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Women in motion

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Title:
Women in motion dance, gesture, and spectacle in film, 1900- 1935
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Coffman, Elizabeth Ann
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English
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vii, 215 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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Dance ( jstor )
Dance history ( jstor )
Dance movement ( jstor )
Femininity ( jstor )
Film criticism ( jstor )
Gestures ( jstor )
Modern dance ( jstor )
Movies ( jstor )
Narratives ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- English -- UF
English thesis, Ph. D
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bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1995.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-214).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Elizabetn Ann Coffman.

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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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WOMEN IN MOTION:
DANCE, GESTURE, AND SPECTACLE IN FILM, 1900-1935












By

ELIZABETH ANN COFFMAN












A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1995






































Copyright 1995

by

Elizabeth Ann Coffman














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to start by thanking a number of people whose

early influence started me down the graduate school path:

Frank Lentricchia, whose courses and counsel at Duke

University encouraged me to try graduate school, for better

or worse; Jane Desmond, whose modern dance and video courses

opened my eyes to the potential of interdisciplinary

thinking; David Paletz, who taught the wonderful "Politics

and the Media," my first film course. At the University of

Florida I have to thank several members of the faculty of the

English Department. Robert Ray and Greg Ulmer both taught me

the value of the avant-garde as a model for writing and

teaching. Dan Cottom, Elizabeth Langland, John Leavey, and

David Leverenz also inspired me in innumerable ways.

Finally, I wish to acknowledge the members of my committee

for all of the help and support they provided me during my

extended tenure as a graduate student. Maureen Turim's

direction always inspired me to push myself further. Her

understanding of the issues informing film studies encouraged

me to keep refining my work, and her patience helped me to

finish it. Caryl Flinn's wonderful teaching and editorial

advice gave initial shape to this project, and her humor kept

me going. Scott Nygren always found insightful connections

iii














within my work and showed me how to teach a video production

course. Mark Reid fortunately remained on the committee long

enough to provide many helpful suggestions. Kim Emery quite

graciously helped me out in my hour of need. The friends of

FemTV helped me to maintain my sanity, especially Aeron

Haynie, Donna Mitchell, and Michelle Glaros. I wish

particularly to thank the Graduate School of the University

of Florida for a Graduate Fellowship, which allowed me to

finish my dissertation. I am also indebted to the English

Department for providing travel funds to do archival work in

New York. To my parents, I owe thanks that I can never fully

return. This dissertation belongs to them in many ways.

Nick and Katie arrived just in time to make it all

meaningful. And finally, to Jeff, who made it all possible.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS


page


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .....................................

ABSTRACT ............................................

CHAPTERS


1 INTRODUCTION ............ .................. 1

2 TELLING MOTIONS: LOIE FULLER, AND THE
"INTERPENETRATION OF ART AND SCIENCE"....... 35

3 EXPRESSIONISTIC GESTURES: LILLIAN GISH
AND THE IMPACT OF MODERN DANCE IN THE WIND.. 79

4 THE AMERICAN CHORUS GIRL IN WEIMAR GERMANY:
LOUISE BROOKS, PANDORA'S BOX, AND KRACAUER'S
"THE MASS ORNAMENT"........................ 117

5 UNCANNY PERFORMANCES IN COLONIAL NARRATIVES:
JOSEPHINE BAKER IN PRINCESS TAM TAM......... 163

6 CONCLUSION ................................... 200


REFERENCES ............................................

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. ................................


















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


WOMEN IN MOTION:
DANCE, GESTURE, AND SPECTACLE IN FILM, 1900-1935

By

ELIZABETH COFFMAN

DECEMBER 1995

Chairperson: Dr. Maureen Turim
Major Department: English

The image of the woman in motion provides a particularly

fluid, spectacular, and conflicted icon for representing

women during the first several decades of this century. From

the avant-garde status of Loie Fuller's "Fire Dance" to

Lillian Gish's modern dance connections, from Louise Brooks's

chorus girl background to the "exotic" fascination of

Josephine Baker, the woman in motion generates

multidisciplinary interest. I have selected the figure of

the woman in motion because she suggests that ambiguous

distinction between actual and virtual gesture, between

moving and dancing, between women and "Woman." My

dissertation considers the signifiers of gesture and dance

from an historicized semiotic perspective. Fuller, Gish,

vi














Brooks, and Baker all demonstrated movement styles that

reflect the influence of modern dance. The gestures and

dances of these four women provide a starting point that I

read against an iconographic "grid" drawn from art movements,

actors' manuals, modern dance, physical culture,

autobiography, cultural theory, and film theory.

The dissertation begins with the scientific appeal of

Loie Fuller's modern dance under electric lights and ends

with the primitivism of Josephine Baker's performance in

Princess Tam Tam. This trajectory suggests a modernism that

moves from an infatuation with the new science and technology

to a rejection of it, from a jingoistic national rhetoric of

the body to a troubled post-colonial identity. Threaded

through this trajectory travel images of the woman in motion,

fluid signifiers of femininity that defined as much as they

were defined by the modern experience. The nature of the

reception of these four women' performances reflects the

contradictory desires involved whenever women in motion

function as icons for modernity. Out of these contradictions

emerge moments of identification that offer the possibility

for a more progressive kind of feminine "syntax," for another

way of speaking feminine difference.














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION


A modern woman, filled with the modern spirit.
she is no virgin, silly and ignorant of her
destiny; she is an experienced but pure woman,
in rapid movement like the spirit of the age,
with fluttering garments and streaming hair,
striding forward. That is our new divine
image: the Modern.1

When Eugen Wolff used these words in 1888 to define "die

Moderne," he initiated the use of the woman in motion as an

icon for the artistic, philosophical, and cultural movements

affiliated with Modernism.2 Wolff's description reflects an

attitude about women, modernity, and motion that can be

traced for several decades throughout Europe and the United

States, in art movements and critical discourse, in painting,

photography, film, and theater. His description helps to

explain the turn-of-the-century popularity of women such as

Isadora Duncan and Loie Fuller, who shocked the public with

their translucent costumes and bare feet, and entranced it




1 Quoted in Malcolm Bradbury and James McFarlane,
Modernism: 1890-1930 (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1974), 41-
42; Also quoted in David Davidson. "From Virgin to Dynamo:
The 'Amoral Woman' in European Cinema,"Cinema Journal 21,
no.l (Fall 1981), 44.

2 Bradbury and McFarlane cite Wolff as the inventor of
the term "die Moderne," but they do not comment on his use of
a woman as icon for Modernism.
1











with their movements. The woman that Wolff represents offers

a vision of female spectacle that was inherently ambivalent:

"she is no virgin," and yet she is "pure." She carries with

her the implicit contradictions involved whenever woman

functions as spectacular icon for male consumption. She

remains, on one level, a feminine Muse, the inspiration for

masculine creativity, but lacks herself, the qualities that

define the Romantic and Modern conceptions of artistic

genius.3 On another level, though, this "New Woman" acquired

signifiers of action and confidence that seem distinctly

different from images of Victorian restraint.4 She is

represented in "rapid movement .striding forward," as an

image that invoked the "spirit of the age," and that

associated gestures with both sexuality and technology.

Writers, artists, and scientists proclaimed her figure to be

"modern," not only because of the changing signifiers of

femininity, but also as a result of the transformation of her

movements through the technology of the camera.

I define the term "icon" both in terms of the dictionary

meaning of an image or object of "uncritical devotion," and

in the linguistic sense, defined by Charles Sanders Peirce,

3 Christine Battersby, Gender and Genius: Towards a
Feminist Aesthetic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1989): 35-42.

4 For a history of images of early twentieth century
women see Martha Banta, Images and Ideals in Cultural History
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1987); Lois W. Banner,
American Beauty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).











as a sign that bears a strong visual resemblance to what it

represents.5 By using Peirce's sense I locate the woman in

motion firmly within a field of visual representation that

includes painting, photography, and film. But the woman in

motion generated effects far beyond the representation of her

image, effects that are present in the writings from the turn-

of-the-century through 1935, and that identify the woman in

motion as an icon in the more classical sense. The

circulation of the image of woman as sign during this period

reflects the changing status of signs as much as the changing

status of women; both are defining markers of modernism.

The meanings and origins of modernism and its effects

are a hotly debated issue; my thesis brings together two

strains of this debate. The first strain focuses on

modernism as defined through changes in visual culture due to

new technologies originating in the nineteenth century but

developed in the twentieth. The second considers changes in

the meaning of the "modern woman" as she is defined by her

bodily movement. Following Jean Baudrillard, Jonathan Crary

argues that modernity involves the nineteenth century

observer in a different relationship to signs.6 The sign's

5 Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary
(Springfield: Merriam-Webster, Inc., 1985); Charles Sanders
Peirce, Elements of Logic, Vol. II, ed. Charles Hartshorne
and Paul Weiss (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932).

6 Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision
and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1990).











new-found arbitrariness, its ability to circulate and

exchange, establishes a new field of movement, one in which

the visibility of bodies, products, and transportation is

made possible by the invisibility of other types of movement,

such as the movement of film through a projector or capital

through a market.7 What ties these two strains together is

the fascination with motion itself: the motions or movements

of bodies, money, images. The modern woman fits into this

circulation in a variety of ways. She becomes both object of

exchange and consumer of products. The modern woman's new-

found public visibility at the end of the Victorian era

alters her relationship to spectacle. Suddenly, women were

walking in the street and "steppin' out" on the town.8 They

were joining the work force and attending the cinema in

record numbers. During the years leading up to World War II,

a signifier of modern woman, whether she was a factory

worker, a prostitute, an "American girl," or a dancer, was

that her body was in motion.9


7 The "arbitrary" sign that Crary invokes is taken from
Jean Baudrillard's work in Simulations, trans. Paul Foss (New
York, 1983): 84-85. See Crary, 12.

8 Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and
Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1986); Lewis A. Erenberg, Steppin' Out: New
York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture:
1890-1930 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981).

9 For a consideration of the flaneur, or the
streetwalking prostitute, see Mary Ann Doane's work in Femmes
Fatales: Feminism, Film Theory, Psychoanalysis (New York:











It should be no surprise that the figure of the woman in

motion, particularly the dancing woman, comprised an early

and popular subject matter for the technologies of

photography and filmmaking.10 The dancer had already been

studied extensively in modernist painting, particularly in

Edgar Degas's work where his brush stroke technique, defying

the stasis of his materials, suggested the blurry movement of

the dancer.ll Eadweard Muybridge used dancers in his serial

photography motion studies to demonstrate how the dancer's

body moves while holding veils. His cameras framed the

dancer's movement against the modern background of a grid,

dissecting his subject's motion while aestheticizing it.12

Within a few years, Thomas Edison, in one of his early films,



Routledge Press, 1991).

10 See my discussion in Chapter Two of early examples of
women dancing, exercising, and performing acrobatics in
photography and film. See also, Robert C. Allen, Horrible
Prettiness: Burlesque and American Culture (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1991).

11 Griselda Pollock, Dealing with Degas: Representations
of Women and the Politics of Vision (New York: Universe,
1992).

12 Eadweard Muybridge, The Human Figure in Motion New
York: Bonanza Books, 1989; For a discussion of Muybridge's
use of the grid see Maureen Turim, "Designs in Motion: A
Correlation Between Early Serial Photography and the Recent
Avant Garde," Enclitic, VII:2 (Fall 1983): 44-54. See also
Marta Braun's work for connections between modernism and the
work of Degas, Muybridge, and the important motion studies of
Etienne-Jules Marey in Picturing Time: The Work of Etienne-
Jules Marey (1830-1904) (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1992): 264-319.











produced "The Serpentine Dance"(1894 or 1895) in his Black

Maria studio. The moving image could improve on the

photograph by representing the dancer's movements in "real

time," abstracting and fragmenting her body into

kaleidoscopic designs while maintaining an erotic economy of

vision. These new technologies provided the perfect

opportunity for creating a spectacle out of the already

popular figure of the dancing woman.

I have selected the figure of the woman in motion for my

title, rather than the woman dancer, because she suggests

that ambiguous distinction between actual gesture and virtual

gesture, between moving and dancing, between women and

"Woman." I examine a number of representations in film of

women in motion between the years of 1900 and 1935. These

years encompass approximately the period that Malcolm

Bradbury and James McFarlane take to be the most significant

in terms of Modernism, a term that they admit demonstrates

much semantic confusion, but that in general seems to include

qualities of Impressionism, Symbolism, Futurism, and

Expressionism, to name just a few of the significant art and

literary movements.13 Many of the artists during this period

either directly interacted with, or at least felt the impact

of the careers of the four women in my study. These years

also roughly correspond to the period in which, as Hillel


13 Bradbury and McFarlane, 19-57.











Schwartz defines it, a new "kinaesthetic" appeared, a new

awareness of the moving body and its meanings, as seen in

"harmonic gymnastics," modern dance, and film acting styles,

that counters the prevailing narrative about the

fragmentation of the modernist body.14 The period in which

these women lived is also highly significant because of two

other "movements": the women's movement and the first

several decades of film history.

The filmic image of the woman as dancer provides a

particularly fluid, spectacular, and conflicted trope for

representing women during the first several decades of this

century. From the the avant-garde status of Loie Fuller's

"Fire Dance" to Lillian Gish's modern dance connections, from

Louise Brooks's chorus girl background, to the African-

American dance style of Josephine Baker, the woman dancer

generates multidisciplinary interest. Fuller, Gish, Brooks,

and Baker are all dancer/actresses who have numerous

connections to art movements, cinema history, musical

theater, and modern dance. These women exhibited for

numerous critics from the turn-of-the-century through the

1930s one of the more ambigous qualities of modernism--the

movement of a body through the new spaces of the new century.

The woman in motion appears throughout the first several



14 Hillel Schwartz, "Torque: The New Kinaesthetic of the
Twentieth Century," Incorporations, ed. Jonathan Crary and
Sanford Kwinter, vol.6 (New York: Zone, 1992): 71-127.











decades of this century in writings and films, on theater

stages and posters. She is a figure who, like many other

performers, embodies those seemingly contradictory impulses

that lie at the heart of the spectacle of woman: the

collocation of attraction/repulsion, object/subject,

being/performing. Through the four women in my study, I

focus on the implications of the dancing woman as both

spectacular icon and iconic spectacle within the historical

context of the first several decades of cinematic

representation.

In the four chapters that follow, I consider dance in

film to be more than what occurs within a traditional "dance

number." In general, I use the term "gesture" to designate a

movement of the body that is not intended as performance;

likewise, I use the term "dance" to suggest performative

movement that can be identified as belonging to a particular

dance style. However, I also consider how gesture is coded

in ways that suggest the performative or how the movement of

a dancer/character within a film further blurs the

distinction between moving and dancing. Even when women are

not presented as "dancers" within a text, they are framed in

ways that suggest the performative.15 A woman walking down


15 See Gaylyn Studlar's article "Douglas Fairbanks: Thief
of the Ballets Russes" for a discussion of "dance-like"
movement that shares visual similarities to the Ballet
Russes. Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature as
Dance, ed. Ellen W. Goellner and Jacqueline Shea Murphy (New
Jersey: Rutgers Univesity Press, 1995): 107-124.











the aisle of a train in a film is often not merely walking.

At what point do her gestures become something more highly

coded than an effort to get from point A to point B? How do

her movements blur the line between walking and dancing? Is

she something more than a spectacle or a representation of

masculine desire?

Theorizing Dancing

Dance as a signifying practice has traditionally been

ignored and frequently denigrated by philosophers,

aestheticians, and film theorists. Within the past several

years, however, dance studies has emerged as an important

area of cultural and interdisciplinary studies.16 The

recently published Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory,

Literature as Dance includes essays that consider dance on

stage, in literature, film, and theory. These essays provide

ample evidence for the imaginative possibilities of writing

about dance, as well as an explanation for why dance has not

been taken seriously sooner, as it is difficult to pin down a



16 See the following articles in Bodies of the Text:
Dance as Theory, Literature as Dance, ed. Ellen W. Goellner
and Jacqueline Shea Murphy (New Brunswick,NJ: Rutgers
University Press, 1995): Jacques Derrida and Christie V.
McDonald, "Choreographies," 141-156; Felicia McCarren,
"St6phane Mallarm6, Loie Fuller, and the Theater of
Femininity," 217-230; Mark Franko, "Mimique," 205-216. See
also Choreographing History, ed. Susan Foster (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, forthcoming 1995); Felicia
McCarren, "The 'Symptomatic Act' Circa 1900: Hysteria,
Hypnosis, Electricity, Dance," Critical Inquiry 21, no. 4,
748-776; Carol J.Clover, "Dancin' in the Rain," Critical
Inquiry 21, no. 4, 722-747.











field that crosses so many disciplinary lines. Another

obvious reason for the erasure of dance stems from the fact

that, as an artform, twentieth century dance is one of the

few fields that is dominated by women who participate as both

choreographers and performers. Certain dance traditions,

such as ballet and Hollywood musicals, maintained a

patriarchal and racist division of labor, in which the

choreographers were almost always white males and the

performers female and/or "ethnic" others.17 But since the

turn of the century and the introduction of modern dance,

female and a few non-white choreographers have flourished on

stage and in film. Partially as a result of these changes in

status, feminist criticism, particularly feminist film

criticism, has contributed a great deal to theorizing the

body, and recently even more attention has been given to

dance.18


17 The Balanchine tradition is typical of this male
choreographer/female dancer split. Of course, there are a
number of important exceptions, such as Nijinsky, Fred
Astaire, and Gene Kelly, who should not be overlooked. For a
discussion of how Hollywood dancers such as Astaire and Kelly
appropriated African-American dance vernacular, see Carol
Clover's "Dancin' in the Rain." See also Chris Savage-King,
"Classical Muscle," Women's Review, No.2 (1985): 28-29; Roger
Copeland, "Towards a Sexual Politics of Contemporary Dance,"
Contact Quarterly, 7:3/4 (1982): 45-50.

18 Elizabeth Dempster, "Women Writing the Body: Let's
Watch a Little How She Dances," Grafts: Feminist Cultural
Criticism, ed. Susan Sheridan (New York: Verso Press, 1988):
35-54; Lucy Fischer, "Shall We Dance?" in Shot/Countershot:
Film Tradition and Women's Cinema (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1986); Susan Leigh Foster, Reading Dancing:
Bodies and Subjects in Contemporary American Dance (Berkeley:











Francis Sparshott claims that dance has been trivialized

within the field of philosophy because of the ephemeral

nature of the choreographic sign.19 The nonverbal status of

the dance sign accounts for the difficulty of notating dance.

Even music has a standard notation form, although its status

also suffers because its forms of expression are primarily

nonverbal.20 Sparshott admits that dance carries the taint of

the historically eroticized body of the dancer. Curiously,

he denies the fact that dance is excluded from the status of

the "fine arts," because it is considered a "female art." He

admits, however, that

there are contexts when one thinks of a female
dancer in a short white skirt. That is, one
identifies artistic dance with nineteenth-century
ballet and with dance forms derived from that, and
then personifies that form as a 'ballerina.' One
might then think of dance as being at once feminine
and fleshly in a derogatory way (because the short
tutu functions at least in part to satisfy the
voyeurs in the audience) and, hence, as


University of California Press, 1986); Andrew Goodwin,
Dancing in the Distraction Factory: Music, Television, and
Popular Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1992); Judith Lynne Hanna, Dance, Sex, Gender: Signs of
Identity, Dominance, Defiance, and Desire (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1988).


19 Francis Sparshott, Off the Ground: First Steps to a
Philosophical Consideration of the Dance, (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1988): 3-33.

20 See Caryl Flinn, Strains of Utopia: Gender, Nostalgia,
and Hollywood Film Music (Princeton: University of Princeton
Press, 1992); Susan McClary, Feminine Endings: Music, Gender,
and Sexuality. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1991.











artistically trivial, because that stereotyped
image of the girl under a spotlight at the focus of
the opera glasses is kitsch.21

Sparshott examines more than just the Western tradition of

dance, so his conclusions about the relative equality of male

and female dancers is more pertinent to non-Western cultural

practices. Nevertheless, he claims that "dances for women

are no more common than dances for men and dances for both

sexes together." I tend to disagree; dance's denigration has

everything to do with gender.

In philosophical thought and popular criticism, dance is

most often discussed in one of two ways: first, dance is

considered at the level of form and the dancer is judged by

the competency of her technique; or, second, dance is

interpreted through the generalized emotional states it seems

to represent. As Susanne Langer has demonstrated, out of all

art forms, dance in particular has critics that conflate

"imagined feeling" with "real emotional conditions."22

Dancers, choreographers and critics all seem to repeat the

same mistake, confusing "actual" gestures with performative

ones by assuming a transparency of emotion from dancer to

expressed movement. A similar point of contention exists in




21 Sparshott, 13.

22 Susanne K. Langer, "Virtual Powers" in What is Dance?
Readings in Theory and Criticism, ed. Roger Copeland and
Marshall Cohen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983): 31.











discussions about acting style.23 Is the actor really

experiencing the emotion she portrays? Or is she performing,

miming, or parodying emotion? Langer emphasizes that what

distinguishes dance as an "art," what gives dance its

"power," is that movement is self-consciously illusory. When

critics do not recognize the difference between being and

performing, she concludes, they set up a situation where

dance is first praised, but then later condemned because of

its close association with emotional expression. The

inability to separate from emotions is one quality that

Andreas Huyssen identifies with the denigration of mass

culture and its associations with the feminine.24 According

to Huyssen, the proponents of modernism attempt to separate

themselves from mass culture and the feminine by maintaining

a critical distance. Dance's apparent proximity to the

expression of emotion accounts in part for both its

"feminine" status and its exclusion from discussions about

modernism.

In order to consider gesture and dance in film from an

historical, semiotic perspective, I will return to some

early, but important articles in film studies, particularly


23 See James Naremore, Acting in the Cinema (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1988).

24 Andreas Huyssen, "Mass Culture as Woman: Modernism's
Other," Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass
Culture, ed. Tania Modeleski (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986): 188-207.











Roland Barthes's work in Image Music Text.25 Barthes

theorizes in "The Photographic Message" and "The Rhetoric of

the Image" that, from the moment of perception, the meaning

of an image is already "verbalized." An image of a body,

then, is not fully perceived until the word "body" is brought

into the mind of the viewer or, to use Peirce's term, into

the mind of the interpretant.26 Immediately upon perception

this body might, through what Barthes defines as "cognitive

connotation," be recognized through details, such as

leotards, tights, and bodily designs, as a "dancer." The

rhetoric of an image, for Barthes, depends on the codes that

define how individual elements of the photograph are brought

together, as in his example of the Panzani advertisement in

which tomatoes, onions, mushrooms, and the label "Panzani"

connote the signified "Italianicity."27 Depending on an

interpretant's knowledge and history of how various signs

connotes certain dance styles, an image of a dancer could

then be identified as "ballet dancer," "modern dancer" or

"vaudeville dancer." The work of both Barthes and Peirce

also implies that interpretations will vary, depending on the



25 Roland Barthes, Image Music Text, trans. Stephen Heath
(New York: Noonday Press, 1977).

26 Peirce, Collected Papers, vols. 1-8 (Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard University Press, 1931-1958), vol. 5, paragraph no.
475.


27 Barthes, 33.











historical, cultural, sexual, and racial experience of the

reader/viewer.28

In recent years semiotics has started to think through

the implications of the nonverbal status of gesture and dance

as they function within various texts, although less often

with reference to the question of sexual difference. Peter

Brooks, for example, in The Melodramatic Imagination provides

a helpful analysis of gesture in melodrama, which easily

applies to dance as well. In the chapter "The Text of

Muteness," Brooks writes that the "excess" created by the

ambiguous relation of the gestural sign to its signified is

marked "by a kind of fault or gap in the code, the space that

marks its inadequacies to convey a full freight of emotional

meaning. In the silence of this gap, the language of

presence and immediacy, the primal language is born anew."29

By taking the example of "muteness" in melodrama (moments of

emotional excess that can only be described in terms of

gesture, facial expression, or the "ineffable"), Brooks hopes

to clear a space for understanding the nonverbal sign.


28 For other work that begins from Peirce and then
delineates a sexually specific reader see Teresa De
Lauretis's Alice Doesn't: Feminism, Semiotics, Cinema
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984); For a revision
of De Lauretis's model that includes the racially different
reader, see Mark A. Reid's Redefining Black Film (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993).

29 Peter Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination: Balzac,
Henry James, Melodrama, and the Mode of Excess (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1985): 67.











However, he idealizes the "ineffability" of gesture by

concluding that it refers to a more primal, immediate, and

unified means of emotional communication that can never be

recovered. Muteness, gesture, emotionalism, primitivism, and

immediacy are all qualities that are also associated with the

"feminine." To assume that gesture (and consequently dance)

cannot "speak" is to reposition dance in the marginalized

space of feminine silence.

But how specifically does the viewer of gesture and

dance in film, recognize what they are seeing and place it

within their own or another historical context? When Brooks

discusses the "gestural sign" of the melodramatic text, he

refers to the work of A.J. Greimas on the semiotics of

gesture. Greimas's work involves an examination of "the

relation between a sequence of gestural figures, taken as the

signifier, and the gestural project, considered as the

signified."30 Greimas's "gestural project" appears to be a

more specific way of mapping the signifieds of gesture,

because it allows for intertextual connections. Another

writer who refers to both Brooks and Greimas in a reading of

gesture is Roberta Pearson in her important recent book,

Eloquent Gestures.31 Pearson also uses Greimas to set up an

30 Brooks, 70.

31 Roberta Pearson, Eloquent Gestures: The
Transformation of Performance Style in the Griffith Biograph
Films. Pearson compares the changes in gestural style in
Griffith films between 1908 and 1913 with exercises developed











intertextual reading strategy for interpreting gestural

differences in the melodramatic film texts of D.W. Griffith.

Pearson does not elaborate on the specifics of Greimas's

gestural project, even though she quite skillfully carries

out the type of reading model which he proposes. I wish to

fill in a few of the gaps about how this reading model for

gesture and dance might work.

In "Figurative Semiotics and the Semiotics of the

Plastic Arts," Greimas outlines a possible analytic approach

to the plastic arts, specifically painting. He begins by

establishing that in order for viewers to read a painting,

they inevitably apply a "reading grid" to the object:

It is this grid through which we read which causes
the world to signify for us and it does so by
allowing us to identify figures as objects, to
classify them and link them together, to interpret
movements as processes which are attributable or
not attributable to subjects, and so on. This grid
is of a semantic nature, not visual, auditive, or
olfactory. It serves as a "code" for recognition
which makes the world intelligible and manageable.
Now we see that it is the projection of this
reading grid--a sort of "signified" of the world--
onto a painted canvas that allows us to recognize
the spectacle it is supposed to represent.32

The code through which we identify figures or, in this case,

gestures or dance movements, results from our experience in



by the followers of physical culturalist, Francois Delsarte.
(I will discuss this model and my problems with it in Chapter
Three).

32 A.J. Greimas, "Figurative Semiotics and the Semiotics
of the Plastic Arts", New Literary History 20:3 (Spring
1989), 632.











the world. The "'signified' of the world," then, will depend

to some degree on our historical context as much as on our

own particular interaction within that context. Greimas

acknowledges that his reading grid is related to Barthes's

concept of "iconicity" in the "Rhetoric of the Image."33 The

important difference is Greimas's addition of the grid to

theorize how signifiers are brought together in a type of

cognitive architecture.

Here, then, we have a starting point for reading gesture

as semantic coding. The reader of gestural signs perceives

and cognitively organizes gestures through a grid that

provides culturally and historically specific referents. For

example, the movements of Loie Fuller's body and costume in

her film Fire Dance (1906) relates (both in terms of

iconicity and semantic coding) to photographs of Fuller skirt

dancing, the swirling designs of her Art Nouveau

representations, and the Futurist texts that document a

fascination with Fuller, electricity, and disappearing

bodies. By the same token, we could extend the idea of the

reading grid to include the many photographic and filmic

examples of dancers other than Fuller who were also veiled in

translucent material and moved in iconically similar ways, as

well as reviews and interpretations about the filmic



33 Greimas, 635; See also Roland Barthes, "The Rhetoric
of the Image," Image Music Text, trans. Stephen Heath (New
York: Noonday Press, 1977).











representation of the dancer. Greimas's reading grid allows

for both depth and ambiguity in interpreting gesture. Each

individual reader could construct an entirely different

reading grid. My project is to try and construct or, in some

ways, to reconstruct a reading grid that includes information

about dance, gesture, and women in motion from the period

between 1900 and 1935.

Another approach from film studies that in many ways

follows an interpretive strategy similar to Greimas's is star

studies. The best of these studies considers the

relationship between stars and a sexually and racially

specific and historicized spectator.34 Christine Gledhill

describes the interdisciplinary challenge of the star text in

ways that resonate with Greimas's reading strategy of

interpreting the "signified of the world":

A product of mass culture, but retaining
theatrical concerns with acting, performance and
art; an industrial marketing device, but a
signifying element in films; a social sign,
carrying cultural meanings and ideological values,
which expresses the intimacies of individual
personality, inviting desire and identification; an
emblem of national celebrity, founded on the body,
fashion and personal style; a product of capitalism
and the ideology of individualism, yet a site of
contest by marginalised groups; a figure consumed
for his or her personal life, who competes for



34 See Richard Dyer, Stars (London: BFI, 1979);
Christine Gledhill, ed., Stardom: Industry of Desire (New
York: Routledge Press, 1991); Shari Roberts, Seeing Stars:
Feminine Spectacle, Female Spectators, and World War II
Hollywood Musicals (Dissertation: University of Chicago,
1993).











allegiance with statesmen and politicians.35

Gledhill's description parallels in certain ways the

historicized semiotic approach that I take from Greimas's

notion of the "gestural project" and "reading grid." She

mentions many issues that are also raised through the four

"stars" upon which this project focuses, Loie Fuller, Lillian

Gish, Louise Brooks, and Josephine Baker. For each I apply a

reading grid that considers the gestural as a social sign

that draws its iconography from art movements, actors'

manuals, modern dance culture, autobiography, photography and

film, and cultural theory. My study, similar to many "star

studies," considers the importance of the interpellated and

sexually differentiated spectator as reader of these signs.36

Before I further outline my chapters, I will briefly

describe the various ways that film studies has analyzed the

signifier of the woman in motion, particularly the figure of

the woman dancer. Brooks's argument about the emotional

excess of gestural signs replicates many earlier discussions

from film criticism. Robin Woods, for example, in "Art and

Ideology: Notes on Silk Stockings," discusses "the film's

supreme expression of vitality through physical movement"

without ever mentioning the politics of sexual difference in

the film. His conclusions, while thoughtful, demonstrate an

35 Gledhill, xiii.

36 I do not discuss in much detail a racially different
spectator until Chapter Five's analysis of Josephine Baker.











uncritical and somewhat nostalgic approach to the figure of

woman as dancer that reflects the tendency to read the

signified of dance as excessive, feminized emotion.37 Marcia

Butzel acknowledges another difficulty with Woods's reading

of Silk Stockings in that, similar to many other analyses of

dance numbers, his analysis rests[] on an untenable

paradox: the dance sequence's definition (as a massive

rhetorical figure) depends on its separability from the

narrative; yet its significance depends on the way it

develops the narrative."38

In order to explain this paradox, other critics have

attempted to theorize more specifically how the excessive

nature of movement and dance functions in relation to the

narrative. Moments of excess could indeed be the one means

for escaping the dominant ideology of the Hollywood

narrative. Jean-Francois Lyotard in "Acinema" has argued

that cinematic movement generally functions within a

narrative economy that orients all movement in relation to a

system of value and exchange. However, he does concede that

certain types of movement, in particular, moments of

"immobility and excessive movement" work in avant-garde films



37 Robin Wood, "Art and Ideology: Notes on Silk
Stockings," Film Comment 11:3 (May-June 1975): 65.

38 Marcia Butzel, Movement as Cinematic Narration: The
Concept of Practice and Choreography in Film, Diss. Univ. of
Iowa, 1985, (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI, 8518810, 1985): 200.











to disrupt the economy of the Hollywood narrative.39 Tom

Gunning also formulates a thesis about the disruptive

potential of the "exhibitionism" of early cinema, which

includes dance performance, and compares the confrontational

and excessive quality of early cinema to similar qualities

advocated by certain avant-garde filmmakers.40 Describing the

dancing or gestural signifier as "excessive" or

"exhibitionist," however, still does not establish how dance

signifies, or how and in what ways these signifiers are

perceived and interpreted.

Richard Dyer's article, "Entertainment and Utopia,"

offers an interpretation of dance in film that allows for

both sexual difference and historical specificity. Dyer

questions the emotionalism associated with moments of excess

and spectacle in the Hollywood musical. He argues that one

might interpret a dance scene by the utopianismm [sic]

contained in the feeling it embodies--feelings which

correspond to the 'oomph,' 'pow,' 'bezazz' qualities of the

dance performance."41 Following Barthes, Dyer feels that it


39 Jean-Francois Lyotard, "Acinema," in Narrative,
Apparatus, Ideology, ed. Philip Rosen (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1986): 349-359.

40 Tom Gunning, "The Cinema of Attraction: Early Film,
Its Spectator and the Avant-Garde," Wide Angle 8: 3-4 (1986):
63-70.

41 Richard Dyer, "Entertainment and Utopia," in Movies
and Methods, Vol.II, ed. Bill Nichols (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1985): 220-232.











is important to investigate the codes of these emotions just

as we investigate emotional signs. This would mean placing

these codes within the "complex of meanings in the

socio-cultural situation in which they are produced." By

recognizing the importance of context in relation to the

codes of emotion (if we accept that emotion can be coded) and

by extension, the codes of dance or gesture, we can begin to

critique those theories of excess, such as Brooks', that rely

on mystifying notions of "primal communication." What should

not be forgotten with Brooks is the connection of excess (and

the emotional responses to it), to certain theories of

nostalgia and utopianism. As Dyer points out, nostalgia and

utopia are historically specific phenomena. With Dyer, then,

we see the beginnings of a theory of nonverbal signs (such as

dance or music) that includes a consideration of the

histories that embody expressions of emotion. A chorus line

of women on stage gains significance not only because of its

own symmetrical logic and relationship to the narrative, but

also because of its relationship to the historical contexts

of burlesque and vaudeville and to fantasies of utopian

community.

If dance and gesture as excessive signs possess the

potential to disrupt the narrative, then why has dance not

been considered more seriously for its radical potential?

The obvious answer to this question involves the relationship

of dance to female spectacle. Feminist film criticism has











handled the question of spectacle and its relation to the

female body in a number of compelling and sometimes

contradictory ways. One of the earliest and most influential

theories is Laura Mulvey's "Visual Pleasure and Narrative

Cinema."42 Mulvey, using a psychoanalytic framework, contends

that the role of the female body operates primarily as

spectacle in order to fetishistically reveal/conceal the

female's lack. Significantly, Mulvey uses the Ziegfeld

showgirl as one example of how the female body functions to

interrupt the narrative but never to participate actively as

a subject within it. The visual pleasure that the spectacle

of woman initiates is seen by Mulvey to be completely

subsumed within a phallocratic economy and consequently anti-

feminist. Mulvey states that this type of visual pleasure

must be destroyed in order to represent women's desires as

something other than the object of fetishistic voyeurism.

Her argument, however, leaves little room for theorizing the

female body on film as visually pleasurable.

Many other feminist film critics have taken up the

problem of the opposition between essentialist and anti-

essentialist theories of the female body in film.43

42 Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,"
in Feminism and Film Theory (New York: Routledge Press,
1988): 69-79.

43 See Re-Vision: Essays in Feminist Film Criticism, ed.
Mary Ann Doane, Patricia Mellencamp, Linda Williams
(Frederick, MD: University Publications of America, 1984);
Feminism and Film Theory, ed. Constance Penley (New York:











Essentialist arguments tend to seek out "positive"

representations of "woman" without necessarily thinking

through the masculinist implications built into the apparatus

itself. These arguments run the risk of naturalizing

"femininity" and thereby repeating the same patterns as the

patriarchal domination of sexual difference. Anti-

essentialist arguments such as Mulvey's, while providing an

insightful description of "woman" in relation to narrative

and the apparatus, seem totalizing in their very negativity,

leaving no possibility for a positive or autonomous

representation of "femininity" or "woman."

A number of feminists have already begun to think

through the essentialist/anti-essentialist debate by

reexamining some psychoanalytic tenets that do not take into

account the difference of the female body. Mary Ann Doane in

"Woman's Stake: Filming the Female Body" argues that in

order to "move beyond the opposition between essentialism and

anti-essentialism" we must take "the necessary risk" and

"construct a feminine specificity (not essence)" in relation

to language. The "stake" that Doane describes relates to the

"syntax which constitutes the female body as a term."44 The

Routledge Press, 1988).

44 Mary Ann Doane, "Woman's Stake: Filming the Female
Body," in Feminism and Film Theory, ed. Constance Penley (New
York: Routledge Press, 1988), 226. See also in the same
collection, Joan Copjec's "India Song/Son nom de Venise dans
Calcutta Desert: The Compulsion to Repeat": 229-243. Copjec
and Doane both refer to the sexually specific metaphors used











writings of Luce Irigaray also unravel a notion of gendered

"syntax," both in how she deconstructs the metaphors of

femininity in philosophy and psychoanalysis, and in the very

structure of her sentences.45 Irigaray refers to dance as an

example of how the "feminine" speaks with a different

syntax.46

Several important articles in film studies consider more

specifically the role of the dancer in film, most often in

the Hollywood musical. Lucy Fischer's "Shall We Dance?"

analyzes the role of Busby Berkeley's choreography in the

construction of the chorus dancer in Hollywood film. She

points to Berkeley's work in Dames (1934) as indicative of

Hollywood's dependence on certain "types," such as the

"blonde bombshell" or the "femme fatale." She argues that

"these are not 'career' specifications, as are the masculine

labels of 'gangster' or 'cowboy,' but rather categories of


in the process of anaclisis as a weak link in the apparatus
(cinematic and psychoanalytic) that "leans" on the metaphoric
construct of the body.

45 Luce Irigaray, Speculum of the Other Woman, trans.
Gillian C. Gill (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985);
This Sex Which Is Not One, trans. Catherine Porter with
Carolyn Burke (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,).

46 In her article "The gesture in psychoanalysis,"
Irigaray suggests that women enter language differently from
men. For example, "If they are too overcome by mourning,
they do not enter language at all they make their entry
by producing a space, a track, a river, a dance, a rhythm, a
song," 133. Luce Irigaray, "The gesture in psychoanalysis,"
Between Feminism and Psychoanalysis,ed. Teresa Brennan (New
York: Routledge Press, 1984).











sexual proclivity and physical demeanor."47 Signifiers,

including gestural ones, function within the codes of certain

stereotypes about woman as spectacle and certainly relate to

my understanding of the iconic nature of the woman in motion.

Even more specifically than Fischer, Maureen Turim notices in

"Gentlemen Consume Blondes" how Marilyn Monroe and Jane

Russell "maneuver their bodies in a perfectly matched and

coordinated assault" in the dance numbers of Gentlemen Prefer

Blondes (Howard Hawks, 1953). Turim argues for a reading

that reflects the contradictory nature of spectacle. She

points out that while Monroe and Russell are obviously

objectified, they also exhibit a competency and "cleverness"

that "provides the ambiguity which is essential to the

ambiance of the sophisticated tease." In a later "Addendum"

Turim suggests that dance movements need to be investigated

according to some "very abstract psycho-perceptual concepts

about the appeal of symmetry, rhyming and patterning within a

visual field" along with "historical analysis" about

relationships between women, particularly lesbian and "pseudo-

lesbian" ones.48

My approach to the dancer as spectacle in film will

start from these insights about the "ambiguity" of spectacle


47 Fischer, 137.

48 Maureen Turim, "Gentlemen Consume Blondes," Movies and
Methods, Vol. II, ed. Bill Nichols, (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1985): 369-378.











and the potentially disruptive syntax of the dancing female

body that remains sexually and historically specific without

being "essentially" female. I do not mean to suggest that

the figure of the woman in motion is always disruptive.

Particularly within the historical parameters of early

twentieth century performance, the figure of the dancing

woman functions as spectacle in both positive and negative

ways. From the very beginnings of film the body of the dancer

was a part of a male-oriented scopophilic economy. But I

also see moments during this period (1900-1935) when dance is

represented as a kind of visual pleasure that is initiated,

performed, and received by women. It is linked to other

cultural movements, such as the suffrage and the physical

culture movements. Unfortunately, Mulvey's assessment of the

woman as spectacle seems to hold true for much of early

cinematic representation. Part of the project for feminist

film criticism, however, has been to recover those seemingly

marginal moments that history erased in order to reaffirm the

sense that the consumption of these images was never a

monolithic or simple process.

The four women in motion that I chose to analyze all

have some background in dance training, all appeared in film,

and all were Americans as famous in Europe as in their own

country. Their filmic appearances span the years of 1906 to

1935, a period that is significant for a number of reasons.

First, these years cover primarily silent film; all of the











films I examine, except for Josephine Baker's Princess Tam

Tam (1935), are silent and depend heavily on non-verbal forms

of communication. During this same period, the suffrage

movement experienced its greatest success in gaining the vote

for women, and, by the mid-twenties, had already begun a

period of decline.49 Women, no matter how they felt about

feminist culture, became more "public" during this time than

ever before. They joined the work force, women's clubs, and

gymnasiums. The Flapper replaced the more wholesome American

Girl type and was instantly commodified by Hollywood and the

popular press.50 The figure of the woman became one of the

organizing archetypes for both modernist and avant-garde art

circles.51 And as the forces that resulted in World War II

exerted more pressure, all of the previously mentioned areas






49 See William Chafe's The American Woman: Her Changing
Social, Economic, and Political Roles, 1920-1970 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1972): 7-30.

50 See Banta's Imaging American Women and Sumiko Higashi,
Virgins, Vamps and Flappers: The American Silent Movie
Heroine (Montreal: Eden Press Women's Publications, 1978).

51 For a discussion of the distinction between modernist
and avant-garde art and the historical split between them
that occurred during the 1920s see my discussion in Chapter
Two. See also the "Introduction" to Modernity and Mass
Culture, ed. James Naremore and Patrick Brantlinger
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991): 1-23; Peter
Burger, Theory of the Avant-Garde (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1984); Andreas Huyssen, After the Great
Divide (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986).











became tinged with questions of nationalism and racism.52

These various histories will weave in and out of my analysis

of the woman in motion.

In the second chapter, "Telling Motions: Loie Fuller and

the 'interpenetration' of art and science," I read Fuller's

1906 film Fire Dance through a reading grid that crosses many

disciplinary boundaries. The grid I construct includes

images and ideas from figures such as the photographer,

Eadweard Muybridge, the Futurist, Filippo Tommasso Marinetti,

physical culturalist, Francois Delsarte, dancers and dance

critics, such as Rudolf Laban and John Martin, and cultural

theorists, such as Walter Benjamin. Their observations span

the years from the turn of the century to the mid-thirties,

and their perspectives on movement and modernism provide an

important backdrop for my entire thesis. In every area I

investigate in this chapter, I uncover an early modernist

belief that motions could "tell" or reveal knowledge about

the body. I question how this "telling" is often figured as

the result of what Delsarte described as the

"interpenetration" of art and science. The writers in this

study metaphorically transform the "artistic" into the

"feminine," the "scientific" into the "masculine," and their



52 See T.J. Jackson Lear's discussion of how fear of
physical superiority of the immigrant population during the
teens resulted in formation of WASP-only workout clubs. No
Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of
American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981).











reproductive offspring into the icon of Modernity--a girl-

child who fuses in her filmic motion sexuality and

technology. Loie Fuller's Fire Dance provides the filter for

my reading grid that focuses on the conflicted representation

of the woman dancer.

Chapter Three, "Expressionistic Gestures: Lillian Gish

and the Impact of Modern Dance in The Wind," investigates the

semiotics of filmic gesture and dance in Victor Seastrom's

The Wind (1928). I challenge the prevailing historical view

of film acting that projects an overly linear development

from the "histrionic" or "melodramatic" style of early cinema

to the more "realist" style of classical Hollywood.53 I argue

for a use of the term expressionistic gesture to describe a

gestural style that is neither simply histrionic nor realist

and is marked by its similarity to modern dance techniques.

Numerous actresses, Gish among them, studied modern dance as

a part of their training for film acting. Expressionistic

gesture appears in certain American and German films of the

twenties. I also suggest a link between expressionism,

modern dance and the physical culture movement during the

twenties, a connection which provides a reading grid for

Gish's performance in The Wind.

"Expressionistic Gestures" also pursues the links

between physical culture and nationalism during this period.


53 I take this terminology from Pearson's Eloquent
Gestures. See Chapter Two.









32

Numerous modern dancers invoked rhetoric in both writings and

choice of dance theme that signified "American." Character

choices portraying Native Americans, Shakers, and pioneer

women were as popular in modern dance as they were in film.

In The Wind Gish portrays a pioneer woman trying to make it

on the edge of a threatening desert landscape. Her body is

tossed back and forth across the screen by the ever present

but never visible force of the wind. The film establishes a

metaphor for the intersection of technology, the American

frontier, and the woman's body that attempts to negotiate

this uncomfortable crossing. This intersection materializes

in the expressionistic and dance-like quality of Gish's

bodily movement.

Chapter Four is entitled "The American Chorus Girl in

Weimar Germany: Louise Brooks, Pandora's Box, and Kracauer's

'The Mass Ornament.'" It considers the chorus girl as

embodied by Louise Brooks in George W. Pabst's Pandora's Box

(1928) and as theorized by Siegfried Kracauer in "The Mass

Ornament" (1927). Both Brooks's persona and Kracauer's use

of the Tiller Girls bring the figure of the American into the

Weimar context.54 This chapter questions the implications of

these trans-cultural texts that frequently connect the



54 Kracauer mistakenly describes the Tiller Girls as
American. They started in Britain and travelled around the
world forming schools of 'high-kickers'. See Derek and Julia
Parker's The Natural History of the Chorus Girl (New York:
Bobbs-Merrill, 1975).








33

iconicity of American culture to the patterns and designs of

the American chorus girl. Brooks's background as modern

dancer, Ziegfeld girl, and Flapper provide a provocative

reading grid for Pandora's Box. Her performance in the film

also challenges a completely negative reading of chorus girl

as spectacle. In "The Mass Ornament" Kracauer suggests that

the chorus line demonstrates a radical demythologizing

potential because of its iconographic resemblance to the

design and movements of the factory line. In this chapter I

argue that Pabst's framing of Brooks's movements exemplify in

another form the radical potential of the American chorus

girl.

In Chapter 5, "Uncanny Performances in Colonial

Narratives: Josephine Baker in Princess Tam Tam," I look at

a performer who shares much in common with Loie Fuller. Like

Fuller, Baker is another American performer who achieved her

fame first as a dancer in Paris and subsequently became the

toast of the Parisian art and entertainment worlds. Baker's

star persona was frequently associated with her racial

difference, but this "difference" undergoes a transformation

that subsumes her "Americanicity" to her "Africanicity."55

The mise-en-scene of both her stage performances and her

performance in Princess Tam Tam (Edmond T. Greville, 1935)



55 I refer here to Barthes's notion of the iconicity of
the image, specifically his use of the term "Italianicity" as
signified in the filmic image in "Rhetoric of the Image".











often associates her dancing with French "colonial" settings,

such as Tunisia. Following the theoretical work of Frantz

Fanon, Homi K. Bhabha, and bell hooks, this chapter

investigates the inherent instability of the ethnic

stereotype in colonial narratives as realized in the

performance of Baker in Princess Tam Tam. Using Freud's

description of the unheimlich, I argue that Baker's dancing

sets off a signifying chain that unsettles the white colonial

gaze, reminding the colonist that he is, in fact, disembodied

and not-at-home.

I turn now to this consideration of the woman in motion

within various historical texts between the turn-of-the-

century and World War II. The spectacular nature of this

figure's performances reflect the contradictory desires

involved in representing the woman in motion as an icon for

the modern age. From these contradictions moments of

identification emerge that offer the possibility for a more

progressive kind of feminine "syntax," for another way of

speaking feminine difference.














CHAPTER 2
'TELLING' MOTIONS: LOIE FULLER AND
THE 'INTERPENETRATION OF ART AND SCIENCE'



I explain to myself the great success of
Loie Fuller by the feeling she gives visions
of the infinite. She is not a woman of
flesh and bone and brown hair. She is an
apparition equal to those ideal creatures that
one perceives, restless, seductive and unreal
in the paintings of Mantegna. One's
eyes follow Loie Fuller who undulates and turns
like a dervish, as a child follows from afar the
slow flight of the dragonfly, whose iridescent
wings have exactly the changing reflections of
the robe of the American.1

One must go beyond muscular possibilities and aim
in the dance for that ideal multiplied body of the
motor that we have so long dreamed of. One must
imitate the movements of machines with gestures;
pay assiduous court to steering wheels, ordinary
wheels, pistons, thereby preparing the fusion of
man with the machine, to achieve the metallicity
of the Futurist dance.2

In 1917 Filippo Tommaso Marinetti wrote in the

"Manifesto of the Futurist Dance" that "we Futurists prefer

Loie Fuller and the 'cakewalk' of the Negroes" because of




1 M. Rastignac review, "Courriere de Paris," in
L'Illustration (Jan. 30, 1893). As quoted in Margaret Haile
Harris, Loie Fuller: Magician of Light, Exhibition at the
Virginia Museum, March 12-April 22 1979 (Richmond,VA: The
Virginia Museum, 1979), 26.

