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Conjure in African-American society

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Conjure in African-American society
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African American culture ( jstor )
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Magic ( jstor )
Religion ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
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Voodoo ( jstor )
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Witches ( jstor )
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2002.
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by Jeffrey Elton Anderson.

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CONJURE IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN SOCIETY


By

JEFFREY ELTON ANDERSON















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2002





















































Copyright 2002

by

Jeffrey Elton Anderson








To my wife, Lynn, and son, Michael.














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the members of my doctoral committee: Dr. Bertram Wyatt-

Brown, Dr. William F. Brundage, Dr. Jon Sensbach, Dr. David Hackett, and Dr. Alice

Freifeld. Without their encouragement and suggestions, I would not be approaching the

end of my graduate career.

My family deserves my thanks, as well. As important as any of my committee

members was my wife, Lynn, who patiently read through each and every page of my

work, looking for typographical errors. I thank her for putting up with my lectures on

conjure and the difficulties of dissertation writing. I also have my mother and father,

Reba and William Anderson, to thank for several suggestions.

I would also like to acknowledge those who have aided my research with

information and professional know-how. Carolyn Morrow Long has been gracious

enough to give me advice, even though she is working on a similar project herself. In

addition, the hoodooists, healers, spiritual advisors, and others willing to speak with me

have given me insight by allowing me to glimpse African-American magic at work. In

particular, I would like to recognize the contributions of Catherine Yronwode, Deborah,

Sallie Ann Glassman, Phoenix Savage, Barbara Gore, Miriam Chamani, Felix Figueroa,

F. L. Robinson, Claudia Williams, Richard Miller, "Pop" Williams, Nancy Rhett,

Eugenia Brown, and Jonell and Jazell Smith.








Finally, my faith in God has encouraged me to persevere and given me insight into

the workings of the supernatural. He deserves my thanks as well.














PREFACE
DEFINING THE REALM OF INVESTIGATION

All of the hoodoo doctors have non-conjure cases. They prescribe folk
medicine, "roots", and are for this reason called "two-headed doctors"...
Often they are not hoodoo doctors, but all hoodoo doctors also practice
medicine.
-Zora Neale Hurston, "Hoodoo in America"

Other names for hoodoo include conjurationn," "conjure," "witchcraft,"
and "rootwork"... As you may guess by now, it is not at all correct to
refer to African-American hoodoo as "Voodoo."
-Catherine Yronwode, "Hoodoo"

Prominent among Gullah culture was the belief in herbalism, spiritualism,
and black magic. While in other places it was called "ubia," "voodoo," or
"santeria," the Gullah called it "the root."
-Roger Pinckney, Blue Roots


"Witches," "two-heads," "goopher doctors," "Voodoo priests," "root doctors,"

and other masters of the occult have long peopled African-Americans' supernatural

world. As the above quotations suggest, however, no two authors agree on what each of

these terms denotes. Some draw sharp lines among root doctors, goopher doctors,

Voodoo priests, and other classes of magic workers. Others simply condense all of these

characters into a single group, usually known as "hoodoo doctors" or "conjurers."

Neither approach is entirely satisfactory. It is best to define a conjurer as a professional

magic practitioner, who typically receives payment in return for his or her goods and

services. Still, three vital questions remain unanswered. First, what separates conjure

from syncretic religions, like Voodoo? Second, what sets conjure apart from lower-level








supernaturalism, commonly known as "superstition?"' Finally, how are witches, two-

heads, goopher doctors, rootworkers, and the like related to conjurers?

That which properly denotes conjure falls between two extremes of religion

proper and low-level supernaturalism. At one end of the spectrum of African-American

beliefs lie such syncretic religions as Voodoo and Santeria.2 Conjure is broader than

these faiths. Functionally, syncretic religions seek to honor the gods and spirits who

people the believers' world. For example, both Voodoo and Santeria have historically

practiced sacrifice in order to please such deities as Papa Legba and Ogun. Conjure,

however, does not pursue such lofty aims. Instead, conjuration seeks to accomplish

practical objectives through the use of the spirit world.3 While conjurers may consider

their religion to be Christian, this does not prevent some of them from calling on Papa

Legba to perform a specific deed. Likewise, Christian conjurers might try to compel God

to bend to their will through selective Bible reading. For example, in a spell recorded by







'The term "superstition" has fallen out of favor with most scholars.
"Supernaturalism," which has taken the place of "superstition" in most recent works,
remains too vague to be useful, encompassing a wide range of folk beliefs, including
conjure. Thus, in this preface, I have retained the use of "superstition" simply for its
value as a description for low-level supernaturalism.

2The following holds true for other Afro-European syncretic religions present in
the United States, such as Brazilian Candomble, Trinidadian Shango, Jamaican Obeah,
and home-grown Spiritualism.
3For a similar argument, see Newbell Niles Puckett, Folk Beliefs of the Southern
Negro, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement, and Social
Problems, No. 22 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1926; reprint,
Montclair: Patterson Smith Publishing Corporation, 1968), 174-177.

vii









Zora Neale Hurston conjure clients recited Psalm 120 during "court scrapes" in order to

guarantee success.4

In addition to conjure's functional distinctiveness, it also lacks the developed

theology of syncretic religions. Though neither Santeria nor Voodoo holds to rigid

dogmas, their basic tenets remain much the same for all practitioners. For instance,

Voodoo believers everywhere recognize the existence of the supreme creator god,

Damballah Wedo, who takes little part in human affairs. Likewise, believers in Santeria,

whether they live in Cuba, Miami, and New York City, place great emphasis on the

powers of the dead. In contrast, while the majority of conjurers engage in many of the

same practices and use similar materials, such as graveyard dirt, bones, and plant

materials, their uses differ widely from practitioner to practitioner. Furthermore, some

conjurers claim to receive their power from God. Others credit familiars or animistic

spirits. Conjure is far less systematic than even undogmatic syncretic religions.5

If religion delineates the upper boundary of conjure, supernaturalism marks the

lower. The essential difference between conjure and supernaturalism rests on the relative

amount of specialized knowledge or abilities required for their practice. For example,

nineteenth-century Georgia blacks believed that lending salt or red pepper was bad luck.



4Zora Neale Hurston, Mules and Men, with a Preface by Franz Boas, Foreword by
Arnold Rampersad, and Afterword by Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (New York: Harper
Perennial, 1990), 275.

5See Hurston, Mules and Men, and Carl Carmnner, Stars Fell on Alabama, with an
Introduction by J. Wayne Flynt, (Tuscaloosa and London: University of Alabama, 1985),
215-222. For accounts of syncretic religions, see Milo Riguad, Secrets of Voodoo, trans.
by Robert B. Cross (New York: Arco, 1969; reprint, San Francisco: City Lights Books,
1985), 43-78, and George Brandon, Santeria from Africa to the New World: The Dead
Sell Memories (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1993), 79-120.

viii








Such folk beliefs required no peculiar occult aptitude. On the other hand, few African-

Americans possessed the supernatural skills to make one of the complex "luck balls" that

nineteenth-century Missouri blacks fashioned from a combination of human hair, ashes,

graveyard dust, pig blood, and tail feathers from a crowing hen. Such complex, and

allegedly more potent, spells have traditionally been left up to hoodooists.6

There are two major exceptions to the general reliance on local conjurers for full-

blown magic. The first began with the rise of mail-order conjure companies during the

twentieth-century. Such businesses often sell "do-it-yourself' kits which promise to

provide anyone with magical powers. A second case is the many traditional practices

designed to remedy and prevent conjure, such as the custom of sweeping and scouring

recently-occupied homes to cleanse them from evil forces. These modes of supposed

protection rarely reach the level of complexity commonly attached to the conjurer's art.

Nevertheless, as foils of evil magic, they must be classed as a form of counter-conjure.7

Having set the boundaries to what properly constitutes conjure, what are we to

make of the plethora of words indiscriminately used as synonyms? This question must be

answered in three parts. First, "hoodoo," and the lesser-known mojoo," "tricking," and







6Roland Steiner, "Superstitions and Beliefs from Central Georgia," Journal of
American Folk-Lore 12 (1899): 263; Mary Alicia Owen, Voodoo Tales as Told among
the Negroes of the Southwest, with an Introduction by Charles Godfrey Leland (New
York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1893), 174.

7Steiner, "Superstitions and Beliefs from Central Georgia," 263. For one example
of a mail-order curio company, see the Lucky Mojo Curio Company, which can be found
online at http://www.luckymojo.com.








"fixing" are readily interchangeable with "conjure." The only differences among the

terms are regional and personal preferences.8

Second, some authors treat "witch" as a synonym for "conjurer," even though

African-Americans sometimes distinguish between the two terms. While conjurers are

human, the same cannot be said for witches, who are sometimes described as nonhuman

beings who ride lightning and give birth to vampires. In some accounts, witches also

engage in practices below the dignity of most conjurers, such as riding sleepers and

stealing milk from cows. At the same time, witches can usually transform themselves

into a variety of animals, an ability not possessed by many conjurers.9

Finally, a variety of other terms refer to specific aspects of African-American

magic. The most common of such semi-synonyms for "conjurer" is "rootworker." Some

scholars have argued that rootworkers are a distinct class, differentiated from conjurers

through their use of herbal remedies to cure medical problems. Hoodoo, they maintain,






'Mary Owen, Voodoo Tales, 209-222; Catherine Yronwode, proprietor of Lucky
Mojo Curio Company, interview by author, 15 January 2001, phone call between
Gainesville, FL and Forestville, CA, notes, personal collection, Birmingham, AL;
Catherine Yronwode, "Hoodoo," Lucky Mojo Curio Company Website, 1995-1999,
(20 May 2002). Many African-
Americans view "hoodoo" and "Voodoo" as synonyms, using both to refer to magic. The
distinction between the proper usage of two terms is a modem one, promulgated by
Voodoo believers who wish to identify their faith as a legitimate religion and hoodoo
practitioners attempting to disassociate themselves from the religious connotations and
negative stereotypes attached to Voodoo.

9Mary Owen, Voodoo Tales, 209-222; Tom Peete Cross, "Witchcraft in North
Carolina," Studies in Philology 16 (1919):217-287; Richard M. Dorson, ed., Negro
Folktales in Michigan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956), 101; Catherine
Yronwode, interview by author.








seeks to improve spiritual conditions.'0 As Zora Neale Hurston has pointed out, however,

"Nearly all of the conjure doctors practice 'roots,' but some of the root doctors are not

hoodoo doctors.""' Thus, rootwork is an aspect of virtually all conjurers' repertoire.

While some root doctors understand their profession in light of modern science, many

hoodooists simply attribute herbal remedies' efficacy to magic.

Some authors distinguish specialists within the broader field of conjure. For

instance, Catherine Yronwode, owner of the Lucky Mojo Curio Company, argues that

conjurers can be divided into three categories: hoodooists, healers, and readers.

According to this categorization, readers only tell clients' futures. In contrast, healers use

herbal medicine to cure illnesses. Hoodooists, meanwhile, are specialists in evil and its

cure. Many conjurers, however, practice all three professions, rendering any distinctions

vague at best.'2 Similarly, some conjurers use epitaphs like "doctor" to imply that they

perform only good magic. Historically, this distinction has been largely fictitious, a way

for conjurers to make themselves more acceptable to clients while demonizing their rivals

as workers of evil. Of course, some conjurers do specialize. This is most common with







'See Melville J. Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past, with an Introduction by
Sidney W. Mintz (Boston: Beacon Press, 1990), 224-251, for the most famous author to
draw this distinction.

"Hurston, Mules and Men, 281.

'Yronwode, interview by author. In the last few decades "psychic" fortunetellers
have also entered the scene. While these practitioners fulfill the same function as
traditional readers, they claim to use a special mental gift to foretell the future rather than
such traditional tools as playing cards or bones.
xi








readers, who often predict the future without offering the possibility of changing it. Such

individuals, however, are the exception rather than the rule."3

Other terms commonly used to designate conjurers are less problematic. For

instance, "goopher doctor" refers to the strong connection between hoodoo and the dead.

"Goopher" is a synonym for "grave," most commonly used in reference to "goopher

dust," which is dirt taken from a cemetery. Another equivalent of "conjure doctor" is

"two-head." According to Hurston, this term refers to hoodooists' ability to deal in both

magic and herbal medicine. Another explanation is that it reflects a belief that conjurers

possess two souls. These are but a few of the most common appellations applied to

conjurers. Although many others exist, they appear only rarely and are usually confined

to specific localities."4

The distinctions outlined above are somewhat arbitrary. The borders among

religion, magic, and lower forms of supernaturalism are porous and blurred. While one

person may differentiate between healers and conjurers, another may not. Still, an

understanding of the terms is necessary for their study. Moreover, these distinctions

reflect genuine, though fluid and often indistinct, differences that must be appreciated in

order to effectively examine the practice of conjure, its origins, regional distinctions, and

evolution.






"3Catherine Yronwode, interview by author.

4Zora Neale Hurston, "Hoodoo in America," Journal of American Folklore 44
(1931): 320; Roland Steiner, "Braziel Robinson Possessed of Two Spirits," Journal of
American Folk-Lore 14 (1901): 226-228.














TABLE OF CONTENTS
page

ACKN OW LEDGM ENTS.................................................................................................. iv

PREFACE
DEFINING THE REALM OF INVESTIGATION............................................................ vi

A B STR A C T ............................................................................................ .......... ............... xiv

INTRODUCTION
THE INVISIBLE CONJURER: THE DISAPPEARANCE
OF HOODOO FROM CONCEPTIONS OF BLACK SOCIETY.................................. 1

CHAPTER
1 THE CONJURERS' WORLD: THE SOCIAL CONTEXT
OF HOODOO IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY BLACK LIFE............................... 42

2 THE CONJURERS THEMSELVES:
PERFORMING AND MARKETING HOODOO ......................................................... 68

3 VODU AND MINKISI: THE AFRICAN
ROOTS OF BLACK AMERICAN MAGIC ............................................................... 111

4 WITCHES AND MEDICINE MEN: EUROPEAN AND
NATIVE AMERICAN BUILDING BLOCKS OF HOODOO ................................... 142

5 CONJURE SHOPS AND MANUFACTURING: CHANGES
IN HOODOO INTO THE TWENTIETH CENTURY ................................................ 182

6 THE MAGIC CONTINUES: HOODOO AT THE
TURN OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY.......................................................... 221

CONCLUSION
THE IMPORTANCE OF CONJURE IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN SOCIETY.............. 250

BIBLIO G R APH Y ............................................................................................................ 267

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ........................................................................................... 294














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

CONJURE IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN SOCIETY

By

Jeffrey Elton Anderson

December 2002

Chair: Professor Bertram Wyatt-Brown
Major Department: History

"Conjure in African-American Society" is an examination of the magical beliefs

of black Americans, beginning in the antebellum period and continuing to the present. Its

objective is to demonstrate the historical importance of conjure in African-American life,

making it a worthy topic of further study. The dissertation's secondary concern is to trace

the origins and evolution of hoodoo over time.

The Introduction is a historiographic essay identifying a series of waves in

scholarly concern with conjure, which eventually led to the gradual disappearance of

hoodoo from understandings of black society. The first four chapters address conjure

during the nineteenth century. Chapter 1 lays a groundwork for the rest of the study by

describing the reputed powers of hoodoo. Chapter 2 examines the importance of the

conjurer in nineteenth-century black life. The next two chapters look at the African roots

and European and Native American influences on hoodoo. The last two chapters focus

on African-American magic during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Chapter 5








examines the transformation of traditional conjure into the spiritual products industry.

The sixth chapter follows the course of hoodoo into the twentieth century, focusing on the

growing acceptance of hoodoo among both blacks and whites. The Conclusion completes

the dissertation by evaluating the influence of conjure on black society.














INTRODUCTION
THE INVISIBLE CONJURER:
THE DISAPPEARANCE OF HOODOO FROM CONCEPTIONS OF BLACK
SOCIETY

Thomas Nelson Page, one of the major architects of the "moonlight and

magnolias" myth of the Old South, published his most famous novel, Red Rock, in 1899.

Set during Reconstruction, its pages are filled with the standard characters of Page's

genre: heroic Southern planters, dutiful union soldiers, and depraved carpetbaggers. One

villain, Dr. Moses, is particularly overdrawn in his depiction of his physical as well as

moral perversity. Rachel Welch, the novel's heroine, observes that, "His chin stuck so

much forward that the lower teeth were much outside of the upper, or, at least, the lower

jaw was; for the teeth looked as though they had been ground down, and his gums, as he

grinned, showed as blue on the edges as if he had painted them."'

Moses is a "trick-doctor," a term which Page felt no need to define. Modem

readers are left to question why the bizarrely misshapen Moses should be such a threat to

the white population. Other contemporary works provide answers. For instance, Philip

A. Bruce, author of the 1889 work, The Plantation Negro as a Freedman, described the

trick-doctor as "a man whose only employment... lies in the practice of the art of

witchcraft," who "is invested with even more importance than the preacher, since he is





'Thomas Nelson Page, Red Rock: A Chronicle of Reconstruction (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1898), 292.








regarded with the respect that fear incites."2 Moreover, Moses' physical appearance is

typical of the numerous descriptions of trick-doctors which appeared during the late

nineteenth- and early twentieth-centuries. For instance, in "Observations on the Practice

of Conjuring in Georgia," Roland Steiner recorded in 1901 the African-American folk

belief that the spells of blue-gummed blacks invariably caused death. Likewise, folklorist

Mary Alicia Owen, using the language of her informant, in 1891, described a legendary

"witcheh-man" as "de mos' uglies' man in de worl', wid er whopple-jaw an' er har'-lip,

sidesen er lop side an' er crooked laig an' one eye dat wuz des lak fiah an' one dat was

daid."3 In short, published accounts of African-American magic were so common during

the era that Page had no need to explain what he meant by "trick doctor."4 After Page's

time, however, literary and academic interest in black sorcery declined. The net result

has been that the trick-doctor, also known as the hoodoo doctor or conjurer, has become

virtually invisible in most Americans' conceptions of black society, even while the

vocation of conjuring lives on in many African-American communities.6



2Philip A. Bruce, The Plantation Negro as a Freedman: Observations on His
Character, Condition, and Prospects in Virginia (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's
Sons, 1889), 115.

3Roland Steiner, "Observations on the Practice of Conjuring in Georgia," Journal
of American Folk-Lore 14 (1901): 177; Mary Owen, Voodoo Tales, 219.

4For a similar description of conjurers, see Leonora Herron, "Conjuring and
Conjure Doctors," Southern Workman 24 (1891): 117-118.

5For the most important passages addressing Dr. Moses, see Page, 60, 103, 287,
291-293, 356-358. Herron, 117-118.

6Though hoodoo survives in the black community, it is not the pervasive force it
once was. Today, widespread belief in its powers is restricted to confined areas, such as
the South Carolina Sea Islands and New Orleans.








