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Social and pedagogical processes in Spanish as a second language classrooms

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Social and pedagogical processes in Spanish as a second language classrooms
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Nonnative languages ( jstor )
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1996.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 334-352).
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Typescript.
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Vita.
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by Veronica Darer.

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SOCIAL AND PEDAGOGICAL PROCESSES
IN SPANISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE CLASSROOMS












By

VERONICA DARER
























A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1996





























To my mother,

if she could have, she would have.

To my husband,

he can and does.

And

to my daughters,

they will.














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank Dr. Ginger Weade, my committee

chairperson, for her time and effort while guiding me

throughout the dissertation process. Without her

knowledgeable support this dissertation would not have been

possible.

I thank all my committee members for their patience,

insightful comments, and support. I would like to

communicate to Dr. Newman my high regard for his excellent

and caring teaching. To Dr. Boxer, I thank her for her

relevant, meaningful, and thought-provoking questions and

comments on my dissertation study. I want to offer a very

special acknowledgement to Dr. Candace Harper who was not

only a member of my doctoral committee but also a colleague

and friend. To Dr. Clem Hallman, I send sincere "muchisimas

gracias por todo."

In addition, I would like to mention Cherry Kay Douglas

and Jcy Johnson and let them know how much I appreciate their

constant presence.

I am very grateful to the four teacher participants and

their students. Their hospitality and openness during the

process of the investigation was invaluable.








To my husband, Enrique Darer, and to my children, Gisela

and Monica Darer, who sometimes did without a full-time wife

and mother throughout the research investigation, I thank

them with all my heart.















TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ..... ..................... ............. iii

LIST OF TABLES .......................................... ix

LIST OF FIGURES .............. .......................... xi

KEY TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS ........................ xiii

ABSTRACT ............ ....... .............................. xiv

CHAPTERS

I BACKGROUND FOR THE STUDY ........................ 1

Statement of the Problem ......................... 1
Purpose of the Study.............................. 6
Significance of the Study ....................... 9
Assumptions ...................................... 14
Definition of Terms .............................. 15
Spanish as a Second Language................... 15
Speech Situation, Speech Event, and Speech
Act ........................................ 15
Classroom Tasks and Activities ................ 16
Limitations of the Study........................... 18

II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE........................ 19

Introduction .................. .................. 19
Second Language Acquisition and Teaching
Theories .............. ....................... 20
Second Language Acquisition Theories............ 20
Issues and Controversies....................... 23
Second Language Teaching Theories.............. 26
Summary......................................... 30
The Learning Context: Classroom Structure
and Discourse.................................. 31
Classroom Events and Their Participation
Structure.................................... 32
Classroom Discourse and Student Learning........ 34
Second Language Classroom Characteristics...... 36
Summary ............................... ......... 50









III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY............................. 52

Introduction...................................... 52
Research Perspective............................... 55
Research Design................................... 57
Data Collection.................................. 58
Participant Observation ........................ 60
Videotaping Issues ............................. 61
Interviews.......................... ........ 63
Student Questionnaires........................... 64
Data Analysis.................................... 65
Discourse Analysis............................... 65
Sociolinguistic/Social Interactionist
Perspective .................................... 67
Discourse Analysis ............................... 69
Methodological Issues ............................. 75
Selection of Sites/Teachers...................... 77
Validity and Reliability ......................... 80
Researcher's Biases............................... 82

IV FINDINGS: MODELS IN USE......................... 84

Model I--Sra. Tiessen's Classroom ................ 88
General Description: The Site, the Teacher,
the Students, and the Text..................... 88
Social and Pedagogical Processes of a
Representative Lesson......................... 92
Pedagogical Variations .......................... 129
Model II--Ms. Reiner's Classroom .................. 133
General Description: The Site, the Teacher,
the Students, and the Text.................... 133
Social and Pedagogical Processes of a
Representative Lesson......................... 137
Pedagogical Variations .......................... 163
Model III--Ms. Day's Classroom ................... 164
General Description: The Site, the Teacher,
the Students, and the Text.................... 164
Social and Pedagogical Processes of a
Representative Lesson......................... 166
Pedagogical Variations.......................... 195
Model IV--Ms. Alebasi's Classroom ................. 198
General Description: The Site, the Teacher,
the Students, and the Text.................... 198
Social and Pedagogical Processes of a
Representative Lesson......................... 202
Pedagogical Variations .......................... 224
Summary ........................................... 226










V COMPARISON AND CONTRAST OF MODELS-IN-USE .......... 229

Pedagogical Process Message Units................. 232
Teacher versus Student Message Units............ 232
Textbook versus Nontextbook/Other Sources
Message Units ................................. 234
Language........................................... 235
Language as a Pedagogical Process/Way of
Knowing (English versus Spanish Message
Units)........................................ 236
Language as a Social Process/Way of Interaction
(Pedagogical versus Social Message Units)..... 237
Social Process Message Units ...................... 239
Class Configuration............................. 239
Initiations...................................... 241
Questions....................................... 21
Interruptions ................................... 242
Pedagogical Processes............................. 244
Teacher versus Student Message Units............ 246
Textbook versus Nontextbook ..................... 251
Summary of Pedagogical Processes 253
Language........................................... 255
Language as a Pedagogical Tool (English versus
Spanish)............... ...................... 255
Language as a Social Tool (Social versus
Pedagogical Message Units) .................... 263
Summary of Language Processes................... 268
Social Processes.................................. 271
Group Configuration.............................. 271
Initiations..................................... 278
Questions....................................... 281
Interruptions........ ......................... 283
Summary of Social Processes ..................... 286
General Summary.................................... 288

VI CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS.... 295

Pedagogical Conclusions............................ 297
Pedagogical and Social Processes Interact to
Create the Second Language Classroom Context.. 297
Implications .................................... 298
Lessons Consist of Distinct Phases with
Differing Social and Pedagogical Rules of
Interaction.................................. 299
Implications .................................... 300
Language Uses Is An Important Link Between
Social and Pedagogical Contexts of the Second
Language Classroom............................. 301
Implications..................................... 303










Cooperative Partner and Small Group Activities
Yield More Quantity of Talk, But Not
Necessarily Quality of Discourse in the
Spanish as a Second Language Classroom......... 304
Implications.................................... 305
Research Conclusions ...... ....................... 307
Recommendations................................... 308

APPENDICES

A PROTOCOL......... ...... ........................... 313

B DOMAIN ANALYSIS WORKSHEET......................... 315

C MAPPED CLASSROOM DISCOURSE........................ 317

D LETTER TO FOREIGN LANGUAGE COORDINATORS............ 319

E CONSENT FORM...................................... 322

F INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD APPROVAL............... 325

G REQUEST FOR RESEARCH ACCESS....................... 327

H AUDIOTAPE EXERCISES............ ... ................ 329

I RECIPE... .......................................... 331

J SURVEY QUESTIONS ............................... 333

REFERENCES ....................... ......... ........ ....... 334

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ............. ........................ 353


viii















LIST OF TABLES


Table Page

1 Domain Analysis Relationships.................... 66

2 Constructs Underlying the Study of Classroom
Processes from a Sociolinguistic Perspective..... 70

3 Analytic Steps Used in Mapping Instructional
Conversation...................................... 73

4 Typology of Research Sites.................. ..... 79

5 Model I Chronological Order of Representative
Lesson ................ ..................... ... .93

6 Model I Representative Lesson.................... 130

7 Model II Chronological Order of Representative
Lesson .......................................... 136

8 Model II Representative Lesson................... 162

9 Model III Chronological Order of Representative
Lesson........................................... 167

10 Model III Representative Lesson.................. 196

11 Model IV Chronological Order of Representative
Lesson................. ........................... 201

12 Model IV Representative Lesson................... 225

13 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of
Pedagogical Message Units........................ 245

14 Model I Pedagogical Message Units ............... 256

15 Model II Pedagogical Message Units.............. 257

16 Model III Pedagogical Message Units............. 258

17 Model IV Pedagogical Message Units.............. 259








18 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Language
Message Units.................................... 260

19 Model I Language Message Units.................. 272

20 Model II Language Message Units................. 273

21 Model III Language Message Units................ 274

22 Model IV Language Message Units ................. 275

23 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Social
Message Units.................................... 276

24 Model I Social Message Units.................... 289

25 Model II Social Message Units Model.............. 290

26 Model III Social Message Units Model............. 291

27 Model IV Social Message Units................... 292















LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Paore

1 The Ethnographic Research Cycle .................. 59

2 Selected Categories and Sub-categories of
Message Units .................................... 233

3 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Total Number
of Message Units................................. 248

4 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Teacher/
Student Pedagogical Message Units ................ 252

5 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Textbook/
Other Sources Pedagogical Message Units........... 254

6 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Teacher
Language Message Units ........................... 264

7 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Student
Actual Language Message Units .................... 265

8 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Student
Extrapolated Language Message Units.............. 266

9 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Teacher
Pedagogical/Social Language Message Units........ 269

10 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Student
Pedagogical/Social Language Message Units........ 270

11 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Group
Configuration Actual Social Message Units........ 279

12 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Group
Configuration Extrapolated Social Message Units.. 280

13 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Teacher/
Student Initiation--Social Message Units......... 282

14 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Teacher/
Student Questions--Social Message Units........... 284








15 Models I, II, III, IV Comparison of Teacher/
Student Interruptions--Social Message Units...... 287

16 The Role of Language as a Bridge between
Social and Pedagogical Processes in Second
Language Classrooms............................... 302

17 Examples of Student Language Message Units
During Cooperative Activities...................... 306















KEY TO SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS


T: Teacher

s: Student

ss: Students

sX: Identified student

: Message Unit

_: Language Error

(): English Translation

{: Overlapping Discourse

S Pause of more than 2 seconds

:More follows













Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

SOCIAL AND PEDAGOGICAL PROCESSES
IN SPANISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE CLASSROOMS

By

Veronica Darer

December, 1996

Chairperson: Dr. Ginger Weade
Major Department: Instruction and Curriculum

The purpose of this study was to enhance the

understanding of the teaching and learning contexts being

constructed by teachers and students as they interact during

high school Spanish language lessons. Specifically, the

intention of the investigation was to better comprehend

classroom pedagogical and social processes that contribute to

student opportunities to learn the target language, Spanish.

The above purpose was fulfilled by investigating what

was actually taught and learned about communicating and

communication in the natural context of four Spanish as a

second language high school classrooms. After five months of

participant observation, video taping of lessons, and several

additional months of viewing and reviewing video tapes, field

notes, interviews, documents, artifacts, and a reflective

researcher journal, the discourse of a selected








representative lesson from each site was micro-analyzed using

a social interactionist perspective.

The results of the study indicate that social and

pedagogical processes during Spanish as a second language

classes were intimately linked and mutually influenced each

other to define the learning of the academic content.

Furthermore, second language lessons consisted of distinct

phases with differing social and pedagogical rules of

interaction. Students needed to comprehend these rules of

classroom interaction to be successful participants of the

class. The above findings are similar to results found in

previous research studies focusing on other subject area

classrooms.

In contrast to other subject areas, the choice of

language use (English or Spanish) during second language

classroom discourse seemed to play a unique and important

role as a link between social and pedagogical processes.

Furthermore, the discourse analysis of student to student

classroom interaction during pair and cooperative activities

revealed language use that was mostly in English, not in

Spanish, and social, not pedagogical, in nature.

What has been learned from this study, even if not

generalizable to second language high school classrooms as a

whole, portrays second language high school classrooms as

distinctive and dynamic cultures continuously constructed and








reconstructed by the actions and interactions of teachers and

students during classroom pedagogical and social processes.















CHAPTER I
BACKGROUND FOR THE STUDY

Passports to Understanding

It is necessary, especially for Americans, to
see other lands and experience other cultures. The
American, living in this vast country and able to
traverse three thousand miles east to west using
the same language, needs to hear languages as they
collide in Europe, Africa, and Asia. I do not mean
to suggest that simply overhearing a foreign tongue
adds to one's understanding of that language. I do
know, however, that being exposed to the existence
of other languages increases the perception that
the world is populated by people who not only speak
differently from oneself but whose cultures and
philosophies are other than one's own. (Angelou,
1993, pp. 11-12)

Statement of the Problem

Bilingualism and/or multilingualism is the rule in many

countries of the world. In Europe, the study of one or two

languages is mandatory, and many students choose to take a

third and fourth optional language. Students in Sweden and

the Netherlands start second language instruction at the

elementary school level (van Els, de Bot, & Weltens, 1991).

