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To "cure her of her pride and boasting"

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To "cure her of her pride and boasting" the gendered implications of Sherman's March
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Frank, Lisa Tendrich
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 2001.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-312).
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Printout.
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Vita.
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by Lisa Tendrich Frank.

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TO "CURE HER OF HER PRIDE AND BOASTING":
THE GENDERED IMPLICATIONS OF SHERMAN'S MARCH













By

LISA TENDRICH FRANK


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

























Copyright 2001

by

Lisa Tendrich Frank














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


Although writing a dissertation is a lonely endeavor, it cannot be done alone. I feel

lucky to have had a tremendous amount of support along the way from a large group of

people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my doctoral committee. I am fortunate

to have a committee that all along has both encouraged my ideas and challenged me to

push them further. My work has benefited from their advice and insights. Bertram

Wyatt-Brown, my advisor, encouraged me to find a topic that I could get excited about

and supported me when I finally found it. His helpful comments and insights, generous

use of Milbauer funds, and introduction to a particular Brandeis graduate made my time in

graduate school far more enjoyable than I had anticipated. Louise Newman, in particular,

pushed me to expand my understandings and conceptions of gender, women, and

women's history. Fitz Brundage, Thomas Gallant, and David Leverenz all helped me at

different stages of my project, even when I moved 3,000 miles away.

Many other scholars have helped me refine my ideas and incorporate new ones

over the years. Kathleen Donohue, Laura Edwards, Michael Fellman, Gary Gallagher,

John Marszalek, Joan Waugh, and the members of the Tucker Society all read portions of

my work and offered helpful suggestions. Their insights proved invaluable. I have also

iii








benefited from conversations over meals, drinks, and desserts with Ed Baptist, Jackie

Campbell, Clark Davis, Stan Deaton, Philip Goff, Marcus Harvey, Helen Kinsella, Cheryl

Koos, Susan Lewis, Karen Lystra, Andy Moore, Marcus Nenn, and Frankie White. I

hope I have been able to incorporate all of their ideas and answer all of their questions. In

junior high, Veda Mara Levin encouraged my love of writing and taught me how to

express myself Later in life, Stephen B. Oates revived my love of history and the Civil

War and encouraged me to pursue it into graduate school. I cannot thank them enough.

The staffs at several libraries helped me immensely by pointing out manuscript

collections that might prove useful and regaling me with family stories about Sherman's

March. I would especially like to thank Dick Shrader at the Southern Historical

Collection of the University of North Carolina, Henry Fulmer at the South Caroliniana

Library of the University of South Carolina, Elizabeth Dunn at the Rare Book,

Manuscript, and Special Collections Library of Duke University, Dale Couch at the

Georgia Department of Archives and History, as well as Roy Ritchie, Susi Krasnoo, and

Christopher Adde at the Henry E. Huntington Library. I would also like to thank the rest

of the staffs at these three institutions as well as those at the Atlanta History Center, the

Special Collections Department in the Robert W. Woodruff Library at Emory University,

the Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the University of Georgia, the Georgia

Historical Society, the Library of Congress, the South Carolina Department of Archives

and History, the South Carolina Historical Society, and the University of Florida. In

addition, the members of the office staff of the University of Florida's History

iv








Department have done whatever was in their power to make things easy for me. For that,

and their friendship, I thank Betty Corwine, Barbara Guynn, and Linda Opper.

I am grateful for financial support from an Andrew W. Mellon Foundation

fellowship at the Henry E. Huntington Library, a Women's Studies Research Grant from

Duke University, and an Albert J. Beveridge Grant from the American Historical

Association. The University of Florida has also generously assisted me through a Gerson

Dissertation Fellowship, Grinter Fellowship, George Pozzetta Fellowship, and Richard J.

Milbauer Fellowship.

For giving me places to stay when I was on the road and making research trips a

lot less lonely than they could have been, special thanks go to Amy Cavanaugh, Stan and

Debbie Deaton, Donna and Mark Fleishman, Peter Hartog, Lynne and Roger Irvine,

Jennifer and Jay Langdale, Jim and Maxine Perlmutter, Sherry Seitlin, Pat Solley, and

Keith and Tara Spolan. All of these friends and family, Southern or not, have shown me

the best of Southern hospitality. Vanessa Guzzi, Brenda Rosen, and Deborah Roth do

not live in places where I needed to do research, but they each gave me moral support and

kept me smiling through the long process.

I feel fortunate to have both married into and been born into a wonderful family.

It would take too long to mention everyone who has loved and supported me over the

years, but a few deserve special mention. In addition to sharing Andrew with me, my in-

laws have offered me nothing but support and encouragement. My mother- and father in-

law, Judie and Paul Frank, as well as my brother- and sister-in-law, Gary and Gail Frank,









have happily incorporated me into the family and treated me as if I had been born a

Frank. My parents, Marilyn and Howard Tendrich, have gladly supported me in

everything I ever wanted to do. They taught me to believe in myself and cheered me on

whenever I lost my confidence. I can never thank them enough for being such wonderful

parents and friends to me. I especially appreciate all they did in their efforts to

understand what I have been doing for the past seven years. My mom deserves special

thanks for going far beyond the call of duty by accompanying me on research trips. Not

only was she good company, but she also turned out to be a great research assistant. My

brother, Jon, has always kept me on my toes and cheered me on and I love him for both.

My grandparents, Shirley and Jack Seitlin and Helen Tendrich, have all been unbelievably

supportive throughout this process. I wish I could have taken them up on their offers of

help. Their quiet prodding and their constant love and encouragement have helped me get

through everything. Savannah has been a great distraction and calming influence.

Andrew has been the best of everything since I met him seven years ago. He has

always believed in me and has helped me believe in myself The road to this point would

have been unbearably lonely and boring without him as my best friend, cheerleader, chef,

sounding board, psychologist, editor, research assistant, proofreader, traveling

companion, and husband. At this point, he probably knows more about Sherman,

Southern women, and the Civil War than he ever wanted to know, but he has been patient

and encouraging nonetheless. I know my work is better because of him. He's been a

wonderful tour guide through history and life. I love him everything.

vi















TABLE OF CONTENTS


page


ACKN OW LED GM EN TS........ .. ..................................... ....... ............ ....... .. ii

ABSTRACT ............. .............................. .. .. ....... vi

INTRODUCTION "FULL OF FIRE AND PATRIOTISM": SHERMAN'S
M ARCH AND SOUTHERN W OM EN ................................................. ........... ..... 1

CHAPTERS

1 "WAR MEANS RUIN AND MISERY": PUNISHING SOUTHERN
W O M E N .................. ......... .. ....... .......... .......... .............. ... ..... ......... 19

2 "THE FIENDS WILL DANCE AFTER HIM IN HIGH GLEE":
BECOM ING CONFEDERATES............................................. ........... 69

3 "WITH HEARTS NERVED BY THE NECESSITY FOR PROMPT
ACTION": CONFEDERATE W OM EN......................................... ............ 125

4 "NO PLACE, NO PERSON IS SACRED FROM THEIR
PROFANATION": SHERMAN'S MARCH................................... ........... 166

5 "A REBEL: AS LONG AS I LIVE": THE INTENSITY OF
CONFEDERATE WOMANHOOD. ..... ...................... ............. 214

EPILOGUE: "BETWEEN DEATH AND DISHONOR": SHAMING
SOUTHERN SOLDIERS............................... 258

B IB L IO G R A PH Y ........... .... .................. ...................................... .......... ........ 272

B IO G R A PH IC A L SK ETCH ................................. ...................................... .......... 313














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

TO "CURE HER OF HER PRIDE AND BOASTING":
THE GENDERED IMPLICATIONS OF SHERMAN'S MARCH

By

Lisa Tendrich Frank

December 2001


Chair: Bertram Wyatt-Brown
Major Department: History

This dissertation explores the gendered aspects of Union General William

Tecumseh Sherman's Civil War campaign through Georgia, South Carolina, and North

Carolina homefront. It specifically addresses how Southern women adapted their gender

identities to encompass regional concerns during the 1864 and 1865 campaign. In

particular, it highlights the ways in which the march and its assault on domesticity

galvanized Southern women and prompted them to embrace "Confederate womanhood."

In their fight to protect themselves, their homes, their possessions, and their families from

Union troops, Confederate women physically and verbally attacked the invaders. Such

defiance, as well as women's continued support for the Confederacy, demonstrated their

pride in and support for their nation. Instead of crushing female support for the

viii










Confederacy as planned, Sherman's March provoked women to an intense, unwavering

support for their country.

Elite white women were especially outraged by Sherman's direct assault on the

domestic sphere. Union troops focused their attack on slaveholding women, who they

believed instigated and promoted rebellion by urging Southern men to secede, enlist, and

remain on the battlefield. The recognition of women's wartime participation allowed

Northern soldiers to disregard gender conventions that traditionally shielded white women

from direct attacks. Consequently, Union troops attacked the trappings of domesticity--

women's wardrobes, fine china, silver candlesticks, glass vases, private journals, and

fancy linens. They deliberately ransacked spaces defined as domestic, not only the house

as a whole, but also women's bedrooms and private chambers and, subsequently, put the

fear of rape in the forefront of Southern women's minds. Destruction and terror on this

level struck at the heart of the feminine sphere. By directly threatening the feminine

sphere, the march reinforced the Rebel loyalty of its victims and provoked their

persistent hatred of the Northern invaders.














INTRODUCTION:
"FULL OF FIRE AND PATRIOTISM":
SHERMAN'S MARCH AND SOUTHERN WOMEN




In late 1864 and 1865, cries of "the Yankees are coming! The Yankees are

coming!" echoed throughout Georgia and the Carolinas.' Although alarmed by the news,

Confederate women in these states had prepared themselves for the possibility. From the

beginning of the Georgia campaign, they had carefully tracked United States General

William Tecumseh Sherman's 60,000 Northern soldiers as they burned a trail through the

lower South. In their pursuit of"hard war," the troops under Sherman's command left a

wide swath of destruction in their wake. The attack on the Southern homefront included

burning plantations and houses, stealing food and household items, destroying railroads

and unwanted food sources, as well as taunting and terrorizing civilians. These actions

demonstrated Sherman's determination to break the will of white Southerners by bringing

the harsh realities of war home. The campaign's success has often led scholars to



Caroline Howard Gilman to Eliza, 2 June 1865, "Letters of a Confederate
Mother: Charleston in the Sixties," Atlantic Monthly 137 (April 1926): 511, Mary
Jones Mallard, 14 December 1864, Yankees a'Coming: One Month's Experience during
the Invasion of Liberty County, Georgia, 1864-1865, ed. Haksell Monroe (Tuscaloosa,
Ala.: Confederate Publishing Company, Inc., 1959), 38.











overlook the strong resistance of Confederate women. Although Sherman's March has

been widely studied and documented as an event of great military importance in the Civil

War, the gendered implications of, and the experiences of women during, the campaign

have not.

"To 'Cure Her of Her Pride and Boasting': The Gendered Implications of

Sherman's March" treats the 1864-1865 campaign as Sherman understood it, as a direct

assault on the South's elite white women. This controversial tactic resulted from

Sherman's understanding of Southern society, and his conviction that slaveholding women

were essential to the Confederate war effort. Sherman made his appreciation of Southern

women clear early in the war, explaining to his brother, Ohio Senator John Sherman, that

"the entire South, man, woman, and child are against us, armed and determined."'2 With

this rationale, General Sherman justified a military assault that would strike at all

Southerners, and elite women in particular In the Georgia and Carolinas campaign

Sherman targeted slaveholding women, who he believed had instigated and promoted

rebellion by urging Southern men to secede, enlist, and remain on the battlefield His

recognition of women's wartime participation allowed Sherman to disregard gender

conventions that traditionally shielded white women from direct attacks. Sherman





2 William T. Sherman to John Sherman, 22 September 1862, The Sherman Letters:
Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837-1891, ed. Rachel
Sherman Thorndike (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1894), 162, emphasis added.










conceived of white Southern women as Confederates, rebels, and enemies, and treated

them accordingly.

As he planned the Georgia and Carolinas campaign, Sherman specified goals that

clearly targeted Southern women and their domestic worlds. Hoping to "make Georgia

howl" and the South as a whole submit, Sherman ordered his troops to wage "hard war."

In addition to "forag[ing] liberally" for food and destroying Confederate supply lines,

Sherman's men struck at domestic and female targets.3 Union troops attacked the

trappings of domesticity--women's wardrobes, fine china, silver candlesticks, glass vases,

private journals, and fancy linens. They also deliberately ransacked spaces defined as

domestic, not only the house as a whole, but also women's bedrooms and private

chambers. Destruction on this level extended to the breaking of those items that would

not necessarily directly assist the Confederate war effort, and instead struck at the heart

of the feminine sphere. As the focus of this Union campaign, the white women in

Georgia and the Carolinas could not help but participate as central actors in the Civil War.

A study of Sherman's March provides an ideal opportunity to take women and gender





3 William T. Sherman to Ulysses S. Grant, 6 November 1864, The War of the
Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies,
130 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1881-1902), Ser. 1, Vol. 39,
Pt. 3: 660 [hereafter cited as Official Records]; Mark Grimsley The Hard Hand of War:
Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1995), 3-4; Special Field Orders No. 120, 9 November 1864, Official
Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 713.











out of the margins and place them within the narrative of Civil War history.4 The march,

and the Civil War as a whole, cannot be understood without an examination of women's

roles as civilian combatants.

Scholars of Sherman's March are not alone in marginalizing women's place in the

conflict. Until recently, most Civil War historians have focused primarily on the male

aspects of war. What happened on the battlefield and in the political realm has taken

precedence over all else. Consequently, they often leave women on the outskirts of Civil

War history, minimizing their roles in both experiencing and shaping the course of the

war. Historians have not yet integrated women into general studies of the war, but have

segregated them into the domain of "women's history."' Instead of synthesizing women




4 On the incorporation of gender into all topics of study, including military
history, see Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York.
Columbia University Press, 1988); Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood:
How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998); John A. Lynn, "The Embattled Future of
Academic Military History," Journal of Military History 61 (October 1997): 777-789;
John Shy, "The Cultural Approach to the History of War," Journal of Military History
57 (October 1993): 13-26; Charles Royster, "Comments on John Shy: 'The Cultural
Approach to the History of War,'" Journal of Military History 57 (October 1993): 59-
62; Miriam Cooke and Angela Walcott, eds., Gendering War Talk (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1993); Rosemary Foot, "Where are the Women? The Gender
Dimension in the Study of International Relations," Diplomatic History 14 (Fall 1990):
615-622; Emily S. Rosenberg, "A Round Table: Explaining the History of American
Foreign Relations: Gender," Journal of American History 77 (June 1990): 116-124.

5 For a recent examples of this omission, see Russell F. Weigley, A Great Civil
War: A Military and Political History, 1861-1865 (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 2000). Also see James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era
(New York: Ballantine Books, 1988); Paddy Griffith, Battle Tactics of the Civil War










into studies of the war, explorations of them during the Civil War era generally fall into

three discrete categories, all influenced by traditional views of women and gender roles. A

large number of studies emphasize organized female activities, especially nursing,

soldiers' aid, and fundraising'6 Other historical works focus on women's role in what




(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989); Richard E. Beringer, Herman Hattaway,
Archer Jones, and William N. Still, Jr., Why the South Lost the Civil War (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1986). Although some scholars try to include women in
their Civil War studies, they often relegate them to a separate chapter or section of the
book.