How can one explain such drastic shifts in attention to conjure? The answer lies

in intellectual and cultural shifts over the course of the late nineteenth and twentieth

centuries, which have changed the ways that both blacks and whites have constructed

identity. Between the Civil War and World War II, Americans in general and Southern

whites in particular feared losing their cultural identity to the homogenizing effects of

industrial capitalism, and conjure was one expression of peculiarity that they used to

resist the threatened loss of national and regional distinctiveness. Once war catapulted

America to the forefront of world politics and economics, regional distinctions became

less important than national pride and a united front against communism. For blacks,

attention to hoodoo was likewise a question of identity. Unlike whites, however, they

tended to view hoodoo as a negative feature of their society. Its practice, they thought,

would have to be stamped out before they could hope to achieve equality. Recently, the

influence of the closely-linked forces of cultural pluralism, postmodernism, and the New

Age movement and rising black assertiveness have made magic an acceptable expression

of spirituality for many. Nevertheless, conjure remains an understudied facet of black

society.7

Before the Civil War, southerners, white and black, were well aware of the

existence of conjure. For instance, in a diary entry for March 3, 1816, South Carolinian

George Izard recorded an encounter with a sickly Mr. Perkins, who explained his illness


7For works on the mechanics of identity construction and cultural nationalism, see
Benedict Andersen, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism (London and New York: Verso, 1993); Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger,
eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press,
1983); Kathleen Neils Conzen, David A. Gerber, Ewa Morawska, George E. Pozzetta,
Rudolph J. Vecoli, "The Invention of Ethnicity: A Perspective from the U. S. A.,"
Journal of American Ethnic History 12 (1992): 3-41.








as a result of a spell cast by a spumed admirer. After physicians' remedies failed him,

Mr. Perkins turned to conjure. Izard's experience was far from unique. Many whites

learned of conjure from their slaves. Such was the case with Thaddeus Norris, author of

"Negro Superstitions." Writing five years after the Civil War, he admitted that he had

"firmly believed in witches" as a child, a conviction he acquired through his close

relationship to an elderly "house servant."8 Also, Frederick Douglass, most prominent of

black abolitionists, included an account of hoodoo in his Narrative, spreading knowledge

of the practice to northern readers. Nevertheless, few observers commented on the

practice beyond pointing it out as a sign of slaves' intellectual backwardness. Slaves

were to be either worked or freed, not studied for their culture.9

Immediately following the war, Southern whites were too busy restoring

Democratic control of their states to devote increased interest to sectional identity,

certainly not in reference to black folk religion. After all, their recent experience of

military defeat and occupation left no room to doubt their distinctiveness. One of the few

whites to address black folk religions was Thaddeus Norris, who bluntly wrote, "The

more refined a people, the more interesting its mythical legends. Those of the Caucasian

race are attractive; while those of the negroes are repulsive, especially when connected







8Thaddeus Norris, "Negro Superstitions," Lippincott's Monthly Magazine 6
(1870): 95.

9George Izard, "Diary of a Journey by George Izard, 1815-1816," The South
Carolina Historical Magazine 53 (1952): 160; Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life
of Frederick Douglass (New York: Dover Publications, 1995), 41-42, 47.








with their heathenish religions."'10 Literate blacks generally felt the same way. A

selection of letters on conjure published in The Southern Workman provides evidence.

This newspaper was associated with Virginia's Hampton Institute, one of the nation's

oldest historically-black schools. In 1878, the school elicited reports on the level of

superstition among the freedmen from its students and graduates. The response was over

one hundred letters, only six of which saw print. Most of the contributors frankly stated

that conjure was a negative, but common, feature of black society. One author, referred

to as "L." in the printed version of his letter, was particularly harsh in his denunciation of

hoodoo. He asserted, "Conjure doctors are not so numerous now as they were before our

race became so enlightened, but still they are too numerous. They are a curse to their

race."'' Overcoming racist oppression and abject poverty through education was much

more important to blacks than questions of culture. With both whites and blacks

disgusted by Negro ignorance, few were interested in more than denouncing conjure.

Since Reconstruction, interest in conjure has generally followed a wavelike

pattern of increasing and decreasing interest. Since the end of Republican rule in the

South, interest in conjure has crested three times. The first of these upturns began in the

mid-1880s and persisted until shortly after 1900. Following the turn of the century,

writings appeared less and less frequently until the 1920s, when a new wave of interest

emerged. It had passed by the early 1940s, when conjure once again faded from public


'0Norris, 90-91. See also, "The Religious Life of the Negro Slave," Harper's New
Monthly Magazine 27 (1863): 816-825, which mentions conjuring as an important part of
blacks' religion.

"R., L., G., and A., "Conjure Doctors in the South," The Southern Workman 7
(1878): 30-31; W. and C., "About the Conjuring Doctors," The Southern Workman 7
(1878): 38-39.








view. The second trough was much deeper than the first. With occasional exceptions,

few works on hoodoo appeared until the 1970s. At that point, a new respect for black

folk beliefs, including conjure, arose.

As local distinctions seemed threatened by industrial homogenization following

the Civil War, whites searched for regional peculiarities in order to construct a distinct

identity. Corporatism, national advertising, and consumerism threatened to transform the

South into a carbon copy of the North."2 It is no coincidence that articles on conjure

peaked in the 1890s, when a new generation which had never owned slaves or fought in

the Civil War grew to prominence. In addition to ending the most important distinction

between the sections, emancipation had destroyed the paternalistic labor system in which

blacks and whites lived and worked side by side, occupying the same geographic space.

As the temporary gains of Reconstruction faded during the last two decades of the

nineteenth century, Jim Crow took their place, eventually resulting in a rigid system of

economic and social segregation. As a result, blacks and whites lived their lives ever

more separately, and each culture became less familiar to the other. Whites had long

considered blacks a backward and superstitious people. Safely cut off from political or

economic power, blacks' folk beliefs could now be used to bolster white superiority and

regional distinctiveness. To white authors, the hoodoo doctor became a powerful image



12"See Thomas Jonathan Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and
the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981).
Lears argues that individuals turned to antimodem pursuits, such as the arts and crafts
movement, orientalism, medievalism, and religious mysticism as ways of coping with the
social and cultural onslaughts of modernity. In Norman Pollack, The Populist Response
to Industrial America: Midwestern Populist Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1962), the author applied a similar argument to midwestern Populism, which he
believed was a revolt against industrial capitalism.








of the Southern past, conjuring up images of aristocratic planters and their happy, but

dependent, "servants." Moreover, by describing blacks as a backward people, whites

defined what their race was not. At the same time, African-Americans began to develop a

class system. As members of the small but growing middle class gained educations and

quickly adopted the scientific outlook and social Darwinism of the larger American

society, they confidently expected conjure to disappear.13 In fact, according to many

blacks' ideology of racial uplift, such backward features of black society would have to

give way before the race could hope to advance. Thus, while whites used black folk

beliefs as a symbol of their own past glories, African-Americans rejected whites' self-

serving characterization of blacks as "superstitious."'4

The Local Color literary movement typified whites' construction of identity. In

the South, this impulse often found expression in collections of black folklore, relayed in

the dialect of the plantation "darkie." Most prominent among these works was Joel

Chandler Harris' 1880 book, Uncle Remus: His Songs and His Sayings, a collection of

African-American animal stories ostensibly related by an elderly former slave to a child






13For an excellent discussion of the extent to which the academic world was
science-centered during the late nineteenth century, see Peter Novick, That Noble Dream:
The 'Objectivity Question'and the American Historical Profession (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1988), 31-44.
14For works on the development of segregation and resistance to it, see Robert J.
Norrell, Reaping the Whirlwind: The Civil Rights Movement in Tuskegee (New York:
Knopf, 1985), and C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1957). For excellent examples of the strength racial uplift
ideology, see The Southern Workman. Founded in 1872, its early issues ceaselessly
promote self-improvement of blacks and Indians.








who he had befriended.15 Over the next twenty-five years, numerous authors sought to

duplicate Harris' success, with the result that black folklore became staple reading for

white American youths until well into the twentieth century.6 In practice, Local Color

works provided a bridge between the romanticism of the early nineteenth century and the

realism which came to characterize the twentieth. As such, it was the perfect vehicle for

whites to record the exoticism of the plantation past, dovetailing nicely with the chivalric

tales of Thomas Nelson Page. At the same time, it allowed authors to glorify the region's

race relations by providing "records" of friendly interaction between superior whites and

dependent blacks through the medium of African-American stories told in dialect. In an

age when white southerners sought sectional reconciliation while maintaining their

uniqueness, Local Color helped them write their past and present racial systems in a way

that made their acceptance by the rest of the nation more palatable.7

The growth of the social sciences, especially professionalized folklore, provided

another vehicle for white southerners' search for identity. Brought to prominence in

Europe by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm during the early and middle nineteenth century,

folklore quickly became a popular pursuit.18 By the late 1870s, folklorists had begun to


"Joel Chandler Harris, Uncle Remus: His Songs and His Sayings, new and revised
edition, with illustrations by Arthur Burdette Frost (New York: Grosset and Dunlap,
1921).

"For two of the more well-known of Harris' imitators see, Charles Colcock Jones,
Jr., Gullah Folktalesfrom the Georgia Coast, with a Foreword by Susan Miller Williams
(Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 2000), and Mary Owen, Voodoo Tales.
'7For an account of scholarly efforts to erase sectionalism, see Novick, 72-80.

18See Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, The Complete Fairy Tales of the Brothers
Grimm, trans. and with an Introduction by Jack Zipes, with illustrations by John B.
Gruelle (New York: Bantam Books, 1992).






9

professionalize their field. One of the earliest signs of this development was the founding

of the English Folklore Society in 1878. Ten years later, American folklorists created

their own national organization, the American Folklore Society. The International

Expositions of 1889, 1891, and 1893, which stressed the importance of progress, hosted

folklore congresses in order to emphasize the backwardness of primitive societies, while

preserving their beliefs for future generations. During the 1891 exposition, Mary Alicia

Owen helped bring conjure to scholarly attention by presenting a paper entitled "Among

the Voodoos," describing the magical practices of Missouri's blacks.19 The newly-

founded Journal of American Folklore, organ of the American Folklore Society,

published numerous articles on conjure and related practices throughout its early

volumes.20 Following an article on Haitian Voodoo in its 1888 inaugural issue, the

journal published W. W. Newell's "Reports of Voodoo Worship in Hayti and Louisiana"

in its second volume. The journal did not confine itself to Voodoo proper, however, and

over the next decade and a half, numerous brief notes and full-length articles appeared.

Typically, they resemble Roland Steiner's "Observations on the Practice of Conjuring in








"9These International Expositions were held in Paris, London, and Chicago,
respectively. For the text of Owen's talk, see Mary Alicia Owen, "Among the Voodoos,"
in The International Folk-lore Congress 1891: Papers and Transactions (London: David
Nutt, 1892), 230-248.
20In its early years, this journal's title was written, "Journal of American Folk-
Lore," which was later changed to "Journal of American Folklore." In the body of this
work, I use the latter, but in the footnotes, I use whichever title was appropriate for the
time period.






10

Georgia," an essay which combines conjure stories with instructions for using particular

magical materials.21

After 1893, the South's African-Americans had their own folklore society based

at Virginia's Hampton Normal School, a historically black institution (later known as the

Hampton Institute). In a notice to students announcing the founding of the Hampton

Folk-Lore Society, an anonymous author stated, "The American Negroes are rising so

rapidly from the condition of ignorance and poverty... that the time seems not far distant

when they shall have cast off their past entirely."22 If a record of conjure was not

preserved, blacks would become a people without a history beyond what whites chose to

give them. Progress, destined to wipe out such folk beliefs as conjure, would

nevertheless preserve knowledge of such "savagery" for future generations through the

work of professional folklorists. To this end The Southern Workman, the school

newspaper, published numerous articles on black folklore during the late nineteenth

century.23 Throughout the 1890s and early years of the 1900s, Southern Workman


2"Simon Bronner, American Folklore Studies: An Intellectual History (Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas, 1986), 1-38. See also Simon Bronner, ed., Folklife Studies in
the Guilded Age: Object Rite, and Custom in Victorian America (Ann Arbor and London:
University Microfilms, 1987), and Giuseppe Cocchiara, The History of Folklore in
Europe, trans. by John N. McDaniel, Translations in Folklore Studies, Dan Ben-Amos,
ed. (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1981); William W. Newell,
"Myths of Voodoo Worship and Child Sacrifice in Hayti," The Journal of American
Folk-Lore 1 (1888): 16-30; William W. Newell, "Reports of Voodoo Worship in Hayti
and Louisiana," Journal of American Folk-Lore 2 (1889): 41-47; Steiner, "Observations,"
173-180.

22"Folk-Lore and Ethnology," Southern Workman 22 (1893): 180.

23Technically, not an academic journal, Southern Workman approached conjure
with the same level of sophistication as the Journal ofAmerican Folklore. For this
reason, and because the newspaper was published by an academic institution, I refer to it
as a scholarly publication so far as it relates to hoodoo.








frequently included a column entitled "Folk-Lore and Ethnology," which regularly

addressed conjure. Like the articles appearing in the Journal of American Folklore, these

accounts tended to be simple descriptions of hoodoo beliefs. Nevertheless, a few

accounts display a high degree of analytical sophistication. The most important example

is A. M. Bacon's "Conjuring and Conjure-Doctors," published in 1895. Bacon divides

conjuration into two types, charms and poisons, and argues that conjurers provided five

primary services to their clients, roughly summarized as follows: diagnosis of afflictions

caused by magic, discovery of those who cast the spell, searching out and destroying

tricks, curing those who have been conjured, and turning spells back on those who cast

them.24 Meanwhile, other authors began to tentatively introduce new interpretations. For

instance, Leonora Herron, in her essay "Conjuring and Conjure-Doctors" (not to be

confused with Bacon's article of the same title), argued that conjure functioned as a

means of redressing wrongs, for which slavery had provided no other mechanism. In

addition, Herron proposed that conjure was not solely of African origin, but was also

influenced by "association with the white race.., till it became a curious conglomerate

of fetichism, divination, quackery, incantation and demonology."25 Despite the growing

volume and analytical rigor of such articles, few authors saw conjure as a positive aspect

of the black past. Instead, African-Americans followed the lead of whites, condemning


24Four years before Bacon published her piece, Mary Alicia Owen's paper at the
1891 International Folk-lore Congress classified Missouri Voodoo charms into "good
tricks," "bad tricks," "all that pertains to the body," and "commanded things." Owen's
presentation, however, was less influential than Bacon's essay.

25A. M. Bacon, "Conjuring and Conjure-Doctors," Southern Workman 24 (1895):
193-194,209-211; Leonora Herron, "Conjuring and Conjure-Doctors," Southern
Workman 24 (1895): 117-118, quoted 117. See also Daniel Webster Davis,
"Conjuration," Southern Workman 27 (1898): 251-252.








hoodoo as a sign of backwardness. While whites used conjure to bolster their

supremacist assumptions, however, blacks used its supposed decline as a symbol of

advancement.26

Southerners' attempts to build a new identity brought hoodoo to national

attention. Knowledge of conjure ceased to be the purview of southerners who

experienced it firsthand. Instead, a growing number of books intended for popular

consumption began to treat hoodoo as an important part of black culture. Publications

reporting on the progress of the black race, such as Bruce's The Plantation Negro as a

Freedman, increasingly came to address the backwardness of conjure. Likewise,

autobiographies of ex-slaves often pointed to antebellum conjure to demonstrate how far

blacks had risen from bondage. Such was the case with Jacob Stoyer, a former South

Carolina slave, who made much of slaves' belief in magic, recording their use of red

pepper and salt to repel witches. Another former slave, William Wells Brown, author of

My Southern Home, used the character of "Uncle Dinkie," a conjurer, as a semi-

humorous figure to demonstrate the "ignorant days of slavery." In addition to being a

fraud who earned his reputation by fortune-telling, love potions, and "medicine" he had

learned to serve the devil instead of God, "kase de white folks don't fear de Lord."27


26Please note that not all contributors to the Southern Workman were necessarily
black. As was common at other institutions, many instructors were white. Nevertheless,
authors of both races generally approached their topics with the interests of their black
readers in mind.

27Bruce, 111-125; Jacob Stoyer, My Life in the South, 4th ed. (Salem: Newcomb
and Gauss, 1898), 52-59; William Wells Brown, My Southern Home: or, the South and
Its People (A. G. Brown and Company, 1880; reprint, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey:
The Gregg Press, 1968), 68-82, quoted 69 and 75. See also Louis Hughes, Thirty Years a
Slave: From Bondage to Freedom (Milwaukee: South Side Printing Company, 1897),
108.






13

Another class of publication which usually addressed conjure were the collections

of black folklore which made their appearance during the years around 1900. Harris'

Uncle Remus refers to conjure only briefly, but some of his imitators dealt with it in

greater depth. For instance, in Charles Colcock Jones, Jr.'s Gullah Folktalesfrom the

Georgia Coast, "Buh Rabbit" must contend with conjure doctors as well as wolves and

tar babies. Two works appeared which were entirely devoted to stories of hoodoo. The

earliest of these was Mary Alicia Owen's Voodoo Tales as Told among the Negroes of

the Southwest, first published in 1893. As its alternate title, Old Rabbit, the Voodoo, and

Other Sorcerers, suggests, Owen's work is a collection of animal stories in which magic

is the driving force, and Rabbit, Woodpecker, and the Bee-King appear as the animal

kingdom's principal conjurers. Another work from the period which centers on hoodoo

was Virginia Frazer Boyle's Devil Tales. Unlike Harris, Colcock, and Owen, Boyle

recorded stories of human hoodooists, usually locked in combat with the devil.

Nevertheless, her underlying aim was the same: glorification of the southern past.

Describing her sense of loss at the death of her storytelling black "Mammy," she wrote,

"The swaying form, crooning in a low rich voice, like some bronze Homer blind to

letters, a weird primeval lore into the ears of future orators, is shut within the feudal past

of the old plantation days."28

A final group of books which began to appear during this era were fictional works

built around the workings of African-American magic. The most remarkable of these

was black author Charles W. Chesnutt's The Conjure Woman, which recounts a series of


28Jones, Gullah Folktales, 111-113, 177-184. Mary Owen, Voodoo Tales;
Virginia Frazier Boyle, Devil Tales, with illustrations by A. B. Frost (1900; reprint,
Freeport: Books for Libraries Press, 1972), quoted xi.








tales told by Uncle Julius, an ex-slave, to white Ohioan immigrants to North Carolina.

Though ostensibly a collection of conjure stories from plantation days, Chesnutt's Julius

used them to persuade his white acquaintances to favor him with gifts and other

considerations. For example, in the story "Po' Sandy," he convinced the Ohioan narrator

and his wife not to tear down an old building because it had been built from a person who

a conjure woman had changed into a tree. Shortly after, Julius himself asked for the

building, which he used for a church. Chesnutt, only marginally interested in the practice

of conjure, used stories of the occult to demonstrate the overriding power of whites. Only

by preying on whites' sense of sentiment did Julius succeed in achieving his goals.

Nevertheless, white readers used it to bolster their own version of the pre-Civil War

South, including the primitive superstitiousness of blacks. In keeping with their

interpretation of The Conjure Woman, white authors painted an even more negative

picture of blacks' supernaturalism. Thomas Nelson Page's Dr. Moses preyed upon noble

whites, especially women, and led blacks in attempts to overthrow the ruling class. As

such, Moses and his kind were the opposite of white southerners. In the 1904 book, An

Angel by Brevet, Helen Pitkin told the story of a white New Orleans girl who dabbled in

hoodoo and its near-tragic results. Despite its threatening nature, the presence of conjure

was part of what it meant to be southern. Pitkin put it best. Describing the scene of her

novel, she wrote, "New Orleans is yearning upward through Northern lights and is losing

by degrees the peculiarities that have given her 'color' in high relief against even

Southern cities. But for many years to come the traditions of the Congo precincts of








demonry will cling to her."29 White dominated the late nineteenth-century South. For

Chesnutt, conjure was one means by which blacks could deal with the injustices of the

ruling class. For white authors, hoodoo symbolized black barbarism, a necessary

counterpart to their conception of white civilization. For both races, it was part of what it

meant to be southern.30

Even those who had no particular interest in slave life would encounter stories of

conjure in their newspapers and popular magazines. For instance, on July 10, 1889, Key

West, Florida's Daily Equator-Democrat recorded that blacks of the Carolinas believed

that castor oil was made by a conjurer from human blood. The popularity of stories of

hoodoo was so widespread that even national magazines carried accounts of it. Not

surprisingly, New Orleans, home of Voodoo, received the most attention. In 1885, the

respected Harper's Weekly published an obituary of Jean Montanet, a well-known

Voodoo conjurer. Its author, Lafcadio Hearn, celebrated the deceased as "the most

extraordinary African character who that ever obtained celebrity within [New Orleans],"

giving him the title "Last of the Voudoos."3" The following year, The Century Magazine

published two articles by George Washington Cable, which included much information

on the music and dance of Voodoo. Though journalists gave New Orleans more than its



29Helen Pitkin, An Angel by Brevet: A Story of Modern New Orleans (Philadelphia
and London: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1904), 7.