In contrast, the native English-speaking population of the

United States is mostly monolingual and has not achieved

bilingual competence studying a second language at the

elementary and/or secondary school level (Ferguson & Huebner,

1991; Kramsch, 1991; Lambert, 1987; Tucker, 1990). As a










rule, bilinguals/multilinguals in the United States

immigrated knowing a second language and/or learned it from

their families and/or community, not through formal

schooling. Scholars have enumerated various reasons for the

unilingual character of the United States. Some, like Porter

(1990), believe that bilingualism is an ephemeral goal

because it is not part of the heritage of the United States.

The monolingual tradition of the United States, mentioned by

Porter (1990), is reflected in its troubled second language

education history characterized by the perpetual need for

second language educators to demonstrate the importance of

second language study in elementary and secondary school

(Kramsch, 1991).

Many scholars in the second language acquisition field

have found various rectifiable reasons for native English

speakers' failure to become fluent in a second language

(Lambert, 1990; Tucker, 1990). One of the problems

frequently mentioned is the lack of second language education

in the elementary school (Lipton, 1990, 1991; Tucker, 1990).

Most core academic subjects tend to be introduced in the

elementary school. When a discipline such as second language

study is not part of the standard curriculum, it leaves the

impression that second language education is extraneous to

students' basic education. In secondary school, second

language study is elective or required for merely 2 school

years by students who plan to enter an institution of higher










learning (Lambert, 1990). As a result, students do not have

sufficient time and exposure to a second language to

realistically expect proficiency.

Additional impediments to students' attainment of

bilingualism are the methods and approaches utilized to teach

second languages in the United States (Richards, 1990; Tucker

1990). Second language classroom theory and practice has

been plagued by constantly shifting methodologies in the

quest for the "Holy Grail" of language teaching (Higgs, 1984;

Long, 1990; Nunan, 1990b; Richards, 1990). The most recent

movement, the communicative approach or "proficiency"

orientation (Omaggio, 1986; Savignon, 1983; Lee & VanPatten,

1995), has been heralded as the latest "miracle" second

language teaching/ learning approach. Nevertheless, as with

other second language teaching approaches, there is little

empirical evidence for the claim that communicative methods

foster successful second language acquisition (Freed, 1991;

Frolich, Spada, & Allen, 1985; Richards, 1990). Without a

clearly articulated theoretical base, there are no guides to

aid second language professionals in their search for

effective ways to teach second languages and to understand

students' learning processes of second languages. Instead,

teachers are forced to continue relying on grammar-based

textbooks and/or on their own second language learning

experiences to guide their classroom practice (Klinghammer,

1990; Legutke & Thomas, 1991; Walz, 1989).









Since the 1980s, second language educators have pointed

out the lack of studies taking place in classrooms in which

languages other than English are taught (Freed, 1991; Jarvis,

1980) and have clamored for classroom-based research of these

classrooms (Chaudron, 1988; Freed, 1991; Larsen-Freeman,

1991). The call is not being answered. Instead, the focus

of research in the United States has been on the learning of

English as a second language rather than on second language

learning for monolingual students. This fact is illustrated

by the number of research studies completed in English as a

second language classrooms in contrast to the number of

studies performed on other second language classrooms

(Chaudron, 1988; Ferguson & Huebner, 1991).

The general attitude in the United States towards second

language study and bilingualism has been paradoxical. As a

rule, second languages and bilingualism are seen as problems

instead of resources (Cummins, 1991; Hakuta, 1986, 1992;

Ruiz, 1993/1994). The learning of so-called "prestige

languages" for enrichment is considered additive

bilingualism, while the learning and maintenance of

"nonprestigious languages" is not actively encouraged and is

denoted as substractive bilingualism (Cummins, 1991; Edelsky,

1991; Ruiz, 1993/1994).

All of the above contribute to the following picture of

second language education and use in the United States:

The most salient part of the language situation in
the United States is surely the overall dominance









of English. Not only is English by far the most
common mother tongue, it is also by far the
language most often learned as a second language
and is overwhelmingly the language of participation
in the U.S. economic, political and social life.
(Ferguson & Heubner, 1991, p. 3)

Besides the vital intellectual and aesthetic loss the

United States suffers due to the lack of a multilingual

population, it is also paying a political and economic price

for its monolingual character. For the United States to

maintain its membership and influence in the political and

economic world community, it must develop a multilingual

population. The future of trade agreements such as NAFTA

(North American Free Trade Agreement) will depend, in part,

on the ability of the population of the United States to

communicate in French with their northern neighbor, Canada,

and in Spanish with their southern neighbor, Mexico. Indeed,

as the European economic community moves toward the

establishment of a common market, bridging multiple language

boundaries, the need for increasing multilingualism in the

United States will be felt more acutely. In addition, the

United States is paying a considerable aesthetic and

intellectual price by neglecting the benefits of a

potentially rich and varied multilingual and multicultural

population.

The negative effect of monolingualism on the growing

population of potential bilinguals is alarming. When

languages other than English are not part of the core

academic curriculum, language minority students receive the









message that bilingualism is a handicap rather than an

advantage (Crawford, 1989; Cummins, 1991; Edelsky, 1991;

Hakuta, 1986; Spener, 1991; Wong-Fillmore, 1986). Even

though languages from all over the world could easily

flourish in the United States (Reed, 1988), individuals

immigrating to the United States lose their native languages

at an alarming rate (Hakuta & D'Andrea, 1992; Veltman, 1983,

1988). Even in existing two-way bilingual programs, where an

equal number of English monolinguals and PEP (Potential

English Proficient) students learn each others' languages,

the covert message of the dominance of English has been

assimilated by students. As a result, students in two-way

bilingual programs are, for the most part, learning English

but not an additional second language (Edelsky, 1991; Wong-

Fillmore, 1986).

In the United States potential bilinguals become English

monolinguals, and English monolinguals do not become

bilinguals. To reverse the status quo of monolingualism in

the United States, attention needs to be focused on second

language education, especially on what happens and what could

happen in second language classrooms.

Purpose of the Study

In order to improve second language education in the

United States, we need to comprehend what happens in our

second language classrooms and the effect of instruction on

second language acquisition (Chaudron, 1988; Freed, 1991;









Larsen-Freeman, 1991). The purpose of this study was to

enhance the understanding of what is being taught and

learned about language in our schools' second language

classrooms. Specifically, through the study of pedagogical

and social processes of selected Spanish II classroom

lessons, I hoped to enhance the knowledge base of the

learning being constructed by teachers and students about

communicating and communication in the target language. In

other words, the objective of the investigation was to gain

insights about what students and teachers are teaching and

learning as they interact to reach curricular and

instructional goals.

The reason for choosing to look at the social and

pedagogical processes of representative lessons as the focus

for the inquiry is that actual lessons are a tangible

research base that can be explored to come to a deeper

understanding of what is being taught/learned in second

language classrooms. For example, second language educators

claim that activities such as games (Bingo, Jeopardy, Memory,

Guessing Games), songs, poetry, and role-plays promote

communication in the target language (Oller & Richard-Amato,

1983; Omaggio, 1986; Rivers, 1987). However, the discourse

and interaction that occurs during these activities has not

been empirically analyzed to determine and identify them as

activities that foster second language acquisition (Legutke &

Thomas, 1991; Long, 1990). The following investigation









looked into the language use that transpires during lessons

that include some of the above-mentioned classroom activities

as to be able to define them pedagogically.

By defining lesson phases and activities as pedagogical,

in other words, by defining what is being taught and learned

in the selected lessons, I hoped to reveal and understand

what is being conceived and practiced as communication in

second language classrooms, specifically in Spanish as a

second language classrooms.

The guiding questions, reflecting the above purposes of

the study, were as follows:

1. How are opportunities for learning organized and

accomplished in selected events of the high school

Spanish as a second language classroom?

2. What meanings do students and teachers construct

about communication and communicating in the Spanish

language during selected events in the high school

Spanish as a second language classroom?

3. What is pedagogical about selected events of the

high school Spanish as a second language classroom?

The answers to these questions illuminate some of the

intricacies and complexities of the second language classroom

in order to aid second language students and teachers to

comprehend more fully the learning/teaching they construct as

they interact in their second language courses.









Significance of the Study

High school second language classrooms have been a

neglected field of study (Freed, 1991; Jarvis, 1980).

Scholars in the second language field are clamoring for

research done in actual second language classroom settings as

there is no real understanding of what is being practiced in

them by students and teachers (Brindley, 1990; Freed, 1991;

Frolich, Spada, & Allen, 1985; Gaies, 1983; Kramsch, 1987;

Larsen-Freeman, 1991; van Lier, 1988). In other words,

educators see a need for studies that view what is being

practiced in our second language classrooms to develop

theories from classroom practice and utilize the theories to

improve the teaching/learning of second languages. This

dissertation investigation follows recommendations of second

language scholars advising researchers to concentrate on

classroom talk to help identify opportunities students have

to develop communicative competence (Allwright, 1983; Brooks,

1989; Chaudron, 1988; Gaies, 1983; van Lier, 1988).

Researchers in the field of second language education

have tried to understand the complexities of second language

classrooms through various perspectives. Process-product

inquiries, a research framework frequently used to

investigate second language, are based on classroom

observation instruments such as Flander's (1960, 1970) and

Flint (Foreign Language Interaction System) (Moskovitz,

1971), containing category systems to observe and evaluate









teachers' effectiveness. These types of studies have been

criticized on the grounds that they are too limiting to

enhance understanding of the dynamic nature of the second

language classroom (Allwright, 1983; van Lier, 1988). Other

investigators have focused on the use of different second

language teaching methodologies, such as Community Language

Learning, Silent Way, Suggestopedia, ALM (Audiolingual

Method) (Jarvis, 1991). Viewing language teaching and

learning by focusing on alternative teaching methods is

problematic (Gaies, 1983). Even though different teaching

methods may have been developed according to widely varying

theoretical perspectives, distinctions between them in actual

practice are not always evident (Klinghammer, 1990; Larsen-

Freeman, 1991; Long, 1990; Richards, 1990). Therefore,

researchers need to find a different approach to investigate

second language classrooms.

There are few studies focusing on the creation of the

second language high school classroom culture through the

interactions of students, teachers, text and group (cf.,

Weade, 1992). This would suggest that second language high

school classes might be foreign even to their own members.

That is, students and teachers are not always aware of the

context and knowledge they are constructing while they are

engaged in different learning/teaching events. A useful

perspective for understanding the culture of the second

language classroom is to look at the interaction and talk









teachers and students develop as they participate in various

pedagogical events.

Many second language educators believe that learning/

teaching tasks and activities are the basis for second

language classroom organization (Doyle 1983; Long, 1990;

Nation, 1990; Nunan, 1988, 1989, 1990b; Richards, 1990) and

agree with Nunan (1990b) when he stated, "I believe that the

concept of 'task' can provide coherence to research agenda

aimed at putting language methodology on a more secure

footing" (p. 72). Through analyzing the classroom discourse

that occurs during selected lessons and the activities and

tasks taking place in those lessons, the phenomena that

constitute the second language high school class can be

brought to the surface in order to examine the opportunities

students have to develop second language communicative

competence (Savignon, 1991).

Studies using a similar perspective have been executed

in primary classrooms on events such as sharing time, story

reading discussions, lectures, and writing conferences

(Cazden, 1988; Weinstein, 1991). The results of these

studies have led to significant insights such as the

identification of cultural differences affecting students'

participation in classroom activities (Cazden, 1988) and the

existence of covert social and academic rules students need

to learn in order to participate successfully in school

(Mehan, 1979). By unveiling particular characteristics of









discourse and interaction taking place in second language

classrooms, the findings of this investigation contribute to

the understanding of how learning is organized and

accomplished in second language classrooms.

This dissertation inquiry also built on quantitative

studies in the field of second language acquisition and

education. The conclusions of the investigation extend Pica

and Doughty's (1985a, 1985b, 1988) quantitative comparisons

of second language classroom teacher-fronted versus small

group interaction and Long's (1990) correlational studies of

one-way versus two-way tasks by analyzing and interpreting

the specific talk that occurs in activities with diverse

participation structures and organization. By exploring

when, why, and how second language teachers are more likely

to use the target language, the results of the inquiry

broadened studies on the amount of teacher use of target

language versus native language (Wing, 1987). In addition,

this inquiry examined selected aspects of abundant,

speculative literature on "most effective" communication-

enhancing activities supposed to promote proficiency in

second language courses (Long, 1990; Oller & Richard-Amato,

1983; Omaggio, 1986).