2 F.T. Marinetti, Marinetti: Selected Writings, ed.
R.W. Flint, trans. R.W. Flint and Arthur Coppotelli (New
York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1971), 138.
35











their "utilization of electric light and mechanisms."3 While

the aesthetics of either Loie Fuller or the "cakewalk" may

seem a surprising favorite of the Futurists, Fuller's

popularity with both Art Nouveau and Futurism indicates the

fluid nature of her representation. Fuller transcended

national lines as easily as art movements, travelling from

the United States to Europe, encountering the most respected

artists and thinkers of the turn-of-the-century. With "500

yards" of silky dress swirling around her body with the aid

of bamboo poles, Fuller created a public sensation by using

colored electric lights to silhouette her body. She

performed "with her troupe of ladies and corps of electrical

engineers" dances such as "The Firmament, The Fire, The Great

White Lily" on the same program with "her newest scientific

creation, Radium Dance."4

The transformation of the woman's body into flowers,

butterflies, and dragonflies, particularly Fuller's body, was

a favorite subject for the Art Nouveau movement of the turn-

of-the-century. According to Martin Battersby, Fuller

"personified what artists felt about Woman as an abstraction--






3 Marinetti, 138.

4 New York Public Library Dance Collection, Lincoln
Center. Program notes for Fuller performance in Keil,
Germany.











a vague, tantalising, ethereal vison."5 From a different

perspective, but with similar conclusions, Marinetti's

description of Fuller's choreography transformed her into the

"ideal multiplied body" of the Futurist dance, the

incarnation of "metallicity," and a vision of motion wherein

the body disappears.6 How does Fuller encompass both

movements, the first that was so oriented towards the

consumption of the female image embodied in lamps, jewelry,

and furniture, and the second that depicted the female body

through metaphors of machinery and invisibility? The answer

lies in what both movements appropriated from Fuller's

figure: the unusual way in which her bodily motion expressed

a modern femininity.

Fuller's many transformations reveal the complexity of

representations of women in motion during the period between

1890 and 1920 as well as the wide-ranging nature of early

modernism. A Fuller program combining a butterfly dance with

a dance about radium could only make aesthetic sense within

the performance context of the first several decades of this

century. What, then, do the many interpretations of Fuller's

5 Martin Battersby, The World of Art Nouveau (New York:
Funk and Wagnalls, 1968): 164-165.

6 See Marjorie Perloff, The Futurist Moment: Avant-
Garde,Avant Guerre, and the Language of Rupture (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1986). Perloff considers
Futurism as an international movement and includes French and
British artists along with the Italians and Russians during
the period before World War I. See also Michael Kirby,
Futurist Performance (New York: Dutton, 1971).











performance style during this period suggest specifically

about the woman in motion and particularly about the codes of

modern femininity? Is she, as Rastignac describes, "not a

woman of flesh and bone" but an "apparition?" Does her use

of electricity and mirrors embody the "metallicity of the

Futurist dance?" Or is she, as in the words of St4phane

Mallarm6, "the performer who illustrates many spinning themes

from which extends a distant fading warp .. ?"7

Loie Fuller's short film, Fire Dance (1906) offers an

unusual performance, which involved the disappearance of the

female body rather than the more typical vaudeville code of

striptease dancing. Did her disappearance actually reveal

something else about early Twentieth Century visual culture?

By using the film as a type of filter, I constructed a grid

of information that provides answers, but also new questions

about the culture that created the piece. The "information"

I selected consists of both images and textual comment and

emanates from a variety of sources. First, I examine closely

the belief held by critics of film and dance that the

application of film to the moving body (frequently female)

reveals a knowledge about the body (and the gender) that

could not previously be seen. Most of these critics were



7 Felicia McCarren, "St4phane Mallarm4, Loie Fuller, and
the Theater of Femininity," Bodies of the Text: Dance as
Theory, Literature as Dance, ed. Ellen W. Goellner an
Jacqueline Shea Murphy (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press,
1995): 217-230.








39

writing in the thirties at the end of the silent film period,

at a time when criticism from a variety of disciplines

explored the affinities between film and bodily movement.

Many of these writers, such as Walter Benjamin and Rudolf

Laban, published before the complete takeover of sound film

and thus concentrated particularly on the relationships

between the body, movement, and the camera. These critics

were not writing out of a cultural and historical void. From

the turn-of-the-century through the Thirties, women

participated in leisure activities and the work force in very

visible ways. Also during this period, the physical culture

and modern dance movements made their biggest impressions

both on the public and on representations of bodies exerting

force and expressing emotion.

A number of recent works helped to define the parameters

of this reading grid by considering the relationship between

emerging technologies, the woman's body, and modernism. In

"The Cinema of Attractions" Tom Gunning explores the

exhibitionist quality of early cinema and its connections to

both vaudeville and the avant-garde.8 Miriam Hansen discusses

in Babel and Babylon how the spectacle of early cinema, which

frequently involved the spectacle of a woman in motion

(dancers, acrobats, pornographic performers), provided an

excess of visual distractions, a defining marker of early


8 Tom Gunning, "The Cinema of Attractions," Wide Angle
8.3-4 (1986): 63-70.











modernist spectatorship.9 In "'when the direction of the

force acting on the body is changed; The Moving Image,'" Mary

Ann Doane considers the body of the prostitute in relation to

early technologies of movement, such as the train and the

cinema, and how these new technologies altered the spatial

and economic deployment of the woman's body.10 Griselda

Pollock also considers artistic representations of the

flaneur and the dancer in the public sphere in "Modernity and

the spaces of femininity."11 All of these writers draw

somewhat different conclusions about the relationship between

spectacle and new forms of knowledge about the body in the

midst of the "modern" condition; most necessarily comment on

the complicated interrelationship between vision, bodies, and

codes of femininity.12

Other recent books review historical materials that

document the important shift that occurred around the turn-of-

the-century in the representation of women and their new


9 Miriam Hansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in
American Silent Film (Cambridge: Harvard Univesity Press,
1991):23-59.

10 Mary Ann Doane, "'. when the direction of the
forct acting on the body is changed:' the Moving Image" Wide
Angle 7.1-2 (1985): 42-58.

11 Griselda Pollock, Vision and Difference: Femininity,
Feminism and the Histories of Art (New York: Routledge,
1988).

12 See Jonathan Crary's Techniques of the Observer: On
Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge:
MIT Press, 1990).











participation in work and leisure activities. Martha Banta

covers the iconography of women in literature, photography,

and popular journals up to 1910 and tracks the transformation

of the Victorian ideal into a number of modern "types," which

include images of women in motion.13 Kathy Peiss charts the

increasing participation of working class white women in

dance hall culture and at movie theaters throughout New York

City.14 Both books cite numerous examples of women in motion:

women dancing, women walking, women working in ways that

signified how modernity was transforming representations of

femininity.

An important part of my reading grid includes a brief

history of physical culture and its obsession with measuring

bodies in motion, along with a consideration of early film's

reflection of physical culture. The physical culture

movement helps to explain why the technologies of photography

and film were early on perceived as a quasi-legitimate means

of enacting the "interpenetration" of art and science,

particularly through the body of woman. This

representational enactment served as an ambiguous catalyst


13 Martha Banta, Imaging American Women: Idea and Ideals
in Cultural History (New York: Columbia University Press,
1987).

14 Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and
Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1986). See also Lewis A. Erenberg,
Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of
American Culture: 1890-1930 (Westport,CT: Greenwood Press,
1981).











for "scientific" studies of the body, for pornography, for

art, and for more popular documentation of women swimming,

dancing, and exercising.

Finally, the reading grid pursues Fuller's own career

and her relationship to the Art Nouveau and Futurist

movements. Artists from both movements appreciated Fuller's

modernism and appropriated her figure in ways that reflect

their interest in both her aesthetic and scientific

connotations. All of these ideas seemed necessary to

construct my reading grid for Fuller's film Fire Dance(1906).

While the idea of a grid may sound rigid, its structure

allows me to work through material in ways that I hope are as

fluid and as compelling as my subject matter. I do not wish

to suggest that this grid is a complete one. Nor would I

deny that other information could change my interpretation of

Fire Dance. The application of a reading grid does more than

simply provide "background" to my text; it acts as a filter

or lens and necessarily alters what goes through it. My

reading of Fire Dance and Loie Fuller is thus a wholly

motivated one that focuses on the nature of her femininity,

the quality of her movement, and a culture's reaction to

both.

The various descriptions of Fuller's work by Rastignac,

Marinetti, and Mallarmn together indicate a crisis of codes

defining the parameters of femininity during the early part

of this century. Alice Jardine has defined gynesis as the











"process" of "the putting into discourse of 'woman,'" a

process which Jardine argues is "intrinsic to the condition

of modernity." Representations of Fuller's image fit

accordingly into this "process" which first appropriates the

feminine and her "historical connotations" and then

introduces her into the new forms and technologies of

modernism.15 The appropriation of the image of woman as a

representative of modernism should therefore be treated

carefully. Masculine creativity has historically

appropriated feminine qualities as a primary source of

inspiration.16 Jardine's conception of gynesis, though, also

carries with it the potential for a radical reappraisal of

the feminine in the modern context. Fuller's performances, I

believe, demonstrate the double-edged nature of a woman's

attempts to redefine feminine movement through early modern

technologies.

Mallarme's writings on dance provide an exceptional

appropriation of Fuller's work, one that suggests the more

radical potential of gynesis. Felicia McCarren's work on

Mallarm6's "Crayonne au theatre" explores the "theater of

femininity" that Mallarme elusively weaves between the dancer

and the poet/spectator in his "sketches" on the ballet and


15 Alice A. Jardine, Gynesis: Configurations of Woman and
Modernity (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 25.

16 See Christine Battersby, Gender and Genius: Towards a
Feminist Aesthetic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1989).











other performers.17 For McCarren, Mallarm6's writing suggests

that Fuller's "dance allows to be seen not emptiness or lack,

but the 'nothing' which Mallarm4 locates at the heart of

theater" and, consequently, of femininity.'s By suggesting

that Fuller's type of feminine performance obliterates

sexuality while maintaining sexual difference, Mallarm6

abstracts the feminine without essentializing it. Fuller's

dancing, then, stages something other than what

psychoanalytic film theory might describe as the spectacle of

woman's lack.19 Her performance embodies a nothingness that,

for Mallarm6, composes the "ideal" theater, a feminine

theater, a theater of movement.

Fuller's theater of movement is best understood within

the context of turn-of-the-century attitudes towards the arts

and sciences. In this chapter I explore the belief that Loie

Fuller's dance performances embodied the intersection, or, in

the words of the Nineteenth Century movement theorist

Francois Delsarte, the "interpenetration" of the arts and

sciences, and, by extension, the "interpenetration" of both




17 McCarren, 217-227. See also Mark Franko, "Mimique,"
Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature as Dance (New
Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1995): 205-216.

s1 McCarren, 227.

19 See Laura Mulvey's argument and subsequent revisions
of "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema," Feminism and Film
Theory (New York: Routledge Press, 1988): 69-79.











feminine and masculine codes of performance.20 As Jonathan

Crary argues in Techniques of the Observer, "rather than

stressing the separation between art and science in the

nineteenth century, it is important to see how they were both

part of a single interlocking field of knowledge and

practice."21 Crary's "field," I believe, extends to include

"knowledge" about sexual difference represented in new

technologies of vision. Fuller, for example, promoted dance

pieces, such as her "Radium Dance," by enhancing the very

modern-sounding title with her innovative use of electronic

stage lighting.22 Fuller's use of colored electric lights on

her own body aestheticized the scientific novelty of

electricity and associated her figure with modernism. In

1906 she employed another new technology when she starred in

the hand-tinted film of her "Fire Dance."





20 See Genevieve Stebbins, Delsarte's System of
Expression (New York: Dance Horizons, 1977); Marion Lowell,
Harmonic Gymnastics and Pantomimic Expression (Boston, 1894);
Ted Shawn, Every Little Movement: A Book About Francois
Delsarte (New York: Dance Horizons, 1910).

21 Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision
and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1990), 9.

22 Her patented lighting inventions preceded the
experiments of the Futurist Appia by several years. See
video with Sally Sommer and Michael Kirby, "Visual Urge:
Scenic Innovations," in Eye on Dance Series, No. 220 (April
10, 1987), New York Public Library Dance Collection, Lincoln
Center.











Fuller's attraction to the "scientific," and its

connotations of masculinity helped to modernize and

legitimize Fuller's status as an artist. But most writers on

Fuller, such as Mallarme, discussed her in terms of her

"femininity," describing her particular femininity as both

"new" and "modern." Definitions of modernism before World

War I stretched far enough to include simultaneously the arts

and sciences, and, by connotation, the "feminine" and

"masculine" principles. Andreas Huyssen has argued that one

of the defining tropes of modernism was a distancing effect

that invoked a separation from mass culture, a separation

that also broke down along gender distinctions: the modern

artist as masculine inventor/creator, the consumer as

feminine mass culture.23 Fuller, however, crosses over these

lines and, in so doing, forces a different understanding of

the relationship between modernism and the woman in motion.

Her performances were praised as art and denigrated as mass

culture; likewise, she was praised as artist, scientist,

inventor, and "American." Malcolm Bradbury and James

McFarlane have argued, using the same metaphoric "coupling"

as Delsarte, that the Modern resulted from "the

interpenetration, the reconciliation, the coalescence, the

fusion. of reason and unreason, intellect and emotion,


23 Andreas Huyssen, "Mass Culture as Woman: Modernism's
Other," Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass
Culture, ed. Tania Modeleski (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986): 188-208.











subjective and objective."24 These binarisms seem more

explicitly "modern" when the distinctions between them are

blurred; when, for example, a figure such as Loie Fuller

moves her silky costume in a pattern that makes the

differentiation of either her aesthetics or her sex seem a

difficult and indefinite task.

Fuller's dancing woman provides a compelling and anxious

spectacle for the modern spectator. The intricacies of her

movements subsume (but do not fully erase) the question of

her sexuality. As Martha Banta has suggested about Fuller

and other dancers at the turn-of-the-century, "Female

celebrities did not call upon sexuality for effective self-

display. Rather they enhanced their popularity by being

shapes in motion."25 Banta's quote illustrates how motion

itself was as fascinating to the public as overt erotic

display. Fuller's body in motion signified action and

competency as much as a type of artistic spectacle. For the

turn-of-the-century public, Fuller's control over her stage

and her career signified that she qualified as a "modern

woman." But the images of her bodily movement generated the

equally modern anxiety of the dissolution of categories.

This "anxiety" is not simply the result of the spectacle of

the body in motion, but is particularly a modern anxiety


24 Bradbury and McFarlane, 48.


25 Banta, Imaging American Women, 624.











which results from the "technologizing" or "mechanical

reproduction" of the woman's body in motion.

"Tellina Motions" through Technology

Dancing School" is a 1905 photograph by Gertrude

Kasebier that depicts an older woman and three younger girls

in a circle. The woman is instructing the girls in how to

dance. By their postures and the ghostly white traces

surrounding their swinging skirts, it seems as if they have

been captured by the camera while moving. Usually such

ghostly traces attest to the inevitable movement of the

photographic subject due to the length of the exposure time,

but here Kasebier explores aesthetically the possibility of

movement. The white skirts blend with the traces of motion,

while both imprint a frozen temporality. The past remains

present in the movement of the skirts.

At the same time as the appearance of the Kasebier

photograph, a film entitled "School Girl Gymnastics"

(American Mutoscope and Biograph, 1904) is produced. In this

short film, a teacher instructs a group of dancing students

to build a pyramid. They attempt to build a pyramid that

collapses after completion, leaving the girls in disarray on

the floor.26




26 Kemp R. Niver, Motion Pictures from the Library of
Congress Paper Print Collection: 1894-1912, ed. Bebe
Bergsten, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967),
352.











Both the Biograph film and the Kasebier photograph

suggest a link between the representation of still movement

and the representation of filmic movement. The former

carries only the traces of past gestures; the latter, the

illusion of movement in the present. These early images of

the female body in motion in both photography and film carry

their own particular cultural currency. "Dancing School" and

"School Girl Gymnastics" are more than just two early

examples of the representation of motion. The two texts

offer a starting point for understanding how the figure of

Loie Fuller operated differently from these more typical

examples. In both the photograph and the film a woman

teaches young girls how to move. In the photograph the

girls' skirts swirl up around their ankles as they form a

circle around their teacher. In the film the collapse of the

pyramid provides a revealing moment in which sexual

difference is exposed. The images are at once private and

public, intimate and voyeuristic. "Dancing School" and

"School Girl Gymnastics" demonstrate the contradiction that

is frequently at the heart of physical culture's

representation of the woman in motion--a private pleasure

reproduced for public consumption.

Walter Benjamin in "The Work of Art in the Age of

Mechanical Reproduction"(1936) describes how the techniques

of mechanical reproduction reveal a new kind of knowledge











about the body.27 For Benjamin the camera allows the viewer

to analyze the particulars of "a person's posture during the

fractional second of a stride," a kind of information

previously unavailable to human perception. One of the

tropes of modernism, as Johanna Drucker describes, is the

scientific revision of techniques that inevitably reorganize

a sense of visual space.28 The spaces of the public sphere,

the painter's canvas, or the photographer's or filmmaker's

frame all reflect these changes. Benjamin goes on to wonder,

. of a screened behavior item which is neatly brought

out in a certain situation, like a muscle of a body, it is

difficult to say which is more fascinating, its artistic

value or its value for science."29 Benjamin's insight into

the modern phenomenon of first framing within a visual space

and then filming the body in motion echoes Eadweard

Muybridge's 1888 work in The Human Figure in Motion that

examines in photographic serial form bodies walking, running,

dancing, and performing various physical exercises.

Benjamin's essay, written forty years after Muybridge's

study, suggests that Muybridge's own stated desire to achieve



27 Walter Benjamin. Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn
(New York: Schocken Books, 1968), 237.

28 Johanna Drucker, Theorizing Modernism: Visual Art and
the Critical Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press,
1994), 41.


29 Benjamin, 236.











a "scientific" study of the body in motion was not just idle

fancy, but represented a more general desire to understand

the ways in which the body in motion intersects with late

nineteenth and early twentieth century technologies.30 The

choice of metaphors here is important, as the rhetoric of the

physical culture movement during these same forty years, as

well as the work of Loie Fuller, trace the results of the

modernist intersection or "interpenetration" of the body and

technology on and through bodies of sexual difference.

Early uses of photography and film reinforce Benjamin's

claims in "The Work of Art" that these new technologies

destroyed the "aura" of the art work by fueling the desire of

the masses to "get hold of an object at very close range by

way of its likeness."31 Science and art are metaphorically

coupled through the cinematic apparatus and the desire to

"get hold of an object." Benjamin mentions in even more

specific metaphoric terms the "tendency" of film "to promote




30 Muybridge ascribed the value of his photographic work
to their being "seriates of phases, demonstrating the various
changes which take place in the disposition of the limbs and
body during the evolution of some act of motion from its
inception to its completion" The Human Figure in Motion (New
York: Bonanza Books, 1989),7; Marta Braun disputes
Muybridge's scientific claims in her study Picturing Time:The
Work of Etienne-Jules Marey, (1830-1904) (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1992. In contrast to Marey's photographic
and filmic work of bodies in motion, Braun argues that
Muybridge was more showman than scientist.


31 Benjamin, 223.











the mutual penetration of art and science."32 To see a

woman's body at "close range" or in "slow motion" the viewer

needs the justification of either science or art to

legitimize the gaze. A masculinizedd" technology

investigates the "feminine" arts, slows down the image,

freezes it, studies it. But is something new born of this

"mutual penetration?"

Benjamin paraphrases the belief of Muybridge and other

early writers, when he says that, "evidently a different

nature opens itself to the camera than opens to the naked eye-

-if only because an unconsciously penetrated space is

substituted for a space consciously explored by man."33 The

"unconsciously penetrated space" which reveals a "different

nature," is quite often in early film the figure of a dancing

female. Many early films also showed women twirling their

skirts around them. One of the first Edison films was titled

Serpentine Dance (1894), also known under Annabelle-the-

Dancer, and was performed by an imitator of Loie Fuller,

Annabelle Whitford Moore. Edison, as Fuller would later do,

hand-colored this version to imitate light on costume.34 This


32 Benjamin, 236.

33 Benjamin, 236-7.

34 Harris, 31; According to Terry Ramsye, Fuller was
offered the chance to make a film with Edison, but sent her
sister instead who made a film under the name of La Loie in
1896. The first film with Moore is well-documented and was
widely shown. I have not found any other evidence of











film is one of the earliest examples of a woman dancing in

front of the camera. Hundreds more were to follow over the

next twenty years. An entire genre of films about "physical

culturalists" and "vaudevillians" featured gymnasts,

acrobats, and chorus girls. What goes unstated in Benjamin

is that the "different nature" revealed in these particular

films is, in fact, the nature of difference. The spectacle

of the woman dancing in a space "penetrated" by the

masculinist technology of the camera reveals her sexual

difference.

The Library of Congress Paper Print Collection from 1894

to 1912 lists well over a hundred "Vaudeville Acts" that

include some form of dance, acrobatics, or vaudeville

comedy.35 Within this list there are twenty-five acts that

describe "Physical Culturalists" with titles such as "The

Physical Culture Girl" (Edison, 1903) and "Latina, Physical

Culture Poses, Nos. 1-3" (American Mutoscope and Biograph Co,

1905). What were the historical parameters of the physical

culture phenomenon? How did they affect the apparent desire

to reproduce both scientific and aesthetic appropriations of

the feminine form in motion?




Ramsaye's 1896 film with Fuller's sister. Terry Ramsaye, A
Million and One Nights: A History of the Motion Picture
Through 1925 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1926), 253.


35 Niver, 359.











The beginning of the physical culture movement in this

country is credited to a group of German immigrants, known as

the Turnvereins, who came to the United States in the 1820s.36

The Turnvereins, or Turners as they came to be called,

advocated developing the body in order to increase a sense of

national pride. Much has been written on early cinema's

ideological efforts to instill recent immigrants with a sense

of being an "American."37 The physical culture movement

demonstrated similar goals, but besides including immigrants,

physical culture became an important ideological practice for

New England WASPs as well.38 By World War I, there were

40,000 Turners--men, women, and children to whom lessons in

gymnastics were as important as lessons in patriotism.

Besides instilling patriotic feelings in the public, the

physical culture movement demonstrated a corresponding

obsession with anthropometry--the measuring of the body.

Dr.Dudley Sargent, the designer of one of the first sets of

weight machines, displayed, to much publicity at the 1893



36 Paula Welch and Harold Lerch, History of American
Physical Education and Sport,(Springfield,IL: C.C. Thomas,
1981), 103.

37 Noel Burch, Life to those Shadows, trans. Ben Brewster
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Miriam
Hansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in American Silent
Film (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991).

38 See T.J.Jackson Lear, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism
and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New
York: Pantheon Books, 1981).











World's Fair in Chicago, a chart of the "Physical Proportions

of the Typical Man." The chart was designed "to furnish the

youth of both sexes with a laudable incentive to systematic

and judicious physical training by showing them, at a glance,

their relation in size, strength, symmetry, and development

to the normal standard."39 Rarely, however, were the

techniques of measurement deployed equally amongst "both

sexes." Dr.Clelia Mosher found that anthropometric data for

women was inadequate as was the machinery used to measure

them. In 1915 she invented the schematograph which measured

women's posture through a camera that used a rotoscoping

effect to create a silhouette of the female body.40 Both

Sargent and Mosher demonstrate the fascination that science

held for measuring sexual difference through images produced

by modern technology.

The physical culture movement was obsessed with sexual

difference in other ways as well. By 1915 there were over

65,000 women signed up for YWCA gym classes and 32,000 for

swim lessons.41 Theorists such as Sargent, however, still

insisted on the physical and mental inferiority of the female

body. Sargent suggested that when women participated in



39 Welch, 119.

40 Welch, 121.

41 Betty Spears, History of Sport and Physical Education
in the United States (Dubuque,Iowa: Wm. C. Brown, 1988), 208.











sports, they "either inherited or acquired masculine

characteristics." The YMCA and the YWCA both taught courses

in anatomy, physiology, and anthropometry that reinforced

gender distinctions. Participation in sports for men would

emphasize competition, leadership, team play, while coaches

for women's teams would applaud "playing one's best, gaining

a sense of honor, learning self sacrifice for the sake of the

team, and developing a democratic spirit."42 Physical culture

initially attempted to maintain rigid distinctions between

masculine and feminine codes of bodily movement, but the

distinctions would gradually begin to disintegrate as more

and more women began to participate in physical and political

activities.

The body and its movements increasingly became not only

an object to be measured and studied, a mass to be exercised

and shaped, but also an instrument to express the self. A

more aesthetic, although no less regimented aspect of the

physical culture movement began with the importation into the

United States of Francois Delsarte's theories in 1869.

Delsarte assigned spiritual functions to bodily functions.

He divided the body into zones of three with each third

representing an emotional or spiritual state. According to

Delsarte, from harnessing the "powers" of body and spirit,

"results the intimate fusion of art and science, which,


42 Spears, 208.











though each one is born of a different source, nevertheless

ally, interpenetrate and reciprocally prove each other" [my

emphasis].43 The Delsartean "interpenetration" of art and

science through the movement of the body initiates a theme

which echoes throughout writers on physical culture, dance,

and film: through the "penetration"--of art and science, of

feminine and masculine--a modern knowledge about the body

emerges.

Delsartean "attitudes" were performed in all sorts of

public and private spaces: in salons and schools, club

meetings and churches, men and women expressed emotions,

imitated mythological characters, and practiced rhythmic

excercises with their performing bodies. But the physical

culture movement consumed more than just the leisure time of

Americans. From the New York stage to the factory floor,

emphasis was placed on watching, measuring, and enjoying the

image of the body in motion. For example, Martha Banta has

studied the ideology of time management developed by

Frederick Winslow Taylor in the 1890s as another way that the

movements of the body were scrutinized and "managed."44

Taylor's ideas became important not only in the factory and

43 Stebbins, 67.

44 Martha Banta, Taylored Lives: Narrative Productions
in the Age of Taylor, Veblen, and Ford. (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1993), 376 ft.32; See also Dolores Hayden,
The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs
for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge,
Mass: 1981).











office spaces of America, but also in the domestic space of

the home. "Women's work" and the movements that the female

body made within her domestic space became the object of this

new "scientific" gaze, which analyzed female gestures for

"efficiency." As Helen Campbell explains in her 1893 book

The Easiest Way in Housekeeping and Cooking, the work

expected of "the typesetter, the cabinet-maker, or carpenter"

and their "ability to make each motion tell[my emphasis],"

became the equal expectation of the woman in the kitchen.45

The discourse about the body at the turn-of-the-century is

dominated by this idea of witnessing--a type of voyeurism

that was not so secret, that expected to see, know, and

consequently shape the multiple meanings behind the language

of male and female bodies.

What other evidence is there in these early years of the

twentieth century that writers, scientists, or artists

believed that motions could tell? And what kind of

information did they believe that these movements revealed?

Benjamin suggests in "The Work of Art" that film could

provide us with an opportunity to discover "hidden details of

familiar objects" and that slow motion techniques could

"reveal entirely new structural formations of the subject."

Although Benjamin's "subject" is not overtly gendered female

(even though he makes reference to a filmic space that is


45 Quoted in Banta, Taylored Lives, 233.











"unconsciously penetrated"), other writers during this same

period, when discussing movement or dance, tend to talk about

either a feminized subject or the subject of femininity.

Rudolf Laban (1897-1958) was a German movement and dance

theorist who worked throughout Europe in the twenties and

thirties and had many followers, primarily women, in the

United States. Laban often used photographic and filmic

metaphors to discuss how movement expressed meaning. He

argued that the mind perceived movement with a "snapshot-like

perception" which created the illusion of a "standstill" from

the "unceasing stream of movement. "46 His writings share much

with Benjamin's argument that slow motion film techniques

reveal knowledge or meaning, but Laban goes a step further in

defining a preference for the kind of subject who most easily

"reveals" knowledge through movement:

The differing inner attitudes of individual
personalities provide the different planes
on which the snapshots can be projected.
To begin with the most integrated attitude,
we can state that children and the primitive
man have both a natural gift for bodily
movement and a natural love for it. In later
periods of individual or racial life, man
becomes cautious, suspicious, and sometimes even
hostile to movement.47

The body becomes a "plane" or a screen onto which "snapshots"

of movement are projected. The "individual personalities"


46 Rudolf von Laban, The Mastery of Movement. (London:
Macdonald and Evans, 1960), 3.


47 Laban, 5-6.











combined with these projections create the meaning of both

person and movement. Laban reveals a bias for the

"primitive" personality which is innocent of "civilized"

behaviors. The "feminized" or "primitive" other is most

fully able to reveal a cinematic truth about themselves

through movement.

Rudolf Arnheim, writing at the same time as Laban and

Benjamin (and from whom Benjamin received some of his ideas

about slow motion), discusses in his 1934 essay "Motion" the

"dance-like quality" of early silent films.48 He also uses

feminized subjects, in this case a mother and child, as

examples of how different kinds of knowledge about self are

revealed through cinematic movement:

Motion not only serves to inform the audience
of the events that make up the story. It is also
highly expressive. When we watch a mother putting
her child to bed we not only understand what is
going on but also learn from the calm or hasty,
smooth or fumbling, energetic or weak, sure or
hesitant gestures of the mother what kind of person
she is, how she feels at the particular moment, and
what her relationship is to her child. The
contrast between the irrational struggling of the
infant and the controlled behaviour of the mother
may produce a counterpoint of visual motion, which
determines the expression of the scene at least as
effectively as do the more static factors of how
mother and child look and in what kind of setting
the action takes place [emphasis mine].49




48 Rudolf Arnheim, Film as Art. (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1957), 152.


49 Arnheim, 150-151.











Arnheim's ideas here are interesting not only because they

reflect the idea that movement reveals knowledge about the

subject, but also because of the kind of knowledge he says is

being revealed. Arnheim's example is also remarkable because

of its similarity to Jacques Lacan's image of the child

before the mirror in "The mirror stage as formative of the

function of the I," an essay which has been used to great

effect by film theory to talk about cinematic identification.

In one passage Lacan describes the "motor incapacity" and

"turbulent movements" of the child before the mirror in

relation to the idealized image that the child sees in the

mirror.50o Arnheim's quote also uses the image of the

"irrational struggling of the infant" to talk about how

knowledge is revealed through a type of "screening," but in

this case it is knowledge about the mother. Her handling of

her child and the comparison between their two different

styles of movement reveal "what kind of person she is," or,

more specifically, what kind of mother she is. Arnheim's

description of what happens between mother and child on film

supports what Benjamin suggests in "Work of Art": that

bodily movement on film can reveal what we cannot see with

our own eyes, and that "the camera introduces us to





50 Jacques Lacan, "The mirror stage as formative of the
function of the I," in Ecrits, trans. Alan Sheridan (New
York: W.W. Norton, 1977), 2.











unconscious optics as does psychoanalysis to unconscious

impulses."51

Early film occasionally revealed some of the

psychological dynamics underlying the spectacle of the

woman's body in motion. The following description of "Model

Posing Before Mirror" (American Mutoscope and Biograph, 1903)

suggests the ambivalent feelings that a woman might have

about the deliberate voyeurism involved when she dances:

The first scene shows a set with a large full-
length mirror at a one-quarter angle from the
camera position. The first action is of a buxom
woman dressed in a full, white leotard approaching
the mirror. During the remainder of the film, the
woman continually looks at her reflection in the
mirror. It is difficult to decide whether she is
viewing herself with alarm or approbation. Her
pirouette and gestures are limited.52

This description is interesting for a number of reasons.

First, it includes a mirror which is angled in such a way as

to reveal the woman's gaze at her movements, but not the

camera's gaze at her. Second, the reviewer notes not a look

of private pleasure on the woman's face, but an ambiguous

expression, which ranges from fear to dislike. She is not a

skilled dancer, which may account for some of her anxiety,

but perhaps not all of it. This short film encompasses the

theme that I have identified in writings on film and dance:

that a woman's bodily movements reveal a kind of knowledge



51 Benjamin, 237.


52 Niver, 68.











about herself, a process that can induce anxiety as much as

pleasure in both performer and spectator. "Model Posing

Before Mirror" is unusual because of the inclusion of the

mirror that directs the dancers' gaze at herself; however,

this film reveals a symptom that most films in this genre try

to conceal, the contradictory pleasure/anxiety that lies at

the foundation of being an object of spectacle. As we shall

see, Fuller also employs mirrors in her performances, but

with a very different effect: she multiplies her image in a

way that disperses the spectator's gaze and causes her actual

body to disappear into a maze of virtual movement.

Besides focusing on how the woman in motion revealed

knowledge about herself, both dance and film theorists

imagined the effects that these movements would have on the

spectator. These effects tend to break down into two types

of reactions which are different, but not necessarily

mutually exclusive. The first spectator reaction involves a

physical identification with the bodily movement on the

screen. Toe-tapping to music or tensing muscles while

watching a performance falls into this category. The second

reaction reinforces the already voyeuristic tendencies of the

cinema and emphasizes the scientia sexualis of physical

culture and early film movement.53 In this case the spectator


53 See Linda Williams's discussion of Michel Foucault's
understanding of scientia sexualis in Muybridge's work in
Hard Core: Power, Pleasure, and the 'Frenzy of the Visible'
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).











remains immobile, a watcher who is curious but not a

participant.

The well-known dance critic, John Martin, writing in

1939 illustrates the first type of spectator reaction to

dance. He is not talking necessarily about dance on film,

but his ideas are reminiscent of other film theorists.

Martin developed an idea which he called "inner mimicry" to

try and explain the physical reaction of watching dance on

stage. As he explains:

Since we respond muscularly to the strains in
architectural masses and the attitude of rocks,
it is plain to be seen that we will respond even
more vigorously to the action of a body exactly
like our own. We shall cease to be spectators and
become participants in the movement that is
presented to us, and though to all outward
appearances we shall be sitting quietly in our
chairs, we shall nevertheless be dancing
synthetically with all our musculature.54

Martin's ideas sound similar to Benjamin's conception of the

"tactility" of experiencing architecture in "Work of Art,"

but they also are reminiscent of Lacan's mirror stage of

identification wherein the subject desires the same bodily

control it sees reflected in the mirror.55 In another vein,

Sergei Eisenstein suggested taping dynamite to the bottom of

54 John J. Martin, Introduction to the Dance (New York:
W.W. Norton, 1939), 53.

55 Jacques Lacan, "The Mirror Stage as Formative of the
Function of the I," Ecrits, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York:
W.W. Norton & Co., 1977); See Michael Taussig's Mimesis and
Alterity: A Particular History of the Senses (New York:
Routledge, 1993) for a discussion of Benjamin's ideas about
tactility and the modern condition.











his film viewer's chairs in order to elicit a bodily response

from them, to jolt them physically into revolutionary

thoughts and actions.56 I am not trying to argue that the

film spectator has some kind of physiological response to

movement on film, (even if we do) but rather to point out the

currency of these ideas at the end of the silent era. More

than one writer believed that filmed movement, by combining

the art of the dancer with the technology of the camera,

contained the ability to elicit viscerally a physical

response from the spectator.

The other type of spectator reaction to the movement of

the female or feminized subject on film is perhaps the

easiest to explain because it is the most acknowledged--the

pleasure/anxiety of the cinematic voyeur. Siegfried

Kracauer, writing somewhat later than the other theorists I

have examined, describes this spectatorial experience most

succinctly when he discusses Roger Tilton's documentary Jazz

Dance.

Records of dancing sometimes amount to an intrusion
into the dancer's intimate privacy. His self-
forgetting rapture may show in queer gestures and
distorted facial expressions which are not intended
to be watched, save by those who cannot watch them
because they themselves participate in the dancing.
Looking at such secret displays is like spying; you
feel ashamed for entering a forbidden realm where
things are going on which must be experienced, not
witnessed. However, the supreme virtue of the


56 Tom Gunning, "The Cinema of Attractions: Early Film,
Its Spectator and the Avant-Garde," Wide Angle 8:3-4 (1986):
63-70.











camera consists precisely in acting the voyeur [my
emphasis].57

Kracauer's comparison of witnessing dance on film to entering

a "forbidden realm" does not specify an overtly feminized

subject (whether male or female, "white" or "ethnic"),

however, the metaphoric allusions of a "forbidden realm,"

like Freud's "dark continent" of female subjectivity,

reverberate with allusions to otherness. The spectatorial

experience of witnessing dance, then, encompasses many

possibilities: the secret pleasures/anxieties of the voyeur,

"scientific" curiosity, aesthetic enjoyment, a physiological

recognition. One reaction that is not mentioned frequently,

except by dance critics, is the pleasure of identifying with

a kind of bodily inhibition or competency which was

previously denied. After the turn-of-the-century, women such

as Isadora Duncan and Loie Fuller performed publicly in ways

that were dramatically different from the classical ballet

dancer or the vaudevillian skirt dancer. These women danced

alone, demonstrating choreographic control of their material

and communicating with their bodies in ways that effectively

heralded a modern age of performance for women.






57 Siegfried Kracauer, Theory of Film: The Redemption of
Physical Reality (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 43.
For a more extensive analysis of Kracauer's work on dancers,
particularly his article on "The Mass Ornament," see Chapter
Three.











Loie Fuller

The magic that Loie Fuller creates, with instinct,
with exaggeration, the contraction of skirt or
wing, instituting a place. The enchantress creates
the ambience, draws it out of herself and goes into
it, in the palpitating silence of crepe de chine.58


When Loie Fuller enveloped her entire body with yards of

undulating silk and manipulated her image with mirrors and

colored lights, she practised simultaneously the

disappearance and reappearance of her feminine body. Folies

Berg6re posters of Fuller depicted her in transparent, breast-

revealing material, but the scandalous nature of her costumes

seemed insignificant to reviewers when contrasted with the

spectacular movements of light, color, material, and body.

Mallarm6 described Fuller's silky costume as if it were a

second skin, playing, as Felicia McCarren notes in her

translation, off the similarities in sound between

"soi"(herself) and "soie"(silk). The movement of the

material was inseparable from the movement of her body,

providing for Mallarm6's poet/spectator a pure presence that

illustrated in bodily form what poetry could only point

towards.

Loie Fuller's film Fire Dance represents a continuation

of Mallarm4's dream-like merging of materials. She was

involved in the organizational aspects of the film, and



58 Mallarme, "Crayonne au theatre," quoted in McCarren
(her translation), 225.











demanded the hand-tinting of individual frames to achieve the

illusion of colored lights on silk. The result is a brief

piece, not much longer than a minute, which shows Fuller in

her famous costume transformed from a butterfly into a

whirling dervish, and finally disappearing into a

kaleidoscope of colored material. Early hand-tinting does

not appear to be a part of the film's mise-en-scene; like the

frameless animation of Stan Brakhage's avant-garde piece, Dog

Star Man, tinting seems to add magically a separate layer.

The coloring appears deliberately faked and reminds the

viewer of the materiality of the film itself. In Fire Dance

Fuller approached the film as she approached her body, as a

form that she would fill with movement and color.

Art Nouveau and Symbolist sensibilities seem to impact

Fuller at an early age. Fuller began her dancing career in

vaudeville in the 1880s and started to perform "skirt"

dancing, where women manipulated their skirts in different

patterns, in 1890 after working with Kate Vaughan and the

Gaiety Players in London.59 In 1892 Fuller developed out of

skirt dancing her "Serpentine Dance" for a play in New York

in which she portrayed a young girl hypnotized by a Dr.Quack.

Fuller describes in her autobiography published in 1913 that

her movements were choreographed to express an hypnotic



59 Harris, 16. The skirt dance was apparently invented
for Vaughn by Jean d'Autan, the ballet master of the Gaiety
Theatre.









69

trance; they involved primarily her moving silky cloth around

her body in circular and "S"-shaped patterns as she danced

across the stage. For one performance, however, she placed

colored glass in front of the projector and directed it at

her costume.60 "Serpentine Dance" became an immediate

sensation, an example of modern femininity in living color

and was soon documented on film.

Fuller's instincts for a compelling performance

developed quickly. She was neither young nor particularly

graceful when she first started her elaborate skirt dancing,

but she soon realized that she did not need to be. Since

Fuller was not a trained dancer, she shifted from moving

around the stage to remaining more stationary and allowing

the material of her costume to move around her. She

increased the amount of material and simplified not only her

vertical movement, but also her stage and costume designs.

Fuller's patented skirt costume was made of three triangular

pieces of material, long in the back and short in the front.

Into the arms of the skirt, which began at her neck and went

down to the floor, were stitched two long "wands" of bamboo

or aluminum which would enable her to swirl her skirt with



60 Loie Fuller, Fifteen Years of a Dancer's Life, with
Some Account of Her Distinguished Friends (New York: Dance
Horizons, 1978); See also Felicia McCarren's excellent
analysis of the Fuller's relationship to hypnosis, hysteria,
and electricity in "The 'Symptomatic Act' Circa 1900:
Hysteria, Hypnosis, Electricity, Dance," Critical Inquiry
vol. 21: 4 (Summer 1995): 748-774.











greater control around her. She could throw her costume of

gossamer silk ten to twelve feet in the air above her head.

Besides performing her own choreography, Fuller also

patented complex stage designs. One design used a

combination of mirrors and lights to give the illusion of

many dancers on stage. She draped the stage in black velvet

and used electric lights and color filters to suggest form.

While the rest of the theater was dark, Fuller would switch

the lights according to the color and mood she wanted to

make. This kind of artistic experimentation with stage

lighting had not been done before. Not until Appia's

innovative designs with the Futurists in 1896 would any other

artist add significantly to innovation in electric lighting

and stage design.61 In 1899 Fuller patented in Germany an

addition to her "hall of mirrors" stage design. She included

a sheet of glass at the front of the stage and a mirror at

the back. According to the patent, "the effect is almost as

though the audience itself were in a cell that had walls

consisting of non-transparent mirrors."62 But perhaps her

most effective patented design was the one she used in her

"Fire Dance," which involved a false floor with glass holes

in it to reveal colored lights under the stage. The lights

would illuminate the dancer as she moved across the stage.

61 See Sally Sommer's comments in Visual Urge: Scenic
Innovations.


62 Harris, 19.











Fuller also included a "pedestal of light" in the center of

the stage. The pedestal was made of glass and topped with a

glass plaque so that the dancer "will appear to be

mysteriously suspended in air."63 Fuller would paint abstract

designs on the glass slides that illuminated her, and later

she painted phosphorous onto her costumes.

Fire Dance begins with a paper butterfly flapping its

wings and then dissolves to a shot of Loie Fuller in the same

position, moving her arms of silk in a way that imitates the

motion of the butterfly. The material of her dress undulates

while different tinted colors flash off and on. In Fuller's

stage performance of the "Fire Dance," the lighting would

start with what appeared to be a bluish flame at the bottom

of her dress. As the lights changed colors and moved higher,

Fuller would move to the rhythm of the music, most often

Wagner's Ride of the Valkyries. Her head and arms were

draped with veils, and at a certain point in the dance, only

her eyes would show through the fabric. The effect of her

costume swirling in flame-colored lighting gave some critics

the feeling of "something satanic and demonic, but of a

gentle satanism, of a poetic and suggestive demonality which






63 As reported by Sommer in Visual Urge: Scenic
Innovations. Sommer also suggests that Fuller's death from
cancer at a relatively early age may have been due to her
exposure to phosphorous.











sets one on the starry and luminous path of hashishien

dreams ."64

The dramatic lighting effect is not as obvious in the

film. Neither is the sophisticated stage set. Instead,

Fuller used editing to create the illusion of continuous

movement which begins with the transformation from butterfly

into woman. In the most dramatic scene of the film, Fuller

turns in a circle while her dress bobs around her like a wavy

hula skirt. The material from the arms of the dress starts

to move higher into the air until it covers her head and

renders her entire body invisible. All we see is a moving

swath of material suspended in the air--a visual metaphor for

consumption by fire. Editing extends the period of time

during which we see this "trick." Then suddenly the body

disappears. The overall effect of Fire Dance is more akin to

a Mlies magic show than to a physical culture act or a

vaudeville chorus. The emphasis in this film is on the

costume, its movement, and the editing that creates the

illusion of a swirling cloth that remains suspended for an

unnatural period of time. Other early dance films tend to

emphasize ethnic or sexual difference. Fuller's body in

motion tells the story of her difference. Fire Dance shrouds

its mystery in the materials of its making, which include

cloth as much as celluloid.


64 Harris, 22.











Two moments stand out in Fuller's biography as

representative of the way in which her contemporaries

appropriated her figure and associated it with their own

movements. The first is the 1900 Paris 1'Exposition

Universelle, remembered primarily for its foregrounding of

the Art Nouveau movement of which Loie Fuller is often

considered to be the "living embodiment."65 The 1900

Exposition had an entire theatre donated to Fuller's company.

The Loie Fuller Theatre had a complicated facade, a

sculptured curtain, which appeared to be rippling. On top of

the theatre was a life-sized sculpture of Fuller whose wave-

like costume dissolved into the facade. Inside, Fuller

performed her "Danses Lumineuses" to packed houses, and she

featured dancers from Japan, such as Sada Yacco. Art Nouveau

was particularly obsessed with all things feminine: long

flowing hair and robes; feminine objects that might appear in

the bedroom or boudoir. Art Nouveau generated as many

decorative lamps as it did paintings and chief among those

figures represented was Fuller. Jules Cheret made posters of

her. Raoul Larche made bronzes with electric lights out of

her figure. Whistler, William Nicholson, and Hippolyte Lucas

painted her. Rodin drew sketches of her and Pierre Roche

sculpted her.




65 Martin Battersby, Art Nouveau (Feltham: Hamlyn, 1969),
11.











But it was not just Fuller's theatre at the exposition

that represented a female in flowing motion, all of Paris was

populated by images of women in motion. On the ceiling of

Siegfried Bing's L'Art Nouveau gallery was painted "a circle

of eight dancing figures of girls, their long flowing skirts

forming swirling arabesques of movement."66 Georges de Feure

designed posters of Loie Fuller which were all over the city.

According to Martin Battersby, De Feure "seems to have

regarded women as decorative objects in themselves, rarely

depicting them in contemporary costume but always dressed, if

dressed at all, in decoratively arranged draperies or in a

version of the costume of a romantic and unspecified period

of history."67 The female figures, objectified as they were

in statues, lamps, pins and chairs represented a kind of

dispersed national spirit. They were typically represented

as forms and transformations that reinforced heroic

victimization or martyrdom, such as in Fuller's "Fire Dance"

performed with its Wagnerian accompaniment. As Rastignac

says of Fuller, she is "restless, seductive, and unreal", a

"dragonfly. whose iridescent wings have exactly the

changing reflections of the robe of the American." The

simulated or real movement of Fuller's costume came to

represent a nation and a history in flux, on the verge of


66 Battersby, 51.


67 Battersby, 56.











change and a new century. In Rastignac's quote, which is so

representative of Art Nouveau ideology, Fuller is transformed

from seductive woman to insect and then into the national

signifier of the "changing" American. But Fuller just as

easily represented the "spirit" of France, Italy or Germany.

Besides being associated with national ideologies,

Fuller came to embody the idea for the "new theatre" (which

often fed back into nationalism). Mallarm4, as mentioned

earlier, described Fuller as an "enchantress" and "the

personification of his dream of the ideal theater--without

scenery, without words, where space and time had no

importance, where reality would not intrude between the idea

and the audience."68 Fuller herself claimed an overwhelming

belief in the power of her movement to express a new kind of

meaning both on stage and in film. "Since motion and not

language is truthful," Fuller asserted, "we have accordingly

perverted our powers of comprehension."69 Other Symbolists,

such as Yeats, Manet, and Whistler also found her image in

motion to personify "truth." Debora Silverman argues in Art

Nouveau in Fin-de-Siccle France that Fuller's "Serpentine

Dance" was "linked to the form and meaning of psychologie

nouvelle," a movement that "offered the public a new kind of

psychological theater, replacing Charcot's spectacle of


68 Harris, 29.


69 Fuller, 72.











female hysteria with a feminine aesthetic vision embodying

unconscious forces."70 Fuller's interest in form, color, and

internal psyches revealed, from a turn-of-the-century

perspective, "truths" about the modern body as it made its

way through the spaces of cities, factories, parks and was

documented by photography and film. Silverman's transition

from Charcot to Fuller exemplifies an Art Nouveau and,

consequently a modernist sensibility, the blurring of

scientific and aesthetic interests through the body of the

woman-in-motion.

Perhaps the most unusual invocation of Fuller's figure

occurs in another "modern" art movement, the work of F.T.