3Charles W. Chesnutt, The Conjure Woman, with an Introduction by Robert M.
Famrnsworth (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969); Page, 60, 103, 287, 291-
293, 356-358; Pitkin, esp. 5-7. See also George W. Cable, The Grandissimes: A Story of
Creole Life (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1891).
31Lafcadio Heamrn, "The Last of the Voudoos," Harper's Weekly Magazine 29
(1885): 726.








share of attention, they were not remiss in addressing conjure in other locales. For

example, in 1889, The Atlantic Monthly carried the article, "Voodooism in Tennessee,"

which describes the author's experience with a tricked black servant. A year before, Eli

Shepard published a summary of conjure beliefs as "Superstitions of the Negro," which

appeared in Cosmopolitan. In the 1890s, Lippincott's Monthly Magazine also published

two accounts of hoodoo. In short, knowledge of conjure was difficult to escape during

the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Such familiarity made it acceptable for

popular authors, like Thomas Nelson Page, to use conjurers as characters in their works

with little or no explanation of their person or powers.32

As late as 1908, the editor of Metropolitan Magazine was able to confidently

state, "We all know to a slight extent that the uneducated negro is a victim of superstition,

believes in spells and portents, and observes certain rites to ward off evil."33 Interest in

hoodoo, however, was already on the wane. By the second decade of the twentieth

century, what had once been a flood of popular articles slowed to a trickle. Scholarly

interest fared somewhat better, however. While Southern Workman had dropped its


32"Believed in North Carolina Also," The Daily Equator-Democrat, 10 July 1889;
Hearn, "The Last of the Voudoos," 726-727; George Washington Cable, "The Dance in
Place Congo," with illustrations by E. W. Kemble, The Century Magazine 31 (1886):
517-532; George Washington Cable, "Creole Slave Songs," with illustrations by E. W.
Kemble, The Century Magazine 31 (1886): 807-828; S. M. Park, "Voodooism in
Tennessee," The Atlantic Monthly 64 (1889): 376-380; Eli Shepard, "Superstitions of the
Negro," Cosmopolitan Magazine 5 (1888): 47-50, reprinted in Bruce Jackson, ed., The
Negro and his Folklore in Nineteenth-Century Periodicals, American Folklore Society,
Biographical and Special Series, ed. Kenneth S. Goldstein, vol. 18 (Austin and London:
University of Texas Press, 1967), 247-253; Sara M. Handy, "Negro Superstitions,"
Lippincott 's Monthly Magazine 48 (1891): 735-739; William Cecil Elam, "A Case of
Hoodoo," Lippincott's Monthly Magazine 54 (1894): 138-141.

33"See the unsigned editorial preface to Marvin Dana, "Voodoo: Its Effect on the
Negro Race," The Metropolitan Magazine 28 (1908): 529-538.






17

"Folklore and Ethnology" column by 1910, The Journal ofAmerican Folklore maintained

an interest in hoodoo, but even this journal published fewer articles than in previous

years. The reason for this was that the nation at large had come to accept the South and

its distinctiveness as American. Scholarly histories, following the lead of such authors as

William A. Dunning, validated southerners' version of their past. The Civil War became

little more than an inevitable conflict between Northern industry and Southern

agriculture. Slaves had lived happy, carefree lives under the watchful eye of paternalistic

masters. Reconstruction was a tragic era in which vengeful Republicans forced their will

upon a wronged South. At the same time, Supreme Court cases, such as Plessy vs.

Ferguson, and Jim Crow laws had legalized blacks' status as second-class citizens. For

blacks, the ideology of racial uplift no longer seemed so promising. As a result, the use

of the disappearance of superstition as a benchmark of progress became less important.

Alongside the plethora of articles already available, these shifts in black and white

outlooks inevitably caused a decline in publications addressing conjure.34

While works on conjure declined from shortly after 1900 to the mid-1920s, they

did not disappear. Surviving folkloric interest in hoodoo helped revive popular attention

to conjure from the late 1920s through the first half of the 1940s. For instance, the single

most influential work to address conjure yet produced has been Newbell Niles Puckett's

1926 book, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro. Like his predecessors, Puckett's primary



34For an account of changing scholarly views of the Southern past, see Novick,
72-80. For the two most prominent sympathetic treatments of Southern experiences
during the Civil War and Reconstruction, see Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, The
Rise of American Civilization, with decorations by Wilfred Jones, 2 vols. (New York:
The Macmillan Company, 1927), and William Archibald Dunning, Reconstruction,
Political and Economic, 1865-1877 (New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1907).








concern was the assertion of white cultural supremacy. Indeed, his avowed purpose in

writing Folk Beliefs was to preserve the "mental heirlooms of the Old South."35 Though

he generally followed A. M. Bacon's conclusion that conjure evolved from the religions

of Africa, Puckett scrutinized individual beliefs and materials involved in conjure,

determining that much of African-American conjure was of European origin. As such, it

preserved the white past by keeping alive practices which had long disappeared among

European-Americans. Though covering topics ranging from burial customs to prophecy,

almost a quarter of his text is devoted to conjure and Voodoo, making Folk Beliefs the

longest general treatment of the subject in existence. Investigating hoodoo throughout the

South, Puckett examined the initiation of conjurers into their art, dozens of individual

spells, and the influence and function of hoodoo doctors in the black community. Like

Leonora Herron, he determined that conjure survived as a means of obtaining justice

under the system of slavery. Although Puckett's work resembled the Local Color books

of the previous century in its aims to build a white identity around the folk beliefs of their

former slaves, it was well-received by both blacks and whites, influencing, directly or

indirectly, all those who followed.36

More typical of whites' identity-building during the period were the works

produced by the Federal Writers Project (FWP) of 1935-1939. By the mid-1920s, most

had accepted southerners as part of the national consensus, but the very nature of the

American system seemed threatened. During the 1920s, intellectuals began to doubt the



"Puckett, Folk Beliefs, 1-78, 167-310, quoted 2.

36See C. H. W., review of Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro, by Newbell Niles
Puckett, in Southern Workman 55 (1926): 574-575.








validity of American capitalism, and many turned to Leftist ideologies, particularly

communism. As capitalism appeared to collapse with the coming of the Great

Depression, their doubts seemed confirmed. Massive unemployment, resulting from the

economic downturn, likewise undermined middle- and working-class Americans' faith in

the American Dream. Among Franklin Roosevelt's programs for economic assistance

were several "alphabet agencies," such as the Works Progress Administration (WPA),

which coordinated the FWP. The FWP's chief aim was to alleviate the economic distress

of white collar workers and literary artists by providing work. Just as important,

however, its administrators used it as a means of building a "literature of nationhood,"

that sought to restore worth to the American democratic/capitalist system. The FWP's

chief task was the publication of city and state guidebooks, which emphasized America's

rich heritage of diverse regional and ethnic cultures, melded together through the action

of democracy and capitalism. Other minor projects, such as the collection and

publication of volumes on local folklore and black life, served a similar purpose.37 While

most of the material collected by interviewers has never seen publication, several books

did result. In the study of conjure, the most important of these publications are Stetson

Kennedy's Palmetto Country and Gumbo Ya-Ya, by Lyle Saxon, Robert Tallant, and

Edward Dreyer, both compiled from material collected by the FWP. These works include

considerable hoodoo material from Florida and Louisiana, respectively. Palmetto

Country and Gumbo Ya-Ya were both intended for popular audiences, and to this end,




"37Monty Noam Penkower, The Federal Writers Project: A Study in Government
Patronage of the Arts (Urbana, Chicago, and London: University of Illinois Press, 1977),
see especially 1-29, 238-248.








they retell stories of conjure in an entertaining style, reaching broader audiences than

those works aimed at scholars, helping to once more bring conjure into the public eye.38

With dreams of racial uplift damaged, if not destroyed, by the deepening of

segregation, black Americans turned from white models for their construction of African-

American identity. By the 1920s, many African-Americans had emerged into the middle

class, particularly in northern cities. Seeing this urban prosperity, hundreds of thousands

of black southerners fled rural poverty in hope of finding the American Dream. The

result was the Great Migration of blacks into such northern cities as Chicago, Detroit, and

New York. The growing number of blacks in urban settings and the return of black

veterans of the First World War led to rising black assertiveness. One result was the

growth of largely middle-class civil rights organizations, such as the National Association

for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which sought racial equality through

legal maneuvering. The working class could be even more radical, joining such

nationalist groups as Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association.

Others turned to the Communist or Socialist parties or one of the other labor

organizations which agitated for civil rights during the era.39





3Stetson Kennedy, Palmetto Country (1942; Tallahassee: Florida A & M
University Press, 1989), see especially 127-132, 163-182; Lyle Saxon, Robert Tallant,
and Edward Dreyer, Gumbo Ya-Ya: A Collection of Louisiana Folk Tales (New York:
Bonanza Books, 1945).

39Mark Naison, Communists in Harlem During the Depression (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1983); Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1988); Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichtenstein,
"Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement,"
Journal of American History 75 (1988): 786-811.








Although many African-Americans of both classes participated in the drive for

black economic improvement and political advancement, some turned to cultural

nationalism in order to create a distinctively "Negro aesthetic" and to imbue America's

blacks with a sense of worth, a movement commonly known as the Harlem

Renaissance.40 To do so, many authors employed black folklore. Zora Neale Hurston,

author of the book-length 1931 essay, "Hoodoo in America," followed this course.

"Hoodoo in America" was a typical folklore study of the time, consisting primarily of a

series of anecdotes and notes on specific conjure materials. Four years later, Hurston

published Mules and Men, the last one hundred pages of which are a heavily-revised

version of her earlier article, now aimed at popular consumption. Hurston's contributions

to the scholarship of conjure include her comparison of hoodoo with Bahamian Obeah

and her conclusion that hoodoo was primarily African in origin. Nevertheless, her most

important innovation was to argue that hoodoo was a vital element of blacks' racial

identity, stating, "Hoodoo, or Voodoo, as pronounced by whites, is burning with a flame

in America, with all the intensity of a suppressed religion."41 Unfortunately for the

history of conjure, her contemporaries largely ignored her. Middle-class black America,



4James R. Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great
Migration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989); George Hutchinson, The
Harlem Renaissance in Black and White (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995);
Tracy Mishkin, The Harlem and Irish Renaissances: Language, Identity, and
Representation, with a Foreword by George Bornstein (Gainesville and Tallahassee:
University of Florida Press, 1998); E. David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus
Garvey and the Negro Improvement Association, with a Foreword by John Hope Franklin
(Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1955); Victor A. Kramer and Robert A.
Russ, eds., Harlem Renaissance Re-examined: A Revised and Expanded Edition (Troy:
Whitston Publishing Company, 1997).

4'Hurston, Mules and Men, 183.








which provided the majority of her reading public, was not yet willing to abandon the

scientific outlook which drove them to seek "progress" over an identity influenced by

"superstition." The working class, which continued to participate in conjure, generally

gravitated to labor-based reform instead of less tangible cultural nationalism.42

Nevertheless, the movement of blacks from the rural South to the urban North did

help to bring conjure to the attention of African-Americans of both classes throughout the

nation. For example, advertisements for conjuring materials and hoodoo practitioners

aimed at the newly-arrived laborers boomed in black-oriented periodicals. The Chicago

Defender, America's most popular African-American newspaper, had only one page with

advertisements for conjure goods and services on March 1, 1919. By July 7, 1928,

however, twelve pages had such advertisements. In addition, over one hundred blues

songs from the early twentieth century employed hoodoo motifs in their lyrics. One

example was Bessie Brown's, "Hoodoo Blues." She sang:

I'm on the war path now, I'm mean and evil I vow,
Some woman stole my man, to get even I've a plan.

Gonna sprinkle ding 'em dust all around her door
Gonna sprinkle ding 'em dust all around her door
Put a spider in her dumplin', make her crawl all over the floor

Goin' neathh her window, gonna lay a black cat bone
Goin' neathh her window, gonna lay a black cat bone
Burn a candle on her picture, she won't let my good man alone.

Got myself some gris-gris, tote it up in a sack
Got myself some gris-gris, tote it up in a sack
Gonna keep on wearing' it till I get my good man back

I was born 'way down in Algiers, I wear conjure in my shoes


42Hurston, "Hoodoo in America," 318-417; Hurston, Mules and Men, especially
181-285.








Born 'way down in Algiers, I wear conjure in my shoes
Gonna fix that woman, make her sing them hoodoo blues.43

At the same time, some conjurers became nationally known figures. Chief among them

were James Jordan of Como, North Carolina, and "Doctor Buzzard" (also known as

Stephaney Robinson) of Beaufort, South Carolina, who drew their clientele from across

the eastern United States. Both men became wealthy through their work, sometimes

charging hundreds, even thousands, of dollars for single spells. While Hurston

unsuccessfully sought to make hoodoo a foundation for a black identity encompassing all

classes, the masses of African-American laborers had never forgotten its importance.44

As the impact of Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro and the publications of the

FWP collided with rising black assertiveness, historians and other scholars began to give

ever more attention to conjure. Of particular interest to historians and anthropologists of

the time was the question of African survivals, the examination of which became much

easier due to the oral histories collected by the WPA. Melville J. Herskovits, author of

The Myth of the Negro Past, emerged as the most influential scholar to address this issue.



43Bessie Brown and Spenser Williams, "Hoodoo Blues," Columbia 14029, 3 July
1924. For the text of this song and many others, see Catherine Yronwode, "Blues Lyrics
and Hoodoo," Lucky Mojo Curio Company Website, 1995-1999,
and
(20 May 2002).

"The Chicago Defender, 1 March 1919, 7 July 1928; Yronwode, "Blues Lyrics
and Hoodoo"; F. Roy Johnson, The Fabled Doctor Jim Jordan: A Story of Conjure
(Murfreesboro: Johnson Publishing Company, 1963); James Edwin McTeer, Fifty Years
as a Low Country Witch Doctor (Beaufort: Beaufort Book Company, 1976). See also
Zora Neale Hurston, Moses, Man of the Mountain (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1939),
and Zora Neale Hurston, Tell My Horse: Voodoo and Life in Haiti and Jamaica, with a
Foreword by Ishmael Reed and Afterword by Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (New York: Harper
and Row, 1990), which also deal with aspects of African and African-American magical
beliefs.






24

Relying heavily on information from Puckett's earlier study, he argued that conjure was a

relic of African religion, proving that blacks, like Europeans, were "a people with a

past."45 As usual, however, scholarly works were not the most important influence on the

wider public. Far more visible were the popular articles which once again began to

appear in national periodicals. For instance, in 1927, M. S. Lea's "Two-head Doctors"

appeared in The American Mercury. In this brief article, Lea tells a series of hoodoo

stories she learned from her African-American maid and a black night watchman during

her residence in Washington, DC.6 Three years later, Scribner's Magazine published

Ruth Bass' "Mojo: The Strange Magic That Works in the South Today," an account of

conjure in Mississippi and Louisiana.47

Despite the increasing attention to conjure in popular and scholarly publications,

works addressing hoodoo were less common than in the late nineteenth and early

twentieth centuries. The result was that fewer readers came into contact with them.

Conjure had already begun to fade from popular conceptions of black society. Likewise,



45Herskovits, 235-251. For his most important opponent, see Edward Franklin
Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie (Glencoe: Free Press, 1957). Frazier argued that blacks lost
their culture through the process of enslavement. Herskovits, an anthropologist,
influenced succeeding generations of historians and other social scientists to the degree
that it is difficult to find one who would argue that African culture died during the Middle
Passage. For another study of African survivals, see Savannah Unit of the Georgia
Writer's Project, Drums and Shadows: Survival Studies among the Coastal Negroes, with
an Introduction by Charles Joyner and photographs by Muriel and Malcolm Bell, Jr.
(Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1986).

4"Two-head doctor" is a synonym for "conjurer" or "hoodoo doctor."

47Ruth Bass, "Mojo: The Strange Magic That Works in the South Today,"
Scribner's Magazine 87 (1930): 83-90; M. S. Lea, "Two-head Doctors," The American
Mercury 12 (1927): 236-240. For a similar treatment, see Carmer, Stars Fell on
Alabama.








fictional accounts of the Old South gave trick doctors little attention during the period.

The two most popular books of the era, Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind and

Stark Young's So Red the Rose, make no mention of hoodoo doctors, who had once been

common fixtures in tales of the plantation South. As a result of fading white

understandings of conjure, the writers of the 1920s-1940s treated hoodoo as a hidden part

of black society. Hurston was able to refer to hoodoo as a "suppressed religion" with

some justification. For instance, in "Two-head Doctors," Lea announced that before a

conversation with her maid introduced her to hoodoo, she had "never supposed that its

practices existed save among a handful of the swamp and plantation Negroes of the Gulf

States."48 Moreover, popular articles increasingly carried titles intended to shock readers

with their announcement of the "discovery" of conjure. Essays from the late nineteenth

century were apt to be entitled something akin to Sheperd's "Superstitions of the Negro"

or Bacon's "Conjuring and Conjure-Doctors." Works of the 1920s 1940s were more

likely to carry appellations resembling Bass' "Mojo: The Strange Magic That Works in

the South Today" or the even more sensationalist "Black Jupiter: A Voodoo King in

Florida's Jungle Black Magic in the Turpentine Forests," by Edwin Granberry. Hoodoo

was no longer simply a peculiarity of everyday Southern life. Instead, it had become a

sensational mystery that needed to be revealed to a wondering public.49





41Lea, 236.

49Margaret Mitchell, Gone with the Wind (New York: Macmillan, 1936); Stark
Young, So Red the Rose (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934); Edwin Granberry,
"Black Jupiter: A Voodoo King in Florida's Jungle--Black Magic in the Turpentine
Forests," with illustrations by Douglas Cleary, Travel 58 (1932): 32-35, 54.








After the mid 1940s, conjure, already an obscure topic, disappeared from most

Americans' conception of black society as it became less important as a means of identity

construction.5 For whites, World War II and the coming of the Cold War played

important roles. On a basic level, World War II lessened the need for such federal relief

programs as the FWP. More important, however, the war revived capitalism, rendering

the "literature of nationhood" less vital for the construction of American identity.

Moreover, the Red Scare reoriented whites' search for identity away from FWP-style

"unity in diversity" in favor of simple unity. As early as 1939, the fear of Communist

infiltration of America's intellectuals combined with economic recovery to doom the

FWP. For both Northerners and southerners, communism had become "the other" against

whom they defined their revitalized system of capitalism and democracy.51 In such a

world, blacks were simply less important to whites' identity construction than they had

once been.