Studies on second language teachers' classroom

organization and decisions have revealed that teachers

usually follow the required textbook and tend to use

"communicative tasks" as add-ons to more traditional









activities (Legutke & Thomas, 1991; Strasheim, 1987; Walz,

1989). By discovering what was being learned during so-

called "added-on," "fun," "communicative" activities, the

results of the study revealed pedagogical events offering

students the opportunity for maximum input/output of the

target language. The reduced contact time second language

students have with the target language makes it imperative to

find the most productive pedagogical events leading to

communicative competence. In addition, by offering second

language educators choices of tasks and activities that are

pedagogical in nature, the above-mentioned insights could

contribute to what Flynn (1982) termed "Breaking the Book

Barrier" that has held second language teachers prisoners of

grammar-based textbooks.

In conclusion, by originating theoretical underpinnings

for what happens in the second language classroom, that is,

by grounding interpretations of what should occur on close

observation of what occurs, the results of the study serve to

shed light not only on what happens but also what could

happen in second language classrooms. Hopefully, these

theoretical underpinnings will offer teachers and students

greater awareness and knowledge about the environment they

are constructing as they teach and learn to communicate more

effectively in a second language.









Assumptions

All researchers enter an investigation with personal

assumptions that help guide the inquiry. The following

assumptions underlie this dissertation inquiry:

1. Classrooms are communicative settings constructed

through the interaction of teacher, studentss, group, and

material (Weade & Green, 1985). Classroom construction is an

active, constantly changing endeavor (Weade, 1992).

2. Teaching does not bring about learning (Weade &

Green, 1985). Students and teachers are always learning/

teaching; the crucial question is what is being

taught/learned (Erickson, 1986a; Weade & Green, 1985).

3. "Teaching and learning are constructed between

teachers and students as they interact with and build on

their messages and actions as well as those of others within

and across the everyday events of daily life" (Collins &

Green, 1990, p. 71).

4. Language learning is a social, interactive process.

It is through using language, for the purpose of

communicating with others, that learners acquire

communicative competence (Kramsch, 1987; Vygotsky, 1978).

5. The purpose for the teaching/learning of a second

language is to acquire the ability to communicate in the

target language. Learning a second language implies not only

learning about the language (grammar rules) but also learning

how to use the language (Omaggio, 1986; Savignon, 1983).









Definition of Terms

The following terms are included in and are relevant to

the dissertation study.

Spanish as a Second Lanauage

Labeling the classroom under investigation as a second

language classroom instead of Spanish as a foreign language

classroom is a personal and purposeful decision. Even though

the term Spanish as a second language is not ideal, it does

convey the sense that Spanish is not a "foreign" language in

the United States.

Speech Situation, Speech Event, and Speech Act

A speech situation is the social context in which

communication takes place (Hymes, 1972a) and includes

settings such as classrooms, homes, and parties.

Sociolinguistics utilize the term speech event to refer

to such "intuitively recognizable social occasions as a

conversation, an argument, a lecture, a 'tete-a-tete' and so

on." (Stubbs, 1975, p. 234)

Speech acts are the smallest analytical units of rule-

governed speech events. Speech acts include limited forms

such as requesting, complaining, authorizing, declaring, and

apologizing (Fraser, Rintell, & Walters, 1980; Hatch & Long,

1980; Searle 1969, 1976).

Gumperz (1972) explained the terms speech act, speech

event, and speech situation by illustrating them as a matter

of magnitude: A party is a speech situation, a conversation









during the party is a speech event, and a command within the

conversation is a speech act. The same speech act could

occur in other speech situations (say the conversation takes

place while shopping instead of at a party).

Communicative competence refers to the ability of the

speaker/hearer to send and receive messages suitable to the

context in which the communication takes place (Hymes, 1972a,

1974; Savignon, 1972).

Sometimes called modified interaction, negotiation of

meaning is the process through which participants mediate the

input/output in order to communicate effectively. This

mediation may include repairs and checks of comprehension

(Ellis, 1985; Long, 1983b; Nunan, 1989).

Classroom Tasks and Activities

Classroom tasks allude to definite and specific goal-

oriented assignments, such as the memorization of

grammar/vocabulary or answering questions on a work sheet, to

be completed by students for specific learning objectives.

Communicative task was described as "a piece of

classroom work which involves learners in comprehending,

manipulating, producing, or interacting in the target

language while their attention is principally focused on

meaning rather than form. The task should also have a sense

of completeness, being able to stand alone as a communicative

act in its own right" (Nunan, 1989, p. 10).









Classroom activities refer to the most detailed and

shortest organized units, steps, or situations of a teaching

plan in which students participate during a class period

(Shafritz, Koeppe, & Soper, 1988). They might include

exercises, projects, drills, and so forth.

A communication aame is defined as "a classroom activity

involving communication in the target language but with some

nonlinguistic aim in view, for example, the drawing of a

picture, construction of a model, arrangement of a series of

pictures, and so on" (Malaham-Thomas, 1987, p. 145).

The differentiation between second language classroom

tasks and activities is nebulous as both terms are often used

synonymously. The following definition of task illustrated

the dilemma of attempting to distinguish classroom tasks from

classroom activities:

any structured language learning endeavour
which has a particular objective, appropriate
content, a specified working procedure, and a range
of outcomes for those who undertake the task.
"Task" is therefore assumed to refer to a range of
workplans which have the overall purpose of
facilitating language learning--from the simple and
brief exercise type, to more complex and lengthy
activities such as group problem-solving or
simulations and decision making. (Breen, 1987, p.
23)

Pedaaogical events are teaching/learning occurrences

that take place as students and teachers interact in

classrooms activities and tasks. In contrast to general

classroom events, pedagogical events result in the

acquisition of intended knowledge and/or skills.









Limitations of the Study

This inquiry and its results were limited to the second

year second language classrooms in the study. The results

and implications were also limited to the specific events

examined in the investigation.

The microethnographic perspective revealed selected

segments of life of the second language classrooms under

investigation. The researcher was unable to capture the

complete world of the second year Spanish second language

classrooms (Brooks, 1989; Eisner, 1981; Shulman, 1986). In

addition, the nature of the study could make it difficult to

generalize specific features of the classrooms under

investigation across all second language classrooms.

Nevertheless, because of the depth and breadth of the

investigation, general concepts can be elaborated.















CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction

This chapter is dedicated to the review of literature

pertinent to this study. The purpose of the review is to

examine existing information regarding the field of second

language classroom teaching and learning in order to locate

the investigation in the context of previous findings in the

field.

The review is organized into two main categories. The

first section provides the theoretical framework for the

study by focusing on current second language acquisition,

controversies, and teaching approaches.

The second part of the survey pertains to selected

literature on classroom learning contexts and links the

investigation with previous research accomplished in

classrooms for the purpose of understanding classroom

culture. Specifically, this second section of the review of

literature focuses on the discussion of particular research

studies concerning the construction of classroom experience

through the interactive discourse of its participants.

Studies concerning general classroom cultures, as well as

studies about the specific nature of second language









classrooms, have been included in the second part of the

literature review.

Second Lanauage Accuisition and
Teaching Theories

The first section of the review of literature discusses

the most recent and influential acquisition and teaching

theories in the field of second language research. It is not

a broad, all-encompassing historical commentary on second

language research and teaching approaches. Instead, it is a

summary of current theories of second language acquisition

and teaching approaches that have influenced teaching and

learning in second language education.

Second Language Acauisition Theories

Scholars in the field of second language acquisition

have not reached agreement on how individuals acquire a

second language (Brown, 1994; Cook, 1991; Ellis, 1986;

Larsen-Freeman & Long, 1991; Lightbown & Spada, 1993,

Littlewood, 1984). There has been a long continuum of

theories attempting to explain the nature of second language

learning in and out of classroom settings. In the last two

decades Krashen's Monitor Theory (1981, 1982) has had an

overwhelming impact in the field of second language

acquisition. Krashen's Monitor Theory is compromised of the

following five hypotheses:

1. The Acquisition vs. Learning Hypothesis. This first

hypothesis attempts to distinguish between subconscious/

spontaneous and conscious/planned processes of learning.







21

Acquisition is an instinctive process similar to the one used

when learning a first language. Learning is compromised by

cognizant processes, such as the memorizing of grammatical

rules, that usually take place in classrooms.

2. The Input Hypothesis. According to this second

hypothesis, Krashen claims that the single most important

factor in language acquisition is the amount of

comprehensible input received by the learner. Comprehensible

input is defined by Krashen as i + 1. The i is the current

language level of the learner; the 1 is a step slightly above

the learner's actual level.

3. The Natural Order Hypothesis. The third hypothesis

maintains that language structures are acquired in a set

chronological order, not altered by the order of their

classroom presentation.

4. The Monitor Hypothesis. Krashen professes that

conscious learning, for example, the learning of grammatical

rules, does not facilitate language acquisition or fluency.

Knowledge of language structure, such as grammatical rules,

are regulated by a monitor and can only be put to use by the

learner when s/he has sufficient time to recall the rules, is

focusing on form of the language, and is aware of the

specific language principle needed.

5. The Affective Filter Hypothesis. The fifth

hypothesis states that comprehensible input only becomes

intake when the learner is motivated, relaxed, and his/her









anxiety level is low. Learners need to be "off the

defensive" in order to acquire language (Stevick, 1976).

Various scholars in the field of second language

acquisition have expanded and/or refuted Krashen's Monitor

Theory (Ellis, 1990; Faerch & Kasper, 1986; Larsen-Freeman &

Long, 1991; Long 1983a, 1985; McLaughlin, 1987). The two

most widely argued components of Krashen's Monitor Theory are

the first hypothesis claiming that learning processes, such

as those that happen in classrooms, do not lead to

communicative competence and the second hypothesis asserting

that comprehensible input is the most important variable for

language acquisition.

Concerning the controversial assertion of Krashen's

first hypothesis, that only acquisition leads to competence

in a second language, Long (1983a) concluded that even though

classroom instruction might not alter the order of the

grammatical knowledge, it will speed it up. McLaughlin

(1987) has distinguished between controlled (learning) and

automatic (acquisition) processes. Controlled processes

require temporary, active attention of the learner to

complete pedagogical processes such as classroom tasks.

Automatic processes do not need the control and/or attention

of the learner. Learners travel constantly from controlled

to automatic processes. Both processes are necessary for the

successful attainment of a second language (McLaughlin, 1978,

1987).









Pertaining to Krashen's concept of comprehensible input,

Swain (1985) added the need of comprehensible output. The

continuum between comprehensible input and output is

indivisible. That is, second language learners require

opportunities to interact with speakers, native and/or non-

native, willing and able to make adjustments and changes in

the discourse to make themselves understandable to the

second language learner as well as to understand the

communication meaning of the second language learner, for

example, by asking for clarifications (Hatch 1978; Long,

1980. Students learning a second language need to negotiate

meaning through both processes, input and output, in order to

facilitate the process of language acquisition. This dual

negotiation of meaning, a crucial element to the attainment

of communicative competence, is the basis for the language

acquisition theory known as Long's Interaction Hypothesis

Theory (Long, 1983a).

Issues and Controversies

Besides disagreements scholars have had with Krashen's

Monitor Model and other second language acquisition theories,

the literature on second language acquisition and teaching

theories is replete with additional and ongoing issues and

controversies (Brown, 1994; Freed, 1991; Larsen-Freeman &

Long, 1991; Lightbown & Spada, 1993).

Nevertheless, there is general agreement on the diverse

factors affecting second language acquisition (Brown, 1987;









Cook, 1991; Larsen-Freeman & Long; 1991; Littlewood, 1984;

Lightbown & Spada, 1993). Some of the variables influencing

the second language acquisition process are learner

characteristics such as intelligence, aptitude, personality,

motivation, learning styles, and age. Other identified

factors involved in the acquisition of a second language deal

with environmental factors such as type and amount of

language input and output (Larsen-Freeman & Long, 1991) and

classroom affective climate (Krashen, 1982; Stevick, 1980).

It is not within the scope of this investigation to

explore the many identified factors influencing second

language acquisition. However, it is important to mention

that the importance of the individual variables and the

results of their interaction are still in question, further

illustrating the current undefined nature of second language

acquisition research. Specific issues and controversies

relating directly to the inquiry have been further explored

below.

Age. In the field of second language acquisition some

scholars, such as Lennenberg (1967), theorized that native-

like language acquisition can only take place in the early

years, some say before the age of puberty. However some

studies (Snow & Hoefnagel-Hohle, 1977; Swain & Lapkin, 1989)

seemed to indicate that older learners have the advantage at

the beginning of the learning process while younger learners

have the long term benefit. This conclusion has important









ramifications for the teaching/learning of languages in the

secondary school. The first implication, as stated in

Chapter I, is the need to start second language instruction

as soon as possible because in areas such as phonology, the

younger the learner, the better possibility of the attainment

of native-like intonation and accent. However, there are

indications that adults, such as high school students, can

attain foreign language structures more quickly and easily

than children (Hammerly, 1985).