6 Mary Elizabeth Massey, Women in the Civil War (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 1994), 43-64; Julieanna Williams, "The Homefront: 'For Our Boys--The
Ladies' Aid Societies,'" in Valor and Lace: The Roles of Confederate Women 1861-1865
ed. Mauriel Phillips Joslyn (Murfreesboro, Tenn.: Southern Heritage Press, 1996), 16-
33; Ada W. Bacot, A Confederate Nurse: The Diary of Ada W. Bacot, 1860-1863, ed.
Jean V. Berlin (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994); Kate Cumming,
Kate: The Journal of a Confederate Nurse, ed. Richard Barksdale Harwell (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1959). Most of this work focuses on the Union
experience. See Jeanie Attie, Patriotic Toil: Northern Women and the American Civil
War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Judith Ann Giesberg, Civil War Sisterhood:
The U.S. Sanitary Commission and Women's Politics in Transition (Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 2000); Thomas J. Brown, Dorothea Dix: New England
Reformer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998); Mary Denis Maher, To Bind
Up Their Wounds: Catholic Sister Nurses in the U.S. Civil War (New York: Greenwood
Press, 1989); Kristie Ross, "Refined Women as Union Nurses," in Divided Houses:
Gender and the Civil War, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1992), 97-113; Elizabeth D. Leonard, Yankee Women: Gender Battles
in the Civil War (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1994); Elizabeth D. Leonard,
"Civil War Nurse, Civil War Nursing: Rebecca Usher of Maine," Civil War History 41
(September 1995): 190-207; Lori D. Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence:
Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1990), 133-173; Jane E. Schultz, "The Inhospitable Hospital: Gender
and Professionalism in Civil War Medicine," Signs 17 (Winter 1992): 363-392; Jane E.
Schultz, "Race, Gender and Bureaucracy: Civil War Army Nurses and the Pension
Bureau," Journal of Women's History 6 (Summer 1994): 45-69; Marjorie Barstow











scholars consider the war's background--the homefront.7 Finally, in an effort to show

women's feats beyond the conventional female sphere, a few investigations highlight

women's extraordinary acts as spies or soldiers.8 In all of these instances, scholars have




Greenbie, Lincoln's Daughters of Mercy (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1944); Agnes
Brooks Young, The Women and the Crisis: Women of the North in the Civil War (New
York: McDowell, Oblensky, 1959); Ann Douglas Wood, "The War Within a War:
Women Nurses in the Union Army," Civil War History 18 (September 1972): 197-212.

7 Drew Gilpin Faust, Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in
the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); George
C. Rable, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1989); Mary Elizabeth Massey, Women in the Civil War
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994). Most studies of women emphasize how
the war affected women rather than how they affected each other. Clara Junker, "Behind
Confederate Lines: Sarah Morgan Dawson," Southern Quarterly 30 (Fall 1991): 7-18;
Daniel E. Sutherland, "Introduction to War: The Civilians of Culpepper County,
Virginia," Civil War History 37 (June 1991): 120-137; William Harris, "East Tennessee's
Civil War Refugees and the Impact of the War on Civilians," Journal of East Tennessee
History 64 (1992): 3-19. Many studies of the homefront prioritize the experiences of
men. See Wayne K Durrill, War of Another Kind: A Southern Community in the Great
Rebellion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Daniel E. Sutherland, Seasons of
War: The Ordeal of a Confederate Community, 1861-1865 (New York: The Free Press,
1995); Stephen V. Ash, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied
South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995); Stephen Ash, Middle
Tennessee Society Transformed, 1860-1870: War and Peace in the Upper South (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988); Robert C. Kenzer, Kinship and
Neighborhood in a Southern Community: Orange County, North Carolina, 1849-1881
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987)

8 Elizabeth Leonard, All the Daring of the Soldier: Women of the Civil War
Armies (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1999); Lauren Cook Burgess, ed., A
Uncommon Soldier: The Civil War Letters of Sarah Rosetta Wakeman (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1994); Richard Hall, Patriots in Disguise: Women Warriors of
the Civil War (New York: Paragon House, 1993); Ruth Scarborough, Belle Boyd: Siren
of the South (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1983); Oscar A. Kinchen, Women
Who Spied for the Blue and the Gray. Philadelphia: Dorrance & Company, 1972;











maintained long-standing ideas about women and womanhood, only allowing their

subjects to act in prototypically feminine or feminist ways. As a result, they have

confined women to their own separate sphere in Civil War history. This segregation does

not allow for a nuanced understanding of Sherman's March, the Southern homefront,

Confederate women, or the war.

Women's marginalization in Civil War history, and in Confederate history in

particular, reflects the contours of Southern women's history. Despite the general

consensus regarding the mythologized ideal of the Southern lady, scholars of slaveholding

women disagree over the extent to which their subjects embraced their society. Some, like

Catherine Clinton, assert that "the plantation mistress" lived between worlds, privileged

by her class and race while constrained by her gender. In the antebellum South, Clinton

argues, "white men ruled, and both white women and slaves served the same master."

This was not a comfortable position for slaveholding women to hold, but "women did not

resist as much as resent" this system. Elite white women, in this interpretation, found







DeAnne Blanton, "Women Soldiers of the Civil War," Prologue: The Journal of the
National Archives 25 (Spring 1993): 27-35; Lyde Cullen Sizer, "Acting Her Part:
Narratives of Union Women Spies," in Divided Houses, 114-133; Janet Kaufmann,
"Under the Petticoat Flag: Women Soldiers in the Confederate Army," Southern Studies
23 (Winter 1984): 24-31; Kay C. Larson, "Bonnie Yank and Ginnie Reb," Minerva 8
(Spring 1990): 33-48; Nancy Samuelson, "Employment of Female Spies in the American
Civil War," Minerva 7 (Spring 1989) 57-66.











slaveholding and plantation life a burden. 9 Others disagree. Instead, they argue,

"slaveholding women, who never figured as mere passive victims of male dominance,

benefited from the membership in a ruling class." Elite white women, in this view, served

as proponents rather than detractors of the South and its social order. Once again

debunking the myth of the "Southern lady," these scholars place elite white women at the

core of Southern slaveholding culture. Women not only benefited from slavery, but they

also embraced it. Slaveholding women, like their husbands, fathers, brothers, and sons,

often treated slaves cruelly, avidly supported secession, resented abolitionist

intervention, and adhered to the tenets of Southern honor.10




9 Catherine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress: Woman's World in the Old South
(New York: Pantheon Press, 1982), 35, 180-198. Also see Anne Firor Scott, The
Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930, 48-53; Anne Firor Scott,
"Women's Perspective on the Patriarchy," Journal of American History 61 (June 1974):
52-64; Alexis Girardin Brown, "The Women Left Behind: The Transformation of the
Southern Belle, 1840-1880," The Historian 62 (2000): 759-778; Kent Anderson Leslie,
"A Myth of the Southern Lady: Antebellum Proslavery Rhetoric and the Proper Place of
Woman," Sociological Spectrum 6 (January 1986): 31-49; Maxine P. Atkinson and
Jacqueline Boles, "The Shaky Pedestal: Southern Ladies Yesterday and Today,"
Southern Studies 24 (Winter 1985): 398-406; Kathryn L. Seidel, "The Southern Belle as
an Antebellum Ideal," Southern Quarterly 15 (July 1977): 387-401; Margaret Ripley
Wolfe, "The Southern Lady Long Suffering Counterpart of the Good Ole' Boy," Journal
of Popular Culture 11 (Summer 1977): 18-27; Dewey W. Grantham, "History,
Mythology, and the Southern Lady," Southern Literary Journal 3 (Spring 1971): 98-108.

10 Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White in
the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 44, 197-198,
334-371; Jean E. Friedman, The Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the
Evangelical South, 1830-1900 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985),
87-91; Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), esp. 232-233; Nell Irvin Painter, "The











The debate over the position of elite white women in Southern society extends

into the historiography of the Civil War. Those who believe that white women resented

the antebellum patriarchal society naturally argue that these women had few reasons to

support the Confederacy. Clearly not all elite white women, or men, supported the

Confederacy. Historians such as Thomas G. Dyer, Jane H. Pease, and William H. Pease,

have drawn attention to the "Secret Yankees," Unionist women, and families of mixed

loyalties across the South." Taking this emphasis a step further, others, especially Drew




Journal of Gertrude Clanton Thomas: An Educated White Woman in the Eras of Slavery,
War, and Reconstruction," introduction to The Secret Eye: The Journal of Gertrude
Clanton Thomas, 1848-1889, ed. Virginia Ingraham Burr (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1990), 63-65; Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White:
Family and Community in the Slave South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),
199-205; Marli Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves: Plantation Women in South Carolina,
1830-1880 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 89-112; Marli Weiner,
"Mistresses, Morality, and the Dilemmas of Slaveholding: The Ideology and Behavior of
Elite Antebellum Women," in Discovering the Women in Slavery: Emancipating
Perspectives on the American Past, ed Patricia Morton (Athens: University of Georgia
Press, 1996): 278-298; Stephanie McCurry, "The Two Faces of Republicanism: Gender
and Proslavery Politics in Antebellum South Carolina," Journal of American History 78
(March 1992): 1245-1264.

Thomas G. Dyer, Secret Yankees: The Union Circle in Confederate Atlanta
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); Thomas G. Dyer, "Vermont
Yankees in King Cotton's Court: The Case of Cyrena and Amherst Stone," Vermont
History 60 (Fall 1992): 205-229; Thomas G. Dyer, "Atlanta's Other Civil War Novel.
Fictional Unionists in a Confederate City," Georgia Historical Quarterly 79 (Spring
1995): 147-168. Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease acknowledge the mixed loyalties of
the Petigru family. See Pease and Pease, A Family of Women: The Carolina Petigrus in
Peace and War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999). Also see Daniel
W. Crofts, Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989).











Gilpin Faust and George C. Rable, argue that women's conditional support for the

Confederacy was a natural outgrowth of their gender; white women's femininity would

not allow them to support a protracted war effort that required extended sacrifice and

self-abnegation. As a result, Faust and Rable present women whose femininity took

precedence over their regional loyalties. They were women in the South, not women of

the South.12 Few scholars would disagree with this assessment of women's strong gender

identity, and only recently have some begun to accept Southern women as ardent

Confederate nationalists."






12 Faust, Mothers of Invention; Drew Gilpin Faust, "Altars of Sacrifice:
Confederate Women and the Narratives of War," in Southern Stories: Slaveholders in
Peace and War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 113-140; Rable, Civil
Wars; Laura F. Edwards, Scarlett Doesn't Live Here Anymore: Southern Women in the
Civil War Era (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000); Catherine Clinton, Tara
Revisited: Women, War, and the Plantation Legend (New York: Abbeville Press, 1995);
Jean V. Berlin, "Did Confederate Women Lose the War?: Deprivation, Destruction, and
Despair on the Homefront," in The Collapse of the Confederacy, ed. Mark Grimsley and
Brooks D. Simpson (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001): 168-193.

13 Gary W. Gallagher, The Confederate War: How Popular Will, Nationalism, and
Military Strategy Could Not Stave Off Defeat (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1997); Jacqueline Glass Campbell, "'Terrible has Been the Storm': Sherman, the South
and the Cultural Politics of Invasion," (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 2000). Although
George C. Rable stresses women's conditional Confederate patriotism in Civil Wars, he
acknowledges their sustained loyalty in a more recent study. "Indeed, what remains most
remarkable about the Confederacy was not its internal weaknesses--political, social, or
economic--but its staying power and especially the ability of so many men and women to
endure and make sacrifices." George C. Rable, The Confederate Republic: A Revolution
Against Politics (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 300.








11

"To 'Cure Her of Her Pride and Boasting"' explores how the march and its assault

on domesticity galvanized Southern women and prompted them to embrace a Confederate

identity. It closely examines the white Southern women whose regional identities evolved

into a vehement Confederate patriotism. As Confederate women, they consistently

behaved in ways that encompassed both their regional and gender identities. Furthermore,

these female Rebels did not consider their loyalty to the Confederacy as unfeminine.

They saw adherence to the cause and their faith in the men engaged in warfare as a natural

extension of their Southernness. Activities that might have seemed unfeminine during

peacetime became appropriate during wartime. Confederate women physically and

verbally attacked the invading troops as they fought to protect themselves, their homes,

their possessions, and their families from "Satan Sherman and his imps."'4 Such defiance,

especially among elite women in Georgia and the Carolinas, as well as women's continued

support for the Confederacy, demonstrated their pride in and support for their nation.

As a result, instead of crushing female support for the Confederacy as planned,

Sherman's March provoked women to an intense, unwavering support for their country.

Confederate women supported their homeland while adhering to the ideals of Southern

ladyhood as they understood them.






14 Mary Rowe, 17 February 1865, "A Southern Girl's Diary," Confederate
Veteran 40 (July 1932): 265.








12

Chapter 1, "'War Means Ruin and Misery': Punishing Southern Women," places

the gendered motives and tactics of Union troops at the center of the campaign's basic

narrative. It contends that Sherman specifically designed his campaign through Georgia

and the Carolinas as a comprehensive assault on Southern domesticity. This, Sherman

believed, would eradicate white Southern women's support for their nation and the war.

In addition, it would "cure her of her pride and boasting."15 Consequently, during the

campaign Union troops purposefully ransacked homes and bedrooms, taunted and

threatened Southern women, as well as ravaged women's personal letters, journals, sheet

music, wedding dresses, and other sentimental treasures. Union soldiers primarily

justified the attack on these non-military items and areas as part of a campaign to destroy

the pride and punish the disloyalty of Confederate women.

Chapter 2, "'The Fiends Will Dance After Him in High Glee': Becoming

Confederates," argues that before Sherman's men arrived at their homes, white women in

Georgia and the Carolinas recognized that they had become domestic enemies and targets

of Union hostility. Union actions--especially the imprisonment of "Rebel" women in

Washington, Benjamin "Beast" Butler's Woman Order, Philip Sheridan's Shenandoah

campaign, and the early reports of Sherman's March--demonstrated to white Southern

women that they would no longer be shielded from the horrors of war by their gender or




15 William T. Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 12 March 1865, Home Letters of General
Sherman, ed. M. A. DeWolfe Howe (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909), 332.











class. As the line between homefront and warfront disappeared, and Sherman's men

approached, Confederate women readied to battle Union troops. The anticipation of

imminent confrontations with Sherman's troops provoked Southern women's

consciousness as Confederates to grow stronger.

White Southern women did not confine their support for their nation to words or

individual actions. Chapter 3, "'With Hearts Nerved by the Necessity for Prompt

Action': Confederate Women," demonstrates that Confederate women in Georgia and the

Carolinas displayed their regional loyalty through increased work for their nation as

Sherman's troops approached. From the outset of the Civil War, white women actively

supported the Confederacy as they raised money, encouraged enlistment, sewed

uniforms, rolled bandages, nursed wounded, and performed many other tasks to

contribute to the war effort. These wartime roles both reflected their dedication to their

nation and further promoted a strengthening of Confederate womanhood through the

development of a shared sense of identity with others across the South. Consequently,

women's roles in the Confederacy did not force them to choose between their femininity

and regional identities. Instead, these actions demonstrated that slaveholding women's

intrinsic Southernness required them to move into roles that emphasized their loyalty to

their nation through their work as Confederate women.

In addition, Chapter 3 treats the Columbia Bazaar of early 1865 as the

quintessential display of Confederate womanhood. As Sherman and his soldiers closed in

on the capital of South Carolina, the Confederate women there flaunted their loyalty with











an elaborate fundraising bazaar for Southern soldiers. In particular, the bazaar

demonstrated to the invading soldiers that Confederate women would not easily be

subdued. The imminent approach of Union troops made it difficult to organize and stock

a fundraising bazaar, but instead of dampening women's enthusiasm, it inspired them to

redouble their efforts. Sherman's March gave Confederate women a sense of immediacy

that motivated them to increase their work for Southern soldiers. Their knowledge of the

impending attack allowed white women to support the war effort as the Union invasion

directly threatened their homes and personal safety.

When confronted with Union troops in their homes and neighborhoods,

Confederate women discovered that their gender and class provided even less protection

than they had anticipated. Chapter 4, '"No Place, No Person is Sacred From Their

Profanation': Sherman's March," asserts that Northern soldiers routinely and

purposefully violated the traditional norms that gave white women a protected status in

nineteenth-century America. This unprecedented attack on Southern domesticity and

homes forced white women to defend both their regional and gender identities.

Successfully adapting their femininity to one that included a defense of their homes and

their nation, Confederate women made clear their belief that Sherman and his troops were

inhuman, uncivilized, and capable of anything. These female Rebels responded to the

assault on domesticity and femininity by using it as an opportunity to intensify their

fight for their nation, their homes, and their loved ones. In doing this, they proudly








15

asserted their Confederate patriotism as they confronted the enemy soldiers invading their

domestic sphere.

Not only did Sherman and his men leave physical destruction and ruin in their

path, but they also left bitterness, hatred, and Confederate patriotism in their wake.

Chapter 5, '"A Rebel as Long as I Live': The Intensity of Confederate Womanhood,"

argues that white women's persistent belief in the Confederacy and continued animosity

toward the enemy resulted directly from their experiences as civilian targets during

Sherman's March. The invasion of the domestic sphere during Sherman's campaign failed

to force Georgia and Carolina women to yield. It also had some unanticipated

consequences; the march magnified women's Confederate patriotism while it reinvigorated

their sense of the irreconcilable differences between Confederates and Northerners. The

march created in Confederate women "a hatred that knows no change, and [a people who]

can never forget what they have done, even to the tenth generation."16 Sherman's March

helped ensure Union victory, but it could not "break the pride of the [women of the]

South.""17






16 Loula Kendall Rogers, 11 May 1865, Loula Kendall Rogers Papers, Special
Collections Department, Robert W. Woodruff Library, Emory University, Atlanta,
Georgia.