As with whites, the Cold War limited the future visibility of conjure in the black

community by limiting hoodoo's importance to African-American identity. During the

Second World War, the labor-led Civil Rights Movement made substantial gains,

achieving the establishment of the Fair Employment Practices Commission and the

desegregation of the armed forces. Though the working-class never seized upon conjure

as an ideological expression of blackness, it had always been more familiar with hoodoo



50The most important exception to this general trend was the medical field's
discovery of conjure as an important psychsomatic force. See, for instance, "Voodoo
Kills by Despair," Science News Letter 67 (1955): 294. Unfortunately, medicine's
isolation from the social science limited such articles' influence on the broader society.

51Penkower, 181-214.








than middle-class blacks. A successful labor-led Civil Rights movement might have

provided a vehicle for hoodoo to reenter American consciousness. Soon after peace,

however, the Cold War brought the movement's promise to an end. As fear of

communism gripped America, government suppression of leftists and militant labor

undermined the foundation of black efforts. Though the early Civil Rights Movement

had never made folk beliefs an important part of its identity, its collapse limited the

power of working class blacks to be heard by both whites and middle-class members of

their own race. Without any significant focus of resistance, Jim Crow persisted

undisturbed until the mid-1950S.52

When a new Civil Rights Movement exploded following the Supreme's Court's

move against segregation in the 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, it

was ill-suited to promote conjure as a positive element of black culture. The movement's

leaders, drawn primarily from the black middle-class, held to their long-term belief that

hoodoo was a negative feature of their society. More important, this phase of the Civil

Rights Movement made no major effort to incorporate any part of black culture into its

goals. On the contrary, the likes of Martin Luther King, Jr. advocated a "color blind

society" of full social, economic, and political equality with whites obtained through

Christian brotherhood. One unintentional side effect of this approach was the temporary

muting of black cultural nationalism, a potential route to the rediscovery of conjure.

Moreover, in its early years, the movement did little but further divide the races



52Richard Dalfiume, Desegregation of the U.S. Armed Forces (Columbia:
University of Missouri Press, 1969); John Morton Blum, V Was for Victory: Politics and
American Culture during World War II (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976);
Korstad and Lichtenstein, 786-811.








culturally. While only a minority of whites actively fought the movement, even fewer

joined it. Even though it eventually achieved it goals of ending legal segregation and

halting official discrimination in the workplace and at the polls, it failed to erase the

racism that compelled whites to reject social contact with African-Americans and

prevented them from appreciating the black folk culture that had once been such an

important part of white identity.53

Professional folklorists, who had continued to study conjure on a small scale,

likewise lost interest as they adopted problem-solving as the focus of their work. In 1958,

Vladimir Propp's Morphology of the Folktale was printed in English. Published in

Russian thirty years earlier, the already-influential book helped reshape the field through

its assertion that folktales throughout the world share common structures and underlying

meanings. One result was that folklore lost its effectiveness as means of asserting

regional or national identities, divorcing it from popular audiences. Nevertheless, some

books addressing conjure continued to see print, but these were increasingly studies of

specifically black folklore, such as Langston Hughes and Amrna Bontemps' Book of Negro

Folklore. Thus, they failed to appeal to a broad audience in an era of racial turmoil.

More important, articles addressing conjure became less common in such scholarly

publications as the Journal of American Folklore and virtually disappeared from popular


"David L. Chappell, Inside Agitators: White Southerners in the Civil Rights
Movement (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); William Henry Chafe,
Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, North Carolina and the Black Struggle for
Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980). For overviews of the political
goals of the movement, see Steven F. Lawson, Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South,
1945-1969 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), and Steven F. Lawson, In
Pursuit of Power: Southern Blacks and Electoral Politics, 1965-1982 (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1985). For King's role, see Taylor Branch, Parting the
Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-1963 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988);








magazines.54 On the rare occasions when journalist saw fit to print such articles, they

usually echoed the words of journalist Edward D. Clayton, who referred to New Orleans

Voodoo and hoodoo as "a lucrative racket... practiced surreptitiously with weird

mumbo-jumbo in flats around the city by a handful of self-styled "doctors" and

"reverends" who prey on naive innocents.""55 Abandoned by even its most steadfast

friend, hoodoo faded into invisibility.

Today, interest in conjure is again reviving. By the 1970s, black magical beliefs

were becoming more apparent, largely due to an influx of Latin Americans of African

descent, who brought such syncretic religions as Santeria into the United States.56


54The most important exception to this rule was Norman E. Whitten,
"Contemporary Patterns of Malign Occultism among Negroes in North Carolina,"
Journal ofAmerican Folklore 75 (1962): 310-325. Whitten's essay set the trend for later
folkloric investigations of conjure by seeking to identify a peculiar logic behind African-
American magic.

"Vladimir I. Propp, Morphology of the Folktale, International Journal of
American Linguistics, vol. 24, no. 3, part 3 (1958); Langston Hughes and Arma
Bontemps, eds., The Book of Negro Folklore (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Company,
1959), see especially 103-105, 183-207; Edward T. Clayton, "The Truth about Voodoo,"
Ebony, April 1951, 54-61, quoted 54.

56Whether driven from their homes by political oppression or economic distress,
these new arrivals brought elements of their distinct cultures with them, including their
religions. While most Latin American immigrants professed Catholicism, many also
practiced a form of Afro-European syncretic religion, the most important of which has
been Cuban Santeria. As Santeria spread throughout both northern and southern cities,
most noticeably New York and Miami, it became increasingly visible in the press.
Though it differs from African-American hoodoo and Voodoo in its gods and central
tenets, native-born white Americans have often failed to distinguish between it and
indigenous American folk religions, as is clear in titles of such works as E. Tivnan's 1979
article, "The Voodoo That New Yorkers Do," which lumps Santeria and other syncretic
faiths under the misleading title of "Voodoo." Other important syncretic religions which
have recently appeared in the United States are Bahamian Obeah, Mexican Espiritismo,
Trinidadian Shango, and Brazilian Candomble. During the 1990s, Haitian Voodoo has
also grown, due to the flight of many Haitians from political turmoil. See E. Tivnan,
"The Voodoo That New Yorkers Do," New York Times Magazine 182 (December 2,








Nevertheless, most authors continued to view African-American magic as a sign of

backwardness. For example, in July of 1976, Hamilton Bims, published "Would You

Believe It... Superstition Lives!" in Ebony, giving hoodoo a prominent place in a gallery

of disreputable beliefs and practices.57 This dismissive approach began to decline as the

ideas of cultural pluralism, postmodernism, and the New Age Movement increasingly

caught hold throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, allowing Americans to construct

individual and group identities free from an overarching national culture. First

propounded by philosopher Horace Kallen and adopted by anthropologists Franz Boas

and Margaret Mead, the idea of cultural pluralism proclaimed equality among the world's

diverse cultures. Following the success of the Civil Rights Movement and the arrival of

the new Latin American immigrants, it gained widespread popular support by the 1980s,

opening a path to the acceptance of conjure as a valid expression of black identity.8

As cultural pluralism gained strength, so did the intellectual trend known as

postmodernism. While scholars have yet to offer a definitive account of the meaning,

influence, and worth of postmodern ideas, they tend to agree on many of its distinctive

characteristics. The most important of these to the study of conjure has been the denial of
t

1979): 182-192. For another typical article on Santeria, see Fred Grimm, "Ritual
Sacrifices Turn Miami River Red," The Miami Herald 30 May 1981, 1B-2B. For a
scholarly work on Santeria, see Brandon, Santeria from Africa to the New World.

"Hamilton Bims, "Would You Believe It... Superstition Lives!" Ebony, July
1976,118-122.

58See Horace Meyer Kallen, Culture and Democracy in the United States,
American Immigration Collection, Series R (New York: Amrno Press, 1970); Franz Boas,
Anthropology and Modern Life, New and revised ed. (New York: W. W. Norton and
Company, 1932), and Margaret Mead, Coming ofAge in Samoa: A Psychological Study
of Primitive Youth for Western Civilization, with a Foreword by Franz Boas (New York:
Blue Ribbon Books, 1932).








any moral authority outside of the individual. In practice, this has led to an ideology

which touts fragmentation, plurality, and indeterminacy as positive values. In such a

worldview, hoodoo is the equal of Christianity and other world religions.59

Together, cultural pluralism and postmodernism prepared Americans for the

reappearance of hoodoo in print, but it was the revival of mysticism and magical practices

during the 1970s that ultimately pushed conjure into the public eye. Known as the New

Age Movement, this countercultural collection of religions mirrors the secular forces of

cultural pluralism and postmodernism, and like them, it rejects centralization and ultimate

authority. According to author Melody Baker, New Age belief consists of"a

commitment to spiritual growth which people pursue in different manners, many

considered nontraditional in Western culture" in which "dogma and the absence of

questioning are seen as obstacles to growth."' Beginning with imported Eastern

mysticism during the late 1960s, the New Age movement quickly drew other occult

practices under its wings, including forms of herbal medicine, extraterrestrial worship,

and various forms of witchcraft, the most noticeable of which has been Wicca, a

pseudohistorical mixture of magic and goddess worship.6'


59David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of
Cultural Change (Cambridge and Oxford: Blackwell, 1990), see especially 43. See also
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of America (New York and London: W. W.
Norton and Company, 1992).

6Melody Baker, A New Consciousness: The True Spirit of the New Age (Duluth:
New Thought Publishing, 1991), 15-16.

61Mel D. Faber, New Age Thinking: A Psychoanalytic Critique, Religion and
Beliefs Series, no. 5 (University of Ottawa Press, 1996), see especially 1-16; Robert
Basil, Not Necessarily the New Age: Critical Essays (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1988).
For the effects of cultural pluralism and postmodernism on the field of history, see
Novick, 415-629.









Initially, conjure failed to attract much attention from New Agers. It was too

strongly linked to American culture to be sufficiently iconoclastic. Nevertheless, a few

authors have sought to merge hoodoo into the larger New Age worldview. One of the

earliest of these was South Carolinian James Edwin McTeer, author of Fifty Years as a

Low Country Witch Doctor. McTeer, a white of European descent also practiced African-

American hoodoo, working alongside the famed Doctor Buzzard. Though he claimed to

be "the last remaining tie with the true African witch doctors," McTeer explained his

powers with the typical New Age jargon of astral planes, extrasensory perception, and

mediumship.62 Several recent works on hoodoo also follow the same course. For

instance, in Company of Prophets: African-American Psychics, Healers, and Visionaries,

Joyce Elaine Noll refers to mediums, astral projection, and reincarnation alongside

traditional hoodoo beliefs. In short, by building on the foundation of cultural pluralism

and postmodernism, the New Age Movement has both lessened the stigma attached to

blacks' magical practices and brought positive views of conjure to public awareness.63

Though New Age ideology has been primarily a provenance of white society, it

has also opened a way for African-Americans to seize upon conjure as a symbol of their

identity. Black cultural nationalism has provided the medium through which hoodoo has

regained a prominent role in African-American literature. As the equality-based Civil

Rights Movement declined following its string of legal and political victories during the

early 1960s, the Black Power Movement took its place. Inspired largely by the writings



62McTeer, Low Country Witch Doctor, 12-20, quoted 27.

63Joyce Elaine Noll, Company of Prophets: African American Psychics, Healers,
and Visionaries (St. Paul: Llewellyn Publications, 1991).








of Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael, its militant adherents sought African-American

autonomy and self-reliance. Some joined militant organizations like the Black Panther

Party, which was prepared to use force to advance their aims, including equal political

and social rights, exemption from military service, and full employment for blacks. More

important to the study of conjure, however, many proponents of Black Power worked to

construct a version of African-American history and culture that placed blacks'

achievements on par with that of whites. By doing so, members of the Black Power

Movement engaged in a form of "identity politics," which offered an alternative to

Eurocentric ideas of civilization and progress.64

In an environment of New Age ideology and black cultural nationalism, hoodoo

became a symbol of African-American resistance to white culture. The works of poet

Ishmael Reed exemplify this trend. To Reed, the hoodoo doctor was and is a trickster

who subverts white dominance through apparent acceptance of his or her assigned role,









64For two of the most popular proponents of Black Power, see Stokely Carmichael
and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation America (New York:
Random House, 1967), and Malcolm X with the assistance of Alex Haley, The
Autobiography of Malcolm X, with an Introduction by M. S. Handler and an Epilogue by
Alex Haley (New York: Grove Press, 1965). See also Lawson, In Pursuit of Power, and
Schlesinger, 63-71, 73-99. Black Power's drive for autonomy formed the basis of what
would be known as "Afrocentrism" by the late 1980s. Afrocentrism is an intellectual
movement that locates the origins of Western culture in ancient Egypt, which its
proponents imagine to have been peopled by blacks. Intended as a form of mental
compensation for past injustices, this expression of "multiculturalism" is simply a form of
cultural chauvinism, which often links closely to racist ideologies, such as those
propounded by the Nation of Islam.






34

while "driven by a mocking wit that subverts white authority and destroys white illusions

of superiority."65

The influence of Reed's highly intellectual writings pales in comparison with that

of works aimed at black popular audiences. The most important of these has been James

Haskins' Voodoo and Hoodoo, which offers a brief history of conjure, summarized from

Puckett and other earlier authors, followed by a lengthy collection of spells. Later writers

have followed Haskins' example, providing both general information on the history and

practice of conjure and "practical" knowledge of herbal remedies, spells, and divination.

In such works, conjure is an integral part of blacks' African heritage, to be celebrated, not

condemned.66

While Haskins and his imitators have helped to make hoodoo an acceptable part

of blackness, a few have followed the example of Ishmael Reed, making individual

conjurers symbols of African-American strength. Marie Laveau, the famed nineteenth-

century "Voodoo Queen" of New Orleans has been most commonly cast in this role,

becoming a personification of black feminine strength. For example, for a 1983 issue of

Ms., Jewell Parker Rhodes wrote that it is Laveau's "spirit that, generation after






65James Lindroth, "Images of Subversion: Ishmael Reed and the Hoodoo
Trickster," African American Review 30 (1996): 185-196, quoted 185. For some of his
more pertinent works, see Ishmael Reed, Mumbo Jumbo (Garden City: Doubleday, 1972),
and Ishmael Reed, Conjure: Selected Poems, 1963-1970 (Amherst: University of
Massachusetts Press, 1972). See also Shamoon Zamir, "An Interview with Ishmael
Reed," Callaloo 17 (1994): 1131-1157.

"James Haskins, Voodoo and Hoodoo: The Craft as Revealed by Traditional
Practitioners, new ed. (Lanham, New York, and London: Scarborough House, 1990).








generation, enters a woman's body whenever a woman assumes power."67 Khephra

Bums followed a similar course in her 1992 article, "The Queen of Voodoo," stating, "No

woman has ever been more revered and feared than New Orleans' Marie Laveau, who

wielded true Black Power."68 Hoodoo has come a long way from the late nineteenth

century, when it was but a survival of Negro primitiveness.69

How does this third wave of interest compare to those that came before? Its

growing importance to blacks can be seen by comparing two dictionaries of African-

American colloquialisms compiled by Clarence Major. In 1970, Major published his

Dictionary of Afro-American Slang. It has only a few entries which describe conjuring

practices, most notably "conjuring lodge," which the author defines as "a place where

mediumistic practices could openly take place."70 Entries for terms like "hoodoo,"

mojoo," "tricking," and even "Voodoo" are absent. Twenty-four years later, Major

produced a revised version of his dictionary, renamed Juba to Jive: A Dictionary of

African-American Slang. Not only does the new version include the missing terms, it

expounds upon them in ways that emphasize the importance of conjure to black history

and culture. For instance, Juba to Jive defines a "conjuring lodge" as a "sacred house;


67Jewell Parker Rhodes, "Marie Laveau, Voodoo Queen," Ms. 28 (January 1983):
28-31, quoted 31.

68Khephra Bums, "The Queen of Voodoo," Essence 23 (May 1992): 80.

69See also, Faith Mitchell, Hoodoo Medicine: Gullah Herbal Remedies
(Columbia: Summerhouse Press, 1999), and Ray T. Malbrough, Charms, Spells, and
Formulas: For the Making and Use of Gris-Gris, Herb Candles, Doll Magick, Incenses,
Oils and Powders... To Gain Love, protection, Prosperity, Luck, and Prophetic
Dreams, Llewellyn's Practical Magick Series (St. Paul: Llewellyn Publications, 1986).

7Clarence Major, Dictionary of Afro-American Slang (New York: International
Publications, 1970), s.v. "conjuring lodge."






36

church; stemming from their belief in the power of the conjurer, black Americans during

slavery held this as a place in which mediumistic rites and principles could be respected

and practiced. It is not unlike the Zuni and Hopi kiva."71 Nevertheless, while books on

conjure, ranging from Haskins' Voodoo and Hoodoo to Doktor Snake's Voodoo Spell

Book: Spells, Curses and Folk Magic for All Your Needs (with a free "Lucky Mojo

Doll"), are easily available in bookstores and on the Internet, hoodoo is beyond the sphere

of most Americans' conception of black society.72 Gone are the days when major news

magazines carried tales of conjure as common fare. Moreover, those works which do

appear aim at African-American and New Age audiences, excluding most white general

readers. Nevertheless, hoodooists have begun to make occasional appearances in

bestselling works, most notably John Berendt's Midnight in the Garden of Good and Evil,

a fictionalized history of a Savannah, Georgia, murder, which includes a conjure woman

as an important character. Such works are the exception, however. Conjure has not

become the important factor of regional and racial identity that it was during the late

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its study has likewise failed to become an

important part of public works projects as during the days of the FWP. The hoodoo





71Clarence Major, Juba to Jive: A Dictionary of African-American Slang (New
York: Penguin Books, 1994), s.v. "Hoodoo," "Mojo," "Tricking," and "Voodoo," quoted
from s.v. "Conjuring lodge."

72Ironically, interest in conjure has been less centered on New Orleans than in the
past, with a growing number of books examining magic among the Gullah people of the
South Carolina Sea Islands. McTeer's Fifty Years as a Low Country Witch Doctor was
the most important influence on this trend. For a entertaining collection based heavily on
McTeer's work, see Roger Pinckney, Blue Roots: African-American Folk Magic of the
Gullah People (St. Paul: Llwellyn Publications, 2000).









doctor, though perhaps not fully invisible, remains at best translucent in popular

conceptions of black culture.73

Scholarly interest in conjure has fared even worse. For instance, hoodoo receives

minimal attention in the standard works on slave culture, most of which appeared during

the 1970s and 1980s. Conjure commands only brief mentions in such works as John W.

Blassingame's The Slave Community, George P. Rawick's From Sunup to Sundown, and

Charles Joyner's Down by the Riverside. Other books, like Eugene Genovese's Roll,

Jordan, Roll, Lawrence Levine's Black Culture and Black Consciousness, and Albert J.

Raboteau's Slave Religion devote more space to conjuring. Nevertheless, these accounts

are largely descriptive, and their analyses generally summarize the conclusions set forth

in Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro and other early works.74

Scholars in general and historians in particular are reluctant to delve more deeply

in their studies of hoodoo for a variety of reasons. First, relatively few primary

documents address conjure. Sources on topics such as slave society, black culture, and



73Doktor Snake, Doktor Snake's Voodoo Spellbook: Spells, Curses and Folk
Magic for All Your Needs (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000); John Berendt, Midnight
in the Garden of Good and Evil: A Savannah Story (New York: Random House, 1994).

74John Blassingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum
South, 2nd ed. (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), 40-41,109-113;
George P. Rawick, ed., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography (Westport:
Greenwood Publishing, 1972), vol. 1, From Sunup to Sundown: The Making of the Black
Community, by George P. Rawick, 48-51; Eugene Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The
World the Slaves Made (New York: Random House, 1972), 215-224,231,255; Lawrence
W. Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Thought from
Slavery to Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 55-80; Albert J.
Raboteau, Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution in the Antebellum South (Oxford
and New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 75-87, 275-288; Charles Joyner, Down
by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana and Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1984), 144-152.