Marinetti and the Futurists. Futurism, according to Andrew

Hewitt, is connected intimately to Art Nouveau and the

Symbolists.71 Even though Marinetti claimed to despise the

organic underpinnings of Art Nouveau in favor of the

inventions of man, he nevertheless needed the movement in

order to react against it. Fuller demonstrates how the two

movements actually shared a number of things in common. In

his "Manifesto of the Futurist Dance," Marinetti appears to


70 Debora L. Silverman, Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siecle
France: Politics, Psychology, and Style (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1989),299-300.

71 Andrew Hewitt, Fascist Modernism: Aesthetics,
Politics, and the Avant-Garde (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1993), 107. See also Perloff, The Futurist Moment:
Avant-Garde, Avant Guerre, and the Language of Rupture and
Michael Kirby, Futurist Performance.











have been attracted to Fuller because of her use of

electricity, but I suggest that he was also attracted to the

disappearance of Fuller's body inside cloth. Marinetti's

ideal theater, much like Mallarme's, was a stage without

bodies or a stage which showed only the "multiplied body of

the motor." The humanity, and by inference, the sexuality of

the body "disappeared" by becoming metal, machine, and

electricity. Fuller's use of mirrors multiplied her body,

her costume made that body disappear, and she used

electricity to illuminate herself, but one may wonder how

Fuller's butterfly imagery could possibly "achieve the

metallicity of the Futurist dance."

The Futurist appropriation of Fuller is an attempt by a

masculinist, anti-humanist, and eventually nationalist

aesthetic to reintegrate a feminine aesthetic (in more

general terms, the aesthetic of otherness--women, lower

classes, ethnic exotics, children). Art Nouveau, using quite

different aesthetics, also appropriated the woman's body in

motion to suggest an heroic modernism that was also

affiliated with growing European nationalism. Trying to

"tell" what the motions of a woman might mean at the turn-of-

the-century became a rallying cry for the scientifically and

aesthetically curious. Fuller's aesthetic, however, resists

being defined as either feminine or masculine. She was at

once an object of spectacle, a subject for the new technology

of film, a representative for numerous artistic and









78

nationalistic ideologies, and a woman in charge of her own

artistic taste and career. She was and is a heavily charged

image of the "Modern" woman at the turn of the century: a

lyrical body in motion, disappearing only to reappear in

another place.















CHAPTER 3
EXPRESSIONISTIC GESTURES:
THE IMPACT OF MODERN DANCE IN THE WIND.


The emotional projection of the dancer is an
extremely delicate matter, since the acting element
of the dance art is not its dominant feature. It
cannot be simply an abbreviated realism or it falls
[short] of being either dancing or acting; nor can
it be a wholly stylized concept without becoming
lifeless and cold. It must be complete, compressed,
refined, eloquent, but unobtrusive.1

In the nineteenth century actors were taught
balance and movement by dancing masters, so that a
good deal of silent film behavior--with its air of
grace and refinement, its flexibility and
sentimental lyricism--seems vaguely related to
classical ballet; thus Gish has an erect posture
and a quality of delicacy mixed with strength that
might have been learned in a dancing class. 2


Lillian Gish said once that she thought Dorothy

Scarborough's novel would make a perfect movie because "It

was pure motion."3 Victor Seastrom's The Wind (1928) is also

a perfect movie with which to develop a theory for reading

gestural style in silent film because of the lack of much



1 New York Times,30 September 1928, xi, 1.

2 James Naremore, Acting in the Cinema(Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1988), 50.

3 Lillian Gish interview for American Movie Classics,
preceding the airing of The Wind.











symbolic direction (there are very few intertitles) and the

specific nature of Gish's own performance style.

The film opens with Lillian Gish's character, Letty

Mason, travelling on a train through a deserted Western

landscape. Shots of Letty on the train are intercut with

shots of the train in motion through the landscape. These

shots of the landscape soon include indexical proof of the

wind that whips up the desert sand, and deposits it in

Letty's lap through the train window. Other shots within the

interior of the train include glance/glance reverses between

Letty and the male antagonist, Wirt Roddy. In a rather short

period of time, Gish manages to portray a range of emotions

that include nervousness, flirtatiousness, and fear with only

slight adjustments of her face and body.

The Wind's opening scene provides a metaphor that

connects technology (the train and the camera), the Western

frontier (the desert and the wind), and the woman's body

(that attempts to negotiate these uncomfortable crossings).

This important opening sequence establishes a relationship

between Letty and the types of movement that act on her--the

train that carries her, the wind that covers her, and the man

who tries to seduce her. Wirt Roddy, who later rapes Letty

and is then killed by her, says about the wind in this

opening scene: "Day in, day out--whistlin' and howlin'--

makes folks go crazy--especially women!" In this scene, one

of the few where Gish reacts directly to language, Letty










responds to Roddy's comments by making her eyes grow large

and glazed, her lips part slightly in a typically

melodramatic stare, shot in close-up. This look of fear

appears on her face frequently throughout the film as she

reacts to the forces that move her. Equally as expressive as

her face, however, is Gish's bodily movement, which responds

to the force of the wind with a frenetic dance-like quality

that sweeps Letty across the frame and back. Significantly,

the quality of Gish's movements begins to change as Letty

takes a more active role in her environment.

Because generalizing about film acting is such a

slippery task, I wish to remain as textually and historically

specific as possible. In other words, I am not assuming that

the gestural style which I identify in The Wind appears in

other Gish performances. However, it is my hope that other

critics will corroborate the existence of the specific

gestural phenomena that I find in The Wind in other texts of

the period.

How does bodily gesture signify in film? Trying to

theorize how gesture communicates meaning has long been a

difficult contradiction for philosophers and semioticians.

Since the early days of film, but especially by the 1920s,

directors, actors, and physical culturalists published books

on acting for the cinema. Recently, film theory has begun to

acknowledge the impact of these early writings and manuals on

changes in gestural styles in the cinema. However, most











theories of gesture and acting have tended to view film

acting in a rather linear fashion, projecting a fairly

straight development from nineteenth century theatrical

melodrama towards the more subtle or "realist" approach that

cinematic framing seems to demand.

The most notable recent contribution to this argument is

Roberta Pearson's Eloquent Gestures. In this work Pearson

considers how cinematic acting in Biograph films shifted

between the years 1908-1913 from the more "melodramatic"

theatrical style, which she names the "histrionic code," to a

"realist" style which she links to the realist movement in

American literature and drama, and which she calls the "code

of verisimilitude."4 My discussion necessarily appropriates

some of Pearson's useful vocabulary as a starting point for

my own investigation of Gish's gestural style in The Wind,

for, even though the time periods are distinctly different,

Pearson is one of the few writers who provides a structural

reading model for gesture that allows for historical

analysis. She also considers the importance of the physical

culture movement and Delsartean practices to the development

of a "lexicon" of the gestural style that she finds typical

of the histrionic code of acting. I will, however, add a

different historical dimension to Pearson's work by




4 Roberta E. Pearson, Eloquent Gestures: The
Transformation of Performance Style in the Griffith Biograph
Films (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 18-
37.











considering the modern dance movement and the impact of

expressionism on acting styles in the late twenties. The

impact of modern dance and its institutional connections to

the training of film actors, as well as modern dance's

iconographic resemblance to gestural style in American film

has only recently been closely examined.5 I wish to add to

this debate by suggesting the existence of a gestural style

in the late twenties which is neither histrionic nor

verisimilar, but more closely linked to a kind of

expressionistic modern dance. I am not referring simply to

the expressive, dance-like gestures of a film such as The

Cabinet of Dr. Caligari (1919), although I believe there is a

connection, but to a style that is imbued with an

expressionist ideology grounded in Delsartean philosophy and

the modern dance which developed from it, a style which

attempted to define itself and was defined by outsiders as

"American."

I do not wish to refute Pearson's observations about the

Griffith films during these years; however, I do believe that

the totalizing nature of her historical narrative neglects

the possibility of certain exceptional moments in film




5 Jane Desmond, "Dancing Out the Difference: Cultural
Imperialism and Ruth St. Denis's 'Radha' of 1906," Signs:
Journal of Women in Culture and Society vol. 17:1 (1991): 28-
49; Gaylyn Studlar, "Douglas Fairbanks: Thief of the Ballet
Russes," Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature as
Dance, Ellen W. Goellner and Jacqueline Shea Murphy, ed. (New
Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1995): 107-124.











acting. Acting careers, such as Gish's, that span many

decades and many directors, do not necessarily conform to

chronological demarcations of stylistic shifts. Actresses

during the teens and twenties often began their training

under a Delsartean or "histrionic" influence, and then were

affected by the drive towards a verisimilar style of acting

that Pearson identifies between 1908-1913. In Gish's case I

do not see Griffith's call for a less "theatrical" style of

cinematic acting during the years up to 1913 as precluding

the impact of other styles on Gish which emerged later, in

particular the drive towards a modern expressionistic mode

that developed during the twenties in both Germany and

America.

The move towards American nationalism in all of the arts

following World War I provides a partial explanation for the

interest in an American gestural style as well as the

interest in national narratives. In the United States we

find in both modern dance and film an attraction to

narratives involving Native Americans and frontier history.

The Wind is a singular example of this nationalistic

interest, because, unlike most features, it includes a female

protagonist in the pioneer role. Even though Gish's character

is framed within a melodrama, rather than a classic Western

or frontier film genre, Letty Mason retains the heroic

qualities of the American pioneer. The use of the

melodramatic mode in this film offers an opportunity for an











expressive style that has been characterized both positively

and negatively as "feminine."

Gish's character, Letty, represents a type of pioneer

woman who was a familiar figure in American iconography at

the time--a figure who is at first a victim of the landscape,

but one who eventually conquers both land and fear.6 Pioneer

characters became a popular choice for silent film not only

because the pioneer lifestyle involved physical actions that

could be translated easily into non-verbal communication, but

also because of the growing sense of nationalism that the

pioneer spirit seemed to embody without words. In filmic

representation, the pioneer woman of the 1920s was almost

always associated with domestic tasks, such as cooking,

cleaning, and maintaining the emotional side of family life

in an environment that was as hostile or indifferent to

emotional display as the pioneer husband often was.7 These




6 In her examination of the iconography of the pioneer
prairie women, Carol Fairbanks in Prairie Women: Images in
American and Canadian Fiction (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1986), 76, describes three distinct types: the
Prairie Angel, Prairie Victim, and Frontier Hero. The Angel
is typically a strong maternal type who takes provides for
herself and her family. The Prairie Victim Fairbanks sees as
the immigrant wife who reluctantly journeys west with her
husband leaving behind family, friends, and comfort. The
Frontier Hero may be represented as the independent
homesteader who makes it on her own against all odds.

7 In films specifically about pioneers, Larry Langman
notes that "despite the manipulations of movie makers to
place females in subordinate roles, women gained a mythical
status in the early silents." Filmmakers "never depicted the
wives and mothers as wanting to return to civilization." A
Guide to Silent Westerns, Bibliographies and Indexes in the











domestic actions often bear the weight of feminine emotional

expression in films which represent pioneer life.

Gish's gestures in The Wind, even when performing a

domestic chore such as sweeping, are imbued with a symbolic

code that moves beyond the iconic representation of a task.

Her movement style is more fluid than the histrionic tableau

of earlier melodrama and more expressive than the verisimilar

code that Pearson describes in the Biograph films. The

variations in Gish's bodily movement become themselves a kind

of metaphor for the frontier: a border that represents the

ambiguous distinction between movement and dance, between

control of and relinquishment to nature and men. Letty's

battle for subjectivity is exteriorized in her attempts to

maintain her balance in the face of the wind and Roddy's

attacks. Her body is symbolically buffeted on the edge of a

landscape that threatens to swallow up her self.

Expressionistic Gesture

The erasure of the influence of modern dance on film is

not surprising because it is a part of cultural history that

involves both issues of sexual difference and the

participation of large numbers of women in the 1920s. The

history of modern dance is grounded in the nineteenth century




Performing Arts, No. 13. (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,
1992), xv. See also Cheryl J. Foote, "Changing Images of
Women in the Western Film," Journal of the West 22, 4 (Oct.
1983): 64-71; Andrew Jefchak, "Prostitutes and Schoolmarms:
An Essay of Women in Western Films," Heritage of the Great
Plains 16, 3 (Summer 1983): 19-26.











physical culture movement, which not only affected gestural

style in film, but also inaugerated a cultural movement that

affected women throughout the United States. The movement

began with the importation from France of the ideas of

Francois Delsarte in 1869 by Steele Mackaye. By the turn of

the century, Delsarte was a household word; by the 1920s

Delsartean practices were institutionalized in gymnasiums,

university departments, and private foundations. Most middle

class white "young ladies" knew something about Delsartean

expressive methods and could demonstrate some of the poses.8

Delsarte used relaxation techniques along with exercises

to encourage self-expression. He assigned spiritual

functions to bodily functions and divided the body into zones

of three with each third representing an emotional or

spiritual state. Every gesture or grouping of gestures

expressed a specific motivational emotion. Here, for

example, is a typical exercise which connects a gesture to an

emotion. "Complex Emotional Action in Walk: is taken from an

1894 book on Harmonic Gymnastics and Pantomimic Expression:

1st action: Rhythm one and slow, poise elastic.
Expression: Concentration or intensity of emotion
in walk.
2nd action: Rhythm one and slow, poise passive.
Expression: Cautious or secretive.


8 For early writers on Delsarte see Florence Fowle
Adams, Gesture and Pantomimic Action (New York: Edgar S.
Werne, 1897); Anna Morgan,An Hour With Delsarte (Boston: Lee
and Shepard, 1889); and especially Genevieve Stebbins,
Delsarte's System of Expression (New York: Dance Horizons,
1977).











3rd action: Rhythm one and slow, stride short.
Expression: Indolence.9

The symbolic nature of the Delsartean lexicon should be

obvious. Ballet, another formalized gestural practice, has a

lexicon, but emotional attitudes are not associated with a

pirouette in the same way that a Delsartean stride is

connected to "indolence." Pearson describes in Eloquent

Gestures the histrionic code that developed out of Delsarte

as emphasizing emotional expression through poses. Movement

was generally used as a means to an end, as a way of getting

to a pose or of transporting a still pose or expression.

Poses were held so the audience would have enough time to

"read" them. However, Pearson does not account for the type

of Delsartean exercises that include expressive movement

along with an attitude, such as the ones described above.

Emotional expression associated with movement and not just

with poses is an important distinction between the

expressionistic gesture that I define through Delsarte and

modern dance, and Pearson's histrionic gesture which

emphasizes the static side of Delsartean practices.

Delsarte primarily found his way to the American public

in the 1890s and 1900s through classes and salon performances

of attitudes. Attitudes were poses which a performer

demonstrated in tableau of various emotional states and




9 Marion Lowell, Harmonic Gymnastics and Pantomimic
Expression (Boston: 1894), 300.











mythic or heroic figures. They were easily performed and

readily identified and thus were not limited to the

professional dancer. The general public, particularly the

female public, practiced Delsarte throughout the first two

decades of this century.10 In Imaging American Women, Martha

Banta's makes an interesting comparison between the

simultaneous mass production of cameras and the mass

production of Delsartean gestural practices:

Just as the simplified system perfected by
the Eastman Company for loading photographic
film and adjusting the focus made it possible
for anyone to take snaps with the Kodak Brownie,
the codification of the Delsarte system encouraged
the notion that no one need forgo 'the attitudes'
just because one was an amateur, not a
professional.11

Bodily performance became a "democratic" practice at the same

time that picture-taking did. The convergence of these two

practices is not necessarily coincidental: one provides a

spectacle for the other. Likewise, the representation of

women performing "physical culture" exercises was one of the

more popular subjects for films made during this same

period.12




10 Banta(b), 640.

11 Martha Banta, Imaging American Women: Idea and Ideals
in Cultural History(New York: Columbia University Press,
1987), 641.

12 See Kemp R Niver, Motion Pictures from the Library of
Congress Paper Print Collection: 1894-1912. ed. Bebe
Bergsten (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967).











From the salons the Delsartean "attitudes" travelled to

schools, churches, lodges, and civic groups. Women often

found this particular form of body language to be liberating,

although the context and content of most performances tended

not to be overwhelmingly political.13 Mythic heroines, women

in melodramatic distress, and figures who tend to be

suffering great pain made popular subject matter for the

Delsartean mill. As important as these forms of bodily

expression may have been for a female population that had

little access to more verbal forms of expression, they

primarily served to reinforce already existing iconic

stereotypes; however, there were a few significant

exceptions. For example, the feminist Margaret Wycherly

posed as "Woman" in 1915 in order to "associate her demands

for the vote with the Liberty pose."14 More often than not,

however, Delsartean attitudes acquired the reputation of

feminine salon entertainment or worse, as an excuse for early

film directors to get their subjects to strip down to their

leotards.15

Pearson argues that Delsarte training led to a

histrionic gestural style, which can be identified through




13 Banta, Imaging American Women, 654.

14 Banta, Imaging American Women, 655.

15 See video Trailblazers of Modern Dance, New York
Public Library, Dance Collection, Lincoln Center.











iconic resemblance in Griffith Biograph films; she further

clarifies this phenomenological approach by pointing out that

the connections between the "Biograph and Delsarte style lie

not in specific poses but in the overall principles of

histrionically coded acting shared by the two."16 Pearson

defines the principles of the histrionic and verisimilar

codes as follows:

1. Verisimilarly coded acting had no standard
repertoire of gestures, no limited lexicon. The
style defined itself by the very abandonment of the
conventional gestures of the histrionic code.
Actors no longer portrayed emotions and states of
mind by selecting from a pre-established repertoire
but by deciding what was appropriate for a
particular character in particular circumstances.
2. Whereas the histrionic code tended to
resemble digital communication, the verisimilar
tended to resemble analogical communication. The
histrionic code depended upon gestural isolation,
each gesture sufficiently distinct to be read by
the audience. Actors struck attitudes and took
poses, with intervening gestures omitted. When the
new-style actors used gesture (and they were
counseled to use it sparingly), they employed a
continuous flow of movement composed of little
details rather than broad sweeping motions.
3. Though opposition still operated in the
verisimilar code, the opposition were not as
extreme as in the histrionic code. The verisimilar
style no longer held gestures for dramatic effect
and the fully extended, upward, outward, or
downward movements of heighened emotion were
dropped.17

I quote Pearson at such length because of the specifics she

provides which separate the "attitudes" and "poses" of the

histrionic code from the more fluid style of the verisimilar




16 Pearson, 23-24.


17 Pearson, 37.











code. Pearson describes the "continuous flow of movement

composed of little details" as a sign of the verisimilar

code. She is describing a flow, rather than flowing movement

which I would describe as a sign of expressionistic gesture.

The "little details" actually seek to hide the flow of the

directed movement, whereas in expressionistic gesture, the

flow and its emotional significance is foregrounded.

The distinctions that Pearson makes between the two

styles of acting are valuable for the films she considers,

but I find that these two categories are inadequate to cover

certain gestural styles which are more fluid than histrionic

tableau and more symbolic than verisimilar. I believe

Pearson does not consider the extent to which certain

variations of Delsarte got transformed into a less rigid

system of movement, particularly in the theories of modern

dance. Susan Roberts's analysis can be seen as offering

support to my criticism of Pearson as she claims that

Delsarte's "technique emphasizes the musical nature of

gesture and movement," while forming the basis for "stylized

gesture in the early screen melodrama."18

James Naremore in Acting in the Cinema also associates

Delsarte with an expressive or stylized gestural performance

in his examination of the role that Delsarte played in

influencing film acting. He sees Delsarte as being as




18 Susan Roberts, "Melodramatic Performance Signs,"
Framework 32-33 (1986): 68-69.











important to the tradition of pantomime as Konstantin

Stanislavsky was to realist acting; importantly, however,

Naremore also sees a connection between the Delsartean

training which began at the turn of the century and the

reemergence of an expressionistic code in the 1920s. He

argues that "the expressive behavior of the entire cast in

The Phantom of the Opera (1925) owes to Delsarte's vision of

the theater."19 Lon Chaney's performance in this film, which

is often linked to the expressionist style of The Cabinet of

Dr. Caligari (1920), is, according to Naremore, the result of

"the supple, demonstrative, highly codified style of

pantomime that dominated the previous century and remained in

use to a greater or lesser degree throughout silent movies."20

Naremore continues to argue throughout his book, using

Lillian Gish's performance style as an example, that what at

first glance may seem to conform to a "realist" aesthetic




19 Naremore, 53.

20 Naremore, 53. To Naremore's observations about The
Phantom of the Opera, I would also emphasize, besides the
expressionistic nature of Lon Chaney's performance, the
importance of the opening scenes with the corps de ballet.
After the ballet dancers have finished their piece on stage
they continue to exhibit "dance-like" gestures back stage.
When the phantom is first sighted, the dancers run in unison,
while a few fling their arms over their heads in graceful
fright and others twirl. These movements appear as highly
choreographed as their stage performance. This film
continually blurs distinctions between the performing self
and the "natural" self, a blurring which I take to be a
quality of expressionistic gesture as well as a stereotype of
"feminized" performances.




Full Text
3
as a sign that bears a strong visual resemblance to what it
represents.5 By using Peirce's sense I locate the woman in
motion firmly within a field of visual representation that
includes painting, photography, and film. But the woman in
motion generated effects far beyond the representation of her
image, effects that are present in the writings from the turn-
of-the-century through 1935, and that identify the woman in
motion as an icon in the more classical sense. The
circulation of the image of woman as sign during this period
reflects the changing status of signs as much as the changing
status of women; both are defining markers of modernism.
The meanings and origins of modernism and its effects
are a hotly debated issue; my thesis brings together two
strains of this debate. The first strain focuses on
modernism as defined through changes in visual culture due to
new technologies originating in the nineteenth century but
developed in the twentieth. The second considers changes in
the meaning of the "modern woman" as she is defined by her
bodily movement. Following Jean Baudrillard, Jonathan Crary
argues that modernity involves the nineteenth century
observer in a different relationship to signs.6 The sign's
5 Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary
(Springfield: Merriam-Webster, Inc., 1985); Charles Sanders
Peirce, Elements of Logic, Vol. II, ed. Charles Hartshorne
and Paul Weiss (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932).
6 Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision
and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1990).


9
the aisle of a train in a film is often not merely walking.
At what point do her gestures become something more highly
coded than an effort to get from point A to point B? How do
her movements blur the line between walking and dancing? Is
she something more than a spectacle or a representation of
masculine desire?
Theorizing Dancing
Dance as a signifying practice has traditionally been
ignored and frequently denigrated by philosophers,
aestheticians, and film theorists. Within the past several
years, however, dance studies has emerged as an important
area of cultural and interdisciplinary studies.16 The
recently published Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory,
Literature as Dance includes essays that consider dance on
stage, in literature, film, and theory. These essays provide
ample evidence for the imaginative possibilities of writing
about dance, as well as an explanation for why dance has not
been taken seriously sooner, as it is difficult to pin down a
16 See the following articles in Bodies of the Text:
Dance as Theory, Literature as Dance, ed. Ellen W. Goellner
and Jacqueline Shea Murphy (New Brunswick,NJ: Rutgers
University Press, 1995): Jacques Derrida and Christie V.
McDonald, "Choreographies," 141-156; Felicia McCarren,
"Stphane Mallarm, Loie Fuller, and the Theater of
Femininity," 217-230; Mark Franko, "Mimique," 205-216. See
also Choreographing History, ed. Susan Foster (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, forthcoming 1995); Felicia
McCarren, "The 'Symptomatic Act' Circa 1900: Hysteria,
Hypnosis, Electricity, Dance," Critical Inquiry 21, no. 4,
748-776; Carol J.Clover, "Dancin' in the Rain," Critical
Inquiry 21, no. 4, 722-747.


146
degradation has passed from slight impropriety to indecency,
and now threatens to become brazenly shameless.'"49 A
contradiction becomes apparent in these descriptions of the
Flapper, the same contradiction that is apparent in
Kracauer's argument about the Tiller Girls. While on the one
hand, writers describe the Flapper's image as sexless, almost
boyish and represent it as abstracted silhouette, other
writers discuss the "brazenly shameless" nature of the
Flapper's dance style, fashion, and moral behavior. How can
the chorus girl or the Flapper expose "the place where the
erotic resides" without being erotic?
Abstraction and a Slippery Escape in Pandora's Box
In From Caligari to Hitler Kracauer praises George W.
Pabst as a director of photographic realism, but he reserves
a different assessment for Pandora's Box. He claims that
Pandora's Box was a failure. . but not for the reason
most critics advanced." According to Kracauer
the film's weakness resides not so much from
the impossibility of translating this dialogue
into cinematic terms as from the abstract nature
of the whole Wedekind play. It was a texture of
arguments; its characters, instead of living on
their own, served to illustrate principles. Pabst
blundered in choosing a play that because of its
expressive mood, belonged to the fantastic postwar
49 George Critoph, "The Flapper and her Critics," in
Remember the Ladies: New Perspectives on Women in American
History: Essays in Honor of Nelson Manfred Blake, (Syracuse,
NY: Syracuse University Press, 1975), 149.


13
discussions about acting style.23 Is the actor really
experiencing the emotion she portrays? Or is she performing,
miming, or parodying emotion? Langer emphasizes that what
distinguishes dance as an "art," what gives dance its
"power," is that movement is self-consciously illusory. When
critics do not recognize the difference between being and
performing, she concludes, they set up a situation where
dance is first praised, but then later condemned because of
its close association with emotional expression. The
inability to separate from emotions is one quality that
Andreas Huyssen identifies with the denigration of mass
culture and its associations with the feminine.24 According
to Huyssen, the proponents of modernism attempt to separate
themselves from mass culture and the feminine by maintaining
a critical distance. Dance's apparent proximity to the
expression of emotion accounts in part for both its
"feminine" status and its exclusion from discussions about
modernism.
In order to consider gesture and dance in film from an
historical, semiotic perspective, I will return to some
early, but important articles in film studies, particularly
23 See James Naremore, Acting in the Cinema (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1988).
24 Andreas Huyssen, "Mass Culture as Woman: Modernism's
Other,* Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass
Culture, ed. Tania Modeleski (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986): 188-207.


This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the Department of English in the College of Liberal Arts
and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as
partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
December 1995
Dean, Graduate School


57
though each one is born of a different source, nevertheless
ally, interpenetrate and reciprocally prove each other" [my
emphasis].43 The Delsartean "interpenetration" of art and
science through the movement of the body initiates a theme
which echoes throughout writers on physical culture, dance,
and film: through the "penetration"of art and science, of
feminine and masculinea modern knowledge about the body
emerges.
Delsartean "attitudes" were performed in all sorts of
public and private spaces: in salons and schools, club
meetings and churches, men and women expressed emotions,
imitated mythological characters, and practiced rhythmic
excercises with their performing bodies. But the physical
culture movement consumed more than just the leisure time of
Americans. From the New York stage to the factory floor,
emphasis was placed on watching, measuring, and enjoying the
image of the body in motion. For example, Martha Banta has
studied the ideology of time management developed by
Frederick Winslow Taylor in the 1890s as another way that the
movements of the body were scrutinized and "managed."44
Taylor's ideas became important not only in the factory and
43 Stebbins, 67.
44 Martha Banta, Taylored Lives: Narrative Productions
in the Age of Taylor, Veblen, and Ford. (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1993), 376 ft.32; See also Dolores Hayden,
The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs
for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge,
Mass: 1981).


129
female eroticism. The disciplined, military body becomes the
repository for masculine visual fantasy with themes and
costumes that mix and match signifiers of ethnic exoticism,
lesbian playfulness, and domestic culture.
Certain camerawork in these American films attempts
superficially to "personalize" the masses of chorus girls by
separating out individual dancers from the crowd. Berkeley,
for exanple, liked to use close-ups of the dancers' faces.
According to Derek and Julia Parker in The Natural History of
the Chorus Girl, Berkeley was the man "who taught the camera
how to look at girls:*
If it was possible, now, for a director to use
girls as wallpaper or carpeting, it was also
possible for him to bring an individual member of
the audience into close contact with each
individual member of the chorus: the camera
learned to linger lovingly a foot or two away,
before moving on to the next beauty; and one or
other of them would have their effect.20
This technique of close-up after close-up of female faces
also reinforced an ideology of type; the white, standardized
face of beauty, but rather than making the chorus girl less
abstract, it only seemed to make her more.21
It was not only in the United States that filmmakers
such as Berkeley built a connection between the mise-en-
scenes of military, industrial, and consumer culture and
20 Parker, 164, 167.
21 See Mizejewski's discussion of the discourse of
eugenics during the teens and twenties and their connection
to Ziegfeld's philosophy of girl "types."


134
the false concreteness that inhibits truly rational thinking,
the kind of thinking that "demythologizes" history.
In his writings before the war, unlike much of his later
work, Kracauer does leave room for some sign of breaking
through the oppressiveness of the mass ornament. In fact, he
argues against those "intellectuals" who snub the Tiller Girl
phenomenon by suggesting that the "aesthetic plesure" of the
performance "is legitimate."30 This type of pleasure, he
suggests, is potentially more radical than artworks which
"cultivate obsolete noble sentiments in withered forms"
because they are less connected to "reality" than the working
class pleasures of the Tiller Girls. Certain types of
"rhythmical gymnastics" or modern dance which attempt to add
meaning to bodily form are even worse than the chorus girl
revues, according to Kracauer, because these more "spiritual"
forms "confiscate even the mythological higher levels and
hence strengthen nature all the more in its domination."31
The formations of the Tiller Girls, however, resemble
iconographically the working conditions of the factory lines.
For Kracauer such a visual confrontation with "reality"
30 Kracauer,
"The
Mass
Ornament,*
70.
31 Kracauer,
"The
Mass
Ornament,*
76.
Kracauer's
distrust of "spiritual" dance does not help to explain why
Goebbels found certain types of "philosophical" dance, such
as the modern dance of Mary Wigman, so threatening that he
banned it from inclusion in UFA films in 1937. See Susan A.
Manning, Ecstasy and the Demon: Feminism and Nationalism in
the Dances of Mary Wigman (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1993), 202.


49
Both the Biograph film and the Kasebier photograph
suggest a link between the representation of still movement
and the representation of filmic movement. The former
carries only the traces of past gestures; the latter, the
illusion of movement in the present. These early images of
the female body in motion in both photography and film carry
their own particular cultural currency. "Dancing School" and
"School Girl Gymnastics" are more than just two early
examples of the representation of motion. The two texts
offer a starting point for understanding how the figure of
Loie Fuller operated differently from these more typical
examples. In both the photograph and the film a woman
teaches young girls how to move. In the photograph the
girls' skirts swirl up around their ankles as they form a
circle around their teacher. In the film the collapse of the
pyramid provides a revealing moment in which sexual
difference is exposed. The images are at once private and
public, intimate and voyeuristic. "Dancing School" and
"School Girl Gymnastics" demonstrate the contradiction that
is frequently at the heart of physical culture's
representation of the woman in motion--a private pleasure
reproduced for public consumption.
Walter Benjamin in "The Work of Art in the Age of
Mechanical Reproduction"(1936) describes how the techniques
of mechanical reproduction reveal a new kind of knowledge


211
Martin, John J. Introduction to the Dance. New York: W.W.
Norton & Co., 1939.
McCarren, Felicia. "Stphane Mallarm, Loie Fuller, and the
Theater of Femininity," Bodies of the Text: Dance as
Theory, Literature as Dance. Ellen W. Goellner and
Jacqueline Shea Murphy, ed. New Brunswick: Rutgers
University Press, 1995: 217-230.
. "The 'Symptomatic Act' Circa 1900: Hysteria, Hypnosis,
Electricity, Dance," Critical Inquiry. 21:4 (Summer
1995): 748-774.
Mizejewski, Linda. "Ziegfeld Girl: Image and Icon in Culture
and Cinema." Unpublished manuscript, (1993).
Mulvey, Laura. "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema."
Feminism and Film Theory. New York: Routledge Press,
1988: 69-79.
Muybridge, Eadweard. The Human Figure in Motion. New York:
Bonanza Books, 1989.
Naremore, James. Acting in the Cinema. Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1988.
Niver, Kemp R. Motion Pictures from the Library of Congress
Paper Print Collection: 1894-1912, ed. Bebe Bergsten.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967.
Ott, Frederick. W., The Films of Fritz Lang. New Jersey:
Citadel Press, 1979.
Papich, Stephen. Remembering Josephine. New York: Bobbs-
Merrill Co., 1976.
Paris, Barry. Louise Brooks. London: Mandarin Press, 1990.
Parker, Derek and Julia. The Natural History of the Chorus
Girl. London: Newton Abbot, 1975.
Pearson, Roberta E. Eloquent Gestures: The Transformation of
Performance Style in the Griffith Biograph Films.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992.
Peirce, Charles Sanders. Elements of Logic, Vol. II, ed.
Charles Hartshome and Paul Weiss. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1932.


178
And his juxtaposition of these images reveals the ambivalent
reception with which some of these "affinities" might be
received. Besides perpetuating some questionable
stereotypes, the MOMA show also did not consider the
historical relationship of people like Picasso, Leger, and
Calder to the "negrophilie" movement of the twenties and
thirties"a context," according to Clifford, "that would see
the irruption onto the European scene of other evocative
black figures: the jazzman, the boxer (A1 Brown), the
sauvage Josephine Baker."26 The movement itself holds an
ambivalent place in history. The "negrophilie" movement does
not necessarily question the ambivalent combination of
desire, fantasy, and guilt that is apparent in the
justifications by writers in the twenties, thirties, and even
the eighties for primitivism and its relation to colonialism.
Neither does MOMA question the implications of the
institutionalization of both primitivism and the avant-garde.
Perhaps Baker should not be seen as a figure that
bridges this gap between low and high art, but rather as one
of the last attempts to keep the gap from developing. If the
thirties mark the beginning of the institutionalization of
the avant-garde, then might not Baker and primitivism
constitute the birth of this ambivalent separation? The role
of the move towards decolonization here is not particularly
26 Clifford, 197.


96
methods may result in performances which look remarkably the
same.
Another important development drawing upon Delsarte,
which affects silent film performance style and Lillian
Gish's in particular, is the development of modem dance.
Isadora Duncan was the first to use Delsarte to make a
transition from the salon to major performance halls. She,
along with the choreographers Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn,
added drama to ordinary movements and took what is now known
as modern dance out of the salon and vaudeville acts and into
the category of "high art." These choreographers believed
that "In everyday life as well as in the danced
representation of life, interior feelings guided the
movements of the body into forms that could be identified by
the serious student of human movement."25 Modern dancers in
the United States concentrated on movement as a form of self-
expression and took their inspiration from "ordinary"
movements, ethnic and native dance traditions, and theater.
Dancers such as St.Denis and Shawn firmly believed that the
body has a language of its own, one that is more closely
associated with music than with language, but one that
nevertheless could express desire, regret, mourning, ecstasy,
without the context of a narrative frame. Modern dance
25 Susan Leigh Foster, Reading Dancing: Bodies and
Subjects in Contemporary American Dance (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1986), 157.


LD
1780
1995
. c.o>nf
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
3 1262 08556 6379


36
their "utilization of electric light and mechanisms."3 While
the aesthetics of either Loie Fuller or the "cakewalk" may
seem a surprising favorite of the Futurists, Fuller's
popularity with both Art Nouveau and Futurism indicates the
fluid nature of her representation. Fuller transcended
national lines as easily as art movements, travelling from
the United States to Europe, encountering the most respected
artists and thinkers of the turn-of-the-century. With "500
yards" of silky dress swirling around her body with the aid
of bamboo poles, Fuller created a public sensation by using
colored electric lights to silhouette her body. She
performed "with her troupe of ladies and corps of electrical
engineers" dances such as "The Firmament, The Fire, The Great
White Lily" on the same program with "her newest scientific
creation, Radium Dance."4
The transformation of the woman's body into flowers,
butterflies, and dragonflies, particularly Fuller's body, was
a favorite subject for the Art Nouveau movement of the turn-
of-the-century. According to Martin Battersby, Fuller
"personified what artists felt about Woman as an abstraction
3 Marinetti, 138.
4 New York Public Library Dance Collection, Lincoln
Center. Program notes for Fuller performance in Keil,
Germany.


207
Doane, Mary Ann, Patricia Mellencamp, and Linda Williams, ed.
Re-vision: Essays in Feminist Film Criticism.
Frederick,MD: University Publications of America, 1984.
Drucker, Johanna. Theorizing Modernism: Visual Art and the
Critical Tradition. New York: Columbia University Press,
1994.
Dyer, Richard. "Entertainment and Utopia." Movies and Methods
Vol. II, ed. Bill Nichols. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1985.
. Stars. London: BFI, 1979.
. "White." Screen. 24:6 (Nov-Dec 1983).
Eisner, Lotte. The Haunted Screen: Expressionism in the
German Film and the Influence of Max Reinhardt, trans.
Roger Greaves. Berkeley: University of California Press,
1969.
Elsaesser, Thomas. "CinemaThe Irresponsible Signifier or
'The Gamble with History': Film Theory or Cinema
Theory." New German Critique. No.40 (1987).
. "Lulu and the Meter Man: Louise Brooks, Pabst and
Pandora's Box." Screen 24, nos.4-5 (July-Oct. 1983).
Fairbanks, Carol. Prairie Women: Images in American and
Canadian Fiction. New Haven: Yale University Press,
1986.
Fann, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam
Markmann. New York: Grove Press, 1967.
Fischer, Lucy. "Applause: The Visual and Acoustic
Landscape." Film Sound: Theory and Practice, ed.
Elisabeth Weis and John Belton. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1985.
. "The Image of Woman as Image: The Optical
Politics of Dames." Sexual Stratagems: The World of
Women in Film, ed. Patricia Erens. New York: Horizon
Press, 1979.
. Shot/Countersho:Film Tradition and Women's Cinema.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Flinn, Caryl. Strains of Utopia: Gender, Nostalgia, and
Hollywood Film Music. Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1992.


151
"catastrophe" or death.56 But one of the pleasures of the
film involves Lulu's escaping over and over from her
oppressively fixed positions. We need not overlook these
moments of spectacle simply because the film ends in her
death. Another reading of the spectacle of Lulu takes into
account these suspended moments of animated pleasure which
are achieved primarily by the contrast in movement styles.
Lulu is most spectacular when she is in motion.
Pabst uses a variety of cinematic techniques which cause
Lulu's character to visually contrast with the other
characters. Many critics, starting with Lotte Eisner, have
mentioned Pabst's use of the close-up as being the key to the
narrative tension of the film.57 Other critics mention how
Pabst cuts on movement, but few have pointed out how
specifically different Pabst's framing of Lulu's body in
motion is from the rest of the film. Besides choreographing
a large part of Lulu's character in motion, particularly
during the first half of the film, Pabst frames her
frequently in a long shot, particularly a 3/4 body or
"American" shot, and then tracks the camera with her as she
moves. The effect of these tracking shots is twofold:
first, they underline the stiffness and heaviness of the
56 Doane, 148.
57 See Eisner,16; Doane, 147; Elsaesser, "Lulu and the
Meter Man," 26. Elsaesser also comments on the cutting on
movement.


52
the mutual penetration of art and science."32 To see a
woman's body at "close range" or in "slow motion" the viewer
needs the justification of either science or art to
legitimize the gaze. A "masculinized" technology
investigates the "feminine" arts, slows down the image,
freezes it, studies it. But is something new born of this
"mutual penetration?"
Benjamin paraphrases the belief of Muybridge and other
early writers, when he says that, "evidently a different
nature opens itself to the camera than opens to the naked eye-
-if only because an unconsciously penetrated space is
substituted for a space consciously explored by man."33 The
"unconsciously penetrated space" which reveals a "different
nature,' is quite often in early film the figure of a dancing
female. Many early films also showed women twirling their
skirts around them. One of the first Edison films was titled
Serpentine Dance (1894), also known under Annabelle-the-
Dancer, and was performed by an imitator of Loie Fuller,
Annabelle Whitford Moore. Edison, as Fuller would later do,
hand-colored this version to imitate light on costume.34 This
32 Benjamin, 236.
33 Benjamin, 236-7.
34 Harris, 31; According to Terry Ramsye, Fuller was
offered the chance to make a film with Edison, but sent her
sister instead who made a film under the name of La Loie in
1896. The first film with Moore is well-documented and was
widely shown. I have not found any other evidence of


186
I agree with hooks in that it is equally important to
foreground the celebratory and radical potential of "Doin'
the Butt." Baker's dance style contains similar problems in
terms of the nature of its spectacle. Through an alternative
reading of Baker's dancing, I will invoke the history of
African and African-American dance styles in order to suggest
more fully how the dancing body might disturb rather than
simply reinforce the "white" cinematic gaze in Princess Tam
Tam.
Ambivalence and Miscegenation
An important part of the colonial imagination involves
not only the metaphoric "conquering" of a geographic space,
or the fetishizing of body parts, but also the literal and
metaphoric "penetration" of the feminine. The black female
body serves metonymically to represent the colonial
challenge: if the colonist can seduce a native, then he can
also seduce a people. The dancing, black, female body often
performs within the frame of the colonial fantasy of
miscegenation. Miscegenation, or the threat of it, is part
of the narrative drive of Princess Tam Tam, but with an
important twist: Max, the writer, pretends to seduce Alwina
in order to provide him with a story for his book. Or, to be
more specific, the seduction occurs without her knowledge as
much of the film takes place during an extended fantasy
sequence in which Max takes Alwina back to Paris, disguised
as the Princess of Parador." An important part of the


7
Schwartz defines it, a new "kinaesthetic" appeared, a new
awareness of the moving body and its meanings, as seen in
"harmonic gymnastics," modern dance, and film acting styles,
that counters the prevailing narrative about the
fragmentation of the modernist body.14 The period in which
these women lived is also highly significant because of two
other "movements": the women's movement and the first
several decades of film history.
The filmic image of the woman as dancer provides a
particularly fluid, spectacular, and conflicted trope for
representing women during the first several decades of this
century. From the the avant-garde status of Loie Fuller's
"Fire Dance" to Lillian Gish's modern dance connections, from
Louise Brooks's chorus girl background, to the African-
American dance style of Josephine Baker, the woman dancer
generates multidisciplinary interest. Fuller, Gish, Brooks,
and Baker are all dancer/actresses who have numerous
connections to art movements, cinema history, musical
theater, and modern dance. These women exhibited for
numerous critics from the turn-of-the-century through the
1930s one of the more ambigous qualities of modernismthe
movement of a body through the new spaces of the new century.
The woman in motion appears throughout the first several
14 Hillel Schwartz, "Torque: The New Kinaesthetic of the
Twentieth Century,' Incorporations, ed. Jonathan Crary and
Sanford Kwinter, vol.6 (New York: Zone, 1992): 71-127.


177
from around the world and juxtaposed them with modern art of
the Western "industrialized" world. Clifford contests the
"affinity" between modern art and "tribal art" that the show
tries to set up. Picasso's "Girl before a Mirror" may look
superficially like a Kwakiutl mask, but they function in
their respective cultures in entirely different ways. All
the MOMA show demonstrates, argues Clifford, is that certain
aesthetic properties, such as design or asymmetry are shared
amongst cultures. However, certain affinities, according to
Clifford, were not dealt with in the showan important one
being the repetition of certain designs of the body. At one
point in his book, Clifford places together three images:
the first is Josephine Baker in a photograph (Paris, ca.
1929) wearing her banana costume; the second, a wooden figure
from Angola in the same full figure profile shotknees bent,
buttocks extended; the third, a costume design by Fernand
Leger for "The Creation of the World" (1922-23) with the same
pose.25
Clifford's juxtapositions implicate art history in the
perpetuation of certain ambivalent stereotypes, in this case,
a stereotype of bodily design. Clifford points to the fact
that "affinities," by which he seems to mean iconic
resemblances, are what constitute (to some degree), the
visual components of both positive and negative stereotypes.
25 Clifford, 199. Leger was yet another artist who was
inspired by Baker and represented her in his work.


22
to disrupt the economy of the Hollywood narrative.39 Tom
Gunning also formulates a thesis about the disruptive
potential of the "exhibitionism" of early cinema, which
includes dance performance, and compares the confrontational
and excessive quality of early cinema to similar qualities
advocated by certain avant-garde filmmakers.40 Describing the
dancing or gestural signifier as "excessive" or
"exhibitionist,' however, still does not establish how dance
signifies, or how and in what ways these signifiers are
perceived and interpreted.
Richard Dyer's article, "Entertainment and Utopia,"
offers an interpretation of dance in film that allows for
both sexual difference and historical specificity. Dyer
questions the emotionalism associated with moments of excess
and spectacle in the Hollywood musical. He argues that one
might interpret a dance scene by the utopianism [sic]
contained in the feeling it embodiesfeelings which
correspond to the oomph,' 'pow,' 'bezazz' qualities of the
dance performance.41 Following Barthes, Dyer feels that it
39 Jean-Francois Lyotard, "Acinema," in Narrative,
Apparatus, Ideology, ed. Philip Rosen (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1986): 349-359.
40 Tom Gunning, "The Cinema of Attraction: Early Film,
Its Spectator and the Avant-Garde," Wide Angle 8: 3-4 (1986):
63-70.
41Richard Dyer, "Entertainment and Utopia," in Movies
and Methods, Vol.II, ed. Bill Nichols (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1985): 220-232.


160
twirls and peeks at her clothes. At this point Aiwa returns
to find her in his father's apartment. She chases Aiwa across
the room and ultimately seduces him. This is the last moment
in the film where we see Lulu in rapid movement. After she
escapes with Aiwa, the rest of her movements become as
constrained as her character's situation.
Conclusion
Louise Brooks seemed to have a clearer understanding
than many critics during the twenties of the purpose of her
playing the part of Lulu. She understood why Pabst wanted an
American style of performance rather than a German, why her
background as a dancer, both Ziegfeld girl and modem dancer,
was appropriate for the part, even if others did not. And
finally, she understood why the poor reception of the film
reflected both national biases and a general resentment
towards actresses who did not play the game of "movie star"
in the manner that the studios dictated. Brooks never
accepted the restrictions that were placed on Hollywood
starlets and, subsequently, was "blackballed" from making
films soon after her return from Germany. She lived most of
the rest of her life in seclusion and poverty.
Brooks's biography only tells us a small part of the
conflicted discourse surrounding the role of the chorus girl
during the twenties and, more generally, the figure of the
woman in motion as spectacle. The Tiller girl, the Ziegfeld
girl, and the Flapper, all generated criticism concerning


208
Foster, Susan Leigh. Reading Dancing: Bodies and Subjects in
Contemporary American Dance. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1986.
Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality: An Introduction.
Vol.l, trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Vintage Books,
1990.
Franko, Mark. "Mimique," Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory,
Literature as Dance. Ellen W. Goellner and Jacqueline
Shea Murphy, ed. New Brunswick: Rutgers University
Press, 1995: 205-216.
Freud, Sigmund. "Fetishism." The Standard Edition of the
Complete Psychological Works. Vol. 21, trans. James
Strachey. London: Hogarth Press, 1953: 152-157.
. "Taboo and the Ambivalence of Emotions." The Basic
Writings of Sigmund Freud, trans. A.A. Brill. New York:
The Modern Library, 1966.
Friedman, Lester, ed. Unspeakable Images: Ethnicity and the
American Cinema. Chicago: University of Illinois Press,
1991.
Fuller, Loie. Fifteen Years of a Dancer's Life, With Some
Account of Her Distinguished Friends. New York: Dance
Horizons: 1978.
Gilman, Sander L. "Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an
Iconography of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-
Century Art, Medicine, and Literature." Critical
Inquiry. No. 12 (Autumn 1985): 204-242.
Gish, Lillian. The Movies, Mr. Griffith and Me. New York:
Avon Books, 1969.
Gledhill, Christine, ed. Stardom: Industry of Desire. New
York: Routledge Press, 1991.
Goellner, Ellen W. and Jacqueline Shea Murphy, ed. Bodies of
the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature as Dance. New
Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1995.
Greimas, A.J. "Figurative Semiotics and the Semiotics of the
Plastic Arts." New Literary History 20, no.3 (Spring
1989): 628-649.


190
France and fetishized in ways that the black man cannot. She
represents a different kind of threat and ambivalence.
Sexual and racial difference also explains the feminizing of
the colonial geography. As long as the land is feminized,
then it is castrated, tameable and in need of a white,
Western male. No wonder the colonial romances we see in
films and novels almost always involve a "white" man and an
"ethnic" woman: the ultimate colonial conquest is always the
other's body. The ambivalence of the colonial romance is two
fold: the rejection/acceptance of the white male as lover,
the rejection/acceptance of the white male as colonial
oppressor. The interesting moments in the colonial romance
texts are always when we discern the threat of failurewhen
the disavowal of the fetish is laid bare.
The previously cited scene in Princess Tam Tam
foregrounds the ambivalence of the interracial romance from
both sides and the disavowal of the black woman as fetish
object. We witness Max instructing Alwina in how to feel.
She is not confused, he tells her. She is in love. But the
rest of the scene destabilizes this definition of love.
After Alwina wonders to herself, "Confused? . Moved? she
wanders over to Coton's table and notices him writing:
Alwina: "Why is he always near us?"
Max: "He's my slave."
Alwina: "I didn't know you people had slaves."
Coton: "I am a 'Negro', my dear."
Alwina: "You? I don't like you. You're always making
fun. *
Max: "Do you like me?"