17 William T. Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 23 March 1865, Home Letters of General
Sherman, 334-335.











Sherman's March may not have destroyed women's war efforts or Confederate

patriotism, but it had far-reaching and ruinous effects on the South. The epilogue,

"'Between Death and Dishonor': Shaming Southern Soldiers" explores the consequences

of Sherman's March on white Southern men. The results of the campaign, specifically

designed to emasculate men and demoralize women, suggest that it may have been more

successful in its indirect attack on Confederate soldiers than it was in its direct assault on

the nation's women. Although physically removed from the violence on the homefront,

soldiers from Georgia and the Carolinas felt the psychological brunt of the attack. In

short, the campaign destroyed Southern men's confidence in their ability to protect their

homes and families. It consequently forced Confederate soldiers to come to grips with

the fact that they could not protect Southern womanhood from the onslaughts of war.



American Civil War historians have often depicted Southern white women in the

latter war years as a battered lot. Exhausted from wartime realities and their own

sacrifices, the argument runs, Southern women had decided that the costs of the conflict

were too high. Whatever pro-Confederate sympathies that may have remained by late

1864 should have quickly dissipated with the threat of a personal attack by Union

troops. However, as "To 'Cure Her of Her Pride and Boasting'" argues, by directly

threatening the feminine sphere, Sherman's March had the opposite effect on its targets.

Rather than crushing Southern women into demoralized submission, the march reinforced

the Rebel loyalty of its victims and provoked their persistent hatred of the Northern











invaders. As word of Sherman's devastation became known, the march confirmed long-

held prejudices against Yankees and resulted in a renewed and strengthened belief in the

Confederate cause.

Tom Taylor, a Union soldier who "witnessed a scene of destruction and woe,"

assessed Sherman's March as "a black page for American history!"'8 Sherman's March,

he believed, would long be understood as he saw it, as an attack on helpless civilian

women and children. This assessment proved accurate. Since 1865, most scholars of the

Civil War, and of Sherman's March in particular, have glossed over Confederate women's

experiences and active participation in the war. Assuming that Southern women

passively suffered through a horrible ordeal over which they had little control, scholars

have spent little time on female Rebels. However, a closer look at Sherman's March

reveals white Southern women as ardent and active Confederates. Their place at the heart

of the campaign allowed them to understand its implications in ways that most historians

have not. One woman noted the significance early in the campaign. "How that march




18 Thomas T. Taylor, 23 November 1864, Diary, Thomas T. Taylor Collection,
Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia. Taylor made this comments after watching foragers
"[enter] the premises and after robbing family of every thing to eat, deliberately [proceed]
to break jars, dishes, furniture &c. until not more than a dozen half sashes were left and
not a single piece of furniture left undamaged." They "then robbed the beds of their
bedding, wardrobes of their clothing and cut open mattresses even to the one on which the
little children slept on their crib. To complete their inhuman and fiendish act [they drove]
the lady big with child, her innocent, little children and her aged mother from the house."
They even took "the graduating diploma of Miss Bryan. tore the ribbon and seal from
it and cast it on the floor."











through those feminine foes in Georgia will read in History! The cry of those ruined

households will sound along the ages."19 As another Confederate woman noted, female

Rebels did not stand quietly by as non-combatants while Union soldiers ransacked their

homes. Instead, they began a campaign of their own, vowing that as Confederate women

they "[would] never submit to Yankee dominion."20






























19 Caroline Gilman to Eliza, 25 December 1864, "Letters of a Confederate Mother:
Charleston in the Sixties," Atlantic Monthly 137 (April 1926): 510, emphasis added.

20 Louisa Jane Harllee Pearce to Ameilia, [March 1865], Benjamin H. Teague
Papers, 1846-1921, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston.














CHAPTER 1:
"WAR MEANS RUIN AND MISERY":
PUNISHING SOUTHERN WOMEN





In late 1864, Union General William Tecumseh Sherman, with 60,000 soldiers

under his command, set out on one of the most destructive campaigns in American

military history up to that point. After capturing and occupying Atlanta, Georgia, in

September 1864, the Union troops began marching east to Savannah in November. At the

end of the March to the Sea and after a short sojourn in Savannah, they continued their

campaign into the Carolinas at the beginning of 1865. By the time the march ended on

April 26, 1865, near Durham Station, North Carolina, Sherman had inflicted more than

$100,000,000 in physical damage as well as immeasurable psychological scars on the

Southern homefront.' Having secured the surrender of Confederate General Joseph

Johnston, the Union proclaimed the march a success. The campaign had fulfilled two




From Savannah, Sherman estimated that he had caused over $100,000,000 worth
of damage in the State of Georgia on the March to the Sea. William T. Sherman to Henry
Halleck, 1 January 1865, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official
Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 130 vols. (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1881-1902), Ser. 1, Vol. 44: 6-16, esp. 13. [hereafter cited
as Official Records].











interrelated goals: to break the will of Confederates and to destroy the material and

human resources supporting the rebel military.

This chapter, in addition to providing a basic narrative of the march as it relates to

civilians, explores the gendered motives and tactics of Sherman and his Union troops.

Although they generally avoided physical contact with the elite white women of the

South, Union soldiers found and employed countless ways to strike at their enemies'

femininity and livelihoods. This assault went far beyond the foraging and burning on

which prior historians have focused their attention. Union soldiers ravaged homes,

entered bedrooms, insulted women, threatened rape, destroyed personal items, and

otherwise unleashed an unprecedented domestic assault. In most instances, these actions

formed part of a premeditated plan that Sherman and his troops articulated prior to, and

justified throughout, the campaign.



Few historians acknowledge the centrality of women to Union tactics in the 1864-

1865 campaign. Instead, most focus on the official military objectives of the march to

destroy both the Confederacy's ability to provide supplies to its army and the morale of

its supporters. With few exceptions, scholars have conflated the two goals, assuming

that Union attempts to destroy material resources constituted the sole means of crushing

the spirits of the "rebels" who supported secession and the Confederacy. In addition,

their assessments have invariably defined the Confederate supporters in the path of











Sherman with an ungendered definition of"civilian." As a result, they treat the campaign

as a conflict between men on the battlefield, while ignoring the power of the largely female

civilian population. Because Union troops faced little sustained resistance from the

Confederate army, most analyses of the March focus on the ease with which Sherman

progressed through the South and asserted his military advantage.2 In addition, these

accounts prioritize what happened while the troops were between cities and towns rather

than when they were inside them. This approach neglects a discussion of the resistance

that the South's white women exhibited. In all of these ways, scholars have marginalized

white Southern women from the conflict and have treated them as passive victims.




2 Although he helped make war on the civilian enemy and faced the female
population's ire, Union officer Henry Hitchcock similarly minimized women's role as
enemy combatants in comparison to male troops. Despite experiences to the contrary, he
asserted that during the March to the Sea "we have met as yet no enemy, and no
opposition." Henry Hitchcock, 24 November 1864, Marching With Sherman: Passages
from the Letters and Campaign Diaries of Henry Hitchcock, Maior Assistant Adiutant
General of Volunteers, November 1864-May 1865, ed. M. A. DeWolfe Howe (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1995), 89.

3 Lee B. Kennett explores the first stage of Sherman's March in his Marching
Through Georgia. The Story of Soldiers and Civilians during Sherman's Campaign (New
York: HarperCollins, 1995). Despite its title, Kennett's book focuses primarily on the
military aspects and actions of the campaign. Only Chapter 14 offers a close look at the
interactions between soldiers and civilians. By turning women into passive victims,
Kennett and other scholars have left the impression that the North actually invaded a
quiescent South. In reality, the destruction of lives and property, which Sherman's
March exemplified, profoundly shaped Confederate women's and men's experiences.
The invasion itself cannot be understood without an understanding of who was invaded,
how Yankee soldiers viewed them, and how Confederate soldiers reacted to the despoiling
of their homeland. See John Bennett Walters, "General William T. Sherman and Total











Even as they ignore women, however, most studies of Sherman's March recognize

that the campaign had everything to do with power. 4 Sherman, himself, made this





War," Journal of Southern History 14 (November 1948): 447-480; John G. Barrett,
Sherman's March Through the Carolinas (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1956); John Bennett Walters, Merchant of Terror: General Sherman and Total War
(New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1973); Richard Wheeler, Sherman's March
(New York: Thomas Crowell, Publishers, 1978); Burke Davis, Sherman's March (New
York: Random House, 1980); James Lee McDonough and James Pickett Jones, War So
Terrible: Sherman and Atlanta (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987); Mark A.
Smith, "Sherman's Unexpected Companions: Marching Through Georgia With Jomini
and Clausewitz," Georgia Historical Quarterly 81 (Spring 1997): 1-24; Anne J. Bailey,
The Chessboard of War: Sherman and Hood in the Autumn Campaigns of 1864 (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 2000). Some recent studies of Sherman delve beneath the
political and military, but still focus more on military than civilian targets during the
March. For example, see Stanley P. Hirshson, The White Tecumseh: A Biography of
William T. Sherman (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1997); Michael Fellman, Citizen
Sherman: A Life of William Tecumseh Sherman (New York: Random House, 1995);
John F. Marszalek, Sherman: A Soldier's Passion for Order (New York: Vintage Books,
1994); Lee B. Kennett, Sherman: A Soldier's Life (New York: HarperCollins, 2001). A
few scholars have recognized the importance of women to the design of the march. See
Jane E. Schultz, "Mute Fury: Southern Women's Diaries of Sherman's March to the
Sea," in Arms and the Woman: War, Gender, and Literary Representation, ed. Helen M.
Cooper, Adrienne Auslander Munich, and Susan Merrill Squier (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1989): 59-79. Jacqueline Glass Campbell's recent dissertation
examine the centrality of women in the March through the Carolinas. See Campbell
"'Terrible Has Been the Storm': Sherman, the South and the Cultural Politics of
Invasion," (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 2000).

4 These explorations of power still emphasize a detached political and military
strategy. Historian Mark Grimsley exemplifies this approach as he argues that Sherman's
policy "suggests the continual working of political logic even in a circumstance as volatile
as the unleashing of armed men against a hostile population." To Grimsley, as well as to
others, political intentions define the March. Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union
Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1995), 2. See also Kennett Marching Through Georgia, 1-14; Joseph T.











explicit when he acknowledged that despite the fact that he "[could] not change the hearts

of those people of the South," he would "make war so terrible ... [and] make them so

sick of war that generations would pass away before they would again appeal to it." The

campaign, designed to demonstrate[] to the world ... that we have ... power," would,

Sherman asserted, be "proof positive that the North can prevail" and would no doubt end

the Southern war effort.5 In their focus on Sherman's March and his intentions, scholars

have overlooked the importance that Sherman placed on intimidating all Southerners, male

and female, with a forceful display of dominance. As a result, their studies focus on





Glatthaar, The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and
Carolinas Campaigns (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1985), 39-51.

In his exploration of Sherman's destructive policy, Charles Royster asserts that
the March was "[effective] in ending defiance." The Destructive War: William Tecumseh
Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), 347,
also see 79-143, 321-404.

5 William T. Sherman to Ulysses S Grant, 6 November 1864, Official Records,
Ser. 1, Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 660. Samuel Augustus Duncan of New Hampshire made the issue
of power clear in a letter to his future wife. "This inhuman war will not cease until the
arrogant South is brought under the rod, and made to feel that the North is a power, to be
respected and feared." Samuel Augustus Duncan to Julia Jones, 15 March, 1865, Yankee
Correspondence: Civil War Letters between New England Soldiers and the Home Front,
ed. Nina Silber and Mary Beth Sievens (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia,
1996), 51. An aid-de-camp of Sherman shared these sentiments. "If you are defeated,"
he told a woman, "you will have thoroughly learned what your people have never before
the war, in the slightest degree understood--how to respect us." George Ward Nichols, 16
September 1864, The Story of the Great March from the Diary of a Staff Officer (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1865), 23.











political and military strategy and minimize the attack on female civilians and their

domestic sphere.

However, the active presence of white Southern women during Sherman's March

must be acknowledged; the Union specifically designed a campaign aimed at female

civilians and the trappings of their domestic worlds.6 As Sherman himself acknowledged,

"this movement is not purely military or strategic, but it will illustrate the vulnerability of

the South."7 In its decision to attack the homefront, the Union could not avoid waging

war on white women. For various reasons, the Confederate homefront became women's

domain, both numerically and ideologically. With their husbands, brothers, fathers, and

sons away fighting the Yankees, white Southern women assumed most of the roles

traditionally assigned to men in the nineteenth century. As a result, during the Civil War

women controlled production, supplies, money matters, and day-to-day farm life. In this

manner, the entire Southern homefront became women's sphere. Consequently, any



6 According to historian Reid Mitchell, ultimately Northern soldiers could not, and
did not, see female Confederates as women because "making war on civilians required
a shift in attitudes toward women." Consequently, Union soldiers had to conceive of
Southern women solely as enemies, "and thinking of them as enemies transformed them
from neutrals to fit objects of war--people to be arrested, executed, burned out." Further,
"the northern soldiers' acceptance of the guilt of southern women helped to make the
transformation to a more destructive war possible." Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair:
The Northern Soldier Leaves Home (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 100-
101.

7 William T. Sherman to Henry Halleck, 19 October 1864, Official Records, Ser. 1,
Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 357-358, emphasis added.











attack on the homefront became by definition an assault on white women.8 Soldiers took

the feminine nature of their enemy into consideration and used it to their advantage

Union officers and enlisted men alike implemented policies designed to assert their

power over Confederate women. Before and during the march, as part of a campaign to

destroy female support for the Confederacy, Sherman publicly warned elite white women

that they would not be spared the horrors of war. He intended to capitalize on the gender

of his female targets, in the hopes of overpowering and subjugating the Southern

homefront. Sherman further desired to "make Georgia howl" and show the South its






8 On women and their centrality to the home in the nineteenth-century South, see
Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930(Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1970), 19, 28-44; Catherine Clinton, The Plantation
Mistress: Woman's World in the Old South (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), 18-35;
Jean E. Friedman, The Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the Evangelical
South, 1830-1900 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985); Orville
Vernon Burton, In My Father's House are Many Mansions: Family and Community in
Edgefield, South Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 123-
136; Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White
Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 37-99,
192-241; Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family and Community in the
Slave South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 38-42; Marli F. Weiner,
Mistresses and Slaves: Plantation Women in South Carolina, 1830-80 (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1998), 53-71. Most scholarly work on the household
focuses on the region's plantations. For a few notable exceptions, see D. Harland Hagler,
"The Ideal Woman in the Antebellum South: Lady or Farmwife?" Journal of Southern
History 46 (August 1980): 405-418; Stephanie McCurry, Masters of Small Worlds:
Yeoman Households, Gender Relations, & the Political Culture of the Antebellum South
Carolina Low Country (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).











powerlessness 9 This, he assumed, would crush civilian and military confidence in

Southern troops and result in the surrender of the Confederacy. Consequently,

Sherman's March launched an attack on Southern domesticity akin to a sexual assault on

the South as a whole.

Once it began, Sherman's campaign specifically targeted the physical and

ideological manifestations of domesticity. To show mastery over the South and its female

civilians and, thereby "cure her of her pride and boasting," Union troops stole food, fine

clothing, silver, and jewelry, while they destroyed the houses that white women

governed. Official orders instructed soldiers to destroy or take only those things that

would assist the Confederate war effort, but in his orders to "forage liberally," Sherman

gave his men relatively free rein. As a result of this ambiguity, the indiscriminate

ransacking of Southern homes and property went far beyond the dictates of warfare.10




9 William T. Sherman to Ulysses S. Grant, 6 November 1864, Official Records,
Ser. 1, Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 660. James Reston, Jr., recognized the gendered meaning of
Sherman's use of the word "howl." "Sherman expressedly set out to make Georgia howl.
But neither states nor soldiers howl; civilians do, particularly women. His technique
was to demoralize the women back home and let that have its effect on the soldiers at the
front." James Reston, Jr., Sherman's March and Vietnam (New York: MacMillan
Publishing Company, 1984), 93.