38

even African-American Christianity are plentiful, making their study much simpler. Far

more important than the lack of primary materials, however, is religious prejudice.

Scholars tend to shy away from supernatural topics because of their own secular

worldviews. They prefer to rely on race, class, gender, and the like to explain historical

development. The result is that they often minimize the role of religious beliefs in

history, particularly in their treatments of the modern world. While intellectuals tend to

be irreligious, they respect magic even less. After all, virtually no one, scholar or

layperson, would admit to believing in sorcery as an effective practice. A paucity of

scholarship has been the consequence. Racial issues have also kept hoodoo outside of

mainstream scholarship. For some African-American scholars, conjure retains its

negative image from years past. They are unwilling to tout "superstition" as a major

force in black history. On the other hand, those who have accepted conjure as part of

their African-American identity frequently oppose any attempt by white authors to

address the topic.75

Only three notable exceptions to the scholarly trend have appeared. The first of

these to appear was Harry Middleton Hyatt's Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork,

published in five volumes between 1970 and 1978. This massive work is a collection of

transcripts of interviews addressing hoodoo, mostly undertaken during the 1930s and





75Lest the readers dismiss my brief discussion of the racial politics as mere
speculation, I must state that I have personally encountered it. For example, I once
attempted to publish an essay on hoodoo. An anonymous reviewer rejected it on the
grounds that it was "racially insensitive" and "insulting." On another occasion, an
African-American author who had published works on hoodoo strongly discouraged me
from writing on the subject. One of his stated reasons was that I was not black.








1940s.76 Though it contains a wealth of primary material, its chaotic organization and

brief printing run of only six hundred copies for the first two volumes have minimized its

influence.77

Theophus Smith's investigation of African-American theology, Conjuring

Culture: Biblical Formations of Black America, has likewise had little impact on studies

of conjure. Smith argues that West African religions mingled with European Christianity

to produce a "conjuring culture," still evident in modem black society. Conjurers, says

Smith, must be recognized as more than sorcerers. On the contrary, their magic offers a

means to magically heal, or transform, society, and within this worldview, the Bible has

become the chief conjure tool. Like the work of A. M. Bacon, almost one hundred years

before, Conjuring Culture outlines an underlying logic to black folk beliefs through its

classification of the books of the Bible by their specific magical function.78 Smith's book

has largely failed to influence scholars due to its highly-specialized approach. In addition

to its narrow focus, its prose is a difficult mass of technical terms, comprehensible only to

scholars of theology.79


76Hyatt became interested in conjure while conducting research for his pioneering
book, Folk-Lore from Adams County Illinois, a work which he intended as a record of all
aspects of folklore within a single rural county. He amassed much information dealing
with magic, including hoodoo, which he later included in his book. See Harry Middleton
Hyatt, Folk-Lore from Adam's County Illinois (New York: Memoirs of the Alma Egan
Hyatt Foundation, 1935), especially 455-545.

77Harry Middleton Hyatt, Hoodoo Conjuration Witchcraft Rootwork, 5 vols.,
Memoirs of the Alma Egan Hyatt Foundation (Hannibal: Western Publishing Company,
1970-1978).

7Smith uses the spelling conjurorr" to emphasize his interpretation.

79Theophus H. Smith, Conjuring Culture: Biblical Formations of Black America
(New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).








By far the most readable and innovative work to appear in recent years has been

Carolyn Morrow Long's 2001 book, Spiritual Merchants: Religion, Magic, and

Commerce. Following brief summaries of antebellum and early twentieth-century

hoodoo, Spiritual Merchants examines the development of conjure as a commodity,

manufactured and distributed to "spiritual supply stores" for the use of do-it-yourself

conjurers. Long's work is one of the most important works on hoodoo yet produced, but

its author is not a professional scholar, which will hamper its acceptance by the academic

community. Only time will reveal the extent of its influence. Despite the efforts of

Hyatt, Smith, and Long conjure remains unfamiliar territory to most students of black

culture.80

Though studies of conjure have grown more numerous over the past three

decades, they have failed to return hoodoo to most Americans' conception of black

society. Moreover, the third wave of interest in conjure cannot compare to the two which

erupted during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and during the years

between the world wars. Hoodoo's continued obscurity leaves a fertile field for

historians, who have yet to answer several important questions. For example, the old

problem of whether conjure is primarily an African or European legacy has yet to be

satisfactorily resolved. Recent authors addressing hoodoo have tended to uncritically

assume that it is of primarily African origin, giving little attention to other influences. In

addition, so far, only Caroline Morrow Long has examined hoodoo's regional variations

in any detail. Most important, almost all authors, scholarly or popular, have treated



80Carolyn Morrow Long, Spiritual Merchants: Religion, Magic, and Commerce
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2001).






41

conjure as a timeless phenomenon. On the contrary, it adapted to changing

circumstances, remaining an important part of African-American society from antebellum

times to the present.














CHAPTER 1
THE CONJURERS' WORLD:
THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF HOODOO IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY BLACK LIFE

One spring day in 1890, Samuel C. Taylor took a train which briefly stopped just

south of Tuscumbia, Tennessee. There, an unusual African-American man boarded the

train. His shaved head sported a fist-sized tuft just above the forehead. The stranger's

clothes were equally bizarre, consisting most notably of three coats, all composed of a

patchwork of multiple materials and colors. Under his coats, numerous chains of brass,

silver plate, and iron encircled his body from neck to waist. A peg in place of his right

leg completed the odd picture. During his brief stay on the train, he conversed with

numerous passengers, including a northern immigrant seeking political office, who asked

the black man for his backing in the upcoming election. Throughout his conversations,

the stranger sipped from a bottle which Taylor initially believed contained gin. After a

half hour, the man left the train. Through the words of a black porter, Taylor learned that

he had just encountered a hoodoo doctor. The bottle from which the conjurer drank

contained a magical potion. To his surprise, he also found that the hoodooist was "by far

the most influential man in [that] part of the state," a leader among members of his race.1

Moreover, the hoodoo doctor had studied medicine and used his potion, along with a






'Samuel C. Taylor, "A Hoodoo Doctor, 30 April 1890," photocopy, p. 80,
William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

42








magical ring and incantations, to cure a variety of afflictions, with a supposedly ninety-

percent success rate.2

As Samuel Taylor's encounter illustrates, nineteenth-century conjurers were often

central figures in African-American society. Taylor's conjurer was a potent political

force among members of his race, to the extent that he undertook monthly tours of his

"constituency." Furthermore, as the narrator discovered, compared to most blacks of his

day, the hoodoo doctor was a wealthy man, wearing a suit when "off-duty" and living in

an expensive home just outside of town. Although operating in the worldly realm of

politics, he also relied on the supernatural to cure sickness. Moreover, it was his occult

knowledge which gave him social prestige.3 In the nineteenth-century African-American

world, hoodoo doctors held a major stake in both the "natural" world of politics and

economics and the shadowy world of the supernatural.

The key to conjurers' temporal power was the African-American belief in the

supernatural potency of hoodoo. How widespread were such convictions?

Archaeological investigation in Virginia and Maryland has uncovered remains of

conjuring "caches," the contents of bags, bottles, and the like that once held magical

materials, in slave dwellings as early as 1702. Occasionally, the historical record also

reveals examples of colonial conjuring. The best known of these was the event which set

off the Salem witchcraft scare. The adolescent girls who initiated the accusations began

their involvement with magic by practicing fortune-telling with a slave by the name of

Tituba, who had learned some magic during an earlier period of enslavement in


2Ibid, 77-80.

31bid.








Barbados.4 In addition, references to slave "doctors" in colonial and early republican

newspapers most likely refer to root workers, rather than practitioners of scientific

medicine. For instance, a 1792 article in The Massachusetts Magazine reported on a

South Carolina slave, named Cesar, who had reportedly discovered the cures for

rattlesnake bites and for ingested poisons. The South Carolina Assembly proved so

grateful that they "purchased his freedom, and gave him an annuity of one hundred

pounds."5 While the Assembly doubtless thought of Cesar's cures as scientifically based,

blacks along the Atlantic often understood poisoning as a result of malevolent spells.6 A

large number of blacks continued to believe in conjure on the eve of the Civil War, as

demonstrated in the slave narratives collected by the Works Progress Administration

during the Great Depression. According to Sam Jordan, originally from Alabama, all

slaves "wore a silver dime on a raw cotton thread around their ankles to keep from being

voodooed."7 Even if Jordan's estimate that all slaves believed in conjure was an

exaggeration, the level of faith was high in the antebellum South. Furthermore, conjure

was not the provenance of a single state or region. Long present along the Atlantic Coast



4Though authors have traditionally portrayed Tituba as black, she was more likely
a South American Indian or mixed Native American and black. See Elaine G. Breslaw,
"Tituba's Confession: The Multicultural Dimensions of the 1692 Salem Witch-Hunt,"
Ethnohistory 44 (1997): 535-556.

5"The Negro Cesar's Cure for Poison," The Massachusetts Magazine 4 (1792):
103.

6For a later instance in which "poison" specifically denotes magical influence, see
R., L., G., and A., 30.

'Sam Jordan, interview by J.S. Thomas (Oklahoma City, OK, 7 June 1937), The
WPA Oklahoma Slave Narratives, T. Lindsay Baker and Julie P. Baker, eds. (Norman and
London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 234-235.








and in Louisiana, hoodoo had spread throughout the South by 1860. During the 1850s,

Abbe Emmanuel Henri Dieudonn6 Domenech, a Catholic missionary, reported an

encounter with hoodoo along the Texas-Mexico border. According to Domenech's

report, a young European man went insane after refusing to marry a woman he had

seduced. The man recovered only by following the advice of a black native of New

Orleans, who told him that he was under the vengeful influence of Voodoo and that only

marriage to his former sweetheart would cure him. Once the wedding took place, the

man recovered.8

African-Americans' faith in conjure remained strong following emancipation.

Although most black and white educational reformers thought of hoodoo as "an absurd

superstitious folly that should speedily be rooted out," they nevertheless recognized that it

remained strong in the South, "where people are not so enlightened as they are in other

parts of the country."9 Some observers noted an increase in belief in hoodoo following

emancipation. Historian Philip A. Bruce stated that freedom fostered conjure by

removing blacks from close contact with whites, who had held slaves' natural

emotionalism and intellectual predilections toward "superstition" in check. The writings

of some planters identify an identical trend. James Sparkman, a South Carolina planter,

reported that blacks relapsed into fetishismm" following emancipation. Of course, Bruce



'Mark P. Leone and Gladys-Marie Fry, "Conjuring in the Big House Kitchen: An
Interpretation of African American Belief Systems Based on the Uses of Archaeology and
Folklore Sources," Journal of American Folklore 112 (1999): 383; Breslaw, 535-556;
Emmanuel Henri Dieudonne Domenech, Missionary Adventures in Texas and Mexico: A
Personal Narrative of Six Years' Sojourn in Those Regions (London: Longman, Brown,
Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858), 303-308.

R., L., G., and A., 30.






46

and Sparkman, as members of the white ruling class, are questionable as sources of black

folk belief. Bruce, in particular, was trying to use conjure to demonstrate that blacks had

descended into savagery following the removal of the benefits of direct white oversight.

At any rate, exact figures for believers are unavailable for the postbellum period, but

informants for Harry Middleton Hyatt's Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork

provided several estimates made by trick doctors practicing in the 1930s and 1940s, many

of whom learned their craft in the previous century. In addition to being more exact than

Bruce and Sparkman, virtually all of Hyatt's interviewees were African-American. These

hoodoo doctors from areas as widely separated as Norfolk, Virginia and New Orleans,

Louisiana, agreed that more than half of African Americans believed in such magic.

"Undercover Man" of New Orleans provided one of the lowest estimates, simply stating

that a majority believed, but both "Faith Doctor" of Little Rock, Arkansas, and "Zorro the

Mentalist" of Norfolk, Virginia, suggested figures as high as nine out often. These

interviews, though carried out long after the demise of slavery, testify to the strength of

African-Americans' beliefs, despite decades of improved education and exposure to

scientific principles following emancipation.'0

Surprisingly, a number of Hyatt's informants argued that whites were also strong

believers in hoodoo, with "Faith Doctor" maintaining that 50 percent held faith in, and

sometimes practiced, conjure. Contemporary sources bear out this assertion. Whether

learned from black "mammies," personal encounters with conjurers, or otherwise, the fear


'Bruce, 120-121; James R. Sparkman, "The Negro," Sparkman Family Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; quoted in
Charles Joyner, Down by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana and
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 144; Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration-
Witchcraft-Rootwork, ii-iii.








of hoodoo maintained a firm grasp over a significant portion of white Southerners. For

example, Martin Posey, a South Carolinian planter, hired a root doctor, named Jeff, to

keep his slaves healthy. Upon discovering that Jeff practiced magic, Posey offered to buy

his freedom in exchange for killing his new master's wife. Jeff, however, apparently

insisted on obtaining his freedom first and did not do so." Similarly, according to

Bertram Wyatt-Brown's Southern Honor, white Virginians feared conjurers because of

their supposed ability to kill or seduce whites by using magic. In New Orleans, observers

of Voodoo rites regularly reported white participation, and Louisiana's Creole elites were

not above using black magic to their own ends.2

While whites' belief in the hoodoo of the supposedly inferior blacks may be

surprising to some, it is less so when one bears in mind that the peoples of Europe and the

American colonies had a long believed in their own forms of witchcraft. The New

England witch scares of the seventeenth century were cases in point. Backwoods

southern whites continued to fear sorcery well into the twentieth century, stories of which

are told throughout Appalachia to this day. A few whites even practiced African-


"Posey eventually convinced another slave, named Appling, to murder his wife.
After Appling succeeded in drowning the hapless woman, Posey murdered him to hide
the crime. Eventually, Posey was convicted of both crimes.

"2Helen Tunnicliff Catterall, ed., Judicial Cases Concerning American Slavery
and the Negro, 5 vols. (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1926; reprint, 1968), vol. 2,
413-414. See also Marie B. Williams, "A Night with the Voudous," Appleton's Journal:
A Magazine of General Literature 13 (1875): 404; Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern
Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (New York and Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1982), 313, 315-316, 424-425; Helen Pitkin, An Angel by Brevet: A Story of
Modern New Orleans (Philadelphia and London: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1904).
Pitkin's novel, though fictional, relies on factual accounts of upper-class white
involvement with African-American magic. For further examples, see Robert Tallant,
Voodoo in New Orleans (New York: Macmillan, 1946; reprint, Gretna: Pelican
Publishing Company, 1998).








American hoodoo as a profession. The most significant of these was Dr. Buzzard of

South Carolina. His fame was such that a succession of black conjurers adopted his

sobriquet.'3

Did this widespread faith in hoodoo clash with Christianity? A few blacks

accepted the Biblical injunction, "There shall not be found among you any one that

maketh his son or his daughter to pass through the fire, or that useth divination, or an

observer of times, or an enchanter, or a witch, or a charmer, or a consulter with familiar

spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer."'4 One such was William Wells Brown, a former

slave, who equated hoodoo and the service of the devil in My Southern Home. For

average African-Americans, however, Christianity and conjure were not mutually

exclusive systems of belief. Most nineteenth-century black Americans considered

themselves Christians. Nevertheless, conjure remained an important part of their

understandings of the supernatural. The reason for this was that hoodoo filled a separate

niche in their spiritual world. Unlike Christian ministers, conjurers performed rituals for

the sake of controlling or manipulating spiritual powers, not for worship purposes. Thus,

conjure was a form of utilitarian, pragmatic spirituality. Nevertheless, some Christian

ministers also acted as hoodoo doctors. For instance, Mary Livermore, a northerner who

spent three years on an antebellum plantation, recorded that she once encountered a






'3Patrick W. Gainer, Witches, Ghosts, and Signs: Folklore of the Southern
Appalachians (Morgantown: Seneca Books, 1975), 135-177; Hyatt, Hoodoo-
Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork, iii-iv.

4Deuteronomy 18:10-11.








combination conjurer-preacher, known as "Uncle" Aaron, who exhorted believers to

follow God from the pulpit, while raising evil spirits outside of the walls of the church."5

The power of hoodoo translated into enormous influence within the black

community for successful conjurers. Traditionally, historians have depicted black

preachers as the most important leaders to emerge from within African-American

communities. Although the influence of preachers was undeniable, they had powerful

rivals in conjurers. While black preachers held sway over their congregations as teachers

of God's word, who brought messages of righteousness, hope, and love, hoodooists had

the power to harm and heal on a whim.6 Some observers asserted that conjurers, not

preachers, were the strongest power in black communities. Writing in 1889, Philip Bruce

stated that a "trick doctor is invested with even more power than a preacher, since he is

regarded with the respect that fear excites."'7 While Bruce was a white author, who

displayed the condescending racism of his time, black observers often agreed with his

conclusions. In 1878, a person going by the initial "S.," wrote to a former instructor at

the Hampton Institute to report on his experience teaching black children in Virginia.

The letter, later published in Southern Workman, stated that fear of "cunning," an

uncommon Virginia term for African-American conjure, was pervasive. Moreover,

though the author protested that he or she did not believe in conjure, the testimonies of so

many eyewitnesses to its effects persuaded him or her to write, "I have not said a word


"5Brown, My Southern Home, 68; Mary A. Livermore, The Story of My Life, or the
Sunshine and Shadow of Seventy Years (Hartford: A. D. Worthington and Company,
1897), 254-258.

'6Raboteau, 231-239.

"7Bruce, 115.








about cunning since, and never intend to; for they can poison you anyhow, for the devil

seems to be at the helm ... They die here like sheep."'8

Fear of conjure was a result of hoodooists' reputed ability to harm others through

magic. Trick doctors typically cast their spells at the urging of a paying client, but many

simply practiced their craft out of personal animus to their victims. One of conjurers'

most dreaded and common means of inflicting death or serious illness on unwitting

victims was causing animals to inhabit the body of a person. For instance, according to

several reports, snakes were frequently visible moving under the skin of the conjured,

sometimes even peering from the victims' mouths."9

Other complaints common to people magically afflicted were "locked bowels" (a

term denoting terminal constipation), "running crazy," and other illnesses causing death

or permanent disability. While written accounts of locked bowels were uncommon in the

Victorian world, they are common in later sources. Roland Steiner, a Georgia planter,

offered a rare nineteenth-century formula for inducing constipation. Speaking from long

experience with hoodoo and its victims, he stated that some stopped bowels by "getting

the excrement of the person to be cunjered, boring a hole in a tree, and putting the

excrement in the hole, and driving a plug in tight."20 Only by finding, unplugging, and

then burning the tree could the victim be healed. During his research in the 1930s, Hyatt

found cases throughout the South. One informant stated that by stopping up a man or

woman's excrement in a bottle and then throwing it in running water would cause his or


'"S., in "Letters from Hampton Graduates," Southern Workman 7 (1878): 28.

'gBacon, 210; R., L., G., and A., 30.

2Steiner, "Observations," 179.








her mind to drift, followed by constipation, suffering, and ultimately death. Cases of

insanity rumored to be magically induced were common in nineteenth-century writings.