Focus on function versus focus on form. According to

Krashen's Monitor Theory (1982), the explicit teaching of

grammar is unimportant as learners will automatically pick up

grammatical rules through the input they receive. Others

disagree and maintain there is room for both the inductive

and deductive presentation of grammar as it facilitates and

accelerates language learning for adults (Hammerly 1985,

VanPatten, 1991). Most second language educators seem to

agree that there is a place for overt and covert/inductive

and deductive instruction of language structures. However,

they differ on the topic of how to integrate instruction of

language constructions into classroom lessons (Brown, 1994;

Shrum & Glisan, 1994; Terrell, 1991).

Error correction. Even though, according to Krashen's

Monitor Theory, there is no place for focusing on language

accuracy and/or direct error correction, recent studies seem

to indicate that there may be not only a role but a need for









both overt and covert error correction (Freed, 1991;

Hammerly, 1985; Higgs & Clifford, 1982). When second

language learners are not corrected, fossilization occurs

(Littlewood, 1984). Fossilization is the term utilized by

linguists to describe the permanent nature of mistakes in

second language learners' speech if errors are repeated

consistently without rectification and repair.

Second Language Teaching Theories

A glance through the past century or so of language
teaching will give an interesting picture of how
varied the interpretations have been of the best
way to teach a foreign language. As disciplinary
schools of thought-psychology, linguistics,
education, for example have come and gone, so have
language teaching methods waxed and waned in
popularity. (Brown, 1994, p. 51)

Second language teaching approaches and methods have

usually followed and been based on the most current accepted

second language acquisition theories (Long, 1991).

Therefore, the field of second language teaching has been

plagued by what Brown (1994) called "changing winds and

shifting sands." The approaches and methods for teaching

second languages have gone from grammar-translation models,

to the behavioristic based audio-lingual method, to the

humanistic approaches based on theories of human development,

and to today's communicative approaches grounded on first

language acquisition research and Krashen's Monitor Theory

(Brown, 1987, 1994; Richard-Amato, 1988; Long, 1991; Omaggio,

1986).









Krashen's Monitor Theory of language acquisition has

been the basis for the most influential principle affecting

recent second language teaching approaches, the focus on

communication (Omaggio, 1986; Savignon, 1983; Whitley, 1993).

The movement towards the communicative approach of second

language teaching/learning is based on the concept of

communicative competence. As the concept of communicative

competence is an important theoretical base of the

dissertation study, a separate part of the literature review

is dedicated to exploring and understanding the fundamental

principles of communicative competence.

Communicative competence. The term communicative

competence was first used by Hymes (1972a, 1974) to extend

*Ch.mn.Ik.y's (1965) original notion of grammatical competence in

order to expand it to a more global concept of communication

that included the ability to communicate effectively in

particular social contexts. Canale and Swain (1980) further

expanded the concept of communicative competence to include

both oral and written communication. The redefined concept

of communicative competence included the following elements:

Grammatical competence: The knowledge of the rules and

characteristics of the language including phonetics,

semantics, and lexical components.

Sociolinguistic competence: The ability to use proper

discourse, in appropriate form and function, in diverse

sociocultural/sociolinguistic contexts.









Discourse competence: The cohesion and coherence of

language or the facility to combine language into a

comprehensible whole using adequate unification structures.

Strategic competence: The acquisition of strategies to

offset communication difficulties (Canale, 1983).

The above-described components of communicative

competence constitute the theoretical foundation for the

communicative language teaching approach, the subject of the

following segment.

The communicative approach. This section is a

description of the theoretical literature on communicative

language learning/teaching. Based on the notion of

communicative competence, communicative language

teaching/learning has become the latest approach of choice.

However, communicative language teaching/learning has not

been clearly defined either in theory or practice.

Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) has diverse meaning

connotations to second language educators (Whitley, 1993).

According to Whitley (1993), there are four differing

elements under the umbrella of communicative language

teaching/learning. One is Krashen's Monitor Theory (1982)

that serves as the principal theoretical base for

communicative language teaching/learning approaches such as

Terrell's Natural Approach (1977, 1982, 1986) and Asher's

(1982) Total Physical Response. The aim of these methods is

to attempt to replicate the teaching/learning of the target









language to the process children use to acquire their native

language, in contrast to the process of "traditional"

classroom language learning. This is achieved through the

use of commands (Total Physical Response) and/or through an

initial silent period in which the learner has had the

opportunity to listen to sufficient amounts of input of the

target language without being forced to perform output.

The second element usually linked to the communicative

approach is the organizing principle of the functional-

notional syllabus, a language teaching/learning syllabus

arranged by placing grammatical structures and vocabulary in

context according to utilitarian functions (Krahnke, 1987).

Proficiency-Oriented Instruction, according to Whitley

(1993), is the third element that forms part of the

communicative approach of second language teaching. Based on

the ACTFL-ETS testing guidelines (American Council for

Teaching Foreign Languages), proficiency-oriented instruction

is not a method, per se, but a recommended list of expected

levels of ability in the four language skills (listening,

speaking, reading, and writing) that help organize, plan, and

test instruction (Higgs, 1984; Omaggio, 1986; Whitley, 1993).

The fourth group of elements included in the

communicative approach are diverse humanistic teaching

approaches. The unifying focus of humanistic approaches is

the language learner, viewed both as a person and a learner.

Under the category of humanistic approaches we find methods









such as The Silent Way (Gattegno, 1976), Suggestopedia

(Lozanov, 1978), and Community Language Learning (Curran,

1976; Stevick, 1980). The main goal of these humanistic

approaches to language teaching/learning is to lower

learners' affective filter or stress/anxiety in order to aid

acquisition.

Due to the various and diverse elements that contribute

to what is known as communicative language teaching,

educators and researchers are still attempting to define what

constitutes a communicative approach to second language

teaching and learning.

Summary

The review of literature dealing with second language

acquisition and teaching theories depicts a field of inquiry

in constant flux, with little agreement between language

theorists. Krashen's Monitory Theory (1982), even with its

critics, has been most influential on second language

teaching theories. Currently accepted and practiced second

language teaching approaches such as the Natural Approach

(Terrell, 1977, 1982), Total Physical Response (Asher, 1982),

and The Communicative Approach (Savignon, 1983; Whitley,

1993) are offspring of Krashen's Monitor Theory (1982).

Classroom teachers in the dissertation investigation,

like many of their contemporaries, have been greatly

influenced, even if only in theory, by Krashen's Monitor

Theory and the notion of communicative teaching. The above









review places the classrooms under investigation into the

theoretical second language acquisition and teaching

framework.

The Learning Context: Classroom Structure
and Discourse

Assigned to classes that may contain many
strangers, perhaps even adversaries, students are
expected to interact harmoniously. Crowded
together, they are required to ignore the presence
of others. Urged to cooperate, they usually work
in competition. Pressed to take responsibility for
their own learning, thy must follow the dictates of
a dominant individual-the teacher. (Weinstein,
1991, pp. 493-494)

The following section reviews what is known about the

nature of classroom structure and discourse in general

subject area classrooms as well as in second language

classrooms. The purpose of the discussion of literature on

previously accomplished investigations on classroom culture

is to situate the dissertation inquiry into the scope of the

research, the construction of the classroom context.

There are certain commonalities that educational

researchers have found across classrooms. For example, in

most classrooms, lessons are a series of interactionall

sequences" consisting of an opening stage, an instructional

stage, and a closing stage. The most usual interactionall

sequence" is formed by an initiation from the teacher, a

reply by the student, and an evaluation/feedback by the

teacher (Cazden, 1986, 1988; Edwards & Mercer, 1987; Mehan,

1979; Sinclair & Coulthard, 1975).









These types of interactional sequences known as IRF or

IRE consist of a teacher initiation asking students for

information that is already known by the teacher, in contrast

to discourse found outside the academic context in which

questions are usually asked to obtain information not already

known by the interrogator. These kinds of rhetorical

questions are examples of the decontextualized and artificial

type of elicitation and discourse uniquely characteristic of

the educational setting of schools (Green & Weade, 1988;

Heath, 1982, 1983).

In addition to the similarity of discourse in most

classrooms during unmarked IRF interactional sequences,

studies on classroom structure have also yielded

commonalities in the manner lessons in general are organized

into what is commonly known as classroom events or "activity

segments" (Cazden, 1985; Weinstein, 1991).

Classroom Events and Their Participation Structure

We can no longer be content with defining subjects
through vague notions like "content" and
"knowledge." An adequate basis for the study or
teaching of a field of human activity must include
an account of its activity types and their action
structures to the level of detail of their specific
use of language and other modes of action. (Lemke,
1985, p. 29)

Everyday classrooms are organized by various

subsettings, sometimes labeled "activity segments"

(Weinstein, 1991) or speech events (Cazden, 1985; Weade &

Green, 1985). Each "activity segment" is constructed by an

"action structure of who shall do what, to whom, when" (Gump,









1982, p. 98) and for what purpose (Erickson, 1986a). In

order for students to participate successfully in these

activity segments, they need to understand and to adapt to

specific social and pedagogical demands of different

classroom events (Weade & Everston, 1988). That is, in order

for students to be successful in classrooms, they not only

need to learn the academic/content but also the acceptable

social/interactive participation norms of the various

classroom events being constructed over time (Erickson, 1982;

Weinstein, 1991).

Berliner (1983) found 11 types of activity segments in

the primary classrooms of the United States: reading circle,

seat work, two-way presentation, one-way presentation,

mediated presentation, silent reading, construction, games,

play, transition, and housekeeping. The participatory

construction of each of these distinct activities becomes,

over time, part of individual classrooms' routine and

constitute teachers and students' "common knowledge" (Edwards

& Mercer, 1987).

According to Gump (1982), activity segments vary

according to the degree of interdependence of the

participants and the influence that outside factors have on

participants' motivation. Both recitation and seat work

score low on both interdependence of the participants and on

participants' motivation. Even though they have been

extensively criticized in educational literature, the most









widely used "activity segments" are recitation and seat work

(Burns, 1984; Gump, 1967; Rosenshine, 1980; Stodolsky, 1988;

Weinstein, 1991). Even though student-led classroom events

with a high degree of learner interdependence and motivation

are rare, Lemke (1985) discovered options for student-

centered events, such as duologs, debates, and discussions,

in studies of science lessons.

A great deal of the research on the discourse

encountered during the interaction of students and teachers

in the above-mentioned "activity segments" is based on

investigations utilizing a sociolinguistic perspective. Some

of the assumptions and constructs underlying this research

perspective can be found in Chapter III, Table 2. Studies

utilizing the sociolinguistic perspective to understand

classroom discourse and its effect on student learning are

the focus of the next section.

Classroom Discourse and Student Learnina

A number of previous studies have demonstrated that

students' participation during the "activity segments"

described above depends on various variables such as

cultural, socio-economic, and/or academic level membership

(Weinstein, 1991). The language, including verbal and

nonverbal communication, utilized by students and teachers

during the learning/teaching events, determine much of

learners' successful acquisition of academic and social










knowledge (Cazden, 1986; Green & Harker, 1982; Weade & Green,

1985).

Classroom discourse is characterized by the uneven power

structure between students and teachers. Various

investigations have discovered that teacher talk overwhelms

student talk (Cazden, 1986; Flanders, 1970). Moreover,

students' participation is bound by the type of questions

asked by teachers (Edwards & Mercer, 1987). Even in student

centered/run events, such as "sharing time," the cultural

speech patterns of the students, if different from that of

the teacher, clashed with the discursive rules of the

classroom events, not allowing students to participate

effectively in classroom "sharing time" (Cazden 1985, 1986,

1988; Michaels 1981; Weade & Green, 1985; Weinstein 1991).

In contrast, a study by Michaels and Foster (1985) concluded

that children, when given the opportunity to run "sharing

time" events, were accepting of each others' presentation

style.

Therefore, students' success is dependent not only on

the learning of content but also on understanding the

classroom power structure, on responding to questions

according to teachers' expectations, and on learning the

discourse/interaction norms and rules of the classroom and

the various "activity segments" of lessons (turn-taking,

interrupting, etc.) (Bloome, 1987; Cazden, 1986, 1988; Green

& Weade, 1987; Weade & Green, 1989). Stated differently,









interactions in classroom events have differing participation

rules that students must decipher and follow in order to

effectively take part in the lessons phases orchestrated by

teachers.