'1 William T. Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 12 March 1865, Home Letters of General
Sherman, ed. M. A. DeWolfe Howe (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909), 332,
emphasis added. Sherman required that "the army forage liberally on the country."
However, he ordered "soldiers must not enter the dwellings of the inhabitants, or commit
any trespass." Despite this seeming prohibition against pillage, Sherman gave wide
license to his commanders concerning the treatment of the Southern homefront and its











Although reports of physical rape of white women were rare, women across the South

feared for their property as well as their personal safety. By invading women's domain,

Sherman and his men crossed a line of propriety held sacred by Southerners.

Unlike some of his men, Sherman did not merely justify his assault on female

Confederates as punishment for their ardent support of the war. By aggressively

attacking women's domain, Sherman believed that he could eliminate this group's

participation in the war." Acting within nineteenth-century assumptions that women





civilians. To them he intrustedd the power to destroy mills, houses, cotton-gins &c."
Although Sherman asserted that "in districts and neighborhoods where the army is
unmolested no destruction of such property should be permitted," he gave exceptions to
the rules. "Should guerrillas or bushwhackers molest our march, or should the inhabitants
bum bridges, obstruct roads, or otherwise manifest local hostility, then army commanders
should order and enforce a devastation more or less relentless according to the measure of
such hostility." William T. Sherman, Special Field Orders No. 120, 9 November 1864,
Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 713, emphasis added.

Despite Colonel John Cobum's assertion to Atlanta officials that the Union "[did]
not come to make war upon non-combatants or private property; both shall be protected
a respected by us," the Union would evacuate the city of its civilians and burn many
private houses. John Coburn, as quoted in A. A. Hoehling, Last Train From Atlanta (New
York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1958), 417.

Before the campaign for Georgia and the Carolinas began, Sherman
acknowledged women and other civilians as vital participants in the Confederate war
effort. In his discussion of the treatment of presumed non-combatants in Alabama,
Sherman asserted that behavior determined their classification. "A question arises as to
[the treatment of] dwellings used by women, children, and non-combatants. So long as
non-combatants remain in their houses and keep to their accustomed business their
opinions and prejudices can in nowise influence the war, and therefore should not be
noticed; but if any one comes out into the public streets and creates disorder, he or she









28

behaved consistently within the "cult of domesticity," he assessed that if he brought the

war to female civilians, the South would inevitably crumble.12 According to such logic,

only the strongest of men could endure wartime horrors; women, by their nineteenth-

century definition, could not possibly survive them. In addition, an invasion of the

homefront would take from Confederate women their ability to exercise power in the

domestic sphere. Major Henry Hitchcock articulated this aspect of Sherman's plan,

noting that the march, "the mere fact of it, is bound to have a powerful influence of itself:

it shows the real hopelessness of their 'cause' first to those who suffer, and to the people

of 'The South,' and then to all the world."13 The march would demoralize its direct

victims, women, as well as the Southern soldiers fighting to protect their homes. Indeed,



should be punished, restrained, or banished." William T. Sherman to R. M. Sawyer, 31
January 1864, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 32, Pt. 2: 279

12 Almost all nineteenth-century women and men recognized that women lived
circumscribed by particular gender expectations. On women's sphere, see Barbara
Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860," in Dimity Convictions: The
American Woman in the Nineteenth Century (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1976), 21-
41. Not all women subscribed to the "cult of true womanhood," see Frances Cogan, All-
American Girl: The Ideal of Real Womanhood in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America
(Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1989).

Sherman also viewed his own wife through this lens: "I notice that you propose
to take part in a Sanitary Fair at Chicago. I don't much approve of ladies selling things at
a table. So far as superintending the management of such things, I don't object, but it
merely looks unbecoming for a lady to stand behind a table to sell things." William T.
Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 23 March 1865, Home Letters of General Sherman, 335.

13 Henry Hitchcock, 24 November 1864, Marching With Sherman, 89.









29

Hitchcock explained, "the [march's] express purpose [is], in fact, of teaching [Southern]

people that war means ruin and misery, & that 'their Government' cannot protect

them."14

Sherman's offensive against Confederate women began prior to the March to the

Sea. After a four month campaign for Atlanta, Georgia, Confederate forces evacuated the

city on September 1, 1864. Sherman and his troops took control of it on September 2,

allowing the Southern troops to escape. In establishing Atlanta as a command post for

Union operations, Sherman issued Special Field Orders No. 67 on September 8, 1864, to

"[vacate] all except the armies of the United States." This order resulted in the forced

departure of Atlanta's more than 1,500 civilians. 5 Despite vehement protests from

Confederate officials and civilians, Sherman stressed the necessity of evacuation, insisting

that "the use of Atlanta for warlike purposes is inconsistent with its character as a home

for families."16 Furthermore, Sherman was "not willing to have Atlanta encumbered by





14 Henry Hitchcock to Francis Lieber, 15 January 1865, Lieber Papers, Henry E.
Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, California.

15 Special Field Orders No. 67, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 38, Pt. 5: 837-838.

'6 William T. Sherman to James M. Calhoun, Mayor, E. E. Rawson and S. C.
Wells, representing the City Council of Atlanta, 12 September 1864, The Hero's Own
Story: General Sherman's Official Account of His Great March Through Georgia and the
Carolinas, From his Departure from Chattanooga to the Surrender of General Johnston,
and the Confederate Forces Under his Command, To Which are Added General Sherman's
Evidence before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, The











the families of [his] enemies."17 A hostile civilian population would not only impede

military activities, Sherman asserted, but it would also unnecessarily burden the Union

army, who would have to feed and shelter the "helpless" women and children.

Despite widespread agreement with, and support of, Sherman's evacuation policy

in Atlanta, Northern soldiers grappled with the moral implications of a direct assault on

white women. Some Union men struggled with ingrained conceptions of gender ideals and

the contradictions that arose as so-called necessities of war. For example, Ohio army

surgeon J. Dexter Cotton revealed to his wife his somewhat ambivalent support for the

order and justified it with out reference to military tactics. "It seems very hard," he

explained, "but serves them right for most of the women of the south are generally

stronger secess[ionists] than the men." In the end, Cotton decided that, despite their class

and gender and the protections that normally accompanied them, these Confederate

women deserved to be ousted from their homes and stripped of their property because

they helped initiate and continued to support the rebellion. 18 A Union chaplain came to a





Animadversions of Secretary Stanton and General Halleck; with a Defence of his
Proceedings, &c. (New York: Bunce & Huntington, Publishers, 1865), 60.

17 William T. Sherman to Henry W. Halleck, 9 September 1864, Official Records,
Ser. 1, Vol. 38, Pt. 5: 839.

18 J. Dexter Cotton to Wife, 17 September 1864, J. Dexter Cotton Papers, Library
of Congress, Washington, D.C. H. D. Chapman came to a similar conclusion. He "did
feel sorry for the women and innocent children. ... But our army is here and must be











similar conclusion. "The ladies, at some of the houses, are represented as intelligent,

beautiful, and rebellious," he wrote. This made no difference to him. "A pretty traitor is

no better than an ugly one--male or female. Many of the officers are boiling over with

sympathy for those pretty female rebels, but I have none."19 Female provocation of

secession became a justification for the harsh treatment of Southern civilians.

Soldiers may have used the idea of military necessity to justify the evacuation of

Atlanta's civilians, but many of them acknowledged that revenge also motivated it. In his

response to a letter protesting the order of evacuation, Sherman revealed his intertwined

war aims: he wanted to exact vengeance on the South as well as to end the Civil War.

Southerners protested that this policy wreaked havoc on families and turned gender ideals

upside down. It would not be proper, they insisted, to expel women and children from

their homes. Sherman did not agree. "War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it; and those

who brought war on the country deserve all the curses and maledictions a people can pour





fed." Horatio Dana Chapman, 20 September 1864, Civil War Diary: Diary of a Forty-
Niner (Hartford, Conn.: Allis, 1929), 95.

19 John J. Hight, 19 January 1865, History of the Fifty-Eighth Regiment of
Indiana Volunteer Infantry. Its Organization, Campaigns and Battles from 1861 to 1865.
From the Manuscript Prepared by the Late Chaplain John J. Hight During His Service
with the Regiment in the Field, ed. Gilbert R. Stormont (Princeton, N.J.: Press of the
Clarion, 1895), 416. Not all Union soldiers agreed with this policy. See Thomas T.
Taylor, 23 November 1864, Diary, Thomas T. Taylor Collection, Emory University,
Robert W. WoodruffLibrary, Special Collections, Atlanta, Georgia.








32

out." Sherman wanted female Southern civilians in particular to feel the consequences of

secession. He further asserted to the representatives of Atlanta that

you might as well appeal against the thunder-storm as against these
terrible hardships of war. They are inevitable, and the only way
the people of Atlanta can hope once more to live in peace and quiet
at home is to stop this war, which can alone be done by admitting
that it began in error and is perpetuated in pride.20

Here and elsewhere, Sherman made clear that his wartime policies would not be adjusted

to accommodate contemporary gender prescriptions. Women could expect the harsh

treatment that soldiers directed at Southern men as long as they remained hostile to the

Union.21

Once he had set up Atlanta as his command post, Sherman attempted to destroy

General John Bell Hood's Confederate forces. When this action proved unsuccessful, he

determined to march his troops across Georgia to demonstrate the power of the Federal

Army. Sherman further proposed that he cut off his supply and communication lines and

live off the countryside as he and his troops marched across the South. This tactic would



20 William T. Sherman to James M. Calhoun, Mayor, E. E. Rawson and S. C.
Wells, representing the City Council of Atlanta, 12 September 1864, The Hero's Own
Story, 59-61.

21 Ellen Sherman supported her husband's actions in Atlanta. "I am charmed with
your order expelling the inhabitants of Atlanta as it has always seemed to me
preposterous to have our government feeding so many of their people--their insolent
women particularly for they are responsible for the war and should be made to feel that it
exists in sternest reality." Ellen Sherman to William T. Sherman, 17 September 1864, as
cited in Marszalek, Sherman, 286.











allow him to pursue the devastation of the Southern countryside without having to

protect railroads or supply trains. At the same time, it would separate the Confederacy

from its own supply lines. Specifically, he proposed[] to act in such a manner against

the material resources of the South as utterly to negat[e] Davis' boasted threat and

promises of protection."22

Before their departure from Atlanta on November 15, 1864, Sherman's troops

burned everything of military importance in the city--depots, shops, factories, foundries,

and machine shops. According to Union reports, only war-related businesses and

factories were destroyed by fire. However, Southern reports blamed widespread

destruction of homes and personal property on Sherman's troops. Several Union soldiers

concurred. "Many houses had been burned & all day long the fires kept increasing in

number," E. P. Burton noted. "The sight was magnificent & melancholy in the extreem, I

think by dark all the public buildings & stores with many of the residences must have

been destroyed."23 Another Union soldier recorded a similar scene. "The work of

destroying the city of Atlanta which our Gen has ordered, still continues. Directly North

of where we are I see a beautiful residence wrapped in flames." As the soldiers "advanced




22 William T. Sherman to Ulysses S. Grant, 6 November 1864, Official Records,
Ser. 1, Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 660.

23 E. P. Burton, 15 November 1864, Diary of E P. Burton, Surgeon 7th Reg. Ill.,
3rd Brig. 2nd Div. 16 A. C. (Des Moines: The Historical Records Survey, 1939), 41.











through the City the smouldering ruins of once beautiful homes met our gaze on every

hand."24 The white women of Atlanta, already insulted by their removal, watched their

domestic lives go up in smoke.

An aggressive assault on domesticity, similar to what Atlanta had experienced,

continued as Union troops made their way through Georgia and the Carolinas.25 Leaving

Union Generals George H. Thomas and John M. Schofield with 60,000 soldiers to deal

with Hood's Confederate troops in Tennessee, Sherman's men began their March to the

Sea on November 15, 1864. To effectively forage, destroy, and demoralize the Georgia

countryside, Sherman divided his troops into two wings, a left (northern) wing

commanded by Henry W. Slocum and a right (southern) wing under Oliver O. Howard's

command. Although the officers and soldiers began the 285 mile march toward Savannah

with little knowledge of the plan or their destination, they confidently moved forward at

Sherman's command. The troops marched from ten to fifteen miles each day, foraging and

destroying Confederate property all along the way. Reports describe a forty to sixty mile

wide swath of destruction strewn with evidence of their presence--railroad ties twisted

around trees in "Sherman neckties," houses almost entirely razed by fires with only "lone




24 Vail, 15 November 1864, Vail Diary typescript, Bell Irvin Wiley Files, Emory
University.

25 For example, Rome, Georgia, suffered because "the soldiers want to see it
bum." E. P. Burton, 10 November 1864, Diary of E. P. Burton, 39.











chimney-stacks, 'Sherman's Sentinels,'" left standing, burned crops, and otherwise

trampled countryside.26 "The amt of property destroyed by the army is immense,"

Union soldier Edward Allen recorded. "Rail roads seemed to be our especial skill and the

way we tore up and burned the Georgia Central beats all." In addition, "Depots, public

buildings] and buildings] that were not so public shared the same fate of the RR. Each

Corps (4 of them) left a black streak to mark its way over the sacred soil."27 As this

report reveals, although the soldiers had official orders to target and destroy railroads,

mills, and other places or items that supported the Confederate war effort, they did not

hesitate to extend the assault to private property.

A lack of compassion for the female enemy existed throughout the ranks and

throughout the march. As the troops made their way through Georgia, James Leath

observed that "the people are left in a very destitute and suffering condition." The dire




26 William T. Sherman to Henry Halleck, 1 January 1865, Official Records, Ser. 1,
Vol. 34: 13. Eliza Frances Andrews, 24 December 1864, The War-Time Journal of a
Georgia Girl, 1864-65, ed. Spencer Bidwell King, Jr. (1908; reprint, Atlanta: Cherokee
Publishing Company, 1976), 32.

27 Edward W. Allen to Mollie, 17 December 1864, Edward W. Allen Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Similarly, after
witnessing the destruction in Rome, Georgia, one soldier recorded that "the country is
light with the burning of Rome ... It seemed melancholy to see the property being
destroyed. It is against orders--but the soldiers want to see it burn." Another asserted
that "we are under command of General Sherman and will destroy all before us." As
quoted in Lee Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 232 For a good description of the
March to the Sea, see Bailey, Chessboard of War.











straits in which he left Confederate civilians did not bother him, however. "If they all

starve to death I shall not be surprised, neither will I care." Leath's callousness, like that

of other Union soldiers, may be attributed to his views on the war. The Confederate

civilians, women included, deserved what they got because it was "a horrible state of

affairs [that] they had brought upon themselves."28 Union soldier Edward Allen gloried in

Sherman's orders and justifications for the evacuation. He encouraged his parents to

"read ... Sherman's letters to Hood in reference to the removal of the women & children

of Atlanta." These letters, he boasted, "are so good, just the sentiments of his whole

army." Because Sherman was "not afraid to treat ... [Confederate women] as they

deserve," the soldiers praised him as "the man we like to fight under." 29 Union troops

agreed that the attitudes and wartime roles of Confederate women warranted whatever

hardships the army brought to them.

Even when Northern men professed some compassion toward their female

victims, they rarely changed their destructive behavior. Union soldier Edwin Bowen

recorded an encounter with an elderly Southern woman who begged for mercy: "What

shall I do with all these girls on my hands to support, when you have taken all my corn?"



28 James Leath, 23 December 1864, A Journal of Movements & Incidents of the
3rd Brig, 4th Div, 15th A. C. During the March from Rome to Savannah Georgia,
Commencing November 10th 1864 and ending December 23 1864, Huntington Library

29 Edward W. Allen to James and Emily Allen, 25 September 1864, Edward W.
Allen Papers.








37

Although Bowen claimed to have felt a little pity for the woman's situation, his response

to her did not reflect it. Instead, he "remarked to her, that it was necessary for me to

obtain corn for my mules and further that 'God will not forsake the richeous.' She must

look to him."30 When recording a confrontation with the wife of a railroad agent in

Madison, Georgia, Horatio Chapman similarly noted that although he "almost always

[had] sympathy for the women," this particular one elicited no such response. Not only

did she have a "large and elegant mansion," but also "she was a regular secesh and spit out

her spite and venom against the dirty Yanks and mudsills of the north."31 Union soldiers

insisted that Confederate women, as vocal nationalists, deserved punishment for their

rebellious, secessionist natures.