Reporting on a time just after the Civil War, a white man told Hyatt that his great-aunt

had once been driven insane by conjure, brought on by a rival who had supposedly stolen

some of her hair, bound it with a cord, and buried it under a brick beside the grave of the

victim's brother. She only discovered the cause of her mental problem by consulting a

famed Maryland conjurer, "Aunt Zippy" Tull, who successfully cured her by locating the

charm and instructing her to remove and bum the hair.2"

Many acts of conjurers simply caused bad luck, discomfort, or other

inconveniences. For instance, some antebellum hoodooists sold "hush water" that

African-American men gave to their wives to keep them quietly obedient. In some

unusual reports, hoodooists could even stop steamboats from reaching their destinations,

halting their progress or turning them around through magic, when it suited their

purposes. Such was the case with "Old Jule," an antebellum conjure woman, who had

supposedly killed so many slaves through supernatural means that her master determined

to sell her. According to stories, Old Jule could not be so easily disposed of. When night

fell, she caused the steamboat to run in reverse. The result was that she forced her master

to keep her, allowing her to continue her depredations.22 While these accounts and


21Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork, 5-6, 2618. See also Wayland
Hand, "Plugging, Nailing, Wedging, and Kindred Folk Medical Practices," in Folklore &
Society: Essays in Honor of Benjamin A. Botkin, ed. Bruce Jackson (Hatboro: Folklore
Associates, 1966), 63-75.

22lrene Poole, "Hush Water for Talkative Women," interview by Susie R. O'Brien
(Uniontown, AL, 10 June 1937), The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography,
George P. Rawick, ed. (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1972), vol. 6, 320-
322; "Some Conjure Doctors We Have Heard Of," Southern Workman 26 (1897): 37-38.






52

similar tales of the mighty deeds of conjurers were doubtless elaborated with fertile doses

of imagination, they nevertheless testify to the fear associated with hoodooists' powers.

To a believer, such fear was wise in light of the illnesses or death that were always

potential consequences of incurring the wrath of someone with access to such awesome

ability to harm.23

Negative evaluations of hoodooists were the norm in printed sources, virtually all

of which were composed by scientifically-educated whites and blacks, who did not

respect and often opposed, conjure. To believers, however, hoodoo also had a positive

side. Although many blacks distrusted hoodooists for the evil they could perform, they

also respected them as potential agents for good, providing hope where none existed

otherwise. For example, while animals in the body and locked bowels were usually a

result of conjure, magic could also cure such maladies.24 In fact, only wizardry could cure

a victim of wicked hoodoo. In a letter to Southern Workman, a witness reported that in

1873 a conjurer cured a woman he knew of an unusual sickness which involved pains in

her head and side as well as the sensation that something was rising in her throat. After

diagnosing her sickness through the use of cards, the conjurer revealed that she had been

hoodooed through a cup of tea which she drank at a wedding. To heal her, he mixed her

another tea of various roots and herbs. Five minutes after drinking the tea, a scorpion


23A variety of preventatives existed to prevent being conjured. Keeping frizzlyy"
chickens in one's yard, wearing silver dimes around one's ankles, and carrying a bone
from a black cat were but a few ways to do so. Despite purportedly adverting conjure,
these practices help illustrate its negative power. Only more magic could thwart the
power of evil conjure.
24When operating as one who removes spells, these sorcerers were often called
"healers," "conjure doctors," "hoodoo doctors," or similar appellations, referring to their
benevolent actions.








issued from the woman's mouth, apparently curing the victim. Often, conjure doctors

cured illnesses simply by revealing how the affected person had been afflicted. Reporting

on an event of the late nineteenth century, one of Hyatt's informants told that a young

woman had been cured of insanity when a hoodoo doctor helped her father locate an evil

charm that had been buried at the comer of her home. Digging into the soil, her father

discovered a barrel containing a silhouette of the woman cut from black cloth, pierced

with pins and needles. Once he had uncovered and removed the source of the madness,

the woman quickly recovered.25

Although scholars quickly dismiss magic as either cause or cure of maladies,

hoodoo possessed some actual powers to harm. In rare cases, conjurers may have used

poison. Just as deadly, however, was the mind of the victim. Modem anthropology,

psychology, and medicine address hoodoo as a question of psychosomatic illness.

According to Walter B. Cannon's classic article, "Voodoo Death," curses harmed their

victims in two "movements." The first of these was a process of social isolation, during

which suffers' friends and family withdrew in fear. At the same time, the afflicted rarely

sought out communal support. Instead, they usually followed the suggestions of their

fellows, accepting their fate. In a second movement, the communities typically returned

to the cursed persons just before they died in order to mourn. The movements heightened

victims' dread, resulting in extreme psychological stress. Cannon concluded that the







25R., L., G., and A., 30; Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork, 332;
Bacon, 210-211.








strain harmed the conjured by injecting heightened levels of adrenaline into the blood.26

The result was constricted blood vessels. Over a prolonged period, bodily organs would

suffer from insufficient oxygen because of decreased blood flow. Sufferers frequently

experienced a lack of appetite as well. Thus, undernourishment and dehydration were

constant dangers. In other cases, fear could simply exacerbate existing psychological and

physiological problems, leading to insanity, heart attacks, gastrointestinal problems, and

other ailments. Once again, conjure worked through faith.27

While faith in hoodoo could harm, it could also heal. In the most basic sense, it

offered hope of recovery, leading the afflicted to rally. Philip Bruce, though no admirer

of black folk beliefs, professed his astonishment at conjure's power to heal. In his own

words, the idea that magic can offer a cure "causes a sudden revulsion ofjoy as soon as it

is realized, and as the stages of recuperation advance towards a complete recovery,

confidence takes the place of doubt and anxiety."28 When the ailment was a

psychosomatic one, conjure was all the more useful. Modem medicine has provided

many examples of its efficacy. For instance, in one twentieth-century case, a man who

had hallucinations that a friend was trying to kill him by conjure was admitted to a



26When anthropologists use the term "Voodoo death," it refers to curses in
general. Therefore, they view African-American conjure as but one manifestation of a
widespread phenomenon.
27Walter B. Cannon, "Voodoo Death," American Anthropologist 44 (1942);
reprinted in Psychosomatic Medicine 19 (1957): 182-190; Harry D. Eastwell, "Voodoo
Death and the Mechanism for Dispatch of the Dying in East Arnhem, Australia,"
American Anthropologist 84 (1982): 5-18; Douglas Colligan, "Extreme Psychic Trauma
is the Power Behind Voodoo Death" Science Digest, August 1976, 44-48; Marvin Harris,
"Death by Voodoo," Psychology Today, August 1984, 16-17.

28Bruce, 118.








Hartford, Connecticut hospital. After five days of treatment with drugs, he had not

improved. The doctors reluctantly allowed him to leave the hospital in search of a root

doctor after extracting a promise that he would return. He soon found a conjure woman,

who gave him "medicine" to drink, prayed for him, and rubbed more medicine on his

upper body. She then instructed him to bath his head in the medicine once a day. The

treatment cost him $150.00. Several days later, the hospital released him, free of

symptoms. Moreover, despite its magical elements, hoodoo has become a recognized

medical topic. Health-related journals and books frequently contain material on conjure.

Even the Textbook of Black-Related Diseases has a chapter on "Voodoo Medicine."29

Some conjure doctors admitted the importance of faith to their art. William

Adams, an ex-slave and conjurer interviewed by the Works Progress Administration

during the Great Depression, answered an interviewer's question on the virtues of charms

by stating, "Dat am a question of faith. Ifdeys have de true faith in sich, it wo'ks.

Udderwise, 'twont."30

The medical powers of the hoodoo doctor extended beyond psychology, however.

Many conjurers, acting as root doctors, offered herbal and other natural remedies to their

clients. In Hoodoo Medicine: Gullah Herbal Remedies, Faith Mitchell recorded more



29Loudell F. Snow, "Sorcerers, Saints, and Charlatans: Black Folk Healers in
Urban America," Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 2 (1978): 93; Wilbert C. Jordan,
"Voodoo Medicine," chap. in Textbook of Black-Related Diseases, ed. Richard Allen
Williams (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1975), 716-738. See also, Daniel E.
Moerman, "Anthropology of Symbolic Healing," Current Anthropology 20 (1979): 59-
80.

3William Adams, interview by Sheldon F. Gauthier (Tarrant County, AL), The
American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, George P. Rawick, ed. (Westport:
Greenwood Publishing Company, 1979), supplement 1, vol. 2,20.






56

than fifty traditional remedies from the South Carolina Sea Islands, many of which have

now been recognized by the scientific community for their medical efficacy. Moreover,

many of these and similar treatments for illnesses were in use well before the Civil War.

For instance, Harriet Barrett, a former slave and "doctor or midwife" stated that she used

a combination of magical and herbal remedies in treating patients. Among them was a

tea of red oak bark for fevers and a rabbit's foot tied around the neck for chills. Albert J.

Robinson, a black man born as the Civil War drew to a close, claimed to be a "divine

healer," who could stop the flow of blood with the touch of his hand and cure the most

dire diseases through the laying on of hands, water, and prayer. He also admitted using

secret herbs to treat blood disorders. In antebellum days, when bleeding was an

acceptable treatment, the herbal remedies of hoodoo, though originating in magical ideas,

were at least as healthy as whites' medicine. While medicine continued to improve

throughout the century, root doctors' methods retained their psychological and sometimes

medical efficacy.3'

Conjurers did more than simply treat afflictions. They often helped prevent

recurrences of magical illnesses by identifying those who caused them. In the case of the

woman who was conjured by having her silhouette pierced with pins and needles, the



3"Mitchell, 41-100. See also, Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases
and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia, Blacks in the New World Series, ed.
August Meier, (Urbana, Chicago, and London: University of Illinois Press, 1978), 149-
184; Harriet Barrett, interview by B. E. Davis (Palestine County, Texas), The American
Slave: A Composite Autobiography, George P. Rawick, ed. (Westport: Greenwood
Publishing Company, 1979), supplement 2, vol. 2, 201; Albert L. Robinson (Conecuh
County, AL, June 1937), The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, George P.
Rawick, ed. (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1977), supplement 1, vol. 1,
330-331. Please note that much of the medicine practiced by white doctors was likewise
based on the use of herbs and other naturally-occurring substances.








hoodoo doctor traced a circle in the dirt around the house where she was staying and

ordered the woman's father to sprinkle an unidentified white powder around the ring,

stating that the family would then discover who was responsible for their daughter's

suffering. Thirty minutes after completing these tasks, the guilty party appeared and tried

to enter the house, only to be prevented by the circle and powder. More commonly, the

hoodooists simply gave vague descriptions of the supposed culprits, allowing their clients

to draw their own conclusions as to the guilty party.32

In many cases, conjure doctors went even further, turning spells back upon their

originators. This practice was so common that A. M. Bacon, author of "Conjuring and

Conjure-Doctors," reported that such reversals of magic were usually part of conjurers'

services. Zippy Tull offered her customers a choice on whether or not to reverse

conjures. Thus, they gave clients revenge along with recovery.33

Hoodoo was not simply a system of alternative healthcare, however. It also gave

blacks hope of improved lives by offering a means of protection from the injustices

inherent to slavery and then to the racist legal and social system of the late nineteenth-

century South. Under slavery, charms to prevent whippings and similar mistreatment

were widespread. In the autobiography, Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry

Bibb, An American Slave, the author recorded some of his personal experiences with

conjure. On one occasion, Bibb feared a whipping as a result of fighting, presumably

with a fellow slave. In order to avoid punishment, he visited a local conjurer, who


32Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork, 332; Bacon, 210. For
European parallels, see Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971), 216-222.

33Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration- Witchcraft-Rootwork, 4-6, 332; Bacon, 210.








provided him with a powder of alum, salt, and other substances and a bitter root. The

conjurer then informed Bibb that to escape flogging, he should sprinkle the powder

around his master. If this failed, he was to chew the root and spit its juice toward his

owner. In this instance, whether through the workings of magic or otherwise, Bibb

emerged unscathed. Unfortunately, he became such a fervent believer in hoodoo's power

that he shortly after "commenced talking saucy" to his master, believing that he was

untouchable as long as he had the powder and root. The result was a severe thrashing.

Though this and other unpleasant experiences with conjure convinced him that it was

useless, he nevertheless admitted that "the great masses of southern slaves" continued to

believe in its potency.34

Frederick Douglass, most famous of slave authors, had his own experience with

conjure. After suffering repeated abuse from a cruel professional "slave-breaker" named

Covey, Douglass went to his friend, Sandy Jenkins, for help. Jenkins' solution was to

present him with a root, which he claimed would prevent Covey or any other white man

from flogging him. When Covey attempted to do just that, Douglass resisted violently,

fighting Covey to a draw. Douglass never received another whipping.35

When charms to prevent punishment failed or were simply not enough to satisfy

bondspersons, hoodoo provided other alternatives. The most well known of these were

powders designed to aid runaways by throwing tracking dogs off their scent. John Barker

provided one of the more detailed accounts of this form of hoodoo when interviewed by


34Henry Bibb, Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, An American
Slave, 3rd ed., with an Introduction by Lucius C. Matlack (New York: Published by
Author, 1850), 26-27, quoted 26.

35Douglass, 41-42.








the WPA in 1937. Barker remembered that his grandfather would collect homed toads,

dry them by the family fire, and grind them into powder. This powder was to be applied

to the bottoms of shoes in order to throw dogs off the trail of escaped slaves. Barker

recalled that it invariably worked on normal dogs, though "hell houn's" could overcome

its influence.36 If resistance failed, slaves could turn to magic to help them cope. For

example, the same hush water slave men gave to overly-talkative wives was taken by

bondspersons of both sexes to help them maintain enough patience and calm to stand up

under the rigors of life as a chattel.37

After the Civil War, spells to better life as slaves were no longer useful.

Nevertheless, hoodoo held on to its role as a protection from injustice. Often, this

inequity appeared in the southern legal system, which was notoriously discriminatory

toward blacks. As they had in the past, conjurers claimed to be able to thwart the law.38

Some root workers reputedly prevented their clients from going to prison by breaking up

trials with thunder and lightening. A more common means of affecting cases was by

"fixing" the courtroom. One of the more colorful figures to work on court cases was







36Barker failed to describe these apparently supernatural beasts.
37John Barker, interview by Florence Angermiller (Kinney County, TX, 12
September 1937), The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, George P. Rawick,
ed. (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1979), supplement 2, vol. 2, 166; Poole,
Rawick, ed., vol. 6, 320-322.

3Like a lawyer, a hoodoo doctor's efforts did not depend upon the guilt or
innocence of the accused. His or her spells were reputably able to free guilty and
innocent alike.








Stephaney Robinson, known as Dr. Buzzard.39 According to legend, Robinson could

dissolve trials by sending groups of magical buzzards to the courthouse. Whether used by

bondspersons to subvert slavery or freed blacks to fight racial inequality, conjure

functioned as a means by which African-Americans survived hardships and held on to the

hope that they could better their condition.4

Finally, hoodoo could ostensibly achieve a variety of personal aims. Some

claimed to be able to locate treasure through the use of divining rods. All conjurers could

provide charms with a variety of uses. They might perform such simple acts as bringing

luck. Some of the most popular of these charms were rabbits' feet. Though these were

lucky with or without the aid of a conjurer, a skilled practitioner greatly increased their

efficacy. In some areas, African-Americans believed that the tip of a black cat's tail was

even more powerful. Many lucky charms fulfilled specific functions. The most popular

of these promised success in gambling or financial matters. In addition to changing

fortune, hoodoo doctors could also predict it. William Wells Brown reported that while a

slave, he once visited a fortune-teller who saw his future by gazing into a water-filled

gourd, revealing that he would one day be a free man. Moreover, Brown stated that such

experiences were far from unusual, since almost "every large plantation, with any



39Robinson was not the original Dr. Buzzard, who died in the late nineteenth
century. Robinson, a black man, lived well into the twentieth century, though he
apparently began his practice in the nineteenth century. Legend says that he learned his
powers from an African father or grandfather. See Pinckney, 101-120.

'Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration- Witchcraft-Rootwork, 1423-1449, 3633-3634;
Pinckney, 101-120. For a historian who recognized the power of conjure in black lives,
see Robin D. G. Kelley, "'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-
Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," The Journal ofAmerican History 80 (1993):
88-89.






61

considerable number of negroes, had at least one, who laid claim to be a fortune-teller."'4

One of the conjurers' most desired services was the production of love charms. For

instance, reporting on a time about five years after the Civil War, Henry F. Pyles, a

freedman, stated he had bought a charm composed of a combination of pepper, wool,

"Pammy Christy beans," and rusty iron in a bag tied with horsehair and wet with whisky.

This bizarre concoction was designed to win the love of a woman with whom Pyles had

become infatuated. Providing luck, messages about the future, and love were but a few of

the conjurers' services. Any personal hope or problem was a possible job for a hoodoo

doctor.42

So how did the supernatural aptitude of the hoodooist translate into temporal

power? On a basic level, fear of conjure had a profound effect on individual blacks. For

instance, the suggestion that a person was the victim of hoodoo was enough to create

panic for many blacks. If contemporary observers are to be believed, such fear could

cause physical decline and death. Likewise, belief in the positive effects of conjure

could lead to equally extraordinary events. As Philip Bruce maintained, root workers'

magic could restore the health of the ill. More spectacularly, however, were those cases

when conjurers inspired individual antebellum blacks to resist the will of their masters.

Hoodoo motivated both Frederick Douglass and Henry Bibb to oppose whites' control


4'Brown, My Southern Home, 70.

42Puckett, Folk Beliefs, 207; Sara M. Handy, "Negro Superstitions," 737-738;
William Wells Brown, Narrative of the Life of William Wells Brown, An American Slave
(London: Charles Gilpin, 1850), 91-92; Brown, My Southern Home, 68-82; Henry F.
Pyles, interview by Robert Vinson Lackey (Tulsa, OK, spring 1937), The WPA Oklahoma
Slave Narratives, T. Lindsay Baker and Julie P. Baker, eds. (Norman and London:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 328-329; Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-
Rootwork, 667; Puckett, Folk Beliefs, 282-287.








over their lives. Moreover, Douglass' experience helped him to become the influential

black abolitionist. His battle with Covey, which marked the end of his whippings, was a

direct result of his confidence in a magic root. As he later wrote, "It rekindled the few

expiring embers of freedom, and revived within me a sense of my own manhood. It

recalled the departed self-confidence, and inspired me again with a determination to be

free."43 Likewise, William Wells Brown's visit to the fortune-teller notably influenced

his course in life. For some time before his visit with Uncle Frank, Brown had been

planning to escape slavery. As the time to carry out his plans approached, he went to the

fortune-teller to find out if he would succeed. Uncle Frank's assurance gave him the

courage to go ahead with his plan. Within a matter of months, Brown had escaped, going

on to become a medical doctor and noted author. Simple faith in the power of conjure

ensured that hoodoo doctors had the psychological power to bring illness or health, love

or rejection, and freedom or slavery to nineteenth-century blacks.44

For successful conjurers, economic prosperity inevitably followed such influence.

Even under slavery, hoodoo doctors usually demanded payment for their work. Uncle

Frank, for example, charged twenty-five cents per visit. Such an amount might seem

small, but in a time when the vast majority of blacks were bondservants, it was a

handsome sum. Following emancipation, the price of hoodoo skyrocketed. Writing in

the 1880s, Eugene V. Smalley, recorded that one conjurer undertook to rid a Louisiana

plantation of an unpopular overseer for $2.50. The magician had originally asked for



43Douglass, 43.

44Bruce, 111-125; Douglass, 41-47; Bibb, 25-32; Brown, Narrative, 90-92;
Brown, My Southern Home.