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110
brought her home for the first night. Lige, as Roddy later
does, attacks Letty, although Lige manages to restrain
himself and promises never to touch her again. He also does
not brush himself again. This gesture or lack of it, then,
at various times connotes attractiveness and aggressiveness.
It is important to notice that this brushing also maintains
the presence of the wind throughout the characters'
interactions with one another.
The tension between characters is also demonstrated
through a contrast in gestural style. Cora, the wife of
Letty's cousin, Bev, connotes through iconography a negative
stereotype of the pioneer womanhard-working, unromantic,
even masculine.47 Her gestural style is tightly compressed.
Her eyes narrow when she looks at Letty. Her lips press
together. Her face expresses bitterness, jealousy and at
times vulnerability at the sight of Letty and her husband
together. In one scene Cora uses a large knife to carve up a
cow which hangs from the ceiling. Her arms are covered with
blood and, in an unusually open gesture for her, she tries to
embrace one of her children. The child recoils at the sight
47 Cora's representation is a more negative version of
the "frozen goddess" stereotype of a prairie woman. In Ann
Uhry Abrams's article, "Frozen Goddess: The Image of Woman in
Tum-of-the-Century American Art, she describes this "type"
as a woman who remains strong despite a hostile environment.
Gish's character of Letty, while not as strong as this
stereotype, carries the "goddess" qualities that Cora lacks.
In Women's Places: Female Identity and Vocation in American
History, ed. Mary Kelley (Boston: G.K. Hall, 1979): 93-108.


182
about the relationship between women and their bodies, with
some significant differences. The differences would reside,
using Fann's methodology, in the historico-racial schema, in
the myths, stories, histories that have been applied to
women. We should also speak of an historico-sexual schema
(as many feminists have done).31
In order to find exairples of what I will call the
"historico-racial-sexual schema" for Princess Tam Tam, one
obvious place to start are the metaphoric allusions to the
colonies themselves. Colonial metaphors, whether made by
artist, scientist or explorer, often feminize geographic
locale. It is not merely coincidental, as Mary Ann Doane
points out, that Freud describes the field of female
sexuality as a "Dark Continent."32 Biological literature is
another site that hides some of the more offensive examples
of the desire of the colonial gaze to witness the embodiment
31 Of course, there are further subdivisions that could
break down according to sexual preference and class
distinctions. What I find significant in Fann's work is his
theorization of a type of body-consciousness that seems
particularly applicable to gender as well as racial
differences.
32 See Mary Ann Doane's chapter, "Dark Continents:
Epistemologies of Racial and Sexual Difference in
Psychoanalysis and the Cinema," in Femmes Fatales: Feminism,
Film Theory, Psychoanalysis (New York: Routledge Press,
1991): 209-248; Anne McClintock, "Maidens, Maps, and Mines:
The Reinvention of Patriarchy in Colonial South Africa,"
South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol. 87: 1 (Winter 1988); Annette
Kolodny's The Lay of the Land: Metaphor as Experience and
History in American Life and Letters (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1975).


46
Fuller's attraction to the "scientific," and its
connotations of masculinity helped to modernize and
legitimize Fuller's status as an artist. But most writers on
Fuller, such as Mallarm, discussed her in terms of her
"femininity," describing her particular femininity as both
"new" and "modem." Definitions of modernism before World
War I stretched far enough to include simultaneously the arts
and sciences, and, by connotation, the "feminine" and
"masculine" priciples. Andreas Huyssen has argued that one
of the defining tropes of modernism was a distancing effect
that invoked a separation from mass culture, a separation
that also broke down along gender distinctions: the modern
artist as masculine inventor/creator, the consumer as
feminine mass culture.23 Fuller, however, crosses over these
lines and, in so doing, forces a different understanding of
the relationship between modernism and the woman in motion.
Her performances were praised as art and denigrated as mass
culture; likewise, she was praised as artist, scientist,
inventor, and "American." Malcolm Bradbury and James
McFarlane have argued, using the same metaphoric "coupling"
as Delsarte, that the Modern resulted from "the
interpenetration, the reconciliation, the coalescence, the
fusion. ... of reason and unreason, intellect and emotion,
23 Andreas Huyssen, "Mass Culture as Woman: Modernism's
Other," Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass
Culture, ed. Tania Modeleski (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986): 188-208.


44
other performers.17 For McCarren, Mallarm's writing suggests
that Fuller's "dance allows to be seen not errptiness or lack,
but the 'nothing' which Mallarm locates at the heart of
theater" and, consequently, of femininity.18 By suggesting
that Fuller's type of feminine performance obliterates
sexuality while maintaining sexual difference, Mallarm
abstracts the feminine without essentializing it. Fuller's
dancing, then, stages something other than what
psychoanalytic film theory might describe as the spectacle of
woman's lack.19 Her performance embodies a nothingness that,
for Mallarm, composes the "ideal" theater, a feminine
theater, a theater of movement.
Fuller's theater of movement is best understood within
the context of turn-of-the-century attitudes towards the arts
and sciences. In this chapter I explore the belief that Loie
Fuller's dance performances embodied the intersection, or, in
the words of the Nineteenth Century movement theorist
Francois Delsarte, the "interpenetration" of the arts and
sciences, and, by extension, the "interpenetration" of both
17 McCarren, 217-227. See also Mark Franko, "Mimique,"
Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature as Dance (New
Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1995): 205-216.
18 McCarren, 227.
19 See Laura Mulvey's argument and subsequent revisions
of "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,* Feminism and Film
Theory (New York: Routledge Press, 1988): 69-79.


193
effects of an historico-racial-sexual schema that directs the
white Western gaze at the black female body in ways that
exoticise and objectify her.
Jobson's description of the Gambian women dancing "with
crooked knees and bended bodies" could easily describe some
of Josephine Baker's most recognizable moves. Her dance
style resembles an American vernacular style of performance
that was adapted from West African styles that travelled
overseas.44 Baker's style slides fluidly from the bent knees
of the Charleston "fan" to the bent knees of Congo dance
rituals. A closer examination of Baker's pastiche-like dance
style within the context of Princess Tam Tam reveals some of
the reasons for the ambivalence with which her performance is
received.
In one of the most visually complex scenes of Princess
Tam Tam, the cinematic apparatus constructs a complex
layering of gazes. Prior to this scene, Lucie and her
friends have jealously plotted to embarrass the African
Princess. They encourage Alwina to drink at an elegant
Parisian nightclub in order to induce the "primitive" side of
Alwina's nature to come out. The scene begins with Alwina
sitting alone at a table witnessing the spectacle of a Busby
44 Some of my knowledge of West African dance comes from
my experience with Chuck Davis's African-American Dance
Ensemble in Durham, NC. See Jean and Marshall Stearns, Jazz
Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance (New York:
Macmillan, 1968); James Haskins, Black Dance in America: A
History Through Its People (New York: T.Y. Cromwell, 1990).


154
inexplicably, both of them are laughing. Schigolch says in
an intertitle: You must be displayed to the public eye.
I've brought along just the man to do it." He tells Lulu of
Rodrigo Quast, an acrobat, who happens to be waiting on the
street outside to meet her. At this point we realize that
her performance was a set-up, that Schigolch was essentially
auditioning her in order to "manage" her. The tension
between Lulu's own pleasure and Schigolch's anger points to
the volatility of the spectacle of woman. Pabst foregrounds
this tension throughout his film and thereby points to that
quality of the mass ornament that Kracauer seems determined
to repressthe scopophilic economy that is directed at the
most fragmented and abstracted of dancers.
Pabst fragments visually Lulu's body later in this same
scene when Rodrigo comes up to the apartment to meet her. As
he is introduced to Lulu, she admires the muscles in his
arms. He flexes his arm which then acts as a frame around
Lulu's admiring face. She graps hold of his arm, her chin
resting on it while the rest of her swings as if on a
trapeze. The camera cuts from a close-up of Lulu's face
which is all smiles to a reverse shot of Schigolch who is
leering at her face. Pabst cuts back to Lulu's face and then
to a close up of her lower legs and shoes as she swings. He
includes one more shot of her happy face and the scene ends.
The cutting and framing of this scene fragments Brooks's body
in much the same way that a musical revue might emphasize the


45
feminine and masculine codes of performance.20 As Jonathan
Crary argues in Techniques of the Observer, "rather than
stressing the separation between art and science in the
nineteenth century, it is important to see how they were both
part of a single interlocking field of knowledge and
practice.''21 Crary's "field," I believe, extends to include
"knowledge" about sexual difference represented in new
technologies of vision. Fuller, for example, promoted dance
pieces, such as her "Radium Dance," by enhancing the very
modern-sounding title with her innovative use of electronic
stage lighting.22 Fuller's use of colored electric lights on
her own body aestheticized the scientific novelty of
electricity and associated her figure with modernism. In
1906 she employed another new technology when she starred in
the hand-tinted film of her "Fire Dance."
20See Genevieve Stebbins, Delsarte's System of
Expression (New York: Dance Horizons, 1977); Marion Lowell,
Harmonic Gymnastics and Pantomimic Expression (Boston, 1894);
Ted Shawn, Every Little Movement: A Book About Francois
Delsarte (New York: Dance Horizons, 1910).
21 Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision
and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1990), 9.
22 Her patented lighting inventions preceded the
experiments of the Futurist Appia by several years. See
video with Sally Sommer and Michael Kirby, "Visual Urge:
Scenic Innovations," in Eye on Dance Series, No. 220 (April
10, 1987), New York Public Library Dance Collection, Lincoln
Center.


19
representation of the dancer. Greimas's reading grid allows
for both depth and ambiguity in interpreting gesture. Each
individual reader could construct an entirely different
reading grid. My project is to try and construct or, in some
ways, to reconstruct a reading grid that includes information
about dance, gesture, and women in motion from the period
between 1900 and 1935.
Another approach from film studies that in many ways
follows an interpretive strategy similar to Greimas's is star
studies. The best of these studies considers the
relationship between stars and a sexually and racially
specific and historicized spectator.34 Christine Gledhill
describes the interdisciplinary challenge of the star text in
ways that resonate with Greimas's reading strategy of
interpreting the "signified of the world":
A product of mass culture, but retaining
theatrical concerns with acting, performance and
art; an industrial marketing device, but a
signifying element in films; a social sign,
carrying cultural meanings and ideological values,
which expresses the intimacies of individual
personality, inviting desire and identification; an
emblem of national celebrity, founded on the body,
fashion and personal style; a product of capitalism
and the ideology of individualism, yet a site of
contest by marginalised groups; a figure consumed
for his or her personal life, who competes for
34 See Richard Dyer, Stars (London: BFI, 1979);
Christine Gledhill, ed., Stardom: Industry of Desire (New
York: Routledge Press, 1991); Shari Roberts, Seeing Stars:
Feminine Spectacle, Female Spectators, and World War II
Hollywood Musicals (Dissertation: University of Chicago,
1993) .


94
may, on closer inspection, turn out to be the result of a
highly constructed and heavily symbolic performance.21
The theories of Soviet filmmakers, such as Lev Kuleshov
and Stanislavsky, are helpful for understanding comparatively
the complications of a gestural style which may purport to be
one thing on paper and then look to be another thing entirely
on film. Positions of these theorists help to elucidate the
debate which developed in the 1920s throughout Europe and
America and for the next several decades about the relative
merits of a German expressionist style as opposed to the
"nonacting" of certain American, Italian, and French films.
Delsarte's methodology was consistently associated with a
more constructed, emotionally expressive acting style.
Konstantin Stanislavsky is most known for developing
"method" acting, a style which teaches actors to search their
interior experience in order to become the character. The
Method is supposed to be more realistic than earlier
melodramatic methods because the actor is not trying to
express an emotion, but is experiencing the emotion while
portraying it, resulting in a transparent and less heavily
coded style. Kuleshov disagreed with Stanislavsky's
approach, however, arguing that "one must construct the work
of film actors so that it comprises the sum of organized
21 Naremore, 99-113.


209
Gunning, Tom. "The Cinema of Attraction: Early Film, Its
Spectator and the Avant-Garde." Wide Angle 8:3-4 (1986):
63-70.
. "An Unseen Energy Swallows Space: The Space in Early
Film and Its Relation to American Avant-Garde Film. "
Film Before Griffith, ed. John L. Fell. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1983.
Hake, Sabine. "Girls and CrisisThe Other Side of
Diversion." New German Critique No.40 (1987).
Hanna, Judith Lynne. Dance, Sex, Gender: Signs of Identity,
Dominance, Defiance, and Desire. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1988.
Harris, Margaret Haile. Loie Fuller: Magician of Light:
Exhibition at the Virginia Museum, March 12-April 22
1979. Richmond: The Virginia Museum, 1979.
Haskins, James. Black Dance in America: A History Through Its
People. New York: T.Y. Cromwell, 1990.
Hewitt, Andrew. Fascist Modernism: Aesthetics, Politics, and
the Avant-Garde. Stanford: Stanford Univesity Press,
1993.
Higashi, Sumiko. Virgins, Vamps and Flappers: The American
Silent Movie Heroine. Montreal: Eden Press Women's
Publications, 1978.
hooks, bell. Black Looks: Race and Representation. Boston:
South End Press, 1992.
Huyssen, Andreas. After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass
Culture, Postmodernism. Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986.
. "The Vamp and the Machine: Technology and
Sexuality in Fritz Lang's Metropolis." New German
Critique. No. 24-25 (Fall/Winter, 1981-82).
Irigaray, Luce. "The gesture in psychoanalysis." Between
Feminism and Psychoanalysis, ed.Teresa Brennan, trans.
Elizabeth Guild. New York: Routledge Press, 1987.
Jardine, Alice. Gynesis: Configurations of Woman and
Modernity (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 25.
Jowitt, Deborah. Time and the Dancing Image. New York:
William Morrow and Co., 1988.


150
production. The difference here is that Lulu stands out from
the "chorus" and so she does not so much replicate the
phenomenon of mass production as she becomes the ultimate
object of exchange. In one scene she is literally sold into
white slavery, first by photographs of her and then when she
is asked to come into the room and turn around for the buyer.
Schigolch (Carl Raschig) and Rodrigo Quast (Carl Raschig) are
both obsessed with making money out of her body, either
through putting her on stage or pimping for her. But Lulu
continues to slip through the fingers of those who wish to
exploit her. She escapes from potential slavery by
exchanging clothes with a sailor. She chooses her sex
partners rather than charging them.
Lulu's slipperiness functions on one hand to make her
the ideal object of capitalist exchange; she is all the more
valuable because of the difficulty in 'pinning her down.'
However, I wish to suggest another reading of this
"slipperiness," one which coincides more with Kracauer's
mention of the radical potential of the visual pleasure of
the mass ornament. Certainly, Brooks's performance has
visually pleased a number of critics. Is this pleasure
necessarily all negative? Doane's reading of the film
certainly makes sense in that, according to the phallocentric
logic of the film, the slippery spectacle of Lulu must end in


135
carries within it the potential for a radical experience of
contradiction which leads to the kind of historically
grounded thinking that Kracauer sees in the folk tale.
I wish to come back to Kracauer's point about the
radical potential of the visual pleasure of the Tiller Girl
because I believe it opens up his argument to a consideration
of sexually differentiated spectatorship as well as to a more
complex consideration of the figure of the dancer. First,
however, it is necessary to deal with those places where
Kracauer does identify a sexually specific spectator, and
with how he generally approaches mass culture.
Kracauer assumes that it is, in fact, the audience which
brings meaning to the mass ornament. The dancers are
incapable of appreciating the symmetry of their collective
performance. The dancer, like the individual spectator, is
meaningless alone; the sense or logic of the performance is
constructed through sheer numbers. Through Kracauer's
analogy, the spectator becomes as sexless and abstracted as
the dancer.
Kracauer, like other cultural critics, often resorts to
metaphors which feminize in a negative fashion both the
spectacle and the spectator. He characterizes the "nature"
that both capitalism and the mass ornament allow for as
"primitive," "mute," "impenetrable."32 The masses that are
32 Kracauer, "The Mass Ornament," 74.


191
Alwina: "'Confused' you called it before? What's it
like to feel confused?
Max: "Your heart beats very fast."
Alwina: "Well, then, I'm confused."
Max: "Good night. Go to bed."
Coton: "No good night for me?"
[Alwina, looking straight at the camera in a direct
address, sticks her tongue out and runs out. The men
laugh.]
The ambivalence of interracial relationships is specifically
linked to the colonial narrative. Alwina identifies the
"joke" that Coton is Max's slave as a part of that narrative.
White people are not "Negroes" and thus they cannot be
slaves. How, she might wonder, can she, a black woman and
potential "slave," be a white man's lover? Her confusion
over her feelings for Max is like the confusion (and
irritation) she feels over Coton's joke.
The subversive moment in this scene, the moment when the
ambivalence of miscegenation is not only foregrounded, but
reacted against, occurs when Alwina sticks out her tongue.
The direct address of the shot breaks the diegesis of the
sequence. It startles the viewer momentarily. Her
impertinence is directed at the audience as much as Coton.
Alwina/Baker is not a person to be joked about. She will not
fit neatly into the colonial romance. Alwina (and the
viewer) are reminded in this scene that she does not have the
same "skin/race/culture" and it is the recognition of her
racial difference that underlies her treatment as love
object/fetish object. Her defiant expression momentarily
reveals the implications of the white man's disavowal of her


157
androgyny/ "her mutability, her free-spiritedness," is linked
to her feminine "desirability" and thus, fundamentally, to
questions of her guilt.63
Lulu's androgyny resembles both the abstracted, sexless
quality of the chorus dancer that Kracauer identifies and the
"boyish" silhouette of the Flapper's image, and yet, as I
argued earlier, both the chorus girl and the Flapper were
conflicted discursive sites who were represented as sexually
threatening as often as erotically benign. In Pandora's Box,
Pabst's inclusion of the scopophilic gaze of desire from
every other character in the film necessarily eroticizes what
in and of itself may not seem erotic. Lulu becomes erotic,
in the classical Hollywood sense, through the illusion of her
seemingly passive "existence." But this illusion needs soft-
focus, close-ups and plenty of cross-cutting to transform the
feminine subject into the object of desire. Eroticism, like
femininity, is constructed as much by the look of desire as
by any sort of "essential" sexiness.
Lulu's rapid movements across the frame suggest more
than her potential androgyny or spectacular existence; they
activate her, both visually and narratively. The movement
quality of Brooks's performance style signifies Lulu's
tendency both to rush towards and then away from constraining
situations, but it is rarely acknowledged that Lulu's
63 Doane, 153-154.


42
for "scientific" studies of the body, for pornography, for
art, and for more popular documentation of women swimming,
dancing, and exercising.
Finally, the reading grid pursues Fuller's own career
and her relationship to the Art Nouveau and Futurist
movements. Artists from both movements appreciated Fuller's
modernism and appropriated her figure in ways that reflect
their interest in both her aesthetic and scientific
connotations. All of these ideas seemed necessary to
construct my reading grid for Fuller's film Fire Dance(1906) .
While the idea of a grid may sound rigid, its structure
allows me to work through material in ways that I hope are as
fluid and as compelling as my subject matter. I do not wish
to suggest that this grid is a complete one. Nor would I
deny that other information could change my interpretation of
Fire Dance. The application of a reading grid does more than
simply provide "background" to my text; it acts as a filter
or lens and necessarily alters what goes through it. My
reading of Fire Dance and Loie Fuller is thus a wholly
motivated one that focuses on the nature of her femininity,
the quality of her movement, and a culture's reaction to
both.
The various descriptions of Fuller's work by Rastignac,
Marinetti, and Mallarm together indicate a crisis of codes
defining the parameters of femininity during the early part
of this century. Alice Jardine has defined gynesis as the


18
the world. The "'signified' of the world," then, will depend
to some degree on our historical context as much as on our
own particular interaction within that context. Greimas
acknowledges that his reading grid is related to Barthes's
concept of "iconicity" in the "Rhetoric of the Image."33 The
important difference is Greimas's addition of the grid to
theorize how signifiers are brought together in a type of
cognitive architecture.
Here, then, we have a starting point for reading gesture
as semantic coding. The reader of gestural signs perceives
and cognitively organizes gestures through a grid that
provides culturally and historically specific referents. For
example, the movements of Loie Fuller's body and costume in
her film Fire Dance (1906) relates (both in terms of
iconicity and semantic coding) to photographs of Fuller skirt
dancing, the swirling designs of her Art Nouveau
representations, and the Futurist texts that document a
fascination with Fuller, electricity, and disappearing
bodies. By the same token, we could extend the idea of the
reading grid to include the many photographic and filmic
examples of dancers other than Fuller who were also veiled in
translucent material and moved in iconically similar ways, as
well as reviews and interpretations about the filmic
33 Greimas, 635; See also Roland Barthes, "The Rhetoric
of the Image," Image Music Text, trans. Stephen Heath (New
York: Noonday Press, 1977).


126
period were equally fascinated with "girls" in abstract
formations, not all of them were willing to deny the obvious
erotic attraction that these performances held for a
masculine spectator.
The Tiller girls were part of a larger international
phenomenon that was associated first with travelling troupes,
then with the spectacular Ziegfeld performances, and finally
with film.15 The American chorus girl carried the widest
reputation for pure spectacle, largely due to the initiative
of Florenz Ziegfeld and Busby Berkeley who transformed the
titillation of burlesque into a visual kaleidoscope of female
body parts. According to Rick Altman, Ziegfeld, above all
other entertainment producers, was "responsible for the show
musical's tendency to deemphasize individual talent and to
concentrate interest on the visual patterning of costumes and
bodies."16 The almost childlike androgyny of the chorus girl
is explained partially by Ziegfeld's claim in 1915 to have
15 The Tiller girls were actually British in origin, even
though Kracauer mistakenly identifies them as "American."
Stylistically they were very similar to American chorus girls
in the precision and symmetry of their movements. For the
purposes of this essay, I take Kracauer's mistake at face
value. It is the cultural associatation that he makes with
"Americanness" that is important here.
16 Rick Altman, The American Film Musical (Bloomington,
IN: Indiana University Press, 1987), 204. Ziegfeld and other
promoters selected a body tyhpe that was slimmer, more
athletic and more symmetrical than other stage dancers. The
body type of the Ziegfeld girl stands in stark contrast to
the 200 lb. burlesque dancer that some promoters preferred at
the end of the nineteeth century. See Parker, 24.


75
change and a new century. In Rastignac's quote, which is so
representative of Art Nouveau ideology, Fuller is transformed
from seductive woman to insect and then into the national
signifier of the "changing" American. But Fuller just as
easily represented the "spirit" of France, Italy or Germany.
Besides being associated with national ideologies,
Fuller came to embody the idea for the "new theatre" (which
often fed back into nationalism). Mallarm, as mentioned
earlier, described Fuller as an "enchantress" and "the
personification of his dream of the ideal theaterwithout
scenery, without words, where space and time had no
importance, where reality would not intrude between the idea
and the audience."68 Fuller herself claimed an overwhelming
belief in the power of her movement to express a new kind of
meaning both on stage and in film. "Since motion and not
language is truthful," Fuller asserted, "we have accordingly
perverted our powers of comprehension.69 Other Symbolists,
such as Yeats, Manet, and Whistler also found her image in
motion to personify "truth." Debora Silverman argues in Art
Nouveau in Fin-de-Sicle France that Fuller's "Serpentine
Dance" was "linked to the form and meaning of psychologie
nouvelle, a movement that "offered the public a new kind of
psychological theater, replacing Charcot's spectacle of
68 Harris, 29.
68 Fuller, 72.


65
his film viewer's chairs in order to elicit a bodily response
from them, to jolt them physically into revolutionary
thoughts and actions.56 I am not trying to argue that the
film spectator has some kind of physiological response to
movement on film, (even if we do) but rather to point out the
currency of these ideas at the end of the silent era. More
than one writer believed that filmed movement, by combining
the art of the dancer with the technology of the camera,
contained the ability to elicit viscerally a physical
response from the spectator.
The other type of spectator reaction to the movement of
the female or feminized subject on film is perhaps the
easiest to explain because it is the most acknowledgedthe
pleasure/anxiety of the cinematic voyeur. Siegfried
Kracauer, writing somewhat later than the other theorists I
have examined, describes this spectatorial experience most
succinctly when he discusses Roger Tilton's documentary Jazz
Dance.
Records of dancing sometimes amount to an intrusion
into the dancer's intimate privacy. His self-
forgetting rapture may show in queer gestures and
distorted facial expressions which are not intended
to be watched, save by those who cannot watch them
because they themselves participate in the dancing.
Looking at such secret displays is like spying; you
feel ashamed for entering a forbidden realm where
things are going on which must be experienced, not
witnessed. However, the supreme virtue of the
56 Tom Gunning, "The Cinema of Attractions: Early Film,
Its Spectator and the Avant-Garde," Wide Angle 8:3-4 (1986):
63-70.


31
reproductive offspring into the icon of Modernitya girl-
child who fuses in her filmic motion sexuality and
technology. Loie Fuller's Fire Dance provides the filter for
my reading grid that focuses on the conflicted representation
of the woman dancer.
Chapter Three, "Expressionistic Gestures: Lillian Gish
and the Impact of Modern Dance in The Wind," investigates the
semiotics of filmic gesture and dance in Victor Seastrom's
The Wind (1928). I challenge the prevailing historical view
of film acting that projects an overly linear development
from the "histrionic" or "melodramatic" style of early cinema
to the more "realist" style of classical Hollywood.53 I argue
for a use of the term expressionistic gesture to describe a
gestural style that is neither simply histrionic nor realist
and is marked by its similarity to modern dance techniques.
Numerous actresses, Gish among them, studied modern dance as
a part of their training for film acting. Expressionistic
gesture appears in certain American and German films of the
twenties. I also suggest a link between expressionism,
modern dance and the physical culture movement during the
twenties, a connection which provides a reading grid for
Gish's performance in The Wind.
"Expressionistic Gestures" also pursues the links
between physical culture and nationalism during this period.
53 I take this terminology from Pearson's Eloquent
Gestures. See Chapter Two.


37
a vague, tantalising, ethereal vison."5 From a different
perspective, but with similar conclusions, Marinetti's
description of Fuller's choreography transformed her into the
"ideal multiplied body" of the Futurist dance, the
incarnation of "metallicity,* and a vision of motion wherein
the body disappears.6 How does Fuller encompass both
movements, the first that was so oriented towards the
consumption of the female image embodied in lamps, jewelry,
and furniture, and the second that depicted the female body
through metaphors of machinery and invisibility? The answer
lies in what both movements appropriated from Fuller's
figure: the unusual way in which her bodily motion expressed
a modern femininity.
Fuller's many transformations reveal the complexity of
representations of women in motion during the period between
1890 and 1920 as well as the wide-ranging nature of early
modernism. A Fuller program combining a butterfly dance with
a dance about radium could only make aesthetic sense within
the performance context of the first several decades of this
century. What, then, do the many interpretations of Fuller's
5 Martin Battersby, The World of Art Nouveau (New York:
Funk and Wagnalls, 1968): 164-165.
6 See Marjorie Perloff, The Futurist Moment: Avant-
Garde,Avant Guerre, and the Language of Rupture (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1986). Perloff considers
Futurism as an international movement and includes French and
British artists along with the Italians and Russians during
the period before World War I. See also Michael Kirby,
Futurist Performance (New York: Dutton, 1971).


105
American dancer meant conveying a sense of immense frontiers
and the pioneer hardihood that conquered them."39 Not only
were the dancers themselves labelled as "pioneers" of their
art form, but they were attracted to both the iconographic
figure of the pioneer woman and the topography of the West.40
According to Jowitt, these cultural sources "produced an
expansiveness of gesture, a sharpness of outline; figures
onstage appeared clearly set apart from each other, as if
more virtual space than actual space separated them. "41 The
dance movements themselves remained large, open and
expressive, while the themes of these dances were grounded in
theater and narrative. American modern dance had indeed
transformed itself into something distinctly different from
the German dance, while still maintaining, at the level of
gestural quality, obvious links to it.
The movement to represent the iconography of the pioneer
woman in American dance was just beginning when Gish made The
Wind in 1928. A sense of nationalism as illustrated by
bodily movement, however, was already a hotly debated topic.
39Jowitt, 137.
40In a New York Times article, 14 October 1928, x,l, the
author notes how often critics praise the skill of Germans,
such as Rudolf Laban and Mary Wigman, but, he criticizes, We
have never been sufficiently proud of our great native
schoolsof Duncan and St. Denis and the host of others who
have grown out of the pioneering' of these two" [emphasis
mine].
41Jowitt, 177.


80
symbolic direction (there are very few intertitles) and the
specific nature of Gish's own performance style.
The film opens with Lillian Gish's character, Letty
Mason, travelling on a train through a deserted Western
landscape. Shots of Letty on the train are intercut with
shots of the train in motion through the landscape. These
shots of the landscape soon include indexical proof of the
wind that whips up the desert sand, and deposits it in
Letty's lap through the train window. Other shots within the
interior of the train include glance/glance reverses between
Letty and the male antagonist, Wirt Roddy. In a rather short
period of time, Gish manages to portray a range of emotions
that include nervousness, flirtatiousness, and fear with only
slight adjustments of her face and body.
The Wind's opening scene provides a metaphor that
connects technology (the train and the camera), the Western
frontier (the desert and the wind), and the woman's body
(that attempts to negotiate these uncomfortable crossings).
This important opening sequence establishes a relationship
between Letty and the types of movement that act on herthe
train that carries her, the wind that covers her, and the man
who tries to seduce her. Wirt Roddy, who later rapes Letty
and is then killed by her, says about the wind in this
opening scene: "Day in, day outwhistlin' and howlin'
makes folks go crazyespecially women!" In this scene, one
of the few where Gish reacts directly to language, Letty


23
is important to investigate the codes of these emotions just
as we investigate emotional signs. This would mean placing
these codes within the "complex of meanings in the
socio-cultural situation in which they are produced. By
recognizing the importance of context in relation to the
codes of emotion (if we accept that emotion can be coded) and
by extension, the codes of dance or gesture, we can begin to
critique those theories of excess, such as Brooks', that rely
on mystifying notions of "primal communication." What should
not be forgotten with Brooks is the connection of excess (and
the emotional responses to it), to certain theories of
nostalgia and utopianism. As Dyer points out, nostalgia and
utopia are historically specific phenomena. With Dyer, then,
we see the beginnings of a theory of nonverbal signs (such as
dance or music) that includes a consideration of the
histories that embody expressions of emotion. A chorus line
of women on stage gains significance not only because of its
own symmetrical logic and relationship to the narrative, but
also because of its relationship to the historical contexts
of burlesque and vaudeville and to fantasies of utopian
community.
If dance and gesture as excessive signs possess the
potential to disrupt the narrative, then why has dance not
been considered more seriously for its radical potential?
The obvious answer to this question involves the relationship
of dance to female spectacle. Feminist film criticism has


128
Wilson does not deny, as Kracauer does, that the American
chorus girl appeals at least on some level as erotic
spectacle to a male voyeur; however, he also identifies an
element of sexlessness that is particularly "American."
Wilson sounds even more like Kracauer when he argues that the
Ziegfeld girls do not demonstrate "the movement and abandon
of emotion, but what the American male really regards as
beautiful: the efficiency of mechanical movement."
The associations between "mechanical movement" and
American chorus girls are not simply phenomenological
observation. One of Ziegfeld's favorite choreographers,
Busby Berkeley, got his start in 1917 by training the 79th
Division of the U.S. Army in France how to perform military
drills without using vocal commands. He was not so much a
choreographer as an expert on synchronized movement and
bodily design. Berkeley's drill routines were so popular
that the military made his technique into classified
information.19 Berkeley transferred his love of military
precision into the ranks of the Hollywood chorus linea
technique that Ziegfeld also relished. But contrary to
Kracauer's observations about the lack of eroticism of the
Tiller girls, in the American musical films done by Ziegfeld
and Berkeley, the militaristic enthusiasm of chorus girl line
ups more often than not is transferred into the excesses of
19 Parker, 167.


187
seduction, however, does occur during the "present time" of
the film. What seems significant here is Max's awareness
that the narrative of interracial relations is indeed a
seductive one--a story that would sell many books and make
his wife jealous at the same time. The fantasy flash-forward
to a possible future facilitates the narrative, while
lessening the threat contained in it. The real seduction is
mostly fictionalized and thus relegated to the apparent
safety of the realm of fantasy.
In most of Josephine Baker's films her characters are
not romantically involved with the white lead actor. She is
usually either matched up with an "ethnic" male or she
remains alone. Baker apparently was upset at this anomaly,
particularly since she was married to a white man, Pepito
Abatino, who helped to write and produce Princess Tam Tam.
According to Phyllis Rose, Baker protested her character's
marriage to the Tunisian servant Dar; she felt that she
should at least have married the "Eastern" Maharajah. Rose
argues that both Princess Tam Tam and Zou Zou (1934) reflect
Abatino's own desire to take credit for Baker's "Pygmalion"-
like transformation. His refusal to allow the consummation
of interracial desire on screen reveals, she suggests, his
own ambivalence about the prevailing attitudes towards
interracial marriage.39
39 Rose, 164.


113
the cabin slowly not knowing what to do. Suddenly, the sand
blows through a window and knocks over a lamp, starting a
fire. Letty stands paralyzed. Her torso bends her back, her
arms stiff, her eyes huge with fear. Then she lunges with
her torso leading towards the fire and puts it out. She
blocks up the window and then stands in the middle of the
room weaving back and forth on her feet, as if about to
faint. Suddenly, the camera assumes her perspective, tilting
up and down within a canted frame. The light angles across
the barely lit room and the curtains blow wildly. The total
effect mimics the expressionistic technique of a subjective
viewpoint, which is contradicted as the camera pans around,
still canted, to include Letty in the scene again.
At this point she hears a knocking on the door, and
hoping it is Lige, she collapses into the arms of the man who
enters the room. The man turns out to be Roddy. Letty
charges to the open front door, bent at the waist, her left
arm stretched straight over her head, fingers extended, her
right arm enclosing her head and grabbing onto her left
elbow. Her body is tense and angular. The wind throws her
back across the room. She rushes again outside and the wind
twists her body and turns her against the house. She is
forced back inside where she collapses onto her bed, and
then, as the viewer infers through the symbolic juxtaposition
of the roaring wind, Roddy rapes her. Gish's gestures
leading up to the rape are motivated by the force of the wind-


LD
1780
1995
. c.o>nf
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
3 1262 08556 6379


59
"unconsciously penetrated"), other writers during this same
period, when discussing movement or dance, tend to talk about
either a feminized subject or the subject of femininity.
Rudolf Laban (1897-1958) was a German movement and dance
theorist who worked throughout Europe in the twenties and
thirties and had many followers, primarily women, in the
United States. Laban often used photographic and filmic
metaphors to discuss how movement expressed meaning. He
argued that the mind perceived movement with a "snapshot-like
perception" which created the illusion of a "standstill" from
the "unceasing stream of movement."46 His writings share much
with Benjamin's argument that slow motion film techniques
reveal knowledge or meaning, but Laban goes a step further in
defining a preference for the kind of subject who most easily
"reveals" knowledge through movement:
The differing inner attitudes of individual
personalities provide the different planes
on which the snapshots can be projected.
To begin with the most integrated attitude,
we can state that children and the primitive
man have both a natural gift for bodily
movement and a natural love for it. In later
periods of individual or racial life, man
becomes cautious, suspicious, and sometimes even
hostile to movement.47
The body becomes a "plane" or a screen onto which "snapshots"
of movement are projected. The "individual personalities"
46 Rudolf von Laban, The Mastery of Movement. (London:
Macdonald and Evans, 1960), 3.
47 Laban, 5-6.


55
World's Fair in Chicago, a chart of the "Physical Proportions
of the Typical Man." The chart was designed "to furnish the
youth of both sexes with a laudable incentive to systematic
and judicious physical training by showing them, at a glance,
their relation in size, strength, symmetry, and development
to the normal standard."39 Rarely, however, were the
techniques of measurement deployed equally amongst "both
sexes." Dr.Clelia Mosher found that anthropometric data for
women was inadequate as was the machinery used to measure
them. In 1915 she invented the schematograph which measured
women's posture through a camera that used a rotoscoping
effect to create a silhouette of the female body.40 Both
Sargent and Mosher demonstrate the fascination that science
held for measuring sexual difference through images produced
by modern technology.
The physical culture movement was obsessed with sexual
difference in other ways as well. By 1915 there were over
65,000 women signed up for YWCA gym classes and 32,000 for
swim lessons.41 Theorists such as Sargent, however, still
insisted on the physical and mental inferiority of the female
body. Sargent suggested that when women participated in
39 Welch, 119.
40 Welch, 121.
41Betty Spears, History of Sport and Physical Education
in the United States (Dubuque,Iowa: Wm. C. Brown, 1988), 208.


Brooks, and Baker all demonstrated movement styles that
reflect the influence of modern dance. The gestures and
dances of these four women provide a starting point that I
read against an iconographic "grid" drawn from art movements,
actors' manuals, modern dance, physical culture,
autobiography, cultural theory, and film theory.
The dissertation begins with the scientific appeal of
Loie Fuller's modern dance under electric lights and ends
with the primitivism of Josephine Baker's performance in
Princess Tam Tam. This trajectory suggests a modernism that
moves from an infatuation with the new science and technology
to a rejection of it, from a jingoistic national rhetoric of
the body to a troubled post-colonial identity. Threaded
through this trajectory travel images of the woman in motion,
fluid signifiers of femininity that defined as much as they
were defined by the modern experience. The nature of the
reception of these four womens' performances reflects the
contradictory desires involved whenever women in motion
function as icons for modernity. Out of these contradictions
emerge moments of identification that offer the possibility
for a more progressive kind of feminine "syntax," for another
way of speaking feminine difference.
Vll


118
realm of cultural activities, including cinematic reception,
by the end of the Weimar years. Her figure also necessarily
brings in the neglected issue of the female spectator, whose
potentially different reaction to Weimar cinema has rarely
been considered.
Why did Pabst select an American actress, a former
Ziegfeld girl, to play in an otherwise very German
production? Why did he not select Marlene Dietrich who
vigorously sought the part? According to Brooks, Pabst later
said of Dietrich, that she "was too old and too obviousone
sexy look and the picture would become a burlesque."3 Pabst
sought a contrast to the "heavier" performance style of
German expressionism.4 By the time Pabst had adapted
Wedekind's expressionist play Die Buchse der Pandora to film,
Pandora's Box was not so much an example of expressionism as
a comment about expressionism, although certain elements of
the mise-en-scene, such as lighting, sets, and particularly,
the gestural style, retain expressionist elements. According
to Thomas Elsaesser, Pabst "cites" expressionism, but he by
no means endorses it. The character of Lulu in Wedekind's
version is "characterized by her expressivity, because she is
3 Brooks, 96.
4 For a discussion on how German acting was perceived in
the United States as "heavy", "pretentious", and "mechanical"
see David Pratt, "0, Lubitsch, Where Wert Thou? Passion, the
German Invasion and the Emergence of the Name 'Lubitsch',"
Wide Angle 13.1 (1991): 34-71.


199
artist, the anthropologist, the colonial administrator, or
the nightclub producer, is always an ambivalent one. When
Max turns his head away from Alwina's performance, he reveals
his own uncanny reaction: he is not-at-home.


98
nor as abstract as the modern dance that emerged at the end
of the twenties. Her training, which is evident in The Wind,
would still retain some of the histrionic gestural
expressions of Delsarte, but would look more like the
whirling, turning gestures of Duncan and St. Denis than the
strident stretching and jumping of Martha Graham.
By the second half of the twenties, Delsarte-influenced
performance was out of favor, although its inpact remained in
both dance and acting. Pearson argues that "Delsarte's
enthusiastic American proponents applied the master's
precepts to everything from dance to oratory, in the process
rendering the system mechanical and artificial, a mere
cookbook of theatrical emotion."29 Although I do not support
Pearson's assessment of all Delsarte-influenced dance as
being "mechanical and artificial," there is evidence to
suggest that some Delsarte-influenced dance, like Delsarte-
influenced acting, was perceived by critics as being
histrionic, melodramatic, and entirely old-fashioned by the
end of the 1920s. A New York Times critic reviewing a modern
dance performance as late as 1928 describes one negative
impact of Delsarte-influenced dance as leading to the
"horrific" use of "unrestrained expression of emotion, that
results in the following type of performance:
Its outward manifestations usually consist of
rapt faces, backward flung heads, quivering
29 Pearson, 22.


24
handled the question of spectacle and its relation to the
female body in a number of compelling and sometimes
contradictory ways. One of the earliest and most influential
theories is Laura Mulvey's "Visual Pleasure and Narrative
Cinema."42 Mulvey, using a psychoanalytic framework, contends
that the role of the female body operates primarily as
spectacle in order to fetishistically reveal/conceal the
female's lack. Significantly, Mulvey uses the Ziegfeld
showgirl as one example of how the female body functions to
interrupt the narrative but never to participate actively as
a subject within it. The visual pleasure that the spectacle
of woman initiates is seen by Mulvey to be completely
subsumed within a phallocratic economy and consequently anti
feminist. Mulvey states that this type of visual pleasure
must be destroyed in order to represent women's desires as
something other than the object of fetishistic voyeurism.
Her argument, however, leaves little room for theorizing the
female body on film as visually pleasurable.
Many other feminist film critics have taken up the
problem of the opposition between essentialist and anti-
essentialist theories of the female body in film.43
42 Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,"
in Feminism and Film Theory (New York: Routledge Press,
1988): 69-79.
43 See Re-Vision: Essays in Feminist Film Criticism, ed.
Mary Ann Doane, Patricia Mellencamp, Linda Williams
(Frederick, MD: University Publications of America, 1984);
Feminism and Film Theory, ed. Constance Penley (New York:


180
long as it is narratively contained within a dream.29 Her
parody (of the dreamer? of the audience?) provides no real
threat. Film did not allow Baker the same opportunities for
improvisation that the stage did, so we must read her
performance in Princess Tam Tam as it is given to the viewer
tightly scripted within a narrative economy that is broken
only occasionally by certain reminders of her star persona.
These occasional moments, however, ambivalently resonate
through the film. The line between her character and her
star persona, like the relationship between the avant-garde
and primitivism, is an uncomfortable one.
White Gazes. Black Parts
Clifford's questioning of the "affinities" that seem to
govern racial stereotypes should lead us to a closer
investigation of how the scopic economy naturalizes the
relationship between the gaze and the performing black body.
In order to fully articulate an alternative theory of the
gaze and the black subject, we must address the specifics of
how the gaze operates historically within the colonial
economy. The effects of the colonial economy are made
visible primarily through the embodiment of racial
difference. Theater and film both offer spaces where a
visible field creates the possibility for a spectacle of the
29 Her performance style, which is discussed more
specifically later in this chapter, plays off certain
blackface minstrel styles and thus carries with it some
negative connotations as well.


5
It should be no surprise that the figure of the woman in
motion, particularly the dancing woman, comprised an early
and popular subject matter for the technologies of
photography and filmmaking.10 The dancer had already been
studied extensively in modernist painting, particularly in
Edgar Degas's work where his brush stroke technique, defying
the stasis of his materials, suggested the blurry movement of
the dancer.11 Eadweard Muybridge used dancers in his serial
photography motion studies to demonstrate how the dancer's
body moves while holding veils. His cameras framed the
dancer's movement against the modern background of a grid,
dissecting his subject's motion while aestheticizing it.12
Within a few years, Thomas Edison, in one of his early films,
Routledge Press, 1991).
10 See my discussion in Chapter Two of early examples of
women dancing, exercising, and performing acrobatics in
photography and film. See also, Robert C. Allen, Horrible
Prettiness: Burlesque and American Culture (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1991).
11 Griselda Pollock, Dealing with Degas: Representations
of Women and the Politics of Vision (New York: Universe,
1992) .
12 Eadweard Muybridge, The Human Figure in Motion New
York: Bonanza Books, 1989; For a discussion of Muybridge's
use of the grid see Maureen Turim, "Designs in Motion: A
Correlation Between Early Serial Photography and the Recent
Avant Garde," Enclitic, VII:2 (Fall 1983): 44-54. See also
Marta Braun's work for connections between modernism and the
work of Degas, Muybridge, and the important motion studies of
Etienne-Jules Marey in Picturing Time: The Work of Etienne-
Jules Marey (1830-1904) (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1992): 264-319.


86
domestic actions often bear the weight of feminine emotional
expression in films which represent pioneer life.
Gish's gestures in The Wind, even when performing a
domestic chore such as sweeping, are imbued with a symbolic
code that moves beyond the iconic representation of a task.
Her movement style is more fluid than the histrionic tableau
of earlier melodrama and more expressive than the verisimilar
code that Pearson describes in the Biograph films. The
variations in Gish's bodily movement become themselves a kind
of metaphor for the frontier: a border that represents the
ambiguous distinction between movement and dance, between
control of and relinquishment to nature and men. Letty's
battle for subjectivity is exteriorized in her attempts to
maintain her balance in the face of the wind and Roddy's
attacks. Her body is symbolically buffeted on the edge of a
landscape that threatens to swallow up her self.
Expressionistic Gesture
The erasure of the influence of modern dance on film is
not surprising because it is a part of cultural history that
involves both issues of sexual difference and the
participation of large numbers of women in the 1920s. The
history of modern dance is grounded in the nineteenth century
Performing Arts, No. 13. (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,
1992), xv. See also Cheryl J. Foote, "Changing Images of
Women in the Western Film," Journal of the West 22, 4 (Oct.
1983): 64-71; Andrew Jefchak, ''Prostitutes and Schoolmarms:
An Essay of Women in Western Films," Heritage of the Great
Plains 16, 3 (Summer 1983): 19-26.


99
fingers, arms hurled about vehemently and
breathing increased in volume as well as tempo.30
This description sounds a lot like the histrionic
performances that Pearson describes in Biograph films around
1908. And indeed many critics in the twenties and later made
the comparison between techniques used by dancers and actors.
The New York Times writer quoted at the opening of this
chapter calls for a kind of dancing/acting which is neither
an "abbreviated realism" nor a "wholly stylized concept,* but
rather a style which "must be complete, compressed, refined,
eloquent, but unobtrusive." The kind of expressionistic
dancing/acting which this critic is calling for is something
in-between Delsartean histrionics, the abstract athleticism
of modern dance, and the realism of Pearson's verisimilar
code.
A transformation of Delsarte was already apparent in the
training that Ted Shawn, one of Gish's teachers, developed
out of Delsarte between 1905-1910. Shawn's Delsarte training
is not as formulaic as the histrionic style that Pearson
identifies in 1908 in Biograph films. Shawn, in a 1910 book
on Delsarte, contrasts his own interpretation of Delsarte-
influenced dance and gesture with other interpretations:
One of the vital and important differences lies
in the recognition of the torso as the source and
main instrument of true emotional expressionand
30 [jew York Times, 30 September 1928, xi, 1.


142
believe that Brooks's persona as much as her performance
makes her a compelling figure through which to discuss the
site of the American chorus girl in Weimar Germany. And the
startling juxtaposition of Brooks's Lulu next to her German
costars disturbs the filmic text in such a way that critics
return again and again to Pandora's Box to unravel the
implications of Brooks's performance and Pabst's direction.
In order to discuss the complexitites of the chorus girl
and its relation to Kracauer's concept of the mass ornament,
I will take Louise Brooks's performance in Pandora's Box as a
starting point. However, I will also consider Brooks as a
star persona that disturbs the text of the film and
intertextually brings in the related figures of the American
chorus girl and the Flapper. I take the chorus girl to be
more than just a "simple surface manifestation" that reveals
the superficial mythos of capitalist production or the crisis
in Germanic masculine identity. The history of the chorus
girl during the 1920s complicates Kracauer's conclusions
about the abstract nature of the mass ornament. Louise
Brooks's experience as modern dancer, Ziegfeld girl, American
starlet, and Flapper icon allows me to set up in a different
form the implications and effects of these types of figures
and performance styles within Pandora's Box.
When Brooks first began to make films, her
"naturalistic" acting talents were immediately praised in
Hollywood, as they would be in Pandora's Box, and early on


70
greater control around her. She could throw her costume of
gossamer silk ten to twelve feet in the air above her head.
Besides performing her own choreography, Fuller also
patented complex stage designs. One design used a
combination of mirrors and lights to give the illusion of
many dancers on stage. She draped the stage in black velvet
and used electric lights and color filters to suggest form.
While the rest of the theater was dark, Fuller would switch
the lights according to the color and mood she wanted to
make. This kind of artistic experimentation with stage
lighting had not been done before. Not until Appia's
innovative designs with the Futurists in 1896 would any other
artist add significantly to innovation in electic lighting
and stage design.61 In 1899 Fuller patented in Germany an
addition to her "hall of mirrors" stage design. She included
a sheet of glass at the front of the stage and a mirror at
the back. According to the patent, "the effect is almost as
though the audience itself were in a cell that had walls
consisting of non-transparent mirrors."62 But perhaps her
most effective patented design was the one she used in her
"Fire Dance," which involved a false floor with glass holes
in it to reveal colored lights under the stage. The lights
would illuminate the dancer as she moved across the stage.
61 See Sally Sommer's comments in Visual Urge: Scenic
Innovations.
62 Harris, 19 .