The route through a rich agricultural area of Georgia offered fertile opportunity for

good eating and high spirits amongst the soldiers. Here, as they did throughout the march,

the soldiers "subsist[ed] almost entirely from the enimey's country."32 After feasting on

"plenty of sweet Potatoes and fresh Pork, Chickens Turkeys &c.," Delos Van Deusen




30 Edwin Anson Bowen, 2 March 1865, Edwin A. Bowen Diary, Bowen Papers,
Huntington Library.

31 Horatio Dana Chapman, 19 November 1864, Civil War Diary ... of a Forty-
Niner, 100-101.

32 R. B. Hoadley to Cousin, 8 April 1865, R. B. Hoadley Papers, Duke
University, Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Durham, North
Carolina.











bragged, "we didn't leave plenty" for the civilians.33 Most Northern soldiers simply

rejoiced in the bounty shared during the campaign. Throughout the trip from Atlanta,

there was a constant influx of foragerss bringing in all manner or stuff and in all Shapes &

conditions." As a result, "all the Boys enjoyed the trip hugely"34 Another noted that

"we had a very nice time while on the march plenty to eat and did not march very hard."35

As they moved across the Southern countryside, Union soldiers ate what they could and

then killed or scattered whatever was left in order to keep excess supplies away from

Confederate soldiers and civilians. They gleefully "destroyed all we could not eat, stole

their niggers, burned their cotton & Gins, Spilled their Sorghum, Burned and twisted their

Rroads and raised Hell generally as you know an army can when 'turned loose."'

Furthermore, the soldiers "lived on the fat of the land finding endless supplies of Sweet

Potatoes, Poultry, Hogs, Sheep, Cattle, Sorghum, Syrup, Honey &c yes and plenty of

Peanuts to eat on the way."36 Although they "only had 4 days rations issued ... in the




"3 Delos Van Deusen to Henrietta Van Deusen, 28 December 1864, Delos Van
Deusen Papers, Huntington Library

34 Michael Dresbach to Wife, 14 December 1864, Bell Irvin Wiley Files.

35 Jo to Linda McNeill, 24 December 1864, Alexander A. Lawrence Papers,
Georgia Historical Society, Savannah.
36 Devine to Captain J. H. Everett, 19 December 1864, J. H. Everett Papers,
Georgia Historical Society. Also see Mrs. E. A. Steele to Tody, 15 February 1865, in
Katherine M. Jones, ed., When Sherman Came: Southern Women and the "Great March"
(New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1964), 133; M. C. H. to Lou, 7 December











whole march" many soldiers reported that during the campaign they "lived better than

ever before" on "Sweet potatoes chickens, turkeys, fresh port, & beef, and mutton,

turnips four meal preserves pickles wines, beer, & everything that a rich planters place

could afford." The bounty of the land proved plentiful as "in some places as much as

3,000, bushels of sweet potatoes would be consumed in one night."37 The constant

foraging, "a continuous thanksgiving," fulfilled more than one of Sherman's campaign

aims.3" He had succeeded not only in supplying his own troops and limiting what was




1864, in The Alexander Letters: 1787-1900, ed., Marion Alexander Boggs (Savannah:
George J. Baldwin, 1910): 282.

37 Even the towns offered good fare. Charles Brown described the meal in
Milledgeville, Georgia. The troops "had 5 chickens 1 turkey (the largest I ever saw.) the
hind quarter of mutton a ham, about 25 lbs of cap honey 1/2 gal. of Syrum, all the pan
cakes we could eat. warm buiscuit & evry thing in proportion." Charles S. Brown to
Mother and Etta, 16 December 1864, Charles S. Brown Papers, Duke University. The
soldiers gloried in their foraging efforts. Another described "some of the nice things we
had to eat" including "plenty of sweet potatoes, which is very very good you know. the
next plenty was plenty of fresh meats that was good also fresh meat and sweet potatoes
aint to be laughed at sure well the next lots of Molasses very good the next is Honey very
sweet so you see we must be very sweet by this time don't you think so, lastly but not
the least, was Chickens." He then mocked "those Georgians" as "clever people to have
so many good things ready for us." Jo to Linda McNeill, 24 December 1864, Alexander
A. Lawrence Papers

38 George Ward Nichols, 27 November 1864, The Story of the Great March, 66.
Another soldier called the March to Sea "one big picnick." Charles Ewing to Thomas
Ewing, 15 December 1864, "Sherman's March Through Georgia: Letters from Charles
Ewing to his Father Thomas Ewing," ed. George C. Osborn, Georgia Historical Quarterly
42 (September 1958). 326. From Savannah, Sherman noted that because the troops
"came right along living on turkeys, chickens, pigs," not only did he not have to feed
them, but "Jeff Davis will now have to feed the people of Georgia instead of collecting











available to Confederate troops, but he had also brought suffering to the civilians in his

path.

In another tactical measure, Sherman spread his troops across a forty to sixty

mile-wide path to give Confederate soldiers and civilians the sometimes false impression

that they were heading for multiple places in Georgia, South Carolina, and North Carolina.

One soldier described the path as a "black streak behind us about 50 miles wide."39

Another asserted that "for forty miles in width, the country throughout our whole line of

march is a desert."" This tactic allowed the Union forces to keep the Confederate troops

spread thinly as they tried to protect a wide area, and consequently prevented high

casualties. It also increased anxiety within Southern homes. Although there were several

skirmishes with Confederate troops on the March to the Sea, Union casualties for the

entire campaign numbered only 2,200. Union forces easily captured Milledgeville,

Georgia's state capital, on November 23. There, in addition to general looting and

destruction, the Union soldiers held a mock legislature to "repeal" the state's secession



provisions of them to feed his armies." William T. Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 16
December 1864, Home Letters of General Sherman, 316. See also Thomas W. Osborn, 10
November 1864, The Fiery Trail: A Union Officer's Account of Sherman's Last
Campaigns, ed. Richard Harwell and Philip N. Racine (Knoxville: University of
Tennessee Press, 1986), 35.

39 Charles S. Brown to Mother and Etta, 16 December 1864, Charles S. Brown
Papers.

40 Orlando M. Poe to Nell, 16 December 1864, Alexander A. Lawrence Papers.











ordinance.41 Once again, as part of Sherman's psychological tactics, they wanted to

humiliate Confederates to demonstrate the power of the Union army.

Although Sherman had designated a specific group of men as official foragers for

his Army and directed them to gather only food and supplies for the troops, "Sherman's

Bummers" as well as other soldiers often seized personal property as souvenirs of their

service.42 Women's clothes, letters, linens, jewelry, silver, household furnishings, sewing

supplies, baby clothes, and dishes often became the spoils of war. None of these items

would directly help the Union militarily, but an attack on them struck at the heart of

white Southern women's lives.43 According to some of Sherman's men, few homes

escaped the foraging. "House Robbing has become universal," Union Chaplain John J.

Hight wrote. "I do not mean all of the men rob houses, but all the houses are robbed."44

Union soldiers seized whatever they could get their hands on from Confederate

civilians. "The Boys [took] a great many things of value they went into Private houses



41 John C. Van Duzer, 22 November 1864, John C. Van Duzer Diary, Duke
University; James C. Bonner, "Sherman at Milledgeville in 1864," Journal of Southern
History 22 (January 1931): 41-54.

42 For a discussion of foraging and "bumming" during Sherman's March through
Georgia, see Lee Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 263-287. Also see Marszalek,
Sherman, 301-302.

43 Lee Kennett notes Union soldiers' fascination with women's "sweet little
notes" and letters. Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 89.

44 John J. Hight, 22 February 1865, History of the Fifty-Eighth Regiment, 487.








42

and took what they wanted," Michael Dresbach observed.45 Edward Allen left a detailed

description of the spoils of war after the Union captured Columbia.

Every concurable article that one could imagine, must, was to be
found in our camp, clothing, bed clothing, such splendid coverlids,
qui[l]ts, & sheets, musical instruments violins guitars, music box &
had not pianos been quite so heavy you might have seen many of
them there Flour meal sugar, butter, all the yankee notions usually
fond in stores. Silver plate, plates knives forks. & spoons.

The soldiers had appropriated so many things that Allen realized "it would take too much

time, candle & paper to mention or even try to mention all that was there."46

Some soldiers sent the domestic treasures they confiscated to loved ones in the

North. However, they dropped much of the heavy booty along the roadside as the march

continued. An Illinois soldier commented on the waste. "Articles of silverware, that have

been carried along, are thrown into the road, where the heavy wagons crushed out all

semblance of anything useful, and the tired and thirsty soldier, relieved of his burden,







45 Michael Dresbach to Wife, 14 December 1864, Bell Irvin Wiley Files. Dresbach
continued with a description of what he had seen. "Some got Silver Pitchers and Plate of
considerable value One of the Boys dug up a Box that was Buried in the field containing
$60,000 Confederate money Another found one containing 2 gold watches and $260 in
coin there is a great deal found that we do not hear of"

46 Edward W. Allen to James and Emily Allen, 17 February 1865, Edward W.
Allen Papers. Also see Sylvester Daniels, 17 February 1865, Sylvester Daniels Diary,
Huntington Library.











passes on."47 Another regretted that he "got a lot of nice books but... had to give them

away for [he] could not carry them."48 Edward Allen similarly noted that "most all was

left--destroyed except small articles of value easily carried by one of the boys. I got a

nice vase which I will try & get home."49 Charles Brown alerted his family to the gifts he

would be sending home as well as the ones he had lost. As did most of the souvenir

hunters, Brown primarily took domestic items "I have some selections of Rebel music to

send," he wrote to his parents and sister. "I got them from a house about 18 miles above

Savanah ... there was considerable more but I brought a good selection & [you] shall have

the first best lot." In addition to the music, he took "some jewrlry from the house of Reb.

Gen Irwin. [whose] house was plundered from ground to Shingles & burnt."'5 Although




47 Charles F. Hubert, 20 February 1865, History of the Fiftieth Regiment Illinois
Volunteer Infantry (Kansas City, Mo. Western Veteran Publishing Company, 1894),
356. Also see William O. Wettleson to Parents and Sisters, 4 April 1865, Bell Irvin
Wiley Files, Emory University; Thomas J. Myers to Wife, 26 February 1865, Thomas J.
Myers Papers, Southern Historical Collection.

48 John H. Roberts to Brother, 7 January 1865, as quoted in Glatthaar, March to
the Sea and Beyond, 149. Also see Henry Orlando Marcy, 11 February 1865, Henry
Orlando Marcy Diary, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina,
Columbia.
49 Edward W. Allen to James and Emily Allen, 17 February 1865, Edward W.
Allen Papers.

50 Charles S. Brown to Mother and Etta, 16 December 1864, Charles S. Brown
Papers. John Herr planned to send home curiosities as well as treasures. "I will send you
a few heads of rice so you can see how it looks in the Straw[, and] I am going to send a
vest that I captured." John Herr to Sister, 18 December 1864, John Herr Papers, Duke










Sherman officially opposed the wholesale plunder of Southern property, he rarely

punished offenders and applauded the effects that the looting had on the Southern civilian

population.51

The small military opposition faced by the Union troops as they marched through

Georgia consisted of approximately 8,000 Confederate soldiers in Joseph Wheeler's

cavalry corps and Gustavus W. Smith's Georgia militia. William J. Hardee took control

of Confederate troops in Georgia on November 17, 1864, but could not stop Sherman's

progress through the state. Acknowledging his powerlessness, Hardee focused his energy

and forces on protecting the port of Savannah. He proved unsuccessful in this endeavor

as well. After Sherman and his troops cut through most of Georgia by December 10,

1864, the Union general demanded the surrender of Savannah a week later. When Hardee

refused, the Union forces began a siege of the city, but left Confederate troops free to

evacuate. Hardee and his men abandoned Savannah on December 21, escaping across the




University. See also Vett Noble to Mom, 14 March 1865, "Vett Noble ofYpsilanti: A
Clerk for General Sherman," ed. Donald W. Disbrow, Civil War History 14 (March
1968), 35.

51 A lieutenant on the march insisted that Sherman intended the widespread
devastation. "William T. Sherman is the most relentless enemy the South has in the
Union Army, and when a word from his lips would have stopped the universal
devastation he would not speak that word, but said simply to the pleading fair ones of
Columbia 'It is your own fault."' George M. Wise to John Wise, 13 March 1865,
"Marching Through South Carolina: Another Civil War Letter of George M. Wise," ed.
Wilfred W. Black, Ohio Historical Quarterly 46 (April 1957): 193-194.











river into South Carolina. Subsequently, Sherman took control of the city and its two

hundred artillery pieces, ammunition, and approximately thirty thousand bales of cotton.

On December 22, 1864, Sherman sent President Abraham Lincoln a telegram announcing

the accomplishment: "I beg to present you as a Christmas Gift the City of Savannah

with one hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition: and also about twenty

five thousand bales of cotton."52 The soldiers proudly recalled their triumphant

campaign: "36 days ago we were standing near Atlanta Geo watching the angery flames

devouring Building after Building[.] [T]o day we stand here at Savannah Master of over a

Hundread fields which was bought and Paid with Freemans Blood." In addition to the

immediate consequences, this soldier also reflected on the larger significance of the march.

"Here we have ended what I think will go down in History and be told over and over

again as one of the greatest achievements on Record."53

Throughout their homefront attack, Union soldiers targeted wealthy slaveholding

families, whom they considered instrumental in Southern secession. Sherman provided

justification for this action when he commanded that soldiers should "discriminate

between the rich, who are usually hostile, and the poor and industrious, usually neutral or




52 William T. Sherman to Abraham Lincoln, 22 December 1864, Sherman File,
Huntington Library

53 James G. Essington, 22 December 1864, James G. Essington Diary, Alexander
A. Lawrence Papers.








46

friendly."54 The troops complied with this wish. One Union soldier noted that "the poor

people are respected by the soldiers and their property protected." On the other hand,

"the rich are persecuted when caught and their barns, gins & houses fall victims to the

invaders match.""55 Another observed the specific punishment of elite Southerners and

wrote during the March that "the Army are renting their spite on everything destructible

& our line is marked each day by dense columns of black smoke curling up from the

former residences of the 'chivalry.'"56 In Georgia, soldiers devastated Howell Cobb's

plantation and did not "feel much troubled about the destruction of Howell] C[obb]'s

property" because he was "one of the head devils." As a result, the "General told all the

darkies to help themselves as well as the soldiers, to the supplies found here, and ordered

the balance burned Hitchcock justified the attack on Cobb by noting that he "has four









54 Special Field Orders No. 120, 9 November 1864, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol.
39, Pt. 3: 713. Sherman made his antipathy toward the South's upper class before the
Georgia campaign. "No man will deny that the United States would be benefited by
dispossessing a rich, prejudiced, hard-headed, and disloyal planter." William T. Sherman
to R. M. Sawyer, 31 January 1864, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol 32, Pt. 2: 279.

55 Charles Cox to Katie, 1 February 1865, "'Gone for a Soldier': The Civil War
Letters of Charles Harding Cox," ed. Lorna Lutes Sylvester, Indiana Magazine of History
68 (September 1972): 229.

56 Divine to J. H. Everett, 25 January 1865, J. H. Everett Papers.











or five other plantations, and 500 to 600 negroes in all."57 Sherman, too, relished the

attack on the elite slaveholding class.58







57 Henry Hitchcock, 22 November 1864, Marching With Sherman, 84-85. As
described by Hitchcock, Cobb's plantation was "about 6000 acres, and worked 100
hands" but was so run-down that Hitchcock proclaimed "No Northern farm owner would
allow his agent or farmer to have such. No thrift or neatness about the place: sundry
rude log cabins for storehouses, mean rail fences--everything shabby: old negroes
wretchedly dressed."

Union troops attacked elite households throughout the March. For example, in
Charleston they went in search of specific secessionists, "asking 'Is this the home of Mr.
Rhett?' and 'Is that the dwelling of Mr. Middleton?" In addition, "Charlestonians Arthur
P. Hayne and Alfred Huger, were pulled about and struck" by the invading soldiers.
They also specifically attacked the homes of Dr. John Cheves, Maxcy Gregg, and
Columbia Mayor Thomas Jefferson Goodwyn. See Royster, The Destructive War, 21.
Pauline Heyward describes a similar incident. "They said that they had to arrest and
shoot every influential citizen in S.C., every mover of secession, & from the accumulation
of wealth, the quantities of food, books & clothes in this house, the finest they had seen
in these parts, that they knew Father was wealthy, literary, & influential, & they had
heard enough of him, to make an example of him & catch him they would." Pauline
DeCaradeuc Heyward, 18 February 1865, A Confederate Lady Comes of Age: The
Journal of Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 1863-1888, ed. Mary D. Robertson, (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1992), 67. See also E. P. Burton, 27 October 1864,
Diary of E. P. Burton, 37; Charles S. Brown to Mother and Etta, 16 December 1864,
Charles S. Brown Papers; Thomas T. Taylor, 23 November 1864, Diary, Thomas T.
Taylor Collection. See also Bonner, "Sherman at Milledgeville," 281.