A significant section of literature concerning the

discourse occurring during classroom events and interactions

is dedicated to the mismatch between school and home

discourse of students and teachers from different ethnic,

socio-cultural, and/or economic backgrounds. Results from

the studies concluded that there are critical negative

consequences to students' achievement when differences of

language and culture are not taken into account and fail to

be incorporated into classroom discourse. When students'

home discourse is understood and incorporated into the

classroom communicative context, the results on student

learning have been positive (Au, 1980; Bloome & Green, 1984;

Cazden 1988; Heath, 1982, 1983; Erickson & Mohatt, 1982; Moll

& Diaz, 1987; Phillips, 1982).

Second language classroom learners experience the same

social and pedagogical classroom interaction demands

described in this segment. In addition, the particular

culture of second language classrooms offers further

participatory challenges to learners.

Second Languaae Classroom Characteristics

Traditional forms of teacher-learner interaction
inculcate schooled forms of communication that
don't apply to the outside world, and fail to
socialize the learners into the natural verbal









patterns of thought and behavior required by the
new language and culture. (Kramsch, 1987, pp.
245-246)

Second language classroom discourse is similar to other

pedagogical discourse in that the balance of talk and social

process power is in hands of the teacher. That is, the

second language teacher manages turn-taking, organization of

activities, and the amount of talk (Kramsch, 1987).

According to studies by Long and Porter (1985) and Nunan

(1989), most talk in second language classrooms, almost two-

thirds, can be attributed to teacher. As in other

classrooms, teachers also seem to dominate the questions

(White & Lightbown, 1984) and the initiations of interactions

(Bialystok & Frolich, 1978).

The organization, interaction, and discourse in second

language classrooms differ significantly from other subject

area courses. First, in language classrooms the subject

matter content and the discourse utilized as the medium to

teach that content are one and the same (Hammadou &

Bernhardt, 1987). That is, the target language, the language

being taught and learned, is both the goal and the vehicle

for reaching the goal.

Second, the frames of references students have developed

over a length of time concerning classroom organization,

discourse, and interaction, such as transmission models of

teaching, might clash with the interactive/communicative









foreign language classroom organized through cooperative

activities (Kramsch, 1987).

Third, even though the traditional IRF discourse is not

the kind of talk in the target language students need to

communicate outside the classroom (Kramsch, 1987), it is the

most common type of interaction in second language classrooms

(Ellis, 1980). In second language classrooms, the usual IRF

pattern of interaction is sometimes modified. The feedback

or response is, at times, converted to a modified and/or

corrected repetition of the student's answer, forcing the

student, in turn, to repeat the teacher's feedback. As a

result, students encounter cultural patterns different from

the usual patterns found in other classrooms (Kramsch, 1987).

Fourth, Kramsch (1987) found that teacher talk in the

second language classroom was also characterized by the

presence of "foreigner talk." Sometimes also known as

"motherese" due to the similarity of this kind of discourse

to that of mothers/caretakers of young children, "foreigner

talk" is slower, clearer, louder, expansive, repetitive, and

simplified (Hakuta, 1986).

The above characteristics have contributed to a separate

and unique second language research agenda. In contrast to

other classrooms, there is little research literature on the

type of "activity segments" found in actual second language

classrooms. There is, however, ample theoretical literature









on the types of events that might lead to proficiency in the

target language in second language classrooms.

Classroom events in second lancuace classrooms. There

is no dearth of literature on ways teachers/ learners ought

to be accomplishing communicative teaching/learning through

tasks and activities in the second language classrooms

(Candlin & Murphy, 1987; Legutke & Thomas 1991). An example

of "nonresearched" literature included is the focus of the

next section on categories of second language pedagogical

tasks. The examination of different types of pedagogical

tasks and events was crucial to one of the researcher's

principle goals, that of defining second language classroom

pedagogical events.

Categories of oedaaoaical tasks/activities.

There has been little consistency throughout the
classroom-oriented research in the choice of
descriptors of task and activity types. Research
in classrooms has been limited by not having
agreed-upon set of activity types, so little
comparison was possible among studies. .. Until
there is greater uniformity, the research will be
difficult to consolidate into immediate
implications. Moreover, while the pedagogical
literature on language abounds with various
proposals for communicative language activities, it
appears to have avoided a concise taxonomy of
types. (Chaudron, 1988, pp. 187-88)

Because the ensuing study analyzed pedagogical events

and tasks/activities in second language classrooms, it was

germane to examine existing literature on pedagogical

events, tasks, and activities in second language classrooms.

For definitions of classroom tasks, activities, and









communicative games, refer to the Definition of Terms section

in Chapter I.

Suggestions for classifying pedagogical task and

activity types are not based on research findings (Long,

1990). Nevertheless, there are several kinds of tasks and

task classifications identified by scholars in the second

language teaching field. The most frequently mentioned

classification of tasks is based on the task participation or

interactional organization: teacher-fronted/large group

versus small group and/or pair work dyadss). Most second

language education scholars agree with the importance of

offering students frequent opportunity to interact in the

target language; therefore, there seems to be a preference in

the literature for small group and/or pair work tasks and

activities (Kramsch, 1987).

Second language tasks have also been differentiated as

one-way tasks versus two-way tasks. In one-way tasks only

one participant has the information necessary to complete the

activity. In contrast, during two-way tasks all participants

need to share information to finish the activity

successfully. Long (1990) further categorized these two

types of pedagogical tasks as closed and open tasks. Open

tasks have no particular right answer. In contrast, closed

tasks have one correct solution.

Tasks and activities have also been divided into planned

and unplanned tasks (Ochs, 1979). In studies comparing and









contrasting these two models of classroom tasks, the students

utilized more sophisticated language during planned

activities because learners were offered more preparation

time to accomplished the activity.

A further distinction made by Brumfit (1984) was between

fluency-oriented tasks versus accuracy-oriented tasks. As

the terms suggest, fluency-oriented tasks focus on function

and meaning while accuracy-oriented tasks focus on language

form.

According to Long (1990), crucial features of classroom

activities/tasks depend on the language learning/teaching

theory held by the teacher/learner. In support of his

Interaction Theory (1983) (refer to section on second

language acquisition theories), Long (1990) suggested two

significant characteristics of language learning/teaching

tasks:

1. The opportunity the task offers learners to

negotiate meaning. Negotiation of meaning is the amount of

adaptation listeners and speakers have to make in order to

communicate with each other.

2. The amount and kind of expansion learners need to

make on their existing interlanguage to complete the task

successfully.

Nunan (1987, 1989) attempted to identify the type of

tasks more likely to lead to communicative competence but

concluded that there is insufficient basis to classify tasks









according to their potential for helping learners attain

communicative competence. Nevertheless, Nunan (1989)

identified the elements contributing to the creation of

communicative tasks: input data (verbal and nonverbal),

activities derived from the input data, and implicit and

explicit goals and roles for teachers and learners. The

above components of communicative classrooms tasks are

directly dependent on the particular classroom setting in

which they will be used.

Ellis (1984) also attempted to define the

characteristics of tasks that promote real discourse in the

classrooms: a communicative goal rather than a pedagogic

one, focus on the message and/or meaning rather than on the

accuracy of output, contains an information gap,

communication is not predetermined but must be negotiated,

students can make use of verbal and nonverbal resources to

communicate their meanings.

Based on the writings of Candlin (1981), Candlin and

Murphy (1987), Piepho (1981), Dickinson (1987), and others,

Legutke and Thomas (1991) came up with the following topology

distinguishing four main types of classroom tasks:

1. Language Learning Tasks characterized by "controlled

and guided practice" focusing on "discrete language skills."

2. Precommunicative Tasks characterized by less

"controlled and guided practice" by duplicating "real-life"









language and communication preparing learners to express

their own meanings.

3. Communicative Tasks characterized by "exploratory

practice" stemming from real communicative demands. Tasks

are incorporated into the "communicative learning" category

based on their "interactive potential" and "communicative

character." They include trust-building and relaxation;

awareness and sensitivity training; information-sharing

exercises; thinking strategies and problem-solving;

imagination-gap, fantasy, and creative expression; role-

playing and creative dramatics; interaction and

interpersonality; values clarification and discussion; and

process evaluation (p. 73).

4. Instrumental and Management Tasks characterized by

"controlled and guided practice" to achieve "procedural and

managerial capacity" that is known as process competence.

A topology of foreign language classroom tasks and

activities presented by Nation (1990) was based on the "gap

that exists between learners' present knowledge and the

demands of the learning task" (p. 52). Using these criteria,

Nation distinguished four task/activity types, ranging from

the narrowest to the most extensive gap.

1. Experience tasks offering learners a higher

opportunity of success by incorporating learners' previous

knowledge and background permitting them to concentrate on

the unfamiliar parts of the exercise.









2. Shared tasks in which students have the opportunity

to narrow the distance between the known and unknown by

helping and supporting each other's efforts.

3. Guided tasks utilizing aids such as pictures to

assist learners comprehension.

4. Independent tasks that force students to work

isolated as they develop the necessary strategies to become

language proficient.

Most of the topologies differentiating tasks and

activities are not based on empirical research studies but on

personal opinions of second language pedagogues.

Nevertheless, there are a few studies on second language

teachers' decision-making processes in selecting classroom

tasks and activities. An interpretive study by Klinghammer

(1990) revealed that some second language teachers vary their

classroom activities to keep student attention, involvement,

and interest and to avoid student frustration and high

anxiety level. In the area of planning it seems that

teachers select tasks and activities without necessarily

looking for a logical sequence or thematic context.

Furthermore, activities seem to be chosen without taking into

account specific learning/teaching objectives (Nunan, 1989).

Even though there is a dearth of studies identifying the

type of events that actually occur in second language

classrooms, there are various studies, mostly quantitative in

nature, that have set up experimental investigations to









examine the quantity of discourse occurring during the

differing types of second language classroom activities and

tasks mentioned in this section.

Discourse and student learning in second language

classrooms. Many studies on discourse and interaction of

second language classroom events have been quantitative in

nature. The focus of one group of quantitative studies was

the comparison of the discourse that occurs in

tasks/activities with differentiated organization patterns,

such as small group tasks versus teacher-fronted activities.

The results of these studies yielded agreement among

researchers that pair and small-group work in the foreign

language classroom bring about greater opportunities for

students to practice, utilize, interact, and receive input in

the target language (Doughty & Pica, 1986; Krashen, 1981;

Long, Adams, McLean, & Castanos, 1976; Pica & Doughty 1985a,

1985b). Small group and pair activities force learners to

negotiate meaning in order to communicate effectively

(Brumfit, 1984; Kramsch, 1987; Long & Porter, 1985). The

caveat to the above general conclusion is that pair or small

group communicative tasks may or may not support students'

proficiency efforts depending on the nature of the activity.

In other words, both task type and participation structure

are important elements contributing to the opportunity

students have to interact communicatively in the target

language (Doughty & Pica, 1986).









Examples of studies indicating the importance of the

participatory structure of the activity are experiments of

dyads formed with nonnative and native speakers. The pairs

formed by two nonnative speakers seemed to be more conducive

to interactions that lead to negotiation of meaning than the

nonnative/native dyads (Porter, 1983). In addition, another

study indicated there was more language interchange in dyads

of students with differing levels of proficiency (Gass &

Varonis, 1985). Other researchers have concentrated on

comparing the quantity of discourse during diverse types of

classroom tasks and activity such as problem-solving,

decision-making tasks, and information gap activities

(Doughty & Pica 1986; Duff, 1986; Pica & Doughty, 1985a,

1985b, 1988; Rulon & McCreary, 1986). There have been

various deductions resulting from quantitative studies on

task types. Doughty and Pica (1986) found that closed tasks,

tasks requiring specific information, led to more negotiation

of meaning than those that were more open-ended. In other

types of comparative studies, researchers have concluded that

two-way exchange of information activities brought about

greater learner interaction than one-way information

activities (Pica & Doughty 1985a, 1985b). In contrast, an

experimental study by Gass and Varonis (1985) comparing one-

way and two-way tasks did not yield significant differences

between these two types of tasks in terms of amount of

clarification requests. A quantitative investigation on the









differences between problem-solving activities and debates

concluded that problem-solving activities were more effective

than debates because of the greater number of confirmation

checks and questions learners needed to complete the problem-

solving tasks (Duff, 1986). The quantitative studies

described above equate the amount of negotiation of meaning

that occurs in tasks with acquisition of communicative

competence. However, it has not been demonstrated that the

amount of negotiation of meaning results in better

acquisition (Nunan, 1989).

Studies on second language teacher talk yielded similar

results to studies described in the section of classroom

interaction and student learning. Second language teachers,

paralleling teachers of other subject areas, control the

amount of classroom talk. Second language teachers are the

most frequent users of the target language (Kramsch, 1987).

The control and influence teachers exercise over classroom

discourse is reflected in a qualitative study by Brooks

(1990) that concluded that even when students were placed in

dyads, the more proficient student took over the controlling

role of the teacher, leaving little room for student-led

language learning interaction.