6
produced "The Serpentine Dance"(1894 or 1895) in his Black
Maria studio. The moving image could improve on the
photograph by representing the dancer's movements in "real
time," abstracting and fragmenting her body into
kaleidoscopic designs while maintaining an erotic economy of
vision. These new technologies provided the perfect
opportunity for creating a spectacle out of the already
popular figure of the dancing woman.
I have selected the figure of the woman in motion for my
title, rather than the woman dancer, because she suggests
that ambiguous distinction between actual gesture and virtual
gesture, between moving and dancing, between women and
"Woman." X examine a number of representations in film of
women in motion between the years of 1900 and 1935. These
years encompass approximately the period that Malcolm
Bradbury and James McFarlane take to be the most significant
in terms of Modernism, a term that they admit demonstrates
much semantic confusion, but that in general seems to include
qualities of Impressionism, Symbolism, Futurism, and
Expressionism, to name just a few of the significant art and
literary movements.13 Many of the artists during this period
either directly interacted with, or at least felt the impact
of the careers of the four women in my study. These years
also roughly correspond to the period in which, as Hillel
13 Bradbury and McFarlane, 19-57.


72
sets one on the starry and luminous path of hashishien
dreams. . "64
The dramatic lighting effect is not as obvious in the
film. Neither is the sophisticated stage set. Instead,
Fuller used editing to create the illusion of continuous
movement which begins with the transformation from butterfly
into woman. In the most dramatic scene of the film, Fuller
turns in a circle while her dress bobs around her like a wavy
hula skirt. The material from the arms of the dress starts
to move higher into the air until it covers her head and
renders her entire body invisible. All we see is a moving
swath of material suspended in the aira visual metaphor for
consumption by fire. Editing extends the period of time
during which we see this "trick." Then suddenly the body
disappears. The overall effect of Fire Dance is more akin to
a Mlis magic show than to a physical culture act or a
vaudeville chorus. The emphasis in this film is on the
costume, its movement, and the editing that creates the
illusion of a swirling cloth that remains suspended for an
unnatural period of time. Other early dance films tend to
emphasize ethnic or sexual difference. Fuller's body in
motion tells the story of her difference. Fire Dance shrouds
its mystery in the materials of its making, which include
cloth as much as celluloid.
64 Harris, 22.


165
character Alwina with her own star persona. In order to
interpret Baker's performance, I first examine her role in
the French avant-garde and primitivist movements of the
twenties and thirties and consider how representations of her
race were metaphorically displaced through the emerging
categories of "high" and "low" art. Then, using Frantz
Fann's work, I consider how the gaze at the performing black
subject functions within a colonial economy of difference.3 I
unravel the ambivalent implications of "miscegenation" in
colonial fantasies such as Princess Tam Tam. Finally, I
analyze how the racial signifiers in Baker's final dance
performance in the film sets up a situation that is analogous
to Freud's description of the experience of the uncanny. The
uncanny experience of Baker's dance number reveals the
instability of not only the racial stereotype, but also the
illusory nature of white, masculine, colonial identity.
Film theory has finally started to acknowledge that
questions of race can subvert accepted models of the filmic
apparatus. Critics such as bell hooks and Frantz Fann
forced film theory to recognize that the cinematic gaze
operates differently when directed at "black" subjects.4
Other critics, such as Donald Bogle, Thomas Cripps, Manthia
3 Frantz Fann, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles
Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1967).
4 bell hooks Black Looks: Race and Representation
(Boston: South End Press, 1992).


78
nationalistic ideologies, and a woman in charge of her own
artistic taste and career. She was and is a heavily charged
image of the "Modern" woman at the turn of the century: a
lyrical body in motion, disappearing only to reappear in
another place.


54
The beginning of the physical culture movement in this
country is credited to a group of German immigrants, known as
the Tumvereins, who came to the United States in the 1820s.36
The Tumvereins, or Turners as they came to be called,
advocated developing the body in order to increase a sense of
national pride. Much has been written on early cinema's
ideological efforts to instill recent immigrants with a sense
of being an "American.''37 The physical culture movement
demonstrated similar goals, but besides including immigrants,
physical culture became an important ideological practice for
New England WASPs as well.33 By World War I, there were
40,000 Turnersmen, women, and children to whom lessons in
gymnastics were as important as lessons in patriotism.
Besides instilling patriotic feelings in the public, the
physical culture movement demonstrated a corresponding
obsession with anthropometrythe measuring of the body.
Dr.Dudley Sargent, the designer of one of the first sets of
weight machines, displayed, to much publicity at the 1893
36 Paula Welch and Harold Lerch, History of American
Physical Education and Sport, (Springfield,IL: C.C. Thomas,
1981), 103.
37 Noel Burch, Life to those Shadows, trans. Ben Brewster
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Miriam
Hansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in American Silent
Film (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991).
33 See T.J.Jackson Lear, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism
and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New
York: Pantheon Books, 1981).


62
unconscious optics as does psychoanalysis to unconscious
impulses. "51
Early film occasionally revealed some of the
psychological dynamics underlying the spectacle of the
woman's body in motion. The following description of "Model
Posing Before Mirror" (American Mutoscope and Biograph, 1903)
suggests the ambivalent feelings that a woman might have
about the deliberate voyeurism involved when she dances:
The first scene shows a set with a large full-
length mirror at a one-quarter angle from the
camera position. The first action is of a buxom
woman dressed in a full, white leotard approaching
the mirror. During the remainder of the film, the
woman continually looks at her reflection in the
mirror. It is difficult to decide whether she is
viewing herself with alarm or approbation. Her
pirouette and gestures are limited.52
This description is interesting for a number of reasons.
First, it includes a mirror which is angled in such a way as
to reveal the woman's gaze at her movements, but not the
camera's gaze at her. Second, the reviewer notes not a look
of private pleasure on the woman's face, but an ambiguous
expression, which ranges from fear to dislike. She is not a
skilled dancer, which may account for some of her anxiety,
but perhaps not all of it. This short film encompasses the
theme that I have identified in writings on film and dance:
that a woman's bodily movements reveal a kind of knowledge
51 Benjamin, 237.
52 Niver, 68.


143
Brooks seems to have been aware that she did not follow what
she describes as the "mugging" school of acting style, where
an actor chooses "expression #7 of a grinning leer."44 In her
retrospective comments on an interview with Photoplay
magazine in April 1926, Brooks also emphasized the importance
of her background as a dancer. She ridicules the interviewer
Ruth Waterbury by commenting:
"Whereas she [Waterbury] looked upon me as a
stupid 'chorus girl' who didn't appreciate her
astonishing good luck, I looked upon her as
artistically retarded not to know that ten years
of professional dancing was the best possible
preparation for "moving" pictures. . I asked her
if she had ever seen Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn
dance, or if she had heard of Martha Graham's
sensational success in the Greenwich Village
Follies. She had not. I didn't realize then that
this small cultural conflict with Ruth Waterbury
was merely the first instance of the kind of
contempt that was destined to drive me out of
Hollywood. "45
Brooks seems well-aware that her acting ability derived
primarily from her dance background. Her playful,
androgynous style of movement is located somewhere in-between
the expressiveness of modern dance, the flippant swing of the
Flapper, and the stiff feminine posing of her Ziegfeld days.
Her bodily movements and facial expressions are distinctly
separate from the more heavily symbolic, expressionistic
performance style of her German costars in Pandora's Box.
44 John Kobal, People Will Talk (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1986), 83. Also quoted in Paris, 129.
45 Brooks, 18. See also Ruth Waterbury, "Youth,"
Photoplay (November 1927): 46-47, 134-135.


51
a scientific" study of the body in motion was not just idle
fancy, but represented a more general desire to understand
the ways in which the body in motion intersects with late
nineteenth and early twentieth century technologies.30 The
choice of metaphors here is important, as the rhetoric of the
physical culture movement during these same forty years, as
well as the work of Loie Fuller, trace the results of the
modernist intersection or "interpenetration" of the body and
technology on and through bodies of sexual difference.
Early uses of photography and film reinforce Benjamin's
claims in "The Work of Art" that these new technologies
destroyed the "aura" of the art work by fueling the desire of
the masses to "get hold of an object at very close range by
way of its likeness."31 Science and art are metaphorically
coupled through the cinematic apparatus and the desire to
"get hold of an object." Benjamin mentions in even more
specific metaphoric terms the "tendency" of film "to promote
30 Muybridge ascribed the value of his photographic work
to their being "seriates of phases, demonstrating the various
changes which take place in the disposition of the limbs and
body during the evolution of some act of motion from its
inception to its completion" The Human Figure in Motion (New
York: Bonanza Books, 1989),7; Marta Braun disputes
Muybridge's scientific claims in her study Picturing Time:The
Work of Etienne-Jules Marey, (1830-1904) (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1992. In contrast to Marey's photographic
and filmic work of bodies in motion, Braun argues that
Muybridge was more showman than scientist.
31 Benjamin, 223.


41
participation in work and leisure activities. Martha Banta
covers the iconography of women in literature, photography,
and popular journals up to 1910 and tracks the transformation
of the Victorian ideal into a number of modern "types," which
include images of women in motion.13 Kathy Peiss charts the
increasing participation of working class white women in
dance hall culture and at movie theaters throughout New York
City.14 Both books cite numerous examples of women in motion:
women dancing, women walking, women working in ways that
signified how modernity was transforming representations of
femininity.
An important part of my reading grid includes a brief
history of physical culture and its obsession with measuring
bodies in motion, along with a consideration of early film's
reflection of physical culture. The physical culture
movement helps to explain why the technologies of photography
and film were early on perceived as a quasi-legitimate means
of enacting the "interpenetration" of art and science,
particularly through the body of woman. This
representational enactment served as an ambiguous catalyst
13 Martha Banta, Imaging American Women: Idea and Ideals
in Cultural History (New York: Columbia University Press,
1987).
14 Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and
Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1986). See also Lewis A. Erenberg,
Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of
American Culture: 1890-1930 (Westport,CT: Greenwood Press,
1981).


53
film is one of the earliest examples of a woman dancing in
front of the camera. Hundreds more were to follow over the
next twenty years. An entire genre of films about "physical
culturalists" and "vaudevillians" featured gymnasts,
acrobats, and chorus girls. What goes unstated in Benjamin
is that the "different nature'' revealed in these particular
films is, in fact, the nature of difference. The spectacle
of the woman dancing in a space "penetrated" by the
masculinist technology of the camera reveals her sexual
difference.
The Library of Congress Paper Print Collection from 1894
to 1912 lists well over a hundred "Vaudeville Acts" that
include some form of dance, acrobatics, or vaudeville
comedy.35 Within this list there are twenty-five acts that
describe "Physical Culturalists" with titles such as "The
Physical Culture Girl" (Edison, 1903) and "Latina, Physical
Culture Poses, Nos. 1-3" (American Mutoscope and Biograph Co,
1905). What were the historical parameters of the physical
culture phenomenon? How did they affect the apparent desire
to reproduce both scientific and aesthetic appropriations of
the feminine form in motion?
Ramsaye's 1896 film with Fuller's sister. Terry Ramsaye, A
Million and One Nights: A History of the Motion Picture
Through 1925 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1926), 253.
35 Niver, 359.


133
In "The Mass Ornament" Kracauer concentrates on
explaining the links between the visual logic of the chorus
girl and the logic of capitalism. The Tiller Girls are
governed by the same kind of "rationality" that organizes
capitalist production lines. "The hands in the factory
correspond to the legs of the Tiller Girls."27 Body parts
move rhythmically and are important only in the fragmented
sense of a part which enables a design. The repetitive
actions of the hands of the factory worker require the same
kind of narrowly focused, mentally paralyzing concentration
as the legs of the chorus girl. For Kracauer the mass
ornament is merely an "aesthetic reflex of the rationality
aspired to by the prevailing economic system. "28 The problem
with this type of rationality resides in the fact that it is
not the result of a thoughtful historical process. The mass
ornament, more akin in Kracauer's metaphors to an involuntary
physical reflex, demonstrates in its superficial
inevitability that "Capitalism dos not rationalize too much
but too little," and thereby results in abstract,
"ambivalent" thinking which, like the mass ornament, produces
a "false, mythological concreteness."29 The Tiller Girls
embody in their aestheticized and deeroticized formal beauty,
27 Kracauer,
"The
Mass
Ornament, "
70
28 Kracauer,
"The
Mass
Ornament, "
70
29 Kracauer, "The Mass Ornament," 72-73.


107
pioneer. Gish's role, then, as frontier woman battling a
force of nature in order to establish a home would have been
a familiar theme for modern dance. Quite possibly it was
Gish's involvement with modern dance that encouraged her to
adapt the Scarborough book into a film and caused her to
describe the book as "pure motion." No matter what the
cause, though, the end result of the film is gestural
movement that is a visual echo of both themes and gestural
styles from the German and American modern dance.
The Wind
During the first half of The Wind, Gish's gestural
movements remain small, compressed, and close to her body.
These smaller movements conform to Pearson's description of
the verisimilar code, but during moments of extreme tension
in the film, the gestural style of Gish and her fellow actors
frequently moves beyond a verisimilar code of movement and
transforms itself into a more expressionistic style.
Particularly during the second half of the film, gestural
style, mise-en-scene, and camera movement all become more
expressionistic. In one unusual moment, Letty's subjective
point of view is signified by a canted camera angle and
expressionistic lighting and gesture. Gish's performance,
which she thought at the time was the "best film [she] had
ever done,"45 undergoes a remarkable transformation during
5 Gish, 295.


95
movement, with 'reliving' held to a minimum."22 Kuleshov,
reflecting the Futurist influence which sees the body as a
kind of machine, approaches the film set as a three-
dimensional grid. He theorizes an imaginary "metrical
spatial web" within which the actor determines the direction
and timing of their body. Kuleshov's visualization of a
symmetrically fragmented body was directly influenced by
Delsarte's work. In an echo of Delsarte's ideas, Kuleshov
says that a gestural "task should be broken down into a
series of elementary, smaller tasks."23 But he warns that
while Delsarte's techniques are useful "as an inventory of
the possible changes in the human mechanism," they are not
finally useful as a method for acting.24 Even though Kuleshov
rejected Stanislavsky's approach to bodily performance, he
still valued a "natural" or "realistic" acting style. In
fact, he chides the Stanislavsky system for producing a large
scale, melodramatic gestural style. The irony here is that
the "method" claiming to be the most realistic turns out to
look equally melodramatic on film. What develops out of
these two dramatically different theories and training
22 Lev Kuleshov, "The Training of the Actor, Kuleshov on
Film, trans. Ronald Levaco (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1974), 53.
23 Kuleshov, 54.
24Kuleshov, 58.


43
"process" of "the putting into discourse of 'woman,'" a
process which Jardine argues is "intrinsic to the condition
of modernity." Representations of Fuller's image fit
accordingly into this "process" which first appropriates the
feminine and her "historical connotations" and then
introduces her into the new forms and technologies of
modernism.15 The appropriation of the image of woman as a
representative of modernism should therefore be treated
carefully. Masculine creativity has historically
appropriated feminine qualities as a primary source of
inspiration.16 Jardine's conception of gynesis, though, also
carries with it the potential for a radical reappraisal of
the feminine in the modern context. Fuller's performances, X
believe, demonstrate the double-edged nature of a woman's
attempts to redefine feminine movement through early modern
technologies.
Mallarm's writings on dance provide an exceptional
appropriation of Fuller's work, one that suggests the more
radical potential of gynesis. Felicia McCarren's work on
Mallarm's "Crayonne au theatre" explores the "theater of
femininity" that Mallarm elusively weaves between the dancer
and the poet/spectator in his "sketches" on the ballet and
15 Alice A. Jardine, Gynesis: Configurations of Woman and
Modernity (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 25.
16 See Christine Battersby, Gender and Genius: Towards a
Feminist Aesthetic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1989).


120
she claims to have never thoroughly read: "In my despair I
dance the Can-Can."7 The death of Lulu, former chorus girl,
does not seem such a long way, discursively speaking, from
Brooks's own experience as Ziegfeld girl and failed Hollywood
starlet. The enigma of the American chorus girl in Germany
does not just appear in Pandora's Box or Louise Brooks's
biographies. Nor does Elsaesser's identification of Brooks's
chorus girl background with the conflation of "sexuality and
technology" appear only in recent criticism. The American
chorus girl abroad carried a wide cultural currency during
the Weimar years and into the thirties.8 Her figure appears
most prominently in another text written during this period,
although with very different implications. Siegfried
Kracauer's article on "The Mass Ornament," first published in
1927, takes the figure of the American chorus girl as a
representation of the kind of deceptively benign mass
spectacle that capitalism introduces into society.
Kracauer appropriates the figure of the dancer to
initiate a phenomenological approach to culture, an approach
which ties the dancer, specifically the "chorus girl", to
7 Brooks, 101.
8 Although a comprehensive study of the cross-Atlantic
effects of chorus girl revues has yet to be done, see Derek
and Julia Parker, The Natural History of the Chorus Girl (New
York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1975); Peter Bailey, "Naughty but Nice:
Muscial Comedy and the Rhetoric of the Girl, 1892-1914" in
Michael Booth and Joel Kaplan, eds. The Edwardian Theatre:
Studies in Performance and the Stage (London: Cambridge
University Press, forthcoming).


104
consistently drew connections between the dancer, the
American landscape, and a national spirit:
I see America dancing, beautiful, strong, with
one foot poised on the highest point of the
Rockies, her two hands stretched out from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, her fine head tossed to
the sky, her forehead shining with a crown of a
million stars. "37
Duncan's dancer is importantly gendered female. Her legs and
arms engulf mountains and oceans. She is a vision of a
feminized and geographically united American nationalism.
Martha Graham, perhaps more than any other dancer or
writer, most fully articulated the figure of the modem
dancer as an "American" dancer first and foremost:
To the American Dancer I say: 'Know our country.'
When its vitality, its freshness, its exuberance,
its overabundant youth and vigor, its contrasts of
plenitude and barrenness are made manifest in
movement on the stage, we begin to see the American
dance. . The dance reveals the spirit of the
country in which it takes root. . .The psyche of
the land is to be found in its movement. .
We move; we do not stand still.38
Graham choreographed a number of dances throughout her long
career, such as Frontier (1935), American Document (1939),
and Appalachian Spring (1944) that expressed "American"
themes, even while Graham's dance style was more closely
aligned with the traits of German modern dance. Deborah
Jowitt explains that by the end of the twenties and
continuing into the thirties and World War II, "Being an
37 Jowitt, 84.
38 Stewart, 53.


202
the body that Isadora Duncan and others carried to the
public.
Lillian Gish's acting style in The Wind also reflected
the influence of physical culture, particularly her modern
dance training. Her style was more closely associated with
expressionistic codes of gesture than with either the
histrionic codes of melodrama or the newer verisimilar codes
of Hollywood film acting. Gish's expressionistic gestures in
this film connoted the physical and emotional codes of the
frontier woman's narrative. Her movements match the intense,
torso-leading style of modem dancers who also pursued themes
that sought to define an "American" dance.
Louise Brooks's acting style in Pandora's Box, on the
other hand, reflected the spontaneity and lightheartedness of
a Hollywood Flapper, particularly when measured against the
style of her Germanic costars. Pabst framed and fragmented
Brooks's body, much like Berkeley's American chorus girl;
however, Pabst also framed her so that the effect of her
entire body catapulting across the frame would be visible.
Brooks was no mass ornament, neither was she a heavily
expressive actress. Her movements set in motion a chain of
desire and disaster, the spectacle of her performance
resulting in her exploitation and death. Brooks never
remained merely a passive chorus girl spectacle; her
movements across the frame initiated action, propelling the
plot forward, while serving as a visual critique of Weimar


140
self-destruction. And, as Hake notes, the cause of this
destruction is often the feminine.
The fatal position of woman in relation to culture plays
an integral role in another product of Weimar culture, George
W. Pabst's Pandora's Box (1928). In this film we find again
the figure of the chorus girl who, abstracted as she is
through framing, editing, and acting style, seems to lead
inevitably to disaster and death. Is this what happens to
the chorus girl when she is separated from her chorus? When
the ornament is separated from its pattern and transformed
into flesh and blood? Are Kracauer's fears about the mass
ornament played out in melodramatic form in Pandora's Box?
And if they are, is there any sign of the potentially radical
nature of the mass ornament as well?
Louise Brooks in Pandora's Box
I learned how to act by watching Martha
Graham dance.40
A number of critics have commented recently on film studies'
perhaps overly involved infatuation with Louise Brooks's
performances in Pabst's Diary of a Lost Girl and in Pandora's
Box. Lotte Eisner describes in The Haunted Screen "the
miracle of Louise Brooks," whose "gifts of profound intuition
may seem purely passive to an inexperienced audience."
According to Eisner, Brooks is an "an actress who needed no
directing, but could move across the screen causing the work
40 Louise Brooks, quoted in Paris, 40.


63
about herself, a process that can induce anxiety as much as
pleasure in both performer and spectator. "Model Posing
Before Mirror" is unusual because of the inclusion of the
mirror that directs the dancers' gaze at herself; however,
this film reveals a symptom that most films in this genre try
to conceal, the contradictory pleasure/anxiety that lies at
the foundation of being an object of spectacle. As we shall
see, Fuller also employs mirrors in her performances, but
with a very different effect: she multiplies her image in a
way that disperses the spectator's gaze and causes her actual
body to disappear into a maze of virtual movement.
Besides focusing on how the woman in motion revealed
knowledge about herself, both dance and film theorists
imagined the effects that these movements would have on the
spectator. These effects tend to break down into two types
of reactions which are different, but not necessarily
mutually exclusive. The first spectator reaction involves a
physical identification with the bodily movement on the
screen. Toe-tapping to music or tensing muscles while
watching a performance falls into this category. The second
reaction reinforces the already voyeuristic tendencies of the
cinema and emphasizes the scientia sexualis of physical
culture and early film movement.53 In this case the spectator
53 See Linda Williams's discussion of Michel Foucault's
understanding of scientia sexualis in Muybridge's work in
Hard Core: Power, Pleasure, and the 'Frenzy of the Visible'
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).


197
positioned Baker's performance as the "climax" of the
narrative.
At the beginning of her dance, Alwina kicks off her
shoes and they fly into the audiencea move which Josephine
Baker was well known for doing in her own acts. Then she
tears off part of her elegant dress, that changes from gold
to black, and proceeds to dance barefoot on the stage.
Baker's dance style is distinctly different from the chorus
dancers. Her movements are less restrained and less
frontally oriented.47 Baker defies most conventions of
Western ballet dancing: she turns in circles, with her back
to the audience; she moves her head up and down; she shakes
her breasts. Many of her moves are recognizable as forms of
West African dance that were preserved in American vernacular
dances. Baker's impassioned face is intercut with shots of
the drummer, while the rhythm of her dance moves parallels
the rhythm of the dr run.
The connections between rhythm, the dancing black body,
and the colonial narrative are foregrounded in this scene
from the film. The excited spectators in the audience, the
quick cuts, the beating drum, and Baker's dance movements
participate metonymically in the revelation of racial and
sexual difference. Rhythm serves as an important structuring
47 The Western ballet tradition, for exanple, is
frontally oriented. Most movements are designed to give the
audience (in a theater that sets up a 180 degree field of
orientation), the most visibility.


136
the "bearers of the patterns" of the ornament are "swallowed
up" by its physicality. This terminology is typical of the
feminization of the consumers of mass culture who are
characterized as a giant engulfing mass of sentimental
emotions, ruled by identification and passion rather than
separation and critical thought.33 These same metaphors are
often used, according to Peter Brooks in The Melodramatic
Imagination to describe the qualities of melodrama, another
feminized genre that expresses emotion through mute gesture
as well as an underlying nostalgia for some kind of lost
utopian completeness.34
Connections between the chorus girl and the melodrama
may not be as unlikely as they first seem. The chorus girl,
like the prostitute, was often a popular character choice for
narratives in which the female character's actions lead to
disaster. The melodrama exposes the questionable visual
pleasure of the symmetry and logic of the chorus line as well
as the sexual differences between spectator reactions. In
Rouben Mamoulian's Applause (1929), for example, the director
focuses on burlesque dancers who are not arranged in
33 For an important article on this topic see Andreas
Huyssen, "Mass Culture as Woman: Modernism's Other," in
Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass
Culture, ed. Tania Modleski, Theories of Contemporary
Culture, vol.7 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press,
1986): 188-207.
34 Peter Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination: Balzac,
Henry James, and the Mode of Excess (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1985).


149
undirected and incorrectly matched so it seems to be aimed at
everyone in the audience.54 After her escape from the murder
trial of her husband's death, she skips across rooms and runs
through frames. The Schoens and Countess Geschwitz, on the
other hand, demonstrate suffering through a paralyzing
stiffness in almost every gesture. Schoen's shoulders slump
and his brow furrows. Aiwa's eyes grow large and despondent
as he follows pathetically behind Lulu and his father. The
Countess walks stiffly and cannot keep her eyes off of Lulu.
Brooks's performance seems abstract and atmospheric by the
contrast to the expressionistic style of her costars, but it
is certainly not without content.55
Kracauer's bias against the abstracted, feminized
atmosphere of Pandora's Box recalls his earlier condemnation
of the abstract nature of the mass ornament as represented by
the chorus girl. The spectacle of woman blocks critical
thinking and reinforces the mechanics and logic of capitalist
54 See Elsaesser's argument in "Lulu and the Meter Man"
for his extensive analysis of Pabst's use of incorrect
matches in Pandora's Box. He observes about the incorrect
matches in the scene with the meter man that the "excess" of
Lulu's smile "breaks the strictly narrative function of her
presence within the frame, and makes her a figure of desire
in and for the spectator's imaginary," 18. Doane also refers
to the incorrect eyeline matches that emphasize her treatment
as "image," 150.
55 Brooks recounts how the other actors, particularly
Fritz Kortner, "hated" her because they did not believe that
she worked at her acting. She says that Pabst utilized this
resentment in his direction of Kortner and the other German
actors by encouraging their dislike of her in order to
integrate that emotion into their performances. Brooks, 97.


184
prostitute as well. The process of feminizing the black
other seems inpossible without reference to bodily difference-
-to skin color, to size of lips or clitoris or buttocks, to
athletic prowess, and performance ability. The fragmenting
of the black female body into parts was often made through
references to the dancing body. Anthropologists would call
attention to the rapid movement of the buttocks, the shaking
of the breasts and head--movements that were nonexistent in
white Western vocabularies of gesture.35
Josephine Baker's body was often fragmented through
white writings. She herself, commenting on others' comments
of her buttocks said, "The rear end exists. I see no reason
to be ashamed of it. It's true there are rear ends so
stupid, so pretentious, so insignificant that they're good
only for sitting on."36 With a remarkable linguistic twist
Baker personifies the buttocks, that muscle which, for
individuals who merely sit on it behind a desk or in a chair,
is rendered useless. Baker's metaphor sets up an unusual
angle from which to theorize white spectatorship of black
exoticism. For the audience member is undoubtedly sitting on
his/her buttocks, while Baker is vigorously exercising hers
on stage. What can be said, in a performance situation,
about the relationship between moving and nonmoving parts of
35 See Robert Farris Thompson, African Art in Motion
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).
36 Rose, 164.


194
Berkeley style dance number. As she begins to get drunk, the
scene before her (and the viewer) begins to grow more and
more fantastic.
The dance number is weirdly framed by dissolves, magical
disappearances, and hypnotic spirals. A spiral design opens
the dance number and fills the cinematic frame, apparently
visible to the film viewer, rather than to the nightclub
audience. The spiral motif is especially interesting as its
design is repeated in the costumes of the dancers and in
their Busby Berkeley-type formations. The chorus line
emerges from the superimposed spiral design, after which the
dancers re-create the spiral through an aerial shot of their
formation. Then the camera cuts to a shot of the dancers'
arms as they form a circle with their hands pointing towards
the center. The arms unfold to reveal a succession of female
faces, in a pattern that looks exactly like the iris of a
camera opening and closing. The repetition of the spiral
induces a dizziness in the audience as well as in Alwina.
The choice of the repeating spiral is significant for a
number of reasons.45 First, the dissolves and the framing of
the graphics cinematically break the diegesis. Second, the
moving spiral is coded to suggest a dizziness that leads to
hypnotism. The reference to hypnotism positions the
45 Thompson xii. The Tiv people of Nigeria also have a
dance ritual that uses a spinning top. The dancers represent
the spinning motion in their routine.


38
performance style during this period suggest specifically
about the woman in motion and particularly about the codes of
modern femininity? Is she, as Rastignac describes, "not a
woman of flesh and bone" but an "apparition?" Does her use
of electricity and mirrors embody the "metallicity of the
Futurist dance?" Or is she, as in the words of Stphane
Mallarm, "the performer who illustrates many spinning themes
from which extends a distant fading warp . ?"7
Loie Fuller's short film, Fire Dance (1906) offers an
unusual performance, which involved the disappearance of the
female body rather than the more typical vaudeville code of
striptease dancing. Did her disappearance actually reveal
something else about early Twentieth Century visual culture?
By using the film as a type of filter, I constructed a grid
of information that provides answers, but also new questions
about the culture that created the piece. The "information"
I selected consists of both images and textual comment and
emanates from a variety of sources. First, I examine closely
the belief held by critics of film and dance that the
application of film to the moving body (frequently female)
reveals a knowledge about the body (and the gender) that
could not previously be seen. Most of these critics were
7 Felicia McCarren, "Stphane Mallarm, Loie Fuller, and
the Theater of Femininity," Bodies of the Text: Dance as
Theory, Literature as Dance, ed. Ellen W. Goellner an
Jacqueline Shea Murphy (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press,
1995): 217-230.


131
ashamed of every jump, every excursion into daydreaming, in
short: of the dancing conquest of erotic fantasy."23
On the other hand, American dance films, according to
Witte, were visually organized on the horizontal, expanding a
sense of visual excess, rather than restraining it.24 The
visual organization of films such as Berkeley's The
Golddiggers of 1933, which was banned by the German Reich,
does not suggest that dance has conquered fantasy, but rather
that erotic fantasy has taken over the dance. In another
American dance musical, Dames, Berkeley most clearly
demonstrates this "takeover" when he uses clock gears for
headboardsa weird, but obvious connection between sexuality
and the technology of the machine.25 Berkeley makes links at
the level of the dreamlike signifier, and not at the level of
narrative. A clock on musical-favorite Dick Powell's desk
turns into a field of clocks against a black background. The
clocks spin around to reveal the gears of the headboards.
23 Witte, 257.
24 Witte, 257.
25Lucy Fischer argues in her article on Dames that the
"magical" quality of Berkeley's editing techniques, costumes
and stage designs are ideologically "bound to the mysteries
of the reproductive process." See "The Image of the Woman as
Image: the Optical Politics of Dames," Sexual Strategems:
The World of Women In Film (New York: Horizon Press, 1979):
47. For another discussion that ties sexuality, technology
and mechanical female movement to anxiety over female
reproduction see Andreas Huyssen, "The Vamp and the Machine:
Technology and Sexuality in Fritz Lang's Metropolis,' New
German Critique 24-25 (1981-1982).


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Elizabeth Coffman completed her undergraduate work at
Duke University in 1987, majoring in English and political
science. She worked briefly at Newsweek magazine before
completing her graduate work at the University of Florida
(M.A. 1990, Ph.D. 1995). She is presently an Assistant
Professor of Communication at the University of Taitpa.
215


210
Kirby, Michael and Victoria Nes. Futurist Performance. New
York: PAJ Publications, 1986.
Kracauer, Siegfried. From Caligari to Hitler: A Psychological
History of the German Film. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1947.
. "The Mass Ornament." New German Critique, trans. Barbara
Cornell and Jack Zipes. No.5 (1975).
. Theory of Film: The Redemption of Physical Reality.
London: Oxford University Press, 1960.
Kuleshov, Lev. "The Training of the Actor," in Kuleshov on
Film, trans. Ronald Levaco. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1974.
Laban, Rudolf von. The Mastery of Movement. London: Macdonald
and Evans, 1960.
Lacan, Jacques. "The Mirror Stage as Formative of the
Function of the I." Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan
Sheridan. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1977.
Langer, Susanne K. "Virtual Powers." What is Dance? Readings
in Theory and Criticism, ed. Roger Copeland and Marshall
Cohen. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983.
Langman, Larry. A Guide to Silent Westerns. Bibliographies
and Indexes in the Performing Arts. No. 13. Westport,
CT: Greenwood Press, 1992.
Lear, T.J. Jackson. No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the
Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920. New York:
Pantheon Books, 1981.
Lowell, Marion. Harmonic Gymnastics and Pantomimic
Expression. Boston: 1894.
Lyotard, Jean-Francois. "Acinema. Narrative, Apparatus,
Ideology, ed. Philip Rosen. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1986.
Manning, Susan A. Ecstasy and the Demon: Feminism and
Nationalism in the Dances of Mary Wigman. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993.
Marinetti, F.T. Marinetti: Selected Writings, ed. R.W. Flint,
trans. R.W. Flint and Arthur Coppotelli. New York:
Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1971.


152
movements of the other characters, and second, her flights
across the frame signify a number of equally ambiguous
emotional states--escape, release, pleasure, fear.
One of the defining qualities of German expressionistic
movement as well as German modern dance has to do with the
constant interplay of tension and release or (spannung/
entspannung) .58 In Pandora's Box the German actors are all
tension and Brooks is all release. Schoen, for example,
rarely moves within the frame. Elsaesser observes how often
Schoen's back is to the camera, so that all the viewer sees
are his brooding shoulders atop an immobile and stiff upper
body.59 In the wedding scene where Lulu dances with Countess
Geschwitz, Lulu is the only character who seems to be
physically at ease. Schoen's shoulders are up around his
neck. Alwa's are down around his knees. The Countess poses
tersely against a wall. And Lulu runs between them all,
smiling and bending forward gracefully to her guests as Pabst
tracks her movements with his camera.
Pabst frames her movements in ways that are similar to
how the chorus girl's body is fragmented and abstracted by
the camera, but with some significant differences. Pabst
almost always sets up her movements as the object of an
58 Valerie Preston-Dunlop and Susane Lahusen, ed.,
Schrifttanz: A View of German Dance in Weimar Republic,
(London: Dance Books, 1990), 4.
59 Elsaesser, "Lulu and the Meter Man," 21.


17
intertextual reading strategy for interpreting gestural
differences in the melodramatic film texts of D.W. Griffith.
Pearson does not elaborate on the specifics of Greimas's
gestural project, even though she quite skillfully carries
out the type of reading model which he proposes. I wish to
fill in a few of the gaps about how this reading model for
gesture and dance might work.
In "Figurative Semiotics and the Semiotics of the
Plastic Arts," Greimas outlines a possible analytic approach
to the plastic arts, specifically painting. He begins by
establishing that in order for viewers to read a painting,
they inevitably apply a "reading grid" to the object:
It is this grid through which we read which causes
the world to signify for us and it does so by
allowing us to identify figures as objects, to
classify them and link them together, to interpret
movements as processes which are attributable or
not attributable to subjects, and so on. This grid
is of a semantic nature, not visual, auditive, or
olfactory. It serves as a "code for recognition
which makes the world intelligible and manageable.
Now we see that it is the projection of this
reading grida sort of "signified" of the world
onto a painted canvas that allows us to recognize
the spectacle it is supposed to represent.32
The code through which we identify figures or, in this case,
gestures or dance movements, results from our experience in
by the followers of physical culturalist, Francois Delsarte.
(I will discuss this model and my problems with it in Chapter
Three).
32 A.J. Greimas, "Figurative Semiotics and the Semiotics
of the Plastic Arts", New Literary History 20:3 (Spring
1989), 632.


103
and choreography connotating "America," even if the new
movement quality was reading as "Germanic." Dancers such as
Martha Graham experimented with gestural styles of figures
like the pioneer woman, the Native American woman, and the
Shaker. The end result of these explorations into native
gestural and dance styles is a rhetoric of movement that
attempts to transform the "Germanic" influence into an
embodiment of American nationalism.
Modem Dance (1935), one of the first books on the "new"
dance, features discussions by the editors, Virginia Stewart
and Merle Armitage, of the "pent up energy and emotions" that
the nation felt after World War I which "found its release"
in American jazz and German gymnastics, the precursors of
modern dance.35 But drawing connections to war is not the
only allusion to a nationalist tone that many dance critics
made; they also compared metaphorically the exploration of
American topography to certain dance styles. In one of the
essays in Modern Dance, Paul Love, a dance critic, suggested
that "our first response to a strange environment is
undoubtedly physical rather than conceptional; and our first
expression of it, whether conscious or unconscious will be
made in physical terms."36 A similar rhetoric was apparent in
the writings of Isadora Duncan who, in Whitmanesque fashion,
35 Virginia Stewart and Merle Armitage, Modern Dance
(New York: Dance Horizons, 1970), xiii.
36 Stewart, 45.



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97
training retained the belief that gesture expresses emotion
until the 1930s, when a more abstract style was introduced.26
Lillian Gish's exposure to Delsarte-influenced modern
dance occurred during the late teens when she studied with
dancers Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn (the same teachers of
Martha Graham) She mentions in her autobiography that when
"Miss Ruth" and "Mr. Ted" were away on tour, her mother would
rent the studio and she would practice in it. "Within a few
years," she says, "my body was to show the effects of all
this discipline; it was as trained and responsive as that of
a dancer or an athlete."27 Gish is also mentioned in a 1918
brochure for the Denishawn school as one of several movie
stars, such as Louise Brooks and Carole Dempster, who studied
with them.28 The early training that Gish received at
Denishawn during the teens would not have been as athletic
26Deborah Jowitt describes one transformation in the
image of the woman as dancer between 1900-1930 which turned
"the image of the vanguard female dancer from that of a well-
fleshed woman with flowing draperies and flowing gestures to
that of a forceful, angular, deliberately unglamorous one who
wasn't afraid to tackle serious and complex social issues."
Deborah Jowitt, Time and the Dancing Image (New York:
William Morrow and Co., 1988),8. See also Marcia Siegel's
The Shapes of Change: Images of American Dance (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1979).
27 Lillian Gish, The Movies, Mr. Griffith and Me (New
York: Avon Books, 1969), 100.
28 Jowitt, 144. She cites the Louis Horst Scrapbooks,
Vol. 1. New York Public Library, Dance Collection, Lincoln
Center, which also mentions Gish's sister, Dorothy, as having
studied at Denishawn.


61
Amheim's ideas here are interesting not only because they
reflect the idea that movement reveals knowledge about the
subject, but also because of the kind of knowledge he says is
being revealed. Arnheim's example is also remarkable because
of its similarity to Jacques Lacan's image of the child
before the mirror in "The mirror stage as formative of the
function of the I," an essay which has been used to great
effect by film theory to talk about cinematic identification.
In one passage Lacan describes the "motor incapacity" and
"turbulent movements" of the child before the mirror in
relation to the idealized image that the child sees in the
mirror.so Arnheim's quote also uses the image of the
"irrational struggling of the infant" to talk about how
knowledge is revealed through a type of "screening,* but in
this case it is knowledge about the mother. Her handling of
her child and the comparison between their two different
styles of movement reveal "what kind of person she is,* or,
more specifically, what kind of mother she is. Arnheim's
description of what happens between mother and child on film
supports what Benjamin suggests in "Work of Art": that
bodily movement on film can reveal what we cannot see with
our own eyes, and that "the camera introduces us to
so Jacques Lacan, "The mirror stage as formative of the
function of the I," in Ecrits, trans. Alan Sheridan (New
York: W.W. Norton, 1977), 2.


137
perfectly symmetrical order. Mamoulian also includes close-
up reaction shots of chorus girl and spectator. The
reluctant chorus girl, April Darling, wears an expression of
vulnerability and fear while dancing on stage; the mostly
male audience members display exaggerated leers. The
narrative concludes with April's "escape" from the
questionable moral life of the stage by marrying a sailor.
Applause is a good example of a chorus girl narrative that
might in fact involve the pleasure of the female spectator in
ways that are quite different from a Busby Berkeley film.35
Pandora's Box is another example where an American chorus
girl is separated from her chorus and foregrounded
cinematically as the object of a scopophilic gaze, only in
this film she is planted in the midst of melodramatic German
angst and her "performances" result in her death.36
35 Jeffrey P. Smith mentions in his article on Applause
that the former burlesque dancers that Mamoulian hired were
delighted to be back on stage and did not seem insulted in
the least in how they were portrayed. Their pleasure in
being on stage, according to Smith, complicates the
scopophilic gaze. Jeffrey P. Smith, "It Does Something to a
Girl. I Don't Know What'; The Problem of Female Sexuality in
Applause," Cinema Journal 30.2 (1991): 47-60; See also Lucy
Fischer, *Applause: The Visual and Acoustic Landscape," in
Film Sound: Theory and Practice, ed. Elisabeth Weis and John
Belton, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985): 232-246
36 In Applause there is also a death. April's mother, an
aging burlesque dancer, kills herself so that her daughter
will not work to support her. The inclusion of a mother
figure is unusual for this film genre. The chorus girl is
nearly always guided by a patriarchal teacher, producer,
lover figure.


174
locates the roots for this type of metaphoric allusion in
nineteenth-century racist, biological literature which
emphasized the Orient's "separateness. . its eccentricity,
its backwardness, its silent indifference, its feminine
penetrability, its supine malleability" in order to provide a
Western, masculine solution, i.e. colonialism.17 Racial
difference in Princess Tam Tam becomes, to use Soller's
terms, a "spatial metaphoric pool" in which the signifiers of
Baker's difference slide from "African" to "Arab" to
"Oriental" to "American." This metaphoric sliding was
apparent in the treatment of Baker's persona off-screen as
well, is
The extent to which Josephine Baker directly inspired
the French (and the American expatriate) avant-garde in the
late twenties and early thirties should not be
underestimated.19 Many of the most recognizable names of
modernism had some form of contact with her: Picasso,
Calder, Cocteau, E.E. Cummings, Le Corbusier, Apollinaire,
17 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books,
1979): 206.
18 For information on Baker's life see particularly
Phyllis Rose's biography. See also Josephine Baker and Jo
Bouillon, Josephine, trans. Mariana Fitzpatrick (New York:
Harper & Row, 1976); Stephen Papich, Remembering Josephine
(New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1976).
19 See, for example, Kim Tanzer's discussion of Adolf
Loos's architectural plans for Baker and her influence upon
him in "Baker's Loos and Loos's Loss: Architecting the Body,"
Unpublished manuscript (1994).


147
era rather than to the realistic stabilized
period.50 [Emphasis mine]
Kracauer's criticism here takes up two different points:
first, how the play leads to a performance style which
emphasizes one-dimensional characters; second, the historical
misplacement of the style or "mood" of the film. The
"abstract nature" of the play and its characters are too
"expressive" for the Neue Sachlichkeit (New Objectivity)
aesthetic of 1924-1928. Quoting Potamkin, Kracauer concludes
that the film is "atmosphere without content.*
Pabst's version of the story of Lulu does indeed
emphasize mise-en-scene over narrative, that is, if you
consider Lulu as a part of the mise-en-scene. The story
glides smoothly, almost randomly, not least because of
Pabst's cutting on movement, from spectacle of Lulu to
spectacle, ending finally with her smiling death in the arms
of Jack the Ripper. Other characters in the film, Dr. Schoen
(Fritz Kortner), his son Aiwa (Franz Lederer), and the
Countess Geschwitz (Alice Roberts), are led to disaster and
ruin by their desire of Lulu. In Wedekind's play Lulu
remains uncaring and even vindictive over others' feelings
for her; in Pandora's Box, however, Brooks performs a Lulu
who seems at once childlike and maternal and surprisingly
50 Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler, 179.


138
Kracauer does not consider how a melodrama's portrayal
of a chorus girl might provide a critique of the mass
ornament, either through the narrative and cinematic
qualities of the film, or through the possible visual
pleasure of the female spectator. In another article written
before the war, Kracauer is more overtly sexist in his
remarks about the female spectator position and her
relationship to the modern spectator phenomenon of
"diversion" that the mass ornament brings about. Kracauer's
"The Little Shopgirls Go to the Movies" characterizes the
naivete of the shopgirl and her close identification with
what she sees on the screen in highly negative terms. "The
little shopgirls have a hard time resisting the glamor of
marches and uniforms," he writes. "If the little shopgirls
are approached by a strange gentleman this night, they
probably think he is one of the famous millionaires."37
Sabine Hake points out in "Girls and CrisisThe Other Side
of Diversion" that Kracauer's concept of "diversion" as a
specifically modern form of feminized spectatorship hints at
an underlying pessimism or "hidden conservatism" in his
feelings towards the mass ornament and the female spectator.38
But they also reveal an important contradiction. In writing
37 Quoted in Sabine Hake, "Girls and CrisisThe Other
Side of Diversion," New German Critique 40 (1987): 159,160.
38 Hake, 162. Se also Heide Schlupmann, "Phenomenology
of Film: On Siegfried Kracauer's Writing of the 1920s" New
German Critique 4 (1987): 97-114.


203
masculinity.
Josephine Baker's performance in Princess Tam Tam,
similar to Brooks's in Pandora's Box, was also subject to the
double-edged nature of female spectacle. Baker's African-
American dance style reinforced some negative stereotypes of
black female performance, while simultaneously serving as a
critique of the white colonial gaze. The uncanniness of
Baker's performance unsettles this gaze although it by no
means empties these signifiers of racial difference of their
inherent ambivalence. The black performer/white spectator
remain separated by the gulf of colonial history, at the same
time that their subject positions remain inextricably
intertwined.
This dissertation begins with the scientific appeal of
Loie Fuller's modern dance under electric lights and ends
with the primitivism of Josephine Baker's performance in
Princess Tam Tam. This trajectory suggests a modernism that
moves from an infatuation with the new science and technology
to a rejection of it, from a jingoistic national rhetoric of
the body to a troubled post-colonial identity. Threaded
through this trajectory travel images of the woman in motion,
fluid signifiers of femininity that defined as much as they
were defined by the modern experience.


56
sports, they "either inherited or acquired masculine
characteristics." The YMCA and the YWCA both taught courses
in anatomy, physiology, and anthropometry that reinforced
gender distinctions. Participation in sports for men would
emphasize competition, leadership, team play, while coaches
for women's teams would applaud "playing one's best, gaining
a sense of honor, learning self sacrifice for the sake of the
team, and developing a democratic spirit.42 Physical culture
initially attempted to maintain rigid distinctions between
masculine and feminine codes of bodily movement, but the
distinctions would gradually begin to disintegrate as more
and more women began to participate in physical and political
activities.
The body and its movements increasingly became not only
an object to be measured and studied, a mass to be exercised
and shaped, but also an instrument to express the self. A
more aesthetic, although no less regimented aspect of the
physical culture movement began with the importation into the
United States of Francois Delsarte's theories in 1869.
Delsarte assigned spiritual functions to bodily functions.
He divided the body into zones of three with each third
representing an emotional or spiritual state. According to
Delsarte, from harnessing the "powers" of body and spirit,
"results the intimate fusion of art and science, which,
42 Spears, 208.


201
The women of this study all demonstrate types of
movement that are connected to physical culture, modern
dance, and certain types of ethnic and folk dance. Their
gestural as well as their dance performance styles
semiotically reflect these backgrounds in ways that are
readable for the historicized spectator. More research needs
to be done to understand fully the relationship between
images of women in motion and the film spectator. Uncovering
more interdisciplinary connections between the body,
symmetry, rhythm, and space would also provide insight into
the design and architecture of twentieth century movement. I
hope that this study has at least established that historical
connections exist between images of women in motion, physical
culture and modern dance techniques, art movements, and
critical discourse about movement, dance, and mechanical
reproduction.
The four women of this study, as performers, demonstrate
the duality that lies at the heart of spectacle. They are
all pulled between worlds that both exploit and empower them.
Loie Fuller was one of the first performers to weave together
the materials of silk and celluloid to create a new
vocabulary of cinematic bodily motion. The undulations of
her cloth were about design more than body, her femininity
about disappearance more than revelation. Fuller always
managed to temper the titillation of her translucent costtime
with her artistic integrity. She inspired a revolution of


16
However, he idealizes the "ineffability" of gesture by
concluding that it refers to a more primal, immediate, and
unified means of emotional communication that can never be
recovered. Muteness, gesture, emotionalism, primitivism, and
immediacy are all qualities that are also associated with the
"feminine." To assume that gesture (and consequently dance)
cannot "speak" is to reposition dance in the marginalized
space of feminine silence.
But how specifically does the viewer of gesture and
dance in film, recognize what they are seeing and place it
within their own or another historical context? When Brooks
discusses the "gestural sign" of the melodramatic text, he
refers to the work of A.J. Greimas on the semiotics of
gesture. Greimas's work involves an examination of "the
relation between a sequence of gestural figures, taken as the
signifier, and the gestural project, considered as the
signified."30 Greimas's "gestural project" appears to be a
more specific way of mapping the signifieds of gesture,
because it allows for intertextual connections. Another
writer who refers to both Brooks and Greimas in a reading of
gesture is Roberta Pearson in her important recent book,
Eloquent Gestures.31 Pearson also uses Greimas to set up an
30 Brooks, 70.
31 Roberta Pearson, Eloquent Gestures: The
Transformation of Performance Style in the Griffith Biograph
Films. Pearson compares the changes in gestural style in
Griffith films between 1908 and 1913 with exercises developed


195
spectator in a psychologically sensitive state. Moreover,
the repetition of the design in the costumes, graphics, and
formations of the dancers suggests the Freudian unheimlich
the uncanny. For Freud, the uncanny is a moment when a
familiar sight is suddenly made strange and the (neurotic
male) viewer experiences a disorienting crisis of identity.46
The uncanny experience of the repetition of the spiral is
conpounded by the fact that the design itself is already
coded as a disorienting visual effect. But most iirqoortantly,
the spiral design in this musical number is also associated
with what, according to Freud, is the primary uncanny
experience--the sight of the female genitals, the sight of
lack. The chorus dancers facilitate the uncanny view with a
number of their dance moves. Their legs literally open to
reveal the threat of castration. The opening of the dance
number foregrounds the connections between the uncanny,
perception, and the dancing female body. When the arms of
the dancers open like an iris to reveal the smiling face of
woman, the connection is undeniable. The viewer is left
dazed, dazzled, and hypnotized.
But how is the uncanny experience of the dance number
connected to racial difference and the colonial narrative?
Alwina's intoxication parallels the viewer's metaphoric entry
46 Sigmund Freud, The Standard Edition of the Complete
Psychological Works, trans. and ed. James Strachey (London:
Hogarth Press, 1953), vol. 17, 226.