63

$30.00, but he was willing to negotiate. Other conjurers refused to budge on high-priced

spells. For instance, two letters to the editor of Southern Workman in 1878 recorded

prices of $25.00 for individual spells, one intended to cure lizards in the body and the

other to win the love of a woman. New Orleans hoodooist, "Jean Bayou," also known as

"Dr. John" and "John Montanet," sometimes charged $50.00 for mixtures of water and

commonly-available herbs. These high prices made successful hoodoo doctors wealthy.

In contrast, following the Civil War, the average southern black lived as a tenant farmer,

the harshest form of which was sharecropping. Sharecroppers, like slaves, made no

money directly. Their only cash income came through the sale of their share of the crops

they produced on the property of their landlords. Many black tenant farmers made less

than $100 annually. A conjurer, however, could gain several months' worth of wages in a

single day. For instance, at the time of Jean Bayou's death, he was supposedly worth

around $50,000.00. Even if a tenant farmer were able to save all of his or her hard-earned

income, it would take five hundred years to raise such wealth.45

In some cases, hoodooists could move into realms of political leadership. Such

was the case with the hoodoo doctor encountered by Samuel Taylor.46 He was far from

unique, though. Even before the abolition of slavery, some conjurers rose to positions of

community leadership. The most famous of these was Gullah Jack, Denmark Vesey's


45Brown, Narrative, 91; Eugene V. Smalley, "Sugar-Making in Louisiana," The
Century 35 (1887): 112; R., L., G., and A, 30; W. and C., 38; Roller, David C. and Robert
W. Twyman, eds., The Encyclopedia of Southern History (Baton Rouge and London:
Louisiana State University Press, 1979), s.v. "Tenant Farming," by James S. Fisher;
Hearn, "The Last of the Voudoos," 726-727.

46Unfortunately for historians, Taylor did not mention whether the hoodooist held
an elected office or an informal position of political leadership, analogous to that of a
party boss.








second-in-command in an 1822 conspiracy to overthrow slavery. Hoodooists likewise

fomented rebellion in smaller revolts in North Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana.

Even Nat Turner's famed rebellion of 1831 was girded with elements of magic. Though

Turner believed he had received a divine mandate from the Christian Holy Spirit to

overthrow slavery and kill all whites, his followers could not help but understand his

supposedly prophetic visions of black triumph over whites in light of their deep-seated

understanding of magic. Even to whites, Turner felt it necessary to state that he had not

used conjure to build his following.47

The most unusual case of the power within the grasp of hoodoo practitioners,

however, was the experience of Marie Laveau, the Voodoo Queen of New Orleans.

During her life, stretching from the 1790s or early 1800s to 1881, members of both races

throughout Louisiana recognized her as a Voodoo priestess and powerful conjure woman.

Her birth as a free woman of mixed race did little to hint at the influence she would later

wield. Neither did her early employment as a hairdresser. Nevertheless, by the mid-

nineteenth century, she was famed as a purveyor of magical charms and presiding over

New Orleans' most important Voodoo ritual, an annual dance on the shores of Lake

Pontchartrain. According to legend, she could raise storms at will and kept a pet snake

which she treated like a baby. Darker stories claimed she spoke with the devil and

sacrificed human victims. Following her death on June 15, 1881, the city's newspapers

carried obituaries lauding her for her beauty, wisdom, charity, skill at healing, and


47Taylor, 77-80; William C. Suttles, Jr., "African Religious Survivals as Factors in
American Slave Revolts," Journal of Negro History 56 (1971): 97-104; Nat Turner, The
Confessions of Nat Turner, the Leader of the Late Insurrections in Southampton, Va., in
Slave Narratives, ed. William L. Andrews and Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Library of America
Series, no.114 (New York: Literary Classics of the United States, Inc., 2000), 251.






65

ministry to condemned prisoners. One such obituary described her as "a most wonderful

woman. Doing good for the sake of doing good alone, she obtained no reward, oft times

meeting with prejudice and loathing, she was nevertheless contented and did not flag in

her work."48 Considering the rumors that circulated around her, it is not surprising that

one irate reader angrily responded with a letter to the editor surmising that the authors of

Laveau's obituaries were doubtless the victims of a practical joker, who had fooled them

into believing that Marie Laveau was a saint. Whatever contemporaries' opinions were,

virtually everyone in New Orleans had one. Rare indeed was it for the death of a free

black female to receive such attention. Moreover, Laveau's deeds did not end with her

death. Most authors agree that her daughter, and perhaps granddaughter, took over her

conjuring practice, and most of those who knew these later Marie Laveaus believed that

they knew the original. Meanwhile, the grave of the first Marie Laveau became an object

of pilgrimage for black and white believers, who made offerings to her spirit in return for

favors. Some modem New Orleans Voodoo practitioners consider her a goddess, calling

on her for healing, legal problems, protection, and matters of sex and love. For a member

of a profoundly oppressed race during a time when slavery and lynchings were

commonplace, Laveau rose from being a hairdresser to a goddess, who continues to help

those who believe in Voodoo and the magic associated with it. Without doubt, she was

one of the most well-known black women of the nineteenth century.49


4"Death of Marie Laveau," The Daily Picayune, 17 May 1881, 8.

49Long, Spiritual Merchants, 45-52; Tallant, Voodoo in New Orleans, 51-151;
Lyle Saxon, Fabulous New Orleans (New York and London: Century Company, 1928),
237-246; Charles M. Gandolfo, Marie Laveau of New Orleans, the Great Voodoo Queen
(New Orleans: New Orleans Historical Voodoo Museum, 1992), 16.; Charles M.
Gandolfo, Voodoo Vi-Ve's & Talismans and How to Use Them (New Orleans: New








The influence of nineteenth-century hoodoo was so great that many African-

American folk heroes were themselves conjurers. "Railroad Bill," a legendary outlaw,

famed for evading capture by white sheriffs for years, supposedly did so by changing

himself into animals in order to hide his identity. While Railroad Bill was an outsider, a

killer, most folkloric conjurers were not so alien from the average black American.

Stories of the slave, "Old John," sometimes depict him as practicing conjure. For

instance, Richard M. Dorson's American Negro Folktales includes a story of John's

transformation contest with his master. Having gone through a period where his master

whipped him frequently, John visited the local "mojo-man," obtaining a charm that

enabled him to change shape. Unfortunately for John, he refused to pay top dollar,

getting inferior magic. His attempt to avoid a beating failed. Without doubt, the most

famous folkloric conjurer was Rabbit, who frequently appears as a practitioner of magic.

In Gullah Folktales from the Georgia Coast, Charles Colcock Jones, Jr. told the story of

how "Buh Rabbit" underwent a period of testing at the instruction of a conjurer who

promised to teach him hoodoo. According to Missouri blacks, Rabbit learned conjure

well. In addition to the usual overcoming of stronger animals through trickery, Rabbit

also battled with rival hoodoo workers, most notably Woodpecker, another popular

character in the folklore of nineteenth-century Missouri blacks. At one point,

Woodpecker stole Rabbit's powerful conjure bag, which contained a silver "luck ball,"

but when he tried to take it away, it spoke to him, frightening him into returning it to its

proper place. Conjure, already a powerful reality in African-American life, grew in



Orleans Historical Voodoo Museum), 16. See also Hurston, "Hoodoo in America," 328-
357.






67

influence as men swapped stories of their favorite outlaws and mothers told their children

animal stories.50

As was the case with Samuel Taylor's hoodoo doctor, wealth and power followed

skilled practitioners of hoodoo. Even their names, such as "Uncle" Frank and "Aunt

Zippy" Tull, testify to the respect they received in black society. Doubtless, their deeds

often had a negative effect on their clients, encouraging them to oppose masters without

hope of success, to expect love from one who was uninterested, or to eschew medical

treatment in favor of magic. Even if one assumes that their reputed powers were wholly

spurious, however, their reputed supernatural aptitude had powerful benefits for those

who believed. They gave nineteenth-century blacks hope in lives over which they often

had little control. Slavery and Jim Crow took away African-Americans' economic,

political, and often physical freedom. Hoodoo offered a means of asserting power over

oneself and others, for good or evil. It is not surprising that conjurers rose to such

prominence in their communities.51














50Carmer, 122-125; Richard M. Dorson, ed., American Negro Folklore
(Greenwich: Fawcett publications, Inc., 1967), 141-142; Jones, 111-113; Mary Owen,
Voodoo Tales, 102-119.

51According to Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork, 923, "Zippy"
means "lively" and "smart."














CHAPTER 2
THE CONJURERS THEMSELVES:
PERFORMING AND MARKETING HOODOO

Hoodooists' temporal power rested upon the faith of the masses, who viewed

conjure with mixed feelings of respect, fear, and hope. From the standpoint of the

conjurers themselves, however, success rested upon a potent blend of manipulation of the

supernatural world and effective marketing. Notable regional distinctions defined

conjurers' practice based on the area in which he or she lived. Still, surprising

similarities continued to appear in conjure throughout the South. This mix of difference

and similarity which went to shape the success of conjurers was most evident in four

aspects ofhoodooists' practice: the supernatural foundations of hoodoo, acquiring the

ability to conjure, the theory and production of spells and charms, and the marketing of

conjure.

Before examining conjurers and their trade, an understanding of its regional

distinctions is useful. Modem American conjure is a mixture of magical beliefs

originating in two zones of European settlement, which remained quite distinct during the

seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The first to be settled was the Atlantic

coast, encompassing Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.

These colonies received shipments of slaves beginning in 1619. The trade accelerated in

the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The element which set this area apart from

the rest of the South was the strong English influence which shaped it from the early








seventeenth century onward. Within this region, the Sea Islands of South Carolina and

Georgia proved the most important. High black-to-white ratios and relative isolation

from the rest of the South set these locations apart. From their initial settlements along

the Atlantic Coast, Anglo-American settlers moved west to occupy the lands of the

central South and Trans-Mississippi, as far as Texas. In contrast, the second included

French and Spanish settlements, chiefly on the Gulf of Mexico and the lower Mississippi

River. The Spanish first arrived in 1565, founding St. Augustine, Florida. Shortly after,

small numbers of Spanish settlers moved into what is now Texas. The French did not

reach the American South in significant numbers until the early eighteenth century. Their

largest settlement was New Orleans. During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth

centuries the Latin cultural area grew far more slowly than the English domain. The chief

area of expansion was the Mississippi River. Along its banks, French settlers gradually

advanced. In other regions, Latin influence declined as the Protestant English moved

westward. Louisiana, which fell under American control in 1803, retained much of its

Latin culture because of its large French population. South Florida, which had a very

small colonial population, likewise escaped rapid assimilation to the American culture,

primarily because few American settlers wanted to move into an area with such a climate

and terrain.

The most obvious distinction between the zones was the difference in terms used

by those who practiced conjure. In New Orleans, where French influence dominated,

whites knew African-American magic as "Voodoo." Blacks called it "hoodoo."'


'The term "hoodoo" spread throughout the South by the late nineteenth or early
twentieth century. For this reason, it is employed throughout this work as a synonym for
conjure, though it clearly originated in Louisiana. Some later authors draw a sharp








Practitioners were typically known as "wangateurs" or "wangateuses," for men and

women, respectively. "Gris-gris" denoted charms and spells. "Tobies" and "wangas"

were more specific words for good and evil charms, respectively. In Missouri, "noodoo,"

a variant of "Voodoo," was the favored term for the practice of African-American magic.

In southern Florida, an area long ruled by Spain, conjure was known as "Nafiligo," and

practitioners were termed "brujas." Along the English-settled Atlantic seaboard, black

sorcerers called themselves "conjurers," "root workers," or "double-heads." The

performance of their art was known by such words as "conjure," "rooting," "tricking,"

"fixing," and "goophering." In some cases, terms were localized. For instance, Maryland

blacks knew conjurers as "high" men or women. Likewise, "root workers" was a

designation particularly popular along the Georgia and South Carolina coasts, as was

"goopher" a term almost unknown outside of the English cultural area. In Mississippi,

African-Americans used mojoo" when referring to benevolent magic. Virginian blacks

sometimes called conjuring "Gombre-work."2




distinction between the religion of Voodoo and magic of hoodoo. Today, this distinction
does exist, but during the nineteenth century and earlier, neither African-Americans nor
whites attempted to separate them. For an example of this error, see Shannon R.
Turlington, The Complete Idiot's Guide to Voodoo (Indianapolis: Alpha, 2002), 283.

2Pitkin, 167; Laura L. Porteous, "The Gri-gri Case," Louisiana Historical
Quarterly 17 (1934): 48-63; Puckett, Folk Beliefs, 19; Mary Owen, "Among the
Voodoos," 241; Marie Cappick, The Key West Story, 1818-1950, serialized in The Coral
Tribune, Serialized in The Coral Tribune, 2, 9, 16, 23 May, 7; 6 June 1958, 7; A. L.
Lopez, Florida Writers Project, "Nanigo Dance: Superstitions and Customs of Cuban
Negroes in Tampa," P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida,
Gainesville; Felix Cannella, Florida Writers Project, "Naftigo," 26 May 1936, P. K.
Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville; Pinckney, 1-18;
Hyatt, Hoodoo-Conjuration-Witchcraft-Rootwork, 11, 17, 275, 278, 280-281,284, 308,
310,314,336,337.








A more important regional difference was the persistence of pre-Christian

religious beliefs in the Latin cultural zone, which played an important part in African-

American conjure?. This role is best seen in Voodoo, practiced in the former French

territory of Louisiana, with its center in New Orleans. "Voodoo," though often used as a

synonym for "hoodoo"or "conjure," was more than simply magic. Drawing heavily from

Haitian Vodou, it retained a pantheon of gods, who were honored by the worship of their

devotees. The most visible rituals of the religion were dances, the chief one of which

took place along the shores of Lake Pontchartrain each St. John's Eve (June 23), in honor

of Voodoo gods, including St. John, who was a powerful spirit in the religion. During the

ceremony, a Voodoo queen, the most famous of which was Marie Laveau, presided. In

the early nineteenth century, kings also played major roles in the rituals, but by the second

half of the century, they appear to have declined in importance or disappeared altogether.4

Unfortunately for our knowledge of Louisiana Voodoo, most writers on the

subject rewrote a sensationalized description of Haitian Vodou given by Louis-Elise

Moreau de Saint-M&ry, a historian of colonial Haiti.5 According to these accounts, the

dances usually featured women and men dressed in an assembly of red handkerchiefs,

with those presiding girded with a blue cord. Women also wore head cloths, called



3For purposes of analysis, "religion" refers to an aspect of spirituality which
includes worship of divine beings. Thus, religion is god focused. In contrast, "magic,"
"conjure," and related terms are human focused, designating those elements of spirituality
aimed at changing human circumstances by influencing divine or supernatural forces.
4Long. Spiritual Merchants, 40-51; Tallant, Voodoo in New Orleans, 3-51.

5See Louis-tlise Moreau de Saint-M6ry, Description topographique, physique,
civil, politique et historique de la partiefranvaise de i 'lie de Saint-Domingue, 2 vols.
(Philadelphia, 1797).








"tignons," which they tied in seven knots sticking out above their heads. During the

ceremonies, participants worshiped Voodoo Magnian or the Grand Zombie, the chief

Voodoo god, in the form of a snake, held aloft and consulted by the queens. Various

lesser gods would possess the queens. While in a trance, they issued instructions from

the gods who controlled them. Following these pronouncements, individual worshipers

would pray to the gods, petitioning them for help or guidance. Animal sacrifices, which

pleased the Voodoo deities, were a necessary part of the ceremony. According to some

writers, the dances frequently evolved into sexual orgies.6 Though such descriptions are

questionable when applied to Louisiana Voodoo, they do contain elements of truth. For

instance, one eyewitness of an early nineteenth-century St. John's Eve ceremony, whose

account was preserved in J. W. Buel's late nineteenth-century Sunlight and Shadow of

America's Great Cities, confirmed the presence of a female queen or high priestess, a

prominent male who assisted the queen, nude dancing, the use of a snake in the worship

of Voodoo Magnian, and apparent spirit possession in the form of dances designed to

resemble the writhing of snakes. In addition, before the dance began, the participants

shared in a grand feast. Voodoo ceremonies included more than just the St. John's Eve

dance, however. Buel, for instance, reported that July 19 was the beginning of a major

four-day festival for believers. Other large dances took place at midnight in Congo

Square, inside New Orleans.7


6Later scholars have questioned the sexual focus of the St. John's Eve dances.

7Long, Spiritual Merchants, 40-51; Cable, "Creole Slave Songs," 815-821; James
William Buel, Sunlight and Shadow ofAmerica's Great Cities (Philadelphia: West
Philadelphia Publishing Company, 1889), 516-542; Tallant, Voodoo in New Orleans, 3-
51. See also Blake Touchstone, "Voodoo in New Orleans," Louisiana History 13 (1972):
371-386, who argued that the dances had become a form of pseudo-Voodoo aimed at








Smaller ceremonies designed to honor the deities were also common in Voodoo.

Charles D. Warner witnessed one of these. One Voodooist held weekly gatherings on

Wednesday at noon, Warner observed. At the assembly he attended, a mixed group of

whites and blacks, with women predominating, sat in a circle around an altar. A statue of

the Virgin Mary with candles placed around it rested upon the altar. In front of it were

dishes of fruit, candy, and other offerings brought by the participants. To open the

ceremony, the presiding male Voodooist rapped on the floor three times. After doing so,

the group began to chant:

Dans6 Calinda, boudoum, boudournm!
Dans6 Calinda, boudoum, boudoum!8

Chants of various sorts continued throughout most of the ritual. While engaged in

singing, the leader of the assembly poured libations of brandy on the floor, then filled a

bowl with the alcoholic beverage, which he thereupon set alight. Afterwards, he dipped

the offerings from the altar in the flaming liquid. With his hands aflame, he tossed them

into the circle of observers, who were pleased if they were able to catch some. Next, the

leader brought up individual participants and covered their heads and faces with the

burning liquid. All told, the ceremony lasted for about an hour and a half.9

Voodoo-like religions survived in other places, as well, the most important of

these being part of northern Missouri along the Mississippi River. Among the religious



making money of whites by the late 1800s. If Touchstone is correct, this development
was the first example of tourist Voodoo.

8Charles Dudley Wamrner, Studies in the South and West, with Comments on
Canada (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1889), 69.

9Warner, 64-74.






74

rituals that survived were dances in honor of Grandfather Rattlesnake, doubtless linked to

the Voodoo Magnian of New Orleans Voodoo. Mary Owen, who studied Voodoo in

North Missouri during the late 1800s, described this dance as being done in the nude and

incorporating fasting beforehand, chanting, animal sacrifice, and communal feasting.

Owen likewise recorded fire and moon dances. They performed the latter in a circle,

revolving, at greater or lesser speeds, throughout the ritual. Unlike in New Orleans, self-

styled "kings" presided over these dances.'0

While Louisiana and nearby areas have long been recognized as the seat of

Voodoo, pre-Christian beliefs survived in other places as well. A heavily religious link to

conjure survived in Florida, where the syncretic religion known as Nafiigo was practiced.