As far as the research results on tasks and activities

of an interpretive nature, one study of college-level French

students determined that the nature of the classroom task in

pairs or small groups may or may not lead to communicative









exchanges in the target language depending on the type of

task and/or structuring of the activity (Kinginger, 1990).

In addition, there are a few studies demonstrating that

classroom tasks and activities labeled "communicative," such

as pair work, group work, jigsaw, and information gap

activities, in practice, are very similar to the more

traditional tasks such as rote drills (Burns, 1990).

Recently, there have been questions about what actually

occurs during cooperative activities in classroom lessons

(Cohen, 1994).

Ethnooraphic perspectives in second language classrooms.

The group of studies discussed in this section of the review

are studies accomplished in second language classrooms

utilizing an interpretive/ethnographic perspective similar to

that of the dissertation investigation. Besides the studies

by Brooks (1990) and Kinginger (1990) already mentioned in

the last section, there are a few additional interpretive

studies of either foreign language or English as a second

language classrooms to add to the literature review (van

Lier, 1988). The following are some notable qualitative

investigations in the field of second language teaching/

learning utilizing an ethnographic perspective.

There are a number of studies utilizing a macro-

ethnographic perspective that have contributed to the

comprehension of the world of the second language educator.

The assumptions of second language teachers have been the









subject of studies by Johnson (1992a, 1992b, 1994) and Nunan

(1990a), both pointing to significant influence of second

language teachers' beliefs on their classroom practice. An

ethnographic study by Gargan (1986) described the intricate

world of a Spanish high school teacher in an urban school.

Kleinsasser's (1989) investigation identified two different

cultures of foreign language teachers, the majority uncertain

and routine with heavy reliance on textbooks and offering

students infrequent opportunities for communicative

interaction, the other just the opposite.

Studies of actual second language classrooms using a

social interactionist perspective include some concentrating

on the discourse in bilingual classrooms. The results of

these investigations demonstrate the contrast between higher

and more demanding type of teaching and learning expectations

of bilingual students during Spanish lessons in contrast to

lower and less demanding type of teaching and learning

expectations during lessons in English (Moll & Diaz, 1987).

A specific investigation utilizing the social-interactionist

ethnographic perspective to study second language classrooms

events is an investigation by Ernst (1991, 1994) revealing

that the discourse during a specific ESL (English as a Second

Language) classroom event, the talking circle, gave ample

opportunity for students to interact with the English

language. The only study found with a similar perspective

and accomplished specifically in foreign language classrooms









was Freeman's (1992) investigation of how teacher and

students constructed shared understanding in a secondary

school French classroom.



The second section of the review of literature has

presented a discussion of ways classrooms are organized

through diverse events, each one containing its own unique

rules of participation (Erickson, 1982; Weinstein, 1991). In

order to succeed in the culture of schooling, students need

to understand, act, and interact according to the rules of

shifting teaching and learning contexts (Green & Weade, 1987,

1988; Weade & Everston, 1988). That is, to participate

successfully in lessons, students must be aware of the

differing interaction and discourse demands of various types

of pedagogical events they encounter during lesson phases.

Students need to be adept at altering interactional discourse

to suit teachers' differing orchestrations of activities

demanding distinct social and pedagogical interactions and

goals (Green & Weade, 1987, 1988; Weade & Green, 1989). In

addition, second language learners, due to the idiosyncratic

nature of second language classrooms, are faced with an added

layer of complexity to participate successfully in second

language lessons.

Events actually taking place in second language

classrooms have not been empirically identified. The body of

theoretical and speculative literature describing the types









of tasks and activities students might and/or should

encounter during second language lessons does not take into

account what actually occurs in classroom practice. However,

a number of quantitative research studies on the types of

tasks and activities have informed on tasks and activities

that might lead the greater number of students' target

language discourse, negotiation of meaning, and/or

comprehensible input (Chaudron, 1988).

Nevertheless, there is a dearth of investigations that

have analyzed actual second language classroom culture

through events and their social and pedagogical demands on

students through a social interactionist perspective. The

brief review of previous interpretive/ethnographic inquiries

of second language classrooms similar to the present study

leads directly to the qualitative/ethnographic/social

interactionist research perspective used to accomplish the

dissertation inquiry on the social and pedagogical processes

of Spanish as a second language high school classes.















CHAPTER III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Introduction

Classroom interaction is not all of one kind:
At various times during lessons learners are called
upon and call upon themselves and each other to
communicate in the target language in a great
variety of ways. This produces a rich and diverse
source of data for second-language acquisition
research which, in spite of logistical difficulties
inherent in the setting as a locus of research,
offers opportunities for the study of learners'
interlanguages that no amount of experimentation or
elicitation can match (van Lier, 1988, pp. 25-26).

This chapter presents the research perspective, method,

design, participant selection, and information about entry

and access to the research sites employed in the study.

In general, the study can be categorized as interpretive

(Erickson, 1986b). Interpretive studies are a form of

qualitative research that go beyond description to involve

analysis, interpretation, and explanation of the events)

under investigation (Erickson 1986b, 1991; Nunan, 1992). The

reasons for selecting an interpretive lens for the

investigation are as follows:

1. The expansion of knowledge about second language

classrooms is dependent on obtaining data from the natural

context, the classroom, and from interpreting the data in the

natural context.









2. The various and complex layers of the second

language classroom context, linguistic context, cognitive

context, and social context can only be understood through a

holistic framework that integrates the various contexts (van

Lier, 1988).

There are advantages to using interpretive research

designs to investigate second language classrooms (Seliger &

Shohamy, 1989; van Lier, 1988). First, there is no

manipulation of the natural setting of the second language

classroom that might produce artificial language, offering

ecological validity to the study (Erickson 1991; Shulman,

1986). Second, as control of all possible variables in the

complex second language teaching/learning setting is

unlikely, interpretive research designs offer the possibility

of incorporating and taking into account variables, such as

learners' individual characteristics, that are impossible to

control in experimental investigations (Erickson, 1991; Long,

1983a). The major disadvantage of interpretive studies of

classrooms is the time-consuming and laborious process

involved in such inquiries. As a result, interpretive

investigations are usually limited to a small number of

subjects and settings, which can cause problems with

generalization (Erickson, 1991).

For most interpretive inquiries it is suggested that the

researcher enter the investigation without the prejudice of

firmly focused answers to issues, problems, and/or research









questions (van Lier, 1988; Webb & Sherman, 1989). In other

words, most interpretive studies differ from other research

perspectives in that the questions are dynamic and inductive

rather than predetermined and deductive (Freeman, 1992;

Johnson, 1992). In line with the interpretive nature of the

study, I did not proceed from explicitly stated hypotheses.

However, an interpretive researcher is not expected to enter

as a "blank slate." Before starting an investigation, the

researcher should become knowledgeable of his/her field of

inquiry (Johnson, 1992). Accordingly, I developed three

questions to provide direction and focus to the study:

1. How are opportunities for learning organized and

accomplished in selected events in the high school Spanish as

a second language classroom?

2. What meanings do students and teachers construct

about communication and communicating in the Spanish language

during selected events in the high school Spanish as a second

language classroom?

3. What is pedagogical about selected events of the

high school Spanish as a second language classroom?

Due to the nature of the above questions, the specific

tradition of interpretive/qualitative research chosen for the

dissertation study was an ethnographic one. In the next

segment, the ethnographic perspective and method are

discussed in detail.









Research Perspective

Ethnography is the study of everyday life driven by

cultural theory (Zaharlick & Green, 1991). Specifically, the

goal of ethnography is to uncover, to bring to the surface,

covert cultural patterns of behavior that members of a

cultural group might not be consciously aware of but would

recognize when confronted with them (Erickson, 1986b;

Spindler, 1982). In other words, the goal of ethnography is

to discover the invisibility of everyday life and make the

familiar strange (Erickson, 1986b). Ethnographies encompass

both the participant's actions and the context in which they

occur (van Lier, 1988) in order to understand participant

perspectives (Bogden & Biklen, 1982). Ethnographies serve as

maps to help outsiders understand and interpret a culture

from the member's point of view (Malinowski, 1922; Spindler

1982; Zaharlick & Green, 1991).

Nunan (1992) suggested six factors, among others, that

ought to be considered in designing a study to investigate

language learning within an ethnographic perspective. They

are described as contextual, unobtrusive, longitudinal,

collaborative, interpretive, and organic. The dissertation

study fulfills these criteria by investigating existing

second language classrooms (contextual), with no manipulation

of or interference with the natural context of the

investigation (unobtrusive), taking into account

participants' views and opinions (collaborative) in the









interpretation of findings and conclusions (interpretive)

resulting from the constant interaction between questions/

hypotheses and collection/interpretation of data (organic).

Concerning the longitudinal ethnographic character of the

investigation, the study can be labeled as long term. I

observed the classrooms for 5 months and revisited the sites

for a year through the recurrent study of videotaped

segments, rereading and reanalyzing data, and interviewing

participants to confirm and disconfirm findings.

Moreover, ethnographers view the phenomena of their

inquiry holistically (Sherman & Webb, 1988; Zaharlick &

Green, 1991), sometimes focusing on specific parts of the

whole. As a consequence, ethnographies have been categorized

according to what is meant by "whole." On this issue,

Spradley (1980) classified ethnographies along a continuum

that depicts variation in the scope of the research:


Macro Complex society

Multiple communities

A single community

Multiple social institutions

A single social institution

Multiple social situations

Micro A single social situation


The investigation falls into the multiple social

situations of the Spradley's (1980) continuum because it









focuses on four separate single social situations.

Specifically, four selected classrooms were examined

microethnographically for depth of view through the intense

and detailed analysis of representative videotaped lessons of

the classroom procedure. As the research fell on the micro

end of the continuum, it was generally categorized as a

microethnography.

Microethnography's roots can be traced to a

sociolinguistic tradition focused on the analysis of

participants' discourse in specific social contexts

(Hammersly, 1986; Trueba, 1988). Nevertheless, there is no

definite divisionary line between macro- and

microethnographies. There are studies that encompass both a

micro and macro scope of inquiry (Hammersly, 1986). In other

words, the analysis in single and multiple social situations

can be further investigated and contrasted to research of

single and multiple communities. In the case of the

dissertation study, for example, the interview data served as

a gathering of views and issues typically allocated to more

macro levels of investigation including district, school, and

professional community membership.

Research Desian

The research design chosen was determined by the guiding

questions and purpose of the study (Larsen-Freeman & Long,

1991; Seliger & Shohamy, 1989; Shulman, 1981). Erickson









(1986b) succinctly captured a sense of the advantages of an

ethnographic method:

The need to bring afloat the invisibility of
everyday life in order to be able to analyze it
systematically. The need for specific
understanding through documentation of concrete
details of practice and to look at the local
meaning that happenings have for the people
involved in them. (pp. 122-123)

The ethnographic method provided a good match for the

questions and purposes driving this investigation. The

ethnographic methodology consisted of a cyclical process in

which the researcher was the principal research instrument

(Bogden & Biklen, 1982). In the "ethnographic research

cycle" as depicted in Figure 1 (Spradley, 1980, p. 29), the

ethnographer selects an ethnographic project, asks

ethnographic questions, collects ethnographic data through

his/her own observational lens, makes an ethnographic record,

analyzes the ethnographic data, interprets the ethnographic

analysis, and revisits the research site(s) to confirm and

disconfirm the findings and conclusions that have lead the

ethnographer to new ethnographic questions, starting the

whole ethnographic cycle anew until reaching a point of

saturation. During this cyclical process, the ethnographer

is continually writing up the ethnographic account (Wolcott,

1988).

Data Collection

Methods of data collection for the inquiry included

participant observation from approximately February 20

























THE ETHNOGRAPHIC RESEARCH CYCLE


Figure 1. The Ethnographic Research Cycle


Source: Participant Observation by P. J. Spradley, 1980.









through June 15 of four Spanish II high school classrooms:

two formal interviews with participating teachers, one at the

beginning, the other at the end of the project; informal

interviews with students and teachers before, after, and

during the lessons; introspective audiotapes by teachers as

they planned lessons and reflected on the execution and

results of the planned lessons (Larsen-Freeman & Long, 1991;

Nunan, 1992), videotapes of classroom interactions; student

questionnaires at the end of the inquiry; observations of

curriculum artifacts including curriculum guides and textbook

pages utilized in the lessons; and a personal reflective

journal. Procedures for each of these are outlined

separately as follows.