58 Some scholars propose that Sherman designed his campaign with the intention
of striking hardest at the Southern elite. For example, Michael Fellman asserts that
"Sherman's men were urged to make class distinctions: Sparing the poor and
industrious ... [and] make a special effort to destroy the grand homes of those rich and
therefore especially resented traitors who had made secession." Fellman, Citizen
Sherman, 214-215.











Soldiers left their mark on the South's domestic landscape. After ransacking

homes, many defaced the remaining buildings. "Almost every house in town is more or

less damaged," Andrew McBride observed. "The walls of most of them completely

covered with charcoal autographs of Yankee celebrities such for instance as this on the

door of your house 'Patrick Boyle 90 Ind Vol Infty.'" Other Union soldiers were more

personal in their epithets. "Just under Patricks name, I found 'Miss Ada is tha pritist girl

in town.'" Other walls displayed Union insults. The soldiers "volunteered or tendered a

good deal of advise to President Davis and Genl Hood and to rebels generally." McBride

included examples: "'Jeff,--relinquish your efforts to establish a new Confederation'

[signed] 'Abe'" or "'Genl Hood: you didn't expect us to come in at the back door, did

you?"'59

On multiple occasions, Union soldiers took advantage of the domestic luxuries

within the homes of the Southern elite. "Some of our soldiers are very reckless and smash

everything that comes in their way. One fellow played on the piano while his comrades

danced a jog on the top of the instrument and then he drove an axe through it."60 Soldiers

engaged in similar celebrations in many parlors of their enemies. When updating his sister




59 Andrew Jay McBride to Fannie, 11 September 1864, Andrew Jay McBride
Papers, Duke University.

60 Michael Dresbach to Wife, 15 December 1864, as quoted in Glatthaar, March to
the Sea and Beyond, 148.











on the state of affairs, Charles Brown highlighted the non-military items that soldiers

destroyed. "You might see all sorts of scenes" along the March, including

boys pounding Piano keys with their Hatchets to see who could
make the most noise or pile up a pile of plates & "order arms" on
them to all who could break the most or try & see who could shoot
the most cows or hogs. or see who could dress themselves in the
best suit of women clothes & then make the lady of the house
play for them to have a cotillion & if the music did not suit slash
their hatchet through the top of the piano to improve the time.61

In addition to the physical damage caused by the drunken festivities, the soldiers

specifically trampled on the markings of domesticity to strike at women's sphere.62

Once in control of Savannah, Sherman set about demonstrating to the city's

residents that a peaceful surrender and return to the Union would protect Southerners

from Union wrath To contrast his treatment of residents in Savannah to that of

rebellious Atlantans, Sherman opened his headquarters to whoever wanted to visit. He

also allowed the local government to continue functioning and made sure that food came

into the city to feed the residents. At the same time, however, Sherman justified the




61 Charles S. Brown to Etta, 26 April 1865, Charles S. Brown Papers.

62 Women corroborated such stories. For examples, see Ellen Devereux Hinsdale
to Child, 23 March 1865, Hinsdale Family Papers, Duke University; Pauline DeCaradeuc
Heyward, 18 February 1865, A Confederate Lady Comes of Age, 65; Annie Jones to
Cadwallader Jones, 6 March 1865, Cadwallader Jones Papers, Southern Historical
Collection; Grace Brown Elmore, 21 February 1865, A Heritage of Woe: The Civil War
Diary of Grace Brown Elmore, 1861-1868, ed. Marli F. Weiner (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 1997), 101.








50

tactics that he had employed up to this point. "This may seem a hard species of warfare,

but it brings the sad realities of war home to those who have been directly or indirectly

instrumental in involving us in its attendant calamities."63 Henry Hitchcock agreed with

Sherman's intention to make war "horrible beyond endurance," hoping that an assault of

the homefront would subdue Confederate women and men. Both officers believed that

only a scorched-earth policy had the power to end the Civil War and bring about peace.

This destruction could be inflicted on the Southern homefront because war blurred the

gender boundaries. Hitchcock expressed his desire to retaliate against what he saw as the

South's intentional provocation of war in a letter to his wife. "Our enemies [male and

female] have shown themselves devils in the spirit which ever began this most

unprovoked and inexcusable rebellion there is nothing for it but 'to fight the devil with

fire."'64 Consequently, Union soldiers made the "the effects and ravages of war ...

noticeable everywhere." In Savannah, John Glidden described, "business is almost

entirely suspended and nearly every store is closed." Furthermore, "the houses are...

carefully closed and very few civilians and ladies are to be seen ... and Sherman's dead

horses are laying about the streets by the dozen .... Martial Law is supreme in



63 William T. Sherman to Henry Halleck, 1 January 1865, The Hero's Own Story,
83-84.

64 Henry Hitchcock to Mary Hitchcock, 4 November 1864, Henry Hitchcock
Collection, Library of Congress. For examples of white Southern women expressing
similar feelings about their Northern invaders, see Chapter 4.











everything."65 If in 1864 the "devilish" Southerners insisted on continued support of

their misguided and malicious cause, Union troops remained equally determined to punish

them for their actions.

Sherman's soldiers freed thousands of the slaves that they encountered on Georgia

and Carolina plantations as they destroyed the trappings of slavery, such as cotton fields,

gin houses, plantation homes, and agricultural equipment. From Savannah, Sherman

issued Special Field Orders, No. 15 on January 16, 1865, granting freedpeople full control

of the sea islands as well as coastal land thirty miles inland from Charleston, South

Carolina to Jacksonville, Florida. Many Southern blacks followed the Union troops,

hoping to gain their freedom in the ranks of the Union. Some served as spies for

Sherman's army. Others cheered as the Union troops passed by. Although some officers

were kind to the escaped slaves who followed the army, others allowed racist attitudes to

govern their actions.66




65 John M. Glidden to William H. Gardiner, 29 January 1865, "A Yankee Views
the Agony of Savannah," ed. Frank Otto Gatell, Georgia Historical Quarterly 43
(December 1959): 429.

66 The impact of Sherman's March on slaves has been explored in Edmund L.
Drago, "How Sherman's March Through Georgia Affected the Slaves," Georgia
Historical Quarterly 57 (Fall 1973): 361-375; Willie Lee Rose, Rehearsal for
Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc.,
1964); Leslie Schwalm, A Hard Fight for We: Women's Transition from Slavery to
Freedom in South Carolina (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997); Dylan
Penningroth, "Slavery, Freedom, and Social Claims to Property among African Americans
in Liberty County, Georgia, 1850-1880," Journal of American History 84 (September








52

As he left Savannah on February 1, 1865, Sherman again spread out his troops to

leave the Confederates guessing his destination. The army, still divided into two columns

and four corps under Slocum and Howard, spread as wide as forty miles across. Each

corps, continued its destructive journey following different routes, giving the impression

that the troops were headed toward either Augusta, Georgia or Charleston, South

Carolina. Still unsure of their final destination, Union soldiers assumed they headed

toward South Carolina and welcomed a sojourn in the Palmetto State. John Herr gloried

that "we will Show old South Carolina a trick that She never saw before we will make her

suffer wors[e] then she did the time of the Revolusionary war." Union troops would do

this to "let her know that ... it isened so sweet to seceds as she thought it would be."

Other soldiers agreed with Herr, who recorded that "nearly every man in Shermans army

say they are in for disstroying every thing ... in South Carolina I don't know but I think

Sherman will disstroy every thing that is of no value to us." As a result, he thought that

"ere long you will heare of Shermans Army sweeping through S.C. like a hericane."67

O. M. Poe realized that

it requires no sage prophet to divine [the campaign's] direction.
Wo to South Carolina! We are on her borders, ready to carry fire &




1997): 405-435; Campbell "'Terrible Has Been the Storm.'" For Field Order 15, see
Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 47: 60-62.

67 John Herr to Katy Herr, 5 February 1865, John Herr Papers.










Sword into every part of that State, and there is not one in all the
length & breadth of the land to stay our hands.68

Sherman's men began their assault on South Carolina before they even entered the state.69

Officially ordered or not, Union soldiers all knew that "poor South Carolina must

suffer now. None of the soldiers are storing up mercy for her. Her deluded people will

not reap the full reward for all their folly and crimes."'7 This attack on the Palmetto State





68 0. M. Poe to Nell, 26 December 1864, Alexander A. Lawrence Papers. See also
Samuel Mahon to Lizzie, 22 December 1864, "The Civil War Letters of Samuel Mahon,"
ed. John K. Mahon, Iowa Journal of History 51 (July 1953): 258.

69 The soldiers in Sherman's army and Sherman himself did not hide their desire to
wreak vengeance on the state of South Carolina. Sherman reportedly told a woman in
Savannah who wanted to return to her native South Carolina of his plans for the Palmetto
State. "You will be going, madam, out of the frying pan into the fire. My army is
composed of some of the most lawless ruffians upon earth. Here in Georgia, I can with
difficulty control them, but when I enter South Carolina I shall neither be able nor
desirous to do so. You have heard of the horrors of war; wait until my arm gets into
South Carolina and you will see the reality." As quoted in Hirshson, The White
Tecumseh, 275. Prior to his entering South Carolina, Sherman indicated what the
Palmetto State would endure. "The truth is, the whole army is burning with an insatiable
desire to wreak vengeance upon South Carolina. I almost tremble at her fate, but feel that
she deserves all that seems in store for her." William T. Sherman to Henry W. Halleck, 24
December 1864, Memoirs of General W. T. Sherman, ed. Michael Fellman (New York:
Penguin Books, 2000), 558.

70 John J. Hight, 19 January 1865, History of the Fifty-Eighth Regiment, 416.
Edward W. Allen noted that "in the evening orders were read to the Regt, Reminding us
that S.C. was the state where the seeds of rebellion were first sown & ripened into feint &
giving us to understand that we were not to be so closely restricted as through Ga. ie,
allowed more privileges ." Edward W. Allen to James and Emily Allen, 4 February
1865, Edward W. Allen Papers.










would show the South the consequence of her rebellious actions as well as the North's

superior power. The tactics in South Carolina targeted the seedbed of secession "to crush

the last particle of wind out of the Confederacy."71 Federal soldiers believed that these

rabid Rebels in South Carolina, most of them women, deserved whatever hardships they

experienced As a result, as they entered South Carolina, Union troops inflicted even

more damage than they had in Georgia. "The well-known site of columns of black smoke

meets our gaze again," Union officer George Ward Nichols observed. "This time houses

are burning, and South Carolina has commenced to pay an installment, long overdue, on

her debt to justice and humanity."72 Sebastian Duncan similarly wrote that it was

"almost as though there was a Secret organization among the men to burn Every thing in

the State for thus far ... houses, in Some way, get on fire & nearly all we have passed




Some soldiers believed the same while the army was in Georgia. For example,
Joseph Hoffhines reported that "this Government is now Entering upon a new policy.
We are ordered to burn Cities and Barns and Houses where Ever we go and lay waste the
Entire Country." Joseph Hoffhines to Wife, 11 November 1864, as quoted in Lee
Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 232.

71 Thomas E. Smith to Brother, 27 December 1864, as quoted in Royster, The
Destructive War, 344. Also see William Scofield to Father, 2 February 1865, William
Scofield Papers, South Caroliniana Library.

72 George Ward Nichols, 30 January 1865, The Story of the Great March, 131.
Other soldiers also felt that justice had been served. "We bade the remains of the City of
Columbia the Capitol of S.C. farewell. No which had recd her Just reward for the evil
deeds she did in the great rebellion." Jesse S. Bean, 20 February 1865, Jesse S. Bean
Diary, Southern Historical Collection.











thus far are in ashes."3 As the soldiers made their way northward through South

Carolina, they burned at least a dozen towns. Parts of Gillisonville, Grahamville,

Hardeeville, McPhersonville, Springfield, Robertsville, Lawtonville, Barnwell, Blackville,

Midway, Orangeburg, and Lexington all went up in flames. The soldiers watched "South

Carolina .. getting badly scorched" with satisfaction.74 As men and Northerners, Union

troops put Rebels in their place.75







73 Sebastian Duncan to Mother, 1 February 1865, as cited in Glatthaar, March to
the Sea and Beyond, 140.

74 Sylvester Daniels, 18 February 1865, Sylvester Daniels Diary Typescript. The
Union desire to wreak vengeance on South Carolina was not a new one. A full year before
Sherman's March began, Isaac Jackson hoped for a chance to punish South Carolina
soldiers on the field of battle. "No man ever looked forward to any event with more joy
than did our boys to have a chance to meet the sons of the mothers of traitors, 'South
Carolina."' Isaac Jackson to Moses and Phebe Jackson, 13 July 1863, "Some of the
Boys .. ": The Civil War Letters of Isaac Jackson, 1862-1865, ed. Joseph Orville
Jackson (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1960), 111

75 Sherman's men left countless descriptions of the destruction, especially in
South Carolina, the home of secession's instigators. For examples, see Charles W. Wills,
Army Life of an Illinois Soldier Including a Day-by-Day Record of Sherman's March to
the Sea: Letters and Diary of Charles W. Wills, ed. Mary E. Kellogg, (Carbondale:
Southern Illinois University Press, 1996); C. C. Platter Journal, Hargrett Rare Book and
Manuscript Library, University of Georgia, Athens; Charles G. Ward Diary, South
Caroliniana Library; Thomas Ford to Mr. William, 28 March 1865, Tho[mas] R. Ford
Letter, South Caroliniana Library; David P. Conyngham, Sherman's March Through the
South with Sketches and Incidents of the Campaign (New York: Sheldon and Company,
1865); Samuel Augustus Duncan to Julia Jones, 15 March, 1865, in Yankee
Correspondence, 51.








56

The burning of the outlying areas of South Carolina would pale in significance to

what awaited Columbia and Charleston. Intent on destroying what they saw as the

"cradle of secession," the "hotbed of rebellion," and the home of "the authors of all the

calamities that have befallen this nation," Union soldiers displayed little mercy when they

entered the two cities on February 17 and 18, 1865. Sherman's troops let loose their

anger toward the Confederacy and Confederates, but believed that "their punishment is

light when compared with what justice demanded.'"76 A group of soldiers foreshadowed

the fate of South Carolina's capital as they entered the city singing, "Hail Columbia,

happy land,/ If I don't burn you, I'll be damned.""77 These soldiers were not

disappointed. By the time the Union troops left Columbia, "the Capital, where treason

was cradled and reared a mighty raving monster, [was] a blackened ruin."78 Another noted




76 John C. Gray to John C. Ropes, 24 February 1865, War Letters, 1862-1865 of
John Chipman Gray and John Codman Ropes, With Portraits (Cambridge, Mass.:
Riverside Press, 1927), 458; George M. Wise to John Wise, 13 March 1865, "Marching
Through South Carolina," 193. See also Captain E. J. Sherlock, 15 February 1865,
Memorabilia of the Marches and Battles in Which the One Hundredth Regiment of
Indiana Infantry Volunteers Took an Active Part: War of the Rebellion, 1861-5 (Kansas
City, Mo.: Gerard-Woody Printing Co., 1896), 195.

77 As quoted in Lloyd Lewis, Sherman: Fighting Prophet (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, 1932), 503.

78 E. H. King, 18 February 1865, as cited in Glatthaar, March to the Sea and
Beyond, 146. According to some observers, even Union soldiers who were stationed
outside of the city helped plunder the city. Allen Morgan Geer was camped in the
"suburbs of Columbia" the night Columbia burned. "The troops ... break ranks and
make for the city. the most for forage many for plunders, some for whiskey &











that although "Columbia was once a beautiful & wealthy city--the pride of the South ...

when our army left it there was little left to mark the site except a blackened map of

smoking ruins."79 Many other reports mirrored this description. The troops left

"nothing but a pile of ruins, a warning to future generations to beware of treason.8"" In

the end, fire destroyed approximately one third of Columbia.81



excitement, a few to burn and destroy. & I & Capt. King for curiosity[,] As the flames
spread from street to street, soldiers running wild noisy and intoxicated[.] Citizens
hurrying to and fro[.] Women & children frightened and often weeping, the crash of
falling buildings all presented a grand but sad seen of desolating ruin." Allen Morgan
Geer, 17 February 1865, The Civil War Diary of Allen Morgan Geer, Twentieth
Regiment, Illinois Volunteers, ed. Mary Ann Anderson (Bloomington: Robert C.
Appleman, 1977), 197.

79 Robert Stuart Finley to Mary A. Cabeen, 30 March 1865, Robert Stuart Finley
Papers, Southern Historical Collection.

80 Anthony J. Baurdick, 19 February 1865, Diary, Anthony J. Baurdick Papers,
Emory University.

81 Nearly a century and a half later, scholars continue to debate whether Union or
Confederate troops initiated the blaze. The details of this debate have not changed much
since the controversy began immediately after the war. Although Sherman held that his
men had no role in the burning of the city, he acknowledged that "others [Union soldiers]
not on duty, including the officers who had long been imprisoned there, rescued by us,
may have assisted in spreading the fire after it had once begun, and may have indulged in
unconcealed joy to see the ruin of the capital of South Carolina." William T. Sherman to
Henry W. Halleck, 4 April 1865, The Hero's Own Story, 96. Union Colonel Oscar L.
Jackson recorded "I believe it was not done by order by there seems to be a general
acquiescence in the work as a fit example to be made of the capital of the State that boasts
of being the cradle of secession and starting the war." Oscar L. Jackson, February 18,
1865, The Colonel's Diary (Sharon, Penn.: n.p., 1922), 184. For a discussion of the
controversy, see Marion B. Lucas, Sherman and the Burning of Columbia (1976; reprint,
Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000).








58

While in Columbia, Sherman and his troops recognized that they had unleashed an

unprecedented assault on its white civilians. Women, the soldiers reasoned, deserved

harsh treatment because of their culpability for the war. For example, Charles S. Brown

described an incident in which an individual soldier asserted his power by forcing

Southern women to beg. "We have men in our own Regt & in all others that would stand

& have a woman kneel to them & beg for Gods sake to leave enough for her children in the

house." Even women's humiliating entreaties, however, did not insure that the soldiers

would comply with their requests. After forcing the women to kneel, Brown remarked,

the soldiers would "turn from them with oaths & take the last morsel of food."82

Northern soldiers wanted to make Confederate women pay for their role in the

Confederate war effort. In Columbia, Union Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah W. Jenkins,

provost marshall of the invaded city, declared "the women of the South kept the war

alive--and it is only by making them suffer that we can subdue the men."83 Jenkins saw

the utility in attacking Southern domesticity as a way to punish both contemptuous

civilians and soldiers. A Union army chaplain who marched with Sherman similarly

justified the assault on women.





82 Charles S. Brown to Etta, 26 April, 1865, Charles S. Brown Papers.

83 Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah W. Jenkins as cited in Royster, The Destructive
War, 20.











So far as the women are concerned, we might as well spare our
pity, for they are the worst secessionists, and why should they not
suffer? ... Would you now spare them a proper amount of
suffering? We say no. Let them understand that secession means
something more than a holiday parade.84

The chaplain's statement reveals not only an animosity toward Southern women as

secessionists, but also as frivolous girls who, he assumed, saw secession and war as

nothing more than spectacle. Soldiers extended their hostility to white Southern children.

Men, who during peacetime served as fatherly protectors of all youngsters, considered

them enemies during the Civil War. As he took blankets away from children in Columbia,

one Union soldier said "let the d--d little rebels suffer as we have had to do for the past

four years."85




84 Reverend G. S. Bradley, 28 December 1864, in The Star Corps; or, Notes of an
Army Chaplain, During Sherman's Famous 'March to the Sea' (Milwaukee: Jermain &
Brightman, Book & Job Printers, 1865), 225.

85 Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah W. Jenkins as cited in Royster, The Destructive
War, 23. Also see William O. Wettleson to Father and Sisters, 27 November 1864, Bell
Irvin Wiley Papers; Harvey Reid to Homefolk, 14 December 1864, Bell Irvin Wiley
Papers, Samuel B. Crew to Brother and Sister, 15 December 1864, Bell Irvin Wiley
Papers; Mary Sharpe Jones and Mary Jones Mallard, 16 December 1864, Yankees
a'Coming: One Month's Experience during the Invasion of Liberty County, Georgia,
1864-1865, ed. Haskell Monroe (Tuscaloosa, Ala.: Confederate Publishing Company,
Inc., 1959); Mary Bull Maxcy Leverett to Caroline Pinckney Seabrook, 18 March 1865,
Mary Maxcy Leverett Letter, South Caroliniana Library.

Southerners denounced this policy. For example, Mollie Cunningham wrote from
Georgia, "I know our brave men could whip any fair fight but they are overwhelming us
with numbers and waging war upon the defenseless women and children, by marching
through our unprotected county destroying and taking every means of subsistence from








60

Charleston fared no better than Columbia, perhaps because of the concentration of

elite slaveholding families there. When Confederate General William J. Hardee

surrendered the city on February 18, he had already evacuated 10,000 soldiers from the

city and destroyed the military equipment. The removal of the military and its

equipment did not protect the city or its civilian population from a full-scale Union

assault. With the military provisions already destroyed, the soldiers focused their

vengeance on domestic targets. They ransacked homes, terrorized women, and otherwise

made their presence and power known. This assault fulfilled the long-standing wishes of

Union soldiers. Sherman, for example, had already received word from Halleck expressing

his hope that if Charleston were captured "by some accident the place may be destroyed,

and if a little salt should be sown upon its site it may prevent the growth of future crops

of nullification and secession."86 Sherman and his troops had no problem complying. As

one man noted, "the army burned everything it came near in the State of South Carolina"

because "the men 'had it in' for the State." As a result, the army's "track through the









the defenseless women and Innocent Children." Mollie Cunningham to George A.
Cunningham, 16 January 1865, Cunningham Family Papers, University of Georgia.

86 William T. Sherman to Henry Halleck, 24 December 1864, Official Records, Ser.
1, Vol. 44: 799.











State is a desert waste."87 Edward Allen showed no surprise or remorse for his

countrymen's treatment of the two cities. "The soldiers have had such a hatred for

Columbia & Charleston that it is no wonder they burned it."88

After leaving Charleston, Union soldiers burned Camden, Winnsboro, Lancaster,

Chesterfield, and Cheraw, "[leaving behind] ... a howling wilderness, an utter

desolation." They hoped this destruction would prevent South Carolina from "ever

[wanting] to seceed again.""89 James Stillwell noted that "there is scarcely anything left in

our rear or trac[k]s except pine forests and naked lands and Starving inhabitants. A

majority of the Cities, towns, villages and country houses have been burnt to the

ground."90 As they entered North Carolina, many Union troops rejoiced in their

accomplishments. One soldier, Jesse Bean of Minnesota, wrote a commemorative poem

as "we bid adieu to S. Carolina leaving our Marks of revenge behind us to Show the

Generations to come."



87 James A. Connolly to Wife, 12 March 1865, Three Years in the Army of the
Cumberland: The Letters and Diary of Major James A. Connolly (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1959), 384.

8 Edward Allen to James and Emily Allen, 18 February 1865, Edward W. Allen
Papers.

89 J. Taylor Holmes, 10 February 1865, 52d Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Then and
Now (Columbus, Ohio: Berlin Print, 1898), 20. See also Thomas J. Myers to Wife, 26
February 1865, Thomas J. Myers Papers.










What was the fate
Of the first Rebel State
That Seceded from the Union.
And what was the desier
When we set Columbia on fier
And all that was consumed with it--
Far as we went we taken all the fenze--
The Sheep. hogs. and. Cattle for the rent--
To let them know where we went--
For this campaign as we had plenty of rain
And plenty to eat on the Journey.
Was all for the benefit of South Carolina--"91

Just after Union troops entered North Carolina on March 8, Sherman thought it

best to shape his military tactics to account for a civilian population that was poorer than

that in South Carolina and rumored to have Unionist tendencies. Acknowledging his

troops' wanton destruction in South Carolina, Sherman directed his officers to "instruct

your brigade commanders that we are now out of South Carolina and that a little

moderation may be of political consequence to us in North Carolina." Union soldiers

should now "deal as moderately and fairly by the North Carolinians as possible."92

Although most historical accounts hold that Sherman softened his tactics in the Tarheel




90 James Stillwell to Wife, 12 March 1865, as quoted in Grimsley, Hard Hand of
War, 202.

91 Jesse S. Bean, 8 March 1865, Jesse S. Bean Diary.

92 William T. Sherman to H. W. Slocum, 6 March 1865, Official Records, Ser. 1,
Vol. 47, Pt. 2: 704; William T. Sherman to Judson Kilpartrick, 7 March 1865, Official
Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 47, Pt. 2: 721.










State, his troops continued in their course of widespread destruction, despite claims that

"since entering North Carolina the wanton destruction has stopped."93 Their vandalism

began almost immediately upon the troops' entrance in to the state when soldiers began

to set fire to North Carolina's pine forests by lighting patches of congealed sap. They

also torched the turpentine, tar, and rosin factories that they encountered along the state's

streams. One Union soldier observed that North Carolina's pine forests "certainly made

the handsomest fire [he] ever saw, especially the smoke as it rolled up in huge back

volumes was splendid." As Union soldiers "blazed their way through" the state, North

Carolina stank of burning turpentine.94




93 James A. Connolly to Wife, 12 March 1865, Three Years in the Army of the
Cumberland, 384. John Marszalek argues that when Sherman's troops entered North
Carolina "the wholesale destruction they had practiced in South Carolina ceased."
However, he admits that "the soldiers did not stop all pillaging; they simply toned it
down." Marszalek, Sherman, 327. Mark Grimsley asserts that "the Tarheel State
received much the same treatment as Georgia-- possibly even a bit milder, since North
Carolina was not part of the Deep South, was known to harbor significant Unionist
sentiment, and had been one of the last states to secede." Grimsley, The Hard Hand of
War, 202. Also see John G. Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1963), 291-300, 311-317, 328-349; James M.
McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York: Ballantine Books,
1988), 826. However, Michael Fellman acknowledges that "the men still stripped the
countryside of food and livestock and burned public facilities. Some soldiers noted little
difference between the overall results in the two Carolinas." Fellman, Citizen Sherman,
235.

94 Rufus Mead to Dear Folks Back Home, 7 March 1865, "With Sherman
Through Georgia and the Carolinas: Letters of a Federal Soldier," ed. James A. Padgett,
Georgia Historical Quarterly 33 (March 1949): 74.








64

Confederate troops, a makeshift force of approximately 21,000 soldiers, could do

little to impede Sherman's "hard war" policy in North Carolina. They were

outnumbered by Sherman's 60,000 battle-hardened veterans who would soon be joined

by 30,000 reinforcements. In North Carolina, Sherman continued his tactic of misleading

the enemy with his troops' movements. On March 9, Washington S. Chaffin, a

Methodist minister in Lumberton, anxiously noted that "the Yankees are said to be in two

different places near here. I am incredulous." Little did Chaffin know that minutes later

the elusive enemy would fill Lumberton's streets.95 Apparently, Sherman's orders to

moderate the destruction proved little solace to the citizens of North Carolina. When

Union troops captured Fayetteville on March 11, Sherman ordered the destruction of the

local arsenal and mills. In addition, his soldiers continued to tear up railroads and "forage

liberally." They also terrorized the civilian population and destroyed much personal

property, perhaps because they found "the city of Fayetteville ... offensively





95 Washington S. Chaffin, 9 March 1865, Washington S. Chaffin Diary, Duke
University. For examples of other Southerners expressing anxiety over Sherman's
uncertain path, see Mary Gayle Aiken, 10 February 1865, Aiken Family Papers, South
Caroliniana Library; Lucy Barrow Cobb to Mary McKinley, 1 December 1864, Cobb-
Erwin-Lamar Collection, University of Georgia; Edward McCrady to Wife, 9 December
1864, McCrady Family Papers, South Caroliniana Library; Cornelius Burckmyer to
Charlotte Burckmyer, 15 December 1864, The Burckmyer Letters, March, 1865 June,
1865 (Columbia, S.C.: The State Company, 1926), 448. George W. Nichols, aid-de-camp
of Sherman, believed "it is useless conjecture what will be the next move." George W.
Nichols, 10 February 1865, The Story of the Great March, 147.











rebellious.""96 After recounting all of her material losses, one woman in Fayetteville

complained that the Union soldiers "spared nothing but our lives."97 Several Union

officers had similar observations. From Fayetteville, Dexter Horton noted that "our

march over the country has been like the blighting pestilence, for we have taken or turned

upside down everything before us."98 Despite reports in several newspapers, "that our

treatment of citizens is good," one soldier warned "don't believe a word of it."99 Even

Sherman acknowledged the level of destruction in the Tarheel State. "Poor North

Carolina will have a hard time for we sweep the country like a swarm of locusts." His

troops' desolation of North Carolina did not trouble Sherman for a moment. Although

"thousands of people may perish," he believed that his march would succeed because




96 George W. Nichols, 14 March 1865, The Story of the Great March, 252-253

97 Anonymous Woman [Fayetteville, N.C.], 22 March 1865, Emma Mordecai
Diary, Mordecai Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection. This woman gives a
lengthy description of her losses to Sherman's troops: "At our house they killed every
chicken, goose, turkey, cow, calf and every living thing, even to our pet dog. They carried
off our wagons, carriage and horses, and broke up our buggy, wheelbarrow, garden
implements, axes, hatchets, hammers, saws, &c., and burned the fences. Our smokehouse
and pantry that a few days ago were well stored with bacon, lard, flour, dried fruit, meal,
pickles, preserves, etc., now contain nothing whatever except a few pounds of meal and
flour and five pounds of bacon. They took from old men, women and children alike."

98 Dexter Horton, 14 March 1865, "Dairy of an Officer in Sherman's Army
Marching Through the Carolinas," ed. Clement Eaton, Journal of Southern History 9
(May 1943): 248.

99 Charles W. Wills, 18 March 1865, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, 364.










"they now realise that war means something else than vain glory and boasting. If Peace

ever falls to their lot [Southerners] will never again invite War."'10

Sherman ordered the left wing under Slocum's command to leave Fayetteville on

March 15, 1865. Soon after, Union troops drove Hardy's Confederates back in a small

confrontation. Fighting continued in Averasboro on March 16 between Slocum and

11,000 Confederates, and again at Bentonville on March 19. Two days later, on March

21, a defeated Johnston ordered a retreat of his Confederate forces. In the absence of

military opposition, Sherman's troops continued to march and forage as they had in the

previous months. Within two weeks of Sherman's April 13 entrance into Raleigh, Joseph

Johnston surrendered his Confederate troops at Durham Station, North Carolina. The

assault on the southern homefront had come to an end. Sherman's men returned to what

Illinois soldier Charles W. Wills described as "our good behavior ... No foraging, no

bumming rails, or houses, and nothing naughty whatever."10' Indeed, once orders to cease




'0 William T. Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 9 April 1865, Home Letters of General
Sherman, 342.

101 Charles W. Wills, 29 April 1865, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, 373. Such an
immediate change in behavior illuminates the ability of Sherman and his fellow officers to
govern their troops. This betrays many of the explanations historians have offered for
the non-essential items destroyed on the march. Southerners, perhaps not surprisingly,
believed that the widespread destruction was either a direct result of official directives or
an unofficial policy to turn a blind eye. For example, the morning after the burning of
Columbia, Mrs. E. L. L. watched as "the order to cease the terrible carnival was given, and
the immediate quiet which followed was passing strange, yet it showed the thorough
discipline of the mighty army; besides it proved most clearly that permission, if not











foraging were given, Sherman's troops immediately complied. One of the men on the

march, Allen Morgan Geer, observed the remarkable change after Johnston's surrender.

"Very striking is the difference between this march and all others previous. The people

remain contentedly at home, men are plenty, a safety guard is at each house and our

soldiers make no effort to forage or destroy."'02



Sherman designed and pursued his March through Georgia and the Carolinas as a

comprehensive assault on Southern domesticity. Intending to break the will of the

Confederacy by destroying it on both the psychological and physical levels, Union

soldiers ransacked Southern homes, paying special attention to the markers of domestic

life and femininity. They looted and burned homes, tore apart bedrooms, scattered

private letters across fields, danced on pianos, and destroyed women's fancy dresses and

undergarments. They also stole jewelry, china, silver, and candlesticks. Elite slaveholding

families, considered instrumental in Southern secession and the coming of war by their

enemies, bore the brunt of the attack. Those soldiers who felt initial twinges of pity for

their civilian targets, soon learned to downplay these feelings and concentrate on women



expressed command, had been given to bur and sack the town." Mrs. E. L. L., in
Charleston Weekly Courier, "Our Women in the War": The Lives they Lived, The
Deaths they Died (Charleston: The News and Courier Book Presses, 1885), 255.

10 Allen Morgan Geer, 29 April 1865, Civil War Diary of Allen Morgan Geer,
217











as the "strongest rebels." This adjusted mindset, as well as the tacit consent of their

officers, allowed Union soldiers license to ransack the homefront as they terrorized and

taunted their female targets.

Sherman and his soldiers assumed that their campaign against Southern women

would prove an easy success; surely, "the weaker sex" would quickly surrender to the

power of an invading army. Much to their surprise, an easy victory would not prove to

be the case. As later chapters demonstrate, many elite Southern women refused to take

the invasion of their domestic sphere quietly. Acknowledging that Northern troops had

adjusted their policies to allow for an attack on femininity, Confederate women

responded with a new mindset of their own. As rumors spread of the impending

invasion, Confederate women prepared themselves and their homes to weather the storm.

Having found a way to merge their gender and regional identities in ways that allowed

them to fight for their nation, they refused to submit. Sherman would not so easily "cure

[Confederate women] of [their] pride and boasting."














CHAPTER 2:
"THE FIENDS WILL DANCE AFTER HIM IN HIGH GLEE":
BECOMING CONFEDERATES




Most antebellum Southerners and Northerners would have agreed with Margaret

Mitchell's narrator in Gone With the Wind who asserted that war "is men's business, not

ladies."' War, they assumed, took place on the battlefield, far from the security of the

feminine domestic sphere. Men willingly went off to battle to protect their wives,

mothers, and sisters, and the glory earned on the battlefield became mythic on the

homefront. Death, the most common consequence of war to affect women and children,

became an honor instead of merely a hardship.2 Similarly, antebellum Americans often




Margaret Mitchell, Gone With the Wind (1936; reprint, New York: Avon
Books, 1973), 8.

2 For discussions of Southern honor, see Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor:
Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982);
Bertram Wyatt-Brown, The Shaping of Southern Culture: Honor, Grace, and War,
17602-1880s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001); Kenneth
Greenberg, Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts,
Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball,
Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996);
Edward L. Ayers, Vengeance and Justice: Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth-
Century American South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984). For Northern
attitudes about war, see Reid Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers (New York: Viking Press,










considered it worse to experience the shame of a relative who avoided military service

than the grief resulting from one who died in war. At the same time, the violence and gore

of war traditionally remained on the battlefront and did not often interrupt the peace of

the domestic household. During the Civil War, however, women's increasing

participation in the Confederate effort, in addition to the progression of Union military

policies, turned the idea of a separate homefront on its head and redefined the nineteenth-

century concept of warfare.3

White Southern women's domesticity did not prevent their active participation in

the secession crisis of 1860 and the ensuing war. As their states seceded, prepared for

war, and sent men off to fight the Yankees, many white women made the Civil War their

business. Their developing identities as Confederate women grew stronger when Union



1988); Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993); James M. McPherson, What They Fought For, 1861-
1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1994); James M. McPherson, For
Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1997); Gerald Linderman, Embattled Courage. The Experience of Combat in the
Civil War (New York: The Free Press, 1987). Recent scholars of diplomatic history have
explored similar connections between masculinity and warfare. For example, see Kristin
Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-
American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).

3 Steven Cushman argues that there was no homefront during the American Civil
War in Bloody Promenade: Reflections on a Civil War Battle (Charlottesville: University
Press of Virginia, 1999). Others have shown the interconnections between homefront and
warfront. See James L. Roark, Slaves Without Masters: Southern Planters in the Civil
War and Reconstruction (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1977); Clarence L.
Mohr, On the Threshold of Freedom: Masters and Slaves in Civil War Georgia (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1986).








71

General William Tecumseh Sherman's troops approached their homes and farms in 1864

and 1865. As white Southern women prepared for the homefront attack, they recognized

that they had become military targets and adapted themselves to deal with the enemy's

assault on domesticity and femininity. Although shocking, the Union advance on women

and the homefront did not come as a complete surprise. Through the progression of

Union policies over the past three years as well as Sherman's recent actions, white

Southern women anticipated that Federal troops would have little regard for the

distinctions between civilians and soldiers. Events leading up to the Georgia and

Carolinas campaign clearly demonstrated that the Civil War had eased and erased most of

the prohibitions that previously separated women and domestic life from the harshest

realities of battle. In addition, Confederate women realized that their participation in the

war as proponents of secession, suppliers of food and clothing, and defenders of the

homefront had made them enemies in their own rights in the eyes of Union soldiers. This

chapter explores the ways in which Confederate women, who were cognizant of the ways

in which Sherman's troops treated their domestic enemies, readied for a battle of their

own.



War was not the only activity considered "men's business" in antebellum

America. Most economic, political, and public endeavors fell under this heading. During

the nineteenth century, women's lives grew more and more focused around and

circumscribed by the home. Within this context, women used assumptions about











femininity to their advantage in order to participate in the public domain.4 In the North,

the rise of the middle class and the separation of the workplace from the home gendered

people's conceptions of place and role. Women, who had previously taken an active, if




4 Many scholars have also shown that Southern women had an active role in
public life prior to the Civil War. See Elizabeth R. Varon, We Mean to Be Counted:
White Women and Politics in Antebellum Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1998); Elizabeth R. Varon, "Tippecanoe and the Ladies, Too: White
Women and Party Politics in Antebellum Virginia," Journal of American History 82
(September 1995): 494-521; Kirsten E. Wood, "'One Woman So Dangerous': Gender
and Power in the Eaton Affair," Journal of the Early Republic 17 (Summer 1997): 237-
275; Daniel Kilbride, "Cultivation, Conservatism, and the Early National Gentry: The
Manigault Family and Their Circle," Journal of the Early Republic 19 (Summer 1999).
221-256; Cynthia Kiemer, "Hospitality, Sociability, and Gender in the Southern
Colonies," Journal of Southern History 62 (August 1996): 449-480; Frederick A. Bode
"A Common Sphere: White Evangelicals and Gender in Antebellum Georgia, Georgia
Historical Quarterly 79 (Winter 1995): 775-809; Cynthia A. Kierner, "Women's Piety
Within Patriarchy: The Religious Life of Martha Hancock Wheat of Bedford County,"
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 100 (January 1992): 79-98; Eugene D.
Genovese, "Toward a Kinder and Gentler America: The Southern Lady in the Greening
of the Politics of the Old South," in In Joy and In Sorrow: Women, Family, and Marriage
in the Victorian South, ed. Carol Bleser (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991):
125-134; Marli F. Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves: Plantation Women in South Carolina,
1830-80 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998); Jane H. Pease and William H.
Pease, A Family of Women: The Carolina Petigrus in Peace and War (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1999); Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease, Ladies
Women, and Wenches: Choice and Constraint in Antebellum Charleston and Boston
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990); Suzanne Lebsock, The Free
Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784-1860 (New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 1984). See also Paula Baker, "The Domestication of Politics:
Women and American Political Society, 1780-1900," American Historical Review 89
(June 1984): 620-647; Linda K. Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology
in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980); Mary
Beth Norton, Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Women,
1750-1800 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1980); Mary Ryan, Women in Public: Between
Banners and Ballots, 1825-1880 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).










unrecognized, role in the support of their families, became relegated to the home and its

domestic chores as their husbands went off to work.5 As a result the "domestic" and

"public" spheres became increasingly separate and gendered. This separation of the sexes

fueled the ideals of "true womanhood" which stressed piety, purity, submissiveness, and

domesticity.6 Although the idea of separate spheres excluded women from "public"




5 Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New
York, 1790-1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Nancy F. Cott, The
Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835 (New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); Caroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct:
Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985); Linda K,
Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Women's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's
History," Journal of American History 75 (June 1988): 9-39.

For an exploration of the relationship between masculinity and domesticity in
Victorian England, see John Tosh, A Man's Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class
Home in Victorian England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999).

6 On nineteenth-century expectations of women's character and behavior, see
Barbara Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860," in Dimity Convictions:
The American Woman in the Nineteenth Century (Athens: Ohio University Press,
1976), 21-41. Scholars used Welter's ideal of "true womanhood" to discuss social
relations in the antebellum South. The first, Anne Firor Scott, highlighted the myth of
"true womanhood" and Southern women's attempt to achieve this unattainable ideal.
Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1970), esp. 3-102. Catherine Clinton argued that not only was the ideal of
the Southern lady a "fantasy," but it was also "a powerful coercive force within
plantation society" that reinforced women's inferior status. Clinton, The Plantation
Mistress: Woman's World in the Old South (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982),
quotation, 87. In addition, Joan Cashin argued that white women shared a "culture of
resignation" in the Old South. Cashin, Our Common Affairs (Baltimore.: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1996), 1-41. See also Jane Turner Censer, North Carolina Planters and
Their Children, 1800-1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987);
Steven M. Stowe, Intimacy and Power in the Old South: Ritual in the Lives of the
Planters (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987); Stephanie McCurry,










activities, it gave women control over the domestic aspects of their lives. They gained the

power to run the household and raise their children as they saw fit. This proved

especially true in the South. As the holders of the keys to all rooms, stores, pantries, and

bureaus, Southern women controlled the domestic activities of their households.7 Further,

scholars have shown that the so-called "separate spheres" were not always rigidly

defined. Men and women moved between both, often defining the arena by the work



Masters of Small Worlds: Yeomen Households, Gender Relations, and the Political
Culture of the South Carolina Lowcountry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).

Other scholars see women's roles as less constrained than traditionally portrayed.
For example, Victoria E. Bynum and Suzanne Lebsock explore women who eschewed
gender boundaries and took matters into their own hands. Bynum illuminates North
Carolina lower-class women's violation of gender norms in Unruly Women: The Politics
of Social and Sexual Control in the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1992). Lebsock shows how women's focus on "personalism" allowed them to
exert their will in Petersburg, Virginia in The Free Women of Petersburg.

7Southern social relations were based on the status gained by race. White women
had power in their households over their slaves and children. In her study of plantation
women and their household relationships, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese showed that slave-
holding women were not necessarily subjugated by the ideals of the Southern lady.
Instead, they benefited from their roles as the heads of the domestic activities in the
household. Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of
the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988). Others also
discuss white women's limited power in the Southern household. For examples, see
Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family and Community in the Slave South
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves; McCurry,
Masters of Small Worlds; Stephanie McCurry, "The Politics of Yeoman Households in
South Carolina," in Divided Houses, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1992), 22-38; Cynthia A. Kierner, Beyond the Household:
Women's Place in the Early South, 1700-1835 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998);
Laura F. Edwards, Scarlett Doesn't Live Here Anymore: Southern Women in the Civil
WarEra (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 15-31.











being done there at a specific time. Although not always in the public eye, white women

constantly participated in public life.8

The Civil War forced everyone to reevaluate white women's visible place in

society.9 As the war increasingly affected their lives through shortages and deaths,




8 For example, many white Southern women entered the public sphere as authors,
keeping their sex private by using pseudonyms. See Elizabeth Moss, Domestic Novelists
in the Old South: Defenders of Southern Culture (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University, 1992); Anne Goodwyn Jones, Tomorrow is Another Day: The Woman
Writer in the South, 1859-1936 (Baton Rogue: Louisiana State University Press, 1981);
Nina Baym, Woman's Fiction: A Guide to Novels by and about Women in America,
1820-70 (1978; reprint, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993); Mary Kelley, "The
Literary Domestics: Private Women on a Public Stage," in Ideas in America's Cultures:
From Republic to Mass Society, ed. Hamilton Cravens (Ames: Iowa State University
Press, 1982); Mary Kelley, Private Woman, Public Stage: Literary Domesticity in
Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984). Eugene D.
Genovese discusses women's influence over their husbands in political matters.
Genovese, "Toward a Kinder and Gentler America," 125-134. Similarly, Lee Ann Whites
highlights "public domesticity" during the Civil War. Whites, The Civil War as a Crisis in
Gender, Augusta, Georgia, 1860-1890 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995), 50.

9 Although not engaged as military enemies, Northern women, like their Southern
counterparts, similarly restructured their roles in society to mobilize for the Union war
effort. They became nurses, fundraisers, spies, and sometimes soldiers. For discussions
of Northern women during the Civil War, see Lyde Cullen Sizer, The Political Work of
Northern Women Writers and the Civil War, 1850-1872 (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 2000); Jeanie Attie, Patriotic Toil: Northern Women and the
American Civil War (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998); Elizabeth D.
Leonard, All the Daring of the Soldier: Women of the Civil War Armies (New York:
W. W. Norton and Co., 1999); Elizabeth D. Leonard, Yankee Women: Gender Battles in
the Civil War (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1994); Kristie Ross, "Arranging a
Doll's House: Refined Women as Union Nurses," in Divided Houses, 97-113; Lyde
Cullen Sizer, "Acting Her Part: Narratives of Union Women Spies," in Divided Houses,
114-133; Jeanie Attie, "Warwork and the Crisis of Domesticity in the North," in Divided
Houses, 247-259; Mary Elizabeth Massey, Women in the Civil War (Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 1994); Judith Ann Giesberg, Civil War Sisterhood: The U.S. Sanitary











women reshaped their roles in the South. They became active participants in the battle

for Southern nationhood and, as such, targets for enemy armies. As the war lengthened,

Southern women lost their protective status of civilians and increasingly became seen by

the Union as active rebels. This progression from civilian to combatant grew out of the

realities of life during the Civil War; Southern women could not avoid participation when

soldiers fought battles their backyards and even the wealthiest families faced shortages.

From the outset of the fighting Confederate women refused to accept a passive role, and

they demonstrated their political awareness through their words and actions. As they

personally encountered the hardships of wartime life, Southern women shouldered more

active roles in the fight for independence. As such, the Union increasingly engaged them

as enemy combatants throughout the Civil War.'i




Commission and Women's Politics in Transition (Boston: Northeastern University
Press, 2000); Jane Schultz, "The Inhospitable Hospital: Gender and Professionalism in
Civil War Medicine," Signs 17 (Winter 1992): 363-392; Megan J. McClintock, "Civil
War Pensions and the Reconstruction of Union Families," Journal of American History
83 (September 1996). 456-480.

10 Women helped develop and sustain Confederate nationalism. The most
prominent example of this is Augusta Jane Evans's novel Macaria; or, Altars of Sacrifice,
which offered Southern women two ideals to follow in their support of the Confederacy.
Evans' two main characters demonstrate how white women of privileged and poor
backgrounds could make the sacrifices necessary to support the Confederacy. Evans,
Macaria; or, Altars of Sacrifice (1864; reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1992).

Few scholars acknowledge women's role in the creation and sustenance of
Confederate nationalism. Those who note women's role, tend to dismiss it as temporary.
Even historian Drew Gilpin Faust, who edited the most recent edition of Macaria,











White Southern women's active participation in the public sphere pre-dated the

war. Many women initially drew attention to themselves as "rebels" and Confederates

when they voiced their opinions on sectional issues and then on secession. Far from the

sheltered, politically ignorant ladies they have often been portrayed as, many Southern

women paid close attention to the events around them.1 They read the news and




minimizes women's role in nationalism and stresses the conditional nature of it. Faust,
Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Drew Gilpin Faust, "Altars of
Sacrifice: Confederate Women and the Narratives of War," in Southern Stories:
Slaveholders in Peace and War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 113-140;
Drew Gilpin Faust, "Race, Gender, and Confederate Nationalism: William D.
Washington's Burial of Latane," Southern Review 25 (Spring 1989): 297-307. Also see
George C. Rable, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1989); Victoria E. Bynum, Unruly Women; Edwards, Scarlett
Doesn't Live Here Anymore; Catherine Clinton, Tara Revisited: Women, War, and the
Plantation Legend (New York: Abbeville Press, 1995).

In addition, many scholars argue that Confederate nationalism was either non-
existent, or too weak to have any effect. For examples, see Drew Gilpin Faust, The
Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988); Paul D. Escott, After Secession:
Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University, 1978), esp. 19-53; Richard E. Beringer, Herman Hattaway, Archer
Jones, William N. Still, Jr., "Southern Nationalism" and "Why the South Lost" in Why
the South Lost the Civil War (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 64-81, 424-
442; Paul D. Escott, "The Failure of Confederate Nationalism: The Old South's Class
System in the Crucible of War," in The Old South in the Crucible of War, ed. Harry P.
Owens and James J. Cooke (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1983), 16, 20;
Lawrence N. Powell and Michael S. Wayne, "Self-Interest and the Decline of Confederate
Nationalism," in The Old South in the Crucible of War, 32-33.

Women's close attention to political events around them can be seen most
clearly by the self-conscious desire of so many to begin keeping journals in the 1850s and
1860s. Almost all