Nafigo evolved primarily from Santeria, a Cuban folk religion." Florida, only ninety

miles from the island, received Cuban immigrants throughout its history. They arrived in

particularly large numbers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The

new arrivals blended their religious rituals with those of blacks already in the area and

others who arrived from other parts of the Caribbean or United States, including the

Bahamas and Haiti. The result was a Voodoo-like faith. As in the Voodoo of the French-

settled areas, Nafigo had its own pantheon of gods. We know even less of them,


'Mary Owen, "Among the Voodoos," 236-241.
1 In Cuba, "fiaftigo," was a term for a Santerian secret society. In the popular
mind, and sometimes in reality, these societies were deeply involved in the Cuban
underworld, making them widely feared as a criminal force. In Palmetto Country,
Stetson Kennedy defined Nafigo as only the most elite cult of the broader "brujeria"
faith. Kennedy's formulation more closely replicated the Cuban relationship of fafligo to
Santeria. Nevertheless, I have followed the practice of most early twentieth-century
authors (including Kennedy in another work) by using "Nafiligo" to represent the entire
faith. See Kennedy, Palmetto Country, 175-179, and Joseph M. Murphy, Santeria:
African Spirits in America, with new Preface (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993), 32-34.








however, than we do of those worshiped in New Orleans or along the banks of the

Mississippi River. Most of the sources addressing the religion come from the early

twentieth century, though they can be applied to earlier times. According to a report from

the 1930s, African-Americans in West Tampa performed ceremonies with drums. A

"devil," armed with a knife and carrying a chicken, would then appear and dance before

the participants. As with most accounts of New Orleans Voodoo, this description of

Nafiigo was almost certainly sensationalized and misinterpreted by an unfamiliar

investigator. Rather than a devil, the dancer more likely represented Shango, an

aggressive deity, popular in Santeria and other Caribbean religions. During the same

period, Felix Cannella collected a more credible account of Nafligo in Tampa while

working for the Florida Writers Project. According to Cannella, a usual Nafligo rite

began with chanting with participants seated in a circle surrounding a priestess known as

a "mama-loi." Those present then sacrificed a goat, into which a human spirit had been

magically transferred, followed by a feast on its raw flesh. During the rituals, the cry of

"Zombie" was frequent. Next, a priest, known as a "papa-loi," would dance with two

chickens, which he would then sacrifice, sprinkling their blood on the participants. Other

investigators of Tampa's Nafiigo documented the existence of several non-Christian gods,

such as Yemaya, a spirit of the air, and Elegba, an evil god. Marie Cappick, writing in

1958, stated that what she variously called "Voodoo," "Nanigro," or "Obeah"'2 survived

in the Florida Keys until the early 1930s. Among their activities were midnight

processions. Participants carried torches and wore burlap bags and animal masks. Other

practices of Key West's African-Americans strongly resembled those of New Orleans


2 Obeah is a Bahamian syncretic religion, similar to Vodou and Santeria.








Voodoo. According to Cappick, the "Voodooists" had a place of worship near South

Beach, called the Congo hall, where they gathered each St. John's Day. A queen presided

over these and lesser ceremonies. Julia, who came to Key West from Africa by way of

the Bahamas, was the best known of these queens. In a St. John's Day ceremony

witnessed by the author, elements typical of Louisiana Voodoo appeared, including

dancing, drumming, and animal sacrifice. In this case, a goat was the unfortunate victim.

Participants drank its blood. Without doubt, these descriptions of Nafiligo were

embellished for the benefit of white readers, but they attest to the existence of a non-

Christian faith among black Floridians.3

Unlike the Latin-settled regions, the Anglo zone had comparatively few pre-

Christian beliefs which supported conjure. Of course, scattered elements of the old

religions persisted. For example, until the early twentieth century, African-Americans

along the Georgia coast prayed to rivers when undergoing baptism, asking the waters to

wash away their sins. Although some elements of pre-Christian belief persisted,

conjurers did not typically serve as religious leaders. Preachers who doubled as root

doctors were, however, far from unknown. In fact, some Atlantic coast blacks believed

that conjure was inimical to Christianity and attributed the root workers' power to evil

forces, including the devil. Such was the case with former slave Ank Bishop of





"3Lopez, Florida Writers Project, 2-3; Canella, Florida Writers Project, 1-3;
Cappick, 9 May 1958, 7; 16 May 1958, 7; Ralph Steele Boggs, "Spanish Folklore from
Tampa Florida," Southern Folklore Quarterly 1 (1937): 1-12; Stetson Kennedy, "'4affigo
in Florida," Southern Folklore Quarterly 4 (1940): 153-156; 0. H. Hauptmann, "Spanish
Folklore from Tampa Florida: (No. VII) Witchcraft," Southern Folklore Quarterly 3
(1939): 197-200.








Livingston, Alabama. He announced, "But I'm a believer, and this here voodoo and

hoodoo and spirits ain't nothing but a lot of folks outen Christ."'14

What was different about the Anglo-influenced zones which made them less

hospitable to African deities? Ultimately, a combination of black-to-white ratios,

importation of slaves from the Caribbean, and European religious differences provided

the answer. The territory around New Orleans and the South Carolina and Georgia Sea

Islands, both of which were major centers for hoodoo, had high black-to-white population

ratios during antebellum times. This fact doubtless contributed to the persistence of

magic in both Latin and Anglo zones. In addition, the concentration of African-

Americans made the continued celebration of large-scale religious rituals more viable.

Black-to-white ratios alone, however, cannot explain the religious differences between

the Latin and Anglo cultural areas. For instance, the Sea Islands, where blacks often

outnumbered whites several times over, had a much higher percentage of blacks than did

New Orleans, South Florida, or Missouri, all of which showed greater pre-Christian

survivals during the nineteenth century.'5




"4Georgia Writers' Project, Savannah Unit, Drums and Shadows, 113, 125, 131;
Joyner, 144-150; B. A. Botkin, ed., Lay My Burden Down: A Folk History of Slavery
(Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1945), 39.

"Louisiana, for instance, had an almost equal number of blacks than whites in the
decades preceding the Civil War. Whites outnumbered blacks by about 7,000 in 1860,
though in preceding decades, the slight imbalance had leaned in favor of African-
Americans. Florida, in contrast, was sparsely populated, with the over 77,000 white
Floridians outnumbering African-Americans by around 15,000. In Missouri, the
imbalance was much greater, with whites outnumbering blacks by about 5 to 1 in 1820,
increasing to almost 9 to 1 in 1860. For more details, see Roller and Twyman, s.v.
"South Carolina," by George C. Rogers, Jr., "Louisiana," by Allen J. Begnand, "Florida,"
by Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., and "Missouri," by M. James Kedro and Lyle W. Dorsett.








In addition to high black-to-white ratios, both the Latin area and English South

Carolina had imported many of their slaves from the Caribbean islands. African-

European syncretic religions had developed there owing to an even more pronounced race

imbalance and frequent negative population growth rates. Planters required continued

importation of native Africans to support the profitable sugar trade on which the islands'

economies relied. In the case of New Orleans, an influx of several thousand Haitian

slaves between 1806 and 1810, following a successful slave-led revolution in the French

colony, certainly spurred the growth of Voodoo in the area. Moreover, the Haitians'

arrival in New Orleans took place at a time when 75 percent of American slaves were

born in the United States. An even more pronounced case prevailed in Florida. There,

black Cubans began arriving in large numbers during the late nineteenth century to escape

revolutions, persecution, and economic hardship. The Anglo coast had received no such

sudden wave of immigrants. Nevertheless, ratios and late Caribbean immigration cannot

explain the vitality of pre-Christian religion in the Latin zone. Even in New Orleans,

Voodoo had been strong long before the large-scale arrival of Haitian refugees. In the

twenty years preceding 1800, Louisiana's European governors banned the importation of

slaves from Martinique and Haiti, then known as Santo Domingo, for the express purpose

of preventing the growth of Voodoo, already perceived as a social problem.16


6Sylvia R. Frey and Betty Wood, Come Shouting to Zion: African-American
Protestantism in the American South and British Caribbean to 1830 (Chapel Hill and
London: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 63-148; Herbert Asbury, The French
Quarter: An Informal History of the New Orleans Underworld (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, Inc., 1936), 254-283; Hurston, "Hoodoo in America," 317-319; Pitkin, 194-196;
Cable, The Grandissimes, 182, 184; Alfred Metraux, Voodoo in Haiti, trans. by Hugo
Charteris and with and Introduction by Sidney W. Mintz (New York: Schocken Books,
1972), 323-358; Michael A. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: The
Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South (Chapel Hill








A final factor in preserving the religious element of conjure was the Latin area's

Catholicism, which allowed blacks to continue to worship their ancestral gods under the

guise of saints, a common practice in Haiti, Cuba, and the other Caribbean islands from

which the slaves hailed. The reason for this was whites' antipathy to Voodoo and related

religions, which they feared as witchcraft and a potential source of revolution. The

practice of identifying gods with saints grew stronger once the blacks arrived in America,

where they made up a smaller percentage of the total population, allowing whites to keep

a much closer watch over them. For example. Papa Lbat, one of the chief Voodoo

deities, was identical to the Catholic St. Peter. Likewise, St. Michael, the archangel, was

the same as Voodoo Magnian, also known as Blanc Dani or Danny, known for his

serpentine form and his power over storms. Over time, the rationale for the practice of

hiding gods under the names of saints disappeared, and for all intents and purposes, the

gods and saints became the same. Adherents considered themselves Catholics, while

continuing to serve the old gods. Unlike Latin Catholicism, English Protestantism had no

saints, making it more difficult for blacks to preserve their old pantheon under new

names. 17

The greatest regional distinctions in conjure appeared in the spiritual foundations

from which practitioners derived their power. In the Latin cultural area, these took the

form of deities. Voodoo's pantheon of gods did not simply receive the worship of their

devotees. Instead, they actively aided conjurers in their spells. Helen Pitkin's An Angel



and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 23; Boggs, 1-4. See also
Porteous, 48-63.

17Frey and Wood, 63-148; Gomez, 23.






80

by Brevet described two New Orleans hoodoo rituals which incorporated petitions to and

possession by a variety of gods, including Blanc Dani, Liba, and Vert Agoussou. George

Washington Cable recorded similar spells in The Grandissimes. Hoodoo doctors chose

which gods or goddesses to address based on their particular qualities. For instance,

according to Cable, in matters of the heart, conjurers' told their clients to call upon

Monsieur Agoussou, god of love, and Assonquer, the deity of good luck, to ensure that

the object of their affections would reciprocate. In order to persuade gods to accept tasks,

supplicants were to make offerings and otherwise seek to please them. Those who sought

the aid of Agoussou wore red, which was thought to be the favorite color of the deity. In

matters of money, supplicants could positively influence Assonquer by offerings of pound

cake, cordial, and sugar cane syrup. In order to know whether Assonquer had accepted

the offerings, clients burned green candles set in tumblers filled with syrup. If the flame

burned brightly, the god had accepted. If not, his help was doubtful. Areas outside New

Orleans likewise called on such beings. For example, Missouri Voodooists called on

Samunga when gathering mud, presumably for charms and spells."8

The Anglo cultural zone, in contrast, had no pantheon of deities to call on for

magical purposes. Instead, hoodoo doctors in these areas were more likely to call on the

Christian God for aid. Such was the case with William Adams. According to Adams,

God supplied all of his powers, which he first came to experience as a small child before

the Civil War. Adams further elaborated, explaining that God chiefly gives the power to

cast out or keep away evil spirits and the devil. He exercised his sway over evil through



"Pitkin, 185-213, 260-292; Cable, The Grandissimes, 99-101,135, 182-184, 257,
272, 311,447; Mary Owen, "Among the Voodoos," 241-242.






81

the power of faith, though often utilizing charms, such as salt and pepper carried in a sack

hanging from a person's neck, a sovereign mixture for repelling malevolent spirits. The

practice of attributing the power of conjure to God was widespread throughout the

English-influenced areas. Students at Virginia's Hampton Institute reported that

conjurers usually cited God as the source of their abilities. One 1897 article made clear

the pervasiveness of this view. The reporter observed that a particular conjure woman

"said she had special revelations from God, as do all the conjure doctors I have ever heard

of."'19 Belief in the Christian God was typical in the Latin zone as well, even among

believers in Voodoo. Followers of the religion knew Him as Bon Dieu, meaning "Good

God" in French. Surprisingly, calling on God for magical aid was rare in New Orleans

Voodoo. While most recognized God as the supreme deity and prayed to Him in the

typical Catholic manner, most thought Him too lofty and detached from the world to be

called on in magic.20 On the border of the Latin cultural area, God was more prominent

in magic.2' Mary Alicia Owen, for instance, recorded that part of the preparation of a

"luck-ball" required an incantation opening with the words, "The God before me, God

behind me, God be with me," and ending, "I call for it in the Name of God."22

While hoodooists in the Latin cultural zone typically attributed the power of

conjure to pre-Christian deities and most conjurers in the Anglo area preferred to credit


19"Some Conjure Doctors We Have Heard Of," 37.
20This concept of God is the same in Haitian Vodou. See Metraux, 83-84.

21Adams, Rawick, ed., supplement 2, vol. 2, 16-22; "Some Conjure Doctors We
Have Heard Of," 37-38; W. and C., 38-39; Cable, The Grandissimes, 453-456,468; Mary
Owen, "Among the Voodoos," 232-233.

22Mary Owen, "Among the Voodoos," 232-233.






82

God, a third source sometimes appeared throughout both regions. This was the devil of

Christian belief. Many non-conjurers attributed all hoodoo to him. William Adams, who

claimed his powers from God, affirmed that others gained their power from evil sources.

Likewise, an anonymous contributor to the Southern Workman reported on a conjurer he

knew, who supposedly learned magic by consulting the devil. In some cases, nineteenth-

century hoodoo doctors agreed, though open admissions of leagues with Satan were rare.

In the early twentieth century, Zora Neale Hurston discovered one such practitioner, who

she called Dr. Barnes. Before undertaking spells, Barnes would go to a fork in the road at

midnight, where he prayed to the devil for success in his spells. More typical than Dr.

Barnes were those who accepted power from the hands of both God and the devil.

Although Christian theology typically depicts the devil as the opposite of God, to

pragmatic conjurers, either could be relied on for aid. The nature of the work to be

accomplished was the determining factor in hoodooists' choice of spiritual being. This

practice was usual for Missouri hoodooists. "King Alexander," the most renowned of the

conjurers interviewed by Owen, claimed to be able to control the devil, using him in the

making of "bad tricks." For charms designed to bring positive results, he called on God

for aid.23

The means of acquiring supernatural powers were as varied as their sources, but

they fell into three categories. First, some hoodoo doctors were specially gifted with the

ability to conjure. Such was the case with William Adams. He answered an interviewer


"23Joyner, 144-150; Adams, Rawick, ed., supplement 2, vol. 2, 16-22; "Some
Conjure Doctors We Have Heard Of," 38; Herron, 117; Hurston, "Hoodoo in America,"
390-391; Mary Owen, "Among the Voodoos," 231-235. See also Livermore, 254-255,
who describes an exhorter/conjurer who prayed to both God in the devil during a church
service.








who had asked how he learned to conjure by saying, "Well, I's don' lam it. It come to

me. We'n de Lawd gives sich powah to a person, it jus' comes to them."24 Though such

blessings happened throughout the South, it was most common in the English-influenced

lands, where Protestant Christianity stressed familiarity with the Bible. To justify his

occult practices, Adams relied on the Bible, specifically citing Mark 3:14-15. The

scripture reads, "And he ordained twelve, that they should be with him, and that he might

send them forth to preach; And to have power to heal sicknesses, and to cast out devils."

For Adams, who claimed that the reason for his abilities was a spiritual gift to drive out

evil spirits, these verses provided scriptural proof of their existence. Other Biblical

teachings likewise favored the view that ability to conjure was an unsought blessing from

God. One such reference is 1 Corinthians 12. It describes such spiritual gifts as healing,

prophecy, tongues, and discerning of spirits to be manifestations of the indwelling Holy

Spirit, who gives them to individuals in order to make them productive servants of God.

Within a worldview that credited God or other supernatural beings with the ability to

confer magical aptitude on humans, people did not need to seek out the divine. It found

them. Most often, indications of being endowed with magical powers simply took the

form of certain signs attending the birth or life of the hoodoo doctor-to-be. Unusual

sequences of birth could indicate that one possessed inherent powers of conjuration.

Being a twin, the next born after twins, or the seventh son of a seventh son designated

many as trick doctors. Strange circumstances in the birth itself were another way for

blacks to recognize a potential conjurer. Being delivered feet first or with a caul over

one's face were two of the most commonly recognized of these signs. Other conjurers


24Adams, Rawick, ed., supplement 2, vol. 2, 17.








were readily identifiable by unusual physical features, such as light or different colored

eyes, red eyes, albinism, serious deformities or disabilities, strange birthmarks, or perhaps

the best-known peculiarity, blue gums. Not all divinely-gifted hoodooists were so from

birth, however. For example, in Conjuring Culture, Theophus H. Smith wrote that

Sojourner Truth, the famous antebellum black activist and religious leader, was a

conjurer, given prophetic powers as a gift from God through divine visions. Smith's

interpretation matched that of William Adams' understanding of God's magical role in

the world.25

While most conjurers welcomed divine gifts of magical powers, a few did not,

particularly when they came from beings other than God. One example of an unwilling

tool of the supernatural was Robert Williams. He was driven to conjure after three people

with whom he had recently had contact sickened and died. The black community of

Grovetown, Georgia, his home, refused to further associate with him. They accused him

of possessing evil powers. The result was that he had to move outside the town and earn

a living through the practice of magic. A particularly powerful story of one who tried to

flee his assigned role as a hoodooist was that of Donis, a late nineteenth- or early

twentieth-century conjurer. Having no aspirations to practice hoodoo, he unsuspectingly:

picked up a hat that had been blown from another negro's head in a
whirlwind. He handed the hat back to the man. A few hours later the
owner of the hat stooped to untangle the traces from his black mule's leg.
He was laughing. The mule became frightened and kicked the man to


25Adams, Rawick, ed., supplement 2, vol. 2, 17; Joyner, 83, 146, 284; Raboteau,
146; Herron, 117; Smith, 162-174; Sojourner Truth, Narrative of Sojourner Truth, a
Northern Slave, Emancipated from Bodily Sevitude by the State of New York, in 1828, in
Slave Narratives, ed. William L. Andrews and Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Library of America
Series, no.114 (New York: Literary Classics of the United States, Inc., 2000), 567-676;
Puckett, 214-215.








death. He had died laughing aloud, and his death was attributed to Donis
who had taken the hat from the devil in the whirlwind. Men would no
longer work around him. He could not get a place to stay or eat.
Eventually he was forced to live away from his fellows... and follow
conjuring as a trade.26

Fortunately for nineteenth-century African-Americans, the experiences of Williams and

Donis were uncommon, and the temporal rewards of hoodoo were often enough to

persuade even the reluctant to embrace their position.27

Inheritance of supernatural abilities from forebears was a second means of

obtaining the ability to conjure. Before the Civil War, slaves generally held that native

Africans possessed supernatural powers by virtue of the land of their birth. In New

Orleans, Dr. John Bayou claimed to be the child of a Senegalese prince. Without doubt,

he was a native African, as witnessed by ceremonial scarring on his temples and cheeks.

His ancestry helped him build a reputation as a mighty Voodoo sorcerer that warranted an

obituary in Harper's Weekly upon his death in 1885. Belief in the magical aptitude of

native Africans was not confined to the Latin cultural area, however. The Georgia

Writers Project, under the aegis of the Works Progress Administration, found that belief

in their supernatural abilities was widespread among the state's coastal blacks as late as

the 1930s. Charles Hunter, an African-American resident of Harrington, Georgia, told of

a conjurer he knew as a boy. The conjurer, one Alexander, was African-born, a

circumstance that he claimed gave him the ability to harm others, cure all diseases, and

even fly. The latter, Alexander maintained, was an ability possessed by his entire African



26Bass, "Mojo," 83.

"Bass, "Mojo," 83; Steiner, "Observations on the Practice of Conjuring in
Georgia," 178-179.




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