Contrary to expectations, small flow-through aquatic systems are
better represented in the Utina mission period (8 sites) than in the
other period or region, contrary to expectations. If any sites had
been found in the high plain swamp zone, then this microenvironment
would almost certainly have been better represented. Weeden Island
period sites are known from the high plain swamp zone (Sigler-Lavelle
1980 and 1981). The existence of those sites, whose occupants were
ancestral to the Utina, was the reason that zone was included in the
current study (Chapter II). During recent surveys a large amount of
time has been expended (on the order of several months) in the high
plain swamp and flatwoods sector and also some time (on the order of
v : ; l / ?Ti ax:7i several weeks) in the green desert/dry sandhills sector. However, the
r : i-i. Busied on recent surveys we oelieve mat inr u/it
sample contains no sites from either zone. A small number of Indian
, f ,*p. _ cv~{ *
Pond complex sites have been in the high plain swamp zone, but it is
suspected that the zone is dominated by a different, as yet undefined,
ceramic complex. For example, the Otter Bay site contains linear


14
population decline or dispersal, there would be reduced output
requirements for the subsistence system (fewer "mouths to feed"), less
pressure on resources, de-intensification of production, a trend toward
focalization (narrow spectrum/reduced diet breadth and lesser niche
width) of subsistence strategies (Earle 1980:20; Hames and Vickers
1982:358; Christenson 1980; Cleland 1976; Green 1980; Perlman 1980) and
less pressure to add new resources. (In contrast, nucleation,
amalgamation and/or reduction would result in increased output
requirements, with opposite effects of those described here.)
Diversity refers to the number of resources and niche width or breadth
refers to the "evenness" of use (Christenson 1980:34). Demographic
change would result in changing resource relative abundance or
productivity and changing relative cost/benefit ratios for various
procurement strategies (Earle 1980:20). With labor shortage resulting
from population decline, high cost foods would be dropped (Earle 1980),
contingent upon their nutritional value and importance in the overall
diet (Wing and Brown 1979) and the political economy. Reduced output
requirements may also result from decreased sociocultural complexity.
Social organization, settlement systems and technology can be either
causes or consequences of procurement costs, efficiency, accessibility
to critical resources (Descola 1982; also see Sahlins 1974 and Bender
1978 for views on social structure as the primary causal forces) and
maximum potential yields of particular procurement strategies (Earle
1980:24).
Subsistence strategies (procurement strategies) are closely linked
with settlement systems, human population density and other cultural
and natural factors. Procurement costs (measured in terms of time or


Copyright 1991
by
Kenneth Wynne Johnson


101
In 1597, the year that Potano made peace with St. Augustine,
Father Lopez visited San Martin, the main town in the province of
Timucua (northern Utina), "fifty leagues inland" from St. Augustine
(Geiger 1940:120). Father Martin Prieto later established a mission at
the same location (Weisman 1988; Johnson 1990). The village chief of
San Martin commanded twenty Utinan principal villages (Ore 1936:114).
The chief's own principal village also had four satellite villages with
a total population of 1500 people (Ore 1936:127-129).
By 1602 Fray Lopez had converted nine Indians at Yea Potano and
ten Indians plus "a number of catechumens" at Potano (Geiger 1940:122).
In April 1606 Father Prieto entered Potano territory. He and one
companion built a small church at San Francisco, then he built a small
house at San Miguel (Ore 1936:112). Prieto made a daily walk between
San Miguel, Santa Ana, and San Buenaventura, returning each evening to
San Miguel to sleep. He later dropped San Buenaventura (possibly
because it was the farthest [westward or southward, away from St.
Augustine?] from the others or otherwise the most difficult to reach?)
and added San Francisco to his daily itinerary. San Francisco and San
Miguel were said to be 1 1/2 leagues apart (three to five miles [5 to 8
km], depending on which league was used and the skill at judging it).
It is not clear if the other villages were closer or farther apart than
this. Perhaps we can assume that his daily round trip was in the range
of 11 to 18 miles walked per day. The minimum figure, 10 miles, is
derived by using the shorter league at 2 1/2 miles per league and by
assuming that all villages were at least as far apart as were San
Francisco and San Miguel (2.5 X 1.5 X 3 = 11.25 miles). The maximum
possible daily round trip, 18 miles, is suggested because it seems


250
Moore, the governor of South Carolina. The village and the church were
burned, but the attack was repulsed from the convento. The attack on
Santa Fe was described in a letter from the Governor of Florida to the
King of Spain:
[T]hey entered in the dawn watch and burned and devastated
the village of Santa Fe, one of the principal towns of the
Province of Timucua, Saturday, the 20th of May of this year
1702, making an attack on the convent with many firearms and
arrows and burning the church, although not the images which
with some risk were saved. Finally, the fight having lasted
for more than three hours, our force repulsed them, after the
hasty strengthening of an indefensible stockade which served
as a fence to the gate of the convent. The enemy retired
with some injury, and although our side had some killed and
wounded, it would not have been large if the adjutant deputy,
Juan Ruiz de Canicares, had not left [the mission], with
small prudence and but few men, in pursuit of the enemy,
whose number had increased. After pursuing them for six
leagues, they [the Spanish force] overtook them that same day
after dusk, engaging them briskly, and one [Spanish] soldier
that got away [reports] that one and another up to ten of our
Indians died in the skirmish, because the enemy received them
in a half moon [crescent] and, closing it, caught many of
them in the center, only a few Indians escaping. [Smith,
Boyd and Griffin 1951:36-37]
The number of Spaniards and Indians defending Santa Fe during the
attack is not known, but six soldiers were stationed there at other
times during the 17th century. During the attack the soldiers were
assisted by an unknown number of Indian defenders. The size of the
attacking force at Santa Fe is also uncertain, but a similar invasion
force attacking San Luis and other Apalachee missions was composed of
approximately two thousand Indians and two hundred South Carolinians.
Indian participation in the defense of Santa Fe and their pursuit of
the invaders refutes stereotypes of docile mission Indians. Spanish
authorities normally denied Indians the use of firearms; it is not
known if this policy was adherred to in strategically important but
militarily weak frontier outposts such as Santa Fe which were on the


220
natural route for trails since travelers could go around the end of the
stream rather than crossing it. In times of heavy rains the sinkhole
cannot handle the volume of rainwater and the lower Mill Creek valley
becomes a wide lake. This was also a good location for the
intersection of trails, and therefore also a good location for
aboriginal villages such as 8AL166. These trail segments may have been
bypassed by the engineer Burch in building the Bellamy Road, or they
may have already been abandoned. Part of Diego Pena's confusion during
his 1717 excursion across Florida, when he became lost while looking
for Santa Fe, may have resulted from this section of the trail having
been abandoned, or perhaps he attempted to cross from the high road to
the low road and became lost.
No known map of any period (except modern topographic maps) shows
the segment of the Santa Fe trail between the Purcell route and the
Robinson Sinks vicinity in northwestern Alachua County. However, a
trail clearly must have existed, as has been reconstructed from the
distribution of recently-located archaeological sites, and
vegetational, topographic and modern cartographic evidence. A double
row of massive oaks winding northward currently marks the intersection.
This road is not county maintained, and is not situated along a
township or section line. Parts of it are easily visible on aerial
photographs and modern topographic maps, where it can be traced for
approximately one mile. For the next mile to the north, the
topographic map indicates a natural corridor: specifically, a long
narrow plateau with steep slopes and sinkholes on each side. Just to
the north across Parrener's Branch, at the Carlisle site (Chapter VII),
local tradition holds that an abandoned road along the bluffs above the


404
chiefdom, despite being landlocked from major rivers, probably results
in large part from the existence of these major lake and marsh systems.
Each of the broad environmental zones contains a variety of
microenvironmental settings which were available to the aboriginal
inhabitants. For example, a site could be within the general lake or
Table 9-3; Environmental Zones and Microenvironmental Settings of
Sites, by Region, Period and Cluster
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Clusters
1. Bivens Arm Cluster
Site Size Compact or Dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
c-3
8AL9, Colclough Hill
large
Compact
c-3
8AL68, Herlong
small
-
c-3
8AL71, NE Bivens Arm
large
-
c-3
8AL77, Jackson


Mission period sites:
None known
2.
Newnans Lake Cluster
Site Size
Compact or Dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
c-3
8AL13, Prairie Creek
small
too small to classify
c-3
8AL85, Palm Point
large
compact
c-3
8AL90, Newnans Lake 4
?
Mission period sites:
None known
3. Fox Pond Cluster
i mounds
Site Size
Compact or Disperse^
Late precolumbian/contact period:
rae
*
e-4
8AL273
medium
dispersed or short term
Mission period sites:

r i' *
e-4
8AL272, Fox Pond
very large
compact
e-4
8AL128A/8AL293
-
-


480
Morrell, L. Ross and B. Calvin Bones
1970 San Ouan de Aspalaga: A Preliminary Architectural Study.
Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties Bulletin 1:25-43.
Department of State, Tallahassee.
Moseley, Michael E.
1983 Patterns of Settlement and Preservations in the Viru and Moche
Valleys. In Prehistoric Settlement Patterns; Essays in Honor of
Gordon R. Willey. Edited by Evon Z. Vogt and Richard M. Leventhal.
University of New Mexico Press and Peabody Museum of Archaeology
and Ethnology| Cambridge, Massachusetts, pp. 423-442.
Mullins, Sue Ann
1977 Archeological Survey and Excavation in the Paynes Prairie
State Preserve. M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology,
University of florida.
Mullis, T.E.
n.d. A Report of Archeological Surveys in the San Eelasco Hammock.
Manuscript on file at the florida Museum of Natural History.
Murdock, George
1949 Social Structure. Macmillan, New York.
Myer, William C.
1928 Indian Trails of the Southeast. Bureau of American
Ethnology, Annual Report No. 42. Washington, D.C>
Mykel, Nancy
1961 A field Survey Report. Manuscript on file at the florida Museum
of Natural History.
Naroll, Raoul
1962 floor Area and Settlement Population. American Antiquity
27:587-589.
Nelson, Bruce C., and Kenneth W. Johnson
1990 The Indian Pond Site, Western Columbia County; Controlled
Surface Collections. Unpublished manuscript on file at the Florida
Museum of Natural History, Gainesville, FL.
Norgaard, R.B.
1981 Sociosystem and Ecosystem Coevolution in the Amazon. Journal
of Environmental and Economics Management 8(3):238-254. j
(
Odum, Eugene P.
1971 Fundamentals of Ecology. W.B. Sanders Company, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania.
1977 The Strategy of Ecosystem Development. In Ecological
Succession, edited by Frank B. Golly. Dowden, Hutchinson and Ross,
Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania, pp. 278-286.


187
few (5 or less) are present in any of the tests. Subsequent
investigations at the site revealed that this transect had extended
across the courtyard of the mission complex. The west end of the
transect, containing the abundance of chert flakes, was near
Residential Area B, and the east end of the transect was at or near the
south or west side of the church. The spatial distribution of chert
flakes thus shows the transition from the residential to the religious
portions of the site.
The north-south transect, 50 m long, includes four 1 X 1 m test
pits (TP-13, 15, 16 and 17) and seven 50 X 50 cm shovel tests (ST-1
through 7). The tests, especially the shovel tests, contained few
artifacts, typically from zero to two sherds in the shovel tests, plus
chert flakes. In the artifact density profiles, the artifact counts
from the shovel tests have been adjusted by multiplying them by four to
make them comparable with the counts from the 1 X 1 m test pits. As
determined from subsequent investigations, the transect began north of
the church, ran along the west side of the church and across a portion
of the courtyard, then terminated south of the church near Structure 3.
It is not clear what kind of structure is represented at Structure 3,
but it is near, and may be part of, Residential Area B (Chapter VII).
The artifact density profile shows few chert flakes along the
center of the transect, but more chert flakes at both ends of the
transect. There is an area 20 to 25 m across with few chert flakes,
surrounded by a larger area with more abundant chert flakes. The
intervening area is occupied by Structure 1, the church. The
distribution of chert flakes thus indicates the location of Structure
1, and shows the separation between the sacred and the secular areas.


420
In both regions in the late precolumbian/contact period, few or no
small or very small sites are found on hilltops. This situation
contrasts sharply with the mission period, in which 1/3 of the small
sites in Potano territory and 8/10 of the smaller sites in Utina
territory are found there.
In both regions during the late precolumbian/contact period, the
larger the site, the greater the liklihood that the site sill be found
on a hillcrest or similar high ground, or a large lake. For these
larger sites in both regions in the late precolumbian/ contact period,
1/4 to 1/3 or more of these sites are found on hilltop settings. This
determination (from Table 9-3) is made by lumping together all sites
which are classified as either Zone E (deciduous forest or mixed pine
and adeciduous forest upland zone) and microenvironmental setting #6
(crest of hill or upper slope), then computing this number as a
percentage of total number of sites for that region and that period.
As explained above, the actual number of sites on hilltops is
higher than shown here because of classificatory problems. Part of the
problem results from the nature of the terrain in both regions, that
is, the prevalence of terraces, entrenched lakes and bluffs, rather
than prominent, easily-defined hillcrests in both regions. It was
often difficult to decide whether a high bluff or a low bluff above a
lake or a stream, and distance back away from this rim, should be
classified as a hillcrest. Another problem is inherent in the I
I
classificatory scheme. Sites were^classified primarily by the type of
water source they were nearest, and the code number for hillcrest or
upper slope (#6) was a residual category used only when no other
category applied. For example, many sites classified as #4 or #5,


173
possible to walk across this site and not recognize it as a site, if
the surface were not examined closely and if artifact locations were
not mapped. This scarcity is typical of 17th century sites in north
Florida, resulting presumably from short-term occupation of sites as a
result of the disruptions caused by European contact.
For convenience, the site is divided arbitrarily into Indian Pond
West and Indian Pond East. The terms refer to the two adjacent fields
which were plowed at the time of the surface collection. Indian Pond
West includes only one major artifact area, also called Indian Pond
West. Indian Pond East includes three major artifact areas, listed
below. Each of these major areas also includes a number of minor site
areas, each described in turn. Four major artifact areas are thus
identified:
A. Indian Pond West site area (within Indian Pond West field)
B. Hillcrest area (within Indian Pond East)
C. Hoe Area/Across the Ditch/Pure Area (within Indian Pond East)
D. Lower Slope area (within Indian Pond East)
Each area represents an Indian settlement. Most of the site areas
(except Lower Slope) are thought to date to the 17th century as
indicated by the types of artifacts present, especially Leon-Jefferson
ceramic sherds and Spanish olive jar sherds.
A. Indian Pond West Site Area. Indian Pond West is a large
village area. A light scatter of artifacts covers the entire site, but
higher concentrations of artifacts are found in places within the site.
These concentrations are described below.
1. "Daub Structure," Indian Pond West. Surface collections in
grid units 449 and 430 (Figure 3-9, black sguare in center of Indian
Pond west) revealed fired clay daub fragments on the surface in an


378
effects of epidemics and rapid population decline or dispersal or both,
or it correlates well with the collapse of the Spanish mission system.
This change may have been even more severe than the initial change
between Pump Spring and Indian Spring.
Interpretation of the intensity of these changes is modified
somewhat (but not removed entirely) when another factor is introduced:
artifact density. Artifact density is one indication of degree of site
compactness and site patterning. Smaller site size combined with
higher artifact density indicates a greater degree of compactness. The
two smallest sites in the sequence, 8SU83 and 8SU88, are also the
highest density sites. However, it is not a simple matter of either
small and compact or large and less compact. For example, even though
85U88 is somewhat more compact than 8SU65, it is on a scale many times
larger than 8SU88. The interpretation of rapid population reduction or
dispersal is thus substantiated even when the site size differences are
adjusted by artifact density.
Greater compactness or increased site size can be taken as
measures of stronger social control. The forces for nucleation
(compaction) versus the competing forces for dispersal operate
simultaneously upon any given society. These forces include various
ecological, economic, social, political and military factors (Chapters
II and X). Increased compaction or increased site size indicates that
I
the forces for nucleation outweigh those for dispersal. Increased '
compaction such as at 8SU85 and 8SU88 therefore may indicate the '
periods when the Spanish missionaries maintained the strongest control
over the Indians. Extremely large site size may also be taken as
evidence for strong social control. The large size and presumably


143
have devised a variety of methods for estimating prehistoric population
size, including estimates based on number of structure rooms, roofed-
over floor area, number and spacing of residential units, total site
area, and number of sites.
Estimates of prehistoric population have been completed
successfully in the the Near East, Mesoamerica, the American Southwest,
and other regions where structures are readily apparent. These studies
have involved counting the number of rooms or standing structures and
then calculating population size by ethnograpic analogy to living
people in nearby settlements. Adams estimated 200 persons per hectare
in ancient Baghdad (Hassan 1981a:66). In another region of the ancient
Near East (Alsppo and Damascus), Frankfort estimated 120 to 200 persons
per acre or 297-494 persons per hectare or 20-34 square meters per
person (Hassan 1981b:234). At Erbil, Braidwood and Reed estimated 213
persons per acre or 19 square meters per person (Hassan 1981a:66).
Renfrew estimated 300 persons per acre or 30 square meters per person
in Bronze Age Aegean towns, and 200 persons per acre or 50 square
meters per person in the Neolithic (Hassan 1981a:66). Kramer estimated
119.6 54 persons per hectare in Iran (Hassan 1981a:66). Parsons and
other have also used site area as a measure of population in
Mesoamerica (Hassan 1981b:234). In Oaxaca, Mexico, settlements had 10
to 25 persons per occupied hectare (Feinman et al. 1985:336).
Amount of dwelling space or floor area is another technique for
estimating population and determining site pattern (Cook and
Heizer 1968). Naroll studied the relationship between roofed-over
floor area and settlement population (Naroll 1962). The relationship
is allometric, but Naroll suggested as a rough estimate that the number


437
Table 10-4. Continued.
Microenvironments and Site Settings
1. Riverine
2. Green desert/dry sandhills
3. Large lakes and marshes
4. Flow-through aquatic systems: Small, flow-through
lakes, ponds, swamps, marshes and streams
5. Land-locked aquatic systems: Small, land-locked lakes,
ponds, swamps and marshes (e.g., sinkholes and small perched
water systems)
6. Crest of hill or upper slope
Each broad environmental zone contains a variety of potential
microenvironmental settings. For example, a site could be within the
lake or riverine zone, but situated on a small stream within the zone
rather than on the main lake or river itself. This kind of site
selection is found in the Potano and Utina regions during the mission
period, but is absent from the Potano/Alachua region during the late
precolumbian/contact period.
During the late precolumbian/contact period in the Potano/Alachua
region, all sites in the sample are found within either the lake
district (10 sites) or mixed forest uplands (8 sites). The implication
is that these people were not restricted to either zone and were not as
dependent upon aquatic resources as was the Cades Pond culture that
preceded them. In terms of microenvironmental settings within these
broad zones, most Potano/Late Alachua tradition sites in the late
precolumbian/contact period are found in only two settings. They are
found either on large lakes (9 sites) or on small land-locked aquatfic
systems (3 or 6 sites), in roughly the same ratio as also found in the
general zones. That is, sites in this period are oriented to the
dominant topographic feature of the zone rather than to smaller,
subsidiary features within the broad zone. This orientation is not


58
controllable villages. Epidemics during this period included bubonic
plague in 1613-1617, yellow fever in 1649, smallpox in 1653, measles in
1659, influenza (?) in 1672, unidentified in 1675, and typhus (?) in
1686 (Dobyns 1983:247-290).
Another possibility is that community patterns may be dispersed
due to failure of the reduction policy and less than complete control
by the Europeans over the Indians. By way of analogy at a 20th century
mission station in Australia the missionaries' lack of control over the
aborigines was reflected in the aborigines' disordered, less-than-
compact camp near the mission (Tonkinson 1974:44-46). Conversely, the
Spanish missionaries' control over certain tribes in Brazil and their
success (until the next epidemics) with the reduction policy is
indicated by the tightly controlled, consolidated villages (Hemming
1978). In north central Florida, archaeological sites may have been
large due to amalgamation, pursuit of prestige goods (Descola 1982), or
reduction, or sites may have been small if these attempts were
unsuccessful or only marginally successful.
If any non-mission Timucuans were remaining in northern Florida in
this period, we may hypothesize that they were in isolated homesteads
or in villages which were too small or too dispersed to challenge the
power of the priests and their mission Indians.
An alternate hypothesis is for large, dispersed communities. That
possibility seems unlikely to be supported for this period because
there were powerful forces, both Indian and Spanish, for compaction and
against dispersal. These forces included economic, political and
religious pressures (reduction) and military dangers of invasion and
slave raids during this period.


129
vertical columns. For example, a column representing cord and fabric
marked sherds may be narrow at the bottom of the chart representing
incipience of the ceramic style, wider in the middle when the style was
most "popular" (florescence), and narrow again at the top as it later
declined in popularity and was replaced by something else. Another
column, complicated stamped sherds, may form a mirror image of the cord
and fabric marked sherds pattern, with one declining as the other
increases. For example, in the Indian Pond cluster of sites, linear
marked sherds decline relative to Leon-Jefferson complicated stamped
sherds. The change is verified by decline in cord/fabric marked and
punctated categories. At the same time, other categories of sherds
remain unchanged, verifying cultural continuity, that is, verifying
that the changing assemblages were part of a single, larger complex.
Additional, intermediate sites need to be found and inserted into the
sequence.
Determination of which end of the chart is earlier (the bottom)
and which is later (the top) can be made only by reference to other
data. Other data may include radiocarbon dates or the presence of
datable artifacts such as 17th century Spanish ceramics or early Weeden
Island ceramics.
This technique of seriation is somewhat subjective and is thus
best suited to situations such as the current one where the
archaeologist is working in a little-known region (Marquardt 1978:266)
and where the seriations are considered provisional until more work can
be done. Subjectiveness is less of a problem where the results are
clear and unambiguous, as in the current case.


317
The iron ax was excavated in undisturbed context below the base of
the plow zone, verifying that it is a 17th century ax.
In summary, Goodwin is a small site which apparently represents a
small homestead as indicated by site size determined through artifact
distributions. The Spanish olive jar sherds and the Jefferson
Curvilinear Complicated Stamped ("bull's eye" pattern) sherds, indicate
a 17th century Spanish mission period date for this site.
West of Goodwin Site, 8AL2368 (Also called KJ-119)
The site is found on the same hillcrest and west of the Goodwin
site, and may be associated with it. Despite poor surface visibility
in tall weeds, artifacts were surface collected from a 40 m diameter
area. Artifacts included the following:
1Complicated stamped sherd, grog tempered
8 Plain sherds, grog tempered
1 Tooth fragement, possibly human
2 Plain sherds, sand tempered
1 Sherd, sand tempered, too small to classify
1 Chert flake
Middle West of Goodwin Site (8AL2601) (Also called KJ-120)
This site is situated between Goodwin and West of Goodwin, and may
be associated with them, and with the Santa Fe mission. Despite poor
surface visibility, the following artifacts were surface collected from
an approximately 30 to 40 m diameter area:
4 Curvilinear complicated stamped sherds, grog tempered
1 Plain sherd, grog tempered
1 Sherd, grog tempered, too small to classify j
3 Sherds, sand tempered, too small to classify
1 Check stamped sherd
1 Chert flake
The Carlisle Site (8AL2399)
The Carlisle site is the only known site in the area which has
produced a 17th century religious medallion (identified by Kathleen


65
smaller village sites, or only special purpose (resource extraction)
sites, or no sites. Since the different cultures each have different
cultural requirements and potentials, demographic levels, output
requirements, different mixes of procurement strategies and thus
different overall subsistence systems, therefore the site locations
will be somewhat different. The largest villages for each period
should be found on locations offering the easiest access and greatest
abundance of the mix of resources essential to that culture.
Settlement patterns analysis will highlight the differences between
these systems.
Locational Variables for Testing
The Potano and Utina territories are located wholly or partly
within the Northern Highlands, the Western Valley, the Central Valley
and the Alachua Lake Cross Valley physiographic provinces (White
1970:Map IB). However, those categories are too broad for adequately
detailed analysis. Within those broad provinces there are a variety of
environmental zones, microenvironments and site settings. All known
Potano and Utina site locations for these time periods will be
characterized in terms of their proximity to the following
environmental zones, micorenvironments and settings:
Broad Environmental Zones or Districts
n Riverine (within 2 miles of river)
2. Green desert/dry sandhill district
3. Lake district (either Potano or Utina lake district)
4. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district
5. Deciduous forest or mixed pine and deciduous forest zones
Microenvironments and Site Locations
1. Riverine or lower slope at river
2. Green desert/dry sandhills
3. Large lakes, prairies, marshes, or swampsshore or lower slope
4. Small flow-through aquatic systems: Small, flow-through
swamps (often linear), lakes, ponds, marshes and streams
5. Small land-locked aquatic systems: Small, land-locked lakes,
ponds (e.g., sinkhole ponds), small isolated swamps and marshes
6. Hill crest or upper slope


102
unlikely that a human could walk farther than this day after day and
still carry out other duties such as preaching.
Hann suspects that San Buenaventura was the village of Chief
Potano contacted by de Soto. The suggestion is based on Prieto's 1602
statement that "in past times the Spaniards had killed many people"
there (Ore 1936:112-114 in Hann n.d.a:23). It is unclear whether "the
Spaniards" refers to de Soto or Captain Andrada, but de Soto is a
strong possibility. The de Soto accounts themselves do not report any
hostilities or incidents when the army passed through Potano, but other
sources of information indicate that hostilities did occur.
Specifically, Prieto wrote that the old chief at Santa Ana had been a
prisoner of de Soto and as a result hated all Spaniards (Ore 1936:113;
Geiger 1937:227).
According to Prieto, in 1607 the Potano towns of San Francisco,
San Miguel, Santa Ana, and San Buenaventura contained 1200 people (Ore
1936:112-114; Geiger 1937:227). From the documents it is unclear
whether San Buenaventura should be included in the 1200 figure, but
other scholars have included it and that convention is followed here.
If the villages were approximately the same size then the average size
of a typical Potano village was about 300 people. This 300 average
figure is supported by Prieto's statements that he baptized 200 people
at San Francisco, 200 at San Miguel, and all 400 people, young and old,
at Santa Ana. When Prieto was at the village of Santa Ana a storm
destroyed the entire village except for a church and a cross, this was
the reason that the old chief and all 400 residents converted (Ore
1936:113-114; Geiger 1937:228).


163
Figure 5-4: Map of the Goodwin Site, 8AL453, Showing Test Locations
and Site Boundaries as Determined by Controlled Surface Collecting
[ ] Test pits, 2 X 2 m (with extension on some pits, as shown)
Shovel Tests, 50 X 50 cm


435
The Baptizing Spring cluster is particularly instructive because
changes can be seen within the mission period, using the sequence of
site occupations provided by the seriation charts. The earliest site,
2
Pump Spring (8SU84), is also one of the largest sites (23,100 m ). The
next earliest site, Indian Spring (8SU85), is only half the size of
Pump Spring. This dramatic reduction in site size may be evidence for
population decline or dispersal resulting from one of the documented
disease epidemics. Dispersal would also be supported if the two small,
undated sites, 8SU87 and 8SU89, relate to this period. The third site,
8SU86, is again equal in size to the earliest site, and the fourth site
in the sequence, Baptizing Spring, is the largest of all. This
increase in site size, resulting in a site which was larger than any
other, may be evidence for the effects of the missionaries and the
reduction or population consolidation policy. If this interpretation
is correct, then the reduction policy was a success at this site, at
least temporarily. It is known that the reduction policy was one of
the goals of the missionaries at the Florida missions, but it is not
clear to what degree the policy was implemented. These data from
Baptizing Springs support the hypothesis that the policy was practiced.
While the fourth site, Baptizing Spring, was the largest, the next
and final site in the sequence, 8SU88, was the smallest. This dramatic
decline in site size may result, again, from the effects of epidemics
<
and population decline or dispersal or both, or from collapse of the
Spanish mission system. This decline or dispersal may have been even
more severe than the earlier decline between the Pump Spring and Indian
Spring periods. The interpretation of a population decline or


71
Tradition sites investigated include Rocky Point (Milanich 1971a:15-
25), the Woodward site (Bullen 1949; Milanich 1971a:915), and site 8-
A-273 (Milanich 1971a:7-9). Relevant settlement and community pattern
data from these and other investigations will be compiled and used to
test hypotheses in later chapters of this study. In addition, various
documentary studies of the Timucua have been undertaken (e.g., Hann
1986a, 1986b, 1989, n.d.a, n.d.b, n.d.c; Gannon 1965:191-198; Milanich
1972; Milanich and Sturtevant 1972:1-21; Swanton 1922:320-387; Deagan
1978; Granberry 1987). No attempt is made here to summarize the
details of all these -studies. Instead, relevant data are used to
identify the Utina in the current chapter. Pertinent data are also
extracted from these various sources and used to test hypotheses in
later chapters of this study. This chapter deals primarily with the
Utina, not the Potano, because less is known about the Utina.
The Utina of north Florida were one of the most powerful peoples
in aboriginal Florida (Milanich 1978:69-70). Their story is an epic
tale of confrontation between the Old World and the New World, and the
confrontation between Spain and England for control of the Florida
colony. The Utina's role was pivotal in the 16th century de Soto
entrada, the French explorations in La Florida!, in the 1560s, the 17th
century Spanish mission system, and the collapse of Spain's La Florida
colony. It was in this province that de Soto encountered the Indian
towns of Aguacaleyguen, Uriutina, "Many Waters," and Napituca, and
where the famous Battle of the Ponds occurred. It was in Utina
territory that de Soto abandoned his straight-as-an-arrow northward
trek and turned westward toward Apalachee.


386
Table 8-9. Continued.
Utina/Late Indian Pond region
Late precolumbian/contact period
Very large
1
X
2
= 2
Large
4
X
2
= 8
Medium
2
X
2
= 4
14
Small
1
X
2
X
2 =4
Very small
0
X
2
X
2 =0*
4
Total 18
Mission period
Very large
6
= 6
Large
3
= 3
Medium
9
= 9
20
Small
7
X
2 =14
Very small
2
X
2 =4
18
Total 38
TOTAL 100
* Number may be misleading, to assume that there are no sites in this
size class.
Contrasting the Two Regions: Changes Through Time
The following table summarizes numbers of sites (weighted) for
both regions and both time periods. Total numbers of sites, including
all size classes, are used, in the table.
These data reveal an interesting difference between the two
regions. From the late precolumbian/contact period to the mission
period, the number of sites decreases substantially for the Potano area
(from 34 to 10 sites) but increases substantially for the Utina area
(from 18 to 38 sites). The changes in the two regions are thus almost
the opposite of each other. Reasons for this reversal are discussed in
Chapter X.


30
impact of aboriginal (versus Spanish-directed) agriculture on the
ecosystem include human population density, length of fallow period and
tree size, length of plot use, size of garden or field, amount of edge
area, technology and particular plants grown, and relative rates of
soil fertility decline and weed invasion (Denevan 1978; Arnason et al.
1982; D. Harris 1978; W. Clarke 1976; Norgaard 1981; Vitousek et al.
1981; but see Chacon and Gliessman 1982 for re-definition of "weeds" as
not all noxious). Introduced animals such as cows, as opposed to deer,
trample the underbrush (and fields), opening the soil to increased
solar radiation and resulting in destruction of soil structure and
microfauna and loss of soil moisture and fertility (Denevan 1978; D.
Harris 1978). Deer are also subject to increased mortality when they
share territory with cattle because of the Lone Star Tick (Loucks
1979:70). Conversion of forests and fields to pasture makes return to
aboriginal-style farming difficult (Denevan 1978; Odum 1981),
especially with aboriginal tools poorly suited to breaking up the tough
sod layer.
Pigs are another introduced species. Over time, pigs rooting
up the soil can lead to destruction of understory vegetative cover and
ecosystems, leaving the soil surface bare and subject to erosion, in
turn affecting streams and aquatic resources through altered silt
content and salinity levels. Pigs are forest dwellers; not having
sweat glands they cannot tolerate long exposure in the open sunny areas
created by farm fields, forest burning and cattle. Cattle and pigs
thus destroy different types of ecosystems leading to further
simplification of ecosystems. Both alter the floral and faunal
composition, the diversity and relative abundance of forest species.


no
Union and adjacent counties. The goals of the surveys were to locate
and identify the sites of Indian villages contacted by Hernando de
Soto's army in A.D. 1539, and the sites of 17th century Spanish
missions (Johnson 1986, 1987a, 1987b, 1990; Johnson, Nelson and Terry
1988.) The work, under the overall direction of Jerald T. Milanich of
the Florida Museum of Natural History, was funded by grants from the
Florida Division of Recreation and Parks, the University of Florida
Division of Sponsored Research, and SantaFe Healthcare, Inc. The
pottery analysis was conducted by Mr. Cliff Nelson working under the
author's direct supervision. This chapter is a later version of an
earlier paper (Johnson and Nelson 1990).
The Alachua Tradition Seriation and its Non Utility
for North Florida
The Alachua tradition ceramic seriation defined for north central
Florida, the territory of the Potano and their prehistoric Alachua
tradition ancestors, does not work for north Florida, the territory of
the Utina and their prehistoric manifestations. Alachua tradition
seriation is based on the ratio of cord marked sherds to cob marked
sherds, which is a temporal indicator because the ratio changed through
time in the Potano area (Milanich 1971). However, cob marked sherds
are absent or rare in all time periods in Utina territory. Ceramic
assemblages from the Potano area are therefore gualitatively different
from those in the Utina area, and it is inappropriate to use the north-
central Florida Alachua Tradition seriation in north Florida.


277
BIRDHOUSE
AREA
PALMORE,
8ALI89
SIMMONS
YARD
FORMER
MOUND
MODERN ROAD
JONES
NORTHEAST
100
I
CEMETERY
SANTA FE,
8AL190
RESIDENTIAL AREA A
PLAZA OR COURTYARD
RESIDENTIAL AREA B
EAST OF
SHEALY ARE
us>
O
structure;
, STRUCTURE
STRUCTURE
SPANISH
ROAD
COMPLICATED
STAMPED AREA
/////
Figure 7-14 The Larger Santa Fe Site Vicinity


346
area, Santa Fe Lake or Acutacique [Covington 1961:Figure 1], is
entirely unknown archaeologically.)
3. Fox Pond Cluster The Fox Pond cluster contains some
significant sites, such as a possible de Soto contact period site
(8AL173) and Fox Pond, a large 17th century Spanish-Indian site
(8AL272) which may represent the mission of San Francisco de Potano
(Symes and Stephens 1963). Several other Alachua tradition sites have
been found in the vicinity, but their dating or size is unclear and few
data are available.
Qualitative Quantitative
size size
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8AL273 large medium
Mission period sites:
8AL272, Fox Pond
8AL128A/8AL293
large
very large
Summary: There are large sites in both periods, but there is
insufficient information about other sites in the cluster.
4. Moon Lake CLuster This cluster exhibits major changes from
the late precolumbian/contact to the mission period. All of the late
precolumbian/contact sites are the same size, medium. In contrast, in
the mission period there is a greater range of site sizes. Like the
White Lake/ Peacock Lake cluster in the Utina region in the latter
period, there is one large site and a larger number of smaller,
.1 . loC V C ii y
satellite sites. Social change and possibly demographic change are^
air-:::c.n per J, this cluster contained
indicated (Chapter X).
' -IV.: >115 bv " .¡end inr
Summary: All late precolumbian-contact period sites in this
cluster medium in size. In the mission period there is one large site
and a larger number of smaller sites.
a


131
Two types of seriations are presented, Figures 1, 2 and 3 and
Figures la, 2a, and 3a. The latter set of figures summarizes key data
in the former set of figures. Figures 1 and la represent the Baptizing
Springs area sites, Figures 2 and 2a the Indian Pond area sites, and
Figures 3 and 3a the Santa Fe area sites. All figures exclude plain
sherds, anomalous decorated sherds, and sherds too small (less than 2
cm across) or too eroded to classify. Figures 1-3 are based on the same
sites and the same data as Figures la-3a, except that only selected
types are extracted and highlighted in Figures la-3a. Figures la-3a
were produced by, first, lumping together the two largest Indian Pond
complex categories (linear marked and cord marked/fabric marked), and
then contrasting that group as a unit with the Leon-Jefferson
complicated stamped group. That is, most diagnostic Indian Pond sherds
are contrasted with the most diagnostic Leon-Jefferson sherds, exluding
less diagnostic types. Figures la, 2a and 3a are intended only to
illustrate more clearly the relationships that are demonstrated in
greater detail in Figures 1, 2 and 3.
The above sections decribe how the seriations were constructed.
The following sections describe how they were used. Data from the
seriation charts are extracted in an attempt to create practical,
workable tools for identifying sites from specific culture periods of
current research interest.
Identifying Two Transitions and Two Key "Moments in Time"
The seriation charts show two important ceramic transitions and
two key "moments" in time. They show the transition from early Weeden
Island into the Indian Pond complex, and the much later transition from


34
many mission sites existed, but the locations were unknov/n. The Utina-
associated ceramic complex had to be indentified and a chronology had
to be developed before other anthropological questions could be
addressed. These problems with ceramics and chronology are dealt with
in Chapter IV, Establishing a Chronology.
Empirical Question: Native Population Levels in Florida
and the Rate of Population Decline
The current study is part of a larger debate which is currently
raging in American archaeology and history, that is, how many Indians
were there at the time of first European contact, and what was the
magnitude of the impact of European and African diseases (Crosby 1972)?
This debate has been brought to a head in recent years by the work of
Henry Dobyns (1983), who claims larger original populations and greater
effects of disease than had been thought previously. Dobyns' general
thesis has been accepted by many archaeologists, but many of the
details and his methods are disputed (e.g, Henige 1986, 1989). Part of
my goal therefore is to make methodological and empirical contributions
that will help lead to more accurate estimates of Timucuan population
levels at the time of contact and at intervals afterward.
There were different kinds of culture change associated with
European contact and conguest in the New World. These different kinds
of change included acculturation situations on forced-labor
agricultural plantations and ranches, participation in mission systems
(e.g., Hemming 1978; Service 1934; Geiger 1937; Sayer 1971; Milner
1980; Fish and Fish 1979), and depopulation and cultural disintegration
(Ramenofsky 1982; Dobyns 1983; Crosby 1972; Denevan 1976; Cook and


251
"front lines" in the war against the English. It is likely that some
portion of the population of the village hid in the convento during the
attack. It is also likely that some were captured in the attack on the
village and marched back to South Carolina, as happened in similar
raids at other missions.
This attack was only one of a number of similar attacks by the
English and their allies on Spanish territory. Santa Ee was among the
first of the missions attacked (Gannon 1983; Boyd, Smith and Griffin
1951:28, 37). These raids destroyed the Spanish mission system and
loosened Spain's hold on the Florida colony. The attacks were part of
the larger conflict between Spain and England for control of this
portion of the New World. The collapse of Spanish Florida led to
English then American control of Florida.
Following the attack on Santa Fe, the Indians at Santa Ee were
moved four leagues southward to San Francisco (Symes and Stephens
1965). A force of Spanish soldiers remained at Santa Fe until 1706
when the force was withdrawn to St. Augustine.
After that time Santa Fe and its Indians disappeared from northern
Florida. Those Indians who were loyal to Spain were moved close to St.
Augustine for protection. Perhaps other former residents of Santa Fe
migrated elsewhere, though this data would not appear in the Spanish
documentary record. It seems likely that emigration accounts for part
of the depopulation of northern Florida, not just epidemics, wars and
slave raids. The migration to South Carolina may not have been totally
involuntary, though there are no data available on South Carolina sites
at which this question might be addressed.


168
fragments, almost certainly representing the hearth in the center of
the house. A surprising amount of spatial information is thus
available from surface patterns even where the total number of
artifacts is small. Excavations would be required to verify these
interpretations, but the pattern is seen repeatedly across the site.
That is, pattern recognition is possible even when the total
number of artifacts is small. In fact, patterns are perhaps in some
cases more clearly seen at sites of short duration, because there is no
successive, overlapping occupation to blur the pattern. Such appears
to be the case at Otter Bay. Even full-scale excavations would not
produce community patterning data as effectively as does controlled
surface collections. Stripping the plowzone with mechanical equipment,
an excavation technique used by some archaeologists at some sites based
on the assumption that the plowzone distribution of artifacts contains
no usable data, destroys a great deal of spatial information. Such
stripping should be done only after a detailed controlled surface
collection has been completed.
Indian Pond, 8C0229. The Indian Pond site, in western Columbia
County, is a 17th century Utina First Spanish period site. It is found
1 km from the well-known McKeithen Weeden Island site. The site was
found and collected in 1988 by Johnson, Nelson and Terry with the
assistance of volunteers (Johnson, Nelson and Terry 1988; Johnson and
Nelson 1990b).
The site includes several distinct village areas, most of which
were occupied during the 17th century Spanish mission period, perhaps
at slightly different times within this century. It is possible that
the site may represent the Spanish mission of San Augustin de Urica.


225
Butler, and links up with the Black Creek Trail at current Starke by
way of the "trail to Sampson Lake" (Map 2).
The route spanned central Union and Columbia counties rather than
the northern or southern portions of these counties. More
specifically, the route on this map goes from the vicinity of the south
end of Alligator Lake, eastward around the north "end" of Olustee
Creek, then south of Fort "No. 15" in the approximate center of Sguare
No. 15, then across "Bluff Creek," and across the "New River." The
line goes off the edge of the map, indicating that the route continued
farther eastward.
There is no evidence that this high road swung southward close to
or along the Santa Fe River in contrast to later maps drawn when Fort
Ward and Fort Call were in existence. Fort Ward at the mouth of
Olustee Creek in southern Union County, recorded previously (Johnson
1987), did not exist at the time that this map was made. By the time
Ft. Ward or Ft. Call appear on maps, the road networks apparently
shifted southward to a route by those sites, and the high road to Black
Creek was abandoned.
There are two minor problems with the above-described sketch map
(L247-93). First, in contrast to the way the map is drawn, the road
would have to cross Olustee Creek, not go around it. The stream
currently begins farther north than is shown on the map; but that is
not really a problem because the stream is very small at this point,
was perhaps not recognizable as Olustee Creek, and was of no military
significance to the army mapmaker because no bridging was needed. A
second problem with the map is Bluff Creek. Bluff Creek is currently a
short stream in southern Union County along which Fort Call was


243
southern Alachua County and northern Marion County is known from the
Spanish documents and from modern research (Milanich 1972). Four
leagues from Fox Pond (8AL272), which site is thought to be San
Francisco de Potano, would place the Santa Fe mission in northern
Alachua County where 8AL190 is located. Documents also indicate
relative position and general direction: that is, travellers along the
Spanish road west from St. Augustine reached San Francisco before
reaching Santa Fe. A 1680 Spanish map also indicates the relative
positions of these two sites, that Santa Fe was northerly from San
Francisco. Reconstructed trail routes provide more precise direction:
from the Potano area, the Spanish road went northwest (Chapter VI).
Santa Fe must be north or northwest of San Francisco, and the Santa Fe
site fits this location.
Using the Spanish documents, which provide distances in leagues
between the various missions, Mark Boyd (1939) calculated that Santa Fe
should be located nine miles north of current Gainesville. He measured
his leagues along the route of the later Stuart-Purcell trail which was
believed to be the same route as the earlier Spanish royal road. Boyd
was probably generally correct, but there must be a slight error
somewhere in his calculations because the location nine miles north of
Gainesville is pine flatwoods, a setting which is ecologically
unsuitable for a principal Spanish mission. Far better locations are
available within three or four miles. In Chapter VI a possible soui^ce
for Boyd's error was suggested, i.e., that the segment of the Stuart-
Purcell route which cuts across this segment of flatwoods at Buck Bay
north of Gainesville was a shortcut created by Spanish roadbuilders,
and that this is not a natural trail route. The original trail must


276
Figure 7-13: The Santa Fe Site, 8AL190


76
Onatheaqua is probably synonymous with northern Utina. The
correlation between Onatheaqua and the northern Utina is based on
several lines of evidence, including: the correlation between Yustaga,
Uzachile and Houstaqua; the relationships between Onatheaqua and
Yustaga/Houstaqua/ Uzachile; and the correlation between Onatheaqua and
the northern Utina.
First let us look at the equations of Houstaqua, Yustaga and
Uzachile. At the time of de Soto, Uzachile was the name of the chief
who occupied the province west of the Suwannee River (River of the
Deer) and east of the Aucilla River. He and his people were enemies of
the next westerly province, Apalachee. Yustaga was the name used later
by the Spanish missionaries for this same territory, as verified by
mission period documents (Milanich 1978:63). The Yustaga also occupied
those portions of north Florida west of the Suwannee River and east of
the Aucilla River, including current Madison and northern Taylor
counties. Uzachile of the de Soto era was therefore the Yustaga of the
Franciscan missionaries. Uzachile and Yustaga are the same group
occupied the lands west of the Suwannee River and east of the Aucilla.
Beyond the obvious similarity of names, there is additional
evidence that Laudonniere1s Houstaqua was the same thing as Yustaga.
Information in the French accounts indicates that Houstaqua and
Onatheaqua were situated in north Florida rather than central or south
Florida. Laudonniere's explorers visited a powerful chief who "knew
the location of the Appalachian mountains" (Bennett 1973:116). This
chief, Hostaqua, had three or four thousand warriors under his command.
Other reports indicate that the French thought they had reached the
foothills of the mountains when they were at Hostaqua and Onatheaqua,


299
Table 7-7; Spanish Majolica Ceramics from the Santa Fe Site, 8AL190,
Controlled Surface Collections and Excavations, 1988 Field Season
(Analysis by B.C. Nelson; identifications and dates based on Deagan
1988 and type collections at the Florida Museum of Natural History.)
Number
Type
Date
1
Santa Domingo
1550-1630
29
Mexico City White
1550-1650+?
10
San Louis Blue on White
1550-1650+?
2
Panama Blue on White
-15747-1624+?
3
Puebla Polychrome
-16507-1725
3
Panama Plain
-15757-1624+7
4
Mexico City (Green on) Cream
-16007-1610+7
7
Mexico City Blue on Cream
1550-1650+7
59 Total majolica
Additional Site Areas: East of Shealy, Structures 5 and 6, and
Complicated Stamped Areas
The area known as East of Shealy includes approximately one-half
of a small field beginning approximately 50 meters east of the Santa Fe
mission complex. The nature of this occupation is unclear because the
surface artifact density is sparse, except at Structures 5 and 6 (see
below). It is uncertain whether this general area contained only a few
structures or residences associated with the mission, or whether this
the : i ft'.- . a ? ---
was the main mission village area (for a short time?). Investigations
were limited to general surface collecting because the field was plowed
only after the Santa Fe project had ended. No controlled surface
collecting was possible, and the exact size and shape of the area are
uncertain. Artifacts are listed in Table 7-8.


Empirical Question: Native Population Levels in Florida
and the Rate of Population Decline 34
History of Settlement Studies and Definition of Terms 37
Distinguishing Settlement Patterns, Community Patterns
and Settlement Systems 39
Settlement Systems as Spatial Archaeology 41
Definition of Terms 43
Community Patterns: Types, Bridging Arguments, Hypotheses,
and Observational Predictions 46
Compact Community Pattern 47
Dispersed Community Pattern 48
The Contact Period, A.D. 1313-1606 48
Hypotheses for testing 49
Bridging arguments 49
Observational predictions 30
Discussion 51
The Mission Period, A.D. 1606 through the Late 17th
Century (ca. 1675) 56
Hypotheses for testing 56
Bridging arguments 56
Observational predictions 56
Discussion 57
The Late 17th Century, ca. 1675-1704 59
Hypotheses for testing 59
Bridging arguments 59
Observational predictions 59
Discussion 59
Settlement Pattern: Models and Hypotheses 61
Models 62
vii


140
The seriations presented in this paper are based on simple
frequencies of sherd types or groups. Other mathematical computations
are not attempted because many of the sites are known only from surface
collections. The seriations, and the interpretations and conclusions
derived from them, are thus provisional until more surveys and more
excavations can be undertaken. Larger collections are needed and a
better understanding of site distributions and ceramic technology in
order to generate better seriations and better chronologies to serve as
supporting frameworks for further archaeological research.


66
This list constitutes the set of hypotheses against which all known
Potano and northern Utina site locations will be tested.
Descriptions of these environmental zones are as follows. The
riverine zone cross-cuts all other major zones. That is, it cuts
through all the other major zones. The zone includes the Suwannee,
Santa Fe, Ichetucknee, Alapaha, Withlacoochee and New rivers and
Olustee Creek. Numerous archaeological sites of all time periods are
known in this zone.
The "green desert" zone refers to the zone of dry sandhills and
rocky limestone plain with little surface water except in deep
sinkholes or seasonal ponds. The vegetational community in this zone
is predominantly turkey oak-longleaf pine. The abundance and diversity
of faunal and floral resources is relatively poor compared to other
zones. However, this zone contains abundant chert sources. This zone
occupies the southern half of Columbia County and the southern two-
thirds of Suwannee County. The zone geographically buffers the
riverine zones and the Utina lake district. Few Utina or Potano sites
are known or anticipated in the "green desert."
The Potano and Utina areas both contain lake districts, but the
two districts are very different. The Potano lake district is in the
lowlands and the Utina lake district is in the highlands. Both are
generally devoid of major rivers. The lake district of Potano
territory, that is, the area of Paynes Prairie, Orange Lake, Newnans
and other lakes and prairies, occupies portions of the Alachua Lake
Cross Valley and the northern end of the Central Valley (White 1970:Map
IB). These major lakes and marshes sit at the toe of the Northern
Highlands escarpment. In terms of scale, the lakes of the Potano lake
district are on a distinctly larger scale than the lakes of the Utina


494
LeMoyne, Jacques
1564 Floridae Americae Provinciae. Engraving br Theodore de Bry in
1591 from a map by Jacques leMoyne in 1564. Reproduction. [Map
of Florida, with names such as Potanou, Apalou, Onatheaqua,
Oustaca, and Apalatei]
MacKay, Captain John, and Lieutenant J. E. Blake
1838 Map of the Seat of War in Florida. Compiled by order of
Brevat Brigader General Zachary Taylor, United States Army.
Matheson and McMillan
Circa 1880 Map of Alachua County, Florida. Matheson and McMillan
Publishers, Gainesville, Florida. One inch equals one mile.
Mercator-Hondius Map
1606 Virginiae Item et Floridae Americae Provinciarum, Novo,
Descriptio. In North Carolina in Maps, edited by W. P. Cumming.
North Carolina State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh.
1966 reproduction, Plate III
Pickell, John, Fred Searle, and Wm. H. Harford, Surveyors
Circa 1830 Map of the Summit Pass of the Proposed Florida Canal.
United States National Archives Record Group 46, Manuscript
Internal Improvement Maps 116. PKY 1169. P. K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.
PKY 131
1763 Map of Georgia and Florida. [Crudely drawn map of Florida.]
NamesSt. Franciscoon the Suwannee Jottanoga [sp?], Alachuaon
the Suwanneeopposite north of Withlacoochee.
PKY 242
1821 (Map of Florida.) P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History,
University of Florida, Gainesville, FL.
PKY 240
1829 Map of the Territory of Florida. P.K. Yonge Library of Florida
History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL.
PKY 290
1835 Florida. P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University
of Florida, Gainesville, FL.
PKY 440
Circa 1835-6 Florida. P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, j
University of Florida, Gainesville. (Handwritten note in the
margin reads Bradford and Gordon, Hartford, Connecticut, 1852.)
PKY 276
n.d. Districts Number 16 and 17 and Vicinity (east of the Suwannee
in Vicinity of Fort Nacomb). United States National Archives,
Record Group 77, Civil Works Map File, L247-93.


CHAPTER VII
CASE STUDY: MISSION SANTA FE DE TOLOCA AND SURROUNDING SITES

This chapter correlates site the Santa Fe site (8AL190) with the
historic mission of Santa Fe de Toloca, summarizes the historic
documentary background for this mission, and describes archaeological
investigations at the site. Other Spanish-Indian sites in the vicinity
are also described. The purpose of the case study is to provide an
example of local community patterns and regional settlement patterns.
Correlating Site 8AL190 with Mission Santa Fe de Toloca
The identification of 8AL190 as the site of Santa Fe de Toloca is
based on several lines of evidences: the distribution of 17th century
site clusters in Alachua County (Chapters VIII and IX), archaeological
data verifying the presence of an early 17th century Spanish mission
complex at this site (remainder of this chapter), cartographic and
documentary data about the geographic position of Santa Fe relative to
other known mission sites (last section of Chapter III), other
documentary data such as distances in leagues from St. Augustine and
other missions (in Chapter IV), and the reconstructed routes of Spanish
roads (Chapter VI).
t
Santa Fe was said to be three or four leagues distant from the San
Francisco de Potano mission (Geiger 1940:127). The identity of Santa
Fe is thus made partly in reference to the known location of the Potano
Indian region. The location of the Potano chiefdom in central to
242


467
Elvas, Gentleman of
1907 The Narrative of the Expedition of Hernando de Soto by the
Gentleman of Elvas. Edited by Theodore H. Lewis. In Spanish
Explorers in the Southern United States 1528-1543. Barnes and
Noble, Inc., New York.
Engelbrecht, William
1987 Factors Maintaining Low Population Density Among the
Prehistoric New York Iroquois. American Antiquity 52(l):13-27.
England, Rev. Ira A.-
1954 Archaeological Survey of the Pfeifer Estate and Environs.
Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History.
Etters, Alberta
1961 APY 501 Report. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History.
Evans, Susan, and Peter Gould
1982 Settlement Models in Archaeology. Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology 1:275-304.
Ewel, Jack, Cory Berish, Becky Brown, Norman Price and James Raich
1981 Slash and Burn Impacts on a Costa Rican Wet Forest Site.
Ecology 62(3) :816-829.
Fairbanks, Charles H.
1978 The Ethno-Archeology of the Florida Seminole. In Tacachale,
Essays on the Indians of Florida and Southeastern Georgia during
the Historic Period, edited by Jerald Milanaich and Samuel Proctor.
Pp. 163-193. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
Farnsworth, Paul
1989 Native American Acculturation in the Spanish Colonial Empire:
The Franciscan Missions of Alta California. In Centre and
Periphery: Comparative Studies in Archaeology. Edited by T.C.
Champion. Unwin Hyman ltd, London, pp. 186-206.
Faulkner, Charles H.
1973 Middle Woodland Subsistence-Settlement Systems in the Highland
Rim: A Commentary. In Salvage Archaeology at 40Fr47, edited by
Bacon and Merryman. Tennessee Archaeological Society Miscellaneous
Papers 11:35-45.
' \ T t' ~ r'
Feinman, Gary M., Stephen A. Kowalewski, Laura Finsten, Richard E.
Blanton, and Linda Nicholas
1985 Long-Term Demographic Change: A Perspective from the Valley of
Oaxaca, Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology 12:333-340.
Ferguson, R. Brian
1984 A Reexamination of the Causes of Northwest Coast Warfare. In
Warfare, Culture, and Environment, edited by R. Brian Ferguson.
Pp. 267-328. Academic Press, New York.


359
8. Major Utina/Late Indian Pond Sites Not Part of Any Known
Cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period:
None identified
Mission period:
8AL2470, Vaughn/Hekopokee medium large
This site is along the Spanish road where it crosses the natural
bridge over the Santa Fe River; the site may be part of the Santa Fe-
cluster, 4.7 km northeast.
Compact and Dispersed Sites
Site size and number are the two most important variables.
Another factor is site compaction or dispersal. A shift from a
compact to a dispersed site would alter the site size even if the
number of occupants did not change. Determinations of whether sites
are compact or dispersed are therefore important in reconstructions
based on site size and number.
Data for determining whether sites are compact or dispersed are
difficult to obtain, and are therefore available for only a portion of
the sites. The measurements, compact to dispersed, actually form a
continuum, but only the two broad categories, compact or dispersed, are
used in the current study because of methodological problems and
deficiencies in the data base. These deficiencies prevent the use of a
finer measurement scale inthe analysis. ^
' * i. . ,
:tr*t !.>:' ': i f
A compact site can be identified from either the spacing of
household units or from variations in artifact density (Chapter V,
Methods). Various archaeological methods can be used to produce these
data. A compact site is a site at which there is little space between


HUMBER OF ARTIFACTS
PER TEST
189
The site area to the north was indentified as the Spanish portion
of the site based on the scarcity of aboriginal artifacts and the
presence of a Spanish mission. The mission complex is represented by a
clay floor, clusters of spikes and nails recovered during a metal
detector survey, and four Christian Indian internments (Johnson 1986,
1990). These figures do not include the additional site areas to the
south (Weismann 1988, 1989).
Goodwin. Artifact density is £0 low that shovel tests are too
small to produce enough artifacts for artifact density profiles. 2X2
m test pits were needed, but few could be excavated (Figure 504).
Controlled surface collecting identified bounderies.
Carlisle. As at many 17th century sites, shovel tests were too
small to produce significant information about site boundaries and area
6 5m
IS arclfaccs IS arcl£accs
An area 49 across
25 24 23A 6 10 9 8A 8 7 4 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
SHOVEL TEST f
SHOVEL TEST f
Figure 5-12: Fig Springs (8C01), Artifact Density Profiles.


226
situated. The stream does not currently extend as far northward as
shown on the map; perhaps some other small stream was erroneously
called Bluff Creek. But these are not major problems with the map.
Another problem is more difficult: the location of Fort No. 15. On
other maps of this period, Fort No. 15 is placed on the shore of Swift
Pond in northern Union County, at the head of Swift Creek (Map of the
Seat of War in Florida, by MacKay and Blake 1840). However, it is
suspected that Swift Pond and Lake Butler, in central Union County, may
have been confused on this sketch map. Perhaps the mapmaker had
problems with the scale of his sketch, and had to squeeze things in.
However, the most conclusive piece of evidence about the location of
Fort No. 15 is found on the map itself. Notations indicate that Fort
No. 15 is 21 miles north of Newnansville. On modern maps, Lake Butler
is 21 miles north of Newnansville, while Swift Pond is 27 to 30 miles,
depending on the route. Furthermore, the alignment of the overall
route indicates that the trail went through central rather than
northern Union County, near Lake Butler rather than Swift Pond. That
is, on modern maps, Lake Butler is on line with the segment eastward
from Fort Nos. 16, 17, and Charles Ferry, and with the segment westward
(shown on other maps) from Fort van Courtland to Fort Crabbe on the New
River. If the trail went by way of Swift Pond, then that segment of
the trail is far out of alignment with the other segments, for no
apparent reason.
Modern Highway 100 currently follows the route to Lake Butler, not
to Swift Creek Pond, because this is the natural route corridor. Swift
Creek Pond lies along a natural route only north and south, not east
and west. The conclusion is that Highway 100 more or less marks the


481
1981 The Effects of Stress on the Trajectory of Ecological
Succession. In Stress Effects on Natural Ecosystems, edited by
Gary W. Barrett and Rutger Rosenberg. John Wiley and Sons,
Chichester, pp. 43-47.
Ore, Luis Gernimo de
1936 The Martyrs of florida (1313-1616). Edited and translated by
Maynard J. Geiger. Eranciscan Studies No. 18. J.F. Wagner, New
York.
Orlove, Benjamin S.
1980 Ecological Anthropology. In Annual Review of Anthropology
9:235-273.
Packard, Jane M. and L. David Mech
1980 Population Regulation in Wolves. In Biosocial Mechanisms of
Population Regulation, edited by Mark N. Cohen, R. Malpass and H.
Klein. Yale University Press, New Haven, pp. 135-147.
Parsons, J. R.
1972 Archaeological Settlement Patterns. Annual Review of
Anthropology 1:127-150.
Paynter, Robert
1982 Models of Spatial Ineguality: Settlement Patterns in
Historical Archaeology. Academic Press, New York.
Pearson, Charles E.
1979 Patterns of Mississippian Period Adaptation in Coastal Georgia.
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Georgia.
Pebles, R. and S. Kus
1977 Some Archaeological Correlates of Ranked Societies. American
Antiguity 42(3):421-448.
Perlman, Stephen M.
1980 An Optimum Diet Model, Coastal Variability, and Hunter-
Gatherer Behavior. In Advances in Archaeological Method and
Theory, edited by Michaeol B. Schiffer. 3:257-310.
1985 Group Size and Mobility Costs. In The Archaeology of frontiers
and Boundaries, edited by Stanton W. Green and Stephen M. Perlman.
Academic Press, New York. pp. 33-50.
Permenter, Ray
n.d.a Prairie Creek Midden. Manuscript on file at the florida
Museum of Natural History. Circa 1949.
? v ') ¡. i *> > r
n.d.b Orange Lake Area. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History. Circa 1949.