Participant Observation

As a participant observer, the researcher tries to "see

reality from the participant's point" (Johnson, 1992). In

other words, the researcher becomes a participant of the

context under investigation at the same time s/he is an

observer (Spradley, 1980). Wolcott (1988) differentiated

participant observation into three categories: active

participant, privileged observer, and limited observer. The

difference between the three categories is the amount and

character of the investigator's integration into the research

setting. The participant observer participates as a full

member of the research setting. The privileged observer does

not actively participate in the activities taking place in










the setting but has a distinctive status that allows for open

observation of the context. The limited observer has

restricted access to the setting and is able to view only

parts of the context under investigation. In the case of

this dissertation study, I began the project in the role of a

privileged observer by virtue of the initial role of an

outsider. As the inquiry progressed, I shifted between the

role of privileged observer and participant observer, viewing

and participating in the classroom from the situated

perspective of both student and teacher participants of the

classrooms under observation.

Videotaping Issues

The use of videotaping as a method of data collection

has great potential. It liberates the researcher from some

of the constraints of time and space by offering the

possibility to the investigator of revisiting the site and

confirming or disproving his/her analysis and interpretation

of the phenomena in question. In addition, videotaping

offers the potential of obtaining more detailed information

about participants' oral and physical interactions (Erickson,

1986b).

There are certain disadvantages to the use of

videotapes. The first drawback is that the researcher might

miss the direct experience of a participant observer, only

being able to feel vicariously the membership to the culture

or event under investigation. The second weakness to the use









of videotapes as a data resource might be the lack of

information about the greater context in which the videotaped

sessions) are embedded (Erickson, 1986b). The myopic focus

of videotaped segments could cause the investigator to miss

crucial evidence needed to interpret the taped interactions.

In reference to the study in question, the videotaped

sessions were amply supplemented with participant

observations, lessening the negative effects of the

weaknesses mentioned above, that is, observation of

videotaped segments of classroom lessons lead the researcher

to ask new or reshaped questions that were part of another

data-gathering method such as interviewing. When this

occurs, it is referred to as a triangulation of questions and

triangulating method. The dynamic flexibility of an evolving

research design is a hallmark of the ethnographic method.

The third problem concerns the videotaping procedure.

The conspicuousness of videotaping equipment might affect

participants' behavior and amplify "the observer's paradox"

(Tarone, 1979). "The observer's paradox" refers to the

artificial behavior of a study's participants in the presence

of the researcher. By having joined the classrooms as a

participant observer before the videotaping sessions, I was

able to help the participants in the investigation become

accustomed to my presence and feel comfortable with the

procedure. Situating the video and audio equipment in less









visible locations helped decrease participants' awareness of

being on camera (Cazden, 1986).

Interviews

Both structured and unstructured interviews were

utilized in the inquiry (Spradley, 1980). Structured

interviews were formally scheduled and planned containing

previously prepared questions. In contrast, unstructured

interviews happened informally as researcher and participants

interacted during the study. The following is a sample of

questions used for the participating teachers' initial

structured interview:

How do you decide on classroom activities? Do you
follow a set curriculum, district objectives, text
book?

How do you decide on the chronology of the
classrooms tasks?

What are the constraints you feel when lesson
planning? How do you deal with the constraints?

What are your thoughts when lesson planning?

Where do you get ideas for classroom tasks?

How do you decide on language use (English vs.
Spanish) during diverse classroom activities?

What is your focus in your classroom: reading,
writing, listening, or speaking? Do you organize
activities primarily for form or function?

How do you know if an activity has had the desired
effect?

The initial interview also contained questions focusing

on participating teachers' philosophies concerning second

language teaching/learning to get at the characteristics of









the classroom environments under investigation. There were

two scheduled interviews, one at the beginning of the study

and the second at the end of the inquiry, for the purpose of

confirming and disconfirming the findings and conclusions of

the research project. The questions for noninitial

interviews and unstructured interviews were varied and

depended on the opportunity and on the findings encountered

during the cycle of inquiry. They included questions dealing

with teachers' impressions of the strategies they used, their

opinions about the communicative value of certain classroom

activities and tasks they had organized, and their self-

evaluations of the taped classroom events.

Student Ouestionnaires

A written questionnaire regarding students' views on

classroom activities at the end of the data collection was

utilized as a means of triangulating and confirming the data

with the student participants of the investigation.

Field notes from all the above data, including

participant observations, introspective oral diaries, and

interview questions and answers, were typed into protocols.

Protocols are a method of organizing, expanding, and/or

condensing the written and oral data into typed numbered

lines (Spradley, 1980). The typed protocols were analyzed

through the method of finding patterns between and within

lessons (Appendix A).










Data Analysis

Since the focus of the study was to examine the social

and pedagogical processes of four lessons, the guiding

principle for analyzing the information was first to find

general repetitive patterns in each of the teachers'

classroom lessons. Utilizing Spradley's system of domain

analysis (Spradley, 1980), I considered classroom

organization patterns including lesson phases and activities

as well as social patterns of interactions. Domain analysis

is the process of categorizing data through identification of

particular relationships. Each relationship is given a cover

term such as those recommended in Table 1 and then listed on

a domain analysis worksheet such as the one in Appendix B.

As key domains surfaced, I found links between them and

created a picture or synthesis of the underlying cultural

pattern of the phenomena under investigation, in this case

the underlying contexts of the four classrooms in the study.

Next, one randomly selected lesson per research site was

microanalyzed utilizing the method of discourse analysis in

conjunction with a sociolinguistic/social interactionist

perspective.

Discourse Analysis

Once key pedagogical lesson phases and interactions were

identified, they were analyzed through the method of

discourse analysis, sometimes referred to as ethnography











Table 1

Domain Analysis Relationships


Relationship Form Example



Strict inclusion X is a kind of Y An expert witness (is
a kind of) witness.

Spatial X is a place in Y The grand jury room
(is a place in) the
county courthouse.

X is a part of Y The jury box (is a
part of) the criminal
courtroom.

Cause-effect X is a result of Y Serving on the grand
jury (is a result of)
being selected.

Rationale X is a reason for A large number of
doing Y cases (is a reason
for) going rapidly.

Location-for-action X is a place for doing The grand jury room
Y (is a place for)
hearing cases.

Function X is used for Y Witnesses (are used
for) bringing
evidence.

Means-end X is a way to do Y Taking an oath (is a
way to) symbolize the
sacredness of jury
duty.

Sequence X is a step (stage) in Making jail visits (is
Y a stage in) grand jury
activities.

Attribution X is an attribution Authority (is an
(characteristic) of Y attribute of the
attorney.

Source: Participant Observation by P. J. Spradley, 1980.









of communication or constitutive ethnography (Johnson, 1992;

Mehan, 1979).

Discourse analysis, a field of study derived from

sociolinguistics and anthropology (Saville-Troike, 1989), is

utilized to examine and analyze "small-scale events"

(Johnson, 1992, p. 146) and/or communications occurring in

social settings such as classrooms (Cazden, 1986, 1988;

Erickson, 1986b). By viewing the classroom as a "small-scale

speech community" (Erickson, 1991, p. 345) and analyzing both

verbal and nonverbal communication occurring in the "small-

scale speech community" that is the classroom, the process of

discourse analysis guides the researcher through the

examination and interpretation of teacher-student interaction

occurring during classroom lessons (Mehan, 1979). Through

the scrutiny of the discourse that occurs as participants

interact in learning tasks and activities, the characteristic

norms, rules, and routines of the second language classroom

become clearer (Gumperz, 1972; Hatch & Long, 1980) as well as

the identification of factors that may support or constrain

students' opportunities to learn (Weade, 1992).

Sociolinouistic/Social Interactionist Perspective

A sociolinguistic/social interactionist perspective,

highly compatible with the ethnographic perspective, was the

basis for the analysis of classroom interactions observed in

this study. According to this perspective, participants'

classroom talk and its organization are a reflection of the









social phenomena that constitute the culture of the classroom

(Shulman, 1986; Stubbs, 1975).

Some of the underlying assumptions of a sociolinguistic/

social interactionist perspective to classroom discourse

analysis pertinent to this inquiry are briefly described

below. These statements of general principle are referred to

as "constructs," indicating that each has been generated

through systematic empirical observation of discourse

processes.

Face-to-face interaction, between teacher and
students and among students, is governed by
context-specific rules.

Activities have participation structures, with
rights and obligations for participation.
Contextualization cues are the verbal and
nonverbal cues (pitch, stress, and intonation;
gesture, facial expression and physical distance)
that signal how utterances are to be understood,
and inference is required for conversational
comprehension. Rules for participation are
implicit, conveyed and learned through interaction
itself.

Meaning is context-specific. All instances of a
behavior are not functionally equivalent, and
messages can serve multiple functions.

Frames of reference are developed over time and
guide individual participation. Frame clashes
result from differences in perception developed in
past interactional experiences. Overt clashes are
observable to participants and researchers, but
covert clashes requiring a finer level of analysis
can also contribute to negative evaluations of
student ability.

Complex communicative demands are placed on both
teachers and students by the diversity of classroom
communicative structures, and teachers evaluate
student ability from observing communicative
performance. (Green, 1983, pp. 174-186).









A detailed list of constructs underlying the study of

classroom processes from a sociolinguistic perspective is

included in Table 2. Moreover, in the sociolinguistic

tradition, the study of classroom discourse is all-

encompassing, taking into account not only linguistic

communication but also paralinguistic and sociolinguistic

information in the analysis and comprehension of discourse

(Gee, Michaels, & O'Connor, 1992). In this manner, through

discourse analysis, the researcher views teaching as a

linguistic process (Green, 1983; Lemke, 1985).

Discourse Analysis

In order to obtain actual classroom discourse during

teacher/student and/or student/student interaction in

selected lessons, various lessons were videotaped. To use

Erickson's (1986a) metaphor, the videotape is a movie

snapshot in the context of time and space. That is, if

classrooms are ongoing movies, then a videotape is a frame of

ongoing classrooms drama, taken out of context for the

purpose of detailed and in-depth analysis and interpretation,

and then returned to its original position for a better

understanding of the classroom drama as a whole.

Both linguistic communication and sociolinguistic

information from the video were transcribed, and data

analysis was conducted through a "mapping" process. Mapping

is the process of converting classroom discourse into written











Table 2

Constructs Underlying the Study of Classroom Processes from a
Sociolinauistic Perspective



1. Classrooms are communicative environments

Differentiation of roles exist between teachers and students;
relationships are asymmetrical
Classrooms are differentiated communication environments
Lessons are differentiated communicative environments
Communicative participation affects student achievement


2. Teachers orchestrate different levels of participation

Class
Group
Individual
Teachers evaluate student ability from observing performance
during interactions
Demands for participation co-occur with academic demands
Teachers signal their theory of pedagogy from their behaviors
Teachers' goals can be inferred from behaviors


3. Students are active narticinants in learning environments

Students acquire understandings of demands for participation
by participating and by observing participation of others
Peer groups may mediate the individual's participation
Student verbal and nonverbal participation influences the
teacher's and other students' evaluations of student
performance and ability
Mis-match between student and teacher interaction styles can
lead to frame clashes and to inaccurate assessment of
student performance, learning, and growth


4. Learning materials introduce an overt structure of their own


5. Face-to-face interaction is a rule-governed phenomenon

Rules or norms for behavior are constructed as part of
academic and social interactions in classrooms
Rules of conversational participation are learned through
interaction
Rules of conversational participation are culturally
determined












Table 2--continued.



6. Contexts are constructed during interactions

Activities have participation structures
Contextualization cues signal meaning
Rules for participation are implicit
Behavior expectations are constructed as part of interactions


7. Meaning is context specific

All instances of a behavior are not equal
Meaning is signaled verbally and nonverbally
Contexts constrain meaning
Meaning is determined by and extracted from observed
sequences of behavior
Communicative competence is reflected in appropriate
behavior.


8. Inferencina is required for conversational comprehension

Frames of reference guide participation of individuals
Frame clashes result from differences in perception
Communication is a rule-governed activity
Frames of reference are developed over time
Form and function in speech used in conversations do not
always match



Source: "Research on Teaching as a Linguistic Process: A State of the
Art" by J. L. Green, 1983.









text or transcriptions and segmenting these texts according

to particular analytic domains similar to Spradley's domains

(1980). "The mapping procedure involved the systematic

and principled transcription and segmentation of and

reflection upon the instructional conversation" (Brooks,

1989, p. 113). This process may influence what we are

capable of seeing and understanding. A transcription is an

interpretive lens through which the researcher views the

classroom events (Gee, Michaels, & O'Connor, 1992, p. 240).

Specific steps of the mapping process are outlined in Table

3. A segment of the instructional conversation taken from a

study provides an example that illustrates selected features

of a "map" of classroom discourse (Appendix C).

Once the discourse of the lessons had been mapped, a

comparative perspective was the foundation for the analysis

of the discourse (Zaharlick & Green, 1991). The basic

element of the comparative analysis was the message unit. A

message unit is the smallest identifiable communicative

phrase. The concept of message unit is derived and adapted

from Sinclair and Coulthard's (1975) categories of classroom

speech acts. Some examples of Sinclair and Coulthard's acts

include elicitations, replies, and evaluations, otherwise

known as initiations, responses, and feedbacks, the three

components of the standard IRF pattern found in classroom

talk.










Table 3

Analytic Steps Used in Mappina Instructional Conversation



Step 1. Transcription

Typescript is prepared from videotape. Transcript
lines are assigned, numbering from 1-n on each
page.

Transcript is segmented into message units through
audio and video observation of verbal and
nonverbal cues.



Step 2. Map Construction

Interaction units, e.g., sequences of tied or
cohesive message units are determined post hoc
on the basis of prosodic cues and the social and
conversational demands made and/or responded to
by participants.

Instructional sequence units, e.g., sequences of
tied interaction units are determined post hoc
on the basis of thematic cohesion.

Themes, e.g., topic threads, are designated post
hoc in hierarchial units to characterize an
interaction unit, a series of interaction units,
instructional sequence units, a lesson phase,
event, etc.


Step 3. Analysis

Bases of inference are recorded where necessary
throughout the mapping process.

Questions and issues for triangulation are
recorded as they arise throughout the mapping
process.


Source: "In Search of Meaning: A Sociolinguistic
Perspective on Lesson Construction and Reading" by
J. L. Green & R. Weade, 1987.









The first set of comparisons of message units was

focused within the selected lesson from each research site.

The next comparative base was between the lessons of the

research sites taking in account criteria such as English use

versus use of Spanish in the various lesson phases, teacher

versus student talk, turn taking, interruptions, classroom

configuration, and academic versus personal talk.

The comparison and contrast of the above elements was

the basis for examining the foreshadowed questions of the

study:

1. How are opportunities for learning organized and

accomplished in selected events of the high school Spanish as

a second language classroom?

2. What meanings do students and teachers construct

about communication and communicating in the Spanish language

during selected events in the high school Spanish as a second

language classroom?

3. What is pedagogical about selected events of the

high school Spanish as a second language classroom?

The findings to the foreshadowed questions are presented

in an ethnographic account. Van Maanen (1988) identified

seven different types of ethnographic narratives: Realistic,

fieldwork confessional, impressionistic, critical, formal,

literary, and jointly told. A realistic account was

developed to present the outcomes of this study. The

realistic account is the most conventional and classic









ethnographic style of presentation and lends itself to the

traditional and empirical character of the study. The

realistic tale describes, through a detached third-person

voice, the researcher's findings and conclusions about the

culture under investigation through the narration of actual

participants' experiences and actions. In the case of the

study, the presentation and interpretation of findings and

conclusions of participants' experiences and actions in

second language classroom teaching/learning events can be

categorized as a "realistically" written account.

The presentation of findings was organized in two

phases. In order to offer readers a descriptive basis,

Chapter V, the first phase, is a chronological narrative of

the events taking place in the selected lesson of each site.

The second phase of the presentation of findings, Chapter VI,

is the exposition and explanation of the analysis of message

units within and between the representative lessons.

Methodological Issues

Entry: Since September of 1993, with help from members

of my doctoral committee, former professors from The School

for International Training, and former colleagues, I

contacted educators in the New England area where I planned

to perform the research project. Many of the educators

approached offered the researcher a list of second language

coordinators in the Boston, Newton, Brookline, and

Springfield, Massachusetts, area, as well as in several New










Hampshire schools districts. Foreign language coordinators

were contacted both personally and through a letter

explaining the proposed study included in Appendix D.

Foreign language coordinators gathered a list of teachers who

might be interested in participating in the project. I then

reached all interested second year Spanish language teachers

by both letter and personal interviews and subsequently

invited four appropriate candidates to participate in the

study.

It is of great importance to negotiate suitable entry to

the research settings in order to avoid subsequent

misunderstandings (Erickson, 1986b). Part of the negotiation

between investigator and participants is to inform

participants of the expectations and goals of the research

under way, especially of their participation role.

Consequently, I met with all interested teachers

individually, at their schools, to explain the nature

of the project and their role in the investigation.

All teachers were given a copy of a sample consent form

that detailed their participation in the study (Appendix

E).

According to the University of Florida research

guidelines, I requested approval from the Committee for

Protection of Human Subjects (Appendix F). Attached to the

permission request, the researcher included a consent letter

signed by both the individual teachers and the researcher, as









well as sample of interview questions. I also obtained

approval from the various school districts taking part in the

research study (Appendix G).

Exit: The exit to the inquiry was naturally bounded by

the fact that classes ended at the end of June. Therefore,

it was important that before the end of the academic year,

the majority of the data were collected and triangulated, and

findings and conclusions were corroborated with the

participants of the study. I had the opportunity for

continued contact with teachers participating in the study

after the summer closing of schools to confirm and disconfirm

the findings and conclusions of the study.

Selection of Sites/Teachers

The selection of sites was dependent on access as well

as on the nature of the inquiry (Cazden, 1985). The process

employed in the selection of sites and participants for the

investigation is referred to as nonprobability, purposeful

sampling (Merriam, 1988). The term indicates that the sites

and participants were selected for their special

characteristics instead of randomly from a general pool of

second year high school Spanish. Criteria for classroom

selections were based on an interest in finding significant

patterns that would discern existing pedagogical events in

the second-year Spanish as a second language classes. These

criteria included the following:









1. Student characteristics:

Spanish II students: Spanish II students had

acquired at least minimum proficiency in the target

language to be able to perform sufficient target

language output needed as data for the

investigation.

2. Teacher characteristics:

Nonnative Spanish II teachers: Even though there

are few, if any, known studies differentiating

native and nonnative teachers, nonnative teachers

were chosen as they are the most numerous teachers

of second languages in secondary schools (Thompson

et al., 1990).

Experienced Spanish II teachers: The teachers

selected were experienced teachers with at least 10

years of experience in the field.

3. Materials characteristics:

Similar or same textbook: According to Shrum and

Glisan (1994) and Whitley (1993), second language

teachers use the textbook as the platform for

planning instruction. Consequently, most teachers

selected for the study utilize Pasos and Puentes in

their Spanish II classes. One of the teachers

selected uses Entre Todos and was a basis for

comparison in the study.











4. School characteristics:

Research sites: All research sites were public

schools. Three of the selected teachers were in

two suburban schools of similar size, enrolling

students of middle to high socioeconomic status.

The other site, an urban school registering mostly

minority students of lower socioeconomic status,

was a viable contrast for the study.

A typology of the characteristics of the four classrooms

that served as research sites can be found in Table 4.


Table 4

Tvooloav of Research Sites


Model I

Teacher--Ms. Tiessen
Advanced Spanish II
School--Youngtown North
Community--Youngtown
Text: Pasos y Puentes


Model III

Teacher--Ms. Day
Advanced Spanish II (9th Graders)
School--Youngtown South
Community--Youngtown
Text: Pasos y Puentes


Model II

Teacher--Ms. Reiner
Regular Spanish II (10th graders)
School--Youngtown South
Community--Youngtown
Text: Pasos y Puentes



Model IV

Teacher--Ms. Alebasi
Regular Spanish II
School--East Newberry High School
Community--East Newberry
Text: Entre Todos


Sampling is an integral element in judging the validity

and reliability of research studies. The characteristics of









validity and reliability of ethnographic inquiries is

explored next.

Validity and Reliability

Every researcher is concerned with the validity and

reliability of his/her investigation. There are unique

concerns related to the validity and reliability of

ethnographic research. The reliability of ethnographic

studies is especially problematic as they are based on

particular contexts or events and are not generalizable in

the traditional sense of the term (Erickson, 1986b; Kirk &

Miller 1986; Nunan, 1992).

The reliability of ethnographic investigations is

assessed by the degree that "the general" is found within

"the particular" (Eisner, 1981). That is, every particular

situation contains characteristics found in general

situations so that the understanding gained from a single

description can be transposed to similar general contexts.

For Nunan (1992), the concept of ethnographic

generalizability is the application of ethnographic results

for the purpose of "comparability and translatability" (p.

70). As such, ethnographic studies are generalizable only as

far as readers recognize, comprehend, and expand their

knowledge of a phenomenon and are able to translate this

recognition, comprehension, and expansion of knowledge to

similar situations they encounter (Erickson, 1986b).









There are several ways of controlling both the validity

and reliability of the ethnographic inquiry. One way is to

triangulate data, methods, and theories (Allwright, 1983;

Erickson, 1986b; Kirk & Miller, 1986; Sherman & Webb, 1988).

Triangulation, as the term implies, is having at least three

different data sources, theories, and/or methods to compare

and contrast for the purpose of corroboration. In other

words, "diversity of evidence enables the researcher to

demonstrate what is technically called convergent validity"

(Erickson, 1991, p. 346). In reference to this study, for

example, there were several data sources, including field

notes, interviews, teachers' introspective journals,

videotapes and audiotapes, and others that were

triangulated.

Another manner to verify the internal validity of the

findings is through member checks. By checking with

participants of the study, the researcher was able to confirm

or disconfirm, fine-tune, and elaborate the interpretations

and conclusions of the inquiry. Specific to ethnography, the

external validity is assessed by the degree that the

investigator "makes the strange familiar." Readers of

ethnographic investigations should be able to use the results

of the study to better understand and/or become a member of

the targeted culture (Kirk & Miller, 1986; Shimahara, 1988;

Spindler, 1982; Spradley, 1980; Wolcott, 1982).









Furthermore, external validity was established by

relating the study's conclusions to previous theories and

findings already in the field. The findings were equated to

what is already known about second language classrooms

structure and discourse. The results of the inquiry were

evaluated by the degree it expanded, proved, and/or disproved

existing theories in the second language education literature

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

The main research instrument utilized in ethnography is

the researcher herself (Shimahara, 1988; Spindler, 1982;

Spradley, 1980, Webb & Sherman, 1989). That is, part of the

process of assuring the validity and reliability of a study

is to plan for the researchers' examination of their personal

biases and assumptions.

Researcher's Biases

In ethnographic research, data are filtered through the

beliefs and experiences of the researcher (Webb & Sherman,

1989). Therefore, a significant part of ethnographers' jobs

is to become aware of their own biases and preconceptions and

the role they play in the research process (Chaudron, 1988).

The discovered biases and preconceptions, plus the beliefs

and experiences of the researcher, need to be presented to

the readers of the investigation. This section presents the

primary biases and preconceptions that played a significant

role during the inquiry. The researcher's experiences are









offered at the end of the presentation of the study under a

segment titled Researcher's Biography.

My teacher education and teaching practice has been

focused on communicative language teaching. I believe that

languages are taught/learned for communication purposes as

well as for academic goals, which are not mutually exclusive.

Therefore, I visualize second language classrooms organized

in ways that facilitate and encourage students to communicate

frequently in the target language. Furthermore, I think that

the language content in pedagogical events should be selected

according to learners' needs and goals rather than through

grammatical syllabi and/or mandated textbooks. The content

needs to integrate form, function, and meaning (Larsen-

Freeman & Long, 1991).

Moreover, I consider a collaborative atmosphere between

teachers and learners crucial to the teaching/learning of

second languages. That is, learners need to be involved in

determining and deciding the pedagogical tasks and the

content that will take place in their second language

classroom (Nunan 1988, 1989). In other words, I support

learner-centered curricula.

Other biases, such as my beliefs about the role of

grammar and error correction in the second language

classroom, were examined and monitored by the process of

debriefing thoughts and impressions after observations and

interviews on an ongoing audiotaped journal.















CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS: MODELS IN USE

The findings of the investigation are presented in

Chapters IV and V. Chapter IV deals with the discussion of

the four research sites as "models-in-use." In contrast to

the common conception of "model" as an ideangl theoretical

type, typically presented in a prescriptive mode for

instructional purposes, "models-in-use" are prototypes

derived from observation of actual practice. In other words,

"models-in-use" are descriptions of what occurs as students

and teachers strive to reach designated instructional and

curricular goals.

The analysis and presentation of the findings using the

"models-in-use" framework was appropriate for the purpose of

the study, to gain insights about the manner students and

teachers build and organize learning and teaching contexts as

they interact during different events in the natural setting

of high school Spanish as a second language classrooms. That

is, "models-in-use," as detailed and analytical classroom-

based accounts of pedagogical and social processes of

classrooms, were a useful tool to help reveal learning

opportunities students and teachers constructed in each of

the four high school Spanish as a second language classrooms




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