33
iconicity of American culture to the patterns and designs of
the American chorus girl. Brooks's background as modern
dancer, Ziegfeld girl, and Flapper provide a provocative
reading grid for Pandora's Box. Her performance in the film
also challenges a completely negative reading of chorus girl
as spectacle. In "The Mass Ornament" Kracauer suggests that
the chorus line demonstrates a radical demythologizing
potential because of its iconographic resemblance to the
design and movements of the factory line. In this chapter I
argue that Pabst's framing of Brooks's movements exemplify in
another form the radical potential of the American chorus
girl.
In Chapter 5, "Uncanny Performances in Colonial
Narratives: Josephine Baker in Princess Tam Tam," I look at
a performer who shares much in common with Loie Fuller. Like
Fuller, Baker is another American performer who achieved her
fame first as a dancer in Paris and subsequently became the
toast of the Parisian art and entertainment worlds. Baker's
star persona was frequently associated with her racial
difference, but this "difference" undergoes a transformation
that subsumes her "Americanicity" to her "Africanicity.55
The mise-en-scne of both her stage performances and her
performance in Princess Tam Tam (Edmond T. Greville, 1935)
55 I refer here to Barthes's notion of the iconicity of
the image, specifically his use of the term "Italianicity" as
signified in the filmic image in "Rhetoric of the Image".


85
expressive style that has been characterized both positively
and negatively as "feminine."
Gish's character, Letty, represents a type of pioneer
woman who was a familiar figure in American iconography at
the timea figure who is at first a victim of the landscape,
but one who eventually conquers both land and fear.6 Pioneer
characters became a popular choice for silent film not only
because the pioneer lifestyle involved physical actions that
could be translated easily into non-verbal communication, but
also because of the growing sense of nationalism that the
pioneer spirit seemed to embody without words. In filmic
representation, the pioneer woman of the 1920s was almost
always associated with domestic tasks, such as cooking,
cleaning, and maintaining the emotional side of family life
in an environment that was as hostile or indifferent to
emotional display as the pioneer husband often was.7 These
6 In her examination of the iconography of the pioneer
prairie women, Carol Fairbanks in Prairie Women: Images in
American and Canadian Fiction (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1986), 76, describes three distinct types: the
Prairie Angel, Prairie Victim, and Frontier Hero. The Angel
is typically a strong maternal type who takes provides for
herself and her family. The Prairie Victim Fairbanks sees as
the immigrant wife who reluctantly journeys west with her
husband leaving behind family, friends, and comfort. The
Frontier Hero may be represented as the independent
homesteader who makes it on her own against all odds.
7 In films specifically about pioneers, Larry Langman
notes that "despite the manipulations of movie makers to
place females in subordinate roles, women gained a mythical
status in the early silents." Filmmakers "never depicted the
wives and mothers as wanting to return to civilization." A
Guide to Silent Westerns, Bibliographies and Indexes in the


112
Letty notices the wind blowing sand at the window. Her eyes
grow wide in the stare we saw at the beginning of the film, a
stare which is histrionic and emotionally expressive.
Letty's body leans slightly away from the window. Her
gestures are small, but they are something more than
verisimilar. Letty's reactions to the wind act as moments of
spectacle which temporarily interrupt the narrative.48 The
wind initiates scenes of gestural expressiveness that move
beyond the tension generated at the level of the narrative.
In the second half of The Wind Gish's gestural style
grows more expressionistic, as does the mise-en-scene and
camera movement. In the most dramatic scene of the film
Gish's movements start to look like an expressionistic dance
without becoming simply melodramatic. After Letty is forced
to marry Lige she returns to his cabin where she fends off
his advances. Lige promises to try to send her home. Letty
is terrified of being left alone in the house because of her
fear of the wind. She repeatedly looks at the window and the
door with large, fearful eyes. Her movements are slow and
hesitant, suggesting her fear and sense of entrapment. At
the beginning of the final climactic scene, Letty has been
left alone in the cabin. A "Norther'" sandstorm is
approaching and the sand pounds on the window. Letty circles
48 See discussion of the role of spectacle in Tom
Gunning's article "The Cinema of Attractions" in the
Introduction.


64
remains immobile, a watcher who is curious but not a
participant.
The well-known dance critic, John Martin, writing in
1939 illustrates the first type of spectator reaction to
dance. He is not talking necessarily about dance on film,
but his ideas are reminiscent of other film theorists.
Martin developed an idea which he called "inner mimicry" to
try and explain the physical reaction of watching dance on
stage. As he explains:
Since we respond muscularly to the strains in
architectural masses and the attitude of rocks,
it is plain to be seen that we will respond even
more vigorously to the action of a body exactly
like our own. We shall cease to be spectators and
become participants in the movement that is
presented to us, and though to all outward
appearances we shall be sitting quietly in our
chairs, we shall nevertheless be dancing
synthetically with all our musculature.54
Martin's ideas sound similar to Benjamin's conception of the
"tactility" of experiencing architecture in "Work of Art,"
but they also are reminiscent of Lacan's mirror stage of
identification wherein the subject desires the same bodily
control it sees reflected in the mirror.55 in another vein,
Sergei Eisenstein suggested taping dynamite to the bottom of
54 John J. Martin, Introduction to the Dance (New York:
W.W. Norton, 1939), 53.
55 Jacques Lacan, "The Mirror Stage as Formative of the
Function of the I," Ecrits, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York:
W.W. Norton & Co., 1977); See Michael Taussig's Mimesis and
Alterity: A Particular History of the Senses (New York:
Routledge, 1993) for a discussion of Benjamin's ideas about
tactility and the modern condition.


66
camera consists precisely in acting the voyeur [my
emphasis] .57
Kracauer's comparison of witnessing dance on film to entering
a "forbidden realm" does not specify an overtly feminized
subject (whether male or female, "white" or "ethnic"),
however, the metaphoric allusions of a "forbidden realm,"
like Freud's "dark continent" of female subjectivity,
reverberate with allusions to otherness. The spectatorial
experience of witnessing dance, then, encompasses many
possibilities: the secret pleasures/anxieties of the voyeur,
"scientific" curiousity, aesthetic enjoyment, a physiological
recognition. One reaction that is not mentioned frequently,
except by dance critics, is the pleasure of identifying with
a kind of bodily inhibition or competency which was
previously denied. After the turn-of-the-century, women such
as Isadora Duncan and Loie Fuller performed publicly in ways
that were dramatically different from the classical ballet
dancer or the vaudevillian skirt dancer. These women danced
alone, demonstrating choreographic control of their material
and communicating with their bodies in ways that effectively
heralded a modem age of performance for women.
57 Siegfried Kracauer, Theory of Film: The Redemption of
Physical Reality (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 43.
For a more extensive analysis of Kracauer's work on dancers,
Particularly his article on "The Mass Ornament," see Chapter
Three.


108
this second half from the restraint of a verisimilar style of
acting into symbolically significant expressionistic gesture.
During the beginning of the film, however, the viewer
witnesses early signs of this transformation as tension
builds through an accumulation of small, gestural acts that
move away from a verisimilar code and gain symbolic meaning
through their repetition.
As Letty arrives in the frontier town and attempts to
create a life for herself, she is increasingly confronted by
her relationship both to the wind and to men. The wind
operates invisibly in the text, although its effects are
always visible.45 Many actions in the film, such as the
brushing of sand from clothes, suggest the constant
infiltration of the wind into the pioneer way of life. In
the opening scene of the film as Letty rides on the train and
meets Wirt Roddy, both characters use this brushing gesture
several times. Letty is shocked by a lapful of sand which
blows through her window and she stands and tries to
awkwardly brush it off of her. Her awkwardness is connoted
through her open fingers and her weak downward motions across
her chest. Roddy witnesses this action and uses it as a
46 Seastrom used eight airplane propellers to simulate
desert wind. In her autobiography Gish says that this was
"one of my worst experiences in filmmaking." She also
mentions that "Mr. Griffith . would have loved to
photograph" the scene where "the landscape was seen through a
veil of sand" and Gish and the other cowboys are "bent
forward in the saddle as we made our way back to camp Gish,
292-3.


68
demanded the hand-tinting of individual frames to achieve the
illusion of colored lights on silk. The result is a brief
piece, not much longer than a minute, which shows Fuller in
her famous costume transformed from a butterfly into a
whirling dervish, and finally disappearing into a
kaleidoscope of colored material. Early hand-tinting does
not appear to be a part of the film's mise-en-scene; like the
frameless animation of Stan Brakhage's avant-garde piece, Dog
Star Man, tinting seems to add magically a separate layer.
The coloring appears deliberately faked and reminds the
viewer of the materiality of the film itself. In Fire Dance
Fuller approached the film as she approached her body, as a
form that she would fill with movement and color.
Art Nouveau and Symbolist sensibilities seem to impact
Fuller at an early age. Fuller began her dancing career in
vaudeville in the 1880s and started to perform "skirt"
dancing, where women manipulated their skirts in different
patterns, in 1890 after working with Kate Vaughan and the
Gaiety Players in London.59 In 1892 Fuller developed out of
skirt dancing her "Serpentine Dance" for a play in New York
in which she portrayed a young girl hypnotized by a Dr.Quack.
Fuller describes in her autobiography published in 1913 that
her movements were choreographed to express an hypnotic
59 Harris, 16. The skirt dance was apparently invented
for Vaughn by Jean d'Autan, the ballet master of the Gaiety
Theatre.


153
internal gaze that is voyeuristic and exploitative. As does
the chorus girl, Lulu delights in her performances and takes
no notice of the leers of desire directed at her. She
performs for them and is delighted by her own performance,
yet Pabst inevitably inserts the obviously exploitative look
of desire which undercuts her own pleasure.
In the opening scene of the film, for example, Lulu
"performs" first for Schigolch, her would-be father, upon his
seemingly spontaneous suggestion. When Schigolch first
arrives at Schoen's apartment. Lulu rushes past the meter man
who is standing in the doorway and drags Schigolch across the
entrance and into the apartment. The camera tracks her
movements across and back the frame in a long, continuous
tracking shot that shows the gracefulness of most of Lulu's
body in motion. Once inside the apartment Schigolch, after
taking her money and drinking her whiskey, convinces Lulu to
dance while he plays the harmonica. Lulu improvises in front
of a painting of herself dressed as Pierrot. Again we see a
3/4 body shot of her, which emphasizes the performance
quality of the shot, as she does turns and bits of the
Charleston. The pace gets more frantic as cross-cutting
between Lulu's dancing and Schigolch's harmonica playing
increases in tempo. Finally Lulu stops dancing and Schigolch
suddenly gets angry at her for stopping. He rushes at her
and raises the harmonica as if to strike her. She cowers a
bit, afraid that he might hit her, and then suddenly and


73
Two moments stand out in Fuller's biography as
representative of the way in which her contemporaries
appropriated her figure and associated it with their own
movements. The first is the 1900 Paris 1'Exposition
Universelle, remembered primarily for its foregrounding of
the Art Nouveau movement of which Loie Fuller is often
considered to be the "living embodiment."65 The 1900
Exposition had an entire theatre donated to Fuller's company.
The Loie Fuller Theatre had a complicated facade, a
sculptured curtain, which appeared to be rippling. On top of
the theatre was a life-sized sculpture of Fuller whose wave
like costume dissolved into the facade. Inside, Fuller
performed her "Danses Lumineuses" to packed houses, and she
featured dancers from Japan, such as Sada Yacco. Art Nouveau
was particularly obsessed with all things feminine: long
flowing hair and robes; feminine objects that might appear in
the bedroom or boudoir. Art Nouveau generated as many
decorative lamps as it did paintings and chief among those
figures represented was Fuller. Jules Cheret made posters of
her. Raoul Larche made bronzes with electric lights out of
her figure. Whistler, William Nicholson, and Hippolyte Lucas
painted her. Rodin drew sketches of her and Pierre Roche
sculpted her.
11.
66 Martin Battersby, Art Nouveau (Feltham: Hamlyn, 1969),


30
became tinged with questions of nationalism and racism.52
These various histories will weave in and out of my analysis
of the woman in motion.
In the second chapter, "Telling Motions: Loie Fuller and
the 'interpenetration' of art and science," I read Fuller's
1906 film Fire Dance through a reading grid that crosses many
disciplinary boundaries. The grid I construct includes
images and ideas from figures such as the photographer,
Eadweard Muybridge, the Futurist, Filippo Tommasso Marinetti,
physical culturalist, Francois Delsarte, dancers and dance
critics, such as Rudolf Laban and John Martin, and cultural
theorists, such as Walter Benjamin. Their observations span
the years from the turn of the century to the mid-thirties,
and their perspectives on movement and modernism provide an
important backdrop for my entire thesis. In every area I
investigate in this chapter, I uncover an early modernist
belief that motions could "tell" or reveal knowledge about
the body. I question how this "telling" is often figured as
the result of what Delsarte described as the
"interpenetration" of art and science. The writers in this
study metaphorically transform the "artistic" into the
"feminine," the "scientific" into the "masculine," and their
52 See T.J. Jackson Lear's discussion of how fear of
physical superiority of the immigrant population during the
teens resulted in formation of WASP-only workout clubs. No
Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of
American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981).


166
Diawara, and Mark Reid have provided even more insights into
the blind spots of ideologically white film studies.5 The
gaze at the black female, for example, is often built (in
classical Hollywood cinema) on certain received ideas in
white culture, many of which are contradictory in nature,
about excessive sexuality or the lack or it, submissiveness
and/or aggressiveness, and performance ability.6 These
"received ideas" or stereotypes demand an examination of the
history of the scopic economy of the black female--an economy
that is at work in film history, art history, anthropology,
medical history, and popular culture.
In his article "White," Richard Dyer argues that
"whiteness" cinematically constructs itself as the unseen or
the invisible. "The colourless multi-colouredness of
whiteness secures white power by making it hard, especially
for white people and their media, to 'see' whiteness."7 In
5 Donald Bogle, Tows, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and
Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films
(New York: Continuum Press, 1973); Thomas Cripps, Slow Fade
to Black: The Negro in American Film, 1900-1942 (New York:
Oxford, 1977); Manthia Diawara, "Black Spectatorship:
Problems of Identification and Resistance," Screen 29:4
(Autumn 1988): 66-76; Mark A. Reid, Redefining Black Film
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
6 Jane Gaines, "White Privilege and Looking Relations:
Race and Gender in Feminist Film Theory.*Screen 29:4 (Autumn
1988) .
7 Richard Dyer, "White," Screen: 24:6 (Nov-Dec 1983):
46. Other exceptions include the articles in Screen 29:4
(Autumn 1988) .


CHAPTER 4
THE AMERICAN CHORUS GIRL IN WEIMAR GERMANY:
LOUISE BROOKS, PANDORA'S BOX, AND
KRACAUER'S "THE MASS ORNAMENT"
These products of American 'distraction factories'
are no longer individual girls, but indissoluble
female units whose movements are mathematical
demonstrations.1
In Lulu in Hollywood Louise Brooks recounts a telling
confrontation that occurred during the production of
Pandora's Box, a moment that attests to the power that star
persona plays in cinematic reception. Brooks remembers
leaving another UFA film opening in 1928 with her director,
George W. Pabst, when a woman in the crowd apparently spoke
hostilely to Brooks in German. Brooks demanded that Pabst
translate. Reluctantly, he repeated the woman's accusation:
"That is the American girl who is playing our German Lulu!"2
Perhaps this anecdote helps to explain why Pandora's Box and
Brooks's performance in it were panned by the general public
before they were praised by critics. This anonymous woman's
reaction suggests how nationalist fervor had entered into the
1 Siegfried Kracauer, "The Mass Ornament," trans.
Barbara Cornell and Jack Zipes, New German Critique 5 (1975).
2 Louise Brooks, Lulu in Hollywood (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1982), 95.
117


82
theories of gesture and acting have tended to view film
acting in a rather linear fashion, projecting a fairly
straight development from nineteenth century theatrical
melodrama towards the more subtle or "realist" approach that
cinematic framing seems to demand.
The most notable recent contribution to this argument is
Roberta Pearson's Eloquent Gestures. In this work Pearson
considers how cinematic acting in Biograph films shifted
between the years 1908-1913 from the more "melodramatic"
theatrical style, which she names the "histrionic code,* to a
"realist" style which she links to the realist movement in
American literature and drama, and which she calls the "code
of verisimilitude."4 My discussion necessarily appropriates
some of Pearson's useful vocabulary as a starting point for
my own investigation of Gish's gestural style in The Wind,
for, even though the time periods are distinctly different,
Pearson is one of the few writers who provides a structural
reading model for gesture that allows for historical
analysis. She also considers the importance of the physical
culture movement and Delsartean practices to the development
of a "lexicon" of the gestural style that she finds typical
of the histrionic code of acting. I will, however, add a
different historical dimension to Pearson's work by
4 Roberta E. Pearson, Eloquent Gestures: The
Transformation of Performance Style in the Griffith Biograph
Films (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 18-
37.


148
undisturbed by the expressive angst surrounding her.51 Her
performance does not seem abstract in the way that Kracauer
imagines; Brooks does not portray a standard femme fatale,
but neither does she participate in what, without her, would
seem more of a melodrama. Her performance seems subtle and
understated compared to the rather uniform nature of the
other characters.
According to Mary Ann Doane's reading of Pandora's Box,
the criticism of both Kracauer and Potamkin demonstrates a
confusion about the expressionistic aspects of the film and
what they saw as Pabst's "capitulation to the demands of the
image versus the referent, the decorative versus the
substantial," qualities which, as Doane suggests, are also
associated with the feminine.52 Their accusation of
"atmosphere without content" seems to point directly at
Brooks's performance, which stands in stark contrast to those
around her. Critics condemned her acting by saying "she does
not suffer."53 When Lulu is on the stand accused of her
husband's murder, Brooks's slight frown of concern is quickly
replaced by a beaming smile--an expression which appears
51 See Frank Wedekind's Erdgeist (1895) and Die Buchse
der Pandora (1904) in Five Tragedies of Sex by Frank
Wedekind, trans. Frances Fawcett and Stephen Spender (London:
Vision Press, 1952) .
52 Doane, 154.
53Brooks, 95.


162
is left only a long and lonely walk into the confusion of the
fog.


25
Essentialist arguments tend to seek out "positive"
representations of "woman" without necessarily thinking
through the masculinist implications built into the apparatus
itself. These arguments run the risk of naturalizing
"femininity" and thereby repeating the same patterns as the
patriarchal domination of sexual difference. Anti-
essentialist arguments such as Mulvey's, while providing an
insightful description of "woman" in relation to narrative
and the apparatus, seem totalizing in their very negativity,
leaving no possibility for a positive or autonomous
representation of "femininity" or "woman."
A number of feminists have already begun to think
through the essentialist/anti-essentialist debate by
reexamining some psychoanalytic tenets that do not take into
account the difference of the female body. Mary Ann Doane in
"Woman's Stake: Filming the Female Body" argues that in
order to "move beyond the opposition between essentialism and
anti-essentialism" we must take "the necessary risk" and
"construct a feminine specificity (not essence)" in relation
to language. The "stake" that Doane describes relates to the
"syntax which constitutes the female body as a term."44 The
Routledge Press, 1988).
44 Mary Ann Doane, "Woman's Stake: Filming the Female
Body,* in Feminism and Film Theory, ed. Constance Penley (New
York: Routledge Press, 1988), 226. See also in the same
collection, Joan Copjec's "India Song/Son nom de Venise dans
Calcutta Desert: The Compulsion to Repeat": 229-243. Copjec
and Doane both refer to the sexually specific metaphors used


101
limited to melodramatic "typing." In other words, a gesture
that indicates an emotional reaction, such as the movement of
the arm over the head, will also carry with it a certain
meaning within a symbolic coding. The arm movement will tend
to rise out of a "natural" reaction to circumstances, but it
will often be overcoded; that is, it bears the weight of more
than just a physical action or reaction, it often signifies
an emotional reaction that is grounded in the kinaesthetics
of the Twenties.32 These gestures are visually similar to the
iconography of certain modern dance styles. Expressionistic
gesture is more fluid than melodramatic tableau or Delsartean
attitudes. Its movements may be more "realistic" or more
subtle than early film movement, but expressionistic gesture
also carries remnants of Pearson's histrionic code. Arms
move away from the body, torsos bend, and eyes still grow
wide with emotion, but these types of expressionistic
gestures generate a more fluid symbolic code than the
histrionic style of prior decades.
Women in Motion, Nationalism, and the Pioneer
Expressionistic gesture developed during the time period
following World War I when artists and critics alike were
questioning what an American art form might look like.
Because of the nationlistic sentiments after the war, there
32 See Hillel Schwartz, "Torque: The New Kinaesthetic of
the Twentieth Century, Incorporations, ed. Jonathan Crary
and Sanford Kwinter, Vol. 6, Zone series (New York: Zone,
1992).


60
combined with these projections create the meaning of both
person and movement. Laban reveals a bias for the
"primitive" personality which is innocent of "civilized"
behaviors. The "feminized" or "primitive" other is most
fully able to reveal a cinematic truth about themselves
through movement.
Rudolf Arnheim, writing at the same time as Laban and
Benjamin (and from whom Benjamin received some of his ideas
about slow motion), discusses in his 1934 essay "Motion" the
"dance-like quality" of early silent films.48 He also uses
feminized subjects, in this case a mother and child, as
examples of how different kinds of knowledge about self are
revealed through cinematic movement:
Motion not only serves to inform the audience
of the events that make up the story. It is also
highly expressive. When we watch a mother putting
her child to bed we not only understand what is
going on but also learn from the calm or hasty,
smooth or fumbling, energetic or weak, sure or
hesitant gestures of the mother what kind of person
she is, how she feels at the particular moment, and
what her relationship is to her child. The
contrast between the irrational struggling of the
infant and the controlled behaviour of the mother
may produce a counterpoint of visual motion, which
determines the expression of the scene at least as
effectively as do the more static factors of how
mother and child look and in what kind of setting
the action takes place [emphasis mine].49
48 Rudolf Arnheim, Film as Art.
California Press, 1957), 152.
(Berkeley: University of
48 Arnheim, 150-151.


158
movements at times initiate a simultaneous narrative shift.
In the much analyzed backstage scene, Pabst fills the frame
with dynamic movement from all angles. The significant
characters are often pushed out of the way by performers
rushing by, dancers coming down stairs, and sets being
raised. Pabst punctuates the well-choreographed chaos with
close-ups of Schoen, his fiance, and Lulu as they eye one
another. When Lulu spots them, she rushes across the floor,
and the camera tracks her movement, rather than framing a
moving mise-en-scene. Lulu tells the stage manager "I'll
dance for the whole world, but not in front of that woman."
Lulu actively creates a situation in which she demonstrates
control over the rights to her performing body. She refuses
to go on until Schoen consoles her. When Aiwa and Schoen's
fiance discover the two in an embrace, Lulu smiles smugly to
herself and then sweeps triumphantly on stage.64 We see
briefly one of the very few shots of Lulu actually performing
for an audience, as she glides across the stage, showgirl
style, with a giant headpiece on.
Even when Lulu moves in ways that are seemingly
"directionless, I disagree with assessments that describe
64 Doane suggests that this Oedipal scene is indicative
of the "fixity" that underlies the illusion of movement in
the film. She argues that the primal scene of discovery
necessarily arrests any pleasure or ambiguity in Lulu's
character. Doane, 150. I also see, however, how this scene
indicates a more active role for Lulu. She orchestrates the
primal scene which necessarily seems to disturb all other
participants except for herself.


119
conceived in response to a societal repressivity."5 However,
the choice of Louise Brooks, an American film actress whose
facial expressions, at least, were by no means like those of
other more expressive German actresses, subverts her
character's formulaic femme fatale nature. Instead of
Wedekind's femme fatale, Brooks gives us a naughty, American
Flappera stunning contrast to the seriously expressionistic
acting of her German costars. Lulu dances through the film
because she feels like it, not because a specific emotional
intensity obviously motivates her. Her bodily movement is as
memorable as her vague facial expressions because Pabst
visually choreographed her character as much as he directed
it. As Elsaesser concludes, Pabst's choice of Brooks
supported his visual critique of expressionist ideology by
foregrounding "American filmactingneutral, minimal, pure
surface and exteriority--the interface of sexuality and
technology as it was present in Louise Brooks, not least
thanks to her training as a dancer in the Ziegfeld Follies."6
Pabst apparently had no idea of Brooks's training as a
dancer when he selected her as his version of Lulu, but he
was delighted when he found out. Brooks states in her
autobiography that for Lulu's character, "dancing was her
mode of expression" and, quoting a line from the script which
5 Thomas Elsaesser, "Lulu and the Meter Man: Louise
Brooks, Pabst and Pandora's Box," Screen 24.4-5 (1983): 12.
6 Elsaesser, "Lulu and the Meter Man," 28.


14
Roland Barthes's work in Image Music Text.25 Barthes
theorizes in "The Photographic Message" and "The Rhetoric of
the Image" that, from the moment of perception, the meaning
of an image is already "verbalized. An image of a body,
then, is not fully perceived until the word "body" is brought
into the mind of the viewer or, to use Peirce's term, into
the mind of the interpretant.26 Immediately upon perception
this body might, through what Barthes defines as "cognitive
connotation," be recognized through details, such as
leotards, tights, and bodily designs, as a "dancer." The
rhetoric of an image, for Barthes, depends on the codes that
define how individual elements of the photograph are brought
together, as in his example of the Panzani advertisement in
which tomatoes, onions, mushrooms, and the label "Panzani"
connote the signified "Italianicity."21 Depending on an
interpretant's knowledge and history of how various signs
connotes certain dance styles, an image of a dancer could
then be identified as "ballet dancer,* "modern dancer" or
"vaudeville dancer.' The work of both Barthes and Peirce
also implies that interpretations will vary, depending on the
25 Roland Barthes, Image Music Text, trans. Stephen Heath
(New York: Noonday Press, 1977).
26 Peirce, Collected Papers, vols. 1-8 (Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard University Press, 1931-1958), vol. 5, paragraph no.
475.
27Barthes, 33.


141
of art to be born by her mere presence."41 Likewise Henri
Langlois of the Cinematheque Francaise said of Brooks in
1955:
She is the modern actress par excellence because,
like the statues of antiquity, she is outside of
time . She has the naturalness that only
primitives retain before the lens . She is the
intelligence of the cinematographic process, she is
the most perfect incarnation of photogenie; she
embodies in herself all that the cinema
rediscovered in its last years of silence:
complete naturalness and complete simplicity.42
Patrice Petro has questioned this kind of praise that critics
have levied at both Brooks and Marlene Dietrich, two
actresses whose careers in Germany were only beginning at the
end of the Weimar period. Petro suggests that "this kind of
retrospective reading would seem to reveal as much about a
fascination exerted by a certain type of woman in
contemporary scholarship as it does about the figure of woman
in the late Weimar period."43 While I agree that, to some
extent, critics such as Eisner and Langlois appear to have
been seduced by the subtlties of Brooks's performance, X also
41 Lotte Eisner, The Haunted Screen; Expressionism in
the German Film and the Influence of Max Reinhardt, trans.
Roger Greaves, (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1969): 296.
42 Paris, 312.
43 Petro, 160. Mary Ann Doane also remarks on the
critical focus on Brooks as a star performer and suggests
that this focus challenges the negative reviews of Brooks as
a "passive" actress. See her chapter "The Erotic Barter:
Pandora's Box" in Femmes Fatales: Feminism, Film Theory,
Psychoanalysis, (New York: Routledge Press, 1991), 152-153.


100
equally important, the use of successions,
beginning in the torso and spreading outwards and
downwards throughout the entire body.31
Shawn describes a more fluid style of movement than Steele
MacKaye's or Genevieve Stebbins's interpretation of
Delsartean attitudes. MacKaye and Stebbins emphasized poses,
rather than movement in time. The Delsarte-influenced acting
style that Pearson identifies as histrionic comes from an
interpretation of Delsarte that emphasizes tableau and
movements that lead from still pose to still pose. Ted Shawn
is using Delsarte in a very different way; the torso
generates movement that progresses through "the use of
successions" that spread "throughout the entire body." The
torso is the seat of emotional expression and one key to a
more fluid gestural style that remains expressive without
looking "histrionic." In the upcoming analysis of Lillian
Gish's movements, the fluid use of the torso will be an
important distinguishing marker of a gestural style that
reflects its exposure to modern dance.
I believe that a new category of gestural style needs to
be named to describe the movements in certain American films
of the 1920s, which appear at the level of the signifier to
be connected to modern dance techniques. What I shall call
expressionistic gesture is defined visually by its conflation
of the iconic and symbolic meaning of the gesture, yet is not
33 Ted Shawn, Every Little Movement: A Book About
Francois Delsarte (New York: Dance Horizons, 1910), 61.


92
code. Pearson describes the "continuous flow of movement
composed of little details" as a sign of the verisimilar
code. She is describing a flow, rather than flowing movement
which I would describe as a sign of expressionistic gesture.
The "little details" actually seek to hide the flow of the
directed movement, whereas in expressionistic gesture, the
flow and its emotional significance is foregrounded.
The distinctions that Pearson makes between the two
styles of acting are valuable for the films she considers,
but I find that these two categories are inadequate to cover
certain gestural styles which are more fluid than histrionic
tableau and more symbolic than verisimilar. I believe
Pearson does not consider the extent to which certain
variations of Delsarte got transformed into a less rigid
system of movement, particularly in the theories of modern
dance. Susan Roberts's analysis can be seen as offering
support to my criticism of Pearson as she claims that
Delsarte's "technique emphasizes the musical nature of
gesture and movement,* while forming the basis for "stylized
gesture in the early screen melodrama."18
James Naremore in Acting in the Cinema also associates
Delsarte with an expressive or stylized gestural performance
in his examination of the role that Delsarte played in
influencing film acting. He sees Delsarte as being as
18 Susan Roberts, "Melodramatic Performance Signs,"
Framework 32-33 (1986): 68-69.


123
American chorus girl inevitably bears the representational
burden of a sexually and economically neutered Weimar
subjectivity. However, I find Kracauer's writings during the
1920s and 30s to be somewhat more ambivalent and open than
his conclusions in From Caligari to Hitler.12 Even though he
is generally negative about female spectatorship, in "The
Mass Ornament" and other writings during this period,
Kracauer allows for the possibility of a potentially radical
form of spectatorship.
I wish to approach "The Mass Ornament" from a
perspective which considers both the implications of the
female spectator and the specificity of the historical
background of the chorus dancer in Germany and the United
States during the Weimar years and into the thirties. Louise
Brooks's performance in Pandora's Box provides an opportunity
to uphold as well as to challenge some of Kracauer's
conclusions about the abstracted and fragmented nature of the
female dancer. Brooks also gives us a particular example of
what happens when the signifier of the American chorus girl
enters into the context of the crisis of German masculine
identity. Before I approach the film, however, I will first
12 Other writers, such as Elsaesser, also point to
Kracauer's work before the war as a less apologetic
description of the symptoms of a culture's "unconscious," an
analysis which remains more intricately tied to the
implications of capitalism than to Freudianism. See Thomas
Elsaesser, "CinemaThe Irresponsible Signifier or 'The
Gamble with History': Film Theory or Cinema Theory," New
German Critique 40 (1987): 86.


212
Penley, Constance, ed. Feminism and Film Theory. New York:
Routledge Press, 1988.
Petro, Patrice. Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic
Representation in Weimar Germany. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1989.
Pollock, Griselda. Dealing with Degas: Representations of
Women and the Politics of Vision. New York: Universe
Press, 1992.
. Vision and Difference: Femininity, Feminism, and the
Histories of Art. New York: Routledge Press, 1988.
Pratt, David B. "'0, Lubitsch, Where Wert Thou?' Passion, the
German Invasion and the Emergence of the name
'Lubitsch.'" Wide Angle 13:1: 34-71.
Preston-Dunlop, Valerie and Susanne Lahusen, ed. Schrifttanz:
A View of German Dance in the Weimar Republic. Cecil
Court, London: Dance Books, 1990.
Rabinovitz, Lauren. "Temptations of Pleasure: Nickelodeons,
Amusement Parks, and the Sights of Female Sexuality. 11
Camera Obscura. No. 23. (May 1990): 71-90.
Ramsaye, Terry. A Million and One Nights: A History of the
Motion Picture Through 1925. New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1926.
Reid, Mark A. Redefining Black Film. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1993.
Roberts, Susan. "Melodramatic Performance Signs." Framework.
No.32-33. (1986) .
Rose, Phyllis. Jazz Cleopatra: Josephine Baker in Her Time.
New York: Doubleday Press, 1989.
Said, Edward. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books, 1979.
Savage-King, Chris. "Classical Muscle." Women's Review. No. 2
(1985): 28-29.
Schwartz, Hillel. "Torque: The New Kinaesthetic of the
Twentieth Century," Incorporations,ed. Jonathan Crary
and Sanford Kwinter. Vol. 6, Zone series. New York:
Zone, 1992.
Shawn, Ted Every Little Movement: A Book About Francois
Delsarte. New York: Dance Horizons, 1910.


47
subjective and objective."24 These binarisms seem more
explicitly "modern" when the distinctions between them are
blurred; when, for example, a figure such as Loie Fuller
moves her silky costume in a pattern that makes the
differentiation of either her aesthetics or her sex seem a
difficult and indefinite task.
Fuller's dancing woman provides a compelling and anxious
spectacle for the modern spectator. The intricacies of her
movements subsume (but do not fully erase) the question of
her sexuality. As Martha Banta has suggested about Fuller
and other dancers at the turn-of-the-century, "Female
celebrities did not call upon sexuality for effective self
display. Rather they enhanced their popularity by being
shapes in motion.25 Banta's quote illustrates how motion
itself was as fascinating to the public as overt erotic
display. Fuller's body in motion signified action and
competency as much as a type of artistic spectacle. For the
turn-of-the-century public, Fuller's control over her stage
and her career signified that she qualified as a "modern
woman." But the images of her bodily movement generated the
equally modern anxiety of the dissolution of categories.
This "anxiety" is not simply the result of the spectacle of
the body in motion, but is particularly a modern anxiety
24 Bradbury and McFarlane, 48.
25 Banta, Imaging American Women, 624.


32
Numerous modern dancers invoked rhetoric in both writings and
choice of dance theme that signified "American." Character
choices portraying Native Americans, Shakers, and pioneer
women were as popular in modern dance as they were in film.
In The Wind Gish portrays a pioneer woman trying to make it
on the edge of a threatening desert landscape. Her body is
tossed back and forth across the screen by the ever present
but never visible force of the wind. The film establishes a
metaphor for the intersection of technology, the American
frontier, and the woman's body that attempts to negotiate
this uncomfortable crossing. This intersection materializes
in the expressionistic and dance-like quality of Gish's
bodily movement.
Chapter Four is entitled "The American Chorus Girl in
Weimar Germany: Louise Brooks, Pandora's Box, and Kracauer's
'The Mass Ornament.'" It considers the chorus girl as
embodied by Louise Brooks in George W. Pabst's Pandora's Box
(1928) and as theorized by Siegfried Kracauer in "The Mass
Ornament" (1927). Both Brooks's persona and Kracauer's use
of the Tiller Girls bring the figure of the American into the
Weimar context.54 This chapter questions the implications of
these trans-cultural texts that frequently connect the
54 Kracauer mistakenly describes the Tiller Girls as
American. They started in Britain and travelled around the
world forming schools of 'high-kickers'. See Derek and Julia
Parker's The Natural History of the Chorus Girl (New York:
Bobbs-Merrill, 1975).


40
modernist spectatorship.9 In "'when the direction of the
force acting on the body is changed; The Moving Image,'" Mary
Ann Doane considers the body of the prostitute in relation to
early technologies of movement, such as the train and the
cinema, and how these new technologies altered the spatial
and economic deployment of the woman's body.10 Griselda
Pollock also considers artistic representations of the
flaneur and the dancer in the public sphere in "Modernity and
the spaces of femininity.''11 All of these writers draw
somewhat different conclusions about the relationship between
spectacle and new forms of knowledge about the body in the
midst of the "modern" condition; most necessarily comment on
the complicated interrelationship between vision, bodies, and
codes of femininity.12
Other recent books review historical materials that
document the important shift that occurred around the turn-of-
the-century in the representation of women and their new
9 Miriam Hansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in
American Silent Film (Cambridge: Harvard Univesity Press,
1991):23-59.
10 Mary Ann Doane, "'. . when the direction of the
forct acting on the body is changed:' the Moving Image" Wide
Angle 7.1-2 (1985): 42-58.
11 Griselda Pollock, Vision and Difference: Femininity,
Feminism and the Histories of Art (New York: Routledge,
1988) .
12 See Jonathan Crary's Techniques of the Observer: On
Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge:
MIT Press, 1990).


172
helps him to overcome his crisis of masculinity. Max's
geographic choice for inspiration would not have been an
unusual one for a Frenchman of the twenties or thirties.
Both artists and anthropologists saw the "primitive,'
especially the "African primitive" as a refreshing
alternative to the exhausted blandness of industrialized
Europe. One of the most intriguing aspects of the
primitivist movement during this period is the fluidity with
which it breaches disciplines. Artists, such as Matisse and
Picasso, were fascinated by the formal vocabulary that
"primitive" cultures used to distort magically (from a
Western perspective) reality. The magical "simplicity" of
tribal culture is also what attracted the anthropologist who
was equally stunned by the physicality of "primitive" man and
woman. Although their Western prudence may have been shocked
by the frank sexuality they witnessed, anthropologists
generally envied their subjects' relationship to their bodies
and their environments.15
15 See Marianna Torgovnick, Gone Primitive: Savage
Intellects, Modern Lives (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1990). She closely examines the diary entries of
Bronislaw Malinowski, an early "cultural anthropologist" who
worked with the Trobriand people in New Guinea in 1918.
Malinowski's diary, which he apparently never wanted
published, revealingly highlights the sexual ambiguity that
the anthropologist often tries to repress in his work with
"native" peoples. Torgovnick sees Malinowski's uncomfortable
self-consciousness towards his own body as "an image of
Western repression of the physicality we see in the
primitive, an image that expresses fear of the body and
contradictory desires both to preserve and vitiate its
boundaries" 232.


109
chance to meet her. He more forcefully brushes the sand from
Letty's clothes in an act which suggests his pseudo-
gentlemanly intentions. Throughout the film Roddy regularly
brushes sand from his own sleeve in a manner which is
sophisticated, condescending, and vain. Repeatedly, a
character trait is connoted through gestural subtleties that
are part of a cultural rhetoric of Western pantomimic
knowledge. Roddy's fingers remain close together, his palm
perpindicular to his arm as he competently brushes sand from
sleeve in short, sharp strokes. Right from the beginning,
then, a simple gestural act, such as this brushing, is not
merely realistic or verisimilar. It immediately suggests an
emotional coding which becomes an important marker of
character difference throughout the film.
Later, the brushing gesture is used by two other men who
are also suitors of Letty, Lige Hightower, played by Swedish
actor Lars Hansen, and his older sidekick, Sourdough. Both
men are portrayed through facial and gestural expression as
awkward "bumpkins.* They notice that Roddy is a more
sophisticated competitor; besides his better clothing, the
main signifier of his sophistication is the brushing gesture.
At the dance where Lige and Sourdough both propose marriage
to Letty, both men consciously start to imitate Roddy's
brushing gesture in an attempt to appear more "civil." Roddy
brushes sand from his clothes when Lige bumps into him. Lige
later repeats this gesture after he has married Letty and


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
M&uAmaa
Maureen Turim, Chair
Professor of English
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation
and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Caryl^Flinn
Associate Professor of English
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation
and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Scott Nygren
Associate Professor of English
I certify that I have read this study and that in iry opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation
and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree j|
Merle A. P.eid'"'-'.
Associate Professor of English
I certify that I have rad this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation
and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a
dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Xwvs'
KimTanzer
Associate Professor of Architecture


88
3rd action: Rhythm one and slow, stride short.
Expression: Indolence.9
The symbolic nature of the Delsartean lexicon should be
obvious. Ballet, another formalized gestural practice, has a
lexicon, but emotional attitudes are not associated with a
pirouette in the same way that a Delsartean stride is
connected to "indolence." Pearson describes in Eloquent
Gestures the histrionic code that developed out of Delsarte
as emphasizing emotional expression through poses. Movement
was generally used as a means to an end, as a way of getting
to a pose or of transporting a still pose or expression.
Poses were held so the audience would have enough time to
"read" them. However, Pearson does not account for the type
of Delsartean exercises that include expressive movement
along with an attitude, such as the ones described above.
Emotional expression associated with movement and not just
with poses is an important distinction between the
expressionistic gesture that I define through Delsarte and
modern dance, and Pearson's histrionic gesture which
emphasizes the static side of Delsartean practices.
Delsarte primarily found his way to the American public
in the 1890s and 1900s through classes and salon performances
of attitudes. Attitudes were poses which a performer
demonstrated in tableau of various emotional states and
9 Marion Lowell, Harmonic Gymnastics and Pantomimic
Expression (Boston: 1894), 300.


206
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Davidson, David. "From Virgin to Dynamo: The 'Amoral Woman'
in European Cinema." Cinema Journal. 21:1 (Fall 1981):31-
58.
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in American Culture. New York: Oxford University Press,
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Delavignette, Robert. Freedom and Authority in French West
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Dempster, Elizabeth. "Women Writing the Body: Let's Watch a
Little How She Dances." Grafts: Feminist Cultural
Criticism, ed. Susan Sheridan. New York: Verso Press,
1988.
Derrida, Jacques and Christine McDonald. "Choreographies,"
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Dance. Ellen W. Goellner and Jacqueline Shea Murphy, ed.
New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1995: 141-156.
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Diawara, Manthia. "Black Spectatorship: Problems of
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Doane, Mary Ann. The Desire to Desire: The Woman's Film of
the 1940s. Blooomington: Indiana University Press, 1987.
. Femmes Fatales: Feminism, Film Theory, Psychoanalysis.
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. "Woman's Stake: Filming the Female Body." Feminism and
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115
his body. When she goes back inside the cabin, the camera
shoots from outside the window to show Letty's fright and
horror as the wind uncovers Roddy's body. Letty claws at the
window, her face and horrific expression framed in a way that
suggests her inprisonment and again visually resembles
expressionistic mise-en-scene.
In the original ending of the film, Letty rushes back
outside to die in the storm. But, after being pressured by
distributors, Irving Thalberg decided to change the ending of
the film. Consequently, the tension and expressionistic feel
of the film, which had built up to Letty's suicide in the
original ending of the film, is undermined by the optimistic
replacement ending. In the new ending Letty reconciles with
Lige, declares her love and devotion to him as a wife and the
two of them stand facing the wind together as Letty says
"I'm not afraid of the wind anymore." Ideologically
speaking, even though she is quite obviously in many ways a
dependent wife, the final shot of the film gesturally
connotes the survival spirit that was one of the more
positive aspects of images of the female pioneer. We see a
full body view of Letty as she stands in front of Lige and
faces the open door. They are both leaning into the wind,
but are standing firmly on the ground. Gish's face is tilted
upwards and her hair streams out behind her, as she declares
her fear of the wind to be conquered.


189
little more than a child. Alwina is merely the key to his
success. She is his "small source" of inspiration.
Ambivalent feelings about the potential for
miscegenation are an important part of the colonial narrative
that resembles, not surprisingly, the colonial situation with
all of its "primitive" attractiveness, its natural and human
resources ready for economic exploitation, and its underlying
tension of oppression. Homi Bhabha points out how discussion
of the colonial stereotype has tended to deny its inherent
ambivalence and to instead "fix" the stereotype as a moment
of stable identification.40 He also suggests that the
ambivalence of the racial stereotype functions similarly to
the ambivalence of the Freudian fetish:
For fetishism is always a 'play' or vacillation
between the archaic affirmation of
wholeness/similarityin Freud's terms: All men
have penises'; in ours 'All men have the same
skin/race/culture'and the anxiety
associated with lack and differenceagain, for
Freud, 'Some do not have penises'; for us 'Some do
not have the same skin/race/culture',41
What Bhabha does not point out, however, are the differences
for the ethnic woman who is already "castrated" and of a
different "skin/race/culture." The fact that the black woman
does not have to be symbolically castrated anew as the black
man means that she can be seduced, romanced, brought back to
40 Homi Bhabha, "The Other Question: The Stereotype and
Colonial Discourse," Screen 24:6(Nov-Dec 1983).
44 Bhabha, 26.


167
narratives that work out colonial fantasies, such as Princess
Tam Tam, the white voyeur makes no secret of his desire to
witness racial difference. His fantasy is not only the
"civilizing" of the uncontrollable "native," but also the
desire to watch difference making a spectacle of itself,
often through ritualized performances.8 Underlying these
performances one finds traces of the ambivalence that
surrounds the white colonial gaze, an ambivalence, I will
argue, that functions much like the Freudian uncanny and
reminds the colonist/spectator that he is, in fact, in
another country and not-at-home.
My understanding of racial difference focuses on the
boundaries that society establishes rather than the "stuff"
of ethnicity.9 By focusing on boundaries, we are forced to
deconstruct the binary construction of whiteness as much as
blackness. Signs of ethnicity are established, according to
Werner Sollers, through a "spatial metaphoric pool" that is
historically determined. This metaphoric pool functions in
many ways similarly to Greimas's reading grid in that
associations are made through both iconic and semantic
8 James Snead makes reference to the "optical
colonialism" of King Kong (Ernest B. Schoedsack and Merian C.
Cooper, 1933) in White Screen, Black Images: Hollywood from
the Dark Side, ed. Colin MacCabe and Cornel West (New York:
Routledge, 1994): 25.
9 Werner Sollers, "Ethnicity," Ethnicity: Theory and
Experience, ed. Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975): xii-xiv; xv;
241.


188
The term "ambivalence" is frequently used in writings
about theories of racial difference, this chapter included.
Early in Princess Tam Tam ambivalence is brought into direct
relation with an emotional response to the threat of/hope for
miscegenation. Directly following the scene in Paris where
we see Max's wife being kissed by the Maharajah, Max
approaches Alwina in his villa in Tunisia. He has already
convinced her to move in with him so that he can "civilize"
her. In this scene, which is still the present time of the
film, he tells her that he loves her. The following exchange
takes place between Prejean and Baker:
Alwina: "Why do you say you love me?"
Max: "Because I feel something for you."
Alwina: "A feeling?"
Max: "I like you. I enjoy being with you. And you?"
[The camera shifts briefly to Coton, Max's companion,
who is furiously taking notes.]
Alwina: "Me? I think you're nice."
Max: "Are you moved by me?"
Alwina: "What does moved mean?"
Max: "Confused. "
Alwina, musing to herself: "Confused? . Moved?"
Later in the scene Alwina agrees that she is indeed confused
about her feelings for him. Max takes this as a sign of her
love for him. Importantly, he has deceived her in order to
get her to talk. Even more importantly, perhaps, he has
defined the limits and the language of love for her. She
might feel "confused" over her feelings for him, but he is
never in doubt about whether he would return his affection.
He does not seem the least bit attracted to her. He notices
her beauty and he delights in her humor, but he treats her as


CHAPTER 5
UNCANNY PERFORMANCES IN COLONIAL NARRATIVES:
JOSEPHINE BAKER IN PRINCESS TAM TAM
In the opening of Princess Tam Tam (Edmond T. Greville,
1935) the white Parisian writer, Max de Mirecourt, fights
with his status conscious wife, Lucie, over his failure to
produce work and lack of involvement with the Parisian social
set. After a particularly loud tirade from his wife who
calls him "Failure! Cretin!", Max yells to his friend Coton,
"Let's go among the savages. The real savages! Yes, to
Africa!" The camera then zooms in on the wallpaper of Max's
apartment which shows a man in white "desert garb, standing
beneath a palm tree. The film dissolves to a real palm tree
somewhere in "Africa, the viewer is to assume, as there is
no textual explanation. From here the camera pans right
across a field of cacti that are large, rounded, and prickly.
Suddenly, the camera stops on Josephine Baker's face framed
by the cacti; it moves in for a close-up of her face as she
flashes a brilliant smile at a herd of sheep.
This opening scene establishes a number of important
issues that are barely submerged throughout the fantasy
narrative of Max and Alwina (Baker's character). First, the
references to "Africa," "savages," and palm trees
163


169
hooks argues that numerous examples exist both within films
and within the viewing situation in which the black subject
is not just the object of a gaze, but is actively involved in
"looking back" in critically subversive ways. Hooks asserts
the existence of "a critical gaze, one that 'looks' to
document, one that is oppositional."12 The "oppositional
gaze," the returning glare, opens up a subversive space in
Princess Tam Tam. But "looking back" may involve more than
literal gazing; for Hooks, it also seems to include bodily
performances that "trouble" the gaze of the cinematic
apparatus in some way. In Princess Tam Tam, for example,
Josephine Baker's character "looks back" at critical moments:
Alwina occasionally looks in direct address at the camera;
she grins and sticks out her tongue at the camera. But the
gaze at Baker's character seems to disturb the continuity of
the cinematic text as much as her own moments of visual
defiance. Baker's dance performances, then, might fall under
the rubric of "oppositional," because whenever she dances,
she seems to disperse and "trouble" the monolithic, or in
other words, the "white" tendencies of the cinematic
apparatus.
One scene in particular sets up Baker as the object of a
number of different types of ideologically loaded gazessome
12 See chapter on "The Oppositional Gaze" in Black
Looks: Race and Representation (Boston: South End Press,
1992): 116.


CHAPTER 2
'TELLING' MOTIONS: LOIE FULLER AND
THE 'INTERPENETRATION OF ART AND SCIENCE'
I explain to myself the great success of
Loie Fuller by the feeling she gives visions
of the infinite. . She is not a woman of
flesh and bone and brown hair. She is an
apparition equal to those ideal creatures that
one perceives, restless, seductive and unreal
in the paintings of Mantegna. . One's
eyes follow Loie Fuller who undulates and turns
like a dervish, as a child follows from afar the
slow flight of the dragonfly, whose iridescent
wings have exactly the changing reflections of
the robe of the American.i
One must go beyond muscular possibilities and aim
in the dance for that ideal multiplied body of the
motor that we have so long dreamed of. One must
imitate the movements of machines with gestures;
pay assiduous court to steering wheels, ordinary
wheels, pistons, thereby preparing the fusion of
man with the machine, to achieve the metallicity
of the Futurist dance.2
In 1917 Filippo Tommaso Marinetti wrote in the
"Manifesto of the Futurist Dance" that "we Futurists prefer
Loie Fuller and the 'cakewalk' of the Negroes" because of
1 M. Rastignac review, "Courriere de Paris," in
L'Illustration (Jan. 30, 1893). As quoted in Margaret Haile
Harris, Loie Fuller: Magician of Light, Exhibition at the
Virginia Museum, March 12-April 22 1979 (Richmond,VA: The
Virginia Museum, 1979), 26.
2 F.T. Marinetti, Marinetti: Selected Writings, ed.
R.W. Flint, trans. R.W. Flint and Arthur Coppotelli (New
York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1971), 138.
35


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
WOMEN IN MOTION:
DANCE, GESTURE, AND SPECTACLE IN FILM, 1900-1935
By
ELIZABETH COFFMAN
DECEMBER 1995
Chairperson: Dr. Maureen Turim
Major Department: English
The image of the woman in motion provides a particularly
fluid, spectacular, and conflicted icon for representing
women during the first several decades of this century. From
the avant-garde status of Loie Fuller's "Fire Dance" to
Lillian Gish's modern dance connections, from Louise Brooks's
chorus girl background to the "exotic" fascination of
Josephine Baker, the woman in motion generates
multidisciplinary interest. I have selected the figure of
the woman in motion because she suggests that ambiguous
distinction between actual and virtual gesture, between
moving and dancing, between women and "Woman." My
dissertation considers the signifiers of gesture and dance
from an historicized semiotic perspective. Fuller, Gish,
vi


20
allegiance with statesmen and politicians.35
Gledhill's description parallels in certain ways the
historicized semiotic approach that I take from Greimas's
notion of the "gestural project" and "reading grid." She
mentions many issues that are also raised through the four
"stars" upon which this project focuses, Loie Fuller, Lillian
Gish, Louise Brooks, and Josephine Baker. For each I apply a
reading grid that considers the gestural as a social sign
that draws its iconography from art movements, actors'
manuals, modern dance culture, autobiography, photography and
film, and cultural theory. My study, similar to many "star
studies," considers the importance of the interpellated and
sexually differentiated spectator as reader of these signs.36
Before I further outline my chapters, I will briefly
describe the various ways that film studies has analyzed the
signifier of the woman in motion, particularly the figure of
the woman dancer. Brooks's argument about the emotional
excess of gestural signs replicates many earlier discussions
from film criticism. Robin Woods, for example, in "Art and
Ideology: Notes on Silk Stockings," discusses "the film's
supreme expression of vitality through physical movement"
without ever mentioning the politics of sexual difference in
the film. His conclusions, while thoughtful, demonstrate an
35 Gledhill, xiii.
36 I do not discuss in much detail a racially different
spectator until Chapter Five's analysis of Josephine Baker.


175
Hemingway, Colette, Leger, Breton. Many represented her in
their works in ways that foregrounded her generalized ethnic
exoticism. As much as Baker's persona slides from culture to
culture, it also seemed to flow from "high art" to "low art"
representations, raising the question of the role that
primitivism played in French culture during the thirties, and
the way that primitivism's use of generalized ethnicities
(most often the black other, and then the "Oriental") fit
into modernist categories.20
The history of primitivism as a "legitimate" category of
art poses a disciplinary dilemma in the 1930s. More than one
critic has noticed that the role of the "historical avant-
garde" as Peter Burger defines it, begins to shift in this
period.21 Andreas Huyssen, for example, describes how in the
decades before the thirties, "in the art for art's sake
movement, the break with societythe society of imperialism
had led into a dead end, a fact painfully clear to the best
20 There is a montage sequence in Princess Tam Tam that
shows actual representations made of Baker by various
Parisian artists. The representations range from "low art"
caricatures of her body with exaggerated features to a "high
art" bust of her head where her features are "smoothed out."
21 Peter Burger, Theory of the Avant-Garde, ed. Wlad
Godzich and Jochen Schulte-Sasse, Theory and History of
Literature Series, Vol. 4 (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1984).


Ill
of the blood and rushes over to Letty. Cora slowly brings
her arms down and rises, her eyes narrowing with envy. Letty
by contrast moves more swiftly to embrace the children. Her
actions appear spontaneous, light, and feminine while Cora's
appear weighty and forced. Cora's gestures and facial
expressions resemble the "heaviness" of a German
expressionist style, while Letty's signify the "spontaneity"
of the American. Not surprisingly, Cora's actions are the
main cause of narrative tension during the first half of the
film. It is not until the second half of the film that
Letty's movements become more symbolically expressive,
although they never assume the anguished intentionality of
Cora.
The wind and Letty's reactions to it grow out of and
emphasize the tension between characters. In one scene
immediately after her arrival at her cousin's house, Letty
sits down to dinner with her cousin's family, Lige, and
Sourdough. The unpleasantness of the meal is exaggerated for
Letty by constant reminders of the wind. Cora's obvious
dislike for Letty is demonstrated by her smug looks of
disdain and her comment about which part of the cow's innards
they were consuming. Gish's acting here is subtle and
conforms to the verisimilar code. Letty tries
surreptitiously to brush sand from her bread while looking up
and half-heartedly smiling. She attempts to look pleasant,
while obviously choking on the unappetizing food. Suddenly,


179
clear. What is clear is how frequently the persona that
artists, writers, and producers created out of Baker
replicates many of the negative qualities of the colonial
stereotype, even while they praise her for her artistic
merits.
Baker herself, however, often subverted the stereotypes
with her own comedie, parodie behavior.27 Her parodie
behavior is not as obvious in films such as Princess Tam Tam;
it is more obvious in films made of her stage performances at
the Folies Bergere and Casino de Paris.28 In one early film,
The Plantation (1926), Baker climbs down the trees of an
enormous jungle stage set, at the bottom of which sleeps the
plantation owner in full safari garb. While he sleeps, Baker
performs her own particular African-American vernacular dance
complete with parodie facial expressions. She, we are to
infer, is his dream, a fantasy of the jungle, and yet she
performs to the audience. Her performance combines both
virtuoso technique and minstrel humor, and remains "safe" as
27 For an important theorization of the African-American
status of parody see Henry Louis Gates, Jr, The Signifying
Monkey: A Theory of Afro-American Literary Criticism (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1988) .
28 Several of these films are available at the film
archives of the George Eastman House, Rochester, NY. See
Josephine Baker, Star of the Folies Bergere and Casino de
Paris: 1925-1935, a compilation of her stage performances on
film.


81
responds to Roddy's comments by making her eyes grow large
and glazed, her lips part slightly in a typically
melodramatic stare, shot in close-up. This look of fear
appears on her face frequently throughout the film as she
reacts to the forces that move her. Equally as expressive as
her face, however, is Gish's bodily movement, which responds
to the force of the wind with a frenetic dance-like quality
that sweeps Letty across the frame and back. Significantly,
the quality of Gish's movements begins to change as Letty
takes a more active role in her environment.
Because generalizing about film acting is such a
slippery task, I wish to remain as textually and historically
specific as possible. In other words, I am not assuming that
the gestural style which I identify in The Wind appears in
other Gish performances. However, it is my hope that other
critics will corroborate the existence of the specific
gestural phenomena that I find in The Wind in other texts of
the period.
How does bodily gesture signify in film? Trying to
theorize how gesture communicates meaning has long been a
difficult contradiction for philosophers and semioticians.
Since the early days of film, but especially by the 1920s,
directors, actors, and physical culturalists published books
on acting for the cinema. Recently, film theory has begun to
acknowledge the impact of these early writings and manuals on
changes in gestural styles in the cinema. However, most


185
the body? Can we theorize a white anxiety about the
buttocks? An anxiety that can only be assuaged through a
specular consumption of the other's moving parts?
Bell hooks finds alternative readings of the
fetishization of black buttocks in Baker's dance style as
well as in Spike Lee's film School Daze. In one dance scene
from School Daze, students are dancing to the music of "Doin'
the Butt" in what hooks declares as "one of the most
compelling moments in the film:"
The black "butts" on display are unruly and
outrageous. They are not still bodies of the
female slave made to appear as mannequin. They are
not a silenced body. Displayed as playful cultural
nationalist resistance, they challenge assumptions
that the black body, its skin color and shape, is a
mark of shame.37
Hooks notes that the sexism of Lee's School Daze complicates
her reading of the dance scene, although she still contends
that the number is a positive reappropriation of the
fetishized, black, female body. Mark Reid also criticizes
Lee's sexism and notes that this blind spot feeds into Lee's
overall tendency to avoid "any constructive critique of the
socioeconomic processes that promote misunderstanding between
ethnic and racial working-class groups."38 The problem with
this scene in School Daze is that it potentially reinforces
the fetishizing of the black body by white culture. However,
37 hooks, 63.
38 Reid, 102.


WOMEN IN MOTION:
DANCE, GESTURE, AND SPECTACLE IN FILM, 1900-1935
By
ELIZABETH ANN COFFMAN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1995


156
Another issue which is raised particularly in these two
scenes of Lulu's mock "trapeze" performance is what has been
described as the androgynous nature of Brooks's performance.
Pretending to swing from a trapeze does seem a particularly
boyish maneuver for a femme fatale. Brooks consistently
wears an unaffected grin rather than a seductive pout on her
face (although one occasionally appears). She dons a sailor's
clothes in order to escape capture. She dallies with a
lesbian. Does Lulu's androgyny make her into a sexless,
abstracted ornament? Does Lulu remain erotic through her
androgyny? Or is her androgyny just another part of the
facade that makes Lulu so easily exchangeable, a part of the
"erotic barter", as Mary Ann Doane describes it, between
woman, the law, and desire?61 Critics are split on this
issue. For Elsaesser the "ambiguous" nature of Lulu's
character, her "fluidity and lightning changes of place,*
signify the disruptive nature of her androgyny which disturbs
both the mise-en-scene and the narrative.62 Doane agrees with
Elsaesser to an extent, but argues that inevitably Lulu's
61 Doane's use of "erotic barter" comes from Peter
Sloterdijk's Critique of Cynical Reason, trans. Michael
Eldred (Minneapolis: Univeristy of Minnesota Press, 1987),
516. Sloterdijk connects the erotic economy in Weimar
Germany to a modern cynicism about sexuality in general, and
masculine subjectivity in particular. Doane questions the
"place of the female subject in such a configuration" and
sees Lulu as an example of "all the losses and catastrophes
afflicting modern consciousness" that get projected onto the
female subject, 144.
62 Elsaesser, "Lulu and the Meter Man," 22.


122
Recent books, such as Patrice Petro's Joyless Streets:
Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany, are
pointing out how Kracauer's use of the Oedipal argument
excludes other points of view, such as the response of the
female spectator, and other genres of Weimar film, such as
the Kammerspiel or street film melodrama. Petro, using Luce
Irigaray's analysis of Western philosophy and psychoanalysis,
argues that most critics of Weimar cinema "remain caught
within. . 'the blind spot of an old dream of symmetry'"
which "makes distinctions without differences by repeatedly
conflating narrative with national identity, national
identity with subject, and all three terms with male
subjectivity and male identity in crisis."11 Petro's
criticism also applies to Kracauer's use of the chorus girl
in "The Mass Ornament," but with an important distinction.
In "The Mass Ornament" symmetrical design itself is
investigated as an important organizational strategy of
capitalism, a critique which is similar to Irigaray's
deconstruction of patriarchal discourses, including
capitalism. The problem in "The Mass Ornament" is that the
design of the chorus girl seems to blind Kracauer to the
inherent issues of sexual difference that she provokes. The
11 Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: Women and
Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany (Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989), xvii-iii. See Luce
Irigaray, Speculum of the Other Woman, trans. Gillian C. Gill
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).


21
uncritical and somewhat nostalgic approach to the figure of
woman as dancer that reflects the tendency to read the
signified of dance as excessive, feminized emotion.37 Marcia
Butzel acknowledges another difficulty with Woods's reading
of Silk Stockings in that, similar to many other analyses of
dance numbers, his analysis "rest[s] on an untenable
paradox: the dance sequence's definition (as a massive
rhetorical figure) depends on its separability from the
narrative; yet its significance depends on the way it
develops the narrative."38
In order to explain this paradox, other critics have
attempted to theorize more specifically how the excessive
nature of movement and dance functions in relation to the
narrative. Moments of excess could indeed be the one means
for escaping the dominant ideology of the Hollywood
narrative. Jean-Francois Lyotard in "Acinema" has argued
that cinematic movement generally functions within a
narrative economy that orients all movement in relation to a
system of value and exchange. However, he does concede that
certain types of movement, in particular, moments of
"immobility and excessive movement" work in avant-garde films
37 Robin Wood, "Art and Ideology: Notes on Silk
Stockings," Film Comment 11:3 (May-June 1975): 65.
38 Marcia Butzel, Movement as Cinematic Narration: The
Concept of Practice and Choreography in Film, Diss. Univ. of
Iowa, 1985, (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI, 8518810, 1985): 200.


71
Fuller also included a "pedestal of light" in the center of
the stage. The pedestal was made of glass and topped with a
glass plaque so that the dancer "will appear to be
mysteriously suspended in air.63 Fuller would paint abstract
designs on the glass slides that illuminated her, and later
she painted phosphorous onto her costumes.
Fire Dance begins with a paper butterfly flapping its
wings and then dissolves to a shot of Loie Fuller in the same
position, moving her arms of silk in a way that imitates the
motion of the butterfly. The material of her dress undulates
while different tinted colors flash off and on. In Fuller's
stage performance of the "Fire Dance,' the lighting would
start with what appeared to be a bluish flame at the bottom
of her dress. As the lights changed colors and moved higher,
Fuller would move to the rhythm of the music, most often
Wagner's Ride of the Valkyries. Her head and arms were
draped with veils, and at a certain point in the dance, only
her eyes would show through the fabric. The effect of her
costume swirling in flame-colored lighting gave some critics
the feeling of "something Satanic and demonic, but of a
gentle satanism, of a poetic and suggestive demonality which
63 As reported by Sommer in Visual Urge: Scenic
Innovations. Sommer also suggests that Fuller's death from
cancer at a relatively early age may have been due to her
exposure to phosphorous.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
ABSTRACT vi
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION 1
2 TELLING MOTIONS: LOIE FULLER, AND THE
"INTERPENETRATION OF ART AND SCIENCE" 35
3 EXPRESSIONISTIC GESTURES: LILLIAN GISH
AND THE IMPACT OF MODERN DANCE IN THE WIND. 79
4 THE AMERICAN CHORUS GIRL IN WEIMAR GERMANY:
LOUISE BROOKS, PANDORA'S BOX, AND KRACAUER'S
"THE MASS ORNAMENT" 117
5 UNCANNY PERFORMANCES IN COLONIAL NARRATIVES:
JOSEPHINE BAKER IN PRINCESS TAM TAM 163
6 CONCLUSION 200
REFERENCES 204
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 215
V


27
sexual proclivity and physical demeanor."47 Signifiers,
including gestural ones, function within the codes of certain
stereotypes about woman as spectacle and certainly relate to
my understanding of the iconic nature of the woman in motion.
Even more specifically than Fischer, Maureen Turim notices in
"Gentlemen Consume Blondes" how Marilyn Monroe and Jane
Russell "maneuver their bodies in a perfectly matched and
coordinated assault" in the dance numbers of Gentlemen Prefer
Blondes (Howard Hawks, 1953). Turim argues for a reading
that reflects the contradictory nature of spectacle. She
points out that while Monroe and Russell are obviously
objectified, they also exhibit a competency and "cleverness"
that "provides the ambiguity which is essential to the
ambiance of the sophisticated tease.* In a later "Addendum"
Turim suggests that dance movements need to be investigated
according to some "very abstract psycho-perceptual concepts
about the appeal of symmetry, rhyming and patterning within a
visual field" along with "historical analysis" about
relationships between women, particularly lesbian and "pseudo
lesbian" ones.48
My approach to the dancer as spectacle in film will
start from these insights about the "ambiguity" of spectacle
47 Fischer, 137.
48 Maureen Turim, "Gentlemen Consume Blondes,* Movies and
Methods, Vol. II, ed. Bill Nichols, (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1985): 369-378.


28
and the potentially disruptive syntax of the dancing female
body that remains sexually and historically specific without
being "essentially" female. I do not mean to suggest that
the figure of the woman in motion is always disruptive.
Particularly within the historical parameters of early
twentieth century performance, the figure of the dancing
woman functions as spectacle in both positive and negative
ways. From the very beginnings of film the body of the dancer
was a part of a male-oriented scopophilic economy. But I
also see moments during this period (1900-1935) when dance is
represented as a kind of visual pleasure that is initiated,
performed, and received by women. It is linked to other
cultural movements, such as the suffrage and the physical
culture movements. Unfortunately, Mulvey's assessment of the
woman as spectacle seems to hold true for much of early
cinematic representation. Part of the project for feminist
film criticism, however, has been to recover those seemingly
marginal moments that history erased in order to reaffirm the
sense that the consumption of these images was never a
monolithic or simple process.
The four women in motion that I chose to analyze all
have some background in dance training, all appeared in film,
and all were Americans as famous in Europe as in their own
country. Their filmic appearances span the years of 1906 to
1935, a period that is significant for a number of reasons.
First, these years cover primarily silent film; all of the


168
coding. The signifying nature of contemporary ethnicity is
one byproduct of a leisure culture that results from advanced
industrial societies. Leisure culture participates in the
formation of a modem nationalism which represents itself
metaphorically, by either idealizing or erasing ethnic
differences. The one difference that seems never to be
erased in Western representation is the racial distinction
between black and white. Part of my project in this chapter
is to analyze how racial difference is represented in film by
reference to a "spatial metaphoric pool" that has sprung a
few leaks. The attempt to represent racial difference
through Josephine Baker's performance in Princess Tam Tam
inevitably reveals leaks, gaps, and moments of insecurity in
the construction of "whiteness."10
Film theory has begun to acknowledge the ambivalence of
the racial stereotype and its potential subversiveness by
reading-against-the-grain of the film's ideological
trajectory and also by theorizing black spectatorship.11 Bell
10 My use of the term "ethnicity" in this chapter
deserves some exposition. At the risk of being reductive, I
often choose to use the term "ethnic" over "African-American"
or "black" when discussing Princess Tam Tam or other texts
which conflate a whole variety of ethnicities in opposition
to "whiteness"; however, I try to use more specific terms
whenever possible. The polarity of "whiteness" and
"blackness" is undoubtedly the most extreme example of racial
difference being worked out metaphorically in Princess Tam
Tam, but it is not the only one.
11 See Lester Friedman, ed. Unspeakable Images:
Ethnicity and the American Cinema (Chicago: University of
Illinois Press, 1991).


164
demonstrate the film's use of metonymic coding to establish
racial difference, specifically "blackness," a process that
continues throughout the film as all types of non-"white"
ethnicity are collapsed into a generalized "African" or
"Arab" or "Oriental."i Second, the narrative conflates the
"problem" of women, such as Lucie and Alwina, with "savages"
and with the underlying problem of masculine impotenceMax's
writer's block and his disinterested wife. Finally, the film
shows repeatedly the black feminine other, Alwina, within an
uncanny frame, in this case, the prickly field of cacti that
metaphorically suggest a threatening geography, a virtual
vagina dentata.2
This chapter will be involved primarily with the
question of the racial stereotype, with its inherent
ambivalence and instability, and with the signifiers that
generate racial difference, particularly with relation to the
body and performance. My starting point is Baker's
performance in Princess Tam Tam which frequently codes the
1 I use quotations around "blackness" and "whiteness" to
suggest the instability of these terms as visual signifiers
of racial difference. I do not retain quotes throughout the
chapter. My use of these terms reflects the binary nature of
the black/white dichotomy.
2 My understanding of Freud's unheimlich (uncanny)
concept is heavily indebted to Mary Ann Doane's use of the
term in The Desire to Desire: The Woman's Film of the 1940s
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987): 139-154.
She uses the term to describe more specifically the
uncanniness of the mise-en-scene of the home within certain
women's films of the forties. I am applying the term to the
obviously different context of the colonial narrative.


48
which results from the "technologizing" or "mechanical
reproduction" of the woman's body in motion.
"Telling Motions" through Technology
Dancing School" is a 1905 photograph by Gertrude
Kasebier that depicts an older woman and three younger girls
in a circle. The woman is instructing the girls in how to
dance. By their postures and the ghostly white traces
surrounding their swinging skirts, it seems as if they have
been captured by the camera while moving. Usually such
ghostly traces attest to the inevitable movement of the
photographic subject due to the length of the exposure time,
but here Kasebier explores aesthetically the possibility of
movement. The white skirts blend with the traces of motion,
while both imprint a frozen temporality. The past remains
present in the movement of the skirts.
At the same time as the appearance of the Kasebier
photograph, a film entitled "School Girl Gymnastics"
(American Mutoscope and Biograph, 1904) is produced. In this
short film, a teacher instructs a group of dancing students
to build a pyramid. They attempt to build a pyramid that
collapses after completion, leaving the girls in disarray on
the floor.26
26 Kemp R. Niver, Motion Pictures from the Library of
Congress Paper Print Collection: 1894-1912, ed. Bebe
Bergsten, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967),
352.


205
Bhabha, Homi. "The Other Question: the Stereotype and
Colonial Discourse." Screen 24:6 (Nov.-Dec. 1983).
Bogle, Donald. Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An
Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. New
York: Continuum Press, 1973.
Bradbury, Malcolm and James McFarlane, ed. Modernism: 1890-
1930. New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1974.
Brooks, Peter. The Melodramatic Imagination: Balzac, Henry
James, and the Mode of Excess. New York: Columbia
University Press,1985.
Brooks, Louise. Lulu in Hollywood. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1982.
Burch, Noel. Life to those Shadows. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1990.
Burger, Peter. Theory of the Avant-Garde. Theory and History
of Literature Series, ed. Wlad Godzich and Jochen
Schulte-Sasse. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press.
Butzel, Marcia. Movement as Cinematic Narration: The Concept
of Practice and Choreography in Film. Ann Arbor: UMI,
1985.
Chafe, William. The American Woman: Her Changing Social,
Economic, and Political Roles, 1920-1970. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1972.
Clifford, James. The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-
Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1988.
Clover, Carol. J. "Dancin' in the Rain," Critical Inquiry.
21:4 (Summer 1995): 722-747.
Comolli, Jean-Louis. "Machines of the Visible." The Cinematic
Apparatus, ed. Teresa De Lauretis and Stephen Heath. New
York: St. Martin's Press, 1980.
Copeland, Roger. "Towards a Sexual Politics of Contemporary
Dance." Contact Quarterly 1:3/4 (1982): 45-50.
Crary, Jonathan. Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and
Modernity in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1990.


102
was a marked resistance to "Germanic" aesthetics,
particularly in the film industry. By 1920 with the
importation of Ernst Lubitsch's Passion (1920) and The
Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, this resistance was starting to
break down.33 Germanic or Teutonic gestural traits were
specifically associated, and not always positively, with the
expressionism of Caligari; for instance, as in the tensed
walking style of the somnambulist. David Pratt notes that
the American trade press during the early twenties defined
"Germanness" as
a propensity towards turgidness and 'heavy
handedness' over delicacy and 'lightness of touch.'
It meant the pretentious over the frivolous, the
tragic and the melodramatic over the comic, the
mechanical over the natural, the premeditated over
the spontaneous, the melancholic over the joyful,
the vindictive over the merciful, the obvious over
the subtle, the direct over the oblique, the
exhaustive over the elliptical, the barbaric over
the civilized.34
Consequently, the qualities of expressionistic gesture and
dance were often not specifically identified as having been
influenced by a German art movement, but instead were
reinvented within an "American" context.
American modern dance, like the American film industry,
also demonstrated the "anxiety of influence" of the Germans.
Modern dance during the twenties began developing a rhetoric
33 David B. Pratt, "'0, Lubitsch, Where Wert Thou?'
Passion, the German Invasion and the Emergence of the Name
'Lubitsch,'" Wide Angle 13:1 (1992):35.
34 Pratt, 36.


176
representatives of aestheticism."22 Primitivism arrives on
the art scene at this point and the attraction to France's
colonial relations was seen as one way of attacking the
bourgeois institutions of the "mother" country. Artists
attempted to reintegrate art and politics, in effect to
aestheticize politics, to "transform" social, cultural, and
political relations. But, as Burger and Huyssen both note,
soon thereafter art and politics begin to separate and the
avant-garde becomes, on some levels, both institutional and
"historical." What role did imperialism/colonialism have in
these movements? Did the primitivist movement in art
perpetuate colonial stereotypes or did it subvert them?23
The extent to which the avant-garde and its relationship
to primitivism has been institutionalized is clear in James
Clifford's criticism of the 1984-85 "Primitivism" show at the
Museum of Modern Art.24 This show collected tribal objects
22 Andreas Huyssen, After the Great Divide: Modernism,
Mass Culture, Postmodernism (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986): 7.
23 The history of the relationship between primitivism,
avant-garde artists and decolonization has yet to be fully
articulated. See Paul Clay Sorum, Intellectuals and
Decolonization in France (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1977); Colin Rhodes,Primitivism and Modern
Art (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1994).
24 James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-
Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1988); see also the published version of
the MOMA show, William Rubin,ed. "Primitivism in 20th century
art: affinity of the tribal and the modern," (New York:
Museum of Modern Art, 1984).


132
The beds expand visually to left and right, filling the
audience's visual field with women in bed with another.
Berkeley repeatedly moves from the concrete detail to the
world of erotic fantasy via these signifying chains.
American erotic fantasy, unlike the concrete restraint
of the German revue films, is displaced onto other
ideologies, particularly the visual economy of
industrialization and the machine. Kracauer makes the
implications of this displacement most explicit in this quote
from "Girls und Krise":
They were not only American products, they
simultaneously demonstrated American production.
When they formed an undulating line, they
illustrated radiantly the virtues of the conveyor
belt; when they tap-danced in rapid tempo, it
sounded like "business, business"; when they kicked
their legs high with mathematical precision, they
joyously affirmed the advances of rationalization;
and when they kept doing the same thing over and
over again without ever breaking the line, one
could see before the mind's eye an uninterrupted
chain of cars gliding out of the factory yards into
the world.26
Kracauer describes the visual iconography of American
exports, whether they are cars or "girls," as a repetition of
glamorized sameness and the colonizing zeal of capitalism, an
iconography and ideology that is displaced onto and
transformed by the German spectator who is pleased, troubled,
and distracted by American spectacle.
26 Siegfried Kracauer, "Girls und Krise,* Frankfurter
Zeitung (27 April 1931), as quoted in Witte, 240.


93
iirportant to the tradition of pantomime as Konstantin
Stanislavsky was to realist acting; importantly, however,
Naremore also sees a connection between the Delsartean
training which began at the turn of the century and the
reemergence of an expressionistic code in the 1920s. He
argues that "the expressive behavior of the entire cast in
The Phantom of the Opera (1925) owes to Delsarte's vision of
the theater."!9 Lon Chaney's performance in this film, which
is often linked to the expressionist style of The Cabinet of
Dr. Caligari (1920), is, according to Naremore, the result of
"the supple, demonstrative, highly codified style of
pantomime that dominated the previous century and remained in
use to a greater or lesser degree throughout silent movies.20
Naremore continues to argue throughout his book, using
Lillian Gish's performance style as an example, that what at
first glance may seem to conform to a "realist" aesthetic
19 Naremore, 53.
20 Naremore, 53. To Naremore's observations about The
Phantom of the Opera, I would also emphasize, besides the
expressionistic nature of Lon Chaney's performance, the
importance of the opening scenes with the corps de ballet.
After the ballet dancers have finished their piece on stage
they continue to exhibit "dance-like" gestures back stage.
When the phantom is first sighted, the dancers run in unison,
while a few fling their arms over their heads in graceful
fright and others twirl. These movements appear as highly
choreographed as their stage performance. This film
continually blurs distinctions between the performing self
and the "natural" self, a blurring which I take to be a
quality of expressionistic gesture as well as a stereotype of
"feminized" performances.


159
Lulu's movement quality as without meaning. In the scene
following her escape from the trial, for instance, Lulu's
physical movement signifies her own pleasure in her
situation. Her pleasure is underlined by her participation
as a female spectator of the popular German magazine, Die
Dame. She flips idly through the pages as the camera shows
the viewer in a reverse shot the object of her gaze. Lulu
stops on images of men and women dressed androgynously in
black bathing suits, running and playing ball on the beach.
The image is remarkable both in its signifying of modernity,
androgyny, and the point of view of a female spectator.65
After Lulu puts the magazine down, she then smiles and jumps
up. Pabst then frames, in an unusual long shot, a wide space
of the apartment windows. Lulu runs from screen left to the
middle of the space, pauses in a gesture of pleasure, and
then, camera tracking, continues across the space. The
intimacy of her private pleasure with the magazine seems
somewhat diminished by the framing of this next shot. Her
pleasure in her own movements is dwarfed by the enormity of
the apartment space. The mise-en-scene foreshadows the her
impending loss of control. In the next few shots, the camera
frames Lulu more closely as she runs to her dressing room,
65 Petro argues that this scene "provides us with the
clues to discern the historical process by which the popular
arts in Weimar attempted to address a female viewing
audience." She also mentions that Die Dame was known for
"its experimentation with gender roles and female sexual
identity," 80.


196
into the altered psychological state of the uncanny. But her
intoxication does not allow her to experience the uncanny,
but rather, to become it. Her difference is not only sexual,
but racial. The colonial narrative works to reveal her
"primitive" nature. The drunker Alwina gets, the more she is
fascinated with what is happening on stage. But Alwina's
revelation of racial difference cannot occur until the
musical number itself undergoes some significant shifts. The
first shift occurs when the camera again focuses on the
spiral design, which dissolves into spiral tops that are part
of an Asian acrobatic act. Here the colonial relationship
inevitably surfaces in the coded reference to France's Asian
colonies, but it surfaces in a way that privileges design and
form over other codes. The repetition of the spiral smoothly
sutures over other differences. But the act needs one more
shift in order to get to Alwina's specific difference, her
"blackness." Suddenly the music changes to the incessant
rhythm of a drumbeat and the film cuts to a shot of a black
male drummer. The drummer is visually cut off from the
diegetic space of the musical scene. At this point the film
cuts back to Alwina who is starting to become visibly
excited. A chorus line comes onto stage miming the Conga, a
tribal line dance. As Alwina gets more excited, the editing
cuts grow shorter and faster, while the drumbeat grows
louder. When all three reach a frenzy, the film has


12
artistically trivial, because that stereotyped
image of the girl under a spotlight at the focus of
the opera glasses is kitsch.21
Sparshott examines more than just the Western tradition of
dance, so his conclusions about the relative equality of male
and female dancers is more pertinent to non-Western cultural
practices. Nevertheless, he claims that "dances for women
are no more common than dances for men and dances for both
sexes together." I tend to disagree; dance's denigration has
everything to do with gender.
In philosophical thought and popular criticism, dance is
most often discussed in one of two ways: first, dance is
considered at the level of form and the dancer is judged by
the competency of her technique; or, second, dance is
interpreted through the generalized emotional states it seems
to represent. As Susanne Langer has demonstrated, out of all
art forms, dance in particular has critics that conflate
"imagined feeling" with "real emotional conditions."22
Dancers, choreographers and critics all seem to repeat the
same mistake, confusing "actual" gestures with performative
ones by assuming a transparency of emotion from dancer to
expressed movement. A similar point of contention exists in
21 Sparshott, 13.
22 Susanne K. Langer, "Virtual Powers" in What is Dance?
Readings in Theory and Criticism, ed. Roger Copeland and
Marshall Cohen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983): 31.


69
trance; they involved primarily her moving silky cloth around
her body in circular and "S"-shaped patterns as she danced
across the stage. For one performance, however, she placed
colored glass in front of the projector and directed it at
her costume.60 "Serpentine Dance" became an immediate
sensation, an example of modern femininity in living color
and was soon documented on film.
Fuller's instincts for a corrpelling performance
developed quickly. She was neither young nor particularly
graceful when she first started her elaborate skirt dancing,
but she soon realized that she did not need to be. Since
Fuller was not a trained dancer, she shifted from moving
around the stage to remaining more stationary and allowing
the material of her costume to move around her. She
increased the amount of material and simplified not only her
vertical movement, but also her stage and costume designs.
Fuller's patented skirt costume was made of three triangular
pieces of material, long in the back and short in the front.
Into the arms of the skirt, which began at her neck and went
down to the floor, were stitched two long "wands" of bamboo
or aluminum which would enable her to swirl her skirt with
60 Loie Fuller, Fifteen Years of a Dancer's Life, with
Some Account of Her Distinguished Friends (New York: Dance
Horizons, 1978); See also Felicia McCarren's excellent
analysis of the Fuller's relationship to hypnosis, hysteria,
and electricity in "The 'Symptomatic Act' Circa 1900:
Hysteria, Hypnosis, Electricity, Dance," Critical Inquiry
vol. 21: 4 (Summer 1995): 748-774.


58
office spaces of America, but also in the domestic space of
the home. "Women's work" and the movements that the female
body made within her domestic space became the object of this
new "scientific" gaze, which analyzed female gestures for
"efficiency." As Helen Campbell explains in her 1893 book
The Easiest Way in Housekeeping and Cooking, the work
expected of "the typesetter, the cabinet-maker, or carpenter"
and their "ability to make each motion tell[my emphasis],"
became the equal expectation of the woman in the kitchen.45
The discourse about the body at the turn-of-the-century is
dominated by this idea of witnessinga type of voyeurism
that was not so secret, that expected to see, know, and
consequently shape the multiple meanings behind the language
of male and female bodies.
What other evidence is there in these early years of the
twentieth century that writers, scientists, or artists
believed that motions could tell? And what kind of
information did they believe that these movements revealed?
Benjamin suggests in "The Work of Art" that film could
provide us with an opportunity to discover hidden details of
familiar objects" and that slow motion techniques could
"reveal entirely new structural formations of the subject."
Although Benjamin's "subject" is not overtly gendered female
(even though he makes reference to a filmic space that is
45 Quoted in Banta, Taylored Lives, 233.


26
writings of Luce Irigaray also unravel a notion of gendered
"syntax," both in how she deconstructs the metaphors of
femininity in philosophy and psychoanalysis, and in the very
structure of her sentences.45 Irigaray refers to dance as an
example of how the "feminine" speaks with a different
syntax.46
Several important articles in film studies consider more
specifically the role of the dancer in film, most often in
the Hollywood musical. Lucy Fischer's "Shall We Dance?"
analyzes the role of Busby Berkeley's choreography in the
construction of the chorus dancer in Hollywood film. She
points to Berkeley's work in Dames (1934) as indicative of
Hollywood's dependence on certain "types," such as the
"blonde bombshell" or the "femme fatale." She argues that
"these are not 'career' specifications, as are the masculine
labels of 'gangster' or 'cowboy,' but rather categories of
in the process of anaclisis as a weak link in the apparatus
(cinematic and psychoanalytic) that "leans" on the metaphoric
construct of the body.
45 Luce Irigaray, Speculum of the Other Woman, trans.
Gillian C. Gill (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985);
This Sex Which Is Not One, trans. Catherine Porter with
Carolyn Burke (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,).
46 In her article "The gesture in psychoanalysis,"
Irigaray suggests that women enter language differently from
men. For example, "If they are too overcome by mourning,
they do not enter language at all . they make their entry
by producing a space, a track, a river, a dance, a rhythm, a
song," 133. Luce Irigaray, "The gesture in psychoanalysis,"
Between Feminism and Psychoanalysis,ed. Teresa Brennan (New
York: Routledge Press, 1984).


90
From the salons the Delsartean "attitudes" travelled to
schools, churches, lodges, and civic groups. Women often
found this particular form of body language to be liberating,
although the context and content of most performances tended
not to be overwhelmingly political.13 Mythic heroines, women
in melodramatic distress, and figures who tend to be
suffering great pain made popular subject matter for the
Delsartean mill. As important as these forms of bodily
expression may have been for a female population that had
little access to more verbal forms of expression, they
primarily served to reinforce already existing iconic
stereotypes; however, there were a few significant
exceptions. For example, the feminist Margaret Wycherly
posed as "Woman" in 1915 in order to "associate her demands
for the vote with the Liberty pose."14 More often than not,
however, Delsartean attitudes acquired the reputation of
feminine salon entertainment or worse, as an excuse for early
film directors to get their subjects to strip down to their
leotards.15
Pearson argues that Delsarte training led to a
histrionic gestural style, which can be identified through
13 Banta, Imaging American Women, 654.
14 Banta, Imaging American Women, 655.
15 See video Trailblazers of Modem Dance, New York
Public Library, Dance Collection, Lincoln Center.


106
Graham, even as she defined the "American dancer," would
specifically set herself apart from what she referred to as
the "jingoistic and shortsighted" nature of the "narrow
limits of nationalism."42 But other dancers would not. Helen
Tamiris in 1928 printed a "Manifest" in the program of her
modem dance performance in New York that declared, "Art is
international, but the artist is the product of a nationality
and his principal duty to himself is to express the spirit of
his race. . 43 This kind of rhetoric was more forcefully
articulated in Germany, but it also existed in the United
States until World War II, when the more racist rhetoric was
squelched and modem dancers began to denounce the German
dance and any links to it.44
It is important to realize that during the time when The
Wind was produced in America, a nationalistic rhetoric
associated bodily movement, dance, and the iconography of the
42 Stewart, 54.
43 Jowitt, 177.
44 See Susan Manning's work on the backlash in the United
States against transplanted German dancers, such as Hanya
Holm, who were forced to disassociate themselves from Mary
Wigman during World War II in Ecstasy and the Demon: Feminism
and Nationalism in the Dances of Mary Wigman (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993). Manning also mentions
the existence in the early thirties of a leftist movement in
American modem dance which organized working class dancers
and protested fascism. The more humanist movement, however,
consisting of figures such as Duncan and Graham, comprises
the traditional history of modern dance. These dancers were
more concerned with justifying their "Americanness" than with
getting involved in politics.


91
iconic resemblance in Griffith Biograph films; she further
clarifies this phenomenological approach by pointing out that
the connections between the "Biograph and Delsarte style lie
not in specific poses but in the overall principles of
histrionically coded acting shared by the two."16 Pearson
defines the principles of the histrionic and verisimilar
codes as follows:
1. Verisimilarly coded acting had no standard
repertoire of gestures, no limited lexicon. The
style defined itself by the very abandonment of the
conventional gestures of the histrionic code.
Actors no longer portrayed emotions and states of
mind by selecting from a pre-established repertoire
but by deciding what was appropriate for a
particular character in particular circumstances.
2. Whereas the histrionic code tended to
resemble digital communication, the verisimilar
tended to resemble analogical communication. The
histrionic code depended upon gestural isolation,
each gesture sufficiently distinct to be read by
the audience. Actors struck attitudes and took
poses, with intervening gestures omitted. When the
new-style actors used gesture (and they were
counseled to use it sparingly), they employed a
continuous flow of movement composed of little
details rather than broad sweeping motions.
3. Though opposition still operated in the
verisimilar code, the oppositions were not as
extreme as in the histrionic code. The verisimilar
style no longer held gestures for dramatic effect
and the fully extended, upward, outward, or
downward movements of heighened emotion were
dropped.17
I quote Pearson at such length because of the specifics she
provides which separate the "attitudes" and "poses" of the
histrionic code from the more fluid style of the verisimilar
16 Pearson, 23-24.
17 Pearson, 37.


89
mythic or heroic figures. They were easily performed and
readily identified and thus were not limited to the
professional dancer. The general public, particularly the
female public, practiced Delsarte throughout the first two
decades of this century.10 In Imaging American Women, Martha
Banta's makes an interesting comparison between the
simultaneous mass production of cameras and the mass
production of Delsartean gestural practices:
Just as the simplified system perfected by
the Eastman Company for loading photographic
film and adjusting the focus made it possible
for anyone to take snaps with the Kodak Brownie,
the codification of the Delsarte system encouraged
the notion that no one need forgo 1 the attitudes'
just because one was an amateur, not a
professional.11
Bodily performance became a "democratic" practice at the same
time that picture-taking did. The convergence of these two
practices is not necessarily coincidental: one provides a
spectacle for the other. Likewise, the representation of
women performing "physical culture" exercises was one of the
more popular subjects for films made during this same
period.12
10 Banta(b), 640.
11 Martha Banta, Imaging American Women: Idea and Ideals
in Cultural History (New York: Columbia University Press,
1987), 641.
12 See Kemp R Niver, Motion Pictures from the Library of
Congress Paper Print Collection: 1894-1912. ed. Bebe
Bergsten (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967).


34
often associates her dancing with French "colonial" settings,
such as Tunisia. Following the theoretical work of Frantz
Fann, Homi K. Bhabha, and bell hooks, this chapter
investigates the inherent instability of the ethnic
stereotype in colonial narratives as realized in the
performance of Baker in Princess Tam Tam. Using Freud's
description of the unheimlich, I argue that Baker's dancing
sets off a signifying chain that unsettles the white colonial
gaze, reminding the colonist that he is, in fact, disembodied
and not-at-home.
I turn now to this consideration of the woman in motion
within various historical texts between the turn-of-the-
century and World War II. The spectacular nature of this
figure's performances reflect the contradictory desires
involved in representing the woman in motion as an icon for
the modern age. From these contradictions moments of
identification emerge that offer the possibility for a more
progressive kind of feminine "syntax," for another way of
speaking feminine difference.


74
But it was not just Fuller's theatre at the exposition
that represented a female in flowing motion, all of Paris was
populated by images of women in motion. On the ceiling of
Siegfried Bing's L'Art Nouveau gallery was painted "a circle
of eight dancing figures of girls, their long flowing skirts
forming swirling arabesques of movement."66 Georges de Feure
designed posters of Loie Fuller which were all over the city.
According to Martin Battersby, De Feure "seems to have
regarded women as decorative objects in themselves, rarely
depicting them in contemporary costume but always dressed, if
dressed at all, in decoratively arranged draperies or in a
version of the costume of a romantic and unspecified period
of history."67 The female figures, objectified as they were
in statues, lamps, pins and chairs represented a kind of
dispersed national spirit. They were typically represented
as forms and transformations that reinforced heroic
victimization or martyrdom, such as in Fuller's "Fire Dance"
performed with its Wagnerian accompaniment. As Rastignac
says of Fuller, she is "restless, seductive, and unreal", a
"dragonfly. . whose iridescent wings have exactly the
changing reflections of the robe of the American.* The
simulated or real movement of Fuller's costume came to
represent a nation and a history in flux, on the verge of
66 Battersby, 51.
67 Battersby, 56.


67
Loie Fuller
The magic that Loie Fuller creates, with instinct,
with exaggeration, the contraction of skirt or
wing, instituting a place. The enchantress creates
the ambience, draws it out of herself and goes into
it, in the palpitating silence of crpe de chine.58
When Loie Fuller enveloped her entire body with yards of
undulating silk and manipulated her image with mirrors and
colored lights, she practised simultaneously the
disappearance and reappearance of her feminine body. Folies
Bergre posters of Fuller depicted her in transparent, breast-
revealing material, but the scandalous nature of her costumes
seemed insignificant to reviewers when contrasted with the
spectacular movements of light, color, material, and body.
Mallarm described Fuller's silky costume as if it were a
second skin, playing, as Felicia McCarren notes in her
translation, off the similarities in sound between
"soi"(herself) and "soie"(silk). The movement of the
material was inseparable from the movement of her body,
providing for Mallarm's poet/spectator a pure presence that
illustrated in bodily form what poetry could only point
towards.
Loie Fuller's film Fire Dance represents a continuation
of Mallarm's dream-like merging of materials. She was
involved in the organizational aspects of the film, and
58 Mallarm, "Crayonne au thetre," quoted in McCarren
(her translation), 225.


155
body parts of a chorus girl. But unlike the dance musical,
Pabst complicates the masculine spectatorial position by
including an obviously scopophilic gaze and thereby leaves
open the potential for a critical feminine spectator
position.
Pabst repeats this same strategy a few scenes later in
Schoen's office when Lulu again swings as if on a trapeze,
only this time she uses a window ledge. The voyeurs in this
scene are Aiwa and Geschwitz who are delighted by her antics
and applaud her performance.60 Pabst includes most of Lulu's
body in many of these shots to emphasize the quality of her
movement as she runs from character to character and then
swings from the window. Aiwa and Geschwitz are alternately
pleased and desirous of her. At this point in the film,
Lulu's pleasure in her own movements and dancing are not
overwhelmed by either the exploitative efforts or possessive
desires of those around her. The viewer is never unaware,
however, that a paternalistic, scopophilic gaze is present.
By the second half of the film, after Lulu escapes with Aiwa,
she has little space in which to move, figuratively and
literally. Her movements appear more constrained, as does
the framing of her body.
60 Even though Geschwitz is lesbian, her spectator
position is coded as masculine. She does, however, sacrifice
money and her body to help Lulu when she is being framed and
exploited by Schigolch, Rodrigo, and Aiwa.


171
an oppositional gaze, but we do find gazes other than just
the violence of the colonial oppressor. The nostalgia
combined with the makeup on the face of the "black" woman in
the audience particularly opens up an alternative reading.
Why is she lost in thought? Why did the director make her
skin tone darker? According to Thomas Cripps, after World
War II, African-Americans were ready to receive European film
products, largely due to the successes abroad of Josephine
Baker and Paul Robeson. But when Princess Tam Tam was
released in the U.S., the black press had few words of praise
for Baker as she never seemed to "move beyond her role as
brightskinned exotic dancer."14 Another reading of the
woman's expression, then, could be disappointment, an emotion
that carries the trace of an(other) historythe forgotten
resistance of the African-American spectator.
Baker, Primitivism, and the Ayant-Sarde
When Baker's character, Alwina, first meets Max de
Mirecourt, she tells him that her name is Arabic for "small
source." She seems to be the answer to all of his problems.
He needs creative inspiration and a way to make his white
wife jealous. Max had found Tunisia to be rather
uninspiring. When he runs into Alwina stealing food in a
cafe, however, he begins to look at Tunisia differently.
Alwina becomes the "source" for Max's next novel, and thus
14 Cripps 310-311.


10
field that crosses so many disciplinary lines. Another
obvious reason for the erasure of dance stems from the fact
that, as an artform, twentieth century dance is one of the
few fields that is dominated by women who participate as both
choreographers and performers. Certain dance traditions,
such as ballet and Hollywood musicals, maintained a
patriarchal and racist division of labor, in which the
choreographers were almost always white males and the
performers female and/or "ethnic" others.17 But since the
turn of the century and the introduction of modern dance,
female and a few non-white choreographers have flourished on
stage and in film. Partially as a result of these changes in
status, feminist criticism, particularly feminist film
criticism, has contributed a great deal to theorizing the
body, and recently even more attention has been given to
dance.18
17 The Balanchine tradition is typical of this male
choreographer/female dancer split. Of course, there are a
number of important exceptions, such as Nijinsky, Fred
Astaire, and Gene Kelly, who should not be overlooked. For a
discussion of how Hollywood dancers such as Astaire and Kelly
appropriated African-American dance vernacular, see Carol
Clover's "Dancin' in the Rain." See also Chris Savage-King,
"Classical Muscle," Women's Review, No.2 (1985): 28-29; Roger
Copeland, "Towards a Sexual Politics of Contemporary Dance,"
Contact Quarterly, 7:3/4 (1982): 45-50.
18 Elizabeth Dempster, "Women Writing the Body: Let's
Watch a Little How She Dances," Grafts: Feminist Cultural
Criticism, ed. Susan Sheridan (New York: Verso Press, 1988):
35-54; Lucy Fischer, "Shall We Dance?" in Shot/Countershot:
Film Tradition and Women's Cinema (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1986); Susan Leigh Foster, Reading Dancing:
Bodies and Subjects in Contemporary American Dance (Berkeley:


83
considering the modem dance movement and the impact of
expressionism on acting styles in the late twenties. The
impact of modern dance and its institutional connections to
the training of film actors, as well as modern dance's
iconographic resemblance to gestural style in American film
has only recently been closely examined.5 I wish to add to
this debate by suggesting the existence of a gestural style
in the late twenties which is neither histrionic nor
verisimilar, but more closely linked to a kind of
expressionistic modern dance. I am not referring simply to
the expressive, dance-like gestures of a film such as The
Cabinet of Dr. Caligari (1919), although I believe there is a
connection, but to a style that is imbued with an
expressionist ideology grounded in Delsartean philosophy and
the modem dance which developed from it, a style which
attempted to define itself and was defined by outsiders as
"American.
I do not wish to refute Pearson's observations about the
Griffith films during these years; however, I do believe that
the totalizing nature of her historical narrative neglects
the possibility of certain exceptional moments in film
5 Jane Desmond, "Dancing Out the Difference: Cultural
Imperialism and Ruth St. Denis's 'Radha' of 1906," Signs:
Journal of Women in Culture and Society vol. 17:1 (1991): 28-
49; Gaylyn Studlar, "Douglas Fairbanks: Thief of the Ballet
Russes," Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature as
Dance, Ellen W. Goellner and Jacqueline Shea Murphy, ed. (New
Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1995): 107-124.


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
A modern woman, filled with the modern spirit. .
. she is no virgin, silly and ignorant of her
destiny; she is an experienced but pure woman,
in rapid movement like the spirit of the age,
with fluttering garments and streaming hair,
striding forward. . That is our new divine
image: the Modern.i
When Eugen Wolff used these words in 1888 to define "die
Moderne," he initiated the use of the woman in motion as an
icon for the artistic, philosophical, and cultural movements
affiliated with Modernism.2 Wolff's description reflects an
attitude about women, modernity, and motion that can be
traced for several decades throughout Europe and the United
States, in art movements and critical discourse, in painting,
photography, film, and theater. His description helps to
explain the tum-of-the-century popularity of women such as
Isadora Duncan and Loie Fuller, who shocked the public with
their translucent costumes and bare feet, and entranced it
1 Quoted in Malcolm Bradbury and James McFarlane,
Modernism: 1890-1930 (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1974), 41-
42; Also quoted in David Davidson. "From Virgin to Dynamo:
The 'Amoral Woman' in European Cinema,"Cinema Journal 21,
no.1 (Fall 1981), 44.
2 Bradbury and McFarlane cite Wolff as the inventor of
the term "die Moderne," but they do not comment on his use of
a woman as icon for Modernism.
1


4
new-found arbitrariness, its ability to circulate and
exchange, establishes a new field of movement, one in which
the visibility of bodies, products, and transportation is
made possible by the invisibility of other types of movement,
such as the movement of film through a projector or capital
through a market.7 What ties these two strains together is
the fascination with motion itself: the motions or movements
of bodies, money, images. The modern woman fits into this
circulation in a variety of ways. She becomes both object of
exchange and consumer of products. The modern woman's new
found public visibility at the end of the Victorian era
alters her relationship to spectacle. Suddenly, women were
walking in the street and "steppin' out" on the town.8 They
were joining the work force and attending the cinema in
record numbers. During the years leading up to World War II,
a signifier of modern woman, whether she was a factory
worker, a prostitute, an "American girl," or a dancer, was
that her body was in motion.9
7 The "arbitrary" sign that Crary invokes is taken from
Jean Baudrillard's work in Simulations, trans. Paul Foss (New
York, 1983): 84-85. See Crary, 12.
8 Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and
Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1986); Lewis A. Erenberg, Steppin' Out: New
York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture:
1890-1930 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981).
9 For a consideration of the flaneur, or the
streetwalking prostitute, see Mary Ann Doane's work in Femmes
Fatales: Feminism, Film Theory, Psychoanalysis (New York:


11
have been attracted to Fuller because of her use of
electricity, but I suggest that he was also attracted to the
disappearance of Fuller's body inside cloth. Marinetti's
ideal theater, much like Mallarme's, was a stage without
bodies or a stage which showed only the "multiplied body of
the motor." The humanity, and by inference, the sexuality of
the body "disappeared" by becoming metal, machine, and
electricity. Fuller's use of mirrors multiplied her body,
her costume made that body disappear, and she used
electricity to illuminate herself, but one may wonder how
Fuller's butterfly imagery could possibly "achieve the
metallicity of the Futurist dance."
The Futurist appropriation of Fuller is an attempt by a
masculinist, anti-humanist, and eventually nationalist
aesthetic to reintegrate a feminine aesthetic (in more
general terms, the aesthetic of othernesswomen, lower
classes, ethnic exotics, children). Art Nouveau, using quite
different aesthetics, also appropriated the woman's body in
motion to suggest an heroic modernism that was also
affiliated with growing European nationalism. Trying to
"tell" what the motions of a woman might mean at the tum-of-
the-century became a rallying cry for the scientifically and
aesthetically curious. Fuller's aesthetic, however, resists
being defined as either feminine or masculine. She was at
once an object of spectacle, a subject for the new technology
of film, a representative for numerous artistic and


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to start by thanking a number of people whose
early influence started me down the graduate school path:
Frank Lentricchia, whose courses and counsel at Duke
University encouraged me to try graduate school, for better
or worse; Jane Desmond, whose modern dance and video courses
opened my eyes to the potential of interdisciplinary
thinking; David Paletz, who taught the wonderful "Politics
and the Media," my first film course. At the University of
Florida I have to thank several members of the faculty of the
English Department. Robert Ray and Greg Ulmer both taught me
the value of the avant-garde as a model for writing and
teaching. Dan Cottom, Elizabeth Langland, John Leavey, and
David Leverenz also inspired me in innumerable ways.
Finally, I wish to acknowledge the members of my committee
for all of the help and support they provided me during my
extended tenure as a graduate student. Maureen Turim's
direction always inspired me to push myself further. Her
understanding of the issues informing film studies encouraged
me to keep refining my work, and her patience helped me to
finish it. Caryl Flinn's wonderful teaching and editorial
advice gave initial shape to this project, and her humor kept
me going. Scott Nygren always found insightful connections
iii


29
films I examine, except for Josephine Baker's Princess Tam
Tam (1935), are silent and depend heavily on non-verbal forms
of communication. During this same period, the suffrage
movement experienced its greatest success in gaining the vote
for women, and, by the mid-twenties, had already begun a
period of decline.49 Women, no matter how they felt about
feminist culture, became more "public" during this time than
ever before. They joined the work force, women's clubs, and
gymnasiums. The Flapper replaced the more wholesome American
Girl type and was instantly commodified by Hollywood and the
popular press.50 The figure of the woman became one of the
organizing archetypes for both modernist and avant-garde art
circles.51 And as the forces that resulted in World War II
exerted more pressure, all of the previously mentioned areas
49 See William Chafe's The American Woman: Her Changing
Social, Economic, and Political Roles, 1920-1970 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1972): 7-30.
50 See Banta's Imaging American Women and Sumiko Higashi,
Virgins, Vamps and Flappers: The American Silent Movie
Heroine (Montreal: Eden Press Women's Publications, 1978).
51For a discussion of the distinction between modernist
and avant-garde art and the historical split between them
that occurred during the 1920s see my discussion in Chapter
Two. See also the "Introduction" to Modernity and Mass
Culture, ed. James Naremore and Patrick Brantlinger
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991): 1-23; Peter
Burger, Theory of the Avant-Garde (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1984); Andreas Huyssen, After the Great
Divide (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986).


213
Sherman, Jane. The Drama of Denishawn Dance. Middletown, CT:
Wesleyan University Press, 1979.
Showalter, Elaine,ed. These Modern Women: Autobiographical
Essays from the Twenties. Old Westbury, NY: The Feminist
Press, 1978.
Silverman, Debora L. Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siecle France:
Politics, Psychology, and Style. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1989.
Silverman, Kaja. The Acoustic Mirror: The Female Voice in
Psychoanalysis and Cinema. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1988.
Smith, Jeffrey P. "'It Does Something to a Girl. I Don't Know
What'.- The Problem of Female Sexuality in Applause."
Cinema Journal. 30:2 (Winter 1991).
Snead, James. White Screen/Black Imagaes: Hollywood from the
Dark Side. ed. Colin MacCabe and Cornel West. New York:
Routledge Press, 1994
Sorrell, Walter, ed. and trans. The Mary Wigman Book.
Middletown,CT.: Wesleyan University Press, 1973.
Sparshott, Francis. Off the Ground: First Steps to a
Philosophical Consideration of the Dance. Princeton,NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1988.
Spears, Betty. History of Sport and Physical Education in the
United States. Dubuque, Iowa: Wm. C. Brown, 1988.
Stebbins, Genevieve. Delsarte's System of Expression. New
York: Dance Horizons, 1977.
Steele, Valerie. Fashion and Eroticism: Ideals of Feminine
Beauty from the Victorian Era to the Jazz Age. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1985.
Stewart, Virginia and Merle Armitage. Modem Dance. New York:
Dance Horizons, 1970.
Studlar, Gaylyn. "Douglas Fairbanks: Thief of the Ballet
Russes, Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature
as Dance. Ellen W. Goellner and Jacqueline Shea Murphy,
ed. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1995: 107-
124.


170
erotic, some supportive, and others, X would describe as
"colonial." During a fantasy sequence in Paris, Alwina asks
Dar, Max's servant, to take her to a nightclub "where people
are having fun." They go to a smaller club that is racially
integrated. Soon Alwina starts to sing and dance. During
her performance the camera takes close-up shots of the faces
watching her. The first close-ups are variously "friendly."
The expression on a white male's face shows his pleasure and
his erotic gaze. A close-up of a female in blackface makeup
appears more nostalgic. Dar's expression is pleased, though
slightly worried. A friend of Lucie de Mirecourt who comes
into the bar looks decidedly unfriendly and condescending.
Her gaze is the gaze of the colonial oppressor. She sees
Alwina's performance as an expression of her "primitiveness"
and as an opportunity for embarrassing Alwina in the future.
All of these gazes participate in the complicated layering
effect of this scene's representation of Baker's dance
performance and the relationship between her racial
difference and the reactions of her spectators.
Malek Alloula says in The Colonial Harem that
"colonialism is the perfect expression of the violence of the
gaze."13 But what about the suppressed violence of the
oppositional gaze? In this scene from the film we do not see
13 Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem, Trans. Myrna and
Wlad Godzich (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1986): 131, ft. 27.


114
-a "natural" reaction, but the specifics of her movements
resemble movements that are typical of modern dance in the
twenties. She leads with her torso and it tilts her body
forwards and backwards as she runs into the wind and then
away from it. Her arms are used to extend her body. Her
fingers spread apart to emphasize her reach. Gish's use of
her torso to initiate movement throughout the rest of her
body is reminiscent of Shawn's Delsarte-influenced training
style. Her combination of grace, extension, and emotional
expression all support Naremore's assessment of Gish cited at
the opening of this chapter that Gish demonstrates "a quality
of delicacy mixed with strength that have been learned in a
dancing class."
In the next scene, the wind has died down and Gish's
movements have calmed down with it. We see Roddy putting on
his belt as Gish sits in a chair with her back to the camera.
The camerawork here especially adds to the sense of Letty's
emotional distress without resorting to histrionics. By
filming from a high angle and behind, the viewer notices the
stiffness of Gish's posture and her lack of movement. She
then stands with her back still to the camera and walks
evenly to the window. Roddy then tries to force Letty to
come with him and she shoots him when he approaches her.
After she has killed Roddy, Letty's movements again assume
more dance-like qualities, as she battles the wind to bury
Roddy outside in the storm. She furiously shovels sand over


8
decades of this century in writings and films, on theater
stages and posters. She is a figure who, like many other
performers, embodies those seemingly contradictory impulses
that lie at the heart of the spectacle of woman: the
collocation of attraction/repulsion, object/subject,
being/performing. Through the four women in my study, I
focus on the implications of the dancing woman as both
spectacular icon and iconic spectacle within the historical
context of the first several decades of cinematic
representation.
In the four chapters that follow, I consider dance in
film to be more than what occurs within a traditional "dance
number." In general, I use the term "gesture" to designate a
movement of the body that is not intended as performance;
likewise, I use the term "dance" to suggest performative
movement that can be identified as belonging to a particular
dance style. However, I also consider how gesture is coded
in ways that suggest the performative or how the movement of
a dancer/character within a film further blurs the
distinction between moving and dancing. Even when women are
not presented as "dancers" within a text, they are framed in
ways that suggest the performative.15 A woman walking down
15 See Gaylyn Studlar's article "Douglas Fairbanks: Thief
of the Ballets Russes" for a discussion of "dance-like"
movement that shares visual similarities to the Ballet
Russes. Bodies of the Text: Dance as Theory, Literature as
Dance, ed. Ellen W. Goellner and Jacqueline Shea Murphy (New
Jersey: Rutgers Univesity Press, 1995): 107-124.


Copyright 1995
by
Elizabeth Ann Coffman


173
The artist, the anthropologist, and the government
official were all joined by their fascination and
appropriation of these other cultures, particularly African
cultures. French colonialism superficially embraced the
exotic appeal of their colonies. From the arts to
administration, France saw the colonies as inspiration for a
whole variety of activities. As one West African
administrator put it:
The territory is not just raw material for finance,
commerce, army and administration to work with; nor
is it something to be made an idol of. It is a
living body, and we must enter into relations with
it if we are to govern it with full knowledge of
what we are doing.f
The administrator's metaphoric embodiment of the colonies
represents one way that colonial discourse justifies its
appropriation of other cultures. But this colonial body is
not a gender neutral one. The "body" that the colonial
administrator wishes "relations with" is easily imagined to
be a female one. Take, for example, the sequence from
Princess Tam Tam that positions Baker's face within a field
of cacti, simultaneously to positioning her firmly within the
iconographic field of a feminized and colonized geography.
The black body is metaphorically feminized and colonized in
other ways as well. Edward Said's study of Orientalism
16 As quoted in Phyllis Rose, Jazz Cleopatra: Josephine
Baker in Her Time (New York: Doubleday Press, 1989): 148;
see Robert Delavignette, Freedom and Authority in French West
Africa (New York: Oxford University Press, 1950).


192
racial and sexual difference. Alwina's status as a fetish
object thinly disguises the white man's own anxiety about his
assumed racial and sexual superiority.
Dance. Rhythm, and the Uncanny
The dance of the Negresses is incredibly indecent.
They form a circle and mark time by a movement of
the top of their bodies in front and by clapping
the hands. Each of them leaves her place in the
circle and takes her turn in the middle; she gets
into positions so lascivious, so lubricous that
it's impossible to describe them . .It's true
that the Negresses don't appear to have the
depraved intentions which one would imagine; it's a
very old custom, which continues as it were
innocently in this country; so much so that one
sees children of six performing this dance,
certainly without knowing what they're leading up
to.42
Some of the earliest recorded accounts of Western
explorers to Africa include references to dancing practices.
Richard Jobson, a seventeenth century explorer, wrote the
following description of African customs on the Gambia River;
The most desirous of dancing are the women, who
dance without men, and but one alone, with crooked
knees and bended bodies they foot it nimbly, while
the stander-by grace the dancer, by clapping their
hands together after the manner of keeping time.43
Jobson's account is evidence of an early fascination with
African dancers, women in particular. The Roger's epigraph
cited above, however, demonstrates the more pernicious
42 Rose 28. From J.-F. Roger, Fables senegalaises,
(1828), quoted in Leon-Francis Hoffman, Le Negre romantique:
Personnage litteraire et obsession collective (Paris: Payot,
1973) .
43 Thompson 32.


76
female hysteria with a feminine aesthetic vision embodying
unconscious forces."70 Fuller's interest in form, color, and
internal psyches revealed, from a turn-of-the-century
perspective, "truths" about the modern body as it made its
way through the spaces of cities, factories, parks and was
documented by photography and film. Silverman's transition
from Charcot to Fuller exemplifies an Art Nouveau and,
consequently a modernist sensibility, the blurring of
scientific and aesthetic interests through the body of the
woman-in-motion.
Perhaps the most unusual invocation of Fuller's figure
occurs in another "modern" art movement, the work of F.T.
Marinetti and the Futurists. Futurism, according to Andrew
Hewitt, is connected intimately to Art Nouveau and the
Symbolists.71 Even though Marinetti claimed to despise the
organic underpinnings of Art Nouveau in favor of the
inventions of man, he nevertheless needed the movement in
order to react against it. Fuller demonstrates how the two
movements actually shared a number of things in common. In
his "Manifesto of the Futurist Dance," Marinetti appears to
70 Debora L. Silverman, Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siecle
France: Politics, Psychology, and Style (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 19891,299-300.
71 Andrew Hewitt, Fascist Modernism: Aesthetics,
Politics, and the Avant-Garde (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1993), 107. See also Perloff, The Futurist Moment:
Avant-Garde, Avant Guerre, and the Language of Rupture and
Michael Kirby, Futurist Performance.


198
device in the colonial narrative; it gives shape and pattern,
an underlying dynamic. Like the removal of her outer gold
dress which reveals a black costume beneath, Alwina's bodily
response to the rhythm of the drum reveals her "blackness."
Max cannot bear to witness Alwina's revelation. He literally
turns his head away from the stage to avert his gaze. On
the other hand, the audience loves her. Her movements, even
though highly stylized, seem strangely impassioned conpared
to the uniformity of the French chorus line. The
juxtaposition of dance styles does more than just set up the
ambivalent narrative response. It also highlights the
attraction/repulsion of the colonial gaze to the colonized
body.
Richard Dyer points out that "'The fear of one's own
body, of how one controls it and relates to it' and the fear
of not being able to control other bodies, those bodies whose
exploitation is so fundamental to capitalist economy, are
both at the heart of whiteness."48 The staging of black
performance, then, is intimately connected to a white anxiety
over bodily control. The colonist fears that his own
inability to control his body will resurface in his inability
to control the bodies of the colonized; therefore, he
repeatedly sets up a supposedly "safe" space for black
performance. This "safe" space, whether the space of the
48 Dyer, 63 .


145
general public. Outline, silhouette, design, shape, and pose
are the terms most applicable ... to the selling of
personality and the attainment of celebrity."47 Other
descriptions of the Flapper also emphasize design over flesh.
Lady Troubridge in 1925 described the Flapper as "a perfect
machine moved by the elixir of youth."48 The description of
the Flapper's "kinetic silhouette" bears a striking
resemblance to those nude silhouette shots of chorus girls we
find in so many film musicals of the thirties.
The almost sexless androgyny of the Flapper reflects the
visual obsession with symmetry, geometric design, and
machines that we also find in representations of the chorus
girl. The slim, androgynous body type of chorus girl and
Flapper both display themselves through their dancing. The
Flapper's performance of the tango and Charleston exposed as
much leg and created as much scandal as the costumes of the
Ziegfeld girl. The Hobart College Herald objected to the
"modern dance" of the Flapper because "'it is immodest and
lacking in grace' and because it was based 'on a craving for
abnormal excitement. . The dance in its process of
47 Martha Banta, Imaging American Women: Idea and Ideal
in Cultural History, (New York: Columbia University Press,
1987), 622.
48 Valerie Steele, Fashion and Eroticism: Ideals of
Feminine Beauty from the Victorian Era to the Jazz Age, (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 241. See also Lois W.
Banner, American Beauty, (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1983).


127
"invented the showgirl, and therefore like any other
inventor, am qualified to discuss and analyze the child of my
brain." Paternity establishes an uneasy relationship with
the performing child/daughter, a discomfort that is visible
in the complicated relationship to eroticism that the chorus
girl also demonstrates. As Linda Mizejewski points out about
Ziegfeld's comment, "if paternity alone can produce the
child, the female body itself can be disavowed and then
reconstituted as the displaced, purely voyeuristic figure,
the showgirl."!7
Kracauer was not the only writer to describe the "visual
patterning" of female bodies as a particularly American
phenomenon. In a 1925 article in The New Republic entitled
"The Follies as an Institution" Edmund Wilson describes the
Ziegfeld girl and hints at their racist associations:
In general, Ziegfeld's girls have not only the
Anglo-Saxon straightnessstraight backs, straight
brows and straight nosesbut also the peculiar
frigidity and purity, the frank high-school
girlishness which Americans like. He does not
aim to make them, from the moment they appear, as
sexually attractive as possible, as the Folies-
Bergere, for example, does. He appeals to American
idealism, and then, when the male is intent on his
chaste and dewy-eyed vision, he gratifies him on
this plane by discreetly disrobing his goddess.18
17 Linda Mizejewski, "Ziegfeld Girl: Image and Icon in
Culture and Cinema," (unpublished manuscript, 1993): 3-4.
18 Edmund Wilson, "The Follies as an Institution,"
American Earthquake: A Documentary of the Twenties and
Thirties, (New York: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1958), 125-6.
Also quoted in Barry Paris, Louise Brooks (London: Mandarin
Books, 1989), 81.


50
about the body.27 For Benjamin the camera allows the viewer
to analyze the particulars of "a person's posture during the
fractional second of a stride, a kind of information
previously unavailable to human perception. One of the
tropes of modernism, as Johanna Drucker describes, is the
scientific revision of techniques that inevitably reorganize
a sense of visual space.28 The spaces of the public sphere,
the painter's canvas, or the photographer's or filmmaker's
frame all reflect these changes. Benjamin goes on to wonder,
*. . of a screened behavior item which is neatly brought
out in a certain situation, like a muscle of a body, it is
difficult to say which is more fascinating, its artistic
value or its value for science."29 Benjamin's insight into
the modem phenomenon of first framing within a visual space
and then filming the body in motion echoes Eadweard
Muybridge's 1888 work in The Human Figure in Motion that
examines in photographic serial form bodies walking, running,
dancing, and performing various physical exercises.
Benjamin's essay, written forty years after Muybridge's
study, suggests that Muybridge's own stated desire to achieve
27 Walter Benjamin. Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn
(New York: Schocken Books, 1968), 231.
28 Johanna Drucker, Theorizing Modernism: Visual Art and
the Critical Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press,
1994), 41.
29Benjamin, 236.


REFERENCES
Allen, Robert C. Horrible Prettiness: Burlesque and American
Culture. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina
Press, 1991.
Alloula, Malek. The Colonial Harem, trans. Myrna and Wlad
Godzich. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1986.
Altman, Rick. The American Film Musical. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1987.
Arnheim, Rudolf. Film as Art. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1957.
Banner, Lois. American Beauty. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1983.
Banta, Martha. Imaging American Women: Idea and Ideals in
Cultural History. New York: Columbia University Press,
1987.
. Taylored Lives: Narrative Productions in the Age of
Taylor, Veblen, and Ford. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1993.
Barthes, Roland. Image Music Text, trans. Stephen Heath. New
York: Noonday Press, 1977.
Battersby, Christine. Gender and Genius: Towards a Feminist
Aesthetic. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989.
Battersby, Martin. Art Nouveau. Feltham: Hamlyn, 1969.
Baudry, Jean-Louis. "Ideological Effects of the Basic
Cinematographic Apparatus," Narrative, Apparatus,
Ideology, ed. Philip Rosen. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1986.
Benjamin, Walter. "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical
Reproduction." Illuminations, ed. Hannah Arendt,
trans. Harry Zohn, 217-251. New York: Schocken Books,
1968.
204


39
writing in the thirties at the end of the silent film period,
at a time when criticism from a variety of disciplines
explored the affinities between film and bodily movement.
Many of these writers, such as Walter Benjamin and Rudolf
Laban, published before the complete takeover of sound film
and thus concentrated particularly on the relationships
between the body, movement, and the camera. These critics
were not writing out of a cultural and historical void. From
the tum-of-the-century through the Thirties, women
participated in leisure activities and the work force in very
visible ways. Also during this period, the physical culture
and modern dance movements made their biggest impressions
both on the public and on representations of bodies exerting
force and expressing emotion.
A number of recent works helped to define the parameters
of this reading grid by considering the relationship between
emerging technologies, the woman's body, and modernism. In
"The Cinema of Attractions" Tom Gunning explores the
exhibitionist quality of early cinema and its connections to
both vaudeville and the avant-garde.8 Miriam Hansen discusses
in Babel and Babylon how the spectacle of early cinema, which
frequently involved the spectacle of a woman in motion
(dancers, acrobats, pornographic performers), provided an
excess of visual distractions, a defining marker of early
8 Tom Gunning, "The Cinema of Attractions," Wide Angle
8.3-4 (1986): 63-70.


181
body, particularly the female body. The theoretical
connections between the "otherness" of both the black and the
female body are made visible in the colonial body.
Frantz Fann has written about the effects of body
consciousness on the psyche of the "person of color" in the
colonial context, although he assumes only the male
perspective:
In the white world the man of color encounters
difficulties in the development of his bodily
schema. Consciousness of the body is solely a
negating activity. It is a third-person
consciousness. The body is surrounded by an
atmosphere of certain uncertainty. ... A slow
composition of my self as a body in the middle of
a spatial and temporal worlddefinitive because it
creates a real dialectic between my body and the
world.30
The effects of this difference, a difference imposed from
without, are visible not just because of skin color, but
because of a whole history of cultural products that
objectify and dehumanize the body. This body consciousness,
then, is based on what Fann calls the "historico-racial
schema" built "by the other, the white man, who had woven me
out of a thousand details, anecdotes, stories." The effects
of this body consciousness leads to a "certain uncertainty,'
to a stereotypical knowledge that is undermined by an
ambivalence with regards to the presentation of the bodily
self. Body consciousness for the textually constructed
person of color parallels much of the recent feminist writing
3 Fann, 110-111.


214
Suleiman, Susan Rubin, ed. The Female Body in Western
Culture. Cambridge,MA: Harvard University Press, 1986.
Tanzer, Kim. "Baker's Loos and Loos's Loss: Architecting the
Body," Unpublished manuscript. (1994).
Thompson, Robert Farris. African Art in Motion. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1974.
Torgovnick, Marianna. Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects,
Modern Lives. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1990.
Turim, Maureen. "Designs in Motion: A Correlation Between
Early Serial Photography and the Recent Avant Garde."
Enclitic. VII:2 (Fall 1983): 44-54.
. "Gentlemen Consume Blondes.Movies and Methods. Vol. II,
ed. Bill Nichols. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1985: 369-378.
Valgemae, Mardi. Accelerated Grimace: Expressionism in the
American Drama of the 1920s. Carbondale, IL: Southern
Illinois University Press, 1972.
Welch, Paula and Harold Lerch. History of American Physical
Education and Sports. Springfield,IL: C.C. Thomas, 1981.
Wexman, Virginia Wright. "Kinesics and Film Acting: Humphrey
Bogart in The Maltese Falcon and The Big Sleep." Journal
of Popular Film and Television. 7:1 (1978): 42-55.
Williams, Linda. Hard Core: Power, Pleasure, and the "Frenzy
of the Visible." Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1990.
Witte, Karsten. "Visual Pleasure Inhibited: Aspects of the
German Revue Film." New German Critique. No.24-25.
(Fall/Winter, 1981-82).
Wollen, Peter. Signs and Meaning in the Cinema. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1969.
Wood, Robin. "Art and Ideology: Notes on Silk Stockings."
Film Comment. 11:3 (May-June 1975).


125
"change," he argues, was initiated by the Tiller Girls and
their performances in stadiums and on screens throughout the
world. Kracauer explicitly sets up reading grid which
establishes a correlation between "simple surface
manifestations," the American chorus girl, and her ability to
"access" directly the subterranean depths of Weimar culture.
The chorus girl is not about sex, but design. It is not
the Tiller girls' eroticism that allows for an understanding
of "existing conditions," whether economic, cultural, or
psychological; on the contrary, it is the "ornamental" nature
of these performances that transforms the "Girls" into
"sexless bodies in bathing suits" and the audience into their
mirror-like reflection, "arranged in row upon ordered row."
The interest of the mass ornament for Kracauer is only as a
dehumanized and abstracted pattern. The Tiller Girls are not
eroticized, as Kracauer argues the ballet dancer remains, but
rather, they are a part of "a linear system which no longer
has erotic meaning but at best points to the place where the
erotic resides."14 A line-up of chorus girls performing high
kicks exposes the "place" of sexual difference, but this
exposure, for Kracauer at least, is not erotic. While other
writers, choreographers and filmmakers during this same
14 Kracauer, "The Mass Ornament," 68. Kracauer suggests
that in its early history the ballet also demonstrated
formations that were organized according to the principle of
the mass ornament, but that, unlike the chorus girl, ballet
dancers "remained still the plastic formation of the erotic
life which gave rise to them and determined their traits,"68.


116
In The Wind we find a filmic example of one type of
American pioneer spirit embodied by the gestural expressions
of a woman in motion. Gish's facial and gestural movements
demonstrate connections to the expressionistic ideology of
the 1920s. Her expressionistic gestures are defined visually
by how they embody and exteriorize emotion in a way that is
less histrionic than earlier film melodramas, but not as
realistic or verisimilar as other styles of acting.
Expressionistic gesture, as long as it was not explicitly
associated with German Expressionism or dance, was seen as an
appropriate vehicle in the late twenties for conveying a
sense of American movement, character, and landscape.
Expressionistic gesture had moved beyond the posing of its
Delsartean beginnings and transformed itself into a visual
style that complemented both modern dancers and film actors.
But the expressionistic gesture that we find in The Phantom
of the Opera or The Wind was a fairly short-lived experiment
in film style. It quickly evaporates with the introduction
of sound and all of the limitations that sound technology
placed on gestural movement. The Wind is one of the last
American silent films to make such successful use of an
expressionistic and "dance-like" gestural style.


2
with their movements. The woman that Wolff represents offers
a vision of female spectacle that was inherently ambivalent:
"she is no virgin," and yet she is "pure." She carries with
her the implicit contradictions involved whenever woman
functions as spectacular icon for male consumption. She
remains, on one level, a feminine Muse, the inspiration for
masculine creativity, but lacks herself, the qualities that
define the Romantic and Modern conceptions of artistic
genius.3 On another level, though, this "New Woman" acquired
signifiers of action and confidence that seem distinctly
different from images of Victorian restraint.4 She is
represented in "rapid movement . striding forward,' as an
image that invoked the "spirit of the age,* and that
associated gestures with both sexuality and technology.
Writers, artists, and scientists proclaimed her figure to be
"modem, not only because of the changing signifiers of
femininity, but also as a result of the transformation of her
movements through the technology of the camera.
I define the term "icon" both in terms of the dictionary
meaning of an image or object of "uncritical devotion," and
in the linguistic sense, defined by Charles Sanders Peirce,
3 Christine Battersby, Gender and Genius: Towards a
Feminist Aesthetic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
1989): 35-42.
4 For a history of images of early twentieth century
women see Martha Banta, Images and Ideals in Cultural History
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1987); Lois W. Banner,
American Beauty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).


183
of racial difference. As Sander Gilman has pointed out,
scientists of the nineteenth century drew obscenely detailed
studies of anatomical difference, especially female
genitalia, in order to justify their theories of
backwardness.33 Sarah Bartmann, one of several "Hottentot
Venuses" exhibited to European audiences during the early
nineteenth century was violently separated into parts after
her death. The medical profession "studied" her genitalia as
a means of "explaining" Bartmann's sexuality and, ultimately,
her inferiority. These literal and metaphoric autopsies,
argues Gilman, never occurred within a vacuum. The "scandal"
of Sarah Bartmann's body was not just over her nudity or the
measure of her bodily difference. She arrived in London at a
time when the abolition of slavery was also hotly debated.34
Bartmann's story does not just represent the horror of
uncontained medical curiosity; it represents the horror of a
crisis of empire. The black body is the fragmented site of a
fetishistic economyan economy that organizes the colonial
imagination, an economy that makes the nation possible.
Artists also participated in fetishizing the buttocks,
the breasts, and the ear size of the black subject. These
body parts were assumed to be unusually large in the white
33 Sander L. Gilman, "Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward
an Iconography of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century
Art, Medicine, and Literature," Critical Inquiry No. 12
(Autumn 1985) : 204-242.
34 Gilman, 213.


144
What were some of the connotations of the Flapper image
in the late twenties and how might they resonate in a Weimar
context? In 1927 at the height of the Flapper phenomenon in
Hollywood and the popular press, Louise Brooks, who had just
recently left Ziegfeld's Follies to make Hollywood films, was
ranked fourth by the Dramatic Index of actresses who had
major magazine pieces written about them.46 When Pabst hired
her for Pandora's Box, she was known as much for her
hairstyle, clothing, and her Manhattanite sophistication, as
for her acting ability. Her dancing background was also an
important signifier of the Flapper "type," and like the
discourse surrounding dancers, the Flapper was an equally
conflicted icon.
The Flapper has certain bodily characteristics in common
with the chorus girl of Hollywood films and, similar to the
chorus girl, she was in the mid to late twenties, a
particularly American phenomenon. The bodily design of the
Flapper, her angular silhouette, combined with the fact that
it was often described as being a "shape in motion" attracted
both critical and interested eyes of the period. Martha
Banta describes how in the American version of sex appeal in
the early years of this century, "unrestrained sexuality was
not the look that displayed itself the best before the
46 Clara Bow led the group with 19 major articles,
followed by Joan Crawford(14), Colleen Moore(11), and Louise
Brooks(10). Quoted in Paris, 130.


121
factory lines, film audiences, and military parades. He uses
this chorus girl, which he takes to be particularly an
American product, to reveal "truths" about late Weimar
culture. The debate surrounding Kracauer's work in The Mass
Ornament, especially the titular article, has not centered on
the particular question of the figure of the chorus girl,
although critics have begun to use Kracauer's writings from
the 1920s to reframe some of the conclusions in From Caligari
to Hitler which seem too telescopic.9 Kracauer's writings
following World War II tend to funnel observations about
German film before the war through an Oedipal scenario which
finally "explains" the fascist inpulse. Kracauer identifies
in certain Weimar texts a failed masculine subjectivity, one
that repeatedly succumbs to patriarchal authority, seeks out
maternal comfort, and is represented as weak and "feminized,"
sexually as well as economically frustrated.10 Kracauer's
reading of Weimar film narratives inplies at certain points
that if only Weimar male subjectivity had been able to move
more correctly through the Oedipal journey, in other words,
if only the Weimar male had been more "masculine," then the
seeds of Nazism would not have found as "fertile" a place to
flourish.
9 See particularly the debate in New German Critique 5
(1975); 40 (1987).
10 Siegfried Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler: A
Psychological History of the German Film (Princeton, N. J.:
Princeton University Press, 1947).


11
Francis Sparshott claims that dance has been trivialized
within the field of philosophy because of the ephemeral
nature of the choreographic sign.13 The nonverbal status of
the dance sign accounts for the difficulty of notating dance.
Even music has a standard notation form, although its status
also suffers because its forms of expression are primarily
nonverbal.20 Sparshott admits that dance carries the taint of
the historically eroticized body of the dancer. Curiously,
he denies the fact that dance is excluded from the status of
the "fine arts," because it is considered a "female art." He
admits, however, that
there are contexts when one thinks of a female
dancer in a short white skirt. That is, one
identifies artistic dance with nineteenth-century
ballet and with dance forms derived from that, and
then personifies that form as a 'ballerina.' One
might then think of dance as being at once feminine
and fleshly in a derogatory way (because the short
tutu functions at least in part to satisfy the
voyeurs in the audience) and, hence, as
University of California Press, 1986); Andrew Goodwin,
Dancing in the Distraction Factory: Music, Television, and
Popular Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1992); Judith Lynne Hanna, Dance, Sex, Gender: Signs of
Identity, Dominance, Defiance, and Desire (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1988) .
13 Francis Sparshott, Off the Ground: First Steps to a
Philosophical Consideration of the Dance, (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1988): 3-33.
20 See Caryl Flinn, Strains of Utopia: Gender, Nostalgia,
and Hollywood Film Music (Princeton: University of Princeton
Press, 1992); Susan McClary, Feminine Foldings: Music, Gender,
and Sexuality. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1991.


139
about the "little shopgirls" he describes a spectator who is
not watching in the superficial and fragmented style of
diversion, but one who watches with total absorption;
however, because of this absorption, the shopgirl is not
capable of experiencing the radical potential of diversion.
According to Hake, these changes in Kracauer's position
towards diversion and the mass ornament are symptomatic of
his own ambivalent feelings about the female spectator:
Thus diversion oscillates between a progressive
demystification and a regressive incantation of the
threatening aspects of decline and, thus, is always
in danger of being dominated by idealistic concepts
of law versus order, immersion versus distraction.
Kracauer's belief in a radicalization through
diversion ignores precisely the regressive aspects;
in so doing he also represses the sensual side of
the cinema (as preserved in the term scopophilia).
Again, the position of the feminine proves to be
fatal; not only to the prospects of the theory
itself, but to the possibility of changing
society. "39
The figure of the feminized spectacle is as inherently
unstable as the position of the female or feminized
spectator. The Tiller Girl as mass ornament is only
potentially demystifying when she is deeroticized through
symmetry; at the same time, it is this symmetry and its
abstractness that reinforces the mythological nature of
capitalism. Either way, female spectacle is dehumanized and
desexualized in service to a theory which contains its own
39 Hake, 163-4.


87
physical culture movement, which not only affected gestural
style in film, but also inaugerated a cultural movement that
affected women throughout the United States. The movement
began with the importation from France of the ideas of
Francois Delsarte in 1869 by Steele Mackaye. By the turn of
the century, Delsarte was a household word; by the 1920s
Delsartean practices were institutionalized in gymnasiums,
university departments, and private foundations. Most middle
class white "young ladies" knew something about Delsartean
expressive methods and could demonstrate some of the poses.8
Delsarte used relaxation techniques along with exercises
to encourage self-expression. He assigned spiritual
functions to bodily functions and divided the body into zones
of three with each third representing an emotional or
spiritual state. Every gesture or grouping of gestures
expressed a specific motivational emotion. Here, for
example, is a typical exercise which connects a gesture to an
emotion. "Complex Emotional Action in Walk: is taken from an
1894 book on Harmonic Gymnastics and Pantomimic Expression:
1st action: Rhythm one and slow, poise elastic.
Expression: Concentration or intensity of emotion
in walk.
2nd action: Rhythm one and slow, poise passive.
Expression: Cautious or secretive.
8 For early writers on Delsarte see Florence Fowle
Adams, Gesture and Pantomimic Action (New York: Edgar S.
Werne, 1897); Anna Morgan,An Hour With Delsarte (Boston: Lee
and Shepard, 1889); and especially Genevieve Stebbins,
Delsarte's System of Expression (New York: Dance Horizons,
1977).


130
chorus girls on stage. But because of the nationalistic
undertones of these numbers, other countries, such as
Germany, project their own national iconography onto the
female body in distinctly different ways. Karsten Witte has
noted how fascist aesthetics are apparent in the German Revue
films of the thirties and how not only do the dancers
themselves mimic the movements of the German soldiers, but
also the editing of the dance numbers tends to reproduce the
Fascist aesthetic of "restraint." In a 1936 document which
Witte quotes on "the self-concept of fascist aesthetics of
the dance,* one German author summarizes this aesthetic:
The tendency toward abstraction, the urge to an
impersonal law speaks out of the composition of the
dances [of the Germans] as well as out of the
manner with which he has not only conquered his
world, but also organized and ordered it.
Coolness, clarity and economy of motion bespeak an
aversion toward merely untamed ecstasy.22
Witte sees this attitude as underlying the "inhibition of
visual pleasure" that is evident in the films of German
chorus dancers. The movements of the dancers, the
verticality and rigidity of how they are framed by the camera
all demonstrate the uncomfortable restraint of the Fascist
body. "That is why the fragmented dancers are so hastily
reassembled by the cutting technique, as if it had to be
22 Karsten Witte, "Visual Pleasure Inhibited: Aspects of
the German Revue Film," New German Critique 24-25 (1981-82):
244.


15
historical, cultural, sexual, and racial experience of the
reader/viewer.28
In recent years semiotics has started to think through
the inplications of the nonverbal status of gesture and dance
as they function within various texts, although less often
with reference to the question of sexual difference. Peter
Brooks, for example, in The Melodramatic Imagination provides
a helpful analysis of gesture in melodrama, which easily
applies to dance as well. In the chapter "The Text of
Muteness," Brooks writes that the "excess" created by the
ambiguous relation of the gestural sign to its signified is
marked "by a kind of fault or gap in the code, the space that
marks its inadequacies to convey a full freight of emotional
meaning. In the silence of this gap, the language of
presence and immediacy, the primal language is born anew."29
By taking the example of "muteness" in melodrama (moments of
emotional excess that can only be described in terms of
gesture, facial expression, or the "ineffable"), Brooks hopes
to clear a space for understanding the nonverbal sign.
28 For other work that begins from Peirce and then
delineates a sexually specific reader see Teresa De
Lauretis's Alice Doesn't: Feminism, Semiotics, Cinema
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984); For a revision
of De Lauretis's model that includes the racially different
reader, see Mark A. Reid's Redefining Black Film (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993).
29 Peter Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination: Balzac,
Henry James, Melodrama, and the Mode of Excess (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1985): 67.


CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSION
More work remains to be done on the role of the woman in
motion in modernist performance during the first decades of
the twentieth century. The modernist body is typically
described as fragmented and objectified by the new technology
of film. Film often framed the woman's body in close-ups or
in the kaleidoscopic patterns of chorus lines, but certain
films represented the woman's entire body as it filled the
edges of the frame, creating a new vocabulary of movement,
which was individualized and expressive. A closer
examination of physical culture, modern dance, and the
women's movement provides a narrative about the body in
motion that counters the masculinist vision of fragmented,
female body parts arranged in modern, machine-like designs.
The rhythms and designs of modern dance reflect an integrated
vision of a body that launches through space, dives back to
the ground, melds with the earth, and leaps back up again.
These movements suggest a syntax of femininity that seems
defiantly modern when compared to Victorian images of
restraint, although this modernism is quite different from
Berkeley's chorus girl or Marinetti's Futurist dancer.
200


124
fully outline Kracauer's argument related to the American
chorus dancer and consider it next to both the historical
phenomenon of the chorus dancer in film and other discursive
conclusions about the chorus girl written during the late
twenties. I will then examine the conflicted nature of
Brooks's star persona and how her association as American
Flapper and "Ziegfeld girl" is important to the role of Lulu.
Finally, I will analyze how Pabst's direction of Brooks's
Lulu undermines the typical cinematic fragmentation of the
dancer's body and, at the same time, reveals certain
qualities about the mass ornament that Kracauer dismisses.
The Mass Ornament
Kracauer's 1927 article explains the mass ornament
through a process which is similar to the reading grid that I
discuss in my introduction. Kracauer begins his introduction
discussion of the mass ornament by establishing the
legitimacy of his phenomenological approach. He argues that
the "simple surface manifestations" of a culture "allows for
direct access to the underlying meaning of existing
conditions" and then shifts immediately to discussing
"changes" in the "field of physical culture."13 A recent
13 I use the term "chorus girl in this chapter as a
broad designation to include any dancer who appears on stage
in a chorus, although I am particularly interested in a
certain American chorus girl who appeared as a discursive
phenomenon during the twenties and into the thirties.
Following Kracauer, I do not include ballet or modem dance
in this category. Kracauer, "The Mass Ornament," 67.


within my work and showed me how to teach a video production
course. Mark Reid fortunately remained on the committee long
enough to provide many helpful suggestions. Kim Emery quite
graciously helped me out in my hour of need. The friends of
FemTV helped me to maintain my sanity, especially Aeron
Haynie, Donna Mitchell, and Michelle Glaros. I wish
particularly to thank the Graduate School of the University
of Florida for a Graduate Fellowship, which allowed me to
finish my dissertation. I am also indebted to the English
Department for providing travel funds to do archival work in
New York. To ny parents, I owe thanks that I can never fully
return. This dissertation belongs to them in many ways.
Nick and Katie arrived just in time to make it all
meaningful. And finally, to Jeff, who made it all possible.
IV


161
their overabundance of eroticism along with a fascination by
their lack of it. Absent from most of this debate is both
the figure of the dancer herself and the feminine spectator.
Both figures create the possibility for discussing visual
pleasure in ways that undermine the oppressiveness of the
masculine spectator's objectification of feminine spectacle.
The role of the American dancer in Weimar Germany
provides a more specific opportunity of forcing a masculine
subjectivity in crisis to confront not only his role as
voyeur of sexual other, but national other as well. Lulu's
(and by extension, Brooks's) destruction can not be seen as
sirrply a reconfirmation of masculine German subjectivity in
the face of potential female American chaos. Pabst
foregrounds the role of the voyeur/exploiter/lover too well
to allow for a simple experience of visual pleasure of female
spectacle. As Aiwa walks off into the fog, ignorant of
Lulu's murder by Jack the Ripper, the viewer is very much
aware of his helplessness and aimlessness without Lulu. What
this ending suggests about German national identity in 1928
may have different repercussions for the masculine and
feminine spectator of Pandora's Box. For the feminine
spectator, the potential for freedom, for solitary pleasure,
for an enjoyment of one's own body is consistently crushed by
the anxiety of the voyeur, although the momentary hopefulness
is perhaps not forgotten. For the masculine spectator, there


CHAPTER 3
EXPRESSIONISTIC GESTURES:
THE IMPACT OF MODERN DANCE IN THE WIND.
The emotional projection of the dancer is an
extremely delicate matter, since the acting element
of the dance art is not its dominant feature. It
cannot be simply an abbreviated realism or it falls
[short] of being either dancing or acting; nor can
it be a wholly stylized concept without becoming
lifeless and cold. It must be complete, compressed,
refined, eloquent, but unobtrusive.i
In the nineteenth century actors were taught
balance and movement by dancing masters, so that a
good deal of silent film behaviorwith its air of
grace and refinement, its flexibility and
sentimental lyricismseems vaguely related to
classical ballet; thus Gish has an erect posture
and a quality of delicacy mixed with strength that
might have been learned in a dancing class. . .2
Lillian Gish said once that she thought Dorothy
Scarborough's novel would make a perfect movie because "It
was pure motion."3 Victor Seastrom's The Wind (1928) is also
a perfect movie with which to develop a theory for reading
gestural style in silent film because of the lack of much
1 New York Times,30 September 1928, xi, 1.
2 James Naremore, Acting in the Cinema (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1988), 50.
3 Lillian Gish interview for American Movie Classics,
preceding the airing of The Wind.
79


84
acting. Acting careers, such as Gish's, that span many
decades and many directors, do not necessarily conform to
chronological demarcations of stylistic shifts. Actresses
during the teens and twenties often began their training
under a Delsartean or "histrionic" influence, and then were
affected by the drive towards a verisimilar style of acting
that Pearson identifies between 1908-1913. In Gish's case I
do not see Griffith's call for a less "theatrical" style of
cinematic acting during the years up to 1913 as precluding
the impact of other styles on Gish which emerged later, in
particular the drive towards a modem expressionistic mode
that developed during the twenties in both Germany and
America.
The move towards American nationalism in all of the arts
following World War I provides a partial explanation for the
interest in an American gestural style as well as the
interest in national narratives. In the United States we
find in both modern dance and film an attraction to
narratives involving Native Americans and frontier history.
The Wind is a singular example of this nationalistic
interest, because, unlike most features, it includes a female
protagonist in the pioneer role. Even though Gish's character
is framed within a melodrama, rather than a classic Western
or frontier film genre, Letty Mason retains the heroic
qualities of the American pioneer. The use of the
melodramatic mode in this film offers an opportunity for an