217
The trail may not actually go through downtown Micanopy but
perhaps along a route seven miles west at Wacahootee, passing between
Levy Lake and Kanapaha Prairie (1894 Arredondo guadrangle map; 1845
Arredondo Grant map; L247-77, -84 and -85). The exact trail locations
through this corridor vary on the different maps. In this general area
of southern Alachua County the trail passed near several known late
Alachua tradition/possible contact period archaeological sites such as
8AL55 on the western end of Paynes Prairie, now within the state
preserve. William Bartram also noted former Indian town sites on this
side of Paynes Prairie. Traveling northward, the trail passed west of
Lake Kanapaha and Hogtown Prairie where Hogtown Creek went underground
and through Fort Clarke in northwestern Gainesville (PKY 755; United
States Archives L247-6 1835; Map of the Seat of War; Alachua County ca.
1883; 1890 Arredondo topographic map).
A side trail (or the main trail?) seems to have crossed current
West University Avenue in Gainesville at the city limits east of the
current Oaks Mall, then passed by the cluster of contact period sites
(e.g., 8AL327, 8AL331, and 8AL324; these and most others in this
vicinity have been destroyed by construction) between Moon
Lake/Bucholtz High School and Northwest 39th Avenue, then by Fox Pond
at the presumed mission of San Francisco de Potano (1896 Arredondo
United States Geological Survey quadrangle; circa 1883 map of Alachua
County). This trail rejoined the main trail west of San Felasco
Hammock.
The main trail passed along the west side of San Felasco Hammock,
now San Felasco State Preserve, and on to the vicinity of Dell's Post
Office/Fort Gilleland/Newnansville/Alachua. However, rather than


151
Methods are presented for addressing these problems and measuring
site area. Procedures include subsurface testing, controlled surface
collections and artifact density profiles.
Methods for Determining Site Area and Site Boundaries
Site boundaries are determined through surface collecting or
subsurface testing, and site area is derived from these data (Plog et
al. 1982:635). Surface collecting methods are discussed first,
followed by a discussion of subsurface testing procedures. The results
of several such investigations are also presented to show the
effectiveness of the technigues.
Controlled Surface Collections
A rich variety of spatial information is potentially available
through intensive, systematic controlled surface collections. In the
past, surface collecting has often been looked upon with suspicion as a
data collection technigue. The suspicion is based on the assumption by
some archaeologists that disturbance by modern plowing destroys most or
all spatial information. Recent studies have shown that the assumption
is false (Odell and Cowen 1987). Despite repeated plowings, large
amounts of intrasite spatial information are still available from
surface distributions of artifacts in cultivated fields (Redman and
Watson 1970; Lewarch and O'Brien 1981; Ammerman 1985; Odell and Cowan
1987; Killion et al. 1989; Roper 1976; Dunnell and Dancey 1983:269;
Riordan 1982).
In determining site boundaries and site area by controlled surface
collection, an assumption is made. The assumption is that surface
distributions reflect, at least in a general way, subsurface


401
Pound, all of which are late precolumbian/contact period Potano/Late
Alachua Tradition sites. As noted elsewhere, Little Gandy could be
part of the Bivens Arm cluster, which is only 1 km (3/4 mile) away, but
is found in a different ecological setting, on a hilltop (see next
section on ecological settings). Pound, under current Gainesville High
School, is 3 km north of Bivens Arm, but, like Little Gandy, is in a
different ecological setting from Bivens Arm, and it is not near any
major wetland. Perhaps Little Gandy and Pound should be combined and
listed as a separate cluster, based on proximity and ecological
setting.
Haufler is 3 km from both the Moon Lake and Fox Pond clusters, and
it is a matter of definition whether to include it with one of those
clusters or to consider it an isolated site. The Haufler area has not
been adequately surveyed and other sites may be present. It is near
the scarp between the northern highlands and the western lowlands,
along which Interstate Highway 73 runs in western Gainesville. This
scarp is precisely the sort of topographic setting along which the
majority of Apalachee mission period sites are found near current
Tallahassee. However this scarp in western Gainesville and Alachua
County has received little attention by archaeologists, and it was not
specifically targeted by John Goggin when he sent students to survey
areas. A survey is needed along this scarp to locate contact and
? ... I
mission period sites. '
In conclusion, most sites are found in clusters, which by
definition is the consolidated settlement pattern type. This
hypothesis is thus accepted for both regions and both time periods.
Individual sites (i.e., the community pattern) may be either compact or


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Prehistory. In Demographic Anthropology, edited by E.B.W. Zubrow.
University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, pp. 27-61. j
C t : *
Anderson, Dames N.
1973 Ecological Anthropology and Anthropological Ecology.
In Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology;, edited by John D.
Honigman. Rand McNally, Chicago.
458


322
of a hill. Surface visibility was excellent in the plowed field. The
sparse distribution in a long narrow zone suggests the possibility of a
short term occupation, or a former road edge or field edge.
Artifacts from this sites are listed in Table 7-21 below. All
artifacts encountered at the site were collected.
Table 7-21: Artifacts from Jones Wheat Field, 8AL2373, General
Surface Collection
1 Olive jar sherd
1 Rim sherd, outward flair, temper uncertain
1 St. Johns, too small to classify
1 Sand tempered plain
4 Grog tempered plain
2 Sand tempered, too small to classify
7 Grog tempered, too small to classify
1 Check stamped, sand tempered
1 Pinellas point, long, broken
1 Coral tool, crude
2 Broken lithic tools
13 Chert flakes
1 Green bottle glass
1 Purple bottle glass
Emerson Farm Northwest, 8AL2378 (Also called KJ-3)
The site is primarily a lithic scatter, but one olive jar sherd
and a small number of aboriginal sherds were also found. The site was
a plowed field with excellent surface visibility. The wide
distribution, but low density of stone artifacts and the scarcity of
sherds appears to indicate that the site represents something other
;iv £}i
than a habitation area, such as a series of activity ares. Artifacts
. .the Apple Orchard site (8A123Q£.
from this site are listed in Table 7-22. <
'v- .* i.cqgirro first students in the area,
Table 7-22: Artifacts from Emerson Farm Northwest, 8AL2378
1 Olive jar sherd
3 Cord marked or fabric impressed, grog tempered
4 Cord marked or fabric impressed, sand tempered
1 Grog tempered, too small to classify


250
Fir
19:
i01,
fh
Sc:
ore, the governor of South Carolina. The village and the church were
cned, but the attack was repulsed from the convento. The attack on
ta Fe was described in a letter from the Governor of Florida to the
ng of Spain:
r [T]hey entered in the dawn watch and burned and devastated
the village of Santa Fe, one of the principal towns of the
Province of Timucua, Saturday, the 20th of May of this year
1702, making an attack on the convent with many firearms and
arrows and burning the church, although not the images which
with some risk were saved. Finally, the fight having lasted
for more than three hours, our force repulsed them, after the
hasty strengthening of an indefensible stockade which served
as a fence to the gate of the convent. The enemy retired
with some injury, and although our side had some killed and
wounded, it would not have been large if the adjutant deputy,
Juan Ruiz de Canicares, had not left [the mission], with
small prudence and but few men, in pursuit of the enemy,
whose number had increased. After pursuing them for six
leagues, they [the Spanish force] overtook them that same day
after dusk, engaging them briskly, and one [Spanish] soldier
that got away [reports] that one and another up to ten of our
Indians died in the skirmish, because the enemy received them
in a half moon [crescent] and, closing it, caught many of
them in the center, only a few Indians escaping. [Smith,
Boyd and Griffin 1951:36-37]
The number of Spaniards and Indians defending Santa Fe during the
i!attack is not known, but six soldiers were stationed there at other
times during the 17th century. During the attack the soldiers were
assisted by an unknown number of Indian defenders. The size of the
attacking force at Santa Fe is also uncertain, but a similar invasion
force attacking San Luis and other Apalachee missions was composed of
approximately two thousand Indians and two hundred South Carolinians.
||ndian participation in the defense of Santa Fe and their pursuit of {
V t
the invaders refutes stereotypes of docile mission Indians. Spanish
0
authorities normally denied Indians the use of firearms; it is not
known if this policy was adherred to in strategically important but
militarily weak frontier outposts such as Santa Fe which were on the


321
smoothed over, obliterating the decoration. It is unclear whether or
not some of these sherds were complcated stamped.
The site is situated on top of the bluff overlooking Pareners
Branch stream. Its placement is along the outflow from Lane Pond. The
pond is situated on top of the bluff, and its outlet waters flow down a
steeply angled channel to Parreners Branch. The pond appears to be
natural rather than man-made. Long-term residents report that it was
formerly a dear-water, sandy bottom pond. Aquatic plants now cover
much of the pond's surface, and the bottom is covered with muck,
probably the result of modern agricultural fertilizers.
Artifacts were found within an approximately 40 m diameter or
larger area. Surface visiblity was good in the mature corn. Artifacts
include:
14 Grog tempered sherds, decorated then smoothed over
3 Linear marked sherds
20 Plain sherds, grog tempered
12 Sherds, grog tempered, too small to classify
32 Sherds, sand tempered, too small to classify
3 Cord marked or fabric impressed sherds, grog tempered
3 Cord marked or fabric impressed sherds, sand tempered
1 Square rim sherd, sand tempered
1 Rounded rim sherd, sand tempered
1 Rounded rim sherd, grog tempered
1 Large chert tool; possible hoe
7 Chert chunks
24 Chert flakes
1 Purple glass fragment
Other Sites with Possible Spanish Period Components , ,,
The Santa Fe cluster includes additional sites for which little J
information is available. These sites are discussed below.
Jones Wheat Field, 8AL2573 (Also known as KJ-110)
One olive jar sherd and a sparse scatter of aboriginal sherds were
distributed in an approximately 20 X 80 m long area crossing the crest


452
requiring Indians to remain in their home villages rather than
migrating. The Spaniards became alarmed at the population decline,
resulting in loss of the labor force in north Florida, and gave away
free land to anyone who would establish cattle ranches. The most
compelling evidence of decline is the eventual extinction of these
people. The overall scale and rate of decline are unclear because
total population numbers at the time of first contact are uncertain.
Archaeological evidence for population decline among the Potano
includes the decreased total number of sites and the decreased average
site size in the mission period. The decline in site numbers in the
Potano region is explained in terms of the historically documented
catastrophes.
In contrast to the Potano, the situation with the Utina is not so
easily explained. Four sets of seemingly contradictory data are
involved: (1) the historically-documented evidence for regional
population decline, (2) archaeological evidence for increased number of
sites, (3) archaeological evidence for decreased average size of sites,
and (4) archaeological evidence for increased number of dispersed or
short term sites. Each is discussed below.
1. The historically-documented evidence for Utinan regional
population decline is compelling, as discussed above for the Potano.
There may have been thousands of Utinans at the time of de Soto and the
French explorers, but only a few hundred by the time of Colonel Moore's
I
18th century raids from South Carolina. Extinction soon followed.
2. The archaeological evidence indicates increased number of
sites from the late prehistoric/contact period to the mission period
among the Utina. Increased numbers of sites may result from either
population increase or changes in community patterns, or both.


V-tr'n
r % O'-* **t* ^ <2^
. ,f ,-^^ar*M W
Pa I
( > .1
figure 7-9. Santa Fe Site, all maps combined. Locations of
Structures, cemetery, test pits, iron nails and spikes, fired clay
fragments, Spanish artifacts, and aboriginal sherds. Chert flakes are
excluded.


198
Trail, Florida's Santa Fe Trail, and the Ichetucknee/Rose Creek/
Alligator Lake Trail (Figure 6-1). All are potential routes for
European explorers and settlers in Florida.
Early European explorers who penetrated Florida in the 1530s and
1560s were undoudtedly using established trails. They made special
note when they were not following a trail, such as one overland Spanish
expedition by Menendez west of the St. Johns River. Trails are rarely
mentioned in the documents because their existence was a common
occurrence, taken for granted.
Despite the lack of explicit mention in the documents, almost
every passage from one settlement to another was along an established
route. The accounts of the de Soto expedition indicate clearly that
the expedition was following established trails; for example, the
accounts note the trail became wider beyond the river or swamp of Cale
(Ranjel 1922:67), the Withlacoochee River. At other points de Soto
complained that the road was so narrow that only two soldiers could
march abreast, that presented tactical difficulties in fighting the
Indians, suggesting a well established foot path.
Laudonniere and later Menendez reached Chief Outina's village west
of the St. Johns River by way of a foot path. They boated upriver on
the St. Johns and then into the mouth of an unnamed tributary (probably
today's Rice Creek/Etonniah Creek; see Chapter III). The landing must
have been at a trailhead. From the landing the French marched along
an established trail which led through possible Indian fields to the
main village:
On leaving the village there was a great open path, three or
four hundred paces in length, covered on each side by
tremendous trees. [H]e felt that if there were to be an


326
Table 7-24: Artifacts from Jones Northeast, General Surface
Collections
1 Punctated sand tempered sherd
17 Sand tempered plain sherds
93 Sand tempered sherds, too small to classify
1 Grog tempered sherd, too small to classify
8 Rim sherds (1 squared; 1 round with slight inward flair; 4
rounded; 1 folded and with two incised lines at angles to the rim)
1 Quartz chunk
4 Chert chunks
1 Triangular chert tool or crude point
3 Triangular points, at least 2 are large Pinellas
2 Projectile point tips
1 Chert blank or large tool base
1 Other chert tools
48 Chert flakes, 3 with worked edges
4 Bone fragments
Jones Southwest,8AL248
The site is a major village area, much larger than is reflected in
the few sherds collected by Goggin's students. Large sherds are
present, as though current plowing is reaching deeper and pulling up
previously buried, undisturbed deposits. The ceramics appear to be
closer to the Weeden Island period than the mission period. Artifacts
are listed in Table 7-23 below.
Classic Weeden Island Plain rims are absent. The majority of
the rims are rounded. At least four sherds appear to represent closed
mouth jars. The Pinellas-like points are crude and have a wide range
of variation, very similar to the points at the McKeithen Weeden Island
site (Milanich et al. 1984:70-72).
8AL191 <
I
j i '> i $ ftyfk
This is the former location of a sand mound, now demolished, which
may have contained grog tempered pottery (see below). The site is
located on the Emerson farm, "across the creek from 8AL190 [the Santa Fe
site], as described by J.C. Simpson" (Cooper 1932:14). The current


232
left turn westward that led across the Natural Bridge, past the
Ichetucknee River and to Charles Ferry on the Suwannee. Instead he
continued northward through the Robinson Sinks area, across the Santa
Fe River (his River of Discords), and linked up with Romans' high road
(see sections on the high road, and the connecting trail between the
Santa Fe trail and the high road).
Aguacaleyquen, the major town he visited, may be found at the
junction of these two roads and/or at the river crossing nearest this
intersection. This possible junction and possible location for
Aguacaleyquen was discussed above in the section on the high road.
Even if this is not the precise location of Aguacaleyquen, the
cartographic, documentary and archaeological evidence seem to point to
a location for Aguacaleyquen that is somewhere along the 8-mile (13 km)
stretch of Olustee Creek between the outlet of Palestine Lake and the
mouth of Swift Creek on the east bank of Olustee Creek in western Union
County. In this interpretation, Olustee Creek was de Soto's River of
Aguacaleyquen. Another possible interpretation is that the
Ichectucknee River was his River of Aguacaleyquen (see Ichetucknee/Rose
Creek/Alligator Trail below), which he reached after crossing the Santa
Fe River at the inundated Natural Bridge during a flood.
Ichetucknee/Rose Creek/Alligator Lake Trail
The route of this trail is reconstructed because of the
possibility that it may have been used by Hernando de Soto. If he
travelled from the Ichetucknee river to Alligator Lake, then this was
probably the route he used.


181
Testing intervals may be determined by one of two ways. If a
surface collection has been possible over at least a portion of the
site, identifying a portion of the site boundaries and possible nuclear
areas, then the subsurface testing may be tightly focused on a limited
area. Test unit intervals along the transect may then be close, such
as 5 m apart. However, if no surface collection was possible and
boundaries are uncertain, a different procedure is called for. Initial
test units are at larger intervals, such as 15 or 20 m apart, and
additional tests are inserted at closer intervals between these tests.
The supplemental tests have two purposes: to more clearly delimit the
site, and to identify concentrations or nuclear areas or possible house
locations, as well as to verify that the initial tests were not
anamolous. To pinpoint the boundaries, tests are excavated between the
last productive test and the first unproductive test.
These procedures for testing known sites are contrasted with
procedures for searching for new sites. Even larger intervals are used
in searching for previously unknown sites because of budget and time
constraints and the amount of area to be covered.
If no ground surface is visible, then tests should be extended in
all directions, especially along the main topographic feature such as a
ridge, beyond the end of the known artifact distribution. The goal is
to determine whether a dispersed community may be present, with spacing
between the houses. The site size established at this first site is
used as a guide for the spacing of further test units and unit sizes.
For example, if the site measured 30 m in diameter, then further
testing in search of nearby site areas should be spaced no wide than 30
m apart so as not to miss any additional site areas where no ground


284
fpomt holiM
rsJ Or*r>*
,.Q. (^T\
Figure 7-16: Santa Fe Site (8AL190), Cemetery, Plan View of Burial _Prt
Outlines at 40 to 30 cm B.5.
All burial pits are mottled tan and brown saond with small orange clay
inclusions. All pit outlines are very faint.
i


125
cuna i
PUNCTATED STAMP £ ~
LINEAS COND O* Inciting iiclWf ST. - SAMPLE
COMPLICATED STAMPtD HASAED TAI 1C COt INCISED Lochlfii Uon JUHWS SIZE
INDIAN POMO WEST
iul4l| Ualt >00
INDIAN PONO NIIXCAEST
INDIAN POND UNIT
>00 ANEA
INDIAN POND ACNOSS
THE DITCN
JONNS POND
INOIAN PONO LOMEA SLOPE
m
Figure 4-5; Pottery Seriations, Indian Pond Cluster of Sites.
Pottery groups are expressed in percentages. Plain sherds,
anamolous sherds, and sherds too small or too eroded to classify are
omitted.
UMP1.ICATEO STAMPED
INDIAN PONO WEST
INDIAN PONO NIUXAEST
INDIAN POND UNIT >00 ASEA
INDIAN POND ACNOSS THE Dll
JONNS POND
INDIAN POND LOMEA SLOPE
Figure 4-6: Pottery Seriations, Indian Pond Cluster of Sites,
Selected Pottery Groups Combined
Pottery groups are expressed in percentages. Plain sherds,
anamolous decorated sherds, and sherds too small or too eroded to
classify are omitted.


375
classified as "dispersed" rather than "dispersed or short term." This
site may reflect changes in community pattern within the mission period
as well as between the mission period and the late precolumbian/contact
period (also see discussion in the above section on site sizes).
Site size Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8C0229H, Indian
Pond Lower Slope very large compact
Mission period sites (listed in chronological order, oldest to
youngest as shown in pottery seriations:
Johns Pond
-
-
8C0229C, Hoe area
large
dispersed or short term
8C0229A, 300 area
very small
too small to classify
8C0229D, Hillcrest
very large
dispersed or short term
8C0229K, West
medium
dispersed (linear)
6. White Lake/Peacock Lake Cluster Both periods contain many sites
of all sizes, but there are
no data on compact or dispersed. There may
have been a decline in site
size and numbers of sites between the two
periods. The scope of the i
decline may have been even greater than is
apparent, for reasons given
earlier in the section on site sizes.
Site size
Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8SU174, Peacock Lake Mounds large
-
No. 11
medium
-
No. 14D
large
-
No. 14E
small
too small to classify
No. 14F
large
-
No. 14L
medium

Mission period sites:
i
8SU 29, Ingham ''A.
very .large?
8SU173, Neubern
small?
too small to classify?
No. 12
medium
-
No. 14A
large
-
No. 14B
small
-
No. 140
small
-
8SU161, 14M
small
-


431
decreased significantly in the Potano area (from 34 to 10 sites), but
increased significantly in the Utina area (from 18 to 38 sites). The
two sets of adjusted numbers, for the Potano versus the Utina, were
almost reversed. The decline in the Potano area is explained by the
historically documented low numbers of survivors in this period. The
increase in the Utina area is not so easily explained.
In the Utina/Indian Pond complex region, there were changes from
the later precolumbian/contact to the mission period. Contrary to the
Potano/Alachua region where total number of sites declined, in the
Utina region the total number of sites increased. All classes increase
in raw numbers and adjusted numbers, but the largest increases came in
three classes: small, medium and very large. There appeared to have
been a shift downward in average site size, to medium and small sites.
Clusters of Sites
Certain patterns became clearer when the focus shifts from region-
wide views to localized clusters of sites within regions. Five
clusters of Potano/Late Alachua Tradition sites were identified:
Newnans Lake, Bivens Arm, Fox Pond, Moon Lake and Orange Lake.
Similarly, seven clusters of Utina/Late Indian Pond sites were
identified: Santa Fe, Fig Springs, Alligator Lake, Charles Spring,
Indian Pond, White Lake/Peacock Lake and Baptizing Spring. Each
cluster contains from two to seven sites (Table 10-3).
, ... ,*) t.< -it I
At Bivens Arm and Newnans'Lake/there were dense occupations
during the late precolumbian/contact period, but little or no known
mission period occupations were found. At least one large, compact
site was found in each of these clusters. These clusters therefore may


CHAPTER VIII
COMMUNITY PATTERNS: SITE SIZES AND NUMBERS, COMPACT AND
DISPERSED SITES, AND HYPOTHESIS TESTING
Site sizes and numbers, and determinations of whether sites are
compact or dispersed, are the primary data by which community pattern
hypotheses formulated in Chapter II may be tested. Site size data are
available for 44 Potano/Late Alachua Tradition sites and 56 Utina/Late
Indian Pond complex sites, a sample size of 100. Descriptive,
qualitative data are available for most of these sites. In addition,
quantitative data are available for 21 of the Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition sites and 36 of the Utina/Late Indian Pond complex sites. In
terms of time period, data are available for the late precolumbian/
contact period for 34 Potano/Late Alachua Tradition sites and 18
Utina/Late Indian Pond sites. Sites dating to the 17th century Spanish
mission period include 10 Potano/Late Alachua sites and 38 Utina/Late
Indian Pond sites. The remaining sites are either late
precolumbian/contact or mission period, but the exact periods of
occupation are uncertain.
Early (precolumbian) Alachua Tradition and Early Indian Pond
complex sites are excluded from this analysis. Late precolumbian/
I
contact refers to sites which date to either the very late precolumbian
period or the contact period, until the establishment of the Spanish
mission system in interior north Florida. The mission period refers to
330


170
Figure 5-7; Indian Pond Site (8C0229), Areas of Concentration of 17th
Century Aboriginal Pottery Sherds From Controlled Surface Collections
Grid units which are shaded contain 10 or more sherds each.


11
specific sections that follow. The approach might be described as
"processual ecological anthropology" (Orlove 1980:235, 245-252).
The following attempts to show the links among ecological,
demographic and cultural factors, especially factors involved in
settlement systems. It is assumed (for the moment) that sizes of local
population units declined following European contact. It is also
assumed for the moment that little or no large-scale amalgamation or
effective Spanish-induced reduction occurred. Amalgamation refers to
the coming together of the survivors of several settlements into one
settlement. Reduction refers to the Spaniards' attempt to force the
Indians to congregate in more densely concentrated settlements for the
purpose of control. Amalgamation and reduction may well have occurred,
but those factors are excluded from the current discussion for three
reasons, first, we do not know to what degree amalgamation and
reduction actually occurred. Nucleation by itself is not sufficient to
permanently sedentize a population (Descola 1982), especially if the
culture has been disrupted and the population dispersed. Second, the
purpose is not to summarize historical events in Florida but to
identify and isolate potential forces, processes and mechanisms of
change which may have operated upon aboriginal populations. Third,
nucleation was imposed upon the Florida Indians by an outside force.
It is necessary to understand how naturally-occurring processes worked
in these populations apart from outside forces.
Adaptation and Systems
The central concept in this discussion is that of adaptation (Kirch
1982). This approach to culture change and adaptation is framed in
terms of units and concepts originally developed by ecologists (Odum


260
century archaeological site was present, and that it was probably a
¡Spanish mission. Methods of investigations and results are summarized
below.
t ..
The Santa fe Site, 8AL190
The Santa Fe site (8AL190), an early 17th century Spanish-Indian
site, is almost certainly the mission of Santa Fe de Toloca. Other
Spanish-Indian sites which have been investigated in this immediate
area include Carlisle (unnumbered), and Goodwin (8AL453) sites. Part
of the Palmore (8AL190) contains a Spanish mission period component but
the bulk of the site is either late prehistoric or contact period
(Chapter IV). Other Spanish-Indian sites have been discovered in the
area but are not as well known, having been investigated only through
surface collections.
Several archaeological surveys have been completed in the Robinson
Sinks area (Oohnson 1986). The goal of these surveys was to locate and
identify 16th and 17th century Spanish-Indian sites. After the Santa
Fe site was located and tentatively identified as a 17th century
Spanish-Indian site, a further goal at this site was to determine
whether or not a Spanish mission complex was present at that site, and
to locate associated Indian habitation areas. Field work succeeded in
finding Spanish and Indian structures and habitation areas and in
determining the boundaries and internal organization of the site. The
..... . <
cemetery, a probable church, residential areas and other site featurds
were also found.
Dating. The Santa Fe site, 8AL190, dates from approximately 1610
to 1630, based on documentary evidence and majolica production dates.


476
Kohler, Timothy A., and G. Michael Johnson
1986 From Garden Patch to McKeithen: What We Do, and Don't, Know
about Late Woodland in North Florida. Paper presented at 43rd
Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference,
Nashville.
Kokomoor, Donald
1949. Term Paper. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History.
Kramer, P.
1984 Man and Other Introduced Organisms. Biological Journal of the
Linnean Society 21(1 and 2):253-258.
Kroeber, Alfred L.
1969 Relations of Environmental and Cultural Factors. In
Environment and Cultural Behavior, edited by Andrew P. Vayda.
University of Texas Press, Austin, pp. 330361.
Lane, A.D.
1983 Benefits and Hazards of New Crops: Oilseed Rape in the U.K.
Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 10(3):299-309. Amsterdam.
Larson, Lewis H., Jr.
1972 Functional Considerations of Warfare in the Southeast during
the Mississippi Period. American Antiquity 37(3):383-392.
Leader, Jonathan, and Bruce C. Nelson
1989 Technometric and Functional Analysis of Metal Artifacts from
the 17th Century Santa Fe de Toloca Mission, Florida. Paper
presented at the 1989 Annual Meeting of the Florida Anthropological
Society, Jacksonville.
Lee, Diantha Norris
1949a Archeological Survey. Manuscript on file at the Florida
Museum of Natural History.
1949b Excavation Prairie Creek Midden. Manuscript on file at the
Florida Museum of Natural History.
Lee, Richard, and I. DeVore (editors)
1968 Man the Hunter. Aldine, Chicago.
Lee, Richard B.
1971 Population Growth and the Beginnings of Sedentary Life j
among the !Kung Bushman. In Is there an Optimum Level of ; <
Population?, edited by S. Fred Singer. McGraw Hill-Book Company,
New York. pp. 329-342.
1972 Population Growth and the Beginnings of Sedentary Life the
!Kung Bushmen. In Population Growth: Anthropological
Implications, edited by Brian Spooner. MIT Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, pp. 329-342.


355
one, 8C0149, has been tested (Wayne and Dickinson 1986; Johnson, Nelson
and Terry 1988). The dating of this site is uncertain, but it is
listed here because it has the potential to be late precolumbian/
contact period. Most of this site has been destroyed by recent
construction of the Veterans Administration Domicilary. The mission
Mi .
period site, 8C0148, is little known except for tests on the downslope
periphery (Chance 1983) and surface collections in eroded jeep trails
by local residents. Permission to investigate has been denied because
j
of development plans which will undoubtedly destroy the site. Calvin
Jones recovered sherds from shovel tests at another site on the west
side of the lake. The site may be Weeden Island or pre-Leon Jefferson
r c
Indian Pond, but sample sizes were small.
. U.
Qualitative Quantitative
'c- size size
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8C0149, Forest Hills Academy large medium
Mission period site:
8C0148, North Alligator Lake
Summary: Sites are known to exist around Alligator Lake but there
r H l
are few data on any other them.
4. Charles Springs Cluster The 17th century site at Charles
Springs on the Suwannee River is presumed to be the Spanish mission of
San Juan de Guacara, identified from Spanish documents (Chapter II).
?The site is known archaeologically from surface collections by Mr.
Calvin Jones (personal communications to L.Jill Loucks,eand to Kenneth
Oohnson and Cliff Nelson). No late precolumbian/, contact period sites
have been .pa identified, though they almost certainly exist nearby.
Site 8SU67, a mission period site, located along the Suwannee River
downstream from Charles Spring, was surface collected by Jill Loucks;


193
Discussion. Artifact density profiles are shown to be an
effective tool for identifying site boundaries or artifact
concentrations and thus producing settlement and demographic data.
Artifact density profiles can be produced even where no surface is
visible and full-scale excavation are possible. The technigue is a
very narrowly defined but adequate measure of site size. The purposes
are limited. It is not a full description of all information
potentially present at the site.
The procedure has several advantages and disadvantages. The
advantages are that it is simple and thus easily followed by future
generations of archaeologists, it is relatively guick and efficient
compared with full-scale excavations and it is therefore relatively
inexpensive, and it can produce comparable demographic and settlement
data from large numbers of sites. The disadvantages are that it
provides only a narrow "window" into the site. A single transect may
produce misleading results if the transect cuts through only part of
the site. For this reason multiple parallel or intersecting transects
produce more reliable results. A single transect may be sufficient if
the site is small and the artifact distribution is continuous, such as
at a single farmstead or small hamlet. But at a large village and/or a
site containing an artifact-free central plaza or other
"irregularities," multiple long transects are needed.
Artifact density is a function of length of occupation and
population density, but the nature of the relationship is unclear.
Artfact density is used here only to determine site boundaries and site
area. Length of occupation is a particularly difficult methodological
problem which is the subject of a separate section above. Only single


463
Charnov, Eric L. G. H. Orians, and K. Hyatt
1976 Ecological Implications of Resource Depression. American
Naturalist 110:247-259.
Cheney, Claire
1949 Archaeology 442. Manuscript on file at the florida Museum of
Natural History.
n.d. Prairie Creek Midden. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum
of Natural History. Circa 1949.
Christenson, Andrew. L.
1980 Change in the Human Niche Response to Population Growth. In
Modeling Change in Prehistoric Subsistence Economies. Timothy K,
Earle and Andrew L. Christenson, editors. Academic Press, New
York.
Christman, Heidi
1954 Survay [sic] of Six Florida Sites. Manuscript on file at the
Florida Museum of Natural History.
Clarke, David L.
1977 Spatial Information in Archaeology. In Spatial
Archaeology, edited by D. L. Clarke, pp. 1-34. Academic Press,
London.
Clarke, William C.
1976 Maintenance of Agriculture and Human Habitats within
the Tropical Forest Ecosystem. Human Ecology 4:247-259.
Clausen, Carl don
1962 Anthropology 501 Field Report. Manuscript on file at the
Florida Museum of Natural History.
Cleland, Charles E.
1976 The Focal-Diffuse Model: An Evolutionary Perspective on the
Prehistoric Cultural Adaptations of the Eastern United States.
Midcontinental Journal of Anthropology 1:59-76.
Cody, Martin L.
1981 The Uses of Optimal Foraging Theory in Human Ecology.
In Hunter-Gatherer Foraging Strategies, edited by Bruce
Winterhalder and Eric Alden Smith. University of Chicago Press.
Cohen, Mark N.
1975 Archeological Evidence for Population Pressure in Pre- <
Agricultural Societies .^ American Antiquity 40:471-475.
1977 The Food Crisis in Prehistory: Overpopulation and the
Origins of Agriculture. Yale University Press, New
Haven.


precolumbian/contact period sites are commonly large and compact, and
their locations are often limited to a narrow range of environmental
zones and microenvironmental settings. In contrast, there is a greater
diversity in mission period site sizes and microenvironmental settings.
In both regions sites are often found in clusters, and are related to
the system of trails which existed in north Florida (and which were
reconstructed as part of the analysis). In the late
precolumbian/contact period the local community was most often
represented by a cluster of sites which were all the same size, or by a
single large site. In the mission period the local community was
usually represented by a cluster composed of one large site and a
larger number of smaller sites.
Evidence for population decline is indicated in the abandonment of
some clusters after the late precolumbian/contact period, and the
increased number of dispersed or short term sites in the mission
period. Some mission period sites are dispersed in linear arrangements
as though placed at intervals along roads, and are often situated on
hilltops far removed from aquatic habitats. Changes in settlement
systems reflect adaptations to demographic decline and the changing
cultural and natural environments of 16th and 17th century northern
Florida, consequences of the European presence.
xv


433
found in the region, such as Fox Pond and Richardson, but little is
known about other sites in their clusters.
The Santa Fe mission site (Chapter VII) is part of the Santa Fe
cluster. In this cluster the larger number but smaller sizes and low
artifact density mission period sites contrast sharply with the one
large, dense and compact late precolumbian/contact period site. The
Santa Fe site itself is characterized as medium sized and compact, not
because of artifact density, which is light, but because of the close
spacing of Residential Areas A and B and the presence of the mission
complex. Santa Fe would be characterized as large if 8AL188b were
included as part of the mission village, but that is uncertain. An
artifact area in the next field, and called the East of Shealy site, is
immediately east of the mission might also cause the Santa Fe site to
be classed as large, but little work has been done in it and
contemporaneity is uncertain. Other major sites are known at Fig
Springs, Alligator Lake and Charles Spring, but few data are available
for other sites in their clusters.
At Indian Pond, like at Santa Fe, the only known late
precolumbian/contact period site is very large and compact. There is a
larger number of mission period sites. Most of the mission period
sites are smaller than the late precolumbian/contact period site, but
the mission period sites which are equally large or nearly as large as
the late precolumbian/contact period sites are dispersed or short terr|.
<
This cluster may reflect change in'commmunity'patterns within the
mission period as well as between the mission period and the late
precolumbian/contact period. There appears to be community pattern
change between the last two mission period sites in the chronological


8
Changes through time in settlement systems reflect adaptations to
the changing cultural and natural environments of 16th through 18th
century Florida. They reflect adaptations to the conditions of
demographic and cultural change associated with European colonization.
Such events were part of the larger events taking place throughout
Florida and the New World as consequences of the European presence.


L. J
267
10
LJ
10
a.
L_
I <

Vaa'
I
10
Jtfjure 7-5. Santa Fe Site, Locations of Structure 1 (cluster of soil
core dots and Three 2 x 2 M test pits); Structure 2 (shaded oval to
west); ^.Structure 3 (shaded oval to south and soil core dots); cemeter)
(at top; showing area excavated and burial pit outlines); unidentified
large feature (cluster of test pits and trenches) immediately northest
of Structure 1; Type 10 spikes from metal detector survey; and all
other 2 x 2 m test pits excavated at the site.


245
between east and west Florida (that is, between St. Augustine and
Apalachee), and movements along another trail which extended southward
toward the Ocale and Acuera provinces (Chapter VI) and northward toward
Georgia.
The dates for majolica ceramics at 8AL190 are from the time of the
Spanish missions. The heavy investment of materials (spikes and nails)
and labor (large posts and presumably sawn planks) indicate that this
was an important site. There does not appear to be any other known
site or cluster of sites in the region which would be an equally good
candidate for the mission of Santa Fe de Toloca. For all of these
reasons, 8AL190 is identified as the site of Santa Fe de Toloca.
Though knowledge of the precise location of the Santa Fe mission
was apparently lost in the early 18th century, the general area was
still known in the late 18th century. The 1778 Purcell-Stewart map of
the trail across northern Florida (Boyd 1939) indicates "Santa Fe old
fields," written in large letters across a portion of the map. This
area includes northwestern Alachua County, southeastern Columbia County
and southwestern Union County, including the area of site 8AL190.
Historic Background: Mission Santa Fe de Toloca
Santa Fe operated simultaneously with several other missions in
northern Florida. These included most notably San Francisco de Potano,
4 leagues (10 to 15 miles) south of Santa Fe, and San Martin de
Timuqua, some distance west of Santa Fe (Geiger 1940:126). (Figure 3-
2). San Francisco may be the Fox Pond site in northwestern Gainesville
(Symes and Stephens 1965), and San Martin may be the Fig Springs site
along the Ichetucknee River in Columbia County (Weisman 1988; Deagan


444
I
increasing instability and eventual collapse of the aboriginal cultures
and the Spanish mission system in Florida.
Table 10-5: Summary of Settlement Pattern Types
Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition region
Utina/Late Indian
Pond complex region
Late precolumbian/
contact period
consolidated
(clustered)
consolidated
(clustered)
Mission
period
consolidated
(clustered)
consolidated
(clustered)
Table 10-6: Summary of Changes in Community Patterns and Environmental
Zones and Settings
Late precolumbian/
contact period
Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition region:
Often medium to
large, often compact
Narrow range of common
site sizes (low
diversity)
Late precolumbian/
contact period
Total number of sites
small (problems with
ceramics?), reguiring
adjustment
Some areas abandoned
after the period
(Bivans Arm, Newnans
Lake)
In some clusters, all
sites same size, such
as several mediums
Few dispersed or short
term sites
Mission
period
No one size dominates
though sample size is small
Wider range of common
site sizes
Mission
period
Decreased total
number of sites
* j. I V.v: -
In some clusters, 1
large site and larger
number of smaller
sites


43
patterns have played less of a role in catchment studies than have
resource studies (Roper 1979:120).
The current research attempts to integrate different levels of
spatial analysis. Most published research deals only with one level,
while calling for (but rarely attempting) integration with these other
levels.
Definition of Terms
The settlement or the community is defined as "the local context
wherein the members of a commmunity are presumed to have resided and
lived their daily lives" (Chang 1961). Many archaeological studies
have been done at this level of the community or the settlement (e.g.,
Milanich et al. 1984). The community is viewed functionally as those
people who interact on a daily basis within a particular natural
environment. The approach reflects Julian Steward's concept of
cultural ecology. The question is, which factors determine where
people live? At all three levels of analysis, people are adapting to,
drawing subsistence from, and interacting with their natural
environments. Settlement patterns are one strategy for adapting to the
particular environments and to environmental stress. But at all three
levels other factors are also present, including ecological,
demographic, economic, social, political, belief systems, historical
and other factors. Different factors may take on greater or lesser
importance at the different levels, and at different levels the
different factors may interact in different ways.
As used here community pattern refers to patterning at the local
level, settlement patterns refers to patterning at the regional level,
and settlement systems refers to integration of community and


248
villages, and hanged several chiefs, including the chief at Santa Fe.
In 1659 a measles epidemic swept through Florida, presumably affecting
the people of Santa Fe (Dobyns 1983:280).
The above-described historical events probably occurred at site
8AL190. The following historical events may have occurred at another,
later mission of Santa Fe, perhaps to be found in the same general
locality. As noted above, the Santa Fe site (8AL190) dates to the
first half of the 17th century. There is no evidence for late 17th
century occupation at this site. Conseguently it is likely that 8AL190
was abandoned as a result of one of the four catastrophes of the mid-
17th century, either the rebellion of 1656 or the epidemics of 1649,
1653 and 1659. Following abandonment, the mission complex must have
been rebuilt at a different location, as the documents continue
referring to the name. Several candidates for this late-17th century
version of Santa Fe have been found but have not yet been thoroughly
investigated, including an unidentified large daub structure in the
next field immediately east of 8AL190.
Up until the time of the rebellion, the aboriginal system of
paramount chiefs had continued to function, at least in times of
emergency (Milanich 1972). But from this time on, Spanish authorities
maintained firmer control over the Indians, and only local village
chiefs were permitted. Perhaps also after this time there were no
longer any large, independent villages of unmissionized Indians in
north Florida, though a few small isolated villages, farmsteads and
scattered individuals who successfully avoided Spanish control may have
remained. The next two decades were the "golden age" to the
missionaries because this was the period during which they had greatest


183
Site boundaries refer to simple presence or absence of artifacts,
with several exceptions. Some tests even beyond the site boundaries
may contain one or more artifacts. Artifact density profiles are used
to show which of these tests should and should not be included within
the site boundaries. The slope of the curve of the profiles will show
where the boundaries should be drawn. If the profiles do not show a
slope, that is, if there are too few artifacts, then the test size was
too small. Some tests within the site may contain no artifacts,
especially if the test size selected is too small. For example, many
auger tests and shovel tests will produce no artifacts even within a
known site, if the artifact density is light. Larger test sizes are
needed at these sites. Plazas and mounds are considered part of the
site even though no artifacts may be present.
The slope of the curve and break-off points distinguish site core
(or nuclear area), site periphery, and non-site areas. In most sites
investigated thus far by this method, there are readily distinguishable
break-off points or cutoff distances (Carr 1984:180) in the slope of
the curves, such as at Palmore and Fig Springs. The concentrations are
so clearly seen on the graphs that further quantitative methods to
define boundaries are unnecessary (Glassow 1977:194). The method is
less useful at sites where the drop-off point is less abrupt and more
gradual. The most common problem with the profiles is that test unit
sizes, such as auger tests at many sites, were too small to produce
enough artifacts for graphing. Such histograms of artifact density to
show site boundaries and activity areas can also be created from
surface collection data (Gallant 1986:407).


178
gray squares). It is called the "pure area" because there is no
overlap from Lower Slope, in contrast to the Across the Ditch area.
D. Lower Slope Area Within Indian Pond East. This area contains
a large scatter of artifacts indicating a large Indian village, larger
than the limited cluster of grid units which were collected (Figures 5-
7 and 5-8, the easternmost ten or so open, unshaded squares in Indian
Pond East). The assemblage is the Indian Pond Complex. Seriations
indicate a prehistoric site, possibly late prehistoric because it post
dates the Little Hell Lake site to the west, and pre-dates the Spanish
period components at Indian Pond (Johnson and Nelson 1990).
Summary. The effectiveness of controlled surface collecting, in
contrast to other techniques, was demonstrated at several sites. At
Otter Bay, a casual walk across the surface may convince one that few
artifacts are present and there is little potential information.
However, controlled surface collecting and mapping revealed the
locations of several probable houses, features, artifact
concentrations, and the overall community pattern (Figure 5-5).
Controlled surface collections at the other sites also yielded
important data. At Santa Fe the previously unknown location of two
separate residential areas, the plaza or courtyard separating them, the
locations of probable clay walls around or along parts of the plaza,
and a light scatter of artifacts marking the edge of the cemetery
(Chapter VII) were found. Similar collections at Indian Pond revealed
several distinct residential areas, which identification permitted the
construction of ceramic seriations and led to the identification of the
Indian Pond ceramic complex (Chapter IV). Controlled surface
collections revealed that the Palmore site (8AL189) v/as a large


417
ponds, lakes or streams. Sites on high ground are most often
classified by reference to the aquatic system to which they are
nearest, rather than to their topographic setting. "Hillcrest"
(setting type #6) is a residual category for high ground sites which do
not fit into any other category.
Similar classificatory problems are found for the Utina region.
Despite these classificatory difficulties, most Potano mission period,
sites are nevertheless found on hilltop-like high ground, and the
hypothesis is accepted for the Potano mission period. This hypothesis
is useful in the Potano/Alachua area because it highlights this
difference between the mission period settlement pattern and the late
precolumbian/contact period settlement pattern.
The hilltop/high ground hypothesis is also supported in the Utina
region, but it is not particularly useful in that region. The problem
is that the hilltop/high ground hypothesis is also supported for the
late precolumbian/contact period, and the hypothesis therefore has
little utility in distinguishing the two periods in that region. Sites
in the Utina/Late Indian Pond region, more so than in the
Potano/Alachua region, were found on high ground also in the late
precolumbian/contact period. Even if the mission period sites are
found exclusively on high ground (hilltops), the pattern is obscured by
the late precolumbian/contact period pattern of sites also occupying
these same types of settings. There is therefore less contrast betwefen
' G
the two period in terms of settlement patterns.


320
of the 17th century component. The 19th century occupation would have
been part of the nearby community of Bland.
The Spanish component at Carlisle probably represents a medium
sized village (Chapter VIII). The occupation dates to the latter half
of the 17th century (Chapter IV). It could have been the site of a
mission visita, or other type of Spanish-period Christianized-Indian
occupation such as a cattle ranch, wheat farm or simply a small
village. The ceramic assemblage is somewhat different from that at
8AL190, the Santa Fe site. It is not clear if the difference
represents slightly different periods of occupation or the presence of
a different native group, such as the Yustega. These site occupants
may have been from one of the groups brought to the Santa Fe mission by
the Spaniards in the late 17th century.
The presence of the religious medallion hints that these people,
or some of them, were missionized Indians. They could have been served
by the Santa Fe mission. Shovel tests and posthole tests over a wide
area failed to detect any evidence of a mission building, further
suggesting this was an outlying homestead associated with the mission.
The presence of two expensive, high status items (the medallion and a
cut quartz bead) might suggest relatively wealthy individuals, but the
absence of majolica, nails and other Spanish goods that may indicate
status refutes that suggestion.
Emerson Cornfield Site, 8AL2367
The grog tempering of many sherds at this site appears to indicate
a Spanish period occupation, even though no Spanish artifacts or Leon-
Defferson or Lamar complicated stamped sherds were identified. An
unusually large proportion of the sherds had been decorated then


426
The Indian Pond complex is associated with the 17th century Utina
ethnic group. Documents leave no doubt that the region between the
Santa Fe and Suwannee Rivers (Columbia and Suwannee counties and
adjacent areas) was Utina territory. Archaeological surveys in that
same region reveal no other major pottery complex from the end of early
Weeden Island times (A.D. 700) to the Leon-Uefferson of the mission
period. The 16th century Utina of the contact period were the
ancestors of the 17th century Utina. They occupied the same territory,
and there is no documentary, linguistic or archaeological evidence for
mass migrations, abandonment of the territory or displacement by other
groups. All data indicate that the Indian Pond complex was associated
with the northern Utina ethnic group.
One consequence of identifying this assemblage is the re-drawing
of the boundary between Alachua and Indian Pond assemblages and the
associated Potano and Utina native groups. The Santa Fe River was long
thought to be the boundary but it is not; all identified late sites
along the Santa Fe River display pottery of the Indian Pond complex
rather than Alachua tradition ceramics. This strongly suggests that
Utina territory included the Santa Fe River. An additional
consequence is to challenge the commonly held assumption that the
mission of Santa Fe de Toloca was a Potano Indian mission rather than
an Utina Indian mission. Early Spanish documents do not state that
Santa Fe was a Potano mission. The concept of Potano territory j
(
reaching the Santa Fe River is not supported by archaeological
evidence.


97
The Early Explorations and the Missions as
Sources of Settlement Data
This section contains historical data relevant to Potano and
northern Utina settlement. The data are taken primarily from Ore
(1936) and Geiger (1937). Additional data are found in the excellent
studies by John Hann (1986a, 1986b, 1989, n.d.a, n.d.b, n.d.c). Few
archaeological data are included; they are presented in the chapter on
settlement patterns (Chapter VII).
As recounted above, the Western Timucuans included the Potano,
northern Utina (in this section called simply the Utina), Yustaga and
other groups (Milanich 1978:69). The Potano occupied present-day
Alachua County and the Yustaga occupied Madison and northern Taylor
counties (Milanich 1978:70). The Utina were in Columbia, Hamilton,
Suwannee and Union counties and adjacent areas extending northward into
south Georgia (Milanich 1978:70). Apalachee Indians, non-Timucuan,
Muskhogean speakers, lived west of Yustaga.
The earliest information on settlement patterns comes from the
1339 de Soto chronicles, but these data present several problems
resulting from omissions and errors in the narratives. Garcilaso de la
Vega's account (Garcilaso 1962) provides the most details but also
contains the largest number of errors. It was based on interviews with
survivors of the expedition and can only be used as a secondary source.
The primary sources, Biedma (1904), Elvas (1907), and Ranjel (1904) are
generally more reliable but are less detailed. Here the portions of
Garcilaso that are verified or at least not disputed by the other
accounts will be used while the portions that are contradicted by the
other accounts are not.


37
this trend reversed during the cultural transformation associated with
the prophet Handsome Lake during the late 18th and early 19th centuries
(Wallace 1969:194-196, 303-315). Why did the Timucuans not accomplish
a similar cultural revitalization? Timucuan leadership structure broke
down by the early 17th century and after that time the "chiefs"
functioned in that role only in exceptional circumstances such as the
revolt of 1656 (Milanich 1978:67-68; Hann n.d.:3). But leadership is
only one of many interrelated cultural and ecological factors, as
listed above in an earlier section of this chapter.
That section discussed the links among human demographic, cultural
and ecological change. Many of those principles and processes would
have been in effect for the Timucua. The Timucua of Florida, in
particular their settlement system changes, thus provide a case study
of those principles and processes of demographic, cultural and
ecological change.
The following sections deal separately with community patterns and
settlement patterns. Specifically, the first section presents
community pattern hypotheses for testing, bridging arguments and
observational predictions. The next section then deals with regional
settlement pattern models which have been developed previously for
northern Florida. Separate chapters then test these two sets of
hypotheses, and the results are integrated in the final chapter.
History of Settlement Studies and Definition of Terms
Archaeological studies of regional settlement patterns began with
Gordon Willey's work in the Viru Valley, Peru (1953, 1956) and with the


74
Figure 3-1. General Location Map: Eastern Utina, Northern Utina, and
Pot ano.


416
increased occupation of crests and upper slopes, and less occupation of
lower slopes near wet areas. Some of these changes are best seen at
individual clusters of sites such as Indian Pond. There are also
differences in the patterns of smaller sites versus larger sites,
described below.
Interestingly, between the two periods there is a change in the
degree of diversity/homogeneity of Potano microenvironmental settings.
There is increased diversity of settings in the mission period, in
contrast to the earlier period. This increased diversity is seen in
the types of wetlands near which sites were situated. Four different
types of wetlands have equally high numbers of sites in the mission
period. This suggests decreased selection by 17th century peoples for
type of wetland as a factor in site locations. The implication is that
wetlands resources are relatively less important to aboriginal diet,
health and economy in the mission period, or that the Indians were
being forced into these new settings by those who controlled them.
Surprisingly few Potano and Utina mission period sites are
classified as hilltop sites. However, the low number of these sites is
somewhat misleading. Most Potano mission period sites are found in the
deciduous or mixed forest uplands, and they are therefore on high
ground. However, because of the nature of the topography, there are
fewer sharply-rising, easily-defined hillcrests. The topography is
generally flat or gently rolling, and most relief is created by
downcutting and entrenched streams and lakes, especially along the ,
scarps of ancient shoreline terraces. As a result, classification of
settings is sometimes difficult. Most "hilltops" are actually
gradually-rolling terraces, scarps or bluffs above these entrenched


438
surprising for large sites on large hills because large populations
need more space. More interesting are small sites on large features,
such as small sites on large hilltops, where the scale of the site does
not match the scale of the dominant topographic feature. Part of the
explanation may be as simple as digging wells on hilltops with the
newly-acquired metal tools, but other factors are also involved in site
selection processes (see last sections of this chapter).
The lakes and wetlands in the Potano/Alachua tradition region,
such as Orange Lake, Newnans Lake, and Paynes Prairie, exist on a
larger scale than those in the Utina region, such as Alligator Lake,
Peacock Lake and White Lake. A much greater diversity and abundance of
lake and wetland resources were reliable and available to the Potano
than to the Utina. The Potano were able to exist as a powerful,
society because of the existence of these resources.
During the mission period in the Potano/Late Alachua tradition
region, the number of site in the deciduous or mixed forest uplands
remains the same (7 sites), but there is a sharp drop-off in the number
of sites in the lake district (down to 2 sites), in contrast to the
earlier period. Though the sample size is small, no other zone is
represented, indicating homogeneity in zone selection. This high
degree of Potano mission period environmental zone selection is matched
in only one other case, the late precolumbian/contact period in the
Utina/Late Indian Pond region. Within these two broad zones, three!
..... ¡ sod '('ciduou? 'r for?'*!- '
microenvironmental site settings are represented: large lakes and .
swamps, small flow-through aquatic systems, and small land-locked
aquatic systems. That is, Potano mission period sites retain an
orientation to small wetlands within drier zones. This represents a


495
Popple, Henry
1733 A Map of the British Empire in America with the French and
Spanish Settlements Adjacent Thereto. Facsimile at University of
Florida Map Library, Gainesville, FL. Also proproduced in Bureau
of American Ethnology Bulletin 73, Plate 4, by John R. Swanton,
United States Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
Potter, Lieutenant (Woodburne?)
n.d. Plan of Military Square No. 10. United States National
Archives, Record Group 77, Civil Works Map File, L247-90.
Purcell, Joseph'
1778 A Map of the Road From Pensacola in West Florida to St.
Augustine in East Florida. PKY 523, P. K. Yonge Library of
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Rains, Captain G. I.
n.d. Map of Square No. 7, Micanopy and Vicinity. United States
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1776 A General Map of the Southern British Colonies in America.
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n.d. Map of Square No. 2. United States National Archives, Record
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Scarritt, Lieutenant J. M.
n.d. Sketch of Road from Black Creek to Newnansville. United States
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1817 The South in 1817. Reproduction from an ingraving in the
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n.d. Topographical Outline Sketch of Square No. 1. United States
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I
Square No. 12
n.d. Map of Square No. 12 Newnansville and Vicinity. United
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L247-92.


482
Peterson, Curtiss, E., and Timothy A. Thompson
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1981 Game, Farming, and Interethnic Relations in Northeastern
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1951 Archaeological Survey in the Lower Mississippi Alluvial
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1974 Evolutionary Ecology. Harper and Row, New York.
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1968 The Potlatch System of the Southern Kwakiutl: a New
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1982 Resource Use, Competition, and Rsource Availability in Hawaiian
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Pitzke, George, III
n.d. Reports on the Whitehurst Site (8AL35), Suwannee Site (8SU2) and
Material from the Ichatucknee River (8C018SU55). Manuscript on
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n.d. Archeology Report, APY 501. Manuscript on file at the Florida
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- 1 _ * <
1
Plyler, Mary
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1962 A Surface Survey of Area "C." Manuscript on file at the
Florida Museum of Natural History. [Western Gainesville area.]


54
social control and cohesion is reflected in community patterns, in this
case, whether settlement systems are compact or dispersed (Renfrew
1979:484). Other factors resulting from reduced population density
include reduced requirements for the subsistence system, less pressure
on resources, opening of gaps between groups, reduced competition for
land, and possibly decline of territoriality (Cashdan 1983) (except for
deerskin producing), and reduced need and ability to support numerous
levels of social hierarchy which regulate internal and external
relations.
Archaeologists have long made the assumption that the presence of
features of community patterns such as mounds, plazas and palisades
indicates the presence of hierarchial organization, and strong social
control mechanisms. Conversely, the opposite assumption is that the
lack of these features in a community indicates a lack of strong,
formal social control mechanisms.
In the hypothetical absence of further outside contact or
epidemics, eventually population size might have stablized and then
increased (as did the population of the 18th century Seminole Indians),
viable villages reestablished through amalgamation, local ecological
relationships and traditional subsistence tasks resumed, and
traditional cultural institutions and elements (except those lost
through death of specialists) reasserted. In a region such as north
central Florida, typically long-term human interaction with the
ecosystems, abundant land and other natural resources, technology for
broad spectrum procurement, and cultural traditions of high population
density, we would predict rapid demographic and cultural
reestablishment following a catastrophe (Renfrew 1979:484). In effect,


465
Cutler, Katherine H.
1949 A Report on the Archeological Excavations Conducted by the
Class, Sy 400, University of Florida, Summer 1949. Manuscript on
file at the Florida Museum of Natural History.
Daniel, Thomas W.
1951 Report on an Excavation at Palm Point. Report on file at the
Florida Museum of Natural History.
Darwin, Charles
1859 The Origin of Species. John Murray, London.
Davis, J.H., Or.
1946 The Peat Deposits of Florida, their Occurrence, Development and
Uses. Florida Geological Survey Bulletin 30. Tallahassee.
Davis, John H., Or.
1946 The Peat Deposits of Florida; Their Pccurrence, Development,
and Uses. Geological Bulletin Number 30, Florida Geological
Survey, Tallahassee.
Day, Gordon M.
1953 The Indian as an Ecological Factor in the Northeastern
Forest. Ecology 34;329-346.
Deagan, Kathleen A.
1972 Fig Springs: The Mid-Seventeenth Century in North-Central
Florida. Historical Archaeology 6:23-46.
1978 Cultures in Transition: Fusion and Assimilation among the
Eastern Timucua. In Tacachale, Essays on the Indians of Florida
and Southeastern Georgia during the Historic Period, edited by
Jerald T. Milanich and Samuel Proctor, pp. 89-119. University
Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
Deetz, James F.
1965 The Dynamics of Stylistic Change in Arikara Ceramics. Illinois
Studies in Anthropology No. 4.
1978 Archaeological Investigations at La Purisima Mission. In
Historical Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and
Theoretical Contributions, edited by Robert L. Schuyler.
Baywood Publishing Company, Farmingdale, New York. pp.
160-190.
Pv
Deevey, Edward S., Jr.
1978 Holocene Forests and Maya Disturbance near Quexil Lake,
Peten, Guatemala. Polskie Archiwum Hydrobiologii (Pol.
Arch. Hydrobiol.) 25(1/2):117-129.


307
Table 7-12. Continued.
Note: The grog tempering in sherds at this site is different from the
grog tempering found in Leon-Jefferson ceramics; the vast majority of
the grog tempered sherds at this site are not Leon-Jefferson.
Table 7-13: 8AL189, Artifacts from 1986 Shovel Tests, Plow Zone Only
1 Sand tempered incised
1 Grog tempered incised
1 Sand tempered simple stamped
1 Sand tempered cord marked
1 Sand tempered fabric impressed
1 Sand tempered cob marked
11 Other sand tempered
4 Sand tempered plain
7 Grog tempered plains
3 Limestone (?) tempered plain
1 Rim, grog tempered complicated stamped
1 Rim, sand tempered plain
2 Rims, grog tempered
1 Rim, grog (?) tempered
228 Sand tempered, too small to classify
36 Grog tempered, too small to classify
16 Limestone (?) tempered, too small to classify
clear if this Spanish period component is contemporaneous with the rest
of the Palmore site. Artifacts were recovered during a limited metal
detector survey, augering at 10 m intervals in transects. The metal
detector survey was the most productive technique (Table 7-14) but was
hindered by hundreds of modern fence wire fragments and nails. Most of
the Spanish artifacts listed in Table 7-14 were recovered during the
metal detector survey, except for the two sherds which were recovered
from the surface. Soil resistivity survey of one 20 X 20 m block *
encompasing much of the Birdhouse Area encountered several anamolies
but no suburface testing was conducted. No plowing or controlled
surface collecting was done in this area.


Drawn at 22 cm B.S. except as otherwise indicated. The large post may
represent the southeast corner of Structure i, the presumed church.
Features
feature 1: Brown sand with flecks of charcoal
Feature 2: Probable small post hole and post mold. 8rown sand with
flecks of charcoal. Drawn at 17.5 cm B.S. (at base of plow zone).
Feature 3: Remnant of charred post. Mass of charcoal chunks mixed
with burned clay fragments. Many wood fibers are standing vertical.
All charcoal ended at 31 cm B.S.
Feature 4: Mass of burned clay fragments and chunks of charcoal.
Feature AA: Area with numerous flecks of charcoal.
Feature 5: Hard packed clayey sand, possible intact floor remnant or
I support pad for a post (as at Fig Springs). Drawn at 22 cm B.S. A
small portion of Feature 5 (touching Feature AA) i3 separated from the
larger portion by a modern plow scar.
Feature 6: Small square of reddish clayey sand. Additional chunks of
fired clay were scattered across the test pit, but are not shown
individually (more are depicted on the field copy of the map, on file
at the Florida Museum of Natural History.)
Feature 7: larqe post hole, 50 to 60 cm in diamter. Contains Features
3, 4 and 4A and Map Specimens 3 and 6. all found above 31 cm B.S. No
artifacts (except 2 chert flakes) or charcoal below that level. A
shallow, wide, flat-bottomed trough (an erection or demolition trench?)
extends eastward from Feature 7 and beneath Feature 5. Possible basket
loading in Feature 7 at 70 cm B.S. and in the profile wall beneath
Feature 5, shown as wavy lines on the plan view.
Mao Specimens
MS-1
down.
MS-2
MS-3
down.
MS-A
MS-5
MS-6
MS-7
MS-8
MS-9
MS-10
MS-11
MS-12
MS-13
Wrought iron square nail. Type 6, standing vertical with head
(All metal identified by Jonathan Leader and B. Cliff Nelson.)
17 cm B.S.
Wrought Iron square nail fragment, standing vertically, head
Green glazed olive jar sherd
Wrought iron square nail fragments
Green glazed olive jar sherd
Majolica sherd, 17.5 cm 8.S.
Wrought iron square nail, Type 6
Green Glazed olive jar sherd, 27 cm B.S.
Marine shell fragment, 26 cm B.S.
Aboriginal sherd and clay rubble, 24-27 cm B.S.
Fired clay daub, 29 cm B.S.
Bone, possible human pelvis and tibia fragments (Dr. William
Maples, Florida Museum of Natural History, personal communication), JO-
34 cm 8.S.
MS-14 Wrought iron square nail, Type 6 or 7, 32 cm B.S.
MS-15 Wrought iron square nail fragment, 39 cm B.S.
I
Figure 7-15. Santa Fe Site, Test Pit 102, Plan View of Charred Post
(Feature 3) within Large Post Hole (Feature 7), Clayey Sand Floor
Remnant or Support Pad, and Associated Features and Artifacts.


CHAPTER IX
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS: CONSOLIDATED OR DIFFUSE, ENVIRONMENTAL
ZONES AND SETTINGS, AND HYPOTHESIS TESTING
The preceding chapter dealt with community patterns; the current
chapter deals with settlement patterns. Both sets of data will be
integrated in the final chapter, Chapter X.
The community pattern study discussed in Chapter VIII was complex,
involving different types of investigations, data sets and levels of
analysis. The settlement pattern study is simpler, involving primarily
the locations of sites. Regional site distributions are examined in
order to address two sets of data: (1) the extent to which settlement
patterns are consolidated or diffuse, and (2) the environmental zones
and settings of sites.
The concepts of consolidated and diffuse were developed in Chapter
II, Research Problems. That chapter also summarized three models for
predicting site locations, and included a list (also reproduced as
Table 9-2) of environmental zones and settings against which the set of
site locations will be tested. The consolidated/diffuse question is
addressed first.
Consolidated or Diffuse Settlement Patterns
As has been demonstrated in Chapter VIII, the vast majority of.
identified Potano/Late Alachua Tradition and Utina/Late Indian Pond
complex sites are found in clusters (Figures). This cluster pattern,
which holds true for both the late precolumbian/contact period and the
396


Site Name_
# 8-
Other
References_
POTANO, VERY LATE PRECOLUMBIAN/CONTACT/VERY EARLY MISSION PERIOD
No change yet apparent in ceramicsstill a high % of cob over
cord marked. Spanish artifacts occasionally but no Leon-Oeff.
POTANO, FULL MISSION PERIOD Leon-Oeff replaces Alachua Tradition.
San Marcos may be present. Majolica dates.
UTINA, VERY LATE PRECOLUMBIAN/CONTACT/VERY EARLY MISSION PERIOD
No change yet apparent in ceramics. Still Indian Pond complex.
UTINA, FULL MISSION PERIOD Leon-Oeff replaces Indian Pond.
!
Diagnostics:
s.
C.
>.
K*-'
Compact or dispersed. Answer at least one of the following:
1. Density of debris: High Medium Low
Is this from surface or from subsurface
data?
How determined/reference
2.
m
Spacing, gaps between houses: Distance between houses
Is there space for one or more houses between houses?
Yes
Do artifact concentrations overlap?
How determined/reference
Conclusions: Site is compact
1. Site Size: Dimensions
Diameter m or ft
Sq. m
No
or dispersed
Ref erence
Reference
Is this from
surface or
subsurface data? Or both
2.
Probable estimated total number of houses
1-2 3-10 More than 10 _
How determined/reference
3. Presence of mound plaza or other internal differentiation
Conclusion: Site is Large Medium Small
1. Board environmental zones/districts (circle or check one)
a. Riverine (within 2 miles of river). River
Green desert/dry sandhill district.
b.
c.
d.
e.
Lake district (either Potano or Utina lake districts)
Elatwoods and high plain swamp district.
None of the above: other
2.
Microenvironments/settings (circle or check one)
a. Riverbank or lower slope at river
L b. Green desert/dry sandhills
64 c. Large lake, prairie, marsh or swampshore or lower slope
d. Small flow-through aquatic systems: small, flow-through,
swamps (often linear), lakes, ponds, marshes and streams.
e. Small land-locked aquatic systems: small, land-locked
lakes (sinkhole), ponds, isolated small swamps & marshes.
f. Hill crest or upper slope, more than 1/4 mile from river,
large lake, large prairie, large swamp. Water source
a. Specific soil type or family
b. General soil region
3.


338
Table 8-3. Continued.
Totals, both periods combined
Very large 3
Large 3
Medium 9
Small 0
Very small 6
21 TOTAL
sites (5 sites). This is the largest category for uncertain sites,
which may be either late precolumbian/contact or mission period, and
for both periods combined. Other patterns may also be seen in the
data, but the sample sizes are small.
Though the total number of Potano period sites is small, there
appear to be changes in community patterns from the late precolumbian/
contact period to the mission period. The number of medium, large and
very large villages declines from nine to three, and the number of very
small sites increases slightly from one to three. Total number of
sites also declines slightly, from ten to six. The two periods may be
roughly equivalent in total numbers, depending on the dating of the
either/or sites. This result is contrary to expectations. The
expectation was that the number of known sites would increase
dramatically in the mission period, not necessarily because of any
anticipated real increase in sites in the period, but because of the
increased ease in determining the presence of Leon-defferson ceramics
and Spanish artifacts. The change from nine to three sites may well \
. I v : +&
signal a population decline or other changes in Potano settlement or
community patterns (see below).


85
the 16th century Outina were a different people occupying a different
territory than the 17th century Utina.
Pedro Menendez de Aviles, founder of St. Augustine, provides
information on the location of Outina/Hotina/ eastern Utina. He
describes marching overland away from the St. Johns River to reach
chief Utina's town (Solis de Meras 1964:202). Albert Manucy summarized
the information as follows:
So upriver they went, a hundred men in three bergantines,
guided by an Indian interpreter. Against the current,
progress was slow; but by midnight of the second day they
were twenty leagues from San Mateo, and not far from the town
of the Cacigue Otina. At one in the morning they landed.
The guide led them through level lands toward the
settlement.... Envoys who went ahead reached the village
after daybreak.... (Manucy 1965:68)
The cacigue Otina is said to have been accompanied by 300 warriors.
Additional documentary, cartographic, geological, and
archaeological evidence supports the conclusion that the eastern Utina
were located in current Clay and Putnam counties, Florida. More
precisely, the following discussion is intended to show that Lake
Grandin or a larger, ancestral version of Lake Grandin in northwestern
Putnam County is most likely the lake that Le Moyne drew on his map in
1564, that the town of Utina shown on the map was probably located on
Lake Grandin, and that this region as a whole was the home of the
eastern Utina.
Cartographic evidence begins with Le Moyne's map of 1564,
reproduced as an engraving by de Bry (Lorant 1946:34-35). The St.
Johns River is drawn relatively accurately on this map. Though compass
directions are off, the curves in the river are drawn essentially
correct. Each curve is correct in direction of arc, degree of arc,


31
The increasing poverty and declining perogatives of the Indians
are seen in the documentary record. In 1600 taxes were reduced from
one arroba (approximately 23 pounds or 12 kg) of maize to six ears of
maize per Indian per year. The reduced taxes were said to be necessary
because of hardship and the poverty of the Indians (Canzo 1600 in
Loucks 1979:45). The increasing poverty may have been the result of
labor shortage and/or decling yields on worn out soils near permanent
mission stations.
Spaniards used the landscape in different ways than did the
natives. Plantations, ranches, and roads are low population density
uses. The Indians had resided across the landscape, interacting with,
evolving with and being dynamic components of the ecosystems for
thousands of years (Cohen 1977; Hassan 1980; Chapman et al. 1982), but
the Spaniards interrupted those mutualistic and coevolutionary
relationships and adaptations (Thompson 1982; D. Wilson 1980; Rindos
1983; Janzen 1980). For example, the introduced (by missionaries)
crops such as wheat or manioc (for example, at certain missions in
South America [Milton 1984) have different growing cycles than maize
and other traditional crops. Wheat is planted in the winter, maize in
the spring. The Spaniards pressured the Indians to grow wheat, but
doing so disrupted the Indians' traditional patterns of seasonality and
scheduling (Flannery 1968), with impacts throughout the system such as
protein deficiency among a large, artificially nucleated human
population (Milton 1984). There are no data on whether the sizes of
Indians' fields changed, or the relative proportions of wheat and maize
fields and sizes of harvests. The needs for provisioning St. Augustine
and constructing the castillo de San Marcos was another major burden on


471
Hames, Raymond B., and William T. Vickers
1982 Optimal Diet Breadth Theory as a Model to Explain Variability
in Amazonian Hunting. American Ethnologist 9(2)358-378.
Hann, Oohn H.
1986a Demographic Patterns and Changes in Mid-Seventeenth Century
Timucua and Apalache. Florida Historical Quarterly 64(4):371-392.
1986b Translation of Governor Rebolledo's 1657 Visitation of Three
Florida Provinces and Related Documents. Florida Archaeology 2:81-
146. Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research, Tallahassee.
1990 Apalachee, Land Between the Rivers. University Presses of
Florida, Gainesville.
1990 Summary Guide to Spanish Florida Missions and Visitas with
Churches in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. The Americas
XLVI(4):417-513 (April 1990).
n.d.a Western Timucua and its Missions. Manuscript on file at the
San Luis Archaeological and Historic Site, Tallahassee.
n.d.b The 1677-1678 Visitation of Guale, Apalachee, and Timuqua.
Manuscript on file at San Luis Archaeological and Historic Site,
Tallahassee.
Hardesty, Donald L.
1977 Ecological Anthropology. Cohn Wiley & Sons, New York.
1980 The Use of General Ecological Principles in Archaeology. In
Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, edited by Michael B.
Schiffer. 3:157-187.
Harpending, H. and H. Davis
1977 Some Implications for Hunter-Gatherer Ecology Derived from the
Spatial Structure of Resources. World Archaeology 8:275-286.
Harris, David
1971 The Ecology of Swidden Agriculture in the Upper Orinoco
Rain Forest, Venezuela. Geographical Review 61(4):475-495.
1977a Settling Down: An Evolutionary Model for the Transformation of
Mobile Bands into Sedentary Communities. In The Evolution of
Social Systems, edited by 0. Friedman and M.0. Rowlands.
Duckworth, London. Pp. 401-417. j
I
1977b Alternate Pathways Toward Agriculture. In Origins of
Agriculture, edited by Charles A. Reed. Mouton Publishers, The
Hague, pp. 179-243.


248
villages, and hanged several chiefs, including the chief at Santa Fe.
In 1659 a measles epidemic swept through Florida, presumably affecting
the people of Santa Fe (Dobyns 1983:280).
The above-described historical events probably occurred at site
8AL190. The following historical events may have occurred at another,
later mission of- Santa Fe, perhaps to be found in the same general
locality. As noted above, the Santa Fe site (8AL190) dates to the-
first half of the 17th century. There is no evidence for late 17th
century occupation at this site. Consequently it is likely that 8AL190
was abandoned as a result of one of the four catastrophes of the mid-
17th century, either the rebellion of 1656 or the epidemics of 1649,
1653 and 1659. Following abandonment, the mission complex must have
been rebuilt at a different location, as the documents continue
referring to the name. Several candidates for this late-17th century
version of Santa Fe have been found but have not yet been thoroughly
investigated, including an unidentified large daub structure in the
next field immediately east of 8AL190.
Up until the time of the rebellion, the aboriginal system of
paramount chiefs had continued to function, at least in times of
emergency (Milanich 1972). But from this time on, Spanish authorities
maintained firmer control over the Indians, and only local village
chiefs were permitted. Perhaps also after this time there were no
longer any large, independent villages of unmissionized Indians in J
north Florida, though a few small isolated villages, farmsteads ancj
scattered individuals who successfully avoided Spanish control may have
remained. The next two decades were the "golden age" to the
missionaries because this was the period during which they had greatest


12
1971:8; Anderson 1973; Vayda and MacCay 1975; Richerson 1977). The
components of adaptation include variation, selection, environment,
demography and adaptive strategies (Kirch 1982:115). Settlement
systems and settlement system shifts are seen as adaptive strategies or
components of adaptive strategies. They are human responses to stress,
in this case the stress of culture contact and domination. Adaptive
strategies are seen as integrated sets of cultural and natural factors,
processes and interrelationships. Humans are seen as components of
both the ecosystem and the cultural system. The distinction between
ecosystems and cultural systems is an analytical tool rather than a
reality. A cultural system and its ecosystem are in fact one system, a
"cultural ecosystem" or an "ecocultural system." The cultural system
and the ecosystem are subsystems.
When other components of the larger system change, settlement
systems also change. Outside forces may trigger changes throughout the
system. Stimuli trigger responses. In the colonial period in La
Florida (Spain's term for the greater southeastern United States),
European contact and domination were the source of outside stimuli
(i.e., the prime mover) for cultural and ecological changes. These
stimuli included epidemics of introduced disease and the resultant
demographic change, military conguest, slave raids, political
domination, religious proselytizing, forced labor through taxes and
peonage debt and other labor demands, induced social changes, and other
forms of socioeconomic and political domination. Outside forces caused
changes throughout the aboriginal systems. Some effects were direct
and some were indirect. Because of systemic interrelationships,
changes in one component entailed changes throughout other components


279
The top portion of the floor remnant had been removed by plowing
and the remaining portion was encountered at the base of the plowzone.
This floor or pad is hard-packed clayey sand rather than pure clay.
During the field investigations it was assumed to represent a floor
because a similar feature had been found at the Fig Springs mission
(8C01) (Johnson 1986, 1991). However, subsequent work at the San
Martin mission at Fig Springs by Brent Weisman has shown that the
feature was,a support pad for a post rather than a floor per se, and
that it was set into and surrounded by a true floor. San Martin and
Santa Fe were both founded by Prieto, and he may have built the two
churches in similar fashion.
The remnant of floor or support pad at Santa Fe is found
immediately adjacent to a very large post hole. The post hole
contained a large chunk of charcoal which has been identified as pine
(Donna Ruhl, personal communication, June 1990). The post hole is 45
cm across and extends to 85 cm below the surface, presumably
representing a major support post for the structure. The location of
this post in relation to the areal extent of red-stained soil (see
below) suggests that this may be a corner post at the southeast corner
of the structure. The size of the post hole and post suggest a large
structure, e.g., a church, rather than a small structure such as a
house.
There is evidence for two episodes of Spanish occupation at the
site. The evidence comes from Test Pit 102 (Figure 7-15), the same
test pit in which the post hole and floor remnant were found. Below
the level of the top floor, there is a second activity floor level also
containing Spanish artifacts.** Although there was no sign of a


116
This ceramic complex is renamed the Indian Pond complex. As
described in the above quotation and as shown on the seriation charts,
the Indian Pond complex includes the following sherd groups in varying
amounts: linear marked, cord marked, fabric marked, incised (frequently
a single line), and Lochloosa-like random punctated ceramics. The
linear marked group, as described in the above quotation, contains
sherds with an unidentified surface treatment. On different sherds the
treatment is similar in appearance to brushed, wiped, simple stamped or
scraped. The category needs to be subdivided (Worth in Weisman n.d.).
Bullen reported Chattahoochee Brushed sherds in buried Fort Walton
sites along the Chattahoochee River in Florida in contexts which he
could not explain (Bullen 1950, 1953; Goggin 1964:188).
Incised sherds typically have a single, narrow incised line. Most
sherds recovered are too small to determine whether additional lines
were present but widely spaced. The few large sherds recovered are
often similar to Keith Incised (Milanich et al. 1984: Figure 7.3).
Many otherwise plain rims have a single incised line, but the rims are
not as wide or distinctive as the classic Weeden Island Plain rims.
Punctated sherds are often Lochloosa-like random punctated, and many
others are similar to Carabelle Punctated (Milanich et al. 1984: Figure
4.10). However, the Carabelle Punctated type contains a great deal of
variation, and it is therefore not clear how the Indian Pond complex
ceramics may relate to or differ from that type. Minor but persistent
groups within the Indian Pond complex include check stamped, cob
marked, and St. Johns. Numerically, plain sherds are predominant over
all categories of decorated sherds.


488
Sullivan, Lynne P.
1987 The Mouse Creek Phase Household. Southeastern Archaeology
6(1):16-29.
Swanton, John R.
1922 Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors.
Government Printing Office, Washington.
1979 The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Smithsonian
Institution, bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 137.
Washington, D.C. Originally published 1946.
1985 Einal Report of the United States De Soto Expedition Commission.
Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. Originally
published 1939.
Symes, M.I., and M.E. Stephens
1965 A-272: The Fox Pond Site. Florida Anthropologist 18(2):65-76.
Taylor, Frederick W., Jr., and Lawrence C. Heilman
1956 A Surface Survey Report. Manuscript on file at the Florida
Museum of Natural History.
Testart, Alan
1982 The Significance of Food Storage among Hunter-Gatherers:
Residence Patterns, Population Densities, and Social Inegualities.
Current Anthropology 23(5) :523-537.
Thomas, A.D.
1949 Prairie Creek Midden, Final Report Upon. Manuscript on file at
the Florida Museum of Natural History.
Thomas, H.A. Jr.
1971 Population Dynamics of Primitive Societies. In Is There an
Optimum Level of Population?, edited by S.F. Singer, pp. 127-155.
McGraw Hill, New York.
Thompson, John N.
1982 Interaction and Coevolution. John Wiley and Sons, New York.
Tonkinson, Robert
1974 The Jigalong Mob: Aboriginal Victors of the Desert Crusade.
Cummings Publishing Co., Menlo Park, California.
Trigger, Bruce G. <
1968 The Determinants of Settlement Patterns. In Settlement 1
Archaeology, edited by K. C. Chang, pp. 53-78. National Press
Books, Palo Alto, California.
1978 Early Iroguoian Contacts with Europeans. In Handbook of North
American Indians, Volume 15, Northeast. Pp. 344-356. Smithsonian
Institution, Washington.


171
Figure 5-8.: Indian Pond Site (8C0229), Distributions of 17th Century
SpanisK Artifacts from Controlled Surface Collections
1 or more Spanish artifacts within the grid unit
Greater concentrations of Spanish artifacts


461
Brasser, T. 3.
1978 Early Indian-European Contacts. In Handbook of North American
Indians, Volume 15, Northeast. Pp. 78-88. Smithsonian
Institution, Washington, D.C.
Brezina, Richard, and Carla Isbell
1968 8AL27, An Alachua Complex Site near Gainesville, FL.
Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History.
Bronson, Bennet
1972 Farm Labor and the Evolution of Food Production. In
Population Growth: Anthropological Implications, edited by Brian
Spooner. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Bullen, Ripley P.
1949 The Woodward Site. Florida Anthropologist 2:49.64.
1950 An Archaeological Survey of the Chattahoochee River Valley in
Florida. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences 40(4):101-
125.
1953 Notes on the Seminole Archeology of West Florida. Southeastern
Archaeological Conference Newsletter 3(3):1819.
Bushnell, Amy
1978 The Menendea Marques Cattle Barony at La Chua and the
Determinants of Economic Expansion in Seventeenth-Century Florida.
Florida Historical Quarterly 56:407-431.
1981 The King's Coffer; Proprietors of the Spanish Florida
Treasury, 1565-1702. University Presses of Florida,
Gainesville.
Butzer, Karl W.
1971 Environment and Archeology; An Ecological Approach to
Prehistory. Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago, IL.
1982 Archaeology as Human Ecology: Method and Theory for a
Contextual Approach. Cambridge University Press, London.
Calaby, J.H.
1971 Man, Fauna, and Climate in Aboriginal Australia. In
Aboriginal Man and Environment in Australia. Edited by
D.J. Mulvaney and J. Golson. Australian National University Press,
Canberra.
Cantrell, B.C.
1955 Report on Excavations Conducted by the 1955 Summer
Archaeological Field Session of the University of Florida.
Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History.


394
diminishes somewhat when the adjustment factors are applied. Another
difference also appears when the adjusted numbers are applied. When
individual size classes are examined, there is- a larger number of small
sites than any other size class. However, when the broad categories of
^"larger" and "smaller" sites is used, there are more larger than
smaller sites. The peculiarity results because, in raw numbers, there
are so few very small sites to be added to the small sites to produce
the "smaller" category.
Another problem is a classificatory problem. The medium-sized
class of sites is included in the "larger" group rather than the
"smaller" group. The very large/large/medium/small/very small scheme
[was determined quantitatively at the beginnning of this chapter.
However, it seems likely that many sites classified as "medium" would
.be intuitively described as "a large village" by many people. For this
[reason, the medium class is included in the "larger" group for most
purposes.
In any case, the small sites are the most abundant single class
[size in this period. This abundance of small sites is especially
.interesting when contrasted with the general scarcity of small sites in
? the other time period and the other region. These inter-regional
differences will be compared below. Even though small sites are more
common in this period, there are too many sites of other sizes to say
|that small sites predominate. Also, there are more compact sites than
^dispersed sites, but the sample size is too small to verify or refute
hypotheses.


385
very small sites. To compensate for the bias, the number of small and
very small sites is multiplied by a factor of two. Perhaps an even
larger factor should be used, but there seems to be no objective way of
determining exactly what the factor should be.
Late precolumbian/contact period sites are also harder to identify
than are mission period sites. The number of late precolumbian/contact
period sites is also multiplied by a factor of two. These weighting
factors are probably conservative. The adjusted numbers of sites per
size class are presented in Table 8-9. Sites whose size is unknown are
deleted.
These adjusted (weighted) numbers of sites (per size class, period
and region) will be employed in the next section. Then the results
will be used to test the hypotheses which were presented in Chapter II.
Table 8-9: Weighting factors for Adjusting the Numbers of Sites
per Size Class, by Region and Period.
Potano/Alachua Tradition region
Late precolumbian/contact period
Size class
Sites
Times factor
Size factor
multiplier
multiplier
Totals
Very large
2
X 2
=
4
Large
6
X 2
=
12
Medium
5
X 2
=
10 26
Small
2
X 2
X 2 =
8
Very small
0
X 2
X 2 =
0* 8
Total
34
Mission period
Very large
1
=
1
Large
2
=
2
Medium
1

1 4
Small
0
X 2
0*
Very small
3
X 2
6 6
Total 10


398
rabie 9-1: Clusters of Sites versus Isolated Sites
Late precolumbian/contact period
Bivens Arm, 4 sites
Newnans Lake, 3 sites
Moon Lake, 4 sites
Orange Lake, 2 sites
White Lake/Peacock Lake, 6 sites
Mission period.
Fox Pond, 2 sites
Moon Lake, 6 sites
Santa Fe, 11 sites
Fig Springs, 2 sites
Charles Springs, 2 sites
Indian Pond, 5 sites
White Lake/Peacock Lake, 7 sites
Baptizing Spring, 7 sites
Note: There are more sites in most of the clusters, but site
size or other crucial dating are lacking.
Isolated sites not part of any known cluster:
Late precolumbian/contact period
8AL273 8AL273
Haufler 8AL286B
Little Gandy 8AL21
Pound 8AL239
Alachua Field 8AL166
Palmore 8AL189
Forest Hills Academy 8C0149
Indian Pond Lower Slope 8C0229H
Vaughn 8AL2470
Mission period
Boyd 8AL98
Zetrouer 8AL67
North Alligator Lake 8C0148
Forest Hills Academy, Indian Pond Lower Slope, Vaughn, Boyd, Zetrouer
and North Alligator Lake. 1
I
A few sites are geographically removed from other known sites, but
it is unclear whether or not they are far enough away for them to be
considered isolated and to support the hypothesis of a diffuse
settlement pattern. These sites include Little Gandy, Haufler and


315
large hearth, probable postmolds and other small pits. No daub was
encountered.
One 2 X 2 m test pit (Test Pit A) was begun by the author in
Summer 1985 but was never completed due to impending sale of the land.
One round blue glass bead, Miller Plain sherds and other artifacts were
recovered from that test. In a subsequent field season (Johnson 1986),
testing included four 2 X 2 m test pits (two of which were expanded
slightly to recover features), ten shovel tests, and controlled surface
collections.
Features were encountered in Test Pits 3 and 4. In Test Pit 3,
Feature 1 was difficult to define in profile view and may not be a
cultural feature. In plan view, it was an oval stain, 48 X 67 cm,
whose top was recognized at 40 cm below surface, but was difficult to
trace below that depth. Feature 2, a hearth or pit, contained two
curvilinear complicated stamped sherds. The feature, first identified
at the base of the plowzone, had an inner dark core 34 cm in diameter
and 8 cm thick containing abundant charcoal in a sand matrix. The core
was surrounded by a larger area of lighter grey sand and charcoal. In
profile, the feature was 86 cm in diameter with gradually sloping sides
and bottom, extending to 32 cm below surface. An 0.5 X 1 m western
extension of the test pit was excavated to expose the entire feature.
In Test Pit 4, Feature 1 was a large circular feature, probably a
large hearth, with sherds, charcoal and bone fragments. The test pit
~ t *- , ">c-. £ a 1 -K ^ o r
was enlarged westward into a 2 X 3 m test pit to expose the entire,
feature. An inner, darker core was 58 cm in diameter and an outer core
approximately 83-90 cm. The feature was basin shaped with straight to
sloping sides and a rounded bottom. The feature extended from the base


419
Table 9-5. Continued.
Utina/Late Indian Complex Sites
number
Size class zone-setting of sites
Large a-1 2
a-5 1
c-3/6 1
c-4 1
Medium a-5 2
a-6 4
c-3/6 1
c-6 1
e-4/6 1
Small a-4/6 1
a-5 1
c-3/6 4
e-4 1
e-4/6 4
Very small a-1 1
c-6 1
Several observations can be made from these data. In the
Potano/Alachua Tradition region, it appears that the smaller the site,
the greater the liklihood that the site will be found in the vicinity
of a small, land-locked aquatic system, especially sinkholes. In the
Utina mission period, even the smaller sites are likely to be found on
hillcrests or similar high ground such as high bluffs. However, there
are differences between smaller and larger sites in the types of
wetlands to which they are nearest. Smaller sites are found above
small flow-through systems and large lakes. Larger sites (medium, ^
1; : v. n oiilcru Another problem is n? ¡n is*. ,
large and very large) are often found in the riverine zone, but on high
were classified p>: 1 i 1 ,
ground at small land-locked systems (such as sinks and springs) within
, ano the c
the general riverine zone (but well back from the rivers.)


314
The Goodwin Site, 8AL453
The Goodwin site (Johnson 1986) in northwestern Alachua County may
represent a small, mid- or late-17th century hamlet or farmstead. It
is located approximately 0.3 mile (0.9 km) south of the Santa fe site
and 3 miles (4.5 km) east of the Natural Bridge. It appears to be
typical of other small sites in the vicinity in that the site is
situated on the crest of a broad hill on good agricultural soils, .is
not near any large areas of marsh or swamp, and the artifact density is
light. The nearest surface water, found 200 m to the south, is a small
spring-fed stream which a long-term resident reports has never gone dry
(Mr. Buddy Jones, personal communication).
Investigations included controlled surface collections, 10 shovel
tests, and four 2 X 2 m test pits. Surface visibility was good due to
recent plowing. Site boundaries and site size were determined through
controlled surface collections, indicating an oval-shaped site
approximately 26 X 40 m in size. A transect of 50 X 50 cm shovel tests
at 10 m intervals across the center of the site was excavated in order
to produce artifact density profiles which were then used to select
locations for 2 X 2 m test pits (see Chapter V, Methods).
The artifact assemblage includes significant amounts of the Leon-
Jefferson ceramic complex, but Indian Pond series ceramics are rare.
In contast, at the Santa fe site, Leon-Jefferson sherds are rare but
Indian Pond series ceramics are present. Spanish and Alachua tradition
ceramics are rare at the site. Controlled surface collections at
Goodwin indicate that one or possibly two structures were present (see
Chapter V, Methods). The location of one aboriginal house was
encountered during excavations, as indicated by features such as a


353
The site is not listed here because it is not yet certain if it
was occupied into the late precolumbian/contact period. There are
hints that other mission period sites exist along the Ichetucknee River
but they have not been investigated. For example, Goggin's students
report that they found just as many Spanish artifacts along Cedar
Branch Run as they did in the water at Fig Springs (Mr. Walter Godwin,
personal communication). There are also reports of Spanish artifacts
being found near the old mill spring run. Since little is known about
these other sites, nothing can be said about changes from one period to
the next. Test pits and surface collections at Weechatookamee Old
Fields, in a small field near the northern border of Ichetucknee State
Park, conducted with the assistance of the Alligator Archaeological
Society in Lake City, produced small amounts of Leon-Jefferson pottery
and one olive jar sherd (Johnson, unpublished data). The surface
artifact density at that site is very light.
Qualitative
size
Late precolumbian/contact sites:
None known
Mission period sites:
8C01, Fig Springs large
8C071, Weechatookamee Old Fields large
8C0 Cedar Branch Run
Summary: The mission site at Fig Springs is large, but whether
or not the adjacent Indian Pond complex site was occupied into the late
- i
J fi
precolumbian/contact period is uncertain. It has the potential to date
to that period, but sherd counts are not yet available from Worth's
excavations. There is no Spanish material from closed contexts.
3. Alligator Lake Cluster (Figure 8-4) The sites around
Alligator Lake are poorly known (Johnson, Nelson and Terry 1988). Only
Quantitative
size
large
medium


477
1980 Lactation, Ovulation, Infanticide, and Women's Work: A Study
of Hunter-Gatherer Population. In Biosocial Mechanisms of
Population Regulation, edited by Mark N. Cohen, Roy S. Malpass, and
Harold G. Klein. Yale University Press, New Haven. Pp. 321-348.
Leonard, Barbara
1934 Report of APY-501. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History.
Linares, Olga F.
1976 "Garden Hunting" in the American Tropics. Human Ecology.
4(4):331349.
Lifton, Robert 0.
1967 Death in Life: Survivors of Hiroshima. Basic Books, New York.
Lomas, 0. and H. Herrera
1984 Weather and maize Yield Relationships in the Tropical Region of
Guanacaste, Costa Rica. Agricultural and Forest Meteoroloqy
31(1):33-45.
Longacre, W.A.
1970 Archaeology as Anthropology: A Case Study. University of
Arizona Anthropological Papers 17.
Lorant, Stefan, editor
1946 The New World. Duell, Sloan and Pearce, New York.
Loucks, Lana Jill
1978 Suwannee County Survey Project, Fall 1977. Unpublished
manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History,
Gainesville. 42 pages.
1979 Political and Economic Interactions between Spaniards and
Indians: Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Perspectives of the
Mission System in Florida. Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Florida.
Lugo, Ariel E., and 3. Frank McCormick
1981 Influence of Environmental Stressors upon Energy Flow in a
Natural Terrestrial Ecosystem. In Stress Effects on Natural
Ecosystems, edited by Gary W. Barrett and Rutger Rosenberg. John
Wiley and Sons, Chichester, pp. 79-102. .
Malinowski, Bronislaw <
1968 Malinowski on the Kula; From Argonauts of the Western Pacific.
In Economic Anthropology, Readings in Theory and Analysis, edited
by Edward E. LeClair, Or., and Harold Schneider. Holt, Rinehart
and Winston.
Manucy, Albert
1983 Florida's Menendez, Captain General of the Ocean Sea. St.
Augustine Historical Society, St. Augustine, Florida.


432
have been occupied at the time of Hernando de Soto and the French
explorers but the area may have been abandoned by the time of the 17th
century missions.
The Moon Lake cluster shows major changes from the late
precolumbian/contact to the mission period. All of the late
precolumbian/contact sites are medium in size. In contrast, in the
mission period there is a greater range of site sizes. For instance,
at the White Lake/Peacock Lake cluster, during that period there is one
large site and a larger number of smaller, satellite sites. Social and
possible demographic changes are indicated. Other important sites are
Table 10-3; Areas Abandoned, Newly Occupied or Occupation Continued
A. Areas occupied during the late precolumbian/contact period but
abandoned by the mission period, or with greatly diminished
occupations:
1. Bivens Arm, Potano region
2. Newnans Lake, Potano region
3. Little Gandy and Pound, Potano region
4. Orange Lake?, Potano region
B. Areas newly occupied during the mission period, or greatly
increased occupations:
1. Zetrouer, Potano region (is there an earlier component?)
2. Charles Spring, Utina region
3. Baptizing Spring, Utina region
4. Vaughn site near the Natural Bridge, Utina region
Note: The discovery of late precolumbian/contact period sites in these
areas would shift these sites to the list of those areas where
occupation continued from period to period.
the C. Areas of continued occupation from the late precolumbian/ f
contact period to the mission period: *
'Th! ;. -V-:
1. Moon Lake, Potano region
2. Fox Pond, Potano region
3. Santa Fe, Utina region
4. Alligator Lake, Utina region
5. Indian Pond, Utina region
6. White Lake/Peacock Lake, Utina region


296
fragments shown on the map may indicate the locations of clay walls
around the courtyard.
If Structure 1 is interpreted as the church and Structure 2 is the
convento, and if the distributions of the fired clay fragments are
correctly interpreted as courtyard walls, then the courtyard and its
walls surrounded the convento, not the church. This type of
arrangement would help explain the events of the 1702 attack in which
the church was destroyed but the attack was successfully repulsed from
the convento.
Area A, including Structure 2, may be the Spaniards' residential
area, and Area B may be the Indian residential area. An alternative
hypothesis is that Area B represents the cocina (or cookhouse), but the
area seems too large to represent a single structure.
From the concentrations of sherds and fired clay fragments, it is
estimated that Area A contained from 3 to 6 structures, assuming that
Structure 2 is typical. Area B is estimated to have contained from 5
to 15 houses, depending on how the boundaries of Area B are drawn. The
heaviest concentration of sherds, in the center of Area A, may
represent something more than an ordinary house. If there were 4
people per household, then there may have been been 20 to 60 people
living in Area B, assuming that all the houses were contemporaneous.
However, this area was not the only residential area at this site.
In the next lot immediately to the east there is at least one daubj
f* { ri -i.r * n
structure (Structure 6), and small farmstead sites are found in all
directions. Also the main Indian village for the mission early in its
history may have been the large horseshoe-shaped village area at the
Palmore site, 8AL189, found to the immediate northwest of the mission


180
results as histograms, here called artifact density profiles. From
these data, areas of artifact concentrations, site boundaries and site
area are calculated. A similar technique was used in a survey of
Spanish Mission period sites in the Apalachee region around current
Tallahassee, in which shovel tests were used to determine artifact
distributions, site boundaries and site sizes (Marrinan and Bryne 1986;
Smith and Scarry 1987:12).
No single test unit size is prescribed for all sites. A "floating
scale" of test unit sizes is most appropriate, depending on artifact
density at each site. Selection of test unit size is based initially
on surface density. Larger test unit sizes (such as 1 X 1 m or 2 X 2 m
test pits) are needed at sites with light artifact densities, and
smaller test unit sizes (such as auger tests, posthole tests or shovel
tests) can be used at sites with higher artifact densities. Smaller
units are more economical to excavate because of smaller volumes of
soil. The larger units and larger volumes of soil per test are needed
at sites such as Santa Fe (8AL190), Goodwin (8AL456), and Carlisle. The
smaller units and volumes of soil are sufficient at sites with heavier
artifact densities such as Alligood (8AL188), which is primarily a
Weeden Island village site with a small mission period component near
the Santa Fe mission site, and Fig Springs (8C01). In summary, in
order to produce artifact density profiles and community patterning
data, test unit size may be varied at different sites to adjust for
relative abundance or scarcity of artifacts per site. Large units
require a great deal of time to excavate, and are not needed if density
curves can be graphed from smaller units.


Table 8-6. Continued
Sin MMEA 1 NME
MTlfPCT DENSITY
SMC INS OF MUSES OR PtESUO MUSES
COOiEION
(All sites for am*
any kite of data on
contact or dispersad
is available, na if
insufficient to nal*
1 detaraiaatton.
Bnrnity of Surface
Artifacts, Quali
tative IJadfntal,
taara1 sirface
collaction)
, "i
Malty of Surf act tensity of Sutearfacn
Artifacts, Oaanli- Artifacts, Ouantita-
tativa tabards/*3, tin (tberds/e3,
cant rollad svfact sataurfaca tasts)
collactIona)
Spacint of Surface Spscint of Sukturfaca
Structural Evidancn Structural Evidanco
(a.|., daub, in la.|., post noIds,
controllad surface aacavationa or
collactiona) tastin|l
Spacint of Surfaca
Concentrations of
A-tifacts IPrusuted
Houses) (Controllad
surfaca collactiona)
Spacint of Sataurfaca Pretence of Dense,
Concentrations of Continuous Distri-
(tt if acts UYaiaand tut Ion of Artifacts
Houses) Itastiut or Across toe Entire
escavatlona 1 artifact Surface of Sito CBMCT DISPENSED 00
density profiles) BOAT TEM
ICQ Mar krone*
KB229 IP 300 Arne
mim
kipl .t lea to aadiaa ki
1
yes, tot snail site
men, u> Hoe/Pur*/
Acerosa
ion
laa .011 Ian to aadi 27.7
M
aCQ225 IP 300 Ami
lia
ki|k ,H loa to aadiaa li.1
1
yus, tot snail sito
0C229, IP Hoe/Pure/
Acerosa
loa
loa .011 loa to tedias 27.7
'
M
K022S IP Hlllcrest
Ion
la* .021
X
I
totspots*
SCQ29 IP lint
Ion
loa .OIS loa .0
1
1
BSU173, Mrs
Ion
MIES, Imran
kt|k in spots
lot tamisa Ion?)
-
ISUP3, Ciarte Sprint
-
-
sue?
-
-
KU174, Xa 11, HA, HE,
r'c.
SUH, Punp Sprint
-
loa.lt ateiun IS.S
SUS, Indian Sprint
-
hl|h (.10 aadiaa U.12
SUES, laptliint Sprint
-
fSUU
Ai*>
kip .71
ISUK
-
ki|h 1.51
6SUB7 (snail sita)
-
ki|h 1.16
asms
- '
kigk .S3
367


441
i
occupation extended to the high plain swamp region (Sigler-Lavelle
1980).
The model for the distribution of the Alachua Tradition sites was
presented by Milanich (Milanich and Fairbanks 1987). Based on data in
the current study, the hypothesis that Potano/Alachua Tradition sites
will be found in the highland forests, especially above large lakes or
marshes, is accepted. However, the situation is more complex. There
may have been two distinct sub-systems. The sites in the highland
forests represent a fundamentally different pattern than the sites in
the large lake and marsh zones. A dual settlement pattern thus appears
to be supported by the data.
The third model, produced by Calvin dones, is basically that
mission period sites will be found on hilltops. The hypothesis is
accepted for both regions in the mission period, but precolumbian
patterns make the hypothesis less useful in distinguishing precolumbian
versus mission period sites. In the Utina area, mission period sites,
like their late precolumbian/contact period counterparts, remain common
- in the lakes district. However, and more to the point of this
hypothesis, there are shifts in site settings within these zones.
These internal shifts support the hypothesis. During the mission
period there appears to be increased occupation of crests and upper
slopes, and less occupation of lower slopes near wet areas. This
change is clear only within individual clusters of sites such as Indi^i
rge. river'-.. <
Pond.
Between the two periods there is a change in the degree of
diversity/homogeneity of Potano microenvironmental settings,
specifically, increased diversity of settings in the mission period.


CHAPTER VII
CASE STUDY: MISSION SANTA FE DE TOLOCA AND SURROUNDING SITES
This chapter correlates site the Santa Fe site (8AL190) with the
historic mission of Santa Fe de Toloca, summarizes the historic
documentary background for this mission, and describes archaeological
investigations at the site. Other Spanish-Indian sites in the vicinity
are also described. The purpose of the case study is to provide an
example of local community patterns and regional settlement patterns.
Correlating Site 8AL190 with Mission Santa Fe de Toloca
The identification of 8AL190 as the site of Santa Pe de Toloca is
based on several lines of evidences: the distribution of 17th century
site clusters in Alachua County (Chapters VIII and IX), archaeological
data verifying the presence of an early 17th century Spanish mission
complex at this site (remainder of this chapter), cartographic and
documentary data about the geographic position of Santa Fe relative to
other known mission sites (last section of Chapter III), other
documentary data such as distances in leagues from St. Augustine and
other missions (in Chapter IV), and the reconstructed routes of Spanish
roads (Chapter VI).
Santa Fe was said to be three or four leagues distant from the San
Francisco de Potano mission (Geiger 1940:127). The identity of Santa
Fe'is thus made partly in reference to the known location of the Potano
Indian region. The location of the Potano chiefdom in central to
242


479
1972 Excavations at the Richardson Site, Alachua County, Florida:
An Early 17th Century Potano Indian Village (With Notes on Potano
Culture Chanage). Florida Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties
Bulletin No. 2, pp. 35-61.
1978 The Western Timucua: Patterns of Acculturation and Change. In
Tacachale, Essays on the Indians of Florida and Southeastern
Georgia during the Historic Period, edited by Gerald Milanich and
5amuel Proctor. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville, pp.
59-88.
n.d. Notes on the Route of Hernando de Soto in Florida:
Archaeological, Cartographic and Ethnohistoric Evidence.
Unpublished manuscript.
Milanich, Jerald T., Ann S. Cordell, Vernon J. Knight, Jr., Timothy A.
Kohler, and Brenda J. Sigler-Lavelle
1984 McKeithen Weeden Island; The Culture of Northern Florida A.D.
200-900. Academic Press, New York.
Milanich, Jerald T., and Charles H. Fairbanks
1987 Florida Archaeology. Academic Press, New York.
Milanich, Jerald T., Carlos A. Martinez, Karl T. Steinen, and Ronald L.
Wallace
1976 Georgia Origins of the Alachua Tradition. Bureau of Historic
Sites and Properties, Division of Archives, History and Records
Management, Bulletin 5, pp. 47-56. Florida Department of State,
Tallahassee.
Milanich, Jerald T., and William C. Sturtevant
1972 Francisco Pareja's 1613 Confessionario; A Documentary
Source for Timucuan Ethnography. Division of Archives, History and
Records Management, Florida Department of State, Tallahassee.
Milner, George R.
1986 Mississippian Period Population Density in a Segment of the
Central Mississippi River Valley. American Antiquity 51(2) '.221-
238.
Milton, Katharine
1984 Protein and Carbohydrate Resources of the Maku Indians of
Northwestern Amazonia. American Anthropologist 86(l):7-27.
Moore, William R., Jr. <
1961 A Site Survey in Eastern Alachua County; Including the West '
Shore of Lake Newnan. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History.
Morgan, Lewis Henry
1877 Ancient Society. New York.


300
Table 7-8: Artifacts Surface Collected from East of Shealy Area,
Excluding Structures 3 and 6
4 Leon-Oefferson Curvilinear Complicated Stamped, grog tempered
1 Leon-Jefferson rim sherd
1 Grog tempered plain
16 Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
3 Linear marked sherds
1 Grog tempered wiped
3 Sherds hard and thin, 1 with incised lines
3 St. Johns Check Stamped
2 Sand tempered plain
3 Sand tempered, too small to classify
7 fragments of fired clay daub (31.5 g)
2 Chert chunk
2 Coral flakes
36 Chert flakes, 1 with worked edge
1 Unidentified flat metal
2 Bone fragments
1 Clear glass
1 Ichetucknee type projectile point
Structure 5. Structures 5 and 6 date to the Spanish period,
but which portion of the 17th or 18th centuries is uncertain.
Structure 5 is located approximately 70 to 80 m southeast of and
downslope from the Structure 1, the church. Structure 5 consists of a
rectangular or oval shaped area marked by the surface distribution of
slightly darker colored soil, fragments of true daub, and charcoal.
Artifact density is higher than elsewhere in the East of Shealy area,
but it is still only moderate (Table 7-9), roughly comparable to that
at Residential Areas A and B.
The size and shape of Structure 5 were measured by stretching a
100 m tape measure down the length of the structure as a base line.
r 3 li/ -1 : U-J p .par:.' k-.. !i | .
The limits of the stained soil, daub, charcoal, and artifacts indicate
that the structure was approximately 28 m east-west (or east-northeast
by west-southwest) and 16 m north-south, which is larger than the
church. The structure is not aligned with the cardinal directions, but


384
v- Adjusting the Raw Numbers: Weighting Factors
rV- The set of all existing archaeological sites is an unknown
universe in the sense that an unknown number of sites exist but have
not yet been found. Of those sites which have been found, all types of
sites are not egually likely to be discovered. Certain types of sites
are more likely to be discovered and recorded; other types of sites are
probably underrepresented in the site lists.
The kinds of sites which are most likely to be found and
accurately dated are those that are (1) medium, large or very large in
size, and (2) compact. Biases have been discussed previously. Large,
compact sites are easier to find and date accurately because of the
^availability of large samples of artifacts. Mission period sites are
feasier to recognize than are late precolumbian/contact period sites
because of the presence of Leon-Befferson and Spanish ceramics. The
iTr-
'presence of a single olive jar sherd identifies a site to some portion
|of the Spanish period.
Small sites and dispersed sites are probably underrepresented on
L
the site lists. Small sites are harder to find, and their time period
is difficult to identify because of small samples of artifacts.
Dispersed sites are hard to identify because of problems in pinpointing
.household locations and spacing and establishing contemporaneity. Low
'artifact density cannot be used to identify dispersed sites because
(
Vfre are other reasons, such as short term occupation, why a site rriay
have low artifact density.
Weighting factors are needed to compensate for these biases. Very
large, large and medium sized sites are probably several times more
likely to appear in the archaeological literature than are small or


230
The name "Bellamy Road" does not appear on the Romans map of 1776,
of course, because the Bellamy Road had not yet been built. However,
Romans' low road matches the route of the later, 1820s Bellamy Road.
Romans' map thus helps verify that the Bellamy Road was built on the
same route as the earlier Stuart-Purcell route (Boyd 1938). The low
road is the same thing more or less as the Bellamy Road.
Other maps verify and expand the information contained in the
Romans 1776 map. An 1821 map of Florida and south Georgia (PKY 242)
verifies place names and their relative positions along the road. It
indicates that the towns of Ft. Poppa, Alachua, Novola, Utoca and St.
Pedro are situated along the same road. Unfortunately, other than
place names and relative position, other information on the 1821 map is
unreliable and freguently wrong. For example, the Suwannee River is
shown twice, once fairly accurately but to the wrong scale, and the
other is mislabelled "R. Amasura" and drawn from earlier, inaccuarate
maps. On other maps the name Amasura is often used for the lower
(Citrus County) Withlacoochee River. Another error in the 1821 map is
that a river (the current San Pedro Bay?) between St. Pedro and Utoca
is shown as flowing into the Suwannee River, which it does not.
The Other Santa Fe
Various 18th and 19th century maps referred to above also indicate
the existence of a site called Santa Fe. This site does not appear to
be the same site as the mission of Santa Fe de Toloca. The site of
Santa Fe on these maps is shown north of Novolla (Noowalla) on the high
road. As described above, Novolla was located on the west bank of the
Withlacoochee River in current Madison County. The Santa Fe shown on


3
1984; Ramenofsky 1982). Changes in human demography and settlement
systems are only part of the larger picture of changing ecological and
cultural relationships.
In summary, the present goals are to reconstruct settlement
systems, generate data relevant to demographic and cultural collapse in
aboriginal northern Florida during the colonial period, correlate a
ceramic complex with the Utina Indians of that region, summarize the
results of research to date, and provide a framework for further
research.
To reach these goals several archaeological surveys were
performed in Potano and Utina territory in northern Florida. The
Potano and the Utina were the native peoples of these regions who were
missionized during the 17th century by Franciscan missionaries. During
these surveys, carried out over the last five years, approximately 300
archaeological sites of all culture periods were recorded, primarily
within Alachua, Columbia, Suwannee and Union counties. Portions of
these data are used in this study.
This study is organized as follows. Chapter II has five sections.
The first section places the study within the context of ecological
anthropological theory and discusses the links and mechanisms for
change that exist between a culture and its natural and cultural
environment, with special reference to settlement systems. Demographic
data are key variables in ecological interrelationships.
The second section of Chapter II discusses the lack of
demograpahic data in most cultural ecological studies as a key weakness
in those studies. The third section relates the research to the
empirical guestion of native American population levels at the time of


Page
Missing
or
Unavailable


457
factors which interacted with changes in other components of the
cultures. For example, these shifts created "old fields," stimulated
the capacity and productivity of the deerskin trade, allowed the
accumulation of wealth by individuals outside traditional avenues of
power and status, and further altered the traditional patterns of
settlement. Settlement shifts thus served as feedback mechanisms with
other cultural components, many of which are less amenable to study
than are settlement systems. The change in settlement systems is an
indication that other components in the Potano and Utina systems were
also changing. These changes were attempts to resolve stress, in this
case the stresses associated with European contact, domination and
colonization. All such attempts to resolve stress, such as the
abandonment of the Bivans Arm and Newnans Lake clusters or the shifts
in site size in the Santa Fe cluster and other clusters, were
ultimately unsuccessful for the Utina and the Potano peoples of
northern Florida.
This study has used the archaeological study of settlement systems
to show cultural and demographic changes among the native American
peoples of northern Florida during the Spanish colonial period.
Changes through time in settlement systems reflect adaptations to the
changing cultural and natural environments of 16th and 17th century
northern Florida. Such events were part of the larger events taking
place throughout Florida and the New World.


312
formation to the south. In another sense it is a high point of land
with the Robinson Sinks cluster on three sides and the river on the
fourth side. Residents could have have participated in activities at
the Santa Fe mission as they were within the sound of the bell.
Another likely site setting, an area of high ground surrounded by
impressive deep, spring-fed sinkholes, is found east of 8AL239 and
north of 8AL188. A single test verified the presence of aboriginal-
artifacts but the time period is not clear. The surface vegetation
(pasture grass) prevented surface collecting; the site needs additional'
testing.
The Alligood Site, 8AL188
This site is primarily a large Weeden Island period village, but
also includes a Spanish mission period component. It is situated on a
high bluff above deep spring-fed sinkholes in the Robinson Sinks area.
Local folklore is that this was the location of the "Spanish fort,"
probably based on the knowledge that a Spanish mission existed
somewhere in the vicinity, coupled with the abundance of aboriginal
sherds (which are, however, mostly Weeden Island). Only a small number
of Spanish period Leon-Oefferson Complicated Stamped sherds (in the
possession of the Alligood family) and at least one majolica sherd have
been recovered here.
In the 1950s, Goggin's students collected this site when it was a
cultivated field (Henry 1952; Knight 1952; Cooper 1952). ntTheir 7
collections indicate primarily a Weeden Island occupation (Table 7-18).
collections of the Alligood family, other investigations at this site
have included one 2 X 2 m test pit excavated by J.T. Milanich and
students in 1985, and a transect of 10 posthole digger tests and


434
sequence, Indian Pond Hillcrest and Indian Pond West. Both are large
mission period sites, but their site shape is different. Hillcrest
appears to be a typical more-or-less rounded distribution of artifacts,
while Indian Pond West is linear. The latter linear distribution of
artifact concentrations are presumed to represent dispersed household
locations which were probably aligned along a road or city streets.
Spanish town planning therefore may be seen at this site and also at
the Santa Fe site.
At the White Lake/Peacock Lake cluster, both time periods contain
many sites of all size classes. There may have been a decline in site
sizes and numbers between the two periods. The scope of the decline
may have been even greater than is apparent because of the greater ease
in identifying and dating mission period artifacts.
Mission period sites in the Baptizing Spring cluster tend to be
larger than sites in other clusters, indicating that this was a locale
of major importance during the period. Because of its size, location
along the Spanish road and proximity to other known mission sites, this
site or cluster of sites is almost certainly a major Utina town.
However, the location does not appear to match any of the settlements
named in the Spanish documents, such as Guacara, Tarihica, Santa
Catalina and San Martin. There may be an error somewhere in the
interpretations. One very large site in this cluster is dispersed or
short term, and the other two very.large sites,are compact. Both j
medium sized sites are compact. The small site is too small to .pa
classify. All of these sites are within 500 m of Baptizing Spring
itself.


27
dispersal and/or migration. Consequently lineages, kinship networks,
and reciprocal obligations, task groups and production were disrupted,
including the mechanisms by which leadership was determined and
maintained and the mechanisms (the ranked lineages or clans) by which
access to resources was allocated. Shift to a deerskin (Waselkov 1989)
and beef (Bushnell 1978, 1981) economy would allow the accumulation of
wealth by individuals outside the traditional patterns of wealth and
prestige and outside the normal rules for redistribution, resulting in
changes in information flows and resource flows and shifts in social
status and marital residence patterns (Deetz 1965; Descola 1982).
These changes, including changes in the rules for distribution and
consumption, undercut the influence, power, and authority of
established centralized native authority. Many Indians may have moved
to the vicinity of the missions in pursuit of prestige goods (Descola
1982; Tonkinson 1974). The most highly prized goods by the Eastern
Timucuans were fish hooks, axes or hatchets, knives, scissors, and
beads (Covington and Falcones 1963:145-1460). Also disrupted in La
Florida were the chiefdoms and the ranked clans and thus enforcement of
the rules by which kinship and descent, leadership, inheritance, post-
marital residence patterns, and access to critical resources were
determined (Deetz 1965; Longacre 1968). Elman Service (1962) suggested
that changes to composite bands in one region occurred as results of
European economic pressures and diseases; he considered the importance
of acculturation in these situations to have been overrated. Decline
of the power of central authority includes decline of the social
control mechanisms for maintaining social structural cohesion and


Ill
Sites and Site Clusters
The following discussion covers three different locales in Utina
territory, each containing a cluster of several sites. The Baptizing
Springs cluster is located in southwestern Suwannee County near the
Suwannee River, and includes four sites: 8SU88, Baptizing Springs
(8SU65), 8SU86, and 8SU85 (see map). The data are adapted from Loucks
(1978; 1979: Table 9, pp. 186-188) and Stokell (1978). The data are
based on Milanich and Louck's excavations in one of four village areas
at 8SU65, and Loucks and Stokell's surface survey and limited testing
at the other three village areas. All of these village areas are
within 500 m of the Baptizing Spring. Loucks and Stokell also recorded
other sites in this locale, but those data are not used because the
sample sizes of decorated sherds are small.
The second cluster of sites, the Indian Pond cluster, is located
in western Columbia County and eastern Suwannee County. This cluster
includes Johns Pond, Little Hell Lake (8SU147), McKeithen (8SU17), and
several different village areas at Indian Pond (8C0229). The temporal
seguence in the seriation charts from most recent to earliest (from top
to bottom) is Indian Pond West, Indian Pond Hillcrest, Indian Pond Unit
300 area, Indian Pond Across the Ditch, Johns Pond, Indian Pond Lower
Slope, Little Hell Lake, and McKeithen. The Indian Pond site sub-areas
are all within 700 m of each other on different parts of a broad,
gradually sloping hill. The McKeithen site (Milanich et al. 1984) is 1
km southwest of Indian Pond, Little Hell Lake is 14.5 km west, and
Johns Pond is 0.5 km northeast.
Indian Pond West and the Unit 300 area are known from limited
testing and controlled surface collections. The data from McKeithen


424
Paracousi Satourina (Saturiwa), King Olata Ouae Outina ("Thimogana" or
enemy to Satourina), Chief Potano ("a fierce man of war"), and
Houstaqua (Yustega) (Chapter III). Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were said
to be "powerful and wealthy lords" who occupied the hilly country of
north Florida. They were well positioned to control the flow of people
and goods into the interior of Florida. By necessity, they were
organized as strong military chiefdoms to withstand attacks from their
neighbors the Apalachee.
The identifications of the Utina peoples and their chiefs is based
on multiple documentary sources, including the de Soto chronicles,
French documents of the 1560s, Menendez era and 17th century mission
records, and 16th through 19th century maps. Archaeological,
environmental, geological, geomorphological and hydrological data were
also used to identify the northern Utina and their territory.
The Indian Pond Complex: Chronology and Ethnic Affiliation
Prior to the current study few northern Utina sites had been found
or identified because the associated ceramic complex was unknown. The
complex has now been identified, and pottery seriations provide a
chronological framework.
The pottery was first recognized as a result of Weeden Island
research in north Florida, but a lack of excavated data prevented it
from being chronologically and technologically defined, except to note
it was Weeden Island II (post A.D. 700) (Milanich et al. 1984:201).'
i deveiorMi prervotly for the
The complex, now well studied, has been named the Indian Pond complex.
It includes plain, linear marked, cord marked, fabric marked, incised,
and punctated pottery, all sand or sand and grit tempered, in contrast


246
1972; Johnson 1986). The Spanish documents indicate that Santa Fe and
San Francisco were in operation throughout the 17th century, while San
Martin was in operation only for the first half of the 17th century.
The portion of Santa Fe which has been identified archaeologically
dates, like San Martin/Fig Springs, only to the first half of the 17th
century.
Many mission stations throughout Timucua and Apalachee were in
operation at the same time as Santa Fe during some portion of the 17th
century (Hann n.d.a.). It is unclear whether or not certain other
missions operated simultaneously with the Santa Fe mission because of
uncertainty about the dates of founding and abandonment; these include
the early 17th century Potano missions of Santa Ana, San Miguel and San
Buenaventura (See Chapter III).
The exact year in which the mission of Santa Fe de Toloca (or
Teleco or Toloco, also called Seor Santo Tomas de Santa Fe [Boyd
1939:261]) was established is unclear, but it may have been soon after
San Francisco de Potano was established in A.D. 1606. The first
recorded reference to Santa Fe de Teleco is in 1616 when it was visited
by Father Luis Gernimo de Ore (Geiger 1940:123). Santa Fe's founder
is not identified though it was probably Father Martin Prieto who also
established the nearby San Francisco mission.
Like other early missions, the Santa Fe was almost certainly built
near an existing Indian village. Only later in the 17th century, after
Spain was firmly in control, were the missionaries able to locate
missions where desired and then compel Indians to resettle near them.
No name is given in the Spanish documents for the village near
which Santa Fe was established. Based on geographical location and


412
the Santa Fe River were occupied by peoples bearing the Indian Pond
pottery complex, and Alachua Tradition sites are essentially absent
from the zone. The Santa Fe River was a part of Utina territory;
Potano territory is not known to include any other river. It might be
said that there are no riverine sites among the Potano/Alachua
Tradition peoples because, by definition, their territory did not
extend to any river. However, the reality may be more complex.
Perhaps Potano territory did not extend to any river by choice, because
the Potano were selecting for certain zones and against riverine zones.
In the Utina/Late Indian Pond region during the late
precolumbian/contact period almost all sites (8 of 9 sites) are found
within the Utina lake district (Chapter II). The riverine zone is
barely represented (1 site), and the deciduous or mixed forest uplands
and other zones are absent, though the sample is small and only a few
surveys have been conducted (Johnson 1987; Johnson et al. 1988). In
terms of microenvironmaental settings, the vast majority of sites (7 of
9 sites) are on large lakes, some of which are on high bluffs above the
lakes. Only one or two sites were found in different
microenvironmental settings within this zone.
During the Utina mission period, most sites are almost evenly
distributed between the riverine zone (16 sites) and the lake district
(13 sites); the deciduous or mixed forest upland zone also is well
represented (7 sites). The high number of Utina riverine zone sites.'is
in sharp contrast to the late precolumbian/contact period sites in the
same region and to both periods in the Potano/Alachua region.
The next set of data is highly interesting. In spite of the
abundance of sites in the riverine zone, very few sites in this zone


33
increasing (e.g., the shift toward a smaller number of larger bands
among the northern boreal fur traders of northeastern North America
after European contact [Brasser 1978:84-83 [Handbook of N. Amer.
Indians] ). The conclusion is that site size cannot be assumed to
decline along with overall regional population decline. Population
estimates based solely on macro-level data or solely on micro- and
semi-micro-level data are thus inappropriate; all levels of data need
to be incorporated. A large number of smaller settlements may be
replaced by a few larger settlements, as happened in Ramenofsky's case
study in Missouri (1982:320). Survivors may (or may not) abandon their
multiple settlements and amalgamate in a few larger settlements.
The present study attempts to determine which pattern existed in
Florida. It focuses on a particular culture area and period, that is,
the natives of north and north central Florida at the time of European
contact. What were the consequences of European contact? How and why
did the Timucuan chiefdoms and people become extinct so quickly, that
is, within two centuries?
This study is necessarily rather broad scale and coarse grained
for several reasons. First, little archaeological research had been
done on the Utina and the locations of few sites were known prior to
the current research. Only broad scale environmental variables, such
as physiographic province, soil type, proximity to aquatic resources
and proximity to natural trail corridors are used in this analysis.
Detailed data on resource distribution and abundance are unavailable
for specific sites. The situation with the Utina was unusual in
American archaeology. From the documentary record we had some idea how


422
the Indian Pond cluster. There also are changes between periods in the
types and diversity of water sources and wetlands near which the
various size classes are found.
Sites within any particular cluster tend to be found in the same
microenvironmental setting, regardless of whether they are late
precolumbian/contact period or mission period. However, there are
apparent exceptions, and these exceptions are particularly insightful.
At Indian Pond (8C0229), the sole, large late precolumbian site area
(Indian Pond Lower Slope) is situated on the lower slope close to the
string of small ponds and wetlands. All five mission period site areas
are higher up the slopes or on the hillcrest. The apparent "exception"
is not really an exception to the general pattern, but results from
more precise data and a finer scale of analysis possible at this
cluster than at most other clusters.
Community and settlement patterns are summarized in Chapter X.
That chapter also includes discussions of the theoretical implications
of these data.
i


62
Models
Sigler-Lavelle1s and Milanich's model of north Florida Weeden
Island settlement patterns is as follows. Two broad provinces are
recognized: the Coastal Lowlands and the Central Highlands (Shelford
1978). Vegetational zones or plant communities present within both
zones include streambank thickets and woods, floodplain forest, mesic
hammock, dry pinelands, flatwoods and prairie. The different kinds of
aquatic environments include:
(1) high plain swamps with fluctuating water table, (2)
permanently watered sinkhole lakes and ponds, (3) permanently
watered streams, and (4) poorly drained flatwoods (Sigler-
Lavelle 1980b:2 3).
Each of these different types of environments has different
resource diversity, density and reliability (Sigler-Lavelle 1980b :23).
Sigler-Lavelle investigated three archaeological sites within the
Coastal Plain province.
Research results were as follows. All three sites are within 300
m of a spring or a 3 to 10 acre spring-fed pond, in a mesic hammock, at
113 to 125 feet elevation above mean sea level, within 1/2 mile of
aguatic microenvironments, within 1 mile of several diverse habitats,
and within 2 to 3 miles of a mound site (Sigler-Lavelle 1980b:24). The
conclusion was that flow-through aquatic microenvironments was the
primary mode of production:
[Exploitation of aquatic microenvironments is the primary
mode of production and heterogeneity and discontinuities of
resources affect production cost through travel and pursuit
time. The location of maintenance sites near permanently
watered ponds reflect these factors. In addition, travel
time will be inversely related to patch size; and search or
pursuit time inversely related to intra-patch resource
density (after Pianka 1974; Sanders and Webster 1978;
Chisholm 1968). [Sigler-Lavelle 1980b :27]


117
Because of the small sizes of most sherds, vessel forms are
unclear. Ceramics are sand or sand and grit tempered. Sherds of both
the preceding Weeden Island period and the succeeding Leon-Jefferson
period are generally harder, higher fired, lighter colored, and
seemingly better-made than those of the Indian Pond complex, though
technological analysis needs to be conducted. The relative percentages
of the Indian Pond types and their changes through time are discussed
below in the section on seriations.
Indian Pond complex ceramics previously have been found but not
recognized by other archaeologists. The complex was not recognized
because most of the sherds in these collections are plain and because
there is little that is distinctive about the few decorated sherds.
Large samples were needed from numerous sites to identify the complex.
Our surveys in search of Spanish-contact sites throughout several
counties provided the regional perspective and the samples from a large
number of sites (Johnson 1986, 1987a, 1990; Johnson, Nelson and Terry
1988). The defining elements of the Indian Pond complex, specifically
the linear marked group and the cord and fabric marked group, were
first recognized through their associations with Leon-Jefferson
ceramics at the Indian Pond site and other sites. The sample sizes of
these decorated sherds were small at these sites in relation to the
numbers of Leon-Jefferson decorated sherds. It was only after the
seriation charts were produced that the cultural and chronological
significance of these sherd groups was recognized. The seriation
charts also helped identify the other elements of the complex.
Additionnal elements of the complex may yet remain to be identified.


319
(Chapter VI). The road also leads near a recently-demolished small red
barn which is said to have been a Civil War era commissary and farm
complex. This 19th century component is located more than 100 m north
Table 7-20: Artifacts from the Carlisle Site
Shovel Test Test General Controlled Totals %
Tests
1-3
Pit 2 Pit 1
Surface
Surface
Curv.Comp.
Stamped
2
2 9
13
23
49
39.5
Linear
Marked
0
0.0
Cord/
Fabric
1
1
0.8
Cob
Marked
9*
9
7.2
Incised
1
1
0.8
Punc
tated
3
1
1
5
4.0
Check
stamp
2
2
27
16
47
37.9
St. Johns
0
0.0
Other
decorated
1 4
7
12
9.6
Sub-Total
124
99.8%
Plain
11
4 70
173
331
589
Too small
or eroded
21
?('!* m : l
2 25
r..?. 8AL2567*
96
144
1
1
Spanish
artifacts
. i ,}f r.*any
1 medal
shlrOD at
, 3 beads,
:n;3 0J;c- ap
r>ea8 .
nrl j *
V ?
m nrjuqh
r -.j .. TOTAL
865
*
2 are cob marked over complicted stamped


464
1980 Speculations on the Evolution of Density Measurement and
Population Regulation in Homo Sapiens. In Biosocial Mechanisms of
Population Regulation, edited by M. Cohen, R. Malpass and H. Klein.
Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. pp. 275-303.
Colton, H.S.
1936 The Rise and Fall of the Prehistoric Population of Northern
Arizona. Science 84:337-343.
Cook, Sherburne F., and Robert F. Heizer
1968 Relationships among Houses, Settlement Areas, and
Populatiion in Aboriginal California. In Settlement
Archaeology, edited by K.C. Chang. National Press Books,
Palo Alto, California, pp. 79-116.
Cooper, Richard S.
1952 Archeological Survey of the Sante Fe River Area of Alachua
County. Unpublished manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History, Gainesville.
Covington, James W.
1961 The British Meet the Seminles; Negotiations Between British
Authorities in East Florida and the Indians: 1763-68.
Contributions of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences Number
7. University of Florida, Gainesville.
Cowgill, G. L.
1975 On Causes and Consequences of Ancient and Modern Population
Change. American Anthropologist 77(3):505-525.
Crosby, Alfred W., Jr.
1972 The Columbian Exchange; Biological and Cultural Consequences
of 1492. Greenwood Publishing Co., Westport, Connecticut.
Crumley, Carole L.
1979 Three Locational Models: An Epistemological Assessment for
Anthropology and Archaeology. In Advances in Archaeological Method
and Theory, edited by Michael B. Schiffer. Academic Press, New
York 2:141-173.
Crumley, Carole L. and William H. Marquardt
1983 Theoretical Issues in the Analysis of Spatial Patterning. In
Regional Dynamics: Southern Burgundy from the Iron Age to the
Present, edited by C. Crumley and W. Marquardt.
1
Cumming, Shirley
1949 Sociology 400. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History.
Custer, Jay F.
1987 New Perspectives on the Delmarva Adena Complex. Midcontinental
Journal of Archaeology 12(1)33-53.


18
Bellamy
Road
U TP2
(] TP3
Baldree Coro-
315
0 10 50a
1 1 1 I I 1
N < 8/86 kwj
Figure 5-13: Baldree Site (17th century), Clay County, Florida.
Locations of Subsurface Tests, and the Garden, Pea Field and Cornfield
Areas of the site.
TP Test Pits (1 x 1 m, 1/4 inch screened)
. Shovel Tests (50 x 50 cm, 1/4 inch screened)
Artifact concentration within the garden area, as determined
through general surface collecting and artifact density
profile.


158
Figure 5-2. Palmore Site (8AL189), Controlled
Surface Collections Showing Areas of Greatest
Artifact Density.
Grid units containing 2 or more sherds are shaded.
Grid units are 3 X 3 m in size. Normally only
every other row (between planted pines) was plowed
and controlled surface collected.
ROWS


13. During the mission period, the smaller the site, the greater
the chance of being situated at a small, land-locked aguatic system
(e.g., sinkhole). But some large sites are also found there.
14. In both regions during the mission period, selection is for
higher elevation, not necessarily for greater distance from aquatic
environments. In contrast, distance rather than elevation may have
been the greater factor in the late precolumbian/contact period.
15. In the mission period, differences between the two regions in
the degree of homogeneity/heterogeneity of zones. Zone use is
homogeneous in the Potano region (almost all sites are in the uplands
zone) but heterogeneous in the Utina region (lakes, riverine and
uplands zones).
16. In the mission period, similarity between the two regions in
the degree of homogeneity/heterogeneity of microenvironmental settings.
Both are heterogeneous in settings. However, the specific settings
differ between the two regions.
Rather than attempting to explain each of the above findings
individually, they are incorporated into broader explanations of change
in north and north central Florida. The cultural and ecological
implications of population decline, as seen in settlement system
change, are explored below. But first, the concept of "community" must
be re-defined and clarified.
Typology and the Concept of Cummunity
Trigger's (1968) settlement pattern typology of intrasite
patterns, site patterns and zonal (regional) patterns is not adequate
for northern Florida. An additional taxonomic unit is needed between


160
distribution of artifact concentrations, presumed to be house locations
within the residential area, and the determination of site boundaries
permitted estimates of the number of houses and residents. Artifact
analysis and historic documents filled in the last bits of data needed
for settlement studies, specifically data on time and duration of site
occupation, from approximately A.D. 1610 to ca. 1640.
A large amount of settlement data was thus produced on site and
community type. Though large (or medium by one calculation; Chapter
VIII) and compact, this site is not nearly as large as the Palmore
site. Palmore may represent the predecessors of the Santa Fe
residents. The Santa Fe site presumably would have been laid out by
its founder(s) as a planned town in the style of Spanish town planning,
but there is little evidence that the plan was adherred to except in
the immediate vicinity of the mission complex. That is, there appear
to be no houses in rows which would indicate town streets immediately
beyond the mission compound. Instead, there are houses dispersed at
distances of 0.5 (e.g., Goodwin site) to 2 miles (e.g., the Carlisle
site) from the Santa Fe mission, which are in a line as though along a
road (Chapters VI and VII). The conclusion is, at the Santa Fe mission
the site pattern was compact, but the community pattern (dispersal into
a cluster of sites) is linear dispersed.
Carlisle. Like many 17th century sites, the artifact distribution
at Carlisle is so sparse that it is impossible to determine visually
the locations of site boundaries, artifact concentrations and houses.
However, controlled surface collections in this plowed garden revealed
clearly these patterns, including the locations, boundaries and sizes
of two habitation areas found some distance apart (Chapter VII). Both


128
distinguished from other check stamped types, it is always found as
part of the Leon-Jefferson series, it adds nothing to our knowledge of
chronology on the seriation charts, and numerically it is too small a
category to graph separately. St. Johns Check Stamped is also excluded
from the "Check Stamped" category. It is instead included with St.
Johns Plain in the "St. Johns" category. Plain sherds (except St.
Johns), anamolous sherds, and sherds which are too small or too eroded
to classify, are excluded from the seriations. Sample sizes of
decorated sherds are given at the end of each row on the charts.
A seriation is simply a technigue for placing items in a series.
There are many different technigues for producing seriations (Marguardt
1978). The variety used in this paper, seriations by percentage matrix
(Marguardt 1978), was first popularized by Ford (Ford 1962; Phillips et
al. 1951). Ford demonstrated the usefulness of seriations as fairly
good chronological indicators. The procedure is relatively simple and
efficient when only a small number of sites and artifact categories are
involved. The matrix has a vertical and a horizontal axis, with
pottery categories as columns and sites or site areas as rows. For
each horizontal row of the matrix, percentages add to 100. That is,
sherd counts per category were translated into percentages and plotted
horizontally on long strips of paper, one strip per site. The length
of each line indicates how large the percentage is. The strips, each
representing a row, were then shuffled and rearranged to place them in
an order or series.
Seriations are based on the assumption that styles go through
popularity stages of incipience, florescence and decline. The strips
of paper (rows) are shuffled until a "battleship curve" is seen in the


87
Creek/Rice Creek is thus the most likely location of the trailhead to
Utina. Either the 18th century Black Creek trail or the 17th century
royal Spanish road (current Bellamy Road) could have been the route to
Utina but there may have been other trails into this territory also.
It is not clear which one was the route to Utina but all of them lead
into the same general area, that of Clay and Putnam counties.
The name Etonniah also appears on various 19th century maps as
Etoniah Scrub, Itini Ponds or simply Itina. This name is clearly
derived from the word Utina. Etoniah on the 19th century maps is
referred to variously as a town, a stream, and an area of sandhills and
lakes in current western Putnam and western Clay Counties.
Physiographically this Etoniah Scrub is made up of two regions,
the Elorahome Valley and the Interlachen Karstic Highlands, which begin
approximately 15 miles (23 km) west of the St. Johns River at Palatka.
The Interlachen Karstic Highlands, an area of approximately 8 by 16
miles (13 by 26 km), is a mosaic of sinkhole ponds, lakes, marshes,
and dry turkey oak and longleaf pine sandhills. The Elorahome Valley,
an area of 4 by 10 miles (6.5 by 16 km), is nestled up against the east
side of the Interlachen Karstic Highlands. It is a basin-like valley
containing an intricate maze of ponds and marshes (White 1970:159).
Based on the physiographic evidence, some of these ponds and
marshes in the Elorahome Valley are remnants of a former, much larger
lake. Lake Grandin is the largest remnant of this former lake, which
is apparent on topographic maps and geological maps showing peat
deposits (florida Department of Natural Resources, Bureau of Geology
1972; United States Department of the Interior, Geological Survey 1970;
Davis 1946: Figure 1).


243
southern Alachua County and northern Marion County is known from the
Spanish documents and from modern research (Milanich 1972). Four
leagues from Fox Pond (8AL272), which site is thought to be San
Francisco de Potano, would place the Santa Fe mission in northern
Alachua County where 8AL190 is located. Documents also indicate
relative position and general direction: that is, travellers along the
Spanish road west from St. Augustine reached San Francisco before
reaching Santa Fe. A 1680 Spanish map also indicates the relative
positions of these two sites, that Santa Fe was northerly from San
Francisco. Reconstructed trail routes provide more precise direction:
from the Potano area, the Spanish road went northwest (Chapter VI).
Santa Fe must be north or northwest of San Francisco, and the Santa Fe
site fits this location.
Using the Spanish documents, which provide distances in leagues
between the various missions, Mark Boyd (1939) calculated that Santa Fe
should be located nine miles north of current Gainesville. He measured
his leagues along the route of the later Stuart-Purcell trail which was
believed to be the same route as the earlier Spanish royal road. Boyd
was probably generally correct, but there must be a slight error
somewhere in his calculations because the location nine miles north of
Gainesville is pine flatwoods, a setting which is ecologically
unsuitable for a principal Spanish mission. Far better locations are
available within three or four miles. In Chapter VI a possible source
for Boyd's error was suggested, i.e., that the segment of the Stuart-
Purcell route which cuts across this segment of flatwoods at Buck Bay
north of Gainesville was a shortcut created by Spanish roadbuilders,
and that this is not a natural trail route. The original trail must


CHAPTER IV
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE: IDENTIFYING THE UTINA IN TIME
Prior to the present study Utina (Utina here refers to the
northern Utina) sites were archaeologically "invisible" because there
did not seem to be anything distinctive about their ceramics that could
be used to distinguish them from earlier ceramic assemblages. As a
consequence there was no defined ceramic complex that could be
associated with the Utina in the early 16th century at the time of
first European contact. This was largely due to a lack of field work.
Utina sites became "visible" in early 17th century north Florida when
the Leon-Oefferson ceramic complex became quantitatively the most
popular assemblage at mission sites.
We can now resolve this problem. Through seriations, the change
in ceramic assemblages from the McKeithen Weeden Island complex into
the Indian Pond complex into the mission period Leon-Jefferson complex
is documented. After discussing briefly why the Alachua tradition
ceramic typologies and seriation do not work in north Florida, the
Utina assemblage is defined and relevant sites identified. Finally,
using these data, the sites which are closest to two key "moments" in
time, the time of European contact and the early 17th century, are
identified.
Data for the seriations and definition of Utina ceramics were
collected during archaeological surveys over the past five years in
Utina and Potano territory in portions of Alachua, Columbia, Suwannee,
109


205
vicinity was a crossroads for other north/south and east/west trails
throughout Florida's history.
The Bellamy Road crosses current State Highway 241 just north of
the town of Alachua at a cemetery and small pond (recently dredged).
West of Highway 241 the road is currently recognized and maintained as
an Alachua County "scenic and historic road." East of the highway,
short segments of the road can be traced for three or four more miles
through old Newnansville to Burnetts Lake, but these segments are
apparently not recognized locally. The Bellamy Road is not recognized,
by name again, until fifty miles to the east, in western Clay and
Putnam Counties. Much of this fifty miles can be traced, except for
nine miles of flatwoods east of Hague.
From Newnansville, the Bellamy Road curved southward around the
southern shore of Burnetts Lake. This interesting lake shows up
consistently on old maps such as the circa 1830s "Map of Square No. 12"
(United States Archives L247-92) and must have been a long-time
landmark for travelers. It would also be an excellent setting for a
Spanish mission, but no testing has been conducted. San Felasco
Hammock is one mile south of this lake. The lake and the current S-
shaped stream flowing into it from the east (Alachua County map ca.
1883) appear on the Purcell map as a pond at 10 1/2 miles from the
Natural Bridge. Purcell adds an extraneous stream connecting the lake
to the Santa Fe River, as though he did not understand the geologic
nature of karst topography in which most streams disappear underground,
and many lakes and ponds do not have outlets. East of Newnansville, a
portion of the Bellamy Road is preserved as the long driveway of a
private residence in a hill-top pasture between Newnansville and


92
Soto's expedition encountered the Utina towns of Aguacaleyquen,
Uriutina and Napetuca in this province, though the chroniclers did not
use the name Utina for the province or people. In the following
century several Franciscan missions were established in the province
(Boyd 1939). Fig Springs may be San Martin (Weisman 1988) and Charles
Springs may be San Juan de Guacara (Figure 3-2). Baptizing Springs is
an another, unidentified Spanish-Indian site. These sites have been
known for years from the work of Mark Boyd (1939), John Goggin (1933),
Calvin Jones (personal communication), Kathleen Deagan (1972), Jerald
Milanich and Jill Loucks (Loucks 1979), and more recently, from surveys
carried out as part of the Florida Museum of Natural History's de Soto
project (Johnson 1987a, 1987b, 1989, 1990; Johnson et al 1988) and from
Brent Weisman's work (1988).
These mission sites form a linear pattern on the map across
southern Columbia and Suwannee counties, along or near the route of one
of the Spanish roads. But there is a problem. These sites have never
seemed numerically adequate to account for the powerful and populous
northern Utina described in the documents. Also the known
archaeological sites were limited to areas along the rivers, while the
interior highland area between the rivers was unknown. Large towns
such as those reported in the de Soto chronicles had never been found.
Even the Utina ceramic complex was strangely unknown and elusive.
In recent surveys (Johnson 1987a; Johnson, Nelson and Terry
1988) we have located a number of Utina sites, and we can now define
the Utina territory and ceramic complex more closely The following
section deals with the distribution of these sites. The ceramic
complex is defined in Chapter IV.


41
used the term "semi-micro" to refer to patterning within sites and he
defined "site" as:
... a geographical locus which contained an articulated set
of human activities [and] their conseguences and often an
associated set of structures. (Clarke 1977:11)
He used the term "macro" to refer to the level of resolution
between sites (1977:11). According to Clarke, different types of
models are most appropriate for explaining patterning at the different
levels of resolution. Individual and cultural models are most
appropriate for the micro level, social and architectural models are
most appropriate for the semi-micro level, and geographical and
economic models are most appropriate for the macro level. The effects
of time and distance on energy expenditure account for the
appropriateness of the geographical and economic models at the macro
level (Clarke 1977:13).
In summary, the three levels of spatial analysis are the micro,
semi-micro and macro (Clarke 1977). The micro level deals with spatial
variation within individual structures, the semi-micro or intra-site
level deals variation within particular sites, and the macro or inter-
site (zonal patterns) level deals with spatial variation within entire
regions as a whole. The first set of terms are those of Trigger
(1968:33) and the second set are those of Clarke (1979:9). Sears' term
"community pattern" (1956, 1961) correlates with the middle level, that
of intra-site or semi-micro.
Settlement Systems as Spatial Archaeology
In recent years settlement archaeology has become subsumed within
spatial archaeology (Clarke 1977; Hodder and Orton 1976), as cultural
geography, economic anthropology and anthropological archaeology have


96
which had been identified independently on the basis of documentary
information as Utina territory. Other areas which were also probably
Utina territory, such as Hamilton and Baker counties and portions of
south Georgia, are poorly known.
Conclusions
These various lines of evidencedocuments, environment,
settlement patterns and ceramicstogether verify that Columbia and
Suwannee counties and portions of Union, Alachua and other counties,
was the territory of the northern Utina people. In contrast, the
eastern Utina occupied portions of current Clay and Putnam counties.
The location is substantiated by documentary evidence supplied by Pedro
Menendez, cartographic evidence from Le Moyne's 1564 map, the 1764
Spanish-British map, derivation of the current name Etonniah Creek, the
physiographic evidence of the ancestral Lake Grandin within the
Florahome Valley and Interlachen Karstic Highlands, and archaeological
evidence provided by 17th century Spanish-Indian sites adjacent to
ancestral Lake Grandin.
These two regions, then, were the territories of the powerful and
populous northern Utina and eastern Utina Indians who battled the 16th
century Spanish and French explorers and submitted to the 17th century
missionaries.
These two regions, then, were the territories of the powerful and
populous northern Utina and eastern Utina Indians who battled the 16th
century Spanish and French explorers and submitted to the 17th century
missionaries.


329
Mound Near Sink
Residents report that a mound immediately east of 8AL188 was
bulldozed to the rim of a sinkhole. Reports indicate a mound near a
geologic survey marker, but it is not clear if this was the same mound.
Summary
The Santa Fe community consisted of a cluster of sites composed of
the Santa Fe de Toloca mission (Figure 7-19) and outlying settlements.
Different ethnic groups may have occupied some of the outlying settle
ments. These sites were dispersed at intervals along a Spanish road.
This settlement system type can be classified as linear dispersed.


361
overlapping or if there is room for no more than one additional
concentration between existing concentrations, such as at Palmore
(Chapters V and VII).
In this fashion, compact sites can be identified. However, the
opposite is not equally true. It is more difficult to identify
dispersed sites. A low artifact density does not necessarily indicate
a dispersed site. Such a low artifact density may be the result of a
dispersed site or another factor such as a short-term occupation or a
small number of inhabitants. Because of these difficulties, artifact
density alone is not used to determine dispersed sites. Rather, these
data must be used in conjunction with more direct evidence such as
household locations and spacing. These data, again, may be produced
through either subsurface testing or controlled surface collecting and
mapping of artifact concentrations.
In a dispersed site, there is more open, unoccupied space between
the household units. Specifically, a dispersed site is defined as a
site or set of contemporaneous, closely spaced sites where there is
enough open, unoccupied space for two or more household units between
actual household unit locations. However, there must not be too much
space, i.e., not more than 0.3 km. These household units would need to
be found on the same topographic feature such as the same hillcrest and '
must have essentially identical (contemporaneous) artifact assemblages.
In summary, compact or dispersed^sites are distinguished
preferably by the spacing of the household or residential units, the
locations of these units can be determined through the surface or
subsurface distributions of structural evidence or other artifact
concentrations. At sites where individual household locations cannot


Table 9-4. Continued
;p,Microenvironments or site settings
1. Riverine
2. Green desert/dry sandhills
3. Large lakes and marshes
,ar,; 4. Small flow-through aquatic systems
5. Small land-locked aquatic systems
SftKj..6. Crest of hill or upper slope
Combination of #3 and #6
' Combination of #3, 5 and 6
Mission period sites
f Districts or zones
a. Riverine district
b. Green desert/dry sandhill district
c. Lake district
0
0
4
1
0
1
2
1
c.
f
r
F. :
16
0
13
d. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district 0
e. Deciduous or mixed forest upland 7
Microenvironments or site settings
1. Riverine .4
2. Green desert/dry sandhills 0
3. Large lakes and marshes 2
4. Small flow-through aquatic systems 2
5. Small land-locked aquatic systems 8
6. Crest of hill or upper slope 8
Combination of #3 and #6 6
Combination of #4 and #6 6
scale of the site does not match the scale of the dominant feature.
Factors other than simple space must have been involved in the
decision-making processes.
During the mission period in the Potano/Late Alachua Tradition
region, the placement of sites in the deciduous or mixed forest uplands
is maintained (7 sites), but there is a sharp drop in the number of
sites (2) in the lake district, as contrasted with the earlier .¡period.
j**> *oJSSffe.s.. *u::.
Though the sample size is small, no other zone is represented.in the
sample, indicating considerable homogeneity in site zone in this period
and region. This high degree of homogeneity of zone use is matched


100
the Franciscan mission system (Figuare 3-2). The fate of the Indians
and the mission system were intimately tied to other events in la
Florida. The following focuses on the data for the Potano and the
northern Otina.
In the 1560s, there was war involving the Frenchmen and the Potano
(and others) in the 1560s, and war between the Spaniards and the Potano
(and others) in 1576 or 1577 and in 1584 (Swanton 1922:336). The
northern Otina were apparently not yet heavily involved in these
events. In 1597 the Potano and the Spaniards made peace, but until
then the Potano were said to be very warlike (Hann n.d.a:18). At that
time the northern Otina began to have more contact with the Spanish.
Before then the Spaniards had little to do with these people even
though they were one of the most powerful and populous groups in
Florida. Access to the northern Utina was long as there was war
between the Spaniards and Potano. This situation may have implications
for reconstructions of early trails in Florida (Chapter VIII).
The first recorded mission station in interior Florida was in
1587, at the "Convent of St. Ann, Potano" (Geiger 1940:119). Little is
known about this mission or its location or founder. Other scholars
have assumed that this mission was founded by Father Lopez who was
active in this area at least by 1596. Several Potano archaeological
sites conceivably could represent this mission, such as the Richardson
site on Orange Lake (Milanich 1972), but confirmation is lacking.
Despite having the same name, it is not clear whether the slightly
later mission and village of Santa Ana was located at the same place as
the earlier St. Ann.


233
In 1839 there was a north-south trail on the east side of the
Ichetucknee River, leading to Alligator Lake (Figures 6-1, 6-2). This
route would fit the de Soto route if the Ichetucknee River were the
site of Aguacaleyguen and Alligator Lake were the site of Uriutina.
However, it is not known whether or not the trail also dates to the de
Soto period.
The original fort called Fort White was on the south bank of the
Santa Fe River, at a point several miles southwest of the current town
of Fort White. Two trails converge at old Fort White, one from
Newnansville to the east and one from Fort Fanning on the Suwannee
River to the southwest. Reconstruction of the trail route begins here.
From old Fort White, the trail crossed the Santa Fq River then
paralleled the Ichetucknee River, 1 to 2 miles (1.5 to 3 km) east of
the Ichetucknee. The trail intersected the Purcell route/Bellamy
road/Spanish "low road" at a point 1 1/2 miles east of the head springs
of the Ichetucknee and 12 miles (19 km) west of the Natural Bridge of
the Santa Fe River.
Bending slightly from north to northeast, the trail then crossed
the ancestral (now dry) channel of the Ichetucknee river 5 1/2 to 7
miles (9 to 11 km) northeast of the head springs of the Ichetucknee
River. This crossing would have been at or just south of the current
community of Columbia. The precise crossing point is not clear on the
map because the trail parallels the streambed for 2 miles (3 km).
If Aguacaleyguen is found along the Ichetucknee River, then Rose
Creek/Ichetucknee River was the River of Aguacaleyguen, and the
crossing at Columbia was probably the location of de Soto's bridge
which he built across the river. This stretch of dry channel is


390
Number of sites,
raw count
2
6
3
very large
large
medium
Number of sites,
weighted
4
12
10
Larger total 13
2
0
Smaller total 2
small
very small
26 Larger total
8
0
8 Smaller total
15 Total Total 34
Of these, 4 are compact and 2 are dispersed or short term. Others
are too small to classify or are undetermined.
The first portion of Hypothesis 1A is accepted (i.e., not
rejected), that the region is characterized by larger communities in
the earlier period, and Hypothesis IB is consequently rejected. The
^number of larger sites is much higher than the number of smaller sites,
egardless of whether raw counts (13 to 2) or adjusted numbers (26 to
iffc
I8) or percentages are used. However, the situation is more complex
Par
fthan this simple larger/smaller distinction. Within the general
pi-
^category of "larger" sites, medium and large sites are the most common
ji
types. That is, most sites cluster in the middle ranges on the site
size scale, though a range of sizes is also present. In terms of the
"compact or dispersed distinction, there is a larger number of compact
|Sites than dispersed or short term sites, but the sample size is too
jfcarlO-
Rail to verify or refute this portion of the hypothesis. ,
Cate precolumhian/Rnntact Period, Utina/Late Indian Pond Sites
' ~
^Hypothesis 1A: Larqe, compact communities in this period and region;
" 2 t
Hypothesis IB; Small or dispersed communities in this period and
'region.


159
prehistoric, and possibly occupied at the time of the de Soto
expedition (the town of Cholupaha? Chapter III), but corroborating
evidence is needed. Nevertheless, existing data are sufficient to
characterize Palmore as a large, compact site.
Santa Fe. Conditions for controlled surface collecting at Santa
Fe were excellent because the site had been plowed and bedded for
planting pine seedlings. The collections, completed by Nelson and
Johnson, successfully determined site boundaries, site size, areas of
concentrations and artifact density (see Chapter VII figures).
Considering the relatively low numbers of artifacts present and the
plowed condition of the site, the controlled surface collection
produced a surprisingly clear picture of the internal structure of the
site (Chapter VII), including the locations of residential areas and
structures, a probable courtyard or plaza between the two residential
areas, and clay daub walls around the courtyard. The controlled
surface collection also showed a faint but distinct ring of surface
artifacts marking the apparent boundaries of the cemetery, a fact which
may assist in identifying the locations of cemeteries at similar 17th
century mission sites. The surface data were combined with the results
of other types of investigationstest pits, metal detector survey,
remote sensing, soil coring and soil resistivity surveyand used to
produce a series of clear acetate overlays, one for each class of
artifacts, including Indian ceramics, Spanish ceramics, fired clay
fragments, and nails and spikes. These data showed the locations,
sizes, orientations and relationships of the probable church, cemetery,
two separate residential areas with several probable house locations,
the courtyard, and the courtyard walls (Chapter VII). The number and


36
two centuries experienced at least one major acute outbreak. Mortality
rates typically ranged from 10% to 50% (Dobyns 1983:247-290).
The natives of north and north central Florida thus became extinct
within 250 years after Christopher Columbus' initial voyage to the New
World. That is, demographic and cultural collapse occurred in north
and north central central Florida resulting from European contact.
This collapse can be tracked through time through an archaeological
study of changes in aboriginal settlement patterns, changes which, as
we have seen in the first section of this chapter, are tied to many
other aspects of culture.
This research focuses on the cultural conseguences of the
population decline rather than the epidemiological causes of the
decline. Accordingly evidence of epidemics per se is not pursued,
rather the study builds on the work of others who have already
demonstrated that they occurred (e.g., Dobyns 1983).
Among other aims, the research aims at developing a technique for
measuring relative changes in certain aspects of community patterns.
Site area (Cook and Heizer 1968), whether communities were compact or
dispersed, and other data are used to measure the relative changes
through time in settlement systems (see Chapter V on Methods).
The puzzle is not why these cultures suffered catastrophes, but
why the survivors failed to recover from them. Why did they fail to
adapt to the stress? The epidemics cannot fully explain the Timucuan
extinction because some other aboriginal groups in North America
suffered the same pandemics and survived. There are cultural factors
as well in population decline. For example, the Seneca of New York had
been experiencing population decline and cultural disintegration but


78
The French spoke of the mountains as the source of gold. Quite
likely, the metal referred to by the natives was copper, which was
mined from the Appalachians during the Mississippi period.
The place "where the enemy of Houstaqua lives" probably is at or
above (north of) the fall line in central Georgia where the Piedmont
region begins. Hilly north Florida is somewhat similar in surface
appearance to the fall line hills and the lower Piedmont region, but
the regions are composed of different rocks and minerals. Copper and
gold are found in Appalachian and Piedmont regions but not in Florida.
No copper or gold is found in Florida because the region is composed of
limestone rock overlain by sand or clay. The Apppalachian mountains
are composed primarily of sedimentary rocks, and the Piedmont is
composed of igneous rocks (American Association of Petroleum Geologists
1962).
Additional details support the contention that the Frenchmen
reached north Florida, that north Florida is where Onatheaqua and
Houstaqua were located, and that Houstaqua is synonymous with Yustaga
and that Onatheaqua is synonymous with northern Utina. The French
explorers were required to travel beyond the province of Potano in
order to reach Onatheaqua and Houstaqua, and beyond Potano is where the
northern Utina and Yustaga territories are found. The documents cited
here and the Le Moyne map of 1564 reflect this relative placement.
Furthermore the French explorers had ample time and opportunity to
travel this far because they were gone from Fort Caroline for periods
of two to six months at a time (Bennett 1975:96, 101-102). Columbia
County, which is a portion of northern Utina/Onatheaqua territory is
approximately 50 miles (80 km) into the interior from coastal Fort


%
347
f
Qualitative
Quantitative
size
size
%
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8AL324, Heatherwood Subdivision large
medium
:
8AL332
large
medium
8AL333
-

r
V
8AL337, HRS Cluster Housing
large
medium
TOTAL
3 large
3 medium
f
Mission period sites:
8AL325
small
very small
8AL327, Moon Lake
large
large

8AL329
small
very small
8AL330, Thorpe's Spring
large
medium
8AL336, Rutledge
small
very small
8AL2589 Rutledge #2


TOTAL
2 large,
1 large, 1 medium
3 small
3 very small
3. Orange Lake Cluster The Orange Lake cluster contains two large
or very large late precolumbian/contact/early historic sites and one
mission period site of unknown size. It is not clear whether the lack
of smaller sites is the result of incomplete survey or a settlement
pattern in which everyone lived at a single site, with few or no small
outlying sites.
Qualitative Quantitative
size size
Late precolumbian/contact period sites:
8AL100, Richardson large very large
8AL101, North End Fish Camp large
Mission period sites:
8AL98, Boyd
Summary: At the time of European contact and/or at the very
beginning of the Spanish mission period, this cluster contained large,
dense sites. Little evidence has been found indicating that sites in
this cluster continued to exist into the mission period.
Discussion: The Richardson site is included in the earlier
period because the aboriginal ceramics apparently predate the mission


44
settlement patterns. Chapter VI deals with community patterns, Chapter
VII concerns regional settlement patterns, and Chapter X deals with
settlement systems. Terms are defined as follows.
Settlement systems. A settlement system (Winters in Parson
1972:130) is composed of microsettlement patterns, macro or community
patterns and zonal or settlement patterns (Trigger 1968).
Community pattern and settlement pattern. The term community
pattern (Sears 1961) refers to the size and arrangement of particular
sites. In contrast, the term settlement patterns refers to the
distribution of sites over the landscape in relation to various other
natural and man-made features (Trigger 1968; Willey 1953).
Diffuse, dispersed, consolidated and compact. These terms
indicate ends of continuums representing the degrees to which
settlements are spread out internally and in relation to other
settlements. Terms such as "diffused" and "dispersed" have been
applied both to settlement patterns and to community patterns. As used
here, a dispersed (or compact) community pattern is not the same thing
as a diffuse (or consolidaed) settlement pattern. The former deals
with the size and arrangement of particular settlements, and the latter
deals with the distribution of whole settlements in relation to each
other.
Renfrew described the compact/dispersed continuum as follows:
Amid the great diversity in settlement form and
distribution among traditional farming communities of the
world, two opposing extremes of what may be a continuous
spectrum can be discerned. The first is dispersed
settlement, the population living in small homestead,
farmsteads or compounds, the home of a single extended
family, although naturally linked by various ties of kinship
and solidarity into larger communities. But spatially and
residentially they are isolated units. In the extreme case


380
Table 8-7. Continued.
4. Moon Lake Cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
3 medium, undetermined
1 size unknown
Mission period
1large and compact
1 medium, undetermined
3 very small, too small to classify
5. Orange Lake cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
1 very large, compact
1 large, compact
Mission period
1 size unknown
6. Sites not part of any known cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
1 very large, undetermined
2 large, undetermined
1 medium, dispersed or short term
Mission period
1 large, undetermined (May be part of Orange Lake cluster.)
Qtina/Late Indian Pond clusters
1. Santa Fe/Robinson Sinks cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
1 large, compact
Mission period sites
3 medium, compact (2 may be part of a single site)
3 small, too small to classify
1 very small, too small to classify
2. Fig Springs cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
None known
Mission period sites
1 large, compact
1 medium, dispersed or short term
1 size unknown .
3.Alligator Lake cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period
1 medium, compact
Mission period
1 size unknown


21
sex ratios would also result from periods of nutritional stress and/or
declining relative resource abundance (Lee 1980; Hassan 1980). That
is, there are natural and cultural mechanisms and feedback.
Opposing Forces
Opposing forces and processes contrary to those listed above would
also have been operating simultaneously in La Florida. Under the
impact of the expanding world economy and the European world system,
there may have been pressure for increased territoriality for control
of the deerskin and deer meat trade (Waselkov 1989; Gramly 1977; Turner
and Santley 1979), and other exchange items. The capacity and
productivity of the deerskin trade may have been stimulated in turn
because the natural sucession in abandoned "old fields" resulting from
human population decline would have provided ideal habitat for browsers
such as deer and grazers such as cattle. These same conditions may
have contributed to movement of bison into the Southeastern United
States during this period. On the other hand, pressure on the deer
populations increased because the chiefs had formerly collected
deerskins as tribute once a year, but later in the Spanish period the
demand became continuous (Loucks 1979:68). Furthermore, fire drives
as a deer hunting technigue (along with cattle raising), if employed to
excess for personal financial gain in the money economy, would have
affected the natural successional patterns and altered the composition
of the (fire) climax forest and its resources. Changing human/land use
interaction may be indicated in the assignment of "hunting preserves"
to each village (Loucks 1979:65), perhaps resulting from relative
scarcity and/or increased value of certain game animals, especially
deer.


91
personal communication), but is now dry, is found immediately adjacent
to the Bellamy Road and to the Baldree site. Ibis spring may have
served as a watering hole and stopping place for travelers along the
road, possibly for centuries, accounting for retension of the old name.
Furthermore, this location appears to have been at the crossroad with
another, north/south trail, shown on various 19th century maps.
By the time of the above-described Blue Bead and Baldree sites,
the native ceramic assemblage and perhaps most or all of the native
eastern Utina people themselves had been replaced by other peoples with
San Marcos ceramics. Clues to the presence of the earlier, prehistoric
eastern Utina are also found nearby. Sites such as the Lone Oak and
Scarborough sites (Johnson 1986) contain an abundance of cord marked
sherds but no Spanish artifacts. These two village sites are found
precisely on the shoulder of the Bellamy road and within a half mile of
the above-mentioned watering hole, lending further support to the
suggested antiquity of the trail route.
The conclusion from the above cartographic, documentary,
geological and archaeological data is that Lake Grandin, or some part
of the larger, ancestral Lake Grandin, is most likely the lake shown on
the Le Moyne map of 1564. The Florahome Valley of westward Clay and
Putnam counties thus very likely was the home of the eastern Utina.
The Northern Utina/Onatheaqua
The northern Utina/Onatheaqua/Timucua province is referred to
simply as Utina in this section. For years, scholars have designated
the Santa Fe and Suwannee rivers as the southern and western boundaries
of the Utina (Swanton 1979:201-202; Milanich 1978:70). In 1539 de


447
Table 10-7. Continued
Microenvironmental site settings: Homogeneityalmost all sites
found in large lakes settings
Utina/Late Indian Pond complex region, mission period
Broad environmental zones: Heterogeneitymostly lakes and
riverine zones, some uplands
Microenvironmental settings: Heterogeneitysmall flow-through
and land-locked aquatic systems, hillcrests, lakes. Despite the
riverine zones, few riverine settings. Selection for high elevations
well above lakes and rivers, even for small sites. Smaller sites are
more likely above small flow-through aquatic systems and large lakes;
larger sites are more likely at small land-locked aquatic systems
within the riverine zone (e.g., Baptizing Spring).
Potano and Utina regions combined, late precolumbian/contact period
Microenvironmental settings: The larger the site, the greater the
chance of being on a hilltop or other similar high ground, or on a
large lake. Few small sites on hilltops. The scale of the site
parallels the scale of the dominant topographic feature.
Potano and Utina regions combined, mission period
Microenvironmental settings: Some sites are oriented to
subsidiary features within the zone rather than to the main topographic
feature within the zone. Most sites are on hilltops or similar high
ground, including small sites. At least in the Potano regin, the
smaller the site, the greater the chance of being situated at a small
land-locked system such as a sinkhole. The scale of the site thus does
not necessarily match the scale of the dominant topograohic feature.
Less coherence in the mission period between the cultural and
ecological sub-systems of the eco-cultural system? Less coherence
means greater instability? Was this dissonance on a scale large enough
to be a factor in the collapse of Spanish Florida?
Other Settlement Patterning Implications
The major goals of this study were to identify the links and
mechanisms for change that exist between the aboriginal cultures of t
I
north and north central Florida and their natural environments during
the late precolumbian, early contact and mission periods. What were
the processes operating upon the aboriginal populations of these
regions? What were the interrelationships among cultural, demographic


86
length of arc, and relative distances between curves, as would be
mapped from a boat. Features such as Lake George, the narrows at
Palatka, and the mouths of the Oklawaha River, Etonia Creek/Rice Creek,
Deep Creek, Black Creek, and Arlington River/Pottsburg Creek are
clearly visible.
Utina's village is depicted on the Le Moyne map as surrounded on
three sides by a lake, or possibly a marsh or swamp. The location of
the town and lake on the drawing is "free floating" in the sense that
it is not tied by map lines to any other features or marks on the map.
To the French, the town must have been simply "over there, somewhere,"
above the headwaters of the stream.
This village of Chief Outina is found lake above the headwaters of
one of four streams, named on modern maps Black Creek, Clarkes Creek,
Governors Creek or Etonia Creek/Rice Creek. Since the historical
documents indicate that Utina was approached by trail from the St.
Bohns River, it is likely that the mouth of one of these streams was
the landing place and the trailhead to Utina. Laudonniere wrote about
the stream and access to Utina's village as follows:
He [Laudonniere's lieutenant] and his group left us and
arrived in due course at the small river which we were
accustomed to enter in approaching the village of Outina.
This was about six leagues from Outina's place. They landed
and the lieutenant put his men in military order and marched
straight toward the great house which was the king's.
(Bennett 1975:135)
It is impossible on Le Moyne's map to tell which of the four
streams was the landing place. Black Creek and Etonia Creek/Rice Creek
have much larger drainage basins than the others and are navigable by
small boat much farther into the interior. However, Black Creek is the
farthest of the four from Utina and thus the least likely. Etonia


436
dispersal is maintained even when variations in artifact density are
used to adjust site size.
Consolidated Settlement Patterns
The vast majority of sites in both time periods and both regions
are found in clusters. This is by definition the consolidated
settlement pattern type. Within most of these clusters, sites are
within 200 m to 3 km of each other, such as at Moon Lake, Fox Pond,
Santa Fe, Baptizing Spring and Indian Pond. There are very few sites
to support the hypothesis of a diffuse settlement pattern. The
consolidated settlement pattern hypothesis is thus supported for both
regions and both time periods.
Environmental Zones and Site Settings
In Chapter II, three models were summarized, one for the Weeden
Island period (Sigler-Lavelle), one for the Alachua tradition
(Milanich), and one for mission period sites in general (Calvin dones).
All three models were formulated by their authors in terms of
environmental and topographic variables. In the current study,
environmental variables from all three models were combined into a
single list (Table 9-2 and 10-4). All sites were categorized in terms
of these zones and settings.
Table 10-4: Types of Environmental Zones and Microenvironments
tOi.'.'-u . .; . .. i ; ai'-;- I
Broad Environmental Zones of Districts '
s-- a. Riverine district
b. Green desert/dry sandhill district
c. Lake district
d. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district
e. Deciduous forest or mixed pine and deciduous forest
uplands zone


O CD
405
Table 9-3. Continued.
4. Moon Lake Cluster
Site Size Compact or Dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
e-5
8AL324, Heatherwood Subdivision
i medium
-
e-5
8AL332
medium
-
e-5
8AL333
-
-
e-5
8AL337, HRS Cluster Housing
Mission period sites:
medium
e-5
8AL325
very small

e-5
8AL327, Moon Lake
large
compact
?
8AL329
very small
too small to classify
e-5
8AL330, Thorpe's Spring
medium
?
e-5
e-5
8AL336, Rutledge
8AL Rutledge #2
very small
too small to classify
5. Orange Lake Cluster
Site Size Compact or Dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact sites:
c-3 8AL100, Richardson very large compact
c-3 8AL101, North End Fish Camp large compact
Mission period sites:
c-3 8AL98, Boyd
Major Potano/Late Alcahua Sites Not Part of Any Known Cluster
Late precolumbian/contact:
e-5
8AL286b, Haufler
medium
c-5/6
8AL21, Little Gandy
large
e-6
8AL259, Pound
very large?
e-4/6
8AL166, Alachua Field
large (2 mounds)
Mission period sites:
c-3
8AL67, Zetrouer
Lake large
Zetrouer may be part of an Orange Lake/East Paynes Prairie cluster.


60
as household servants, apart from their villages where their wives were
(Loucks 1979:59). In 1677-1678, all able-bodied males had abandoned
the mission of San Juan de Guacara on the Suwannee River because of
food shortages and hard work (Pearson 1968:276-77 in Loucks 1979:63).
In 1675 the 20 leagues between the mission of San Diego de Salamototo
on the St. Johns River and the mission of Santa Fe in present day
Alachua County were said to be uninhabited (Wenhold 1936). By 1710
nearly all of northern Florida was similarly depopulated:
There remains not now, so much as one village with ten houses
in it, in all of Florida, that is subject to the
Spaniards.... (Nairne 1710:34 in Fairbanks 1978:164; Purdy
1977)
Extinction came to the Timucuans in the early 18th century. The Georgia
Creeks/Seminoles then occupied the region.
In opposition to the social, political and economic forces which
can favor concentrated villages (B. Smith 1978b), other forces favored
dispersal. Variables favoring dispersal include distance to resources
(e.g., agricultural lands) and the travel time and energy expenditure
required to transport products (Hames and Vickers 1982; Hawkes, Hill
and O'Connell 1982). With population decline and opening of gaps
between groups, land use would tend to change from intensive to
extensive (Boserup 1965). Other factors include relationships among
the variables of population density, storage, seasonality and
scheduling, storage (Testart 1982), seasonal mobility, minimization of
risk, procurement strategies, home range (area most frequently
exploited), settlement shifts, production of a stable food supply, and
potential for population growth (Cohen 1980; Harris 1977; Earle
1980:18, 24; Christenson 1980:36; Bronson 1972:215). Security through


CHAPTER VI
EARLY ROAD AND TRAIL NETWORKS AS COMPONENTS OE
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
Trails and roads represent communication and transportation
networks. They link the units composing each society, i.e.,
settlements. As such, trails and roads are components of settlement
patterns (Trigger 1968; Clarke 1977). Information, goods and people
flow along these arteries. Any map which shows only site locations
appears as nothing more than unconnected dots on the map. A map of
roads and trails shows the links between them. Just as there are
specific environmental factors in the placement of individual sites
across the landscape, there are environmental factors in the placement
of individual trail routes or general trail corridors. The
reconstruction of trails is also a useful methodological tool in field
research to help locate archaeological sites.
In this chapter the routes of some of the roads and trails which
were presumably available, in peninsular florida, to the early European
explorers, such as de Soto and the French explorers, are traced. No
effort is made to trace each individual expedition. Rather, the focus
is on the network of trails which they may have used. Controlling
geomorphological factors are described in the course of tracing each
individual trail.
This chapter focuses on six routes. They are the Bellamy Road,
the "high road" and the "low road," the Alachua Trail, the Black Creek
197


388
disperse sites ideally should be distinguished on the basis of
locations and spacing of houses, but where those data are not
available, compact communities can be identified from patterns of
artifact density, such as uniformly high density across the entire
residential portion of the site. However, dispersed communities cannot
be identified from low artifact density. With the limited data
available from many sites it is often impossible to determine whether a
site is dispersed or whether it was occupied for a short time, too
short a time to produce large numbers of artifacts regardless of the
number of inhabitants. For these reasons, many sites must be
characterized as "dispersed or short term."
The original hypotheses used only two broad size classes, large
sites and small sites. During the course of the study these two
categories were subdivided into five categories, very large, large,
medium, small and very small. In testing the hypotheses, the original
two broad classes are at first retained. The five classes are again
used in the discussion sections following the hypothesis testing
section.
The fourth adjustment to the original hypotheses also involves
site size. The original intention was to classify all possible sites
as compact or dispersed. However, it is now recognized that
characterizing small and very small sites as either compact or
dispersed has little meaning. If a site had only one or two houses,
then the compact/dispersed distinction means little. Only medium,
large and very large sites are characterized as either compact or
dispersed.


35
Borah 1960). Depopulation and deculturation could also occur
independently of sustained European-Indian contact (Smith 1984).
Though it has long been known that the introduction of European
and African diseases had great impacts on American Indian populations,
the magnitude of the biological and cultural catastrophe has become
clearer as a recent of studies. Population collapse, political
decentralization, migrations and amalgamation of survivors into new
settlements occurred throughout the New World (Crosby 1972; Dobyns
1983; Smith 1984; Ramenofsky 1982). There may have been other
responses to population collapse as well. In florida, such stresses
occurred after initial contact and during the period of the
establishment of the Spanish mission system. Destruction of the
chiefdoms and the ranked kin groups was accomplished by the epidemics,
foreign domination, wars, slave raids, and/or the European money
economy, which transformed the independent chiefdoms into peasantry.
Acculturation at the missions accelerated the culture change and helped
lead to the final extinction of these people. Some or many of the
changes in native American lifeways often attributed to acculturation
may in fact be due to population decline.
In Florida, there were eighteen documented or probable epidemics
in two centuries (Dobyns 1983:247-290). Assuming Dobyns' data are
reliable, there was at least one epidemic in almost every decade of the
16th and 17th centuries. Using Dobyns' data, we can calculate that a
new epidemic or pandemic appeared at an average rate of once every 10.1
years, with only 8.7 years between epidemics, assuming all epidemics
are known which seems unlikely. That is, almost every generation for


288
The northwest and southeast ends of the feature were not found. The
alignment of its long axis matches the alignment of the church and the
burials in the cemetery. There were no artifacts or construction
debris in the fill. The feature terminates, on top of the underlying
clay. It is not deep enough to be a well, and there was no evidence of
digging into the clay (at least not in those portions investigated).
It does not appear to be a moat because it separates the church from
the cemetery. Perhaps it was a daub-making pit which was never used or
an aborted attempt at a well. The soil resistivity survey detected a
large, circular disturbance, and a series of test pits and trenches
were excavated in an unsucessful attempt to identify the nature of the
feature. The feature also appears on the remote sensing images. It is
visible as one of several dark circles within the mission complex, each
3 to 5 meters in diameter and arranged in a rough circle extending from
the side of the church and into the cemetery.
Residential Structures. Structures 2 and 3 appear to be
habitation structures within the residential portion of the site. The
residential areas of the site are identified by the distribution of
aboriginal sherds and other residential-type debris.
Structure 2 may have been the convento or other residential
structure. It had a partially intact red clay floor, and may have been
surrounded by a courtyard with clay walls (figure 7-17). This house is
part of Residential Area A which is closer to the church than is <
I
Residential Area B (see below).
t
The Structure 2 building is approximately 4 by 5 m in size and is
situated 16 to 20 m west of the church (Structure 1), depending on how
the size and orientation of the church are interpreted. Structure 2 is


448
and ecological factors? Settlement systems and their shifts are seen
as components of adaptive strategies (Chapter II; Kirch 1982). These
shifts are responses to stress, in this case the stresses resulting
from European culture contact. Humans are components of the ecosystem
and cultural systems, which are in fact sub-systems of one system, the
cultural ecosystem. The native peoples of north and north central
Florida have provided an opportunity to study the links between
settlement systems, human demography, subsistence strategies and other
cultural and natural factors.
The major tasks of the study have been to: (1) identify changes in
settlement patterns from one time period to another, and (2) explain
these changes within the framework of culture-ecological
interrelationships: that is, from a human ecological perspective.
Results include the following:
1. Change in total numbers of sites from the late
precolumbian/contact period to the mission period. Decreased number of
Potano sites in the mission period, in contrast to increased number of
Utina sites in the mission period.
2. Prevalence of sites in clusters, indicating consolidated
settlement patterns in both periods and both regions.
3. Shift downward in average site size.
4. Abandonment of certain geographical areas and clusters,
continued occupation of others, and first occupation of some new areas
in the mission period. v ,
5. Change from occupations marked commonly by one or more medium-
to-large, compact sites, to clusters of sites containing a larger


219
"Ray's Trail." Ray's Trail also continues southward beyond the end of
Mill Branch at Alachua Sink.
Purcell's map verifies this trail as the first "path to Latchua"
mentioned above in the discussion of the Bellamy Road. This is
probably the same trail used by William Bartram, riding on horseback
from the west side of Paynes Prairie to the Natural Bridge. Purcell
drew the path from Latchua as coming to a "T" and ending at its
junction with the Purcell route. However, there is physical and
cartographic evidence that Purcell's map in incomplete. The Latchua
path most likely crossed the Purcell route and continued northward at
least as far as the Robinson Sinks area of northwestern Alachua County
This intersection is on top of the ridge 0.5 miles northwest of
Townsend Branch along the currently-maintained Bellamy Road (High
Springs quadrangle sheet, United States Geological Survey 1962). The
Latchua trail is shown on Purcell's map only south of the Bellamy road
the trail is visible on modern topographic maps only north of the road
but the distances from the Natural Bridge and from Townsend Branch to
the intersection match on the two maps.
In summary, the first path to Latchua is only a segment of a
larger trail which extended southward all the way to Tampa Bay. The
Stuart-Purcell/ Burch/Bellamy route extended east/west from St.
Augustine to Pensacola. The point at which these two trails
intersected is important for helping us track down the locations of
sites of these Colonial and late Precolumbian periods.
It is possible that the intersection of these two trails was
originally located at site 8AL166 at the south end of Mill Creek where
the stream goes underground. This drainage divide would have been a


345
present, but have not yet been discovered because of ground cover and
residential development.
Qualitative
size
Late precolumbian/contact:
8AL15, Prairie Creek small
8AL85, Palm Point large
Newnans Lake 4 ?
Mission period sites:
None known
Summary: A cluster of late precolumbian/contact period sites,
including at least one large site (Palm Point), but no mission period
sites are known.
Discussion: This area contains several sites, at least one of
which is a large late precolumbian/contact site, Palm Point. Tested by
Goggin in 1949 or 1950, the site contained ceramics which are classic
late Alachua Tradition. It would not have been surprising to see olive
jar sherds in the collections, but none are present in the surface
collections or in the two 5X5 foot test pits which were excavated.
In fact, based on experience with other sites having a similar
aboriginal ceramic assemblage, it is almost surprising not to find
olive jar sherds. A very late precolumbian or very early contact
period site is indicated.
Though no mission period sites are known around Newnans Lake, one
majolica sherd (blue on white) was found by Irv Quitmeyer at or near
site 8AL90 (Johnson 1987), a site at which only chert flakes were'
i. ^ .. V* >
reported by Goggin's students. There are numerous potential settings
for sites around Newnans Lake, most of which have not been investigated
because of vegetation and residential development. This is an area
that warrants further study. (Another major nearby potential research
quantitative
size
small or very small
large
?


478
Marquardt, William H.
1978 Advances in Archaeological Seriation. In Advances in
Archaeological Method and Theory, edited by Michael B. Schiffer.
Academic Press, New York. Pp. 257-314.
Marx, Karl
1975 Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1.
International Publishers, New York. Originally published 1867.
Maxwell, Hu
1910 The Use and Abuse of Forests by the Virginia Indians.
William and Mary Quarterly Historical Magazine 19(2) :73-103.
McConaughy, Mark A., Claude V. Jackson and Frances B. King
1985 Two Early Mississippian Period Structures from the Ranch Site
(11P4), Peoria County, Illinois. Midcontinental Journal of
Archaeology 10(2):171-183.
McRae, Stuart I., and Allen E. Daugherty
1968 Archeological Excavations at the Neal Mound Site. Manuscript
on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History.
McWhorter, George T., Jr.
n.d. A Term Report in Archaeology, APY 401. Manuscript on file at
the Florida Museum of NAtural History. Circa 1951.
Meggers, B.J.
1956 Functional and Evolutionary Implications of Community
Patterning. In Seminars in Archaeology, 1955, edited by R.
Wauchope. Society for American Archaeology (American Antiquity)
Memoir 11:129-157.
1977 Vegetational Fluctuation and Prehistoric Cultural Adaptation
in Amazonia: Some Tentative Correlations. World Archeology 8:287-
303.
Meuser, William W.
1949 Prairie Creek Midden. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum
of Natural History.
Michelson, E.H.
1949 Notes on Archeological Excavations at Varied Sites in Central
Florida. Manuscript on file at the Florida Muweum of Natural
History.
Milanich, Jerald T. ,t ; v !
1968 Excavations at the Rocky Point Site on Paynes Prairie, Florida.
Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History.
1971 The Alachua Tradition of North-Central Florida. Contributions
of the Florida State Museum, Anthropology and History 17.


475
1973 A Semi-Subterranean Structure at Mission San Joseph de Ocuya,
Jefferson County, Florida. Bureau of Historic Site and Properties
Bulletin 3;l-50. Department of State, Tallahassee.
Jones, B. Calvin, and Gary N. Shapiro
1990 Nine Mission Sites in Apalachee. In Columbian Consequences II;
Archaeological and Historical Perspectives, Spanish Borderlands
East, edited by David Hurst Thomas. Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, D.C. pp. 491-511.
Jorde, L. B.
1977 Precipitation Cycles and Cultural Buffering in the Prehistoric
Southwest. In For Theory Building in Archaeology, edited by Lewis
R. Binford. Academic Press, New York. pp. 385-396.
Kapches, Mima
1990 The Spatial Dynamics of Ontario Iroguoian Longhouses. American
Antiguity 55(l):49-67.
Keene, Arthur S.
1979 Economic Optimization Models and the Study of HunterGatherer
Subsistence Settlement Systems. In Transformations: Mathematical
Approaches!-! to Culture Change. Colin Renfrew and Kenneth L. Cooke,
editors. Academic Press, New York
Kingsley, Robert G.
1981 Hopewell Middle Woodland Settlement Systems and Cultural
Dynamics in Southern Michigan. Midcontinental Journal of
Archaeology 6(2):131178.
Kirch, Patrick V.
1982 The Archaeological Study of Adaptation: Theoretical and
Methodological Issues. In Advances in Archaeological Method and
Theory student reader, edited by Michael B. Schiffer. pp. 101-156.
Academic Press, New York. Reprint from Advances in Archaeological
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Knight, Charles L., Jr.
1952 An Archaeological Survey of a Portion of the Santa Fe River.
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Kohler, Timothy A.
1978 The Social and Chronological Dimensions of Village Occupation
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; In there an Optiiauai 1
1978 Ceramic Breakage Rate Simulation: Population Sizeand the
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469
Frank, Barbara Bane
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Gannon, Michael
1965 The Cross in the Sand. University of Florida Press,
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Garcilaso de la Vega
1962 The Florida of the Inca. Translated and edited by Bohn and
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Gardner, W.M.
1960 An Archeological Survey of Portions of Sections 11, 12, 13 and
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52
at least until the later epidemics and Spanish domination, but this
must be verified, such as archaeological evidence for little culture
change in the period. The speed with which powerful chiefdoms can
decline is confirmed by the observations by de Luna's expedition in
1559 concerning some of the same towns that de Soto had visited in 1540
in present-day Alabama (Hudson et al. 1985).
Archaeologically, if this hypothesis is valid, we would expect to
see no significant difference between prehistoric and contact period
sites and artifact assemblages except possibly (slight) decreases in
site area and minor stylistic differences in artifacts, and possibly
the presence of a small number of European artifacts. It is
anticipated on the basis of currently available data (Milanich 1971,
1972, 1978) that this null hypothesis will be rejected.
Hypothesis IB, small, dispersed communities, was derived from the
following. Collapse of early state societies (and presumably
chiefdoms) is characterized by the general features of (1) collapse of
central administration, including decline of public works and number of
hierarchial levels; (2) disappearance of elites, e.g., elaborate
burials; (3) collapse of centralized authority; (4) settlement shifts
and population decline, including abandonment of many settlement
locations, dispersal into smaller settlements, shift to more defensible
locations, and decreased population density; and (5) lower level of
sociopolitical integration, including social segmentation of the
society, fissioning into smaller territories, and small-group local
movements following breakdown in order (Renfrew 1979:482-484). This
collapse may include the end of the hierarchial settlement patterns


484
1979b Discontinuities in the Endogeneous Change of Settlement Pattern.
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Reynolds, R.G.D.
1976Linear Settlement Systems on the Upper Grijalva River: The
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173-180.
Rhoades, Robert E-.
1978 Archaeological Use and Abuse of Ecological Concepts and
Studies: The Ecotone Example. American Antiguity 43(4):608-614.
Rich, J.W.
1976 Downslope Movement and Archaeological Intra-Site Spatial
Analysis. American Antiquity. 41:133-144.
Richerson, P.J.
1977 Ecology and Human Ecology: A Comparision of Theories in the
Biological and Social Sciences. American Ethnologist 41:1-26.
Rindos, David
1983 The Origins of Agriculture; An Evolutionary Perspective.
Academic Press, New York.
Ritter, Dale F.
1978 Process Geomorphology. Wm. C. Brown Company, Dubuque, Iowa.
Roper, Donna C.
1979 The Method and Theory of Site Catchment Analysis: A Review.
In Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 2:119-140. Edited
by Michael B. Schiffer. Academic Press, New York.
Sahlins, Marshall
1974 Stone Age Economics. Aldine, Chicago.
Saunders, Diana M.
1961 Newnans Lake, West. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum
of Natural History.
Schacht, R.M.
1984 The Contemporaneity Problem. American Antiguity 49:678-695.
Schott, Michael !
1985 Shovel-Test Sampling as a Site Discovery Technique: r'.A Case
Study from Michigan. Journal of Field Archaeology 12:458-468.
Seaberg, Lillian M.
1955 The Zetrouer Site: Indian and Spanish in Central Florida.
Master's thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville.


METERS NORTH
METERS WEST
Figure 5-3. Carlisle Site, Controlled Surface Collection, Showing
Artifact Distributions and Site Boundaries. Each grid unit is 5 X
5 m in size.


176
approximately 40 m diamter area. Only a portion of the site was
included in the controlled surface collection. The artifact
concentration appears to be isolated, with no other
concentrations/other village areas immediately adjacent. The
aboriginal sherds are Spanish period (Leon-Jefferson), but Spanish
artifacts are limited to one olive jar sherd and one unidentified metal
fragment which Cliff Nelson suggests may be from a hawk's bell.
Based on the distribution of several stone "chunky stones" or
gaming stones, we suspect that the area between Unit 300, Little Pond,
and the larger Indian Pond West village area, was the Indians' ballgame
field.
B. Hillcrest Area Within Indian Pond East. Indian Pond East
appears, on the basis of controlled surface collections, to consist of
three separate major villages: Hillcrest, Lower Slope, and Hoe
Area/Across the Ditch/ Pure Area. The latter threeHoe Area, Across
the Ditch and Pure Areawere investigated separately and are described
separately, but they may actually represent portions of a single,
larger village area. All of these areas except Lower Slope appear to
date to the 17th century Spanish mission period, but perhaps to
different portions of this period (Johnson and Nelson 1990a).
The plowing and controlled surface collecting extended to the
upper slopes only and did not cover the crest of the hill (Figure 5-7,
northern most cluster of more than a dozen black sguares in Indian Pond
East). Mission period aboriginal ceramics were controlled surface
collected on the upper slopes. General surface collections on the
summit verified that the site extends to the crest, but surface
visibility was poor and the sample of artifacts was too small to verify


88
It is not clear just when the ancestral Lake Grandin shrank to its
current size. However, part of Etonniah "Creek" is now a large, deep
drainage canal. Without this drainage, the Florahome Valley would be
much wetter than it is today. Even in areas not directly linked to the
canal, current residents report that the lakes and streams used to be
much larger.
Several Spanish-Indian archaeological sites have been discovered
and tested in the Hall Lake locale in extreme southwestern Clay County
along the Bellamy Road (Johnson 1986). The Bellamy Road, Florida's
first federal highway (Boyd 1938) was constructed in the 1820s but the
position of these earlier sites verifies that at least this portion of
the road was built on top of an earlier Indian and/or Spanish route.
The American engineers who built the road were instructed to follow the
route of the old Spanish road. They reported that that did this on some
portions of the road but could not find the Spanish road in other
portions. It is not clear from the documents which portions of the
Bellamy Road follow the Spanish road and which portions do not (Boyd
1936, 1938). The Stuart-Purcell map of 1778 (Boyd 1938), made prior to
construction of the Bellamy Road, matches precisely the portion of the
Bellamy road in Clay and Putnam counties. The trail is almost
certainly the main Spanish royal road from St. Augustine to Pensacola.
The sites are found along the boundary between the Interlachen
Karstic Highlands and the Florahome Valley. That is, the sites are
found at the point where the Bellamy Road goes around the north edge of
the Florahome Valley and enters the Interlachen Karstic Highlands.
Lakes in this region are renowned for their big bass, and numerous
aboriginal canoes have been recovered from these lakes, at least one of


Figure 7-7. Santa Fe Site, same as Figure 7-5, with the addition of
fired clay fragments, from the controlled surface collections. Black
grid squares contain higher concentrations of fired clay fragments,
gray grid squares contain lower concentrations. Grid squares are
approximately 3 x 3 m in size, between rows of pine trees.


306
Table 7-12: 8AL189, Reanalysis of Sherds Collected by John Goggin
and Others Reanalysis by Cliff Nelson; artifacts curated at the
Florida Museum of Natural History.
4 Olive jar sherds
2 Grog tempered brushed or simple stamped
2 Sand tempered incised
1 Grog tempered incised
1 Sand tempered brushed or wiped
1 St. Johns fabric impressed
11 Grog tempered fabric impressed
16 Sand tempered fabric impressed
4 Grog tempered cord marked
10 Sand tempered cord marked
2 Sand tempered cob marked
1 Grog tempered cob marked
1 Grog tempered (cob marked?)
1 Sand tempered random punctated, deeply gouged, over cord marked
1 Grog tempered random punctate
1 Grog tempered, tan wash outside, rust red wash inside
2 St. Johns curvilinear complicated stamped
2 Sand tempered curvilinear complicated stamped
2 Grog tempered curvilinear complicated stamped
1 Grog tempered rectilinear complicated stamped
1 Grog tempered (complicated stamped?)
3 Sand tempered check stamped
2 Grog tempered check stamped
1 St. Johns linear check stamped
128 Sand tempered plain
70 Grog tempered plain
2 St. Johns plain
2 St. Johns and limestone (?) tempered
19 Limestone (?) tempered plain
35 Rims, sand tempered
16 Rims, grog tempered
5 Rims, limestone (?) tempered
2 Rims, sand and fiber tempered
2 Rims, sand, fiber and limestone (?) tempered
1 Rim, sand temprerd cord marked
1 Rim, St. Johns cord marked
1 Rim, sand tempered fabric impressed
1 Rim, sand tempered check stamped
1 Rim, sand tempered single line incised
1 Rim, sand tempered, punctations create a line around the rim
7 Sherds temper uncertain c v20 X 20 m bloc* {
470 Sherds sand tempered, too small to classify
55 Sherds grog tempered, too small to classify ......
31 Sherds limestone(?) tempered, too small to classify
2 Fiber tempered, too small to classify
8 Sand and fiber tempered, too small to classify
5 St. Johns, too small to classify


133
Late Precolumbian-to-Contact Period
The late precolumbian-to-contact period is defined as the period
just before, during and immediately after the first contacts by
Europeans, but before wholesale European-induced acculturative changes
had taken effect. That is, the first contact may have been made and
the first European may even have been in residence, but no large-scale
acculturation is yet apparent in the archaeological record. Disease
epidemic-induced changes such as population decline might have occurred
prior to acculturation, but those types of changes are not observable
on seriation charts. This period is roughly from A.D. 1400 to A.D.
1600. This time frame is extended back to A.D. 1400, until more
research can be done in the Utina province to date sites more
precisely.
The procedure for identifying the late precolumbian-contact period
on the seriation charts is to look up and down the chart (e.g., figure
4) for the point at which or just before the point at which the Leon-
Oefferson series first appears. The series is thought to appear in
north florida in the late 16th century or early 17th century, based on
its associations with early 17th century Spanish artifacts. The site
closest to that point where Leon-Jefferson first appears on the chart
is hypothesized to be closest to the late prehistoric-contact time.
The site actually may be late precolumbian or early mission period, but
of all known sites it is the one closest to the contact period. This
information is then verified with other information such as the
presence or absence of Spanish artifacts. In the available sample of
sites, the sites existing closest to the time of contact in each area
include the following.


199
Figure 6-1; Selected Trail Routes in Northern Florida
1. Bellamy Road/Stuart-Purcell route/Spanish royal road/Spanish
"low road"
2. Black Creek trail
3. "High road"
4. Alachua trail
5. Santa Fe trail
6. Connecting trail between Santa Fe trail and the high road
7. Ichetucknee/Alligator Lake trail


*5r¡
<
, fTTTfTfITTTT
fffTTTTTtttT
: >< IM ax I
<*> noun
t
r*i
o
>< >< ax ax i > io
Ui
Figure 5-1. Palmore Site (8AL189), Controlled Surface ||||
Collections and Locations of Subsurface Tests. Each grid
unit is 3 X 3 m in size. In general, every second row was(|
plowed and controlled surface collected.
2 to 5 sherds
6 or more sherds
20



409
Table 9-4; Summary of Environmental Zones and Site Settings, by Region
and Period
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition sites
Late precolumbian/Contact period
Districts or zones
a. Riverine district 0
b. Green desert/dry sandhill district 0
c. Lake district 10
d. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district 0
e. Deciduous or mixed forest upland 8
Microenvironments or site settings
1. Riverine 0
2. Green desert/dry sandhills 0
3. Large lakes and marshes 9
4. Small flow-through aguatic systems 1
3. Small land-locked aquatic systems 3
6. Crest of hill or upper slope 1
Combination of #4 and #6 1
Combination of #5 and #6 1
Mission period
Districts or zones
a. Riverine district 0
b. Green desert/dry sandhill district 0
c. Lake district 2
d. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district 0
e. Deciduous or mixed forest upland 7
Microenvironments or site settings
1. Riverine 0
2. Green desert/dry sandhills 0
3. Large lakes and marshes 2
4. Small flow-through aquatic systems 2
5. Small land-locked aquatic systems 5
6. Crest of hill or upper slope 0
Utina/Late Indian Pond sites n ira c
Late precolumbian/Contact period : > -'om . r.t&fi >.r. i.h kb* *Uxtl t. *
Districts or zones -^ rep* >?*?
a. Riverine district 1
b. Green desert/dry sandhill district 0
c. Lake district 8
d. Flatwoods and high plain swamp district 0
e. Deciduous or mixed forest upland 0


*\c
113
Figure 4-2
Locations of Sites Used in the Seriation Charts


228
current Alapaha River. The high road crosses the Suwannee River at
this point and continues westward, across Hamilton County.
Though the 1776 Romans map shows five settlements in north
Florida, none is found in current Alachua, Bradford, Columbia, or Union
counties. Two settlements are along the Suwannee River in extreme
western Suwannee County, and three are in current Madison County. The
hundred miles of territory between the St. Johns River and the Suwannee
River is abandoned. If there were any inhabitants, they must have been
living in small groups such as nuclear families or very small villages.
From Hamilton County the high road crosses the Withlacoochee River
several miles from its mouth, and passes through the town of "Noowalla"
on the west bank of the Withlacoochee in current Madison County. A few
miles farther west, the road passes through "Octoka" in current Madison
County. The existence of these sites and their relative positions are
verified on other maps of the period (Table 6-1).
Various spellings of these names are complied below in Table 6-2.
The name Octoka can be traced back through a series of names to Yustaga
and Oustaca (Laudonierre 1564). Octoka is shown on the Romans map near
an unidentified large natural feature, probably San Pedro Bay, which is
a very large swamp. The location of the site of Octoka is correct in
the sense that this site is within the known territory of the Yustaga
chiefdom encountered by de Soto and other early European explorers and
missionaries (Chapter III).
From Octoka on the Romans map, the high road turns southward. It
rejoins the low road at the site of "S. Pedro" in current Madison
County. This site was excavated by Calvin Jones (Greene 1972).


261
The documents indicate that the Santa Fe mission was established
between 1606 and 1616. The aboriginal ceramic inventory includes
mostly plain sherds and small amounts of Indian Pond complex sherds,
but no cob-marked Alachua Tradition ceramics. The introduced Leon-
Oefferson pottery series is present, but it does not dominate the
assemblage here as it does at many sites (Figures 1 through 4 in
Chapter IV). This means that the introduced series has not yet
replaced the native assemblages. The investigated site is not the more
recent Santa Fe, that was destroyed by invasion in 1702. This
conclusion is suggested by the absence of late 17th century majolica
ceramics.
Methods of Investigation at the Santa Fe Site. Research methods
used at the site include the following, listed in the approximate
sequence in which they were undertaken:
1. General surface collections
2. Shovel testing
3. 1 X 1 m test pits
4. Metal detector survey
3. Soil cores
6. Soil resistivity survey
7. 2 X 2 m test pits
8. Controlled surface collections
9. Remote sensing
10. Auger testing and posthole testing (periphery of
the site)
11. Mechanical stripping of the plowzone (in a small
portion of the cemetery)
The most informative techniques were the metal detector survey,
controlled surface collections, test pits and and mechanical stripping.
Controlled surface collecting techniques (between rows of pine trees)
are discussed in Chapter V, Methods. The metal detector survey was
eye-opening in the sense that the site was at first thought to be only
a small farmstead, based on the general scarcity of ceramic artifacts


161
areas date to the Spanish mission period, though more precise temporal
determinations are uncertain. The number of houses probably
represented can be estimated. The larger area (Figure 5-3) represents
a small, compact settlement, and the smaller area probably represents a
single house.
The controlled surface collection, conducted in 1986 with the
assistance of the landowners and friends and neighbors, also served to
correct a bias held by the investigators. The collection showed that
the larger habitation area was slightly (a few feet elevation) below
the crest of the hill rather than on the crest where expected. The
collection was also used as a guide in selecting locations for a small
number of test pits but no features were encountered and little
additional data was produced (Johnson 1986).
Goodwin. Goodwin (8AL453; also see Chapter VII) is a small 17th
century site which appears to represent an outlying farmstead 0.5 mile
south of the Santa Fe mission (Figure 5-4). Few artifacts are present
on the surface. During initial investigations in June and July 1985,
the location of every artifact was mapped individually. The technigue
of plotting each individual artifact on the surface has also been used
at other low-density sites such as China Lake (Davis 1975; Plog et al.
1978:409-410). Even though only 55 artifacts (aboriginal pottery
sherds, chert flakes and other lithics, and 2 Spanish olive jar sherds)
were encountered on the surface, the map clearly indicates site size
and boundaries.
After additional plowing and rainfall, twice as many aftifacts were
visible on the surface. Controlled surface collections in May 1986
verified the site boundaries and site size and provided a larger


316
of the plow zone at 20-22 cm to 64 cm below surface. Feature 3 was a
postmold located 26 cm west of Feature 1. This postmold, 13-15 cm in
diameter, had straight sides, and a flat bottom at 52 cm below surface.
Area A in this test was a possible postmold with tapered sides and a
sloping bottom at 42 cm below surface, located approximately 18 cm east
of Feature 1. Feature 2 was a charcoal-stained pit, 43 cm in diameter,
with straight sides and a flat to slightly sloping bottom (disturbed by
rodent holes) at 41 cm below surface, located 58 cm southwest of
Feature 1. It is likely that these features are associated with an
aborigonal house.
The artifact assemblage at Goodwin is listed in Table 7-19.
Artifact totals from all surface collections, shovel tests and test
pits at the site are combined.
Table 7-19: Artifacts from Goodwin, All Contexts Combined
2 Blue glass beads
5 Olive jar sherds
13 Curvilinear complicated stamped sherds
21 Unclassified stamped (most too small to classify)
8 Cob marked sherds
2 Cord marked sherds
1 St. dohns Check Stamped sherd, fine check
1 Incised sherd
1 Ceramic handle or ladle, probably Miller Plain
186 Plain sherds
Other sherds too small to classify
1 Iron ax, broken
1 Rock, excavated in association with the ax; unused sharpening
Stone? ; j'-' :i .. 3 l:.j >Ju i v |
1 Rusty sheet metal fragment,,-:, ;i to classify <
1 Other rusty metal object
4 Shell fragments, including 1 conch shell fragment
5 Projectile points and other bifaces
88 chert flakes
Charcoal fragments


CHAPTER X
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Northern Utina
Two different geographical areas and their people both have been
called Timucua and Utina. The two names Timogana and Outina (variant
spellings) were first used to refer to a single group of mid-16th
century Indians near the St. Johns River, Florida. The natives used
the term Outina, meaning "home" or "us," to refer to themselves; the
name Thimogano, meaning "enemy," was used to refer to them by other
natives. In the 17th century period of the Florida missions, the same
two names were used again for a single group of people, but this time
for native peoples in north Florida. The terms eastern Utina and
northern Utina (or simply Utina) are used here to distinguish the two
groups.
The term Timucua has been used in several ways: to refer to the
northern Utina, to the region of the Potano and the northern Utina
combined, to a language family, and to the fifteen or more independant,
but culturally related chiefdoms of northern peninsular Florida that
spoke Timucuan.
I
In the 1560s the northern Utina were almost certainly also called
Onatheaqua. This may have been the name of the chief in the decades
after Hernando de Soto's attacks upon Aguacaleyquen, Uriutina, and
Napetuca. At that time Onatheaqua was one of the most powerful chiefs
in eastern and northern Florida. Otherimportant chiefs were Chief
423


206
Burnetts Lake. From Burnetts Lake to one mile southeast of Hague, U.
S. Highway 441 follows or parallels within one mile the Bellamy Road to
the curve in the highway where the de Soto Trail roadside exhibit now
stands. Part of this segment is marked by a line of massive cedar
trees along U.S. Highway 441 extending nearly to Hague.
Southeast of Hague, the Bellamy Road leaves the well-drained
"hammocky" rolling hills and enters the least-certain segment of the
route across several miles of "flatwoods" in central Alachua County.
The segment disappears on most maps after the Second Seminole War and
was apparently abandoned. It cannot be traced on the ground or on
aerial photographs, though it must have gone through the current
grounds of the Gainesville Regional Utilities electric generating
plant, and the potential locations for the proposed new Alachua County
landfill.
The only way for the road to have avoided this area of seasonally
poorly-drained flatwoods would have been for the road to have continued
farther southeastward, through present Gainesville, rather than
swinging eastward across the flatwoods. Older trails, possibly
including the Spanish road and even older Indian trails, may well have
followed that route before construction of the Bellamy Road. The route
across the flatwoods is shorter; the short-cut north of Buck Bay at
Gainesville probably resulted from road construction, first by the
Spanish and later by Captain Burch, but for the same engineering
reasons. This segment was apparently off the natural trail corridor
and off the ancestral Indian route.
This type of flatwoods is undoubtedly the kind of terrain that the
builder of the Bellamy Road spoke of with dismay as being dry during


238
droughts. It is not clear whether the route near the current bridge
dates earlier than the late 19th century.
These first two crossings may be shown on an 1839 sketch map
(L247-58). On this map the trail route lead directly to Fort Ward
(Tolosa). Other maps of the period show the trail to Fort Call, and do
not indicate Fort Ward or Tolosa, indicating that they were occupied at
slightly different times.
Continuing northward from the Santa Fe River, a 1913 soils map
shows an old road leading northwest to Providence. From Providence, it
is unclear whether the route crossed Olustee Creek at Old Providence
Baptist Church into Columbia County, or continued northward along the
east bank of Olustee Creek. These roads existed during the late 19th
century, but it is not known if they existed earlier during the Spanish
period. No maps are available for this area during that period.
The third crossing point over the Santa Fe is at Fort Call. Most
early 19th century maps show the road from Fort Gilleland/Newnansville
at this point, regardless of whether Ft. Ward or Ft. Call was occupied
at the time. This is possibly the natural trail corridor. From here
the trail forks, one fork curving westward to Ft. Ward, the other fork
going northeast to Lake Butler and then along the east side of Swift
Creek Pond (United States Archives L247-6 1835; L247-57). From Swift
Creek Pond this branch of the trail probably continued northward and
intersected the high road, but few maps show that portion of north
Florida.
The sites of Fort Ward and Tolosa have been surface collected but
not otherwise investigated (Johnson 1987; Johnson, Nelson and Terry
1988). Early aerial photographs show that as late as 1939, farmers


Table 8-6. Continued
SITE MMEI I MIC
MTIFACT COCITY
SPACING OF HOUSES Of PAESJQ MUSES
CUQUE KM
(All ntn Tor Midi
any kind of dala on
coapact or diapartad
It avalladla, nn if
imifficiaat to aaka
a dat oral nation.
Danaity of Surface fianaity of Surface tmity of Suduurfaca Spacint of Surface Spacing of Sudturfaca Sparing of Surfaca
frtifacta, Ouall- (Hifirtl, Oeantl- Artifact, Ouantita- Structural Evidence Structural Evidence Concentration of
tit in (Judpontal, titivt (aherd/u^ tin (iderdt/e3, lt.|., dauD, In <>.|., pool wide, Artifact* IPreuaed
iriril xrfic* control lid Mrfica ludaurfaca teotal contrallad aurface aicavatlona or Houttl (Contrallad
collactionl collactianal collactional tntingl tirita collactionel
Spacing of Suduurfaca PrawK* of Danaa,
Concantritiona of Contiiwoot Dlatri-
Artifacta IPrwaad dutlon of (Hi fact a
Hooual Itaatinf or Acroaa tha Entire
aicivationa I artifact Sarfaca of Sita COMCT
danaity prafllatl
DISPERSED Of
90TT TEM
UTltd) KEIIM, El TVER LATE PCECDUMUM/COMTACT 01 MSEUN PEIIOi
M.1IE, livor Fiald
loa
- r'-j
-
AAL233, Allifood't North
Pastnr*
loa
-
KM
high
-
-
OTTCI TIM PERIODS Of OLTUAES
Dttar lay
loa
5s
-
I
368


483
Purdy, Barbara A.
1977 Weapons, Strategies, and Tactics of the Europeans and the
Indians in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Florida. Florida
Historical Quarterly 60(3) :259-277.
Pyke, G.H., H.R. Pulliam, and E.L. Charnov
1977 Optimal Foraging: A Selective Review of Theory and Tests.
Quarterly Review of Biology 32:137-154.
Ramenofsky, Ann
1982 The Archaeology of Population Collapse: Native American
Response to the Introduction of Infectious Disease. Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Washington.
Ranjel, Rodrigo
1904 A Narrative of the De Soto Expedition based on the Diary of
Rodrigo Ranjel, His Private Secretary. By Gonzalo Fernandez De
Oviedo Y Valdes. Translated by Edward Gaylord Bourne. In
Narratives of the Career of Hernand de Soto, edited by Edward
Gaylord Bourne. Allerton Book Company, New York. pp.43-81f.
Rapport, D.3., and 3.E. Turner
1977 Economic Models in Ecology. Science 195:367-373.
Rappaport, Roy A.
1969 Ritual Regulation of Environmental Relations Among a New
Guinea People. In Environment and Cultural Behavior, Ecological
Studies in Cultural Anthropology, edited by Andrew P. Vayda.
University of Texas Press, Austin, pp. 181-201.
1977 Maladaptation in Social Systems.
Reidhead, V.A.
1980 The Economics of Subsistence Change. In Modeling of
Prehistoric Subsistence Economies, edited by T.K. Earle and A.L.
Christenson, pp. 141-186. Academic Press, New York.
Reitz, Elizabeth 3.
1979 Spanish and British Subsistence Strategies at St. Augustine,
Florida, and Frederica, Georgia, Between 1565 and 1783. PhD
dissertation, University of Florida.
Renfrew, Colin
1977 Alternative Models for Exchange and Spatial Distribution. In
Exchange Systems in Prehistory, edited by T. K. Earle and 3. E.
Ericson, pp. 71-90. Academic Press, New York. .
7 rr -s. . o l j V i ; <:i. iMi QUV * . tf y: *£
... ,vr- v ) y \ *- v
1979a Systems Collapse as Social Transformation: Catastrophe and,
Anastrophe in Early State Societies. In Transformations:
Mathematical Approaches to Culture Change, edited by Colin Renfrew
and Kenneth L. Cooke, pp. 481-506. Academic Press, New York.


22
Other Factors
Interactions of humans with other components of the cultural
ecosystem may change because of changes in relative costs, efficiency,
effectiveness and productivity of particular subsistence systems, or
because of changing (outside) demands or availability of new
(introduced) resources such as cattle, oranges, peaches or wheat.
These changes may result from diffusion, trade, acculturation,
migration, the opening of new opportunities for accumulating wealth
(Ferguson 1984), and interaction with technological, economic and other
cultural factors. Carrying capacity may change due to degree and type
of exploitation (Bailey 1981), technological innovation or diffusion,
or other changes altering efficiency and yield. Overexploitation and
depletion of the resource is one type of interaction (Hames and Vickers
1982:363).
Decision-Making Processes
All of the above postulated effects assume human rationality of
goals (Herskovits 1968; Godelier 1972) and native knowledge of costs,
nutrients, availability, and risks (Reidhead 1980; Abruzzi 1980:27).
There may also have been tradeoffs between the needs for security
(minimization of risk), minimization of effort (least cost), and
maximization of output (Earle 1980:14; Lee 1969; Gould 1977:168-170.)
"Satisfaction" (Lee 1972; Gould 1977) is another factor, but is more
difficult to measure. Even when certain adaptive responses might
appear to be potentially advantageous, these changes may have been
resisted (Bender 1978). Reasons for resistance to adaptive change may
include risk as a factor in decision making (Lane 1983; Bettinger
1982:226), cost-benefit uncertainty (Earle 1980:16), interference


165
"hotspots" are thought to represent the locations of individual
aboriginal houses or activity areas.
Otter Bay, 8C0394. This does not appear to be a Spanish period
site because the Indian pottery assemblage does not match any known
complex, but controlled surface collections here demonstrate the high
value of the technique in producing site patterning data at sites with
few artifacts (Figure 5-5). The site had been bedded for pine
seedlings and was collected in early 1990 by Nelson and Johnson. A
casual stroll over the site may produce few or no artifacts; a more
careful general surface collection will produce small numbers of
artifacts but no information on site size or boundaries. Subsurface
testing would probably produce little or nothing unless guided by the
results of controlled surface collection. A controlled surface
collection, though also producing few artifacts, shows the locations of
several aboriginal houses and activity areas, site boundaries and site
size.
The controlled surface collection also shows surprisingly detailed
results, despite the plowing disturbance. In particular, the
collection map shows the pattern of artifact discard around a single
apparent residential unit. For example, at one location at this site
(Figure 5-6), there is a circle of artifacts surrounding an open area
devoid of artifacts. The open area, 6 to 8 m in diameter, appears to
represent the interior of the house. The circle of artifacts,
approximately 15 m in diameter both north/south and east/west, appears
to represent artifact discard pattern around the periphery of the
house. If is not clear if the circle of artifacts was inside or
outside the house. The open area contains small amounts of fired clay


372
no data on compact or dispersed for these three sites. 8AL333 dates to
this period also, but there are no data on site size, and it is unknown
if it is compact or dispersed. In the mission period there is a
greater range of site sizes, including one large site and a larger
number of smaller sites. This pattern probably represents one main
mission village and a number of small satellite villages. The one
large site, Moon Lake, is deemed compact, based on surface density-of
artifacts. Most of the other sites are very small and are not
classified compact or dispersed.
Site size Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8AL324, Heatherwood Subdivision medium -
8AL332 medium
8AL333
8AL337, HRS Cluster Housing medium
Mission period sites:
8AL325 very small
8AL327, Moon Lake large
8AL329 very small
8AL330, Thorpe's Spring medium
8AL336, Rutledge very small
8AL2589, Rutledge #2
compact
too small to classify
?
too small to classify
5. Orange Lake Cluster During the late precolumbian/contact
period, this cluster included at least two large or very large, compact
sites, and no known small or dispersed sites. The location of one
mission period site is recorded but there are no data about its size,
number or spacing of household units or artifact density.
aec comp i '
nedi Site size hCompact or dispersed,
. <, rff v r* y rvp c-tfi-ft ** > *
Late precolumbian/contact sites:
8AL100, Richardson very large compact
8AL101, North End Fish Camp large compact
Mission period sites:
8AL98, Boyd


200
ambush it would probably be when they came out from under the
trees.... [W]hen [the lieutenant and his men] arrived at the
end of the open space he encountered two or three hundred
Indians who met our Frenchmen with a swarm of arrows.... My
lieutenant had the pace of his men quickened to gain the open
ground which I have already described.... This combat kept
up from nine o'clock in the morning until night.... [Two
Frenchmen were killed and 22 wounded.] (Bennett 1975:137)
Le Moyne described the main trail leading inland into interior Florida:
[T]he enemy of our neighbor King Saturioua was far more
powerful than he; and that, moreover, his [chief Potano's]
friendship was indispensable to us for the reason that the
road to the Apalatcy Mountains (which we were desirous of
reaching, because we were informed that most of the gold and
silver which we had received in trade was brought thence) lay
through his dominions. (Bennett 1968:95)
The network of trails connectiong prehistoric Indian villages and
chiefdoms in Florida must have changed through time as individual
village locations were shifted, or trading relationships changed, or
the relative power of various groups waxed and waned. Various
connecting trails were used heavily or abandoned as cultural conditions
changed. However, certain major trails, or at least general corridors,
undoubtedly remained open permanently because of natural geographical
features such as drainage divides, river crossings, and lake and swamp
barriers. These major trails are likely to have been available to
early European explorers in Florida. The purpose of this chapter is to
explore some of them.
Trail routes and general corridors are reconstructed from old maps,
the distribution of dated archaeological sites, and documentary
evidence. Dependable maps became available only in the early 19th
century, but other maps date to three centuries earlier. At first
glance there is little resemblance between, for example, Laudonniere's
map of Florida and modern maps. However, by working backward through


374
2. Fig Springs Cluster. The mis sien..site- at Fig Springs is large
and compact. 8C071 is medium sized and dispersed or short term. Other
sites exist in the area, but are poorly known.
Site size Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
None known
Mission period sites:
8C01, Fig Springs large compact
8C071, Weechatookamee
Old Fields medium dispersed or short term
Cedar Branch Run
3. Alligator Lake Cluster Though several sites are known or
suspected, the one site for which good data are available is medium
sized and compact.
Site size Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8C0149, Forest Hills Academy medium compact
Mission period site:
8C0148, North Alligator Lake
4.Charles Springs Cluster
The two known mission period sites are large or very large in
size, but whether they are compact or dispersed is undetermined.
Site size Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
No known sites
Mission period sites:
8SU23, Charles Spring ...large j
8SU67 * very, .large f ... '
...... '-'no 1 x 1.00 - : .-
3. Indian Pond Cluster The only known late precolumbian site is
very large and compact. The equally large or nearly as large mission
period sites are classified as dispersed or short term. Indian Pond
West is the only known site in the Unita region which is definitely


240
However, this is a natural corridor along the east bank of Olustee
Creek. It seems unlikely that a major north-south trail which begins
at Tampa Bay and runs up the length of the Florida peninsula would
simply come to a halt in the middle of current Union County, four or
five miles short of its intersection with a major east-west trail.
The northern extension of the Florida Santa Fe trail probably
intersected the high road on the east bank of Olustee Creek, at or just
south of where Highway 100 now crosses the creek. The high road
approximates the route of current Highway 100 between Lake Butler and
Lake City as seen on the original early 19th century land surveys. Old
roads crossed Olustee Creek one to two miles downstream from the
current crossing. In fact, several old roads converge on a three-mile
stretch of Olustee Creek (also see discussion of the high road). The
current crossing is at the upper (northern) end of this three-mile
stretch. Roads converge on this point from the south (that is,
probably from Tolosa), from the southeast (from Ft. Call), from the
east (from lake Butler), and from Swift Creek Pond to the east-
northeast. One possible reconstruction of Hernando de Soto's route
would place the town of Aguacaleyguen in this vicinity. This may have
also been the location of a late 19th/early 20th century town, as a
post office and school were formerly present. However, few structures
survive and even the name of the community is unknown. This stretch
of Olustee Creek is unknown archaeologically. Survey is hindered by
poor surface visibility in the thousands of acres of pine forest and
little or no ground visibility. Subsurface testing is needed on
several high-potential settings along a 2 mile (3 km) stretch of


196
certain of the hypotheses in Chapter VII. The methods developed here,
hopefully, will lead to better data in future surveys.


487
Spangenberg, Robert
1949 An Archeological Survey of Paynes Prairie, Bivan's Arm and
Nearby Sites. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of Natural
History.
Speight, M.R.
1983 The Potential of Ecosystem Management for Pest Control.
Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 10(2):183-199.
Spooner, Brian, editor
1972 Population Growth: Anthropological Implications MIT Press,
Cambridge, Massachussetts.
Starke, Barbara L., and Dennis L. Young
1981 Linear Nearest Neighbor Analysis. American Antiquity
46(2):284-300.
Starna, W.A.
1980 Mohawk Iroquois Populations: A Revision. Ethnohistory 27:371-
382.
Steward, Julian
1938 Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Socio-Political Groups. Bureau of
American Ethnology Bulletin 120. Washington, D.C.
1953 Theory of Culture Change. Urbana, Illinois.
Stewart, Omer C.
1956 Fire as the First Great Force Employed by Man. In Man's
Role in Changing the Face of the Earth, edited by William L.
Thomas, with the collaboration of Carl 0. Sauer, Marston Bates, and
Lewis Mumford. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, pp. 115-133.
Stier, Frances
1982 Domestic Economy: Land, Labor, and Wealth in a San Bias
Community. American Ethnologist 9(3) :519-537.
Stokell, R.A.
1978 Suwannee County Survey: Fall 1977 Field Session, Preliminary
Report. Unpublished manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History, Gainesville. 33 pages.
Street, F.A., and A.T. Grove
1979 Global Maps of Lake Level Fluctuations Since 30,000 yrs. B.P.
Quaternary Research 12:83-118. I
i :>ei iiiifikijfit '
Struever, Stuart
1968 Woodland Subsistence Settlement Systems in the Lower Illinois
Valley. In New Perspectives in Archaeology, edited by Sally R.
Binford and Lewis R. Binford. pp. 285-312.


203
and various stream crossings. The conclusion is that the Bellamy Road
followed the same basic route as an old trail. The question is, how
old was this trail when Purcell mapped it? Was this the Spanish
mission road? Was it a major Indian trail even before the time of the
earliest European explorers? Was there more than one mission road, at
different times or even at the same time?
Three potential alternate routes of the Spanish road across north
Florida are: (1) the Purcell/Bellamy route, which crosses central
Alachua County, (2) around the north side of Santa Fe Lake and Swamp,
and (3) along the north edge of Paynes Prairie, as described by William
Bartram. Thess questions can be resolved through documentary,
cartographic and archaeological research. The first route, along or
near the Bellamy Road, is traced below. The second potential route,
north of the Santa Fe Lake, is probably part of a different trail (see
"high road" discussed below). The third potential route, described by
William Bartram on the north side of Paynes Prairie, may have been the
natural trail corridor prior to Spanish or American construction of the
segment through the flatwoods north of Gainesville (see below).
The following summarizes the route of the Bellamy/Purcell/Spanish
route, building on the work of Boyd (1938, 1939). The Spanish road
from St. Augustine to Pensacola crossed the St. Johns (or "Big San
Juan") River at Piccolata, then the Santa Fe River at the Natural
Bridge, and the Suwannee (or "Little San Juan") River at Charles Ferry.
The current discussion traces the segment from west to east, from the
Natural Bridge at O'Leno State park to the St. Johns River.
As shown on the Stuart-Purcell map and numerous other maps, the
route crosses the Natural Bridge, currently in O'Leno State Park, then


136
2. Indian Pond West at the Indian Pond site (8C0229) in the
Indian Pond cluster.
3. Santa Fe site (8AL190) in the Santa Fe cluster.
Majolica dates from these three sites indicate that all were
occupied during the early 17th century, but the aboriginal assemblages
are slightly different, indicating local variations. A ratio of
aboriginal sherds for this period can be constructed by contrasting two
groups, the linear marked/cord marked/fabric marked group versus the
Leon-Jefferson/Lamar complicated stamped group. At Baptizing Springs,
one-eighth (12.1%) are linear marked/cord marked/fabric marked and
seven-eights (87.8%) are Leon-Jefferson/Lamar complicated stamped in
this period. At Indian Pond West, 3.4% are the first category and
96.5% are complicated stamped. At the Santa Fe mission site, A-190, it
is roughly half-and-half, 47% of the first category and 53% complicated
stamped.
The Leon-Jefferson sherds can be set aside in order to contrast
the two most abundant groups of Indian Pond complex sherds for this
time period. In the Baptizing Springs cluster (i.e., at the Baptizing
Springs site), 26% of this sample are cord marked/fabric marked versus
74% for linear marked, with a sample size of 227 sherds. At Indian
Pond West and at the Palmore site in the Santa Fe cluster, both sherd
groups are present but in small numbers, less than twenty cord/fabric
or linear marked sherds in either collection. At Palmore, most
decorated sherds are linear marked rather than cord/fabric marked but
the sample size of decorated sherds is small.
In summary, for the early 17th century where sample sizes are
adequate, three-fourths of the linear marked/cord marked/fabric marked


449
number of smaller sites, or of one medium-to-large site with a larger
number of smaller satellite sites.
6. Change to greater diversity in site sizes. No one size class
dominates in the mission period.
7. Greater number of compact sites than dispersed or short term
sites in both periods and regions, but sample sizes are small.
8. Greatest number of dispersed or short term sites in the Utina
mission period.
9. Change in diversity of microenvironmental site settings, from
lesser diversity (homogeneity) of settings in the late
precolumbian/contact period to greater diversity (heterogeneity) in the
mission period.
10. Change in microenvironmental settings, from orientation
solely to the dominant topographic feature in the late
precolumbian/contact period, to orientation to either the dominant
feature or subsidiary features within that broad zone in the mission
period.
11. During the late precolumbian/contact period, prevalence of
sites at large lakes (both regions) and/or uplands (Potano/Alachua
region only), in terms of both general zones and microenvironmental
settings.
12. In both regions during the mission period, increasing
selection for smaller aquatic systems, such as ponds, sinks or streams.
-f c ¡tnmuni tv
These smaller aquatic systems (in contrast to larger aquatic systems)
provide little food. They are mainly sources of water, not food.


147
Many archaeologists refer to their sites as either compact or
dispersed settlements. However, few methods have been developed for
distinguishing these site types. The current study develops one such
set of techniques. The general approach and the factors involved are
summarized in the following sections.
In this study community pattern type is operationally defined in
terms of two variables: (1) site size, and (2) whether the settlement
is compact or dispersed (Chapter II). These data are derived from
measurements of amount of site area, density of debris, length of
occupation, and intensity of occupation. Site area can be determined
from surface or subsurface artifact distributions (see methods below).
Density of debris can be determined from number of artifacts per volume
of soil or per unit area ground surface. Length (duration) of
occupation is the most difficult factor to establish. It can be
estimated from datable artifacts (such as Spanish majolicas), pottery
seriations, evidence of rebuilding, historic documents and other
sources of data. Intensity of occupation is a ratio of artifact
density to length of occupation. Whether the site is large or small,
and whether compact or dispersed, is determined from these data.
Methods for producing these data are discussed below, including
controlled surface collecting and certain subsurface testing
procedures. The above factors define the site pattern type. Sites are
categorized as large and compact, large and dispersed, small and
compact, or small and dispersed. Once these determinations have been
made, further comparisons and studies of change through time can then
be made.


218
joining what later came to be called the Purcell route/Bellamy Road at
this point, the trail, now known as Ray's Trail, ran to the west. It
did not intersect the Purcell/Bellamy route until farther north and
closer to the Natural Bridge. Perhaps a side trail connected Ray's
Trail with Purcell's route at site 8AL166 found at Sonny's Barbeque
west of the current town of Alachua, or perhaps the main trail
originally went through 8AL166 rather than going through Newnansville
and across Mill Creek. Two or more mounds formerly existed at this
site of 8AL166 (Simpson n.d.). Mill Creek disappears into a skinhole
at this site. This sink was at one time known as Alachua Sink, which
is a different sink from the one at Paynes Prairie/Alachua
Prairie/Alachua Lake which now bears the name.
Purcell's 1778 "Path to Latchua" or "First Branch to Latchua" (in
the legend of the map) (Boyd 1938) appears on few other maps. By
comparing that map with modern topographic maps, the route can be
plotted along the crest of the first ridge immediately west of Townsend
Branch/Mill Creek. In contrast, the Bellamy Road, running north/south
for a few miles, goes along the east side of this same stream. The
Bellamy Road then turns west and crosses the stream, intersecting with
the Santa Fe trail (see below).
Mill Creek disappears into the sinkhole called Alachua Sink
(Simpson, n.d.) northwest of the town of Alachua. Site 8AL166 is
situated near this sink. The Path to Latchua leads southward to the
vicinity of this sink, though Purcell did not draw his line
representing that trail this far on the map. However, the trail can be
picked up at this point on early 19th century maps where it is called


246
72; Johnson 1986). The Spanish documents indicate that Santa Fe and
IT
Francisco were in operation throughout the 17th century, while San
^ Fj f *
rtin was in operation only for the first half of the 17th century.
|f: y>-
e portion of Santa Fe which has been identified archaeologically
gjlii,.-
jtes, like San Martin/Fig Springs, only to the first half of the 17th
hj
sntury.
j Many mission stations throughout Timucua and Apalachee were in
operation at the same time as Santa Fe during some portion of the 17th
jrpr
century (Hann n.d.a.). It is unclear whether or not certain other
&Of
missions operated simultaneously with the Santa Fe mission because of
uncertainty about the dates of founding and abandonment; these include
2h'.
the early 17th century Potano missions of Santa Ana, San Miguel and San
py
^Buenaventura (See Chapter III),
rod
The exact year in which the mission of Santa Fe de Toloca (or
fin !
Ileleco or Toloco, also called Seor Santo Tomas de Santa Fe [Boyd
jk'
1939:261]) was established is unclear, but it may have been soon after
San Francisco de Potano was established in A.D. 1606. The first
recorded reference to Santa Fe de Teleco is in 1616 when it was visited
r-
by Father Luis Gernimo de Ore (Geiger 1940:123). Santa Fe's founder
is not identified though it was probably Father Martin Prieto who also
established the nearby San Francisco mission.
Like other early missions, the Santa Fe was almost certainly built
i\ .. .y > v .
near an existing Indian village. Only later in the 17th century
, afiter
Spain was firmly in control, were the missionaries able to locate
missions where desired and then compel Indians to resettle near them.
No name is given in the Spanish documents for the village near
which Santa Fe was established. Based on geographical location and


Number of Artifacts
186
TEST PIT #
Test Pits 10 and 13 are 15 m apart (for scale).
Figure 5-10. Santa Fe Site, Artifact Density Profile.


38
lower Mississippi Valley Survey (Phillips, Ford and Griffin 1951).
Willey defined settlement patterns as:
. . the way in which man disposed himself over the
landscape on which he lived. It refers to dwellings, to their
arrangement, and to the nature and disposition of other
buildings pertaining to community life. These settlements
reflect the natural environment, the level of technology on
which the builders operated, and various institutions of
social interaction and control which the culture maintained
(Willey 1953:1).
The roots of Willey's approach are found in Julian Steward's
cultural ecology and the concept of the "culture core" (Steward 1936,
1938, 1955). The culture core contains the elements of culture which
are in direct contact with the natural environment. The roots of the
concept can be traced back to the materialist and evolutionary
approaches of Morgan (1877), Marx (1867) and Darwin (1859).
Following the early stimulus provided by Willey, a variety of
other approaches and applications have also developed in settlement
archaeology. For example, a "1955 Seminar in Archaeology" set up a
series of ideal types of communities along a continuum from sedentary
to nomadic (Meggers 1956). The types included free wandering,
restricted wandering, central-based wandering, semi-permanent
sedentary, simple nuclear centered, advanced nuclear centered, and
supra-nuclear integrated (Meggers 1956). Another early proponent of
settlement studies was Chang (1958, 1968), who emphasized social
factors in settlement patterns.
From the very beginning settlement studies have been concerned
with spatial arrangements, function, the community, the environment and
change (Parsons 1972). The integrated nature of these phenomena is


489
1985 Natives and Newcomers; Canada's 'Heroic Age1 Reconsidered.
McGill-Queens University Press, Kingston and Montreal.
Turner, E. Randolph and Robert S. Santley
1979 Deer Skins and Hunting Territories Reconsidered. American
Antiquity 44(4):810-816.
United States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service
1984 Soil Survey of Columbia County, Florida. United States
Department of Agriculture.
United States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservations Service
1984 General Soil Map, Columbia County, Florida. In Soil Survey
of Columbia County, Florida. United States Department of
Agriculature.
United States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service
n.d. Soil Survey of Suwannee County, Florida. United States
Department of Agriculture.
Vanderhill, Burke G.
1977 The Alachua Trail: A Reconstruction. Florida Historical
Quarterly 55(4):423-438.
Vayda, Andrew P., editor
1969 Environment and Cultural Behavior; Ecological 5tudies in
Cultural Anthropology. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Vayda, A. P., and B.d. Maccay
1975 New Directions in Ecology and Ecological Anthropology. Annual
Review of Anthropology 4:293-306.
Vayda, Andrew P. and Roy A. Rappaport
1968 Ecology, Cultural and Noncultural. In Introduction to
Cultural Anthropology, edited by dames A. Clifton. Houghton,
Boston, pp. 477-497.
Vitousek, Peter M., W.A. Reiners, J.M. Melillo, C.C. Grier, and d.R.
Gosz
1981 Nitrogen Cycling and Loss Following Forest Perturbation: The
Components of Response. In Stress Effects on Natural Ecosystems,
edited by Gary W. Barrett and Rutger Rosenberg. John Wiley and
Sons, Chichester, pp. 115-127.
Vita-Finzi, C. and E. S. Higgs ;
1970 Prehistoric Economy in the Mount Carmel area of Palestine:
Site Catchment Analysis. The Prehistoric Society, Proceedings ,
36:1-37.


445
Table 10-6. Continued.
Late precolumbian/
Mission
contact period
period
Utina/Late Indian Pond
complex region:
Often medium to
large, often compact
Shift downward in
average site size?
In some areas, only 1
large, compact site w/
high artifact density
(e.g., Palmore)
All site size classes
well represented,
especially small and
medium. Increase in
all size classes.
Narrow range of common
sizes (low diversity)
Greater diversity
in site sizes
Total number of sites
small (problems with
ceramics?)
Increased total number
of sites
Few dispersed or short
term sites
Highest number of
dispersed or short
term sites.
Clusters of sites
may be linear
dispersed
In some clusters,
larger number of
smaller sites, or 1
large site and
larger number of
smaller sites, some
of which are
dispersed or short
term with low
artifact densities.
no0

Spanish town planning
at some sites. ; t imp
In some
clusters,increase in
size may mark the
effects of the
reduction policy (e.g.
Baptizing Spring)


150
other studies (Hally 1982; Shapiro 1984; Smith and Scarry 1987). One
of the assumptions is that "ceramic frequencies. .reflect human
population frequencies" (Milanich 1978:80). Hally (1983) and Shapiro
(1984) studied group size and site duration by examining vessel forms
used for storage.
Site duration or occupation span may also be estimated from
thickness of midden deposits, microstratigraphy, artifact density,
sherd percentage change per level (microseriation), burial counts, food
remains, feature density and rebuilding (Warrick 1988). Warrick (1988)
estimated Iroquois longhouse duration through a study of wall post
densities.
Such methods provide relative rather than absolute measures of
site duration. Precise determinations of site duration are impossible
with current methods and data. However, the general trends in
settlement duration can be identified (Ramenofsky 1982:25).
Because of the methodological problems it is often not possible to
date north Florida sites closer than one or two centuries, using
aboriginal ceramics. Even where Spanish majolica sherds are present it
is often impossible to date sites closer than a half century,
especially where sample sizes are small. The present study groups all
sites into two broad time periods, (1) the late precolumbian/contact
period, which spans the time of first European contact, and (2) the
early 17th century Spanish mission period. Initial plans to include a
third period, the late 17th century, were not possible because few
sites were identified for this period.


104
used all Spanish names for the villages (San Francisco, San Miguel,
Santa Ana, San Buenaventura). It is probable that these were some of
the same villages. Because of the presence of the active church,
perhaps Altamirano's Antonico was Prieto's San Francisco (or Santa
Ana). It is not clear whether this was the principal (and largest?)
town of Potano, and/or if it was at the same location as when seen by
de Soto in 1539 and the Frenchmen in 1564. A number of large village
sites are along or near major trail corridors (Chapter VIII). The Fox
Pond site has often been suggested as the site of San Francisco de
Potano (Symes and Stephens 1965), as seems likely. The relatively
large volume of artifacts at the site suggests a longer duration of
occupation than at other known mission period sites. The
archaeological data correlates with the documentary information that
this mission lasted longer than any other Potano mission.
In 1607 Prieto established a mission at the northern
Utina/Timucuan town of San Martin which Lopez had visited earlier (Ore
1936:14; Geiger 1937:229). Prieto baptized all one hundred children in
residence (Ore 1936:115), suggesting a total population of 250 to 400.
By 1616 San Francisco de Potano was the lone Potano mission, and
the northern Utinan missions were Santa Fe de Teleco, San Martin de
Timucua, Santa Cruz de Tarihica (Tari), San Juan de Guacara and perhaps
others (Geiger 1940:124). Santa Fe has been considered a Potano
mission by modern scholars although the Spanish documents do not
identify it as Potano. If the correlation between the Alachua
Tradition and the Potano is valid (Milanich 1971), and if the
correlation between the Indian Pond complex and the Utina is valid


442
This increased diversity is seen in the types of wetlands nearest which
the sites were situated. Four different types of wetlands have equally
high numbers of sites in the mission period. The implication is that
there is decreased selection during the 17th century peoples for type
of wetland (whether Indians or Spaniards made the decision). A further
implication is that.the resources of the wetlands are relatively less
important to aboriginal diet, health and economy in the mission period.
This change may have resulted from the historically-documented
introduction of new crops and animals, or from the fact that the
Indians were being forced into these new settings by those who
controlled them (see later sections of this chapter).
Environmental Settings Compared with Site Sizes
In the Potano/Alachua Tradition region (Table 9-5), it appears
that the smaller the site, the greater the liklihood that the site will
be found in the vicinity of a small, land-locked aquatic system such as
sinkholes. In the Utina mission period, even the smaller sites are
likely to be found on hillcrests or similar high ground such as high
bluffs. However, there are differences in the types of wetlands to
which they are nearest. Smaller sites are found above small flow
through systems and large lakes. Larger sites (medium, large and very
large) are often found in the riverine zone, but on high ground at
small land-locked systems (such as sinks and springs) within the
general riverine zone, well back from the rivers.
In both regions during the late precolumbian/contact period, the
larger the site, the greater the liklihood that the site will be found
on a hillcrest or similar high ground, or a large lake. In the late


497
Williams, John Lee
1837 Map of Florida. In Territory of Florida.
Florida Press, Gainesville, Florida. FacsimiJ
University of
edition 1962.


415
contains a slightly different pottery complex. There is little
evidence for any substantial Utina occupation of this zone. This
hypothesis of Weeden Island-like zones and microenvironmental settings
.pa was not tested for the Potano because the Weeden Island culture did
not extend to that region.
The model for the distribution of the Alachua Tradition sites was
described by Milanich (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:171). Based on data
in the current study, the hypothesis that Potano/Alachua Tradition
sites will be found in the highland forests, especially above large
lakes or marshes, is accepted. However, the situation is more complex
than that. It appears that there are actually two distinct,
simultaneous settlement patterns. The set of sites in the highland
forests represents a fundamentally different pattern than the sites in
the large lake and marsh zones. An overall settlement pattern that
encompasses both types of settlements appears to be supported by the
data. The social and political components of these patterns and the
relationships between the two distinct patterns are not clear.
The third model, formulated by Calvin Jones (Jones and Shapiro
1990), places mission period sites on hilltops. The hypothesis is
accepted for both regions in this period, but precolumbian patterns
make the hypothesis less useful in distinguishing precolumbian versus
mission period sites. In the Utina area, mission period sites, like
their late precolumbian/contact period counterparts, remain common ii^
<
the lake district.* :The riverine zone is more heavilyrepresented than
before. However, and more to the point of this hypothesis, there are
shifts in site settings within these zones. These internal shifts
support the hypothesis. During the mission period there appears to be


154
allowed the second surface collection which verified the earlier
results.
Controlled surface collecting is especially effective for
determining the boundaries of sites which are very large or which have
very light artifact densities. On such sites it is difficult to
estimate size visually, and judgmental estimates are not reliable.
People often underestimate long distances and overestimate short
distances (Plog, Plog and Wait 1982:635). The controlled surface
procedure is also very effective for identifying areas of artifact
concentrations which may represent the locations of houses or activity
areas, especially at sites with low artifact densities.
As described above, the procedure is most effective in areas which
have already been cleared and plowed and/or bedded for planting pine
seedlings. The procedure is useful also in mature planted pine forest.
On such sites the archaeologist may plow or disk between every other
row of pines, as was done at the Palmore site. In such situations it
is preferable first to mow between the rows before plowing, blowing off
as much of the accumulated pine straw as possible. Every other row is
recommended rather than every row because the mower will blow the
pinestraw into the adjacent row. Plowing through accumulated pine
straw would be no problem for a large, powerful tractor, but such a
tractor may not fit easily between the pine rows, and may be beyond the
archaeologist's driving skills or budget. A small tractor often can be
borrowed when no funds are available for renting. Smaller tractors and
riding mowers are better suited to the purpose. Use of a jeep to tow a
plow is only marginally successful because the jeep is unable to back
up for turning sharp corners.


179
horseshoe-shaped village area (Figure 5-1 and 5-2), while collections
at Carlisle revealed two separate residential areas, one larger (Figure
5-3) and one smaller (not shown). Similar collections at Goodwin
verified that probably only one or two houses were present, marking a
small farmstead which was dispersed away from the main village of Santa
Fe (Figure 5-4).
Subsurface Testing and Artifact Density Profiles
Because of the need for data from large numbers of sites, methods
are needed for measuring site area through limited testing where no
ground surface is visible and where plowing for this purpose is not
feasible. The goal is to produce the reguired data with the least
possible expenditure of money, energy and time so that the largest
possible sample of sites can be investigated. The methods proposed
below are also useful for the purposes of locating structures within
sites and evaluating the potential of the site to contain features and
preserved organic materials.
These subsurface procedures can be used either alone or in
conjunction with surface collecting technigues. The preferred
procedure is as follows. Once the site has been found, a general,
uncontrolled collection is made, the goals of which are to determine
what time periods may be represented, to estimate approximate site
size, and to judge whether or not to conduct further investigations. A
controlled surface collection would then be made, if possible,
providing simultaneous field analysis of artifacts as they are
collected. These data are used to select areas for subsurface testing.
The proposed subsurface method consists of interval testing along
transects, frequency counts of artifacts per test, and graphing the


237
There are three possible river crossings at the Santa Fe River.
These points are important because one of them may have been the
location of de Soto's bridge over the "River of Discords." One
possible location is at the shallow rock shelf at the constriction in
the river valley below the Santa Fe and Palmore sites (Chapter VII).
This suggestion location is based on the physiographic setting of the
Santa Fe and Palmore sites, which are at the terminus of the Florida
Santa Fe trail. This crossing point leads into Columbia County
downstream from (west of) the mouth of Olustee Creek. The other two
crossings (described below) lead into Union County, upstream from (east
of) the mouth of Olustee Creek.
The second possible location is at the Highway 241 bridge, two
miles upstream from (northeast of) the Santa Fe site. An early 20th
century bridge, Cox bridge, was slightly upstream from the current
bridge, and the trail can be traced on old aerial photographs for half
a mile curving back up the valley slopes to the south. This route is
also shown on the 1913 soils map of Bradford County, which at the time
included Union County.
One route may have been used in wet weather, and the other in dry
weather. The Santa Fe is an unusual river in the sense that some
sections can be dry and others can be flowing at the same time. The
section at the current bridge frequently dries up in the summer,
providing easy passage across the dry riverbed. In contrast, the river
never dries up at Palmore and the Santa Fe mission site because of
springs in the river downstream from the bridge. Travel at one is
easier, but drinking water is always available at the other, even in


343
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Clusters
1. Bivens Arm Cluster The Bivens Arm locality is interesting
because there was a strong occupation during the late
precolumbian/contact period but no known mission period occupation.
This cluster may have been occupied at the time of de Soto and the
French explorers but may have been abandoned or less heavily occupied
during the period of the 17th century missions. The cluster is also
situated along a trail route which Hernando de Soto's army may have
been following (Chapter VI).
The Bivens Arm cluster includes at least four identifiable
Potano/Late Alachua tradition sites: Colclough Hill (8AL9), Herlong
(8AL68), Northeast Bivens Arm (8AL71) and Jackson (8AL77). No
quantitative data on site size are available for any of these sites.
However, qualitatively speaking, two are large sites and one is a small
site; no data are available for the fourth site. In the list below a
dashed line indicates insufficient data or not applicable.
Qualitative quantitative
size size
Late precolumbian/contact:
8AL9, Colclough Hill large
8AL68, Herlong small
8AL71, NE Bivens Arm large
8AL77, Jackson
TOTAL
2 large, 1 small
Mission period sites:
None known
Summary: A cluster of late precolumbian/contact period sites,
including at least one large site (Colclough Hill village and mound
site); no mission period sites are known.


310
Table 7-16: Artifacts from 8AL188b, Test Pits 1-3 Combined
0-20 cm B.S.
1 Punctate, sand tempered
4 Sand tempered plain
1 Check stamped, sand tempered
3 Limestone tempered, too small to classify
63 Sand tempered, too small to classify
37 Chert flakes
1 Quartz rock
3 Clear bottle glass
10 Metal fragments (can?)
20-35 cm B.S.
9 Grog tempered plain, 1 rim
8 Sand tempered plain, 1 rim (closed mouth jar?)
1 Sand and limestone tempered plain
28 Sand tempered, too small to classify
21 Chert flakes
1 Burned bone
Table 7-15. Continued
35-50 cm B.S.
3 Sand tempered plain
14 Sand tempered, too small to classify
38 Chert flakes
1 Chert chunk
The Apple Orchard, 8AL250
Palmore and Santa Fe are situated on a hillcrest, whose northern
slope extend down to a small knoll atop steep bluffs above the Santa Fe
River. The knoll offers a commanding position above the Santa Fe River
where river travel could be observed. It is possible that the
north-south Spanish trail (Chapter VI) forded the river at this point,
across a rock ledge which spans the river immediately upriver from the
knoll. From this site, Spanish soldiers could have guarded not only
. site to the 1,7th century mission pe: # c.
the mission and village of Santa Fe, but also the river and crossings.
.. roroe portion of the Santa f* : on.
One curvilinear complicated stamped sherd was encountered at site
8AL250 in a small garden along a fence between the apple orchard and
the planted pines. No other ground surface was visible and no testing


19
supports. Intensification through various means (e.g., Speight 1983)
thus allows production of more food for a growing population, but it
would not be needed in a situation of population decline. However,
there are opposing forces favoring continuation of traditional ways of
doing things (see paragraph below on assumptions about rationality of
goals, etc.) One interesting conseguence of these adaptive responses
is that we might predict (subject to testing) that the late prehistoric
Utina might have been more fully agricultural than their Spanish
mission period descendants (or the later Seminles), except where they
were compelled to produce crops for the garrison at St. Augustine.
In a situation of cultural breakdown, migration and dispersal,
migrants into a previously-unoccupied area (Kramer 1984) may initially
place relatively greater reliance on low-cost wild foods because of the
greater investments (time and labor, such as the effort to clear new
fields) reguired to establish agriculture in a new area. In contrast,
migrants into a previously occupied area (in effect, a re-colonization
situation (Kramer 1984) may be more likely to resume agricultural
production because the countryside would already be broken up into a
patchwork of fields in various convenient stages of fallow.
Home Range, Sedentism Storage and Demography
There are also relationships among the factors of size of home
range (area most freguently exploited) (Foley 1977; D. Harris 1977;
Binford 1968; Ellen 1982:36), territoriality (area defended or
reserved) (Dyson-Hudson and Smith 1978; Cashdan 1983; D. Harris
1977a:188), settlement systems and site locations (Winterhalder 1980;
Descola 1982; Higgs 1975; Jochim 1976), procurement strategies,
seasonality and scheduling (Flannery 1968), degree of


Site Area, Volume of Deposits and Number of Sites 148
Site Duration 149
Methods for Determining Site Area and Site Boundaries.... 151
Controlled Surface Collections 151
Subsurface Testing and Artifact Density Profiles 179
VI. EARLY ROAD AND TRAIL NETWORKS AS COMPONENTS OP
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 197
The Bellamy Road/Royal Spanish Road 201
The Alachua Trail 211
The Black Creek Trail 214
The Florida Santa Ee Trail 216
The High and Low Roads 221
The Other Santa Fe 230
De Soto's Route and the Location of Aguacaleyquen 231
Ichetucknee/Rose Creek/Alligator Lake Trail 232
Connecting Trail Between the High Road and the Low Road... 235
VII. CASE STUDY: MISSION SANTA EE DE T0L0CA AND SURROUNDING
SITES 242
Correlating Site 8AL190 with Mission Santa Fe de Toloca... 242
Historic Background: Mission Santa Fe de Toloca 245
Previous Research in the Robinson Sinks Vicinity and the
Santa Fe Site 252
The Santa Fe Site, 8AL190 260
Dating 260
Methods of Investigation at the Santa Ee Site 261
Structures and the Cemetery 275
Community Pattern 293
Artifacts 297
IX


211
King George?), the last large lake before reaching the lowlands and the
St. Johns River, roughly 20 miles north of Palatka. This last large
lake and the escarpment to the lowlands are also clearly shown on the
Purcell map. Across the river, the route leads from Picolata to St.
Augustine where it ends.
The Alachua Trail
The Alachua Trail (or Latchua or la Chua, meaning "the sinkhole")
(Figure 6-2) ran from the Atlantic to the Gulf, from coastal Georgia
through north Florida into central Florida, crossing the Florida
peninsula, and ending at Tampa Bay. The trail was used by "early"
white settlers moving from Georgia and the Carolinas into the Alachua
area of north central Florida, but the trail was undoubtedly older than
that. It was probably an Indian trail before Europeans entered the
region. Since it was a major north/south avenue up the Florida
peninsula, portions of it may have been used by early European
explorers such as Hernando de Soto, who followed established trails.
The route of the Alachua Trail has been traced by Vanderhill
(1977) from the Altamaha River in Georgia to Micanopy. However, the
trail did not end at Micanopy, and it may have extended farther north
than the Altahama River. At least one historic map not cited by
Vanderhill shows the trail going as far as the Savannah River on the
Georgia-South Carolina border.
The trail began at the northeast corner of old Tampa Bay near the
location of the Second Seminole War fort of Et. Brooks, according to
maps of that period. Northward, the trail crossed the Withlacoochee


474
Jochim, M.A.
1976 Hunter-Gatherer Subsistence and Settlement: /\ Predictive
Model. Academic Press, New York.
Johnson, Kenneth W.
1980 Culture Chronology of the Western Georgia Piedmont. M.A.
thesis, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton.
1981 Rise and Decline of the "Old Quartz Industry" in the Southern
Piedmont. Early Georgia. 9(1,2):56-75.
1986a Archaeological Survey of Contact and Mission Period Sites in
Northern Peninsular Florida. Florida State Museum Department of
Anthropology Miscellaneous Project Report Number 37. 33 pages.
1986b Review of Selected Trails and Early Roads in Northern
Peninsular Florida. Manuscript, 9 pp. Paper presented at
Florida Historical Society annual meeting.
1987a The Search for Aguacaleyquen and Cali; Archaeological Survey
of Portions of Alachua, Bradford, Citrus, Clay, Columbia, Marion,
Sumter and Union Counties, Florida. Miscellaneous Project Report
Number 33, Department of Anthropology, Florida State Museum,
Gainesville. 97 pages, maps.
1987b Settlement Systems in North Central Florida. Paper presented
at the 48th Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological
Conference, Charleston.
1989 Mission Santa Fe. Paper presented at the 1989 Annual Meeting
of the Florida Anthropological Society, Jacksonville, and the 1989
Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference,
Tampa.
1990 The Discovery of a Seventeenth Century Spanish Mission in
Ichetucknee State Park, 1986. Florida Journal of Anthropology,
15:39-46. Gainesville, FL.
Johnson, Kenneth W., Bruce C. Nelson and Keith A. Terry
1988 The Search for Aguacaleyquen and Cali; Archaeological Survey of
Portions of Columbia, Suwannee, Union and Adjacent Counties, Season
2. Miscellaneous Project Report, Florida Museum of Natural
History, Gainesville.
Jones, B. Calvin
1971 State Archaeologists Unearth Spanish Mission Ruins. Archives j
and History News 2(4):2. Tallahassee, Florida.
1972 Spanish Mission Sites Located and Test Excavated. Archives
and History News 3(6):l-2. Tallahassee, Florida.


340
Table 8-4. Continued.
Totals, both periods combined
Very large
7
4
12
8
3
Large
Medium
Small
Very small
36 TOTAL
The small number of sites identified from this earlier period may be
misleading because of the relatively small amount of research which has
been conducted since the Indian Pond complex was identified. The
pottery complex was identified only recently (Johnson and Nelson 1990),
in contrast to the several decades which have elapsed since the Alachua
Tradition was first recognized.
The settlement picture is clearer for the mission period, for
which the presence of the Leon-Jefferson complex and Spanish artifacts
are used to identify twenty-seven Utina sites. All size classes are
represented. Medium-sized sites are most common (10 sites), followed
by small (7 sites) and very large sites (5 sites). There are fewer
large and very small sites. This is an increase in all categories from
the late precolumbian/contact period. It is unclear where the greatest
increase comes because of the small sample size of late precolumbian/
contact sites, but it appears that there may have been a shift downward
in average size from very large to medium sized Utina sites. {
There is a larger number of very small sites in the either/or
: ' :eti to c-imp;
category (3 sites) than in either the late precolumbian/ contact period
(0 sites) or the mission period (2 sites). This peculiarity probably


302
The flat exterior surface of more than one daub fragment from
Structure 3 is coated with a white substance which may be lime white
washing. Such white washing was not found on fired clay fragments at
the church or other structures, suggesting that Structure 3 received
special attention for some reason. A lime coating plastered on the
interior walls of a large structure has been reported from a mission
site in the Apalachee region (H. Smith 1948:4).
Structure 6. Structure 6 is located only 5 m south of Structure
5, and consists of an approximately 20 to 22 m diameter area (paced off
from Structure 5) visible only as a surface scatter of daub. The
shape of the structure was not determined. Sherds, lithics and
charcoal fragments are scarce at Structure 6, indicating a different
function from Structure 5.
Table 7-10: Artifacts from Structure 6 and Immediate Vicinity,
General Surface Collection
19 Daub fragments (90.2 g)
2 Whitewashed fired clay daub fragments, flat surfaces
12 Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
3 Sand tempered sherds, too small to classify
1 St. Johns sherd
1 Sherd smoothed-over (complicated stamped?)
3 Triangular point bases (Ichetucknee type?)
45 Chert flakes
1 Quartz pebble
1 Unidentified chert object (small pillow form, no sharp edges)
Relatively thick pieces of true daub with abundant fiber
impressions are found only at Structures 5 and 6, not-'elsewhere on thfe
Santa Fe site. The largest fragments are found at Structure 6:~ Other
structures at Santa Fe contain only thinner fragments of clay plaster
or chinking, usually lacking fiber impressions (Cliff Nelson and Donna


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Kenneth Wynne Johnson is a native of south Georgia, where his
father was a Methodist minister for 35 years. His father's family
settled in southwest Georgia in the 1820's, and his mother's family
settled in southeast Georgia in the early 19th century also. He was
raised in Attapulgus, Cochran, Hazlehurst, Dawson, and Savannah, and
has connections in Stillmore and Macon. His mother, Dorothy Perkins
Johnson, resides at St. Simons Island, Georgia. He graduated from
Savannah High School (1969) and Georgia Southern College (A.B. in
Sociology, 1973). His interest in anthropology was stimulated by one
book he discovered in the Savannah Public Library while he was in high
school, and one undergraduate course in anthropology at Georgia
Southern College. His earliest field experiences in archaeology were
through West Georgia College where he was trained by Dr. Lewis Larson,
Dr. Craig Sheldon, Mr. Tom Eubanks, Mr. Chip Morgan, and Dr. Ray Crook.
After additional field experiences, he graduated from florida Atlantic
University (M.A. in Anthropology, 1980). Here he studied with Dr.
William Sears, and found a wife (Leslie Jane Wolfe). He then enrolled
at the University of florida. He and Leslie have two children,
Kerianne Elizabeth (age 4 1/2) and Dorothy Caitlyn (age 1 1/2). i
498


184
Yellen (1977) suggests that nuclear area or core area is the best
measure of population, rather than the limits of the scatter. Nuclear
area can be identified archaeologically at north Florida sites by
subsurface testing in linear transects across known sites and graphing
of artifact density profiles from these data. Other mapping techniques
such as SYMAPS (e.g., Williams 1985) provide more detail than do
artifact density profiles, but those data are available only through
more intensive testing or full-scale excavation. Artifact density
profiles are in essence cross-sectional slices out of site maps.
Artifact density profiles are two dimensional whereas SYMAPS are three
dimensional representations. Site boundaries, the locations of
structures and artifact concentrations can be shown with artifact
density profiles. The advantage of artifact density profiles over
SYMAPS is that artifact density profiles can be constructed from
limited survey data, but SYMAPs normally require data from much more
expensive and time-consuming intensive testing or full scale
excavations.
After the artifact density profiles have been produced and the
site boundaries (or nuclear area boundaries) have been drawn, average
density for the site as a whole can be computed. Site boundaries and
depth of deposits indicate total site midden volume. Total number of
artifacts present at the site is computed from the total number of
artifacts per artifact density profile. From these data, average
density can be computed, such as 7.3 artifacts per cubic meter. This
figure allows comparison with other sites, other regions and other time
periods.


357
oldest at the top to youngest at the bottom of the site list, is taken
from seriation charts (Chapter IV; Johnson and Nelson 1990a).
As noted in Chapters V and VIII, there appears to be a change in
community pattern between the last two sites, Indian Pond Hillcrest and
Indian Pond West. Both are large, but their shapes are different.
Hillcrest appears to be a typical more-or-less rounded distribution of
artifacts, while Indian Pond West is a linear distribution of artifact'
concentrations (presumed houses), probably aligned along a road.
Spanish town planning may be reflected at Indian Pond West (and also at
Santa Fe; Chapter VII).
White Lake/Peacock Lake Cluster
Summary; Both periods contain many sites of all sizes. There may
have been a decline in site size and numbers of sites between the two
periods. The scope of the decline may have been even greater than is
apparent, for the reasons given below.
Qualitative size Quantitative size
Late precolumbian/contact period
8SU174, Peacock Lake Mounds
large
medium
large
small
large
medium
No. 11
No. 14D
No. 14E
No. 14F
No. 14L
TOTAL
3 large, 2 medium, 1 small
Mission period sites:
8SU29, Ingham
8SU173, Neubern ¡i.,,.. -p;.. ,
large
small?
medium
large
small
small
small
very large?
small?.: r
y^ y
No. 12
No. 14A
No. 14B
No. 14J
8SU161, 14M
TOTAL
2 large, 1 medium, 4 small


294
Instead, the maps show a heavy concentration of fired clay fragments
immediately west of the church, but having the same alignment as the
church. This concentration of fired clay fragments may indicate other
structures near the church, or possibly a clay wall around a wooden
church or around the convento.
The sizes, location and arrangement of the known structures can
also be compared with the controlled surface collection maps and other
maps in order to estimate how many other structures may also exist at
the site. Based on artifact distributions, there may be two separate
residential areas at the site, called Residential Areas A and B (Figure
7-13). The two are distinguished because they contain different kinds
of artifacts and because they are separated spatially. The differences
are shown on the set of ten clear acetate overlays. A separate overlay
was prepared for each class of artifacts, including aboriginal sherds,
Spanish ceramics, nails and spikes, fired clay fragments, and chert
artifacts. A separate overlay was also prepared for each of the nails
types, Types 1 through 10 (except that a few types were combined). On
two of the overlays, those for aboriginal sherds and fired clay
fragments, darker shading indicates areas of higher concentrations of
artifacts. These concentrations were compared with the known locations
of structures in order to produce an estimate of the number of
additional structures at the site and an estimate of total occupied
area. These data are important for the purposes of making demographic
estimates, as described in Chapter V, Methods.
Residential Area A contained Spanish and Indian ceramics, nails,
and heavy concentrations of fired clay fragments, including Structure 2
with its red clay floor. Residential Area B, in contrast, contained


451
the level of the site and the level of the region to reflect the
distribution of sites in clusters. For example, at Santa Fe, the site
itself is compact, but the cluster of sites is, by definition,
dispersed, and the settlement pattern is consolidated ("clustered").
Another example of a dispersed community is found at the Baldree/Blue
Bead sites in the Eastern Utina region (Chapter III; Johnson 1986)
where a series of small household-sized sites are dispersed at
intervals above a lake (Hall Lake, Clay County) and along a probable
route of the Spanish road (Chapter VI). Both dispersed clusters are
also linear. The interpretation depends on the scale of the analysis.
This is an example of the concept of heterarchy as opposed to hierarchy
(Crumley and Marquardt 1983).
In human terms, a community is defined as a group of people who
reside in close enough proximity to interact on a daily basis. In
archaeological terms, the community may be represented by either a
single site or a pattern of multiple but closely spaced sites. The
term community pattern (or local cluster pattern) should be reserved
for the cluster as a whole, and the term site pattern is suggested for
sites within the cluster. No distinction is necessary, and either
could be used, if no cluster exists and the entire populace is lodged
at a single site.
Population Decline
V-v 1
The Spanish documentary evidence for Potano and Utina population 1
decline is compelling, including reports of Indians dying in large
numbers during epidemics. Other evidence is found in the Spaniards'
attempts to move people relatively long distances to repopulate mission
stations. They also attempted to stimulate population stability by


303
Ruhl, personal communication). Different architectural styles and
functions for these structures are indicated.
Complicated Stamped Area. A higher percentage of Leon-Jefferson
complicated stamped sherds is found on only one small area of the Santa
Fe site, located approximately 100 m downhill from (south of) Structure
1 (Figures). This 25 to 30 m diameter area has been investigated only
through controlled surface collections (Table 7-11). The area may be
larger if it extends beyond the current field, under a grassy driveway.
Table 7-11: Sherds from the Complicated Stamped Area, Controlled
Surface Collection
5 Curvilinear complicated stamped
2 Grog tempered rectilinear complicated stamped
1 Grog tempered check stamped
4 Grog tempered plain
3 Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
1 Sand tempered incised
1 Sand tempered plain
The Complicated Stamped Area may date to a slightly later time
than the rest of the Santa Fe site, that time after the Leon-Jefferson
series had completely replaced the native Indian Pond pottery complex.
This occupation may be associated with the late 17th century Santa Fe
mission, whose location has not been identified.
Associated Sites
The following two sets of sites appear to be associated with the
Santa Fe de Toloca mission. The first set is situated either
immediately adjacent to the Santa Fe mission or within 1/4 mile
(approximately 0.5 km) from it. These sites would have been within the
sound of the bell which would call the workers to daily vespers, as
opposed to the more distant outlying farmsteads and settlements. This


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Elizabeth S. Wing
Professor of Anthropology
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the
Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
and to the Graduate 5chool and was accepted for partial fulfillment of
the requirements fofr the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1991
i


134
1. 8SU83 in the Baptizing Springs cluster
2. Indian Pond Lower Slope (or perhaps nearby Johns Pond site) in
the Indian Pond cluster
3. Palmore site (8AL189) in the Santa Fe cluster
Pottery ratios at or near the time of contact are determined by
contrasting only two ceramic categories. The first group consists of
linear marked sherds combined with cord marked and fabric marked
sherds. The second group consists of Leon-Jefferson/Lamar complicated
stamped sherds. These two groups are compared at the three sites which
are hypothesized closest to contact. At 8SU85 (Figure 4-la), two
thirds of this sample (68.3%) are linear marked/cord marked/fabric
marked, and one third (31.6%) are Leon-Jefferson/Lamar complicated
stamped. At Indian Pond Lower Slope (Figure 4-2a), 100% are linear
marked/cord marked/fabric marked. And at Palmore (Figure 4-3a), the
first group dominates with about seven-eights (86.7%) as opposed to
one-eighth (13.2%) complicated stamped.
All of the Baptizing Springs sites cited here have yielded at
least one Spanish artifact. Lower Slope in the Indian Pond cluster
lacks Spanish materials. The situation with Spanish artifacts at the
Palmore site is unclear. Spanish artifacts are present at one end of
the horseshoe-shaped village, but it is not clear if they are
associated with this village (and is it de Soto period?) or with the
nearby Santa Fe mission.
As discussed above, the time of appearance of the Leon-Jefferson
series in north Florida is unclear. From the presence and percentages
of the Leon-Jefferson complicated stamped sherds, it is suggested that
8SU83 occupies the latter end of this late prehistoric-early historic


281
approximately 8 by 16 meters in size, oriented northwest/southeast.
This rectangle of red soil, in combination with the floor remnant,
nails, and large post, would appear to pinpoint the location of a
structure.
The structure does not appear to have had wattle and daub walls.
Fired clay fragments are present, but only in very small amounts,
suggesting that clay was used for something other than walls. The
fragments, including some fragments with two intact surfaces, are much
thinner than walls. Analysis of the fragments by Cliff Nelson
indicates that the fragments may represent chinking or clay plaster
rather than true daub. These fragments are very different from the
daub found at Structure 6 approximately 100 m east of Structure 1.
Some of the clay at Structure 1 may represent support pads for posts,
as Brent Weisman has identified at the San Martin mission in
Ichetucknee State Park. The function of the clay pads may have been an
attempt to discourage termites. Termite damage can occur within weeks
in northern Florida if wood (such as wooden stakes used by
archaeologists) in contact with soil is untreated and unprotected.
Rotting also might account for the apparent episode of rebuilding.
Structure 1 is identified as a church rather than some other kind
of structure for the following reasons. First, the relative scarcity
of non-architecturally related artifacts indicates that this was
probably not a residence. Such data would seem to exlude the *
possiblity that this structure was a large convento. Second, the
structure is the focal point of the site; it sits on precisely the
highest point of the knoll, even higher (by a few centimeters) than the
cemetery. Third, the structure and overall layout of the site complex


153
Many of these sites are in planted pine plantation. The pine
seedlings are normally planted in straight rows, and these rows have
been adapted into the collection strategy. The procedure is simple. A
100 m tape measure is stretched down the length of the pine rows. As
artifacts are encountered, the row number and the distance down the row
are recorded to the nearest meter, along with information, is possible,
on artifact type. The end of the tape is attached to some feature
which is observable on aerial photographs, such as a fence which runs
at right angles to the pine rows. The artifacts are bagged for each 10
m or 20 m section of each row.
The data are used to generate a map of artifact distributions.
The meter-by-meter raw data along the rows may be lumped into 3 m long
units. Since pine seedlings are normally planted in 12 foot wide
(approximately 3.5 m) rows, the procedure produces grid units which are
3 X 3.5 m in size. However, it should be noted that the actual amount
of ground visibility may vary. At some sites, the plowing and bedding
for planting the seedlings leaves only a 1-meter wide strip of exposed
soil per row; other times the surface visibility extends across the
full width of the row. Occasionally only 10- to 15-cm wide strips of
exposed soil per 12-foot row are visible when a different planting
technique is used, that is, plowing only deep grooves for inserting the
pine seedlings. Controlled surface collecting along even such narrow
strips provides much more spatial information than does limited
subsurface testing, as was seen in the first of two controlled surface
collections at the Santa Fe site. Subsequent re-plowing, this time
using the technique which provides far greater surface visibility,


Figure 7-10. Santa Fe Site, closeup of portion of Figure 7-9, to show Cemetery Area, including
nails and spikes from Metal Detector Survey (black dots), Areas excavated (strips 1, 2, and 3
within the Cemetery [also see Figure 7-17], and 2 x 2 m test pits [small squares], burial pit
outlines, and grid squares containing at least 1 fragment of fired clay (shaded), aboriginal
sherd (stripes-)T or Spanish artifact (open squares).
272


123
simple stamped. Many sherds which at first glance appear to be simple
stamped have fine striations in the bottoms of the grooves. These
striations indicate that the tool was moved across the surface of the
vessel rather than impressed. The actual technique is uncertain. One
possibility is the use of carved wooden combs. On different pots the
lands and the grooves vary in width and spacing. These differences may
result from combs having teeth of different width and spacing. Fine
combs would simulate brushing and combs with wider teeth would simulate
simple stamping. However no technological analysis is available to
verify these hypothesis.
Most surface roughened ("decorated") sherds within the Indian Pond
complex are cord marked or fabric marked. On the seriation charts this
category includes a few net impressed sherds but these are rare.
Sherds in the the following categories are found in only minor
amounts within the Indian Pond complex. The "Cob Marked" category on
the charts could have been called Alachua Cob Marked. However, the
Alachua name is avoided because part of our task is to dissuade other
archaeologists from attempting to impose the Alachua tradition
seriation and terminology on assemblages from Utina territory.
The categories "Incised," "Punctated" and "Check Stamped" each
probably contain a variety of different types, but the sample sizes per
site are small and the sherds are usually too small to identify by
type. "Incised" includes single line incised, Keith Incised, and
probably others. "Punctated" includes Lochloosa-like punctated and
Carabelle Punctated. These types need to be separated in seriations
when larger samples become available. At most sites Leon Check Stamped
is excluded from the seriation charts because it is easily


231
these maps, including the Popple map of 1733, therefore appears to have
been located in current Hamilton County or northern Columbia County or
possibly even in southern Georgia.
Several early 19th century maps indicate a town of Micco (meaning
chief) on the upper Withlacoochee River near the current Georgia state
line. The site is unknown archaeologically. It is not known if this
may have also been the site of the 18th century Santa Fe.
De Soto's Route and the Location of Aguacaleygyen
Current interpretations are that de Soto headed northward up the
Florida peninsula until he reached Aguacaleyquen, at which point he
turned westward toward Apalachee. His turn westward can be explained
several ways: (1) he sought Apalachee, a rich province about which he
had heard, (2) to avoid the Okeefenookee Swamp, (3) to follow the food,
that is, the fields of maize along the ridges of good soils which
extended westward or northwestward, and (4) because he was following
established trails. Also, the Indians indicated the way to Apalachee.
The established trail which he was probably following northward was the
Alachua Trail from Tampa Bay to its fork in southern Alachua County.
He probably took the left fork around the west side of Paynes Prairie,
and then continued on up the same trail also called Ray's Trail,
Purcell's First Path to Latchua, and Florida's Santa Fe Trail.
If de Soto was following this trail, then he intersected the
Indian trail (which was later Roman's low road/Purcell's route/ Bellamy
Road/Spanish Road) on a ridge crest between Mill Creek and the Natural
Bridge in Alachua County, five miles (8 km) north of the current town
of Alachua (Figure 6-2). Apparently de Soto did not take that


The data for testing Hypothesis 1 in this period and region are
summarized as follows.
Number of sites,
raw count
1
4
2
very large
large
medium
Number of sites,
weighted
2
8
4
Larger total 7
Number of sites,
raw count
1
0
small
very small
14 Larger total
Number of sites,
weighted
4
0
Smaller total 1
4 Smaller total
8 Total
Total 18
Of these, 3 are compact and none are dispersed or short term.
Others are too small to classify or are undetermined.
As in the Potano/Alachua Tradition region, the first portion of
'Hypothesis 1A is accepted. That is, this period is characterized by
iflarger rather than smaller sites. As the Potano/Alachua area, the
middle range of sites (medium and large sizes) is more common than
either extremes of sizes (very large, very small or small). And like
in the other region, there are more compact than dispersed or short
term sites but the sample sizes are too small for statistical
treatment.
f¡r 1
¡[.Mission Period, Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Sites .i> f
^Hypotheses 2A: --Large, compact communities in this period and .region;
p, c
Hypothesis 2B: Small, dispersed communities in this period and region
Hypothesis 2C: Small, compact communities in this period and region.


167
1 SHERD
1 CHERT
1 CHERT
3 SHERDS
2 CHERT
1 SHERD
6 SHERDS
1 SHERD
1 CHERT
1 BONE
1 SHERD
1 CHERT
1 CHERT
3 SHERDS
2 CHERT
1 POINT
8 SHERDS
4 CHERT
2 SHERDS
2 CHERT
1 BONE
1 SHERD
2 CHERT
1 BONE
1 SHERD
1 CHERT
1
4 SHERDS
1 SHERD
4 FIRED
CLAY
3 SHERDS
3 CHERT
1 FIRED
CLAY
2 SHERDS
9 CHERT
2 FIRED
CLAY
1 SHERD
2 CHERT
1 BONE
3 SHERDS
9 CHERT
2 BONE
27 FIRED
CLAY
3 SHERDS
2 CHERT
6 EOG -
SHELL
4 CHERT
2 CHERT
1 BONE
2 CHERT
7 SHERDS
8 CHERT
2 BONE
1 FIRED
CLAY
1 SHERD
1 SHERD
1 SHERD
1 SHERD
3 CHERT
2 CHERT
1 SHERD
1 CHERT
2 CHERT
1 SHERD
1 SHERD
1 CHERT
1 CHERT
1 CHERT
1 BONE
3 CHERT
1 SHERD
1 CHERT
34 33 32 31 30 29
ROWS (SOUTH)
Figure 5-6: Portion of the Otter Bay Site (8C0394), East Side,
Controlled Surface Collection, Showing Location of Probable Residential
Structure.
Each grid unit is 3 X 3 m in size. Grid north is to the bottom of the
page.


42
converged (Marquardt 1983:3). The current study thus deals with one
particular variety of spatial analysis, that of settlement systems.
Spatial archaeology was defined as follows:
Spatial archaeology might be defined as the retrieval of
information from archaeological spatial relationships and the
study of the spatial consequences of former hominid activity
patterns within and between features and structures and their
articulation within sites, site systems and their
environments: the study of the flow and integrations of
activities within and between structures, sites and resource
spaces from the micro to the semi-micro and marero scales of
aggregation. (Clarke 1977:9)
Settlement pattern analysis or settlement archaeology is thus one
type of spatial analysis. Spatial or locational analysis began with
David Clarke (1977) and the field has since expanded (Roper 1979;
Crumley 1979) to include such things as exchange systems (Renfrew 1977
Hodder 1982). However, the current study focuses on the original
focus: settlement patterns.
There are many different approaches to the study of spatial
analysis of settlement patterns, for example, central place theory,
nearest neighbor analysis, catchment analysis (Vita-Finzi and Higgs
1970), and gravity models (Crumley 1979; Jochim 1976). Catchment
analysis requires a greater amount of ecological data than are
currently available for these individual sites. In site catchment
analysis (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970; Roper 1979), an area is drawn
around a site and the resources available within that area are
determined. Equal rights to access and equally easy access to all
resources within that area are assumed, and resources beyond that area
are assumed to be more difficult to exploit. Distance and travel time
are key factors. Demographic factors as determinants in settlement


214
The Black Creek Trail
The Black Creek Trail (Figure 6-1) is a land route which begins at
Black Creek. The trail is of interest because of the strong
possibility that this was the route of the French explorers from Fort
Caroline on the St. Bohns River in the 1560s. Important factors are
the proximity of this navigable stream to Fort Caroline, and the fact
that this is one of the few large streams which has its headwaters in
the interior uplands rather than the coastal lowlands. These
headwaters provide access into interior Florida. The Black Creek Trail
thus begins at the forks of Black Creek (PKY 240; L247-58; Map 3),
which splits into the North Prong and the South Prong at present
Middleburg. This was the location of Fort Heilman during the 19th
century Indian wars (Onited States Archives L247-6 1835; L247-64; PKY
478; L247-57; L247-75; PKY 755). At least one map of this period
identifies this approximate location as Whitesville (PKY 478). From
there, the trail leads southwest, following the drainage divide between
the headwaters of the two prongs, and crossing Bull Creek (L247-64; PKY
240; Florida Canal 1826). On one map the Black Creek Trail is called
Gary's Trail (Williams 1838). East of Kingsley Lake it crossed Horse
Hole Creek (L247-57 and -58), and intersected with the Alachua Trail
southwest of Kingsley Lake (e.g., Florida Canal 1826). This
intersection was the location of "Mrs. Monroe's," possibly an inn, on
one 19th century map, Map of Sguare No. 11 (L247-91), and the site of
Fort Van Courtland on other maps (United States Archives L247-6 1835;
L247-57, -58, and 64; PKY 478). The site appears to have been
destroyed by recent strip mining for heavy minerals in the Trail Ridge
formation. Trail Ridge itself derives its name from the Alachua Trail.


236
(1) from the low road to the Santa Fe site and to the Santa Fe River in
current Alachua County, (2) crossing the Santa Fe River north to Fort
Ward and Tolosa, or to Fort Call in current Union county, and (3) from
there to the high road, also in Union county. There are thus at least
two possible early north-south routes in Union County. One is
reconstructed, and the other is inferred, but the dating of the latter
two possibilities is not yet certain. The routes date at least to the
19th century, but it is not clear if they also date to the Spanish
period.
The first segment has already been reconstructed as the
northernmost leg of the Florida Santa Fe trail. It begins at the
intersection of the Bellamy Road and Purcell's "first path to Latchua."
It "terminates" at the Santa Fe site on the banks of the Santa Fe River
(Chapter VII).
The second segment, in current southeastern Union County, is shown
on several early 19th century maps. Various maps show two river
crossings and three place names in the area. Tolosa (or San Francisco
Tolosa), Fort Ward and Fort Call appear on the maps, but all three
names never appear on the same map (PKY 440; PKY 290; United States
Archives L247-6 1833; L247-57). Tolosa is the town associated with
Fort Ward, in extreme southwestern Union County. Fort Call, in
southern Union County, never appears on the same map with either Fort
Ward or Tolosa. The town of Fort Call now remains only as a cemetery.
A wooden frame church formerly stood at Fort Call, but it was moved
during the 20th century to become the pastor's house at the Baptist
church in Worthington Springs, and has recently been replaced. The two
forts and towns apparently existed at slightly different times.


106
villages, two had two satellite villages each, two had one satellite
village each, and three had none. For example, Chamile and San Martin,
which had been combined into a single principal town with a single
chief, had the satellite villages of Cachipile and Chuaquin. Axapaja
and Santa Fe were combined as a single principal town with a chief
named Alonso Pastrana. This principal town had three satellite
villages: San Francisco Potano, San Pablo, and San Juan (Hann
n.d.a:42). Chief Chamile had moved his people one hundred miles
eastward to repopulate the presumably deserted San Martin, and Santa Fe
had been similarly repopulated from and by Axapaja, a northern Utina
village. As Hann points out, Chamile's two satellite villages,
Cachipile and Chuaquin, were principal towns on the 1655 mission list
(Hann n.d.a:45). They were then 60 and 70 leagues from St. Augustine,
which would place them at least as far as current Columbia County from
St. Augustine, and probably farther. Santa Fe's satellite village of
San Francisco had been established as the first and principal mission
of Potano a half century earlier but was now reduced in status (and
size?). There is no indication that San Francisco and Santa Fe had
been moved closer together than their original three to four leagues
apart. Placing a Potano village (San Francisco de Potano) under the
authority of a northern Utina principal village (Santa Fe) is not as
peculiar as it sounds for this time period because the populations,
greatly diminished in numbers by this time, were being reduced and
resettled at new settlements and renamed.
In 1657 the Governor said that most of the Timucuan and Guale
Indians had been killed in recent years by disease (Hann n.d.a:31). In


215
In this vicinity the Black Creek Trail also intersected with an
east/west trail which came around the north side of Sampson Lake (Map
2). This "trail to Sampson Lake" (Map 2) is a segment of the "high
road" from the St. Johns to the Suwannee River (see below), which leads
to Ft. Crabb on the New River and from there to current Lake Butler and
Lake City (see high road below).
Three trails thus converge or cross in this locality south of
Alligator Creek at current Starke southwest of Kingsley Lake; they are
the Black Creek Trail, the Alachua Trail and the high road. It is a
matter of definition whether the Black Creek Trail ended here or merged
with one of the other two trails. As defined here, it continues
southward for a few miles, merging with the Alachua Trail and thus
terminating at Fort Harlee on the Santa Fe River crossing near Hampton
Lake. On some 19th century maps Hampton Lake is called Little Santa Fe
Lake, in contrast to current usage of that term for the northern end of
nearby Big Santa Fe Lake. Little is known about these areas
archaeologically.
Depending on definitions, the eastern terminus of the Black Creek
Trail may not have been Black Creek, but the St. Johns River. That is,
a trail segment connected these two streams, but it is not clear
whether or not this trail segment should be considered part of the
Black Creek Trail. This trail segment may also be the beginning of the
"high road" across north Florida (see below). The Black Creek/St.
Johns River segment begins at Poppa opposite Picolata. The high road
and the low road (essentially the later Bellamy Road) both terminate at
Poppa (or Pupa) on the St. Johns. From Picolata, on the opposite side
of the St. Johns River, another segment led directly to St. Augustine.


460
1982 Explanatory/Predictive Models of Hunter-Gatherer Adaptation.
In Advances in Archaeolgical Method and Theory, Selection for
Students from Volumes 1 throuqh 4, edited by Michael B. Schiffer.
pp. 157-223.
Biedma, Luys Hernandez de
1904 Relation of the Conquest of Florida Presented by Luys Hernandez
de Biedma in the Year 1544 to the King of Spain in Council. Factor
of the Expedition. Translated from the original by Buckingham
Smith. In Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto, edited by
by Edward Gaylord- Bourne. Allenton Book Company, New York. pp. 3-
40.
Binford, Lewis R.
1968 Post-Pleistocene Adaptations. In New Perspectives in
Archaeology, edited by Sally R. Binford and Lewis R. Binford.
Aldine, Chicago.
Boserup, E.
1965 The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of
Agrarian Change under Population Pressure. Aldine, Chicago.
Botkin, Steven
1980 Effects of Human Exploitation on Shellfish Populations
at Malibu Creek, California. In Modeling Change in
Prehistoric Subsistence Economies. Timothy K. Earle and Andrew L.
Christenson, editors. Academic Press, New York.
Bowden, M. 0., R. W. Kates, P. A. Kay, W. E. Riebsame, R. A. Warrick,
D. L. Johnson, H. A. Gould, and D. Weiner
1981 The Effect of Climate Fluctuations on Human Populations: Two
Hypotheses. In Climate and History; Studies in Past Climates and
their Impact on Man, pp. 479-513, edited by T. M. L. Wigley, M. 3.
Ingram, and G. Farmer. Cambridge University Press, London.
Boyd, Mark F.
1936 The First American Road in Florida, Part II. Florida
Historical Society Quarterly 14(3):138-192. [Collected papers.]
1938 A Map of the Road from Pensacola to St. Augustine, 1778.
Florida Historical Quarterly 17:1-23.
1939 Mission Sites in Florida. Florida Historical Quarterly
17:254-280.
1948 Enumeration of Florida Spanish Missions in 1675. Florida
Historical Quarterly 27(2):181-188.
Boyd, Mark F., Hale G. Smith, and John W. Griffin
1951 Here They Once Stood: The Tragic End of the Apalache Missions.
University of Florida Press, Gainesville, FL.


318
Deagan and Michael Gannon, University of Florida, in the possession of
the Ms. Pat Carlisle). The medallion was found on the surface on the
lower west slope of the hill, beside a former spring which reportedly
had been boxed in with squared rocks (now destroyed).
The site, located 1.4 miles (2.3 km) south of the Santa Fe site,
is a 17th century settlement. The site includes the crest and slopes
of a hill overlooking Parreners Branch. Parreners Branch is a small'
stream which flows into the Natural Bridge and, like the Santa Fe
River, disappears underground in the Natural Bridge before reaching the
Santa Fe River.
Depending on how the results of the controlled surface collections
are interpreted, the main portion of the site is approximately 30 m in
diameter and may have contained 4 to 5 houses, based on the size and
spacing of artifact concentrations within this area (Chapter V).
Another smaller portion of the site, (60 m) to the south, may have
contained 1 to 2 additional houses. A light scatter of artifacts is
found across the entire field, but the artifact densities are higher in
these two areas. An additional house or activity area may have been
situated to the south on a small terrace or bench along the slope near
the former spring. A small number of curvilinear complicated stamped
sherds was found here on the surface and in one test pit.
Investigations across the site included controlled surface collections,
83 posthole digger tests, five 30 X 50 cm shovel tests and two 2 X m
I i ^
test pits. No features were encountered. Artifacts are listed in ,
Table 7-20.
An old roadbed near the site began as an Indian trail, according
to local folklore. This may have been a segment of the Santa Fe Trail


152
distribution and inhabited site area (Redman and Watson 1970:280; R.
Smith 1982:146). The assumption is widely held by archaeologists, and
has been supported by many studies (e.g., Redman and Watson 1970;
Whallon 1979). The assumption is probably reliable in general at most
sites, though some have cautioned that it may not apply at some sites
as there may not be a one-to-one correlation between surface artifacts
and subsurface features (Binford et al. 1979 [Hatchery West]).
Dunnell takes a different approach. He argues that surface
distributions are valid sources of information in themselves,
regardless of subsurface data.
Controlled surface collecting for the purposes of determining site
boundaries produces a great deal of additional information as well.
The technique provides information about the arrangement and spacing of
residential and ceremonial structures, features, activity areas and
artifact concentrations. Surface collections also provide larger
sample sizes of artifacts for analysis. Limited shovel testing would
produce fewer artifacts and far less spatial information. Controlled
surface collecting is especially useful at sites of short duration
containing few artifacts where site boundaries are especially difficult
to define.
Controlled surface collections have been completed at Santa Fe
(8AL190), Palmore (8AL189), Carlisle (unnumbered), Goodwin (8AL453),
Indian Pond (8C0229), Peacock Lake/Neubern (8SU173), and Otter Bay
(8C0394). The results (see discussions below) show that repeated
plowings do less damage to artifact spatial patterns than might be
expected. Important data on site pattern and intrasite spatial
patterning were produced.


249
control over the Indians and during which significant numbers of
Indians still survived.
In 1657, the year after the rebellion, Utina Indians were brought
from Arapaha to repopulate the Santa Fe village. The resettlement
attempt must have failed because in 1659, Yustega Indians were
resettled at Santa Fe. This attempt was apparently more sucessful,
because the mission was flourishing in 1675 despite a possible epidemic
of unidentified disease in 1672 (Dobyns 1982:281). When visited by
Bishop Calderon of Cuba in 1675, the site had 110 residents (Wenhold -
1936:8). Another epidemic of unidentified disease may have occurred in
1675 (Dobyns 1983:281) but it is not clear if this was before, during
or after Calderon's visit. In about 1680, Santa Fe appears on the only
known map of the Spanish missions of La Florida. In 1686 a deadly
epidemic of unidentified fever struck Florida (Dobyns 1983:282),
probably again affecting Santa Fe. In 1689, Santa Fe had 180
residents, presumably most or all of them Utinans or Yustagans. The
visitation record indicates that horses were present at Santa Fe in
1689 (Hann n.d.b.). These horses were numerous enough to assist in
transporting other Indians from Yustaga to east Florida. They were
owned by Indians, not by Spaniards, and they appeared to be a regular
link in a commonly-used commercial transportation system along
established trails. Ownership and care of horses represents a
considerable investment of time and money, and indicates Indian J
participation in the Spanish commercial system (B.C. Nelson, personal
communication).
In 1702, Santa Fe was attacked by an English army composed of
soldiers from South Carolina and their Indian allies, led by Colonel


ALABAMA',
iMMSrOM \
San Francisco Potano (Fox Pond Sica)
Santa fl da Toloco (Santa Fa Sita)
San Martin da Ayaocuto (Fit Springs Sits)
San Augustin da Urica? (Indian Pond Sits)
Santa Crux da TarlhlcaT (Baptising Springs Sita
San Juan da Guacara (Charlas Springs Sits)
San Psdro Y San Pablo da Potohlrlba? (8MD30)
San MIgual da Asila (Baaty Sita, 8MD5)
Eyvltanayla (Baldraa Sita)
0. Aquara (Location uncartaln)
Figure 3-2. Selected Archaeological Sites
and their Possible 17th Century Correlates


245
between east and west Florida (that is, between St. Augustine and
Apalachee), and movements along another trail which extended southward
toward the Ocale and Acuera provinces (Chapter VI) and northward toward
Georgia.
The dates for majolica ceramics at 8AL190 are from the time-of' the
Spanish missions. The heavy investment of materials (spikes and nails)
and labor (large posts and presumably sawn planks) indicate-that this
was an important site. There does not appear to be any other known
site or cluster of sites in the region which would be an equally good
candidate for the mission of Santa Fe de Toloca. For all of these
reasons, 8AL190 is identified as the site of Santa Fe de Toloca.
Though knowledge of the precise location of the Santa Fe mission
was apparently lost in the early 18th century, the general area was
still known in the late 18th century. The 1778 Purcell-Stewart map of
the trail across northern Florida (Boyd 1939) indicates "Santa Fe old
fields," written in large letters across a portion of the map. This
area includes northwestern Alachua County, southeastern Columbia County
and southwestern Union County, including the area of site 8AL190.
Historic Background: Mission Santa Fe de Toloca
Santa Fe operated simultaneously with several other missions in
northern Florida. These included most notably San Francisco de Potado,
4 leagues.(10 to 15 miles) south of Santa Fe, and San Martin de
Timuqua, some distance west of Santa Fe (Geiger 1940:126). (Figure 3-
2). San Francisco may be the Fox Pond site in northwestern Gainesville
(Symes and Stephens 1965), and San Martin may be the Fig Springs site
along the Ichetucknee River in Columbia County (Weisman 1988; Deagan


13
of the human adaptive system and the natural environment. Seemingly
minor changes in one component of a system may have far-reaching
impacts throughout the rest of the system (Sharp 1968). A minor change
in one component of the ecocultural system may surpass some threshold
and trigger major repercussions in other components of the system.
Many of these processes may be assumed to have been operating upon the
Indians of northern Florida even though the data base to detect them is
unavailable.
Population, Subsistence and Settlement Systems
There are interrelationships among the variables of human
population size and density, subsistence strategies and settlement
systems (e.g., Service 1962, 1966; White 1939; Boserup 1965; Cohen
1975, 1977; Vayda and Rappoport 1968; M. Harris 1979; Lee and DeVore
1976; Binford 1972: Winterhalder and Smith 1981; D. Harris 1977a;
Dennett and Connell 1988). The guestion is, why select a certain set
of subsistence resources from among those available (Hawkes et al
1982:394; E. Smith 1983; Smith and Winterhalder 1981:8)? Human
population density and characteristics of the resources are key
variables determining output requirements and subsistence mixes (Earle
1980:2, 18). Changes in resource use may be associated with increasing
or decreasing population size or density or with changing age/sex
structure (Earle 1980:18; Hassan 1980; Harpending and Davis 1977; Green
and Perlman 1985:7; Winterhalder 1981 [patch and grain]; Botkin 1980).
Subsistence Change
Many relationships are illustrated in the mechanisms and processes
of subsistence change. Decreasing human population size and density
would serve as a stimulus for subsistence change. With human


252
It is also possible that escapees from South Carolina or survivors
of the raids may have attempted to reestablish settlements in north
Florida. Possible evidence was found in the form of a mid-18th century
bell (Boyd 1939), and a religious medallion from Baptising Springs
(identified by Dr. K. Deagan; in the possession of Mr. John Weisner,,
Madison, FL; photographs on file at the Florida Museum of Natural
History), and early 18th century maps which show several settlements
remaining in the area after the missions were gone (see Chapter VI).
The population of Santa Fe was moved to St. Augustine, where a
settlement bearing this name survived until the mid-18th century. In
1711 it was renamed Esperanza, and 51 people were in residence
(Milanich 1978:80). It is mentioned again in 1717 (Escobar 1717;
Milanich 1978:80). In 1726 there were 45 residents at the village,
some of whom were non-western Timucuans. In 1728 there was only one
town of western Timucuans near St. Augustine, all of whose residents
except three (one a cacique) died in an epidemic by 1728 (Geiger
1940:136). There are later references to the name Santa Fe by
Benavides in 1732, by Pedro del Corral in 1735 (Geiger 1940:44) and in
1736 (Arredondo 1736 in Milanich 1972), but it is not clear if any
western Timucuans still survived.
Previous Research in the Robinson Sinks Vicinity
and at the Santa Fe Site
The Santa Fe site is within a portion of northwestern Alathua
I
County known as Robinson Sinks. The name is taken from a large cluster
of deep spring-fed sinkholes. As listed above, the attraction of the
area includes these sinks, the Santa Fe River, good well-drained soils,
the upland resources of the hardwood hammock vegetative community, and


elsewhere, by Dr. Craig Sheldon, Mr. Chip Morgan, Dr. Ray Crook and Mr.
Tom Eubanks, who contributed to my early training in archaeology. Dr.
Charles H. Fairbanks greatly influenced my historic training. In
my research in north Florida I feel as though I have been following in
the late dill Loucks' footsteps, though I never met her. My committee
members, Drs. Michael Gannon, Michael Moseley, Barbara Purdy and
Elizbeth Wing have provided valuable comments and support. I also
learned a great deal from Dr. Brenda Sigler-Eisenberg. I would like to
thank Bill Marquardt for his method and theory course, Bill Goza for
his interest in my work, and William Maples for his nudging for me to
finish.
Fellow students (present or past) I would like to acknowledge
include Nina Borremans, Anne Cordell, Tom DesJean, Jonathan Leader,
Alan McMichael, Claudine Payne, Elise LeCompte-Baer, Becky Saunders,
the late Gary Shapiro, Marvin Smith, Bob Wilson, and other fellow
students and friends. The two people with whom I have interacted the
most, and whose friendship I value the most, are Donna Ruhl and Cliff
Nelson. Donna is the most rigorous scholar I know, and Cliff has kept
me down to earth with his keen observations, thorough reasoning, and
constructive criticisms. Cliff also analyzed most of the artifacts and
produced the computer-generated figures included in this dissertation.
He and his wife Mindi have provided a very pleasant base of operations
base during our work. Sudye Cauthen's interest and enthusiasm are also
appreciated. I would like to thank the Palmores, the Alligoods, the
Carlisles, other landowners and informants, and all of my crew members
who have contributed to whatever success I have achieved, including
IV


287
cemetery has a capacity to hold at least 180 burials. By using the
remote sensing estimation of cemetery boundaries, it is estimated that
up to 320 burials may be present. The remote sensing images thus
indicate a larger cemetery than does the surface collection data.
Recent computer enhancement, by Cliff Nelson, of photographs taken
at the cemetery indicates that there may be additional burials not
visible to the naked eye and. not recognized during the field
investigations. These burial pit outlines appear to lie at a different
orientation than those visible to the naked eye. Two different
cemeteries may thus be present, one on top of the other. If so, then
there are even more burials than predicted and they may represent
different time periods. The two methods of determing cemetery
boundariesremote sensing and controlled surface collectingmay thus
both be correct, but may be identifying different cemeteries.
The data from the metal detector survey also appears to indicate
the location of a fence separating the church from the cemetery.
Evidence for the wall or fence is a long row of nails. The row of
nails appears to be too long to be associated with a structure and it
is in an area generally devoid of other artifacts. The orientation of
the line of nails matches the alignment of the cemetery and the chruch
(Structure 1) but is midway between them. One of the artifacts
recovered along this line is a small wrought iron latch, perhaps
indicating the location of a gate where a pathway led from the churdh
to the cemetery.
A large, unidentified subsurface feature was found 4 m northeast
of the church, that is, between the church and the cemetery. The
feature is approximately 1 m deep and several meters (or more) long.


443
precolumbian/contact period in both regions, few small or very small
sites are found on hilltops. This situation contrasts sharply with the
mission period, in which many of the small sites in Potano territory
and most of the smaller sites in Utina territory are found there.
In summary, the lowest percentage of hilltop sites includes small
sites, in the late precolumbian/contact period for both regions. In
contrast, the highest percentage of hilltop sites includes small sites
in the Utina mission period. Larger sites are often found on hilltops
or similar high ground in both periods and both regions. This pattern
is more easily seen at individual clusters of sites such as Indian
Pond. And there are changes from period to period in the tyoes and
diversity of water sources and wetlands near to which the various size
classes are found.
Patterns are clearer for certain clusters of sites rather than the
region as a whole. For example, at Indian Pond (8C0229), tne sole,
large late precolumbian site area (Indian Pond Lower Slope; is situated
on the lower slope close to a series of small flow-through pcrds and
wetlands. All five mission period site areas are higher up the slopes
or on the hillcrest.
The contrast between the two periods implies greater coherence
between the ecological system and the cultural system during the late
precolumbian/contact period, and lesser coherence between the
ecological and cultural system in the mission period. In reality, ¡
ecological systems and cultural systems are sub-systems of a single, (
larger eco-cultural system. Lack of coherence in a system is
synonymous with dissonance. The dissonance may have contributed to the


175
5. Another concentration of aboriginal artifacts is found in grid
unit 445, located 30 m south of units 440/447 (Figure 5-7, southernmost
black sguares in Indian Pond West). No Spanish artifacts were
encountered. This location may represent another aboriginal house.
All of the above-described areas are situated in a straight line,
as though placed along a city street and perhaps representing Spanish
town planning. Pottery seriations show that Indian Pond West was the
latest known occupation in the area. Indian Pond Hillcrest (Section
II below), an earlier but also Spanish period occupation, shows no such
arrangement, perhaps indicating a change in community patterning.
6. Crews area. It is highly likely that the linear pattern of
houses extended into this area, which is the actual slopes of Indian
Pond itself. However, surface collection was not possible. Four 1X1
m test pits verified the presence of a Spanish period component, but
time constraints did not permit sufficient subsurface testing to
provide additional data on community pattern.
7. Little Pond area. General surface collections before and
after recent dredging this small spring-fed sinkhole pond revealed
Spanish and Indian artifacts within and around the pond. However, the
distribution is not continuous. Artifacts are found on only certain
sides of the pond, serving as "beacons" toward specific site areas.
Spanish period artifacts on the north side of the pond appear to be
pointing the way to an as-yet-undiscovered site area.
8. Other nearby areas: Unit 300 Area. The Unit 300 area is
found in the same field, but it does not appear to be part of the same
village area (Figure 5-7, easternmost black squares in Indian Pond West
area). A concentration of aboriginal artifacts are found here in an


103
Prieto states clearly that he and a companion built the church at
San Francisco. But he does not say that he built the church at Santa
Ana that withstood the storm. It is possible that this unidentified
church at Santa Ana in 1607 was the remnant of the "Convent of St. Ann"
in 1587.
In June 1606 Bishop Altamirano set out on a visitation to Potano.
Tocoy was five leagues from St. Augustine, meaning it was probably on
the St. Johns River (at Salamototo?). Antonico, which had a
functioning church, was twenty leagues from Tocoy (Geiger 1937:198-
199). At Antonico he was then in Potano territory. In two days in
Potano territory he confirmed 225 persons of all ages from the Potano
villages of Antonico, Filoche, Flanoque, Calvay and Yaocay (Geiger
1937:199). It is interesting that there is no principal town
identified as Potano, even though the province is called Potano, in
contrast to the de Soto period when there was a town called Potano but
the name was not recorded for the province. Unless the old chief at
Santa Ana, a former captive of de Soto, was Chief Potano himself, then
Chief Potano had died and the village name changed to that of the new
chief. Access to the village of Potano is also discussed in Chapter
III in reference to Outina and in Chapter VIII in reference to trail
networks. Other scholars have assumed that the above list of five
villages represents the total list of all principal villages of Potano;
that assumption may be correct but there is inadequate confirmation.
Population estimates would be affected if there were additional
unidentified villages.
Bishop Altamirano used mostly Indian names for the villages
(Antonico, Filoche, Elanoque, Calvay and Yaocay) while Father Prieto


265


377
dated to this period. The third site, 8SU86, is again equal in size to
the earliest site, and the fourth site, Baptizing Spring, is the
largest of all. This increase in site size may reflect a mission
policy of population reduction, consolidating outlying settlements into
one settlement. It is known that the reduction policy was one a goal
of the Florida missionaries. These data from Baptizing Springs are the
only known data in Florida that support the hypothesis that the policy
was a success, at least temporarily.
The fourth site, Baptizing Spring, is the largest, and the final
site in the sequence, 8SU88, is the smallest. Baptizing Spring
2 2
contains more than 30,000 m and 8SU88 contains only 4500 m This
dramatic decline in site size may result, again, from the
.CHANGE THROUGH TIME
BAPTIZING SPRINC
8SU6S 30,000a
Figure 8-5: Baptizing Spring Cluster, Change in Site Size Through Time.


251
"front lines" in the war against the English. It is likely that some
portion of the population of the village hid in the convento during the
attack. It is also likely that some were captured in the attack on the
village and marched back to South Carolina, as happened in similar
raids at other missions.
This attack was only one of a number of similar attacks by the
English and their allies on Spanish territory. Santa Fe was among the
first of the missions attacked (Gannon 1983; Boyd, Smith and Griffin
1951:28, 37). These raids destroyed the Spanish mission system and
loosened Spain's hold on the Florida colony. The attacks were part of
the larger conflict between Spain and England for control of this
portion of the New World. The collapse of Spanish Florida led to
English then American control of Florida.
Following the attack on Santa Fe, the Indians at Santa Fe were
moved four leagues southward to San Francisco (Symes and Stephens
1965). A force of Spanish soldiers remained at Santa Fe until 1706
when the force was withdrawn to St. Augustine.
After that time Santa Fe and its Indians disappeared from northern
Florida. Those Indians who were loyal to Spain were moved close to St.
Augustine for protection. Perhaps other former residents of Santa Fe
migrated elsewhere, though this data would not appear in the Spanish
documentary record. It seems likely that emigration accounts for part
of the depopulation of northern Florida, not just epidemics, wars dnd

slave raids. The migration to South Carolina may not have been totally
f
involuntary, though there are no data available on South Carolina sites
at which this question might be addressed.


293
Table 7-4; Artifacts from Structure 3, Plowzone (Unscreened)
18 Chert flakes
1 Majolica sherd, off white on red-orange paste
1 St. Johns cord marked sherd
1 Grog tempered, wiped sherd
3 Rectilinear complicated stamped? (all mend)
2 Clay plaster-like construction material
5 Olive jar sherds (all mend)
church, and parts of the cemetery and residential area. The teardrop
tapers to a point at Structure 3 where the teardrop narrows and merges
into an old road, also visible on the images. This road was a part of
a major north-south trail that intersected with the east-west Spanish
royal road 4 miles to the south (see Chapter VI, Early Road and Trail
Networks). This road is visible on the aerial remote sensing images,
but not on the ground nor on any modern aerial photographs. It is
almost certainly a 17th century Spanish road. This road can be traced
across Alachua County on various old maps and is described in greater
detail in Chapter VI.
At the Santa Fe site the teardrop shape is interpreted as a
possible fork in the road which encircled the mission complex.
Structure 3 is situated within this fork in the road and is thus
interpreted as a special use structure of some kind.
Community Pattern
The mission-related structures are only part of a larger complex.
Information about community patterning is available on the overlay ^paps
. ; ,:f 'k IOC clijtp-.:-' f ic
in association with other data. For example, the locations of clay
walls may be indicated. The location of the church was first
pinpointed with subsurface data, but when the surface data for that
area are examined the location of the church is not readily apparent.


323
Table 7-22. Continued.
3 Sand tempered, too small to classify
1 Sand tempered rim
1 Projectile point base, Clay type
1 Projectile point midsection
14 Chert flakes
.! 4 Chert chunks
Washington Site (Also known as K3-101)
This site is situated on the next hillcrest west of Santa Fe and
Palmore. It is classified as a possible Spanish period site because of
the presence of grog tempered pottery, even though no Spanish or Leon-
Oefferson sherds were identified. Surface collecting conditions were
fair in the plowed, but slightly dusty, field. Pines have now been
planted, and the resulting underbrush has obscured all surface
visibility. Artifacts included the following:
2 Cob marked sherds, grog tempered
4 Plain sherds, grog tempered
1 Possible linear marked sherd, possibly sand tempered
1 Cord marked or fabric impressed
9 Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
2 Sand temperd sherds, too small to classify
1 Chert flake
Approximately 3 to 4 dozen flakes not collected.
Hester's Site G, 8AL146
The exact location of this site is uncertain, but it may be the
Birdhouse Area of Palmore (8AL189) or the Apple Orchard site (8AL25Cp.
The site was recorded by one of Goggin's-first students in the area,
and his site map is wrong. A small number of olive jar sherds and
plain aboriginal sherds were collected (Hester 1950).


247
reconstructions of Hernando de Soto's route (Milanich 1989) this
village may have been the same one contacted by Hernando de Soto's army
70 years earlier, then called Cholupaha. Archaeological evidence
indicates that a village area near Santa Fe, the Palmore site (8AL189)
may have been Cholupaha of the de Soto period (see discussion below).
Perhaps the earliest Santa Fe was also located here (see below). The
name Cholupaha appears only in the de Soto era documents; it never
appears in the mission period documents. However, name changes were
common in aboriginal northern Florida. Villages often had the same
name as their chief, and the village name often (but not always)
changed when a new chief appeared. The problem of identifying villages
by name is compounded by the Spanish missionaries' practice of renaming
Indian villages with Spanish names without citing the aboriginal names
in their records. Mission stations and their associated Indian
villages are called by a single name, such as the mission and village
of Santa Fe.
A chronology of events at the Santa Fe mission is as follows. As
noted above, the mission station was founded sometime between 1606 and
1616. Bubonic plague may have struck in 1613-1617 (Dobyns 1983:278).
In 1653, the mission was still in operation as its name appears on the
visitation list that year (Geiger 1940:126). Major epidemics of yellow
fever struck Florida in 1649 and smallpox in 1653 (Dobyns 1983:279-
280), presumably hitting Santa Fe. In 1656, the western Timucuans^
' 1 C .i ¡ v : : ;;
including Indians at Santa Fe, rebelled against Spainish authority in
what may have been a native revitalization movement. Spanish military
forces from St. Augustine put down the rebellion, burned several


64
ponds" (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:171). Villages are found on
locations which offer easy access to three different microenvironments
and associated sets of subsistence strategies: (1) growing maize,
beans, sguash and other crops on elevated, well-drained soils, (2)
netting fish and procuring turtles and wading birds from lakes and
ponds, and (3) hunting/trapping/snaring a variety of game animals
(especially deer) in swamp forests and upland hardwood forests. The
Alachua tradition subsistence system was thus a mix of several
different procurement strategies. Village sites are found at locations
offering easy access to all of these microenvironments simultaneouly.
Calvin Jones produced a model of 17th century Spanish mission site
locations based on his field experiences at sites in the
Apalache/Tallahassee region and to a lesser extent the Western Timucua
region. In his model, Spanish mission sites are found on a high flat
topped hills, with two water sources within half a mile, and on good
loamy soils for agriculture. His model will be applied to both the
Potano and the Utina. It is unclear whether the model was intended to
apply to all Spanish-Indian sites or only to mission sites. That
question will be addressed in the hypothesis testing stage below.
From the above three models, a set of hypotheses is generated.
This single set of hypotheses is applied to all case studies to provide
for comparability of results.
The subsistence system of each of the three cases (Weeden Island,
Alachua tradition/Potano, and Mission Period) was a mix of several
different procurement strategies. Village sites are found at locations
offering easy access simultaneously to all of the microenvironments
essential to that subsistence system. Locations with access to some
but not all of the essential microenvironments should contain either


127
COMPLICATED ST AW tD
LUCAS
MASSED
COAD OS
fAIR1C
CHECK S
PUNCTATED STAMP Z
Including Md4< ST. I SAMPLK
C0 INCISED Loch loon Hon JOHHS * SIZE
INDIAS POND WIST
eluding Unit 300
INDIAS POMO NILLC8CST
INDIAS POND UNIT
300 ASIA
INDIAN POND ACROSS
TUI DITOI
INDIAN POND LOVES SLOPE
LITTU HU LASE
NCSSZTVES
TES 32
TES )7
I
YES? /:
TES 43
NO 34
NO 122
NO 90
261
Figure 4-9; Pottery Seriations, Indian Pond Cluster, McKeithen and
Little Hell Lake Sites.
Note: Figure 4-9 is the same as Figure 4-5 except that the two
additional sites are added.
Pottery groups are expressed in percentages. Plain sherds,
anamolous sherds, and sherds too small or too eroded to classify are
omitted.
cchfiicatid rtuoa UQtLftfe'SuiED
INDIAN POND VEST
INDIAN POMD NILLCKSST
INDIAN POMD UNIT 300 ASEA
INDIAN POMD AGIOSS TIE OITOI
JOHNS POMD
INDIAN POV LOVES SLOPE
LITTLE SELL LASS
NCSXITVO
Figure 4-10: Pottery Seriations, Indian Pond Cluster, McKeithen, and
Little Hell Lake Sites, Selected Pottery Groups Combined
Note: Figure 4-10 is the same as Figure 4-6 except that the two
additional sites are added.
Pottery groups are expressed in percentages. Plain sherds,
anamolous decorated sherds, and sherds too small or too eroded to
classify are omitted.


20
sedentism/residential mobility (Hames and Vickers 1982:363-364; Binford
1968), and storage (Testart 1982; Ingold 1983). Increased fertility
and population growth often involve a shift to sedentary settlement
systems (Binford 1968:332; Spooner 1972; Sussman 1972; Engelbrecht
1987); conversely, we might expect declining fertility and population
to be associated with a weakening of sedentism (Lee 1980). With
decreased size of local population units and decreased human population
density, we would expect changes in relative proportions of land and
labor available, "gaps" between home ranges, decreased competition for
control of these resource areas, changes in rules for access to these
critical resources, changes in residence patterns, and decreased
territorial defense (Testart 1982). Degree of sedentism/mobility may
change as a result of or in relation to (through feedback loops)
changing population size or density, changing output requirements, and
relative resource abundance (Lee 1980; Descola 1982; Cohen 1977; D.
Harris 1977). Resource use may change because of population change
(decline) (Binford 1968), (smaller) local groups (E. Smith 1981; Ellen
1982), (smaller) task groups, and (decreased) productive capability.
The composition of task groups, and consequently their capacity to
produce, may change with changing age and sex structure of local groups
(Hassan 1980; Stier 1982). With smaller groups, there are smaller
output requirements, but also smaller capability to produce, that is,
less availability of labor. Age/sex structure of the local group and
of task groups may change if, for example, there are fewer offspring
per nuclear family reaching adulthood due to greater childhood
susceptibility and mortality during epidemics and sterility of some of
the survivors. Changes in human fertility and mortality rates and age-


49
first third of the 17th century among the Western Timucua, specifically
A.D. 1606 for the Potano and 1608 for the Otina.
At least three major epidemics are documented or probable among
the Western Timucua before de Soto's arrival (unidentified epidemic in
1513-14, smallpox in 1519-24, measles and gastrointestinal in 1528-33),
possibly five epidemics before or during the French explorations
(bubonic plague in 1545-48, typhus in 1549, mumps in 1550, influenza in
1559, and unidentified epidemic in 1564-70) and three more epidemics
before establishment of the mission system (unidentified in 1585, Cape
Verde Island fever in 1586, and measles (?) in 1596 (Dobyns 1983:247-
290). [Others have disputed Dobyns' handling of the evidence and his
conclusions (e.g., Henige 1986, 1989), and Dobyns has added rebuttals
(Dobyns 1989). Because of these uncertainties, various writers (e.g.,
Ramenofsky 1982) have called for new studies and new data sets which
are independent of the historic documentary data. The present study of
settlement change is one such study.]
Hypotheses for testing.
Hypothesis 1A: Large, compact communities during the contact
period or at least for the early part of the period.
Hypothesis IB: Small, dispersed communities during the contact
period.
Bridging Arguments. Occupation area is at least partially a
function of group size (though the relationship may not be linear).
Numbers of artifacts discarded is at least partially a function of
group size. A larger number of discarded objects will occupy a larger
area. A larger group occupying a larger area will result in artifacts


69
outlets, one of which flows to the Atlantic by way of the St. Marys
River and the other of which flows to the Gulf of Mexico by way of
Olustee Creek. Archaeological sites of all time periods are abundant
in this zone but most appear to be small sites. The nature of these
sites (seasonal or permanent; residential or extractive) is unclear
because of insufficient research. Few surveys have been undertaken in
many of these areas (such as Union County; see Johnson 1987; Johnson,
Nelson and Terry 1988).
The locations of all known Potano and Utina sites are plotted on
maps. Their locations in relation to the above described broad
environmental zones and microenvironments are then determined and the
results tabulated. The sites are then separated into four analytical
units, as closely as the sites can be dated with currently available
archaeological data. The four categories are:
1. Late precolumbian/contact period Potano sites
2. 17th century mission period Potano sites
3. Late precolumbian/contact period Utina sites
4. 17th century mission period Utina sites
The results are used to demonstrate or refute the utility of the
Sigler-Lavelle, Milanich, and Jones models presented above for north
Florida and north central Florida settlement patterns.


94
For ecological reasons, the southern half of Columbia and Suwannee
counties is unlikely to have been the Utina heartland because it is
basically a region of dry sandhills. There are no surface streams,
lakes, and swamps, and the area has little to offer except sinkhole
ponds and the rivers and springs themselves, as well as access to the
Spanish road.
In recent surveys previously unknown sites were discovered in
central to northern Columbia and Suwannee counties, what is now
believed to be the Utina heartland. This more northernly complex of
sites has a very different ecological setting from the previously-known
southern sites. Northern sites include Indian Pond, Alligator Lake,
Peacock Lake, and White Lake.
Northern sites are found on high ground near ponds or lakes
situated well back from the river valleys. They are located within or
near a long, narrow band of good agricultural soils, the best soils in
both Columbia and Suwannee counties (U.S. Department of Agriculture,
Soil Conservation Service 1984). This settlement pattern is like that
of the early McKeithen Weeden Island peoples who occupied the same
region ca. A.D. 200-700. These observations concerning settlement
patterning will be tested more explicitly in Chapter VII.
In terms of the abundance and diversity of terrestrial and aguatic
resources, the northern zone is much richer than the southern zone and
would have supported larger human populations. The northern zone is
also a natural corridor followed by various historic roads and trails.
This corridor intersects the River of the Deer (the Suwannee) opposite
the mouths of the Alapaha and Withlacoochee Rivers, which fits the
reconstructed de Soto route very nicely (Milanich 1989; Swanton 1985).


25
echelons of aboriginal social systems (Sears 1961). That is, chiefs
and religious specialists were as vulnerable as anyone else to the
introduced diseases, and the Spaniards deliberately interferred with
inheritance, residence, succession and other social patterns.
Furthermore, the Spaniards destroyed the system of regional paramount
chiefs (Milanich 1978), altering information flows, organization and
control (Peebles and Kus 1977; Rappaport 1977). The Spaniards placed
themselves in those superordinate social positions atop aboriginal
social hierarchies. They permitted only local village chiefs to
continue to function, not the system of paramount chiefs who
represented centralized, intervillage government and who might threaten
Spanish control (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:224). These changes
fragmented and weakened the aboriginal societies' flexibility and
ability to withstand and adapt to stress.
Social hierarchies provide social structural stability,
cohesion and organization for regulating complex social relations.
They concentrate energy needed for competing with other societies for
control of access to scarce critical resources. There are links
between sociopolitical centralization, elaboration of ritual (Piddock
1968), inequality, maintanance of authority and social order, control
of the rules for distribution and consumption, prestige, storage and
accumulation of wealth (Malinowski 1968), warfare (Ferguson 1984;
Larson 1972), ability to intensify production, population size and
density, agriculture, and sedentism. Larger, more complex social
systems may also act as buffering mechanisms against environmental
fluctuations such as the global climatic perturbation which occurred
during the mid-sixteenth century, precisely during the time when the


273
Y/.
ire 7-11. Santa Pe Site, closeup of portion of
7-9, to show Structures 2 (small shaded oval
^ top center), Structure 3 (small shaded oval at
I right center), and the courtyard or plaza with few
^artifacts separating the two structures.
igure


351
L,.
; ,'ifjiv ;ond per ;.od eie. in -
L <
' '.issior.' :i I nr
Figure 8-3: Utina/Late Indian Pond Complex Sites, Santa Fe and Fig
Springs Clusters Only, Two Periods
X
Late precolumbian/contact period
Mission Period
At least one Spanish artifact


376
7. Baptizing Spring Cluster Sites in this cluster tend to be
larger than sites in other clusters, suggesting that this is an area of
major importance. One very large site is dispersed or short term, and
the other two very large sites are compact. Both medium sized sites
are compact. All are within 300 m of Baptizing Spring.
Site size Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact:
No sites known
Mission period:
1. 8SU84, Pump Springs
2. 8SU85, Indian Spring
3. 8SU86, NE of Bap. Springs
4. 8SU65, Baptizing Spring
5. 8SU88, NE of NE
8SU87
8SU89
very large
large
very large
very large
medium
small
medium
dispersed or short term
compact
compact
compact
compact
too small to classify
compact
The Baptizing Spring cluster is particularly instructive because
changes can be seen within the mission period. These changes are
revealed by combining three data sets: pottery seriations, site sizes
and artifact densities. Site size data are taken from Loucks (1978),
and numbers of artifacts are taken from Loucks (1978) and Stokell
(1978). Artifact density was calculated from these data. Pottery
seriations (Chapter IV) provide the chronological sequence. The sites
are listed above in order from oldest (#1, Pump Springs) to most recent
(#5, 85U88). It is not clear where sites 8SU87 and 8SU89 fit into the
sequence, but the pottery indicates that they probably fit somewhere in
the middle. A history of changes can been seen (Figure 8-5). The
earliest site, Pump Sp^^gj^sg.jS^one of the|>jLargest sites (23,100,
m ). The site may date to the beginning of the mission system. Thp
2
next earliest site, Indian Spring at 10,600 m is less than half the
size of Pump Spring. This dramatic reduction in size may be evidence
for a population crash or dispersal resulting from epidemics.
Dispersal would be supported if the two small sites, 8SU87 and 8SU89,


459
Anonymous
n.d. Palm Point. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of
Natural History. Authored by Hann? Circa 1949-1955.
Arnason, T., 3.D.H. Lambert, 3. Gale, 3. Cal and H. Hernon
1982 Decline of Soil Fertility Due to Intensification of Land Use by
Shifting Agriculturalists in Belize, Central America. Agro-
Ecosystems 8(1): 2737.
Bailey, G.N.
1981 Concepts of Resource Exploitation: Continuity and
Discontinuity in Palaeoeconomy. World Archaeology 13(1) :115.
Bartlett, H. H.
1956 Fire, Primitive Agriculture and Grazing in the Tropics.
In Man's Role in Changing the Face of the Earth, edited
by W. L. Thomas, in collaboration with C.O. Sauer, M. Bates, and L.
Mumford. University of Chicago Press, pp. 692-720.
Bartram, William
1928 Travels of William Bartram, edited by Mark Van Doren. Dover
Publications, New York.
Behrens, Clifford A.
1981 Time Allocation and Meat Procurement Among the Shipibo
Indians of Eastern Peru. Human Ecology. 9(2):189-220.
Bender, Barbara
1978 Gatherer-Hunter to Farmer: A Social Perspective. World
Archaeology 10(2):204-222.
Bennett, Charles E., translator/compiler
1968 Settlements of Florida. University of Florida Press,
Gainesville, FL.
1975 Three Voyages Rene Laudonniere. University of Florida Press,
Gainesville, FL.
Bernstein, B,B.
1981 Ecology and Economics: Complex Systems in Changing
Environments. Annual Reviews of Ecology and Systematics. 12:309-
330.
Bernstein, George A.
1961 Archaeological Survey of Area West of Gainesville, Fla. APY
501. Dr. Goggin. 33 pages. .^Manuscriptcon file'at.the Florida
Museum of Natural History. r i
Bettinger, Robert L.
1977 Aboriginal Human Ecology in Owens Valley: Prehistoric
Change in the Great Basin. American Antiquity 42(1):3-17.


17
difference between minimum and maximum diet constraints is the
potential area for social selection (Thomas 1971). With changes in the
amounts of field clearings (Dimbleby 1978; Odum 1977) and firewood
cutting, edge areas/ecotones and fallow cycles (Denevan 1978), there
would be changes in biotic diversity and productivity, densities of
game species (Abruzzi 1980), changes in the potential for garden
hunting (Linares 1976; Peterson 1981; Hastorf 1980:100, 112; Bailey
1981), and changes in natural ecosystemic homeostatic mechanisms
(predators). Edge areas would be greatly reduced in a climax forest
(if the human subsistence farmers disappeared for whatever reason,
e.g., epidemics) or if the forest itself were destroyed (e.g., by
cattle ranches or large-scale farms).
Population, Sedentism and Agriculture
There is a relationship between (decrease of) size of local
population size (Perlman 1985), (decreased) sedentism/(increased)
mobility (Lee 1980; Binford 1968), and changing degree of dependence on
cultivated plants as opposed to low-cost wild plant and animal foods
(D. Harris 1977b). There is a correlation between population density
and trophic level, in this case between lesser population density and
use of few, low-cost resources (reduced diet breadth) (Hames and
Vickers 1982:364; Cohen 1977:189; Earle 1980; Christenson 1980).
farming is not necessarily more efficient than hunting and gathering
(Cohen 1977:279). For example, agricultural practices and their degree
of dependence on agriculture (full-time or part-time) might be affected
by decreased population size and density. Responses might include a
shift from intensive to extensive land use (Boserup 1965:15-16),
decreased field size, longer fallow periods, greater relative abundance


395
Conclusions
Both periods and both regions exhibit a range of site sizes,
though certain classes are more common than others. During the late
precolumbian/contact period, both the Potano/. Late Alachua and
Utina/Late Indian Pond regions were characterized by communities which
were often (but not exclusively) large and compact. There were also
fewer numbers of small or dispersed/short term communities. During'the
mission period, the Potano area had a higher number of small sites than
larger ones. In the mission period in the Utina area, there is also an
increased number of smaller sites. There are more small sites than any
other individual size class, but overall the larger classes still
outweigh the smaller classes. The highest number of dispersed or short
term sites (such as the dispersed Indian Pond West site) appears in the
Utina area during the mission period.
1


Cliff Nelson, Nina Borremans, Tom DesJean, Jonathan Leader, Keith
Terry, Steve Stathakis, Robert Mooney, Robert Schroth and others.
Also, thanks to volunteers, including members of the Alligator
Archaeolgocial Society in Lake City. Thanks to Tom Eubanks for
assistance with eguipment whenever needed. As usual, the departmental
secretary, Dara Silverberg, deserves special recognition.
My greatest thanks go to Jerald T. Milanich. He has given me
unparalleled research opportunities, worked hard to procure the support
to keep me going, and helped me through the dissertation-writing stage.
I have profited greatly from his expertise in Flordia archaeology and
contact and mission studies. And special thanks to my wife Leslie, my
mother (Dorothy Perkins Johnson), and other members of my family for
allowing me the years to do the research I stubbornly insisted on
doing. Leslie's computer skills and many hours of making editorial
changes saved me in the last month of dissertation preparation, when I
was scrambling to complete the work on time. My father saw the
beginnings of my pursuit of the Ph.D. degree, but not the end. I hope
he would have been proud.
Finally, since the time I began my research, Kerianne Elizabeth
(now age 4-1/2) and Dorothy Caitlyn (age 21 months) have come to Leslie
and me. This dissertation is for them. I hope that my anthropological
scholarship will help instill in them the same sense of values that my
parents sought to instill in me.
v


209
numerous small lakes. Numerous Indian canoes have been found in these
lakes, at least one of which has been radiocarbon dated to the Spanish
period (Lee Newsom, personal communication).
Two archaeological sites within this area in southwest Clay
County, the Blue Bead and Baldree sites (Johnson 1986), which are 20
miles (a day's walk) west of the St. Johns River, support the
suggestion that one branch of the Bellamy Road and the Spanish mission
road were essentially eguivalent here. Surface collections and
subsurface tests yielded abundant San Marcos sherds (presumably
representing refugee Georgia coastal Guale Indians), and smaller
numbers of Spanish artifacts, including olive jar sherds, two San Luis
Blue-on-White majolica sherds (1580-1660?), several red or blue small
glass beads, one bottle glass fragment, and one chunk of (Mexican?)
obsidian.
These sites are literally on the shoulder of the Bellamy Road.
Features were also found, including post molds, a large hearth, and
smaller features; together these appear to represent the location of an
aboriginal house (Johnson 1986). This site or somewhere nearby may be
the mission of Eyvitanayie, shown on a 1680 Spanish map of the missions
of Florida (reproduced on the front cover of WPA Writer's Project
pamphlet). Pueblo Duntanayo (spelling unclear), as shown on a circa
1763 British/Spanish map of east Florida (PKY circa 1763), also is in
this vicinity. An 18th century Greek Orthodox religious medallion was
also found in this vicinity (Johnson 1986). These finds predate the
Bellamy Road.
Boyd (1939:Figure 2-A) indicates two alternative routes through
the Etoniah Scrub, the Stuart-Purcell route and Burch's route. The


68
and go" as sinkholes and springs that feed the lakes periodically clog
and become unclogged, such as with Alligator Lake. Alligator Lake at
Lake City is the largest and most outstanding example of these Utina
region lakes.
The best agricultural soils in Columbia and Suwannee counties are
found in a long, narrow band running southeast to northwest across the
counties. This band closely parallels the lake district, but is not
exactly coterminous with it. The two zones, the lake zone and the good
soils zone, are combined here for the purposes of analysis because they
are so parallel in extent, and even overlapping in places. The
Suwannee County portion of the good soil zone, in particular north and
northwest of Live Oak, has received little archaeological attention to
date. Westward from Lake City, the lake zone terminates in north
central Suwannee County, although the good soil zone continues farther
westward, striking the Suwannee River at the mouth of the Alapaha
River. It is no coincidence that this band of good soils is also the
route of at least one old road, a road which perhaps was Hernando de
Soto's route as he passed from Indian village to Indian village. This
route no doubt originated long before de Soto and served as an Indian
trail.
Lakes, streams and swamps are far more numerous in the Utina lakes
region than in the arid "green desert" zone. The pine flatwoods and
high plain swamps district contain a large number of wetlands but they
are different from the lake district. This flatwoods zone is a mosaic
of small swamps, (seasonal) streams and patches of flatwoods. There
are few large lakes in this zone except Palestine Lake, Swift Creek
Pond and Lake Butler, all in Union County, and Ocean Pond in Baker
County. Most of these feed Olustee Creek. Palestine Lake has two


185
The artifact density profiles can also be used to select locations
for more intensive testing, such as to obtain a larger sample of
artifacts or to locate features. For example, 2 X 2 m test pits may be
placed in areas of higher artifact densities along the linear
transects.
Case studies. Artifact density profiles were produced from
subsurface testing data at six sites: Santa Fe, Fig Springs, Goodwin,
Carlisle, Palmore and Baldree. Results are discussed below.
Santa Fe. At Santa Fe, subsurface testing and artifact density
profiles produced information on the location of structures and other
intrasite patterning, but the testing did not extend outward far enough
to determine site boundaries (which were determined through controlled
surface collecting). As at most of these sites, there are relatively
few artifacts present at the site. The volume of soil produced by
auger tests, posthole digger tests, or 50 X 50 cm shovel tests is too
small to provide adeguate numbers of artifacts. Only larger-sized
units, such as 1 X 1 m or 2 X 2 m test pits, produce large enough
samples of artifacts for deriving spatial information.
At Santa Fe, two artifact density profiles are presented. One is
based on an east-west transect of five test pits, and the other is
based on a north-south transect of four test pits and seven shovel
tests (Figure 5-10). The east-west transect, 25 m long, includes five
1 X 1 m test pits at 5 or 10 m intervals, including Test Pits 10
through 14. >
The artifact density profile for only chert flakes shows a high
density of chert flakes at the west end of the transect, progressing to
a low density at the east end. In terms of sherds and other artifacts,


145
undertaken in Florida with the specific goals of measuring roofed-over
floor area. And there are no surviving members of these societies to
provide modern analogs. Limited testing and surface collections cannot
determine roofed-over area. No attempt is made in the present study to
apply Naroull's and others' formulas to Florida sites, but it may be
possible to do so in the future with the development of new techniques.
House counts are easier to obtain than room counts or measurements
of roofed-over area. House counts can be estimated from partial
excavation of a site where the sizes, spacing and arrangment of houses
can be determined, and these data can be used to estimate total house
count. House counts have therefore been used to estimate population
such as in Iroquois long houses (Starna 1980; Kapches 1990) and at the
King site in Georgia (M. Smith 1987). At the King site Marvin Smith
used Hally's excavation data (Hally 1975) to count the number of houses
and calulate a total population of 300 persons or 461 square feet per
person (M. Smith 1987:68). The calculation was based on number of
houses within the estimated total village area excluding plaza area.
If the plaza is excluded, there were 736 square feet per person (M.
Smith 1987:68).
Another method for estimating population correlated the number of
structures and the amount of arable, inhabitable land available (Milner
1986). Population density was estimated from the number of structures.
Population size was estimated from population density and the available
amount of fertile Mississippi Valley bottomland. The method has little
utility in Florida because Florida rivers do not produce wide, fertile
bottomlands for aboriginal cultivation and settlement.


456
responded to these stresses are all the more important because
repetitive processes of cultural change and adaptation may be
indicated.
Implications of Demographic Decline
In Spanish Florida, the stresses accociated with European contact,
colonization and control were responsible for native population decline
and/or dispersal. The stimuli for change included epidemics of Old
World diseases, military conquest, political domination, socioeconomic
disruption, forced labor through taxes and peonage, entry into the
world market economy, forced social and political changes, and other
forms of socioeconomic and political domination and exploitation. All
had cultural, demographic, ecological and settlement patterning
consequences.
There are relationships between demography (population decline),
political organization (decline of political authority) and settlement
systems change (dispersed communities) (Chapter II). Death or other
removal of key personnel and/or large numbers of individuals resulted
in disruption of Potano and Utina kinship networks, chiefly authority
and the composition of task groups and their ability to produce. With
decline in human population numbers and density (increased number of
dispersed sites), there would be labor shortage but also reduced output
requirements for the Potano and Utina subsistence systems (fewer mouths
to feed), and less pressure on resources.
These changes were factors in settlement system change, both
regionally and at the level of the local community. Human population
decline, settlement shifts, rapid abandonment of sites, and abandonment
of traditional site clusters in favor of new zones and settings were


177
the time period. This is the highest crest in the vicinity with a
commanding view of the other village areas. It is highly likely that
a strong Spanish period occupation existed on this crest, as the
Spanish pattern was to build their missions on the crest of the highest
hills available.
C. Hoe Area/Across the Ditch/Pure Area Within Indian Pond East.
1.Hoe Area. A 17th century Spanish iron hoe blade, several Spanish
nails, a large "black" (dark green) glass bead, and several Spanish
olive jar sherds were recovered from an approximately 30 X 70 m area
Figure 5-8, black sguares in Indian Pond East area). It is not clear
what kind of site area this is; it may represent a habitation or some
sort of specialized activity area. More Spanish artifacts were found
here than anywhere else in Indian Pond East, but even here the total
number is small. No majolica was found anywhere in Indian Pond East,
in contrast to Indian Pond West and Little Pond where several pieces of
majolica were found.
2. Across the Ditch Area. Mission period aboriginal sherds (with
a very few olive jar sherds) are found in village areas to the
immediate north (the "Across the Ditch" area) and to the east ("the
Pure Area") of the Hoe Area.
The village area called Lower Slope may physically overlap with
the village area called Across the Ditch, as indicated by the
distribution of ceramics. However, they date to different periods (see
below).
3. Pure Area. A small number of Spanish olive jar sherds (4 or
5), and mission period aboriginal sherds (Leon-Jefferson and Fort
Walton sherd) were found in this area (Figure 5-8, southeastern most


332
textual data were used in the present analysis. Site size data from
maps are used only when there is nothing else available. Relative
sizes of sites may be determined in certain site clusters where no
other data are available. To compensate for these problems, only broad
classes of site sizes are used in this study.
Field data are subject to several biases. The quality of the data
varies widely. Some survey reports provide high-quality data on site .
sizes and artifact density (e.g., Loucks 1977). Others do not provide
size and density data, except for casual comments, because of problems
in defining site boundaries and site size, and problems with surface
visibility. The degree of reliability of individual archaeologist's
site size estimates often varies with their skill in judging distances
visually. Many people tend to underestimate long distances and
overestimate short distances. Defining boundaries is especially
difficult where artifact densities are low, such as for many of the
Spanish period sites that are the focus of this study (Chapter V,
Methodological Problems).
Qualitative Site Sizes
Qualitative site size data are available for most but not all
sites which can be dated to either the late precolumbian/contact or
mission period. In contrast, quantitative data are available for a
smaller number of sites. Qualitative data are discussed first.
4
In many of the older survey reports, especially those by John '
Goggin's students, the only indication of a site's size may be the
field map and its distinction as being either a "campsite" or a
"village." Sometimes these data can be correlated with more recent


327
Table 7-23: Artifacts from Jones Southwest, All Areas Combined,
General Surface Collections
Decorated pottery:
2 Check stamped sherds
6 Curvilinnear complicated stamped (Swift Creek-like)
7 Incised (4 single line incised, 3 of which are rims; 1 Keith
Incised, 2 incised)
6 Punctated (5 Weeden Island punctated, 1 other)
16 Linear marked (brushed, scraped or wiped)
1 Other decorated (incised and punctated)
5 St. Johns
43 Total decorated sherds
Other pottery:
204 Sand tempered plain
16 Sand and fiber tempered plain
472 Sand tempered, too small to classify
10 Grog tempered plain
9 Grog tempered, too small to classify
24 Limestone tempered, too small to classify
Lithics and other artifacts:
1 Ichetucknee point
1 Levy point
1 Bradford?
1 Hamilton point
8 Pinellas or Pinellas-like points
134 Chert flakes
1 Burned clay
1 Fired or compacted clay
1 Fossil shark tooth
3 Gastroliths
1 Turtle-backed scraper
22 Other chert, some with worked edges
1 Silicified coral
landowner, Mr. Emerson, his son and farm workers recall that "twenty or
thirty" years ago (ca. 1950-1965?) this site was a mound which was
;er. not colinden.
excavated over a two-week period by a group of people from somewherd
I
other than Gainesville. The landowner recalls a thick layer of
:d in the vicinity wh charcoal well below the ground surface. Their methods included
screening the soil. The entire mound and sub-mound was demolished,
leaving such large holes that farm equipment had to be used to level


492
Zubrow, E.
1971 Prehistoric Carrying Capacity and Dynamic Equilibrium in the
Prehistoric Southwest. American Antiquity 36(2):127-138.
Map References
Blake, J. E.
1836 General Map of Part of Florida included between Cedar Keys and
the St. Johns River from Lieut. Blake's Map. United States Army.
PKY 755.
1839 Map of a Part of Middle Florida, as Divided ino Districts of 18
Miles Square. United States National Archives, Record Group 77,
Civil Works Map File, L247-76.
Boyd, Mark F.
1936 The First American Road in Florida, Part II. Florida
Historical Quarterly 14(3);138-192. [Collected papers.J
1938 A Map of the Road from Pensacola to St. Augustine, 1778.
Florida Historical Quarterly 17:1-23.
Bruff, 3. Goldsborough and D. McClelland Se. Wash.
1846 The State of Florida Compiled in the Bureau of Topographical
Engineers from the Best Authorities. PKY 478, P. K. Yonge Library
of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL.
Burnett, Lieutenant Isaac R. D.
n.d. Sketch of Country East of the Suwannee Showing Roads Between
Fort Fannin, Fort White, Fort Call, and Newnansville. United
States National Archives, Record Group 77, Civil Works Map File,
L247-63.
Burr, Daniel H., Topographer to the Post Office
1839 Map of Florida Exhibiting the Post Offices, Post Roads, Canals,
Rail Roads, etc. PKY 1178 (4 sheets), P. K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, Gainesville, Florida. The National Archives,
Record Group 28. Florida State Maps Burr Atlas #70, No. 8, 124.
Burr, David H.
1846 Arredondo Grant map. PKY 298 (original), P.K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL.
Coffee, Joshua., Surveyor
1831 Land District East, Territory of Florida, T6S R 18E. [Original
land survey of portion of southern Union County, Florida.] Part
surveyed 1841 by S. A. Jewett.
Cohen, M. M.
1964 Notices of Florida and the Campaigns. Facsimile
reproduction of the 1836 edition, University of Florida Press,
Gainesville, FL.


337
of other sites for which only qualitative descriptions are available.
"Smaller" sites (often called "campsites") are likely to be 0 to 1999
square meters in size, and "larger" sites are likely to be 2000-35,000
square meters in size.
Quantitative Results
Potano Site Sizes and Numbers
The quantitatively-derived results for the Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition sites are summarized in Table 8-3.
For the Potano/Late Alachua Tradition region, the largest single
category of late precolumbian/contact period sites is medium sized
Table 8-3: Quantitatively Derived Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Site
Sizes
number
of sites
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition sites
Late precolumbian/contact period
Very large
2
2
5
0
1
Large
Medium
Small
Very small
10 Total
Mission period
Very large
Large
Medium
Small
Very small
1
1
1
0
3
6 Total
V i .
Either late precolumbian/contact or mission period
Very large
0
0
3
0
2
Large
Medium
Small
Very small
5 Total


496
Swanton, 3ohn R.
1946 The Distribution of Indian Tribes in the Southeast about the
year 1715. Redrawn from a blueprint of the original among the
British Archives. Plate 3 in Bulletin 73, Bureau of American
Ethnology. United States Government Printing Office, Washington,
D.C.
Sweett, Zelia, and Mary H. Sheppy, Compilers
1940 The Spanish Missions of Florida. Works Progress Administration >
(WPA), Florida Writers Project. Brochure.
Taylor, General Z.
1839 Map of North Florida, Divided into Districts of 20 Miles
Square. United State National Archives, Record Group 77, Civil
Works Map File L247-75.
Thomas, Lieutenant, George C.
n.d. Topographical Survey of Military Section No. 7. United States
National Archives, Record Group 77, Civil Works Map File, L247-84.
United States Archives L247-78
Circa 1835 Map of Square Number 2. United States National Archives,
Washington, D.C. Record Group 77, Civil Works Map File L247-78.
United States Archives L247-6
1836-1842 United States National Archives Cartographic Branch.
Maps, etc., relating to the seat of war in Florida. PKY 276,
Northeast. National Archives Record Group No. 77. L247-6.
United States Geological Survey
1890 Arredondo, Florida. United States Department of the Interior,
Geological Survey. Quadrangle Sheet, topographic. Contour
interval 10 feet.
1894 Dunnellon, Florida, quadrangle sheet, topographic. Contour
interval 10 feet. Reprinted 1943. Scale 1:62,500. 1 inch equals
1 mile.
1939 Lawtey, Florida, quadrangle sheet, topographic. Contour
interval 10 feet. First published in 1918, reprinted 1942.
1981 Lake City, Florida-Georgia Quadrangle sheet, topographic.
Scale 1:100,000, metric.
1981 Gainesville, Florida, quadrangle sheet, topographic. Scal
1:100,000, metric.
Vanderhill, Burke G.
1977 The Alachua Trail: A Reconstruction. Florida Historical
Quarterly 55(4):423-438.


51
2. A minimal residential unit or only a small number of
minimal residential units will be represented in the archaeological
record.
3. A cluster of these contemporaneous small sites will be
found near each other within a local area. That is, their artifact
distributions do not overlap or touch and are separated at intervals
too great for them to be considered a single site.
Discussion. Hypothesis 1A, large compact communities, is the null
hypothesis, that there was no significant difference between
prehistoric and contact period communities, except that contact period
communities were perhaps not as large as prehistoric ones. That is,
these cultures were scaled down versions of their prehistoric
counterparts, and most economic, political and social institutions had
remained intact despite the stresses associated with the population
loss.
Prehistorically, most Western Timucuan/Alachua tradition villages
"appear to have been consolidated, with houses placed close together in
clusters," though some "had a dispersed pattern" (Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980:172).
Support for this hypothesis in the historic period includes the
following. The chroniclers of the Spanish and French expeditions
indicate large, seemingly intact, powerful native cultures, centrally
organized, actively resisting European influence. The implication is
that despite pandemic-induced population decline, there was no
immediate political, economic or military collapse for at least the
first few years of the contact period in Florida. This implies
successful cultural adaptations to the stresses of the early epidemics,


28
stability (which cohesion and stability had formerly been provided by
hierarchies). The mechanisms for resolving conflicts declined. And
the mechanisms and forces for maintaining compact, cohesive communties
declined. The degenerative decay of the economic situation is seen in
the documentary record where certain Indians asked the Spaniards for
permission to relocate their village, reportedly because of depleted
firewood, exhausted soils and poor harvests (Pearson 1968:80 in Loucks
1979:57). That is, not only was the economy failing, but the Indians
had even lost the power to decide the optimal locations of their own
settlements.
Dispersal and Nucleation
There are always opposing forces at work in any situation. The
forces for nucleation are always in opposition to the forces for
dispersal. Forces for dispersal include, for example, the ability to
pursue dispersed natural resources. In a marginal and deteriorating
political situation such as late 17th century Spanish Florida (and the
18th century Seminles), the forces for dispersal of native populations
may have begun to outweigh the forces favoring nucleation (such as
scattered reports of Indians abandoning the mission villages and
returning to their "wild cousins" in the woods), except for two
factors. These factors offsetting the dispersal tendencies were the
threat of outside attack (slave raids and invasions by the English and
their Indian allies) and forced nucleation (the Spanish reduction
policy). Further chapters of this dissertation will provide empirical
data on the extent to which these populations actually became dispersed
or nucleated, that is, data on which competing set of forces became
dominant at which times.


48
include numerous Mississippian and Mississippian-derived towns,
palisaded Timucuan towns as depicted in de Bry's engraving and Le
Moyne's descriptions (Swanton 1922:352), the Creek town plan (Bartram
1789 in Hudson 1976:214), and probably some of the towns along de
Soto's route in Florida (Ranjel 1904:44,72).
Dispersed Community Pattern
In this type the population and their residences are widely
distributed rather than closely spaced, yet still constitute a single
community; or else the individual residences are so widely dispersed
that they must be considered isolated households, without villages. In
either case, overall population size would be small. An example of a
dispersed cummunity pattern is illustrated in the following statement
about Apalache by the Spanish governor in November 1702:
The villages of this province [Apalache] are very
insecure as they are widely scattered, as the individual
houses are likewise, since the villages are distributed over
a radius of three or four leagues. (Hann n.d.:22) (Emphasis
added.)
The Contact Period, A.D. 1513-1606
Due to the known epidemics of European-introduced pathogens, we
must assume some level of population decline in north central Florida
during the 16th and 17th centuries. The term population collapse may
be more appropriate, but the total numbers and rate of the decline have
not been precisely measured. Rather than attempting to measure
population loss directly, this research attempts to measure relative
change in site sizes and site numbers.
The contact period begins with the first European landfall on the
North American mainland in the early 16th century (Ponce de Leon in
1513), and continues until establishment of the mission system in the


256
f There is no indication whether the "few beads" were Spanish glass
beads (such as de Soto or mission period beads) or prehistoric stone or
shell or other beads. Simpson's rough sketch in profile view shows
five skulls and longbones, but the drawing is schematic and there may
have been more skeletons. The drawing appears to indicate a flat- ,
topped mound with at least two construction sequences. The first stage
was a low, irregular- to conical-shaped mound containing no apparent
skeletons. The upper mound contains the "irregular layer of skeletons"
overlain by a layer or layers of ashes and charcoal and capped with a
layer of sand. The layer of ashes, like the surface of the mound, was
flat-topped. This may have been the remains of a burned charnel house
or priest's/chief's house.
Neither mound is currently in evidence, and limited subsurface
testing failed to locate them. More extensive testing should be able
to find them. There are a number of surface irregularities in the
Simmons yard such as road depressions, slight dropoffs where fences
used to be, and surface irregularities where historic structures
formerly stood. These surface irregularities make it difficult to
determine by surface inspection which low rise or surface irregularity
may mark the former location of the mound. Auger testing in George
Simmons former yard recovered variable amounts of aboriginal sherds and
lithics, as expected because of the proximity of two known village
areas, 8AL189 to the immediate west and 8AL188B to the immediate*east.
<
The soil profiles in the auger holes revealed no unusual stratigraphy
which might reflect the location of the mound or previous excavations.
The Simmons site itself is a potentially significant 19th-20th
century site. The house reportedly burned within the past ten to


285
plowzone was stripped from three small areas in order to determine if
additional burials were also present and to determine the extent of the
cemetery. Approximately 58 square meters were mechanically stripped
using a jeep with a blade attachment. The strips were then shovel
skimmed and trowelled to 30 or 40 cm below surface (that is, deep
enough to get below most root and animal burrow stains) and the pit
stains were outlined and mapped in plan view and photographed. The pit
outlines were very difficult to see in the leached, sandy soils. Other
than Burial 1, no other skeletons were exposed.
A total of 18 burial pit outlines were mapped in the approximately .
58 square meters of stripped, exposed area. Probably many more burials
are present (see estimate of cemetery size below). The burials are
aligned generally northwest to southeast, which alignment matches that
of the presumed church. From Burial 1 we assume that the heads of all
are to the southeast.
Also encountered was what appears to be a large postmold marking
the southern boundary of the cemetery. Several instances of charcoal
and/or nails within the burial pit outlines may be the remains or posts
or wooden headstone markers.
There is evidence for a structure at or over the cemetery, as
shown by the large number of nails and one or two large posts. Medium
sized Type 6 were the most common type at both structures. Like
Structure 1, the structure(s) at the cemetery contained some large Type
I
10 spikes. In contrast to Structure 1, the cemetery contained almost
i
no fired clay, and the cemetery may contain a larger diversity of nail
types than does Structure 1. This suggests that the structure at the
cemetery may have been a different kind of construction than Structure


118
The Indian Pond complex eventually needs to be separated into
separate temporal divisions. The seriation charts (see below) show
that the Indian Pond ceramic complex followed the Weeden Island complex
and was in turn replaced by the Leon-Defferson complex. The seriations
are considered provisional until more is known about these ceramics.
The Indian Pond ceramic complex and the 17th century Utina ethnic
group are equated by combining the documentary and archaeological
evidence. Documentary evidence has identified Columbia and Suwannee
counties and portions of adjacent counties as Utina territory.
Archaeological surveys of numerous sites in this territory show that no
other ceramic complex occurred in the territory after Weeden Island and
before Leon-defferson. The 17th century Utina sites are dated with
European artifacts found in association with the Indian-Pond and Leon-
defferson ceramics, and the seriations show the replacement of the
Indian Pond complex by the introduced Leon-defferson complex during
this period. For these reasons the Utina ethnic group is correlated
with the Indian Pond ceramic complex prior to the introduction of the
Leon-defferson ceramic complex.
The Indian Pond complex is also equated with the 16th century
Utina. The 16th century Utina were direct ancestors of the 17th
century Utina. They occupied the same territory and there is no
evidence to suggest that they were displaced by any other group during
this period. The region was not depopulated and abandoned following de
Soto. There is no documentary, linguistic, ceramic or other
archaeological evidence for mass migration of Indians into Utina
territory from elsewhere at this early date. Data contained in the
Spanish and French documents indicate that Potano and Yustaga occupied


56
were the prime movers in post-contact and pre-mission culture change.
The epidemics spread well in advance of the appearance of the first
Europeans in many regions of the New World.
A pattern of small, compact communities is another alternative
hypothesis, but it seems unlikely. It is unclear whether social
control mechanisms would remain strong enough to consolidate the
population during this time of epidemics and population collapse.
The Mission Period, 1606 through the Late 17th Century (ca. 1675)
Hypotheses.
Hypothesis 2A: Large, compact communities during the Mission
period.
Hypothesis 2B: Small, dispersed communities during the Mission
Period.
Hypothesis 2C: Small, compact communities during the Mission
Period.
Bridging Arguments. The same as for Hypothesis 1.
Observational Predictions.
A. Large compact communities
The same as for Hypothesis 1A.
B. Small, dispersed communities
The same as for Hypothesis IB.
C. Small, compact communities
1. Total area over which artifacts are distributed will
be small.
2. Only a few residential units will be represented in
the archaeological record.


229
Table 6-1; List of Town Names and Relative Positions from East to West
on Various Maps.
1. PKY 242: Ft. Poppa, Alachua (with Jurlanoca to NE), Novola (with
Sta. Fee to NE), Utoca, St. Pedro.
2. Jeffreys 1765: Sn. Francisco de Popa, Alachula, Nuvo Alla, Utoca,
St. Pedro
3. Popple 1733[?]: Ivitanoa, Alachna (with Alachua to NE), Noowalla,
St. Francisco, Staffe, Woostooka, St. Pedro. Some map symbols have
crosses on roofs of buildings, other symbols are buildings without
crosses. Swanton re-drafted this map but left off some names such as
St. Pedro.
4. 1763 map: 5. Francisco (along road, with Alachus to NE), St.
Pedro.
5. 1822 map: Ft. Poppa, St. Francisco (along road, with Alachus to
N), Octoke, St. Pedro.
6. Romans 1776 map:
Upper road: Poppa, Jottanoga [spelling?], Alachua, Noowalla,
Octoka, S. Pedro
Lower road: Poppa, S. Francisco, S. Pedro
7. Jeffreys 1775 map: Fort Poppa, Alachua (with Jurlanoca to the
north or northeast), Novola (with Santa Fe to the northeast), an
unidentified town, and S. Pedro.
Table 6-2: Alternative Spellings of Town Names from Various Maps
High Road:
Poppa-Ft. Poppa-5n. Francisco de Popa
Jurlanoca-Jottanoga
Alachua-Alachula-Alachus
Noowalla-Novola-Nuvo Alla
Woostooka-Utoca-Octoka-Octoke [Derived from the term Yustaga]
Sn. Pedro-S. Pedro-St. Pedro
Low Road:
Poppa-Ft. Poppa-Sn. Francisco de Popa
S. Francisco-St. Francisco
Sn. Pedro-S. Pedro-St. Pedro


360
the households. Specifically, a compact site is defined as a site at
which there is enough open, unoccupied space for only one additional
household unit between actual household locations, or no space. A
household unit may consist of more than one structure, including
possibly a summer structure, winter structure and storage facilities.
It is not necessary to locate all houses at the site. This spacing can
be measured from any two adjacent household units. The assumption is"
that residential units within a site will have approximately the same
spacing, an assumption which appears to be borne out by excavations
throughout the southeastern United States, such as the King site in
Georgia (Hally 1983a). Structure locations may be identified by the
presence of posthole clusters and features or other structural remains,
or artifact distributions. Household locations and their spacing have
been determined through excavations or testing or inferred through
controlled surface collections at Palmore, Santa Fe, Richardson, Fig
Springs, Carlisle, Goodwin and Indian Pond (Chapters V and VII).
If the precise household locations are uncertain, then a compact
site may still be identified by an artifact density which is high and
more or less continuous and even across the residential area of the
site. "Residential area" excludes special use areas such as plazas,
mounds and mission compounds. Artifact density can be determined
through either surface or subsurface distributions, such as through
controlled surface collecting or subsurface testing and graphing !
artifact density profiles (Chapter V). <
Controlled surface collecting can reveal artifact concentrations
which in turn reflect probable household locations. Close spacing, a
compact site pattern, is indicated if the artifact concentrations are


194
component Spanish period sites are used in the current study. The
question of regional population numbers and density cannot be addressed
until site size and other data are available for the entire settlement
system.
And finally, it is necessary to distinguish subsurface testing as
a site discovery technique versus subsurface testing at known sites.
The method is poorly suited as a site discovery technique. The close
spacing of the units is unsuitable for covering large amounts of
acreage because of the time involved. The method is most useful at
known sites for the purposes of identifying boundaries, site area,
areas of artifact concentration, possible house locations and
distributions, and community pattern.
Shovel testing has only marginal value as a site discovery
technique except where sites are deeply buried. Shovel testing has
become a widely-used discovery technique in the United States despite
repeated studies showing the shortcomings of the technique (e.g., Shott
1985). The technique continues in use even where better techniques are
available. For example, a recent survey of an 86-mile (130 km)
pipeline right-of-way across the heart of Weeden Island and Utina
territory in north Florida used shovel testing exclusively as a site
discovery technique (Goodwin et al. 1989). Many sections of the route
lie along the shoulders of unimproved dirt roads through forested areas
such as the Osceola National Forest. Many sites are known to exist in
these areas. Shovel testing produced small amounts of useful data, but
a much more productive and informative technique would have been to
plow a firebreak for the entire length of the right of way and then
surface collect and map the artifact distributions. Few landowners of


462
Carneiro, R.
1968 Slash-and-Burn Cultivation Among the Krikrim and Its
Implications for Cultural Development in the Amazon Basin. In
Man and Adaptation, edited by Y. Cohen. Aldine, Chicago.
Cashdan, Elizabeth
1983 Territoriality among Human Foragers: Ecological Models
and an Application to Four Bushmen Groups. Current
Anthropology 24(l):47-66.
Casselberry, Samuel E.
1974 Further Refinement of Formulae for Determining Population from
Floor Area. World Archaeology 6:117-122.
Chacon, J.C. and S.R. Gliessman
1982 Use of the "Non-Weed" Concept in Traditional Tropical
Agroecosystems of South-Eastern Mexico. Agro-Ecosystems 8(1):1-11.
Amsterdam.
Chagnon, N.
1973 The Culture-Ecology of Shifting (Pioneering)
Cultivation Among the Yanomamo Indians. In Peoples and
Cultures of Native South America, edited by D. Gross.
Doubleday, Garden City, NO.
Chance, Marsha A.
1983 201 Survey and Test Excavations, Lake City, Florida: Testing a
Site Complex at Alligator Lake. In: Engineering Report:
Archaeological Reports, CH2M Hill, Gainesville, FL.
Chang, Kwang-chih
1938 Study of the Neolithic Social Grouping; Examples from the New
World. American Anthropologist 60:298-334.
1962 A Typology of Settlement and Community Patterns in Some
Circumpolar Societies. Arctic Anthropology 1(1):28-41.
Chapman, Jefferson, Paul A. Delcourt, Patricia A. Cridlebaugh, Andrea
B. Shea, and Hazel R. Delcourt
1982 Man-Land Interaction: 10,000 Years of American Indian
Impact on Native Ecosystems in the Lower Little Tennessee River
Valley, Eastern Tennessee. Southeastern Archaeology 1(2):115-121.
Chapman, Rita E.
n.d.a Palm Point. Manuscript on file at th Florida Museum of
Natural History. Circa 1950-1931. n ce-
7 -473.
n.d.b Santa Fe River Ranch and Adjacent Area. APY 401. 26 pages.,
Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum of Natural History. Circa
1951.


379
large population of the Baptizing Spring site thus might indicate
strong Spanish control, strong enough to force large numbers of Indians
to live in one place under central authority. The two sets of
conclusions, one based on high degree of compactness and the other
based on extremely large site size, both point to a high degree of
Spanish control during this period. Intermediate sized and
intermediate density sites, such as Pump Springs are less clear in
terms of the strength of social control.
8. Utina/Late Indian Pond Sites Not Part of Any Known Cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period:
None identified
Mission period:
8AL2470, Vaughn medium dispersed or short term
Table 8-7: Summary: Site Sizes and Compact/Dispersed, by Cluster
Potano/Late Alachua Clusters
1. Bivans Arm cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
1 large, compact
1 large, undetermined
1 small, too small to classify
1 size unknown
Mission period sites
None known
2. Newnans Lake cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
1 large, compact
1 small, too small to classify
1 undetermined [Newnans Lake 4]
Mission period sites j
None known
3. Fox Pond cluster *
Late precolumbian/contact period sites
1 medium, dispersed or short term
Mission period
1 very large, compact
1 size unknown


137
sherds are linear marked and one-fourth are cord and fabric marked.
Leon-Jefferson ceramics are far more abundant than Indian Pond ceramics
at all three sites for this time period, and the presence of early 17th
century majolica dates indicate that these three sites were
contemporaneous or nearly contemporaneous.
Other sites in these localities, such as 8SU89, may also date to
the early to mid-17th century but these sites have yielded few majolica
sherds or other datable artifacts.
The Transition From Early Weeden Island to Indian Pond
The transition from early Weeden Island to the Indian Pond complex
is apparent in those seriations for which we have enough sites and
large enough samples, especially the chart for the Indian Pond cluster
(Figures 4-4 and 4-4a). This chart appears to show the transition from
Early McKeithen Weeden Island into Indian Pond through an intermediary
stage represented by the Little Hell Lake site in eastern Suwannee
County. This Early Indian Pond/Late Weeden Island period is marked by
the disappearance of early Weeden Island complicated stamped types, the
continued predominance of plain pottery, and the beginnings of the cord
marked/fabric marked/linear marked Indian Pond complex. The transition
from early Weeden Island to Indian Pond may also be present in the
Santa Fe cluster area, where the Alligood site (8AL188) is probably
coeval with the McKeithen site in the Indian Pond cluster. But the
picture is not yet clear for the Santa Fe area because sample sizes of
decorated sherds are small.
Additional and highly important evidence for long-term cultural
continuity from early Weeden Island through the mission period is found
in types such as Weeden Island Incised, Keith Incised, Carabelle


466
Deevey, E. S., Don S. Rice, Prudence M. Rice, H. H. Vaughan, Mark
Brenner, and M. S. Flannery
1976 Mayan Urbanism: Impact on a Tropical Karst Environment.
5cience 206:298-306.
Denevan, W.M.
1978 The Causes and Consequences of Shifting Cultivation in
Relation to Tropical Forest Survival. In The Role of Geograph
ical Research in Latin America, edited by W.M. Denevan. Conference
of Latin American Geographers, Publication 7. Muncie, Indiana.
Descola, Philippe E.-
1982 Territorial Adjustments among the Achuar of Ecuador. Social
Science Information 21(2):301-320.
Dennett, Glenn and John Connell
1988 Acculturation and Health in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea.
Current Anthropology 29(2):273-281.
Dewar, Robert E.
1986 Discovering Settlement Systems of the Past in New England Site
Distributions. Man in the Northeast 31:77-88.
Dimbleby, G.W.
1978 Changes in Ecosystems Through Forest Clearance. In
Conservation and Agriculture, edited by J.G. Hawkes. Allanheld,
Osmun and Company, Monclair, New Jersey.
Dobyns, Henry F.
1983 Their Number Became Thinned; Native American Population Dynamics
in Eastern North America. University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville.
Dunnell, Robert C. and William S. Darcey
1983 Siteless Survey; Regional Scale Date Collection Strategy. In
Archaeological Method and Theory 6, edited by Michael Schiffer.
Academic Press, New York. pp. 267-283.
Dyson-Hudson, R., and E.A. Smith
1978 Human Territoriality: An Ecological Reassessment. American
Anthropologist 80(1):21-41.
Earle, Timothy K.
1980 A Model of Subsistence Change. In Modelling Change in
Prehistoric Subsistence Economies, edited by Timothy Earle and
Andrew Christenson. Pp. 1-29. Academic Press, New York. j
I
Earle, Timothy K., and Andrew L. Christenson, editors
1980 Modeling Change in Prehistoric Subsistence Economies Academic .
Press, New York.
Ellen, Roy F.
1982 Environment, Subsistence, and System: The Ecology of
Small-Scale Social Formations. Cambridge Press, London.


263


7
Chapter VII presents a case study of community patterns, focusing
on the Santa Fe site and environs in northwestern Alachua County, a
17th century Spanish-Indian Franciscan mission complex. Previous
research, current research, methods of investigations, and results are
described. Methods used to study the settlement system include remote
sensing, soil resistivity survey, controlled surface collections, power
auger survey, test pit excavations, soil coring, and plowzone
mechanical stripping. The church, cemetery, additional structures and
habitation areas of the mission were located, and the layout (community
pattern) of the complex was determined. The number of habitation
structures and the number of inhabitants are estimated.
In Chapter VIII the community pattern hypotheses are tested
against all known Potano and Utina sites for which site size data are
available. The settlement pattern hypotheses are tested in Chapter IX.
Known sites of the two chronological periods for these two chiefdoms
are tabulated and categorized by environmental setting. Consolidated
or diffuse settlement pattern types are determined from number and
distribution of sites per period and by chiefdom.
Chapter X summarizes the local and regional data on community
patterns and settlement patterns into settlement systems. Potano and
Utina settlement systems are described by period. Mission period sites
are commonly found in clusters, some of which are dispersed in linear
arrangements. That is, sites are placed at intervals along roads, are
situated on good agricultural soils on tops of hills, and are often
removed some distance from large aguatic habitats (in contrast to
earlier periods).


18
of good land per number of farmers, increased output per man hour,
greater efficiency and de-intensification of production (Boserup 1965;
but see Bronson 1971 for a critique of the relationships Boserup
suggests). There is an inverse relationship between intensification
and efficiency (Boserup 1965:15-16). There are links among population
density, kind of swidden (forest fallow, short fallow, bush or grass
fallow, annual/multiple cropping [Boserup 1965]), land
scarcity/abundance, length of fallow period, and resource
predictability and productivity (Denevan 1978; Arnason et al. 1982).
Agriculture Versus Hunting and Gathering
The distinction between hunter/gatherers versus agriculturists
is not clearcut but a matter of degree (Flowers et al. 1982; Bailey
1981). Even some of the Florida Timucua Indians who were
agriculturalists would return to the woods for several weeks or months
each year in late winter or early spring (Laudonniere in Bennett 1975).
The advantage of agriculture over gathering wild plant foods is that
agricultural production can be intensified (Cohen 1977:190). Maize has
high initial costs (e.g., clearing fields, sowing), but it has higher
maximum yields and can be intensified by input of more labor (Earle
1980:12; Speight 1983). In contrast, acorns and other nuts have low
initial costs but little can be done to intensify production (D. Harris
1977:208). Acorns and maize are nutritionally similar in that they are
rich in carbohydrates but poor in protein and certain micronutrients
(D. Harris 1977:206). Through feedback and homeostatic mechanisms,
intensification of (large-scale) agriculture increases dependence on
agriculture through scheduling conflicts and destruction of other
potential sources of food such as nut-bearing forest and the animals it


188
The testing and artifact density profiles verified the controlled
surface collections. Both techniques recovered fired clay fragments in
an area immediately west of the church, an area interpreted as the
location of a clay daub wall surrounding the courtyard (Chapter VII).
Fig Springs. Data on site boundaries and intraspatial patterning
were produced through interval testing along transects and graphing the
results as artifact density profiles (Figures 5-11 and 5-12). Of these
18 most productive tests, 13 were in a contiguous area enclosing an
area of approximately 28 X 48 m or 1344 square meters. This area
represents an apparent residential area.
O METAL CLUSTERS
0 TEST PITS
SHOVEL TESTS
O M 20
C~ I I
N
Figures 5-11. Fig Springs (8C01) (Johnson 1986, 1990).


26
aboriginal societies of La Florida were most vulnerable. With loss of
social hierarchies there would be less stability of social structure,
poorer structural integration, less concentration of energy for
competing with other societies, less energy for coping with internal
social problems, and (with smaller units) less capacity for buffering
environmental fluctuations. Disruption and dispersal of human
societies may make them more vulnerable to environmental pertubations,
such as droughts during the days when the maize plants are at the
critical reproductive stage of growth (Wilson and Allison 1978; Lomas
and Herrera 1984), affecting food supplies and triggering social
storage mechanisms. Environmental change does not directly cause
subsistence system and economic change, but it alters the relative
costs/benefits and predictability of particular procurement strategies,
resulting in new strategy mixes (Earle 1980:21).
Political institutions are interrelated with other cultural and
ecological factors. There are relationships between demography
(population decline), political organization (decline of central
authority) and settlement systems (dispersed communities)(Renfrew
1979). Changing production and efficiency requirements are a cause of
social organizational change (Descola 1982). With demographic change
there would be changes in the rules for distribution and consumption,
residence patterns, and kinship obligations, and opportunities for
accumulating wealth (Ferguson 1984). Through feedback, disrupted and
dispersed communities resulted from and stimulated further population
decline and disruption of kinship systems, chiefly organization and
central authority by which social order and stability had been
maintained. Population decline and collapse resulted from death,


39
reflected in the concept of "subsistence-settlement system" (Winters
1963; Struever 1968).
Following Willey's lead, numerous settlement studies have been
undertaken by American archaeologists (e.g., Ritchie and Funk 1973;
Struever 1968; Adams 1965; Flannery 1976; Smith 1978a,b; Custer 1987;
Paynter 1982; Moseley 1983; and others cited throughout this chapter).
Distinguishing Settlement Patterns, Community Patterns, and
Settlement Systems
In common usage the term "settlement patterns" is used in two
different ways. First, it is often used in a general sense to refer to
all site patterning at all levels, including community patterns,
settlement patterns, and settlement systems. Second, it is used more
narowly to refer to only one level of patterningsettlement patterns
to the exclusion of community patterns and settlement systems. The
current study employs the latter, more restricted usage. Terms as
currently used are defined below, following a summary of the history of
these studies.
A variety of terms have been used for these concepts. Sanders
distinguished community settlement patterns from zonal settlement
patterns (Sanders 1956; Parsons 1972). Chang distinguished community
pattern from settlement pattern (Chang 1958:299). He defined community
pattern as:
the manner in which the inhabitants arrange their various
structures within the community and their communities within
the aggregate (Chang 1958:299).
Citing Murdock (1949:79, 82), Chang defined "community" in terms
of interpersonal relationships, as composed of those persons who reside


Page
Missing
or
Unavailable


262
visible on the surface. The metal detector survey showed that a
structure and a large site were present. A large number of metal
objects, including more than 100 wrought iron square nails and spikes,
were recovered (Leader and Nelson 1989; listed in Table 7-5). Each
metal object was mapped, and concentrations of nails and spikes were
used to predict .the locations of structures for the purposes of
selecting test pit locations.
Controlled surface collections produced unexpectedly detailed and
precise information on the distribution of artifacts. Clear acetate -
overlays were produced for each class of artifacts, including
aboriginal ceramics, Spanish ceramics, fired clay fragments, and each
nail type (Types 1 through 10) (Figures 7-1 through 7-12). Two
different shadings were used on some overlays in order to show
different concentrations. An artifact density profile was graphed for
aboriginal lithics (Figure 5-9), based on subsurface test pit results
rather than surface collections (Chapter V). The soil cores, soil
resistivity survey and remote sensing images were used in selecting
test pits locations. Test pits produced structural evidence, such as
post holes pinpointing the location of the probable church and of
residential structures.
A series of electronic multispectral remote sensing images of the
Santa Fe site was produced by David Wagner, Stennis Space Center,
Mississippi. The images showed great promise in depicting numerous^
.'H S 1
large features which were not visible to the naked eye, either on the
ground or on traditional aerial photographs. The images also show the
location of the old Spanish road, possible boundaries of the cemetery,
and several unexplained shaded areas within the site. However, these


247
reconstructions of Hernando de Soto's route (Milanich 1989) this
village may have been the same one contacted by Hernando de Soto's army
70 years earlier, then called Cholupaha. Archaeological evidence
indicates that a village area near Santa Fe, the Palmore site (8AL189)
may have been Cholupaha of the de Soto period (see discussion below).
Perhaps the earliest Santa Fe was also located here (see below). The
name Cholupaha appears only in the de Soto era documents; it never
appears in the mission period documents. However, name changes were
common in aboriginal northern Florida. Villages often had the same
name as their chief, and the village name often (but not always)
changed when a new chief appeared. The problem of identifying villages
by name is compounded by the Spanish missionaries' practice of renaming
Indian villages with Spanish names without citing the aboriginal names
in their records. Mission stations and their associated Indian
villages are called by a single name, such as the mission and village
of Santa Fe.
A chronology of events at the Santa Fe mission is as follows. As
noted above, the mission station was founded sometime between 1606 and
1616. Bubonic plague may have struck in 1613-1617 (Dobyns 1983:278).
In 1653, the mission was still in operation as its name appears on the
visitation list that year (Geiger 1940:126). Major epidemics of yellow
fever struck Florida in 1649 and smallpox in 1653 (Dobyns 1983:279-
280), presumably hitting Santa Fe. In 1656, the western Timucuans,
including Indians at Santa Fe, rebelled against Spainish authority in
what may have been a native revitalization movement. Spanish military
forces from St. Augustine put down the rebellion, burned several


213
Lake on some maps). U.S. Highway 301 also crosses near here. Most
stretches of the river are fringed by swamp. At the few places in the
Highway 301 vicinity where there is no swamp, the river is so small
that it can almost be jumped across. That is, this stretch of the
river is not a real barrier to travelers except during floods. Farther
downstream, the river swamps are wider and the river is larger.
Farther upstream, the Santa Fe Swamp and Lake extend for miles. This
point was a natural crossing for trails and travelers, including
European explorers, for as many thousands of years as the Santa Fe Lake
and Swamp had existed and needed an outlet. At least one artifact
collection by a local collector contains cord-marked and other
aboriginal ceramics, but the dating of the artifacts is uncertain
because the Alachua Tradition seriation may not apply to this area
(Chapter IV).
Continuing northward, the Alachua Trail intersects another old
trail, the Black Creek Trail, at "Mrs. Monroe's" or Fort Van Coutland
near Alligator Creek. This stream is found southwest of Kingsley Lake
at current Starke (Maps 1, 2 and 3). The Black Creek Trail is
discussed below.
From this point, the Alachua Trail, as reconstructed by
Vanderhill, continued northward across the St. Mary's River and the
Satilla River, ending at the Altamaha River. As mentioned earlier,
however, the trail may have continued at least as far as the Savannah
River.


Higher density e£ aboriginal sherds
figure ^=9. Pertiens ef Indian Pend West, Gentreiled iurfaee Belleetiun. Shewing the
Daub itfuefeup, the Nail itruetupe, and Apeas ef High Density ef Aboriginal Artifacts.
172


430
These and other data (Chapter VIII and Table 10-6) revealed
changes between the two time periods, within one of the periods (the
mission period), and between the two regions. During the late
precolumbian/contact period in both the Potano/Late Alachua and
Utina/Late Indian Pond regions (Hypothesis 1, pp. 389-390), the
majority of sites were medium or large in size. This middle range of
site sizes was much more common than are either extremes of sizes
(small, very small or very large sites), regardless of whether raw
counts, adjusted numbers or percentages are used (Hypothesis 1, page
390).
During the mission period in both the Potano and Utina regions
(Hypothesis 2, pp. 390-392), no single size class predominated. Site
sizes were fairly evenly distributed. In the Utina mission period in
particular, all size classes were well represented. In adjusted
numbers, small sites were the largest mission period category, but
there were too many sites of other sizes to say that small sites
predominated. This abundance of small Utinan sites contrasted with the
scarcity of smaller sites in the other time period and the other
region. The highest number of dispersed or short term sites in either
region or period was in the Utina mission period. Compact sites were
more common than dispersed or short term sites in both regions and both
time periods, but sample sizes were small.
. j. . u j
In the Potano/Alachua region, there were changes from the late,
' -t .nans *h?s'were dense "cc""'1
precolumbian/contact to the mission period. There was a strong decline
in the relative frequencies of medium, large and very large sites, in
relation to the number of small and very small sites. From the late
precolumbian/contact period to the mission period, the number of sites


439

change from the late precolumbian/contact period. During the earlier
period, sites were oriented to major, well-known lakes and prairies
such as Newnans Lake, Orange Lake and Paynes Prairie, but during the
mission period those places were abandoned. Occupation shifted to
uplands and smaller bodies of water such as Moon Lake and Fox Pond.
Riverine settings and the riverine zone are absent for the Potano for
both the late precolumbian/contact and mission periods, in contrast to
certain Utina/Late Indian Pond mission period sites.
Shifts in settings reflect changes in economy, community patterns,
and social control. Decisions to shift settings would have been based
on a variety of factors, such as access to natural resources,
communication routes, or better soils for the crops introduced by the
Spanish. It is not clear whether site selection decisions during the
mission period were being made by Spaniards or Indians or, more likely,
as a result of interactions between the two. Spaniards, such as
missionaries, would have had religious, military and other concerns
which would have differed from those of the Indians. The Indians'
daily diet, standard of living and health depended on their site
selections (see later sections of this chapter).
In the Utina/Late Indian Pond region, during the late
precolumbian/contact period almost all sites (8 of 9 sites) are found
within the Utina lake district (Chapter II). The riverine zone is
under represented (1 site), and the.deciduous or mixed forest uplands
and other zones are absent, though the sample is small and only a few
surveys have been conducted (Johnson 1987; Johnson, Nelson and Terry
1988). In terms of microenvironmental settings, the vast majority of
p


331
the 17th century First Spanish period in interior north Florida
(Chapters II-IV).
The data are derived from several sources, including recent
surveys in search of Spanish period sites (Chapter I; Johnson 1986,
1987; Johnson et al. 1988). Other important sources include numeros
additional unpublished student research reports on file at the Florida
Museum of Natural History, dating primarily from 1949 to 1960, the
period of John Goggin's research at the University of Florida. For
some sites, these reports are the only sources of data. Goggin filed
site cards based on these reports and his own visits to these sites.
The originals of his cards are on file at the Florida Museum of Natural
History. The information on the cards provided data contained in the
Florida Master Site Files in Tallahassee. Additional data are found in
the museum's artifact catalog files, which list artifact collections
from the sites. The numbers of artifacts on these catalog cards are
sometimes higher than the numbers listed in the original site reports,
presumably reflecting unreported return visits to the sites at later
times. Other sites are known from more recent surveys and excavations.
Methodological Problems
Data on site sizes were taken primarily from the texts of survey
and excavation reports and site location cards, and secondarily from
the maps in such reports. Size data from survey report maps are often
unreliable because boundaries and site sizes were Estimated visually'
and boundaries were drawn incorrectly on topographic maps. Survey maps
often depict sites as much too large or much too small. Data in the
text often conflict with sizes shown on maps; in such cases only the


408
Table 9-3. Continued.
Site Size
Compact or
Dispersed
Mission period:
a-5
8SU84, Pump Springs
very large
dispersed
or short term
a-3
8SU85, Indian Spring
large
compact
a-5
8SU86, NE of Bap. Springs
very large
compact
a-5
8SU63, Baptising Spring
very large
compact
a-5
8SU88, NE of NE
medium
compact
a-5
8SU87
small
too small
to classify
a-5
8SU89
medium
compact
Utina/Late Indian Pond Sites Not Part of Any Known Cluster
Late precolumbian/contact period:
None identified
Mission period:
a-6 8AL2470, Vaughn medium dispersed or short term
riverine zone, but situated on a different microenvironment within that
zone, such as on a small stream near a lake rather than on the lake or
river itself. That kind of potential site is absent from the
Potano/Alachua region late precolumbian/contact period, but it is
present in the Potano and Utina mission periods. In terms of specific
site settings, Potano/Late Alachua Tradition sites are found primarily
on large lakes (9 sites) and on small land-locked aquatic systems (5 or
6 sites, depending on how counted) in roughly the same ratio as in the
general zones. Only very small numbers of sites (0 to 1 each) are
found in other types of microenvironments within these two broad zones.
That is, sites are oriented to the dominant topographic features within
the zones rather than to smaller, subsidiary features within the brod
zones. This orientation, such as large sites on large hills, is not
surprising because large populations need more space. More interesting
are small sites on large features, such as large hilltops, where the


Hypothesis Testing: Community Patterns 387
Adjustments to the Original Hypothesis 387
Late Precolumbian/Contact Period, Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition Sites 389
Lake Precolumbian/Contact Period, Utina/Late Indian
Pond Sites 390
Mission Period, Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Sites.. 391
Mission Period, Utina/Late Indian Pond Sites 393
Conclusions 393
IX. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS: CONSOLIDATED AND DIFEUSE, ENVIRONMENTAL
ZONES AND SETTINGS, AND HYPOTHESIS TESTING 396
Consolidated or Diffuse Settlement Patterns 396
Environmental Zones and Site Settings 402
Testing the Settlement Pattern Hypotheses 414
Environmental Settings Compared with Site Sizes 418
X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 423
Northern Utina 423
The Indian Pond Complex: Chronology and Ethnic
Affiliation 424
Community Patterns and Settlement Patterns 427
Site Size Results 482
Clusters of Sites 431
Consolidated Settlement Patterns 436
Environmental Zones and Site Settings 436
Environmental Hypotheses 440
Environmental Settings Compared with Site Sizes 442
Other Settlement Patterning Implications 447
Typology and the Concept of Community 430
Population Decline 451
xii


192
were excavated at 5 m intervals, creating a 55 m long transect. The
artifact density profile verified surface observations that the
greatest concentration of artifacts occupied an approximately 30 m
area, representing the location of a presumed house, restricted to the
southern half of a modern garden. Though surface visibility outside
the garden was poor and subsurface testing was limited, the site
appears to represent part of a dispersed community (Johnson 1986).
12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
SHOVEL TEST #
Each test was 50 X 50 cm, 1/4" screened, dug at 5 m intervals.
Figure 5-14: Baldree Site, Clay County, Florida Density Profile.


455
In conclusion, the four lines of evidence taken as a whole support
the hypothesis of regional demographic decline, except in certain local
areas. Community patterns were changing across the entire region.
Population numbers were declining regionally, but perhaps increasing
temporarily at some sites as a result of temporary amalgamation and
reduction. Population density across the region was declining at some
sites but may have remained stable at others. The greater effects may
have been dispersal into clusters of sites rather than change from
compact to dispersed sites. Internal emigration as a way of explaining
increase in Utina numbers of sites is not clear archaeologically, but
it is supported by the historic documents.
The rate, timing and overall scale of the population decline may
have been different for the Potano and the Utina. These differences
may account for the Utina increase in site numbers in contrast to the
Potano decrease. The scale of the decline may have been greater for
the Utina because they were perhaps originally more populous, having
more territory and towns. The timing also was different because the
Potano were contacted first, and became heavily missionized first,
simply because they were closer to St. Augustine. And finally, the
rate of the decline may have been different for the two groups. The
bulk of the Potano population may have disappeard more guickly,
reflected perhaps, in the disappearance of the Bivans Arm and Newnans
Lake clusters, and the Spaniards' repeated attempts to repopulate the
. s:;uce on resources. {
San Francisco de Potano mission with Utina Indians. However, the final
result, extinction, was the same.
Because of unique historical differences, it would not be
surprising for events among the Potano and Utina to proceed along
different courses. On the other hand, any similarities in how they


o
Detector""spvey?^a Fe Slte
% k- -* 'i i L i / :
TyPe 10 Wrou9ht Iron Spikes fr M
... P-tKes, from Metal
- spikes,
cucfcrfe . 'ia'1 pu.a ana .
^ :-:s V'r'v-/ ^..v./u{.


135
period, probably early 17th century and that the missions had begun by
this time. It is suggested that Indian Pond Lower Slope was occupied
at the opposite, earlier end of this late precolumbian-early historic
period, perhaps existing at the time of de Soto or even one or two (or
more) centuries earlier, hence the A.D. 1400 to 1600 date. For the
third cluster of sites it is suggested that the Palmore village area
was occupied right around the time of de Soto or the first mission
visitas, A.D. 1500-1600, or perhaps earlier. These identifications are
tentative pending further research.
A ratio of cord/fabric marked sherds versus linear marked sherds
would be a useful tool for dating sites of this period. These are the
two most abundant kinds of decorated sherds, and their relative
abundance changes through time. This ratio would permit identification
of contact period sites from the Indian Pond complex ceramics alone
without reference to Leon-Jefferson or Spanish ceramics.
Unfortunately, the results are inconsistent among the three different
geographical localities. It is not yet possible to produce a single,
master ratio of cord/fabric marked to linear marked sherds for this
time period. The localized seriations must be used until more detailed
studies can be completed.
The First Half of the 17th Century
The first half of the 17th century is more successfully pinpointed
on the seriation charts because dated Spanish majolica sherds are
present. This period spans the establishment of the mission system
among the Utina. Sites dating to this period include the following:
1. Baptizing Springs site (8SU65) in the Baptizing Springs
cluster.


¡ Or-r-iO
399
figure
Periods
I
9-1; Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Sites and Clusters, Two
Late precolumbian/contact period
Mission Period
At least one Spanish artifact


414
marked and other common Indian Pond complex types, but the most common
decorative technique is random punctated. Random punctated over linear
marked is common, a technique not seen elsewhere (Nelson and Johnson,
in preparation). The ethnic affiliation and time period(s) of this
Otter Bay complex are uncertain.
Testing the Settlement' Pattern Hypotheses
In Chapter II, three settlement models were summarized, one for
the Weeden Island period (Sigler-Lavelle), one for the Alachua
Tradition (Milanich), and one for mission period sites in general
(Calvin Jones). All three models were formulated by their authors in
terms of environmental and topographic variables. In the current
study, environmental variables from all three models were combined into
a single list of broad environmental zones and microenvironmental site
settings (Table 9-2). These zones and settings constituted the set of
hypotheses against which all relevant sites were tested. The locations
of all sites were categorized in terms of these zones and settings.
Results are as follows.
There appears to be little support for the hypothesis that the
Utina were occupying all of the same zones and microenvironments as
their precolumbian ancestors, the Weeden Island period people. Though
their ranges of territory overlapped, the Weeden Island occupation
(e.g., the Carter Mounds, Sigler-Lavelle 1980) extended to the high
. r cerioc; c cn: .-re* J
plain swamp region. Based on recent surveys we believe that this zone
f
was occupied following the close of the Weeden Island period, but not
by peoples bearing the classic Indian Pond pottery complex. For
example, the Otter Bay site discussed above (also see Chapter V)


204
climbs eastward out of the valley to the surrounding valley slopes into
an area identified by Purcell as "Hekopockee, a noted Indian camping
place" (Boyd 1938:16), which is currently in cultivated fields and
pasture. This is the Vaughn site, 8AL2470. Surface collections at
this site indicate a Spanish period aboriginal occupation. Leon-
Oefferson curvilinear complicated stamped pottery and one Columbia
Plain majolica sherd have been found. The lands on both sides of the
Natural Bridge are also labelled the "Santa Fe Old Fields" on the
Stuart-Purcell map (see Chapter VII, the Santa Fe site).
Traveling eastward on the trail, at 4 3/4 miles from the Natural
Bridge, the Stuart-Purcell route intersected an Indian trail which
Purcell called the first "path to Latchua." This trail may have been
used by William Bartram in the 1790s, travelling in the opposite
direction. This cross-trail is a segment of Florida's Santa Fe trail,
discussed below.
Continuing eastward on the main trail, Purcell's map indicates
stream crossings at 5 and 6 1/2 miles from the Natural Bridge. On
modern maps these streams are Townsend Branch and Mill Creek. After
these streams, the Purcell Route/Bellamy Road continues across
"hammocky" country to the slightly later location of the town of
Newnansville (United States Archives L247-6 1835), the 19th century
county seat of Alachua County and stronghold against Indian attack
during the Second Seminole War. Fort Gilleland was also located at
Newnansville (United States Archives L247-57; L247-58; L247-75).
Newnansville appears as Dell's Post Office on the earliest maps (PKY
440; PKY 1178). The town is now extinct. It lies within the current
town of Alachua, only the Newnansville cemetery remains. This general


99
erroneously called it (Ochile or Uzachile was a Yustagan settlement).
Garcilaso also described the town as the principal village of the
province and containing fifty large houses (Garcilaso 1962:129).
However, Garcilaso may be in error and the fifty large houses may have
actually been elsewhere, possibly located at Uriutina the next town
visited. Garcilaso describes an unusually large and impressive chief's
house at Ochile/Aguacaleyquen, but Ranjel (Ranjel 1904:72) indicates
the unusually large chief's house was at the next town, Uriutina.
Ranjel rarely mentions this kind of architectural detail, and it is
significant when he does. Garcilaso's second-hand description appears
to be a composite of two or three towns: Aguacaleyquen, Uriutina, and
possibly Uzachile. Garcilaso's description of this specific town
(Ochile/Aguacaleyquen) and environs is therefore suspect and cannot be
used. His description of the "beautiful valley on the other side of
the town" and the "large settlement of houses in clusters of four and
five" (Garcilaso 1962:130-131) could refer to Uriutina or Uzachile
rather than his Ochile/ Aguacaleyquen.
After the villages of Uriutina and Many Waters, the next major
village visited by de Soto is Napituca, erroneously called Vitachuco by
Garcilaso. Prom here de Soto bridged the Suwannee River ("River of the
Deer") and reached the village of chief Uzachile. The chiefs of
Aguacaleyquen, Uriutina, and Napituca all paid tribute to Uzachile, the
supreme or paramount paramount chief. There were thus multiple levels
of sociocultural integration and controlvillage chiefs, sub-province
chiefs, province chiefs, and inter-province chiefs.
After de Soto, the next large corpus of settlement data is found
in the records associated with the founding, operation and demise of


156
covered only a portion of the site and thus failed to detect the full
size and shape of the site.
Controlled surface collecting and limited subsurface testing, and
subseguent laboratory analysis of artifacts, failed to establish firmly
one data set: site duration, time and length of occupation. Precise
chronology is difficult to determine because of the nature of the
aboriginal ceramics present, the inexact dating of Spanish artifacts,
and post-depositional site formation processes. The ceramic complex is
the Indian Pond complex, which is composed predominantly of plain
sherds and few decorated sherds (Chapter IV). The few decorated sherds
are badly broken up, probably the result of intensive plowing in the
19th and early 20th century. The sample size is relatively small for a
site this large, because only narrow strips could be plowed currently,
and time resources were limited.
The question of Spanish artifacts, which would date the site to
the 16th or 17th century, is problematical. Some Spanish artifacts are
present at one end of the Palmore site, but it is not clear whether or
not they are contemporaneous with the aboriginal occupation (Chapter
VII).
As described in the general methodological model, several data
sets are needed in order to define site and community type. Most of
these data sets were obtained at Palmore through controlled surface
collection. Subsurface testing, in contrast, was less effective at
producing these data. However, one question, time and length of
occupation, remains uncertain by either method, partly because of the
sample sizes and types and condition of artifacts collected. Ceramic
seriations (Chapter IV) indicate that the site was probably late


283
Table 7-2: Results from Test Pit 100 (Artifact analysis by B.C.
Nelson)
0-10 cm B.S. :
22 Fired clay fragments (23.2 g)
30 Fragments of clay and sand mix construction material
(100.7 g)
4Fragments of clay and sand mix, possible plaster (11.4 g)
8 Chert flakes
18 Grog-tempered sherds too small to classify
1 Gastrolith rock
2 Leon-Oefferson folded and notched rim sherds
1 Green glazed olive jar sherd (burned?)
1 Majolica sherd (included in Table 7-7)
10-20 cm
20+
17
13
1
1
1
B.S. :
Fragments of fired clay (36.1 g)
Chert flakes
Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
Grog tempered plain sherd
Leon-Oefferson folded and notched rim sherd
Green glazed olive jar sherd
20-26 cm B.S.
20 Fired clay fragments (24.6 g)
20+ Possible fired clay fragments (37.6 g)
7 Charcoal flakes
10 Chert flakes
10 Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
1 Grog temepered rim sherd with node
1 Green glazed olive jar sherd
26-32 cm B.S.
50+ Fired clay fragments (158.4 g)
100+ Fragments of clay and sand mix, some burned (177.9 g)
2 Triangular shaped fragments of clay and sand mix
41 Charcoal flakes
5 Fragments of near ceramic (clay?)
6 Chert flakes
8Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
32-38 cm B.S.
50+ Fired clay fragments
20+ Charcoal and charred wood fragments
5 Chert flakes
1 Gastrolith rock
2 Grog tempered sherds, too small to classify
1 Sand tempered sherd, too small to classify
38-42 cm B.S.
9 Fired clay fragments (10.9 g)
3 Chert flakes


429
Table 10-1: Site Size Classes, Determined Quantitatively
Size class
in square meters
Description
Interpretation
1.
0-999m
"very small
2.
1000-1999m
"small"
3.
2000-8600m
"medium"
4.
10,000-16,000m
"large"
5.
20,000-35,000m
"very large
farmstead or household?
hamlet
village
village
village
but weighting factors were also introduced to compensate for certain-
biases (Table 10-2). Very large, large and medium sized sites are
probably more likely to appear in the archaeological literature than
are small or very small sites, and the number of small and very small
sites was multiplied consequently by a factor of two. In addition,
late precolumbian/contact period artifact assembalges are harder to
identify and date than are mission period assemblages, therefore the
number of late precolumbian/contact period sites is multiplied by two.
These weighting factors are probably conservative. Adjusted numbers of
sites per period and per region are totaled in Table 10-2 below, which
is reproduced from Table 8-10:
Table 10-2: Adjusted Total Numbers
of Sites Per
Region and Time Period
Late precolumbian/
contact period
Mission
period
Total
Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition sites
34
10
there were >
44
f |
Utina/Late Indian
Pond complex sites
18
38
56
Total
52
48
100


282
corresponds with the general layout of other known mission complexes in
Florida and Georgia (Oones and Shapiro 1990). Fourth, it can be
identified as the church because the cemetery associated with it was
found. The presence of the cemetery also indicates that the site was a
mission rather than a Spanish ranch or farm.
Three 2 X 2 m test pits (TP-100, 101 and 102) were excavated
within or immediately adjacent to the area identified as the location
of the church. The fill was screened through 1/4 inch mesh. Test Pit.
100 is typical, and the results are listed in Table 7-2 below. Note
the low number of artifacts per volume of soil, which is typical on
this portion of the site. Other data are on file at the Florida Museum
of Natural History.
As at Fig Springs, the Santa Fe cemetery contains a surprisingly
large number of spikes and nails, which were mapped and recovered
during the metal detector survey. A single test pit, Test Pit 106, was
first excavated here in an attempt to find structures, but burial pit
outlines were encountered instead (Figure 7-16). Only one burial,
Burial 1, was exposed. The top of the skull was encountered at 80 cm
below the surface. Burial 1, examined in situ by Dr. William Maples,
Florida Museum of Natural History, was a female, 17 to 25 years old,
most likely 20 years plus or minus 2 years. The incisors are shovel
shaped, with some double shovelling, indicating Native American
ancestry (Dr. William Maples, personal communication). Her hands ape
I
folded across her chest in Christian burial-fashion. No artifacts
accompanied the individual.
Subsequent to exposure of this single burial, the question remained
whether this was a cemetery or an isolated burial. Therefore the


490
Vogt, Evon Z.
1983 Some New Themes in Settlement Pattern Research. In Prehistoric
Settlement Patterns; Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey. Edited
by Evon Z. Vogt and Richard M. Leventhal. pp. 3-20. University of
New Mexico Press and Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Massachusetts.
Vogt, Evon Z., and Richard M. Leventhal, Editors
1983 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essay in Honor of Gordon R.
Willey. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnohistory, Harvard
University.
Wallace, Anthony F.C.
1969 The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca. Vintage Books, New York.
Warrick, Gary A.
1988 Estimating Ontario Iroquoian Village Duration. Man in the
Northeast 36:21-60.
Waselkov, Gregory A.
1989 Seventeenth-Century Trade in the Colonial Southeast.
Southeastern Archaeology 8(2):117133-
Wayne, Lucy B., and Martin E. Dickinson
1986 Historical and Archaeological Survey Proposed Veterans
Domiciliary, Lake City, Columbia County, Florida. Water and Air
Research, Inc., Gainesville, EL. Prepared for City of Lake City
and Columbia County Board of Commissioners, Lake City, Florida.
Weigel, Penelope H.
n.d. Archeological Survey in Sections 3, 4, 9, 10, 15, 16Central
Alachua County, Florida. Manuscript on file at the Florida Museum
of Natural History.
Weisman, Brent R.
1988 1988 Excavations at Fig Springs (8C01), Season 2, July-December
1988. Florida Archaeological Reports Number 4, Florida Bureau of
Archaeological Research, Tallahassee.
1989
n.d. Fig Springs. University of Florida Presses, Gainesville, FL.
In press.
Wenhold, Lucy
1936 A Seventeenth-Century Letter of Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderon,
Bishop of Cuba. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol 95, no.
16.
Werner, Dennis, N.M. Flowers, M.C. Ritter, and D.R. Gross
1979 Subsistence Productivity and Hunting Effort in Native South
America. Human Ecology 7(4):303-316.


382
Table 8-8: Summary, by Region and Period
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition sites (includes sites from all clusters
and those sites not part of any known cluster)
Sub- Number Size, compact or dispersed
total
Late precolumbian/contact period
5
2
0
2
1 very large, compact
0 very large, dispersed or short term
1 very large, undetermined
3 large, compact
0 large, dispersed or short term
3 large, undetermined
0 medium, compact
2 medium, dispersed or short term
3 medium, undetermined
2small (not classified as compact or dispersed)
0 very small (not classified as compact or dispersed))
2 size unknown
17
17 Total (4 compact, 2 dispersed or short term, 2 too small
to classify, 9 undetermined)
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Mission period sites
1 very large, compact
1 0 very large, dispersed or short term
1 large, compact
0 large, dispersed or short term
2 1 large, undetermined
1
0
3
2
0 medium, compact
0 medium, dispersed or short term
1 medium, undetermined
0 small (not classified as compact or dispersed)
I ¡WO
3very small (not classified as compact or dispersed
2 size unknown
9 Total (2 compact, 0 dispersed or short term, 3 too small
to classify, 2 undetermined, 2 size unknown)


for biases in the archaeological record. In the final section of this
chapter these data are used to test the community pattern hypotheses
which were formulated in Chapter II.
All other sites in north and north central Florida could not be
classified as compact or dispersed. This small sample (Table 8-5) of
twenty-five sites does not permit statistical treatment, but it does
provide data which are useful for supplementing other lines of evidence
such as site sizes. Those data are integrated in the next section.
Integrating the Data Sets; Site Size and Compact or Dispersed
In the following section, site size data are integrated with
determinations of whether sites are compact or dispersed. Quantitative
site size data are used where available; otherwise qualitative data are
used.
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Clusters
. 1. Bivans Arm Cluster This cluster consists of at least four
late precolumbian/ contact period sites, but no known mission period
sites. The Colclough Hill village and mound complex, overlooking the
junction of Bivans Arm and Paynes Prairie, is classified as a compact
site based on high artifact density. There are little data on the
other three sites.
Site size Compact or dispersed
Late precolumbian/contact period:
8AL9, Colclough Hill
8AL68, Herlong
8AL71, NE Bivans Arm
8AL77, Jackson
large
small
large
Compact
Mission period sites:
None known


427
Community Patterns and Settlement Patterns
Data needed for determining community pattern types included site
size and whether individual sites were compact or dispersed. These
data were obtained from artifact distributions, artifact densities,
structural evidence, concentrations of artifacts, household locations
and their spacing.-
Data needed for determining settlement patterns included the
number of sites, geographical locations, and environmental zones and
settings of the sites. Settlement patterning data were generated
through excavation, testing and aritfact density profiles, and
controlled surface collecting.
In this study the two types of data were categorized and compared
; by time period: the late precolumbian/contact period and the mission
period. Those data from the Potano/Late Alachua tradition region were
compared with the Utina/Late Indian Pond complex region.
Site sizes and numbers of sites were the most important variables
in the study. Other variables reflecting community and settlement
¡j f'
patterning were whether or not sites were compact or dispersed. Data
for determining such data were difficult to obtain, and were available
for only a portion of the sites. Compact sites can be identified from
¡the spacing of the residential units or artifact concentrations which
^mark presumed household locations, or from uniformly high artifact
snsity across the entire residential portion of the site. A compac
ai- ai-voS, : .. a: ... AtsO.u ... i i .ar;;..
pite is defined as a site at which there is enough open, unoccupied
||
space for only one additional household between any two actual
household locations, or no space. The locations of these units can be


244
have taken a slightly longer route, swinging southward through current
Gainesville (Chapter VI), thus leading to the discrepency in Boyd's
calculations and his slightly erroneous location for Santa Fe.
A half-century of archaeological survey in Alachua County has
discovered no large clusters of Spanish period sites between the Potano
area and the Santa Fe River except those in the the Robinson Sinks
vicinity, including the Santa Fe site. 8AL190 has been identified
archaeologically as an early 17th century Spanish mission complex
occupying the most outstanding natural setting in northern Alachua
County. Several geological and ecological features converge on this
vicinity, making it an excellent setting for the location of the
"principal town of the province." It is situated at the gateway to
Utina territory (one of the most powerful and populous chiefdoms in
Florida), near the Natural Bridge over the Santa Fe river, and on a
major north-south trail near its junction with a major east-west trail.
The east-west trail crosses the Natural Bridge into Utina territory.
The north-south trail crossed the Santa Fe River into another portion
of Utina territory.
At a finer scale of analysis, 8AL190 is situated on the best
togographic setting within this strategically important vicinity. It
is situated adjacent to the largest cluster of deep spring-fed
sinkholes in northern Alachua County, adjacent to the Santa Fe River,
and is found on the crest of a hill opposite the mouth of Olustee
Creek. This setting is not only one of the best places to live in
northern Alachua County, it also was central to movements of people and
goods up and down the Santa Fe River (such as shipments of cattle down
the Santa Fe and Suwannee Rivers to Cuba), movements along the trail


195
woodlands object to having a firebreak plowed along the boundary of
their property. The few sections where plowing is not an option, or
where deeply buried sites are likely (such as river bottoms if any)
could be shovel tested. In many areas in Florida even Early Archaic
sites lie on the surface and in the plowzone in many areas. Fire plows
commonly reach 15 inches (37cm) below the surface and fold the soil
outward leaving a wide, shallow swath of exposed ground surface.
Looting of projectile points is a potential problem, but looters do not
usually remove pottery sherds or chert flakes by which site locations
and sizes can be mapped. Surface collections along plowed transects
will reveal dozens of sites missed by shovel testing. Controlled
surface collections produce data on site size, artifact density, and
locations of houses and features. Even if the plowing cuts through an
undisturbed site, one transect will not destroy the site, and it is
better to find the site this way than to not find it at all and have it
destroyed by construction activities. Shovel testing is better
reserved for testing known sites or for supplementing plowing and
surface collecting.
The methods of controlled surface collecting and artifact desnity
profiles are is used to generate data at several sites, and these data
are used in the hypothesis-testing chapter (Chapter VII).
Unfortunately, most previous survey reports do not contain sufficient
data for employing these methods. For example, although survey reports
by John Goggin's many students in the 1950s and 1960s provide data for
determining site size and numbers of sites, they contain little or no
data for determining whether the sites are compact or dispersed.
Consequently, only a small sample of sites is available for testing


82
quartz. Quartz is found in great abundance in the Piedmont
physiographic province of Georgia, Alabama and other states. The
Piedmont region, which is the foothills of the Appalachian mountains,
begins in middle Georgia approximately one hundred fifty miles north of
Onatheaqua and Houstaqua territory. Such quartz tools are extremely
common on sites in this region (Johnson 1980, 1981; Sheldon and Johnson
1976) and could have been obtained by Hostaqua and Onatheaqua by
exchange or from the gravel beds of rivers (such as the Chattahoochee,
Flint, Ocmulgee and Oconee) which flow out of the Piedmont. Hostaqua
and Onatheaqua were geographically well positioned relative to the
sources of these mineral resources, which is why the Frenchmen were
interested in Hostaqua and Onatheaqua.
The de Soto and French accounts indicate close ties between
Onatheaqua and Houstaqua. At the time of de Soto in 1539 and the
Frenchmen in 1564, the two provinces of Yustaga/Ozachile and
Onatheaqua/northern Utina were a single province politically and
militarily, as Onatheaqua was subject to Houstaqua/Ozachile. There
were probably other ties as well. The two groups fought together
against the Appalache, as indicated in the de Soto accounts. Further
evidence for the solidarity between Houstaqua and Onatheaqua is the
fact that they painted their faces black, whereas the eastern Outina
painted theirs red (Bennett 1975:77).
The de Soto expedition in 1539 (Biedma, Elvas, Ranjel) did not
give a name for the northern Utina/Onatheaqua province. They did not
use the name Otina, but the name does appear within town names they
visited in northern Florida, for example, Uriutina. Onatheaqua and the
northern Utina are synonymous because they occupied the same territory


389
The original plan was to include late 17th century and very early
18th century sites as a third period for contrasting with the other two
periods. However, that portion of the study has been deleted because
too few sites of that period were identified during field
investigations. Only three or four known sites are dated to this
period. The late 17th century mission of Santa Fe de Toloca has not
been identified, and only Zetrouer and components at Fox Pond and Moon
Lake are identified to this late period. The absence of other known
sites of this period is puzzling. It appears that we have found a
large number of the earlier Spanish mission period sites but very few
of the later Spanish period sites. Verification of the validity of
majolica production dates, more analyses of aboriginal ceramics, and
more surveys are needed. The absence of late sites might reflect the
historically documented demographic collapse in the late mission
period. That decline is reflected in the scarcity of such sites in the
archaeological record.
All hypotheses are tested twice. They are tested first for the
Potano/Late Alachua Tradition region, and then again for the Utina/Late
Indian Pond region.
Late Precolumbian/Contact Period, Potano/Late Alachua Tradition Sites
Hypothesis 1A: Large, compact communities in this period and region;
Hypothesis IB: Small or dispersed communities in this period and
region. *
t. - portion of : .,; .esi-'.-. '
The data for testing Hypothesis 1 in this period and region are
!*<*. r.'-i
summarized as follows:


308
It is unclear whether Palmore and Birdhouse represent two
different time periods, or two contemporaneous but different ethnic
groups.
The results of 15 auger tests in or within 10 m of the Birdhouse
area are listed in Table 7-15. The power auger tests were excavated at
10 m intervals, primarily in two north-south transects and one shorter
east-west transect, using a 10-inch auger bit, and screening the fill
through 1/4 inch mesh. The artifact density in all auger tests is low;
many tests contained only chert flakes.
Table 7-14: Spanish and Other Artifacts from the Birdhouse/Corner of
the Pines Area, Recovered during the Metal Detector Survey or from the
Surface
6 Wrought iron spikes or square nails
1 Iron chisel
1 Iron sheet metal fragment
1 Lead ball
1 Stone tool
1 Santo Domingo Blue on White majolica-surface collected by
the landowner from the pasture road
1 Cob marked sherd, surface collected from the pasture road
1 Cob marked grog-tempered sherd, on surface 30 m north of
the Birdhouse Area
Table 7-15: Artifacts from Auger Tests, Birdhouse Area (Auger Tests 1-
5, 10-16, and 31-33)
1 Grog tempered sherd, smoothed
2 Fabric impressed sherds. 1 is open weave, 2 mm wide.
2 Cord marked or fabric impressed sherds.
1 Sand tempered sherd, too small to classify
1 Lump of fired clay
28 Chert flakes '
1 Cut nail
The Palmore site in general, and the Birdhouse area in particular,
offers a commanding view of the Santa Fe River valley from the
hillcrest. This location and the present location of an apple orchard


254
olive jar sherds, e.g., 8AL189, 8AL453, and KJ-110. Many of these
sites were found by John Goggin's students in the 1950s, and the
current survey (Dohnson 1986, 1987, and unpublished data) has added
additional sites to the list. Some of these sites are small and
probably represent single households or farmsteads separated at
intervals of a half mile or more. Other sites, such as Santa Fe and
Palmore, are larger, that is, the distribution of artifacts indicates
that these sites represent more than a few households. The sites which
appear to be outlying settlements from the Santa Fe mission are
described at the end of this chapter.
The 12 sites with known Spanish period components are found within
a 1/4 mile wide by 1 1/2 mile long zone that extends from 8AL190
southward, as though aligned along a road (see Chapter IX). This
linear pattern widens at its northern end (near 8AL190) where sites are
scattered around and among the various sinks in the Robinson Sinks
cluster. The first recorded archaeological investigations in the
Robinson Sinks vicinity were by the Simpson family of High Springs.
J.C. Simpson's notebook (undated, circa 1921; notebook on file at the
Florida Museum of Natural History) describes two mounds in this
vicinity. These two mounds are potentially significant for several
reasons, including their proximity to the 17th century Spanish mission
and to Indian village areas. These mounds and adjacent villages may
also have contained evidence regarding the events which occurred ps a
I
consequence of the intrusion by de Soto and other Europeans into the
Southeast.
The mound referred to by Simpson as "Mound in Geo. Simmons yard"
was at the east end of 8AL189, the Palmore site. The mound no longer


130
Even though additional, temporally intermediate sites need to be
found and inserted into the sequences, there do not appear to be any
data which would require us to reject these sequences. Several examples
of "battleship curves" are seen, indicating cultural continuity and
continuous rather than abrupt change, and both ends of the sequence,
early Weeden Island and Leon-Jefferson, are known. The linear marked
and the cord marked/fabric marked columns for example, on the Indian
Pond chart have their incipience at the end of the early Weeden Island
period, go through a stage of floresence, and then decline when
replaced by the Leon-defferson series roughly eight hundred years
later. We have named these and associated ceramics the Indian Pond
ceramic complex. There do not appear to be any data which would
require us to reject these results.
The multiple charts (see below), one for each area, are necessary
because each local area within Utina territory appears to have its own
slightly different assemblage. No single, master seriation chart is
given for all the Utina locales because of slight variations in local
assemblages. The different areas all include the same set of pottery
types but in slightly different percentages. For example, cord marked
and fabric marked sherds are rare in the Baptizing Springs area, while
they are common in the Indian Pond area. The variations do not appear
to be errors arising from sample size problems. The sites are known to
be contemporaneous or nearly contemporaneous, despite the differences
in aboriginal sherds, because they contained Spanish artifacts that
have been dated to roughly the same time, the early 17th century.
These variations within Utina territory are minor compared to their
differences with sites in the Potano territory.


280
compacted floor at that elevation, a layer of artifacts was found and
extended across the entire 2 X 2 m test pit at 27 to 37 cm below surfae
(Table 7-1). This may have been a floor that predated the compact
clayey sand floor. That two occupations are present, one on top of the
other, suggests that the church was rebuilt or refurbished at some
point. It is unknown how far apart these events were in time; based on
the dating of the site, both occupations must have occurred in the
first half of the 17th century.
The best evidence for the location of the church comes from soil
coring, in association with data from the test pits and metal detector
survey, dust below the plow zone there was a thin layer of soil which
Table 7-1: Layer of Artifacts Indicating Lower Level of Occupation,
Test Pit 102, Zone 2, Level 1
Map Specimen # Item Depth Below Surface
1 Square headed nail 28 cm
2 Unidentified metal fragment 27 cm
4 Green glazed olive jar sherd 33 cm
3 Unidentified metal fragment 31 cm
6 Green glazed olive jar sherd N.A.
7 Majolica, too small to identify 27.5 cm
8 Round square headed nail, 8.0 cm N.A.
9 Green glazed (both sides) olive jar sherd 37 cm
10 Marine shell (fossilized?) 37 cm
11 1 Grog temp, sherd, 1 fired clay fragment
and 1 concreted mass 34-37 cm
12 1 Fragment fired clay or chinking with
fiber impressions 39 cm
Additional Map Specimens in TP-102 found at a deeper level:
14 Square nail, 4.6 cm long 46 cm
15 Nail fragment 49 cm
--.eem t-> luck I
> conven* j. .
was stained red by leaching from the clay fragments. The red layer was
first discovered during soil coring by Keith Terry, a crew member.
When mapped, the locations of these cores formed a rectangle


81
intersecting the Alachua trail and other historic trails. The Creek
trail was likely La Rouche Ferriere's route to Houstaqua and
Onatheaqua. The route of this trail is traced in greater detail in
Chapter VIII.
Le Moyne's 1564 map depicts a "river" flowing across northern
Florida to the St. Johns. This river should be interpreted as a trail
rather than a river. The trail probably was La Rouche Ferriere's and
Grotlaud's route into interior Florida. Its junction with the St.
Johns is well downstream (north) from Outina's village, just as La
Rouche Ferriere indicated. On the map Hicaranaou, Anouala, Ehiamana,
Potanou, Onatheaqua, Oustaca, and Apalatci are located near this
"river." Anouala and Potanou are located on large lakes rather than
directly on the "river," indicating that these settlements were off the
main trail on side trails. Appalou and Oustaca are located on (other)
rivers (other than the river/trail). The river/trail runs southeast on
the map. If the route were rotated 45 degrees, closer to due east,
then the route matches known trail routes, and the town locations are
all more or less correctly placed relative to each other. For example,
Onatheaqua and Oustaca occupy the region between Potanou and Apalatci.
This map thus verifies other information that Onatheaqua and
Oustaca/Houstaqua were located in northern Florida.
The emerald- and sapphire-like stones cited by Laudonniere and Le
Moyne used for cutting wood are further evidence for the northern
position of these two chiefdoms. Some modern scholars have speculated
that they may have been made of greenstone. However, greenstone is
opaque. The stones' translucence, hardness and abundance in sufficient
quantities to be used for axes indicate that they were more likely


387
Table 8-10: Weighted Numbers of Sites Per Region and Time Period
Late precolumbian/
contact period
Mission
period
Total
Potano/Late Alachua
Tradition sites
34
10
44
Utina/Late Indian
Pond complex sites
18
38
56
Total
52
48
100
Hypothesis Testing: Community Patterns
Adjustments to the Original Hypotheses
Several hypotheses were developed in Chapter II, Research
Problems. These hypotheses can now be tested, using the data generated
above. But first, several adjustments to the original hypotheses are
discussed. Some of the hypotheses were developed for the contact
period. Because of methodological problems with aboriginal pottery, it
is often impossible to determine whether a site dates to the end of the
precolumbian period or the beginning of the early historic (contact)
period. This is the period just before or just after initial European
contact, but before establishment of the Spanish missions. The late
precolumbian and contact periods are therefore combined in the
analysis. This new period can then be compared with the mission
C -J
I*
period.
The second adjustment to the hypotheses involves determinations of
site compaction or dispersal. As noted above in this chapter, compact
sites are easier to identify than are dispersed sites. Compact or


TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS vi
ABSTRACT xiv
I. INTRODUCTION 1
II. RESEARCH PROBLEMS 9
Perspectives on Settlement Shifts, Culture Change and
Ecological Relationships 9
Adaptation and Systems 11
Population, Subsistence and Settlement Systems 13
Subsistence Change 13
Feedback and Environmental Change 16
Population, Sedentism and Agriculture 17
Agriculture versus Hunting and Gathering 18
Home Range, Sedentism, Storage and Demography 19
Opposing Forces 21
Other Factors 22
Decision-Making Processes 22
The Social Setting 23
Dispersal and Nucleation 28
Unintended Conseguences 29
Ecosystem Resilience, Economy and Introduced Species. 29
Major Weakness of Cultural Ecology Studies: Demography... 32
vi


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy. 's
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Michael V. Gannon
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Anthropology


149
13. Changes in population size
14. Preservation, destruction, inaccessibility, etc.
13. Potential archaeological settlement data
16. Archaeological sampling
Site size/site area is to some degree a function of population
size (Hassan 1981a:66-72; Ramenofsky 1982). More precisely, site size
is "a function of the spatial arrangement of the dwelling units...and
the spacing" (Hassan 1981a:67). However the relationship is not simple
or linear. Twice as many people will not occupy twice as much space.
A variety of factors may influence size and spacing of residential
units, the number of individuals per residential unit, the amount of
space per individual, and the number of residential units per
settlement. For example, the threat of warfare (Iroquois example) or
the degree of cultural complexity and the strength of social control
mechanisms may affect spacing of residential units. Characteristics of
the natural resources such as abundance and patchiness of fertile
agricultural soils (Chapter II) may affect the degree to which a site
is dispersed or consolidated. Whether a site is walled or open is
another factor (Wenke 1975 cited in Hassan 1981a:67).
Site Duration
The measurement of site duration or occupation span is an
additional factor in determinations of community pattern and
population. Site duration refers to the length of occupation, and site
dating refers to the time of occupation. Site dating is determined
from studies of native (e.g., Utina or Potano) and foreign (e.g.,
Spanish and introduced aboriginal) artifacts, especially ceramics.
Ceramic studies may be based on types, counts, frequencies, seriations,
production dates, associations in context with dated materials, and


336
might judgmentally estimate as large, such as the Palmore site
(8AL189), fall also into the large category numerically. The only size
class that runs slightly counter to field observation is the "medium"
category, some sites of which might be classed intuitively as large.
Preliminary interpretations of these size classes should be made with
Table 8-2: Site' Size Classes, Numerically Determined
Size Class
Description
Interpretation
1.
0-999m
very small
farmstead or household?
2.
1000-1999m
small
hamlet?
3.
2000-8600m
medium
village
4.
10,000-16,000m
large
village
5.
20,000-33,000m
very large
village
caution, pending further investigation. The "very small" category may
include sites having only one or two houses such as farmsteads or
single households. The "small" category probably includes sites with
two to five houses, such as hamlets. All other sites are likely to be
called "villages" in the vernacular. Goodwin and Carlisle are typical
of small and medium sized sites.
Both qualitative and quantitative data are available for some
sites, and these sites are useful for comparing the two different kinds
of size classes. The "smaller" category on the qualitative scale
i
encompasses both the "very small'!; .and .the "small!! categories on the1
. 1 r,
quantitative scale. The "larger" category on the qualitative scale'
includes the "medium," "large," and "very large" categories on the
quantitative scale. The correlation can be used to estimate the sizes


73
There are therefore two different geographical areas, both of
which have been called Utina and Timucua. The terms northern Utina and
eastern Utina are used here to distinguish the two groups (Figure 3-1).
In later chapters the term Utina is used to refer to the northern Utina
exclusively. These are heuristic terms; there is no evidence that the
Spaniards or the Indians had corresponding terms. I use the term
northern Utina rather than western Utina because of their geographical
position in north Florida, and because they were more northerly than
(and west of) the eastern Utina. Also, the term western Utina might
become confused with the term western Timucuan. In addition, the term
Timucua is commonly used in a generic sense to refer to not only these
two provinces but also to the other sixteen or more groups who spoke
the same language.
The first use of the name Timucua, in the form of Thimogona, is
found in the 1364 French writings distinguishing events and people
along the St. Johns River (River of May) (Bennett 1973:66, 127). Chief
Paracousi Satouriona (or Saturiwa) and his people were enemies of the
people they called Thimogona, meaning enemy. These people did not call
themselves Thimogona. They considered themselves vassals of King Olata
Ouae Outina (Bennett 1975:76).
In 1564 the Thimogona lived upriver (south) and somewhat inland
from Chief Paracousi Satourina (Saturiwa). Laudonniere wrote about
Satourina and Satourina's enemies the Thimogona:
[He] showed me by signs that [a slab of silver] came from a
place far up the [St. Johns] river and several days distant
from the river, and that all they had of it they took by
force of arms from the people of that place called by them
'Thimogona.1 (Bennett 1975:66)


107
the mid to late 17th century the Potano and lower Utina missions were
repopulated by migrations and infusions of personnel from upper Utina
villages and from Yustaga and Apalachee. Hann wrote as follows:
To date there is no precise indication of the relative impact
of Timucua's various troubles on the reduction of the
population there during the 1649 to 1659 period. (Hann
n.d.a:31)
In 1675, at the time of Bishop Calderon's visitation, San
Francisco was again the lone Potano mission, but it was deserted
(Geiger 1940:127). Northern Utinan missions and villages at this time
included Santa Fe ("the principal mission in Timuqua"), Santa Catalina,
Ajohica, Santa Cruz de Tarihica and San Juan de Guacara (Geiger
1940:127). Governor Salazar's report, also in 1675, lists 60 people at
5an Francisco, 110 people at Santa Fe, 70 people at Santa Catalina, 80
at Tarihica and 80 at San Juan de Guacara (Geiger 1940:131). Many of
these people had been shifted from more northerly Utinan villages in
Yustaga or from Apalache villages in order to keep the mission system
functioning. Calderon and Salazar must have visited different places
called by the same name, San Francisco. Perhaps Calderon visited the
old, deserted location of the earlier mission and Salazar visited the
new location. There are also discrepancies in their calculations of
distances in leagues between locations (See Chapter VIII).
All of the Utinan missions (except Santa Fe) disappear from the
documentary record after 1689 (Hann n.d.a:85). Presumably all of these
missions were abandoned after this time. However, the territory was
not completely abandoned because early 18th century maps, such as a
1733 map, show several settlements in the region (See Chapter VIII).
For example, the settlement of Alachua is located on the Suwannee


182
surface is visible. The assumption is that these small sites may
represent single households or farmsteads, and if they are part of a
larger settlement, then all common households would be approximately
the same size and have approximately the same spacing. For example,
the houses were approximately 23 m apart at a Potano village site
(Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:173). Surface conditions often are not
uniform across the entire area, and only a portion of the site may be,
for example, in a plowed field. Under these conditions it not often
clear whether the site area is isolated or represents a portion of a
larger site.
After the artifact counts per test have been graphed, producing
the artifact density profiles, it is then possible to identify
boundaries and artifact concentrations from the graphs. Artifact
boundaries are determined initially from simple presence or absence of
artifacts. The site boundary is drawn between the last test unit (or
the last grid unit) containing one or more artifacts and the first unit
containing no artifacts. Artifact concentrations presumably indicate
the location of residential structures or activity areas, appearing as
peaks on the graphs.
Two kinds of boundaries are drawn, if possible: around the whole
site, and around nuclear areas within the site. A nuclear area may not
be identifiable at sites with light artifact densities, and this
applies to most 17th century sites.
Nuclear area refers to denser artifact concentrations which may
represent the locations of houses or activity areas or simply the main
portion of the site. Both kinds of boundaries can be shown on aritfact
density profiles.


Table 8-6.
y r* '
Continued.
SITE MME1 t HP*
murta teem
SPAC1HG V HOUSES M PtESUCO HOUSES
COCLUSKM
(All titot tor rfiidi
any kind of data on
pad or ditptnad
it tviiltklt, tvtn if
iaaofficiint to aaha
1 dot ami notion.
Donaity of Sorfaco Doniity of Sorfaco
Atlfadt, Bull- A-tifadt, Auntl-
tatlvo (Jidpoontal, totiv tiharda/a3,
pomral torfaco controlltd tarftco
collodion) cnlltctiwt)
Penalty of Sohaorfaco
Artifact >, Aunt Ila
tivo (ihordaln3,
loturface tonta)
Spacini of Sorfaco Spacin| of SoOtorfact
Structural Evidonco Structural Evidtnco
<0.0aok, it (O.I., poat tolda,
controlled wrfaco oicavationn or
collodion! totting)
Spacini of Sorfaco
Concontration of
Artlfadt (ProiMod
Homo) (Control ltd
torfaco colltdiontl
Spacir of Suhaarfaco Proaonco of Donan,
Concont rat lona of Continaoua Dittrl-
Artifadt (Proaontd hut ion of Artifad
Houaoa) (toatlnf or Arota tha Entlro
oacavatiorn I artifad Sorfaco of Silt CBPACT
donaity prof Hat)
IISUSESU
BUT TEW
POT(M0 KSIOM, EITVEJt LATE PdEEOUMUM/CDfTACT 01 SI PU10D
BAL331, Thorpe
ki|kT Ion .Oil
flAUEJ
hi*? -.1 -
MJtl.
Hi*
I
PAUSE, Pnynettom
- AraC
adioa
dot oral and
UL444, Ollodpo
nadioa to Ion
aadatarminad
mSmII or wry Mill
not clattifitd at oithar rnepirt nr dltpnrttd,
-'>- -
L-
i).'., fratarttir;
M .... ka:
, ll 'j i k ,x cv-
, fjt a i.ai
.>. >*
-
t >t'i
. IV
14 .;
, L. f
... ft/ NjCirirt *'
A *< t *
:i.
to* .
365


428
determined through surface or subsurface features, structural remains
and artifact distributions.
A dispersed site was defined as a site or set of contempora
neous, closely spaced sites at which there is enough open, unoccupied
space for two or more additional households between any two actual
household locations. It was often impossible to distinguish dispersed
sites from short term sites because both have light artifact densities.
In either case, population size per unit time or space would be low.
Small and very small sites were not classified as either compact or
dispersed. In the study eighteen sites were characterized as compact,
one as linear dispersed, and six as dispersed or short term.
Site Size Results
Because of the greater ease in recognizing mission period ceramics
relative to late precolumbian/contact period ceramics, it was
anticipated that relatively larger numbers of mission period sites
would be identified, but this did not turn out to be true for the
Potano region. Population decline or community pattern change (size or
compact/dispersed) thus may have been even more severe than apparent.
Site size classes were determined quantitatively, resulting in the
five categories which were termed very large, large, medium, small and
very small. These are listed below in Table 10-1, which is reproduced
from Table 8-2. In the discussion, "smaller".refers to small and \^ery
I
small sites, and "larger" refers to medium, large and very large sites.

Qualitative data (such as qualitative descriptions of site size in
the literature) were used in the analysis only where quantitative data
were unavailable. Much of the analysis employed raw numbers of sites,


210
former bisects the center of the Etoniah Scrub and the latter circles
the north edge of the Scrub, near Goldhead Branch State Park (L247-89;
L247-90; L247-91). The Stuart-Purcell route is the one recognized as
the Bellamy Road today by local residents, road signs and the county
boundary. The complex network of lakes and swamps within and adjacent
to the Etoniah Scrub presents a geographical barrier with a limited
number of straight-forward passageways. The Stuart-Purcell and Burch
routes follow two of these natural passageways, but close examination
of modern topographic maps (Goldhead Branch, Putnam Hall and other
United States Geological Survey quadrangles) reveals other feasible
alternatives as well. For example, the location of the Blue Bead site,
mentioned above, may indicate another possible spur of the route. This
site is one of several small sites along a low ridge above Hall Lake.
It is suspected that these small sites representa a row of Indian
houses along an old road. The old Bellamy Road (Stuart-Purcell route)
is 3/10 mile east of the Blue Bead site. That road, coming westward
from the St. Johns River and Georges Lake, makes a major turn to the
south at a point immediately east of Hall Lake. If it did not make
that turn, then it would have gone straight throught the Blue Bead
site. It is suggested that the Bellamy Road, or rather the Spanish
road which preceded it, originally did not make that turn but went
straight. Only a little-used woods road follows most of this ridge
now; State Highway 214 uses part of this high ground between Long Lake
(known locally as Lake Washington) and Smith Lake. This hypothesized
spur remains untested archaeologically because of forest cover.
East of Hall Lake, the Bellamy Road marks the current Clay/Putnam
County boundary. The Bellamy Road passes by Georges Lake (named for


32
the Indians. In addition to the visible heavy costs (social, economic,
biological) of production, transport, storage, and labor demands, the
Indians also bore the hidden costs of redistribution and social
control.
Major Weakness of Cultural Ecology Studies: Demography
In recent decades, the ecological sciences have made much progress
in explaining animal behavior patterns by defining variables and their
interrelationships. As described in the above section there are
relationships among many variables. Demographic variables are always
crucial in these relationships.
However, these crucial demographic data are unfortunately often
lacking from otherwise-excellent studies of settlement patterns and
cultural ecology (e.g., Custer 1987; Kingsley 1981). In archaeological
research, demographic data are elusive and difficult to pin down, due
to methodological problems associated with poor preservation and
problems with sampling an unknown universe. But these demographic data
are essential before we can progress to other, even more important
ecological and anthropological guestions. The need for these
demographic data is the motive behind the following research.
Settlement pattern studies are a prereguisite to studies of
demographic patterns (Trigger 1985:72-73). The particular approach
taken in the current study is motivated by studies in other regions
such as Missouri (Ramenofsky 1982:320, 334) which show that local
population size (and density?) can be increasing even though overall
regional population size is decreasing. Or the size of local
population may increase even though overall population size is not


164
collection of artifacts for analysis. Experiments with subsurface
testing procudures demonstrated that test unit sizes would need to be
large (such as 2 X 2 m rather than 50 X 50 cm) in order to produce
significant numbers of artifacts per test for determining site
boundaries and site area (see next section on artifact density
profiles). The tests also encountered features (see Chapter VII).
The site is an approximately 26 X 40 m oval along the hill crest,
apparently representing one or two aboriginal structures and/or
activity areas. Such a site has never been fully excavated in Florida
to determine how many structures are represented by this amount of
surface area, though excavations at prehistoric Mississippian sites
elsewhere in the southeastern United States indicate the existence of
summer houses immediately adjacent to the winter house, which would in
effect double the amount of site area per family unit (B. Smith 1978;
Prentice and Mehrer 1981). A similar site is described in the accounts
of the Hernando de Soto expedition (Elvas 1907:53) in southwest
Georgia.
Collections were made in 5 X 5 m squares over a 50 X 100 m area
enclosing the site. Uncontrolled collections were made outside these
grids. Shovel tests contained too few artifacts to define site size
and boundaries, typically containing only one to four artifacts per 50
x 50 cm test. However, the frequency of artifacts in certain shovel
tests made them useful for another purpose, that of determining where
to place 2 X 2 m test pits. The total number of artifacts per test was
graphed to show artifact density across the site, and 2 X 2 m test pits
were placed near the shovel tests having the most artifacts. These


53
formerly associated with chiefdoms, and the switch to linear, dispersed
community patterns (M. Smith 1987:86-112).
Dobyns correlates epidemic mortality and settlement shifts using
historic data from the Seneca of New York and other groups (Dobyns
1983:313-327). He uses psychological factors to explain the
correlation:
...settlement shifts motivated by the psychological shock of
epidemic mortality or by the fear of the ghosts of deceased
relatives, or by migration to maintain a culturally defined
"proper"settlement size. (Dobyns 1983:324)
In addition to these psychological factors, Dobyns (1983:307) adds
the threat of attack as another cause of settlement shifts. Other
broader factors in aboriginal culture change included the introduction
of European technology (Purdy 1977) and despecialization of aboriginal
economic structure (Dobyns 1983:330-333).
There are many additional cultural and ecological factors,
processes, mechanisms for change, feedback loops and interrelationships
which are not mentioned by Dobyns. The theoretical section at the
beginning of this chapter outlines many of these complex relationships
among the variables of human population demography, sociopolitical and
economic organization, and settlement systems. A change in one
variable such as population decline will result in changes in other
cultural variables as well. Factors in demographic and cultural
decline include disruption of Timucuan lineages and ranked clans and
thus the rules for determining leadership, inheritance and access to
resources; loss of social structural stability provided by hierarchies;
and decline of effectiveness of social control mechanisms for resolving
conflicts and preserving social cohesion (Renfrew 1979:482). Degree of


208
tributaries of current Hatchet Creek; there is no other set of similar
streams in central or eastern Alachua County. The last of these is
called Beetree Branch on some maps, e.g., the Arredondo Grant map of
1846 and other maps (PKY 755 and Alachua County map ca. 1883). In
summary, there is a high degree of confidence that we are now back on
an old trail, probably an Indian trail and possibly the Spanish mission
road.
The Alachua Trail (see discussion below) intersects the Purcell
route east of Hatchet Creek and west of present Orange Heights. The
exact location of the intersection and the trails themselves show up as
jeep trails through pine plantation on current topographic maps (Orange
Heights guadrangle sheet, United States Geological Survey, 1966).
State Highway 26 follows the Bellamy Road from approximately two miles
west of Orange Heights to the south end of Santa Fe Lake at Melrose.
Santa Fe Lake, formerly called Aguilla Lake (United States
Archives L247-75; Map 2) or Lake Acutasique (PKY circa 1763), and the
equally large Santa Fe Swamp are major controlling factors in the
alignment of all routes across north central Florida. From as far away
as the Natural Bridge, the Purcell/Bellamy route gradually swings
southward partly in anticipation of circumventing the south end of
Santa Fe Lake. After passing Santa Fe Lake at Melrose, the Bellamy
Road begins to swing back northeastward (United States Archives L247-6
1835).
The route then passes throught the Etonniah Scrub (also Itoniah,
It-tun-wah, It-tun-ah, or Ettini), as identified on several 19th
century maps (Williams 1838; United States Archives L247-89; L247-91).
This is an area of turkey oak/longleaf pine sandhills interspersed with


174
approximately 15 m diameter area, presumably representing the remains
of a wattle-and-daub type structure. Olive jar sherds and one wrought
iron sguare nail were found among the daub fragments, along with small
amounts of aboriginal sherds. This area may represent a Spanish-style
structure, perhaps even a mission church or other portion of the
mission complex.
2. "Nail Structure," Indian Pond West. Surface collections and
metal detector survey in grid units 407, 414 and 429 (Figure 5-9, and
northwestern-most black square in Figure 5-7) revealed a cluster of
numerous olive jar sherds and three iron spikes or nails. Aboriginal
artifacts are also present. This presumed structure is found
approximately 40 m north-northwest of the "daub structure." This may be
the location of Spanish-style structure, possibly even a portion of a
mission complex.
3. Grid units 437 and 438 (Figure 5-9, and northernmost black
squares in Figure 5-8) occupy the intermediate space between the daub
structure and the nail structure. These two grid units have a high
density of aboriginal artifacts. Polychrome majolica sherds and olive
jar sherds are also found within this area. This may be a habitation
area associated with the two structures.
4. Grid units 440 and 447 (situated next to each other; Figure
5-7, the middle set of black squares in Indian Pond West) are found 30
m south of the above-described areas, and contain another concentration
of aboriginal artifacts. Small amounts of Spanish artifacts are also
present nearby, including one spike or nail, two majolica sherds and 4
olive jar sherds. This area may represent the location of an
aboriginal house or cluster of houses.


190
and it is not clear whether 1 X 1 m test pits would have been large
enough. Only 2 X 2 m test pits produced adeguate samples of artifacts,
but few of these could be excavated. Community patterning data was
available only through controlled surface collecting (Figure 5-3).
Palmore. This site offers a test of the validity of the different
testing methods, shovel testing versus controlled surface collections.
Artifact density per shovel test was used to map the distribution of
artifacts across the site. Artifact density, as measured by total
number of artifacts per shovel test, demonstrates the location of an
aboriginal village and possibly individual households as well. Eight
of the 26 shovel tests had heavier concentrations of artifacts,
clustering in an approximately 30 X 60 m or slightly larger area.
However, these transects encountered only a portion of the site. They
did not reveal the full scale and shape of the site, which became
apparent only after plowing and controlled surface collecting (Figures
5-1 and 5-2).
Another observation offers additional insight into community
patterning. The entire hill has a light scattering of artifacts and it
is a puzzling contrast to the next crest 0.5 km to the southwest which
had virtually no artifacts of any kind on the surface, despite
excellent surface collecting conditions. Apparently there were no
dispersed houses out from the main village, in this direction.
Baldree. At Baldree, intrasite spatial information, including the
location of an apparent Spanish-Indian period house site, was obtained
through general surface collecting, subsurface testing transects and
artifact density profiles (Figures 5-13 and 5-14). Twelve shovel tests


224
century Ft. Crabbe has not been found, but it should be more or less
east of Lake Butler on the New River. Florida Highway 100 approximates
this route from Starke (near Kingsley Lake) to Lake Butler.
Highway 100 crosses Olustee Creek (see section on Connecting Trail
between Low Road and High Road) near Lulu, near the outlet from Lake
Palestine. The original road from Lake Butler crossed Olustee Creek
approximately 2.5 km (1.5 mi) downstream from the current Highway 100
crossing. A post office, school and residences formerly marked this
location. If this was also the location of the original crossing, then
this may also have been the junction of the high road with the Santa Fe
connecting trail (see below), in which case this is also a potential
candidate for the site of Aguacaleyguen, a major town visited by de
Soto. The area has not been investigated archaeologically because of
mature pine forest and private ownership.
One early 19th century crude sketch map (L247-93) shows a segment
of the high road which is not found on other maps. The segment in
current eastern Columbia County east of Alligator Lake is called the
"R. to B. Creek" or Road to Black Creek, thus linking with other maps
to the east (Map 2). This portion of the high road appears to have
been abandoned early in the 19th century, before other maps could be
prepared.
The same map (L247-93) also shows several other routes which are
known from other maps, all converging on Alligator Lake from southern,
western, northernwestern, northern Columbia and Suwannee counties. The
segment of current interest, unknown from other maps, extends east-west
across central Columbia County, across central Union County to Lake


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the same positions in the 1560s and the 1600s that they had also
occupied in 1539, and that the large chiefdom which separated them
Otinaoccupied its same geographical position.
Ceramic seriations show that the Indian Pond ceramic complex
originated in the prehistoric period. Cultural continuity is
indicated, though the name Utina cannot be used. The continuity allows
comparisons of late prehistoric settlement patterns with 16th and 17th
century settlement patterns. These comparisons will provide background
data for studies of historical demography. For example, Indian Pond
Lower Slope can be compared with Indian Pond West. The former is
prehistoric and the latter is 17th century Utina, and the ceramic
seriations show cultural continuity between them. These settlement
patterns will be compared in Chapter IX.
In summary the Utina and their immediate, prehistoric ancestors
were the bearers of the Indian Pond ceramic complex. They later became
the bearers of the Leon-Jefferson ceramic complex.
Background to the Seriations: Problems, Field Work
and Laboratory Analysis
The goal is to study settlement systems through time. To do that
one must: (1) define the temporal and cultural relationships between
particular sites; (2) date other sites by matching them against a
chart; and, (3) identify sites that may represent particular culture
periods or events of current research interest, such as the de Soto
entrada or the beginning of the Spanish mission system. This goal is
addressed by constructing ceramic seriations.
Several stages of research are necessary in pursuing this goal,
and each stage has different methods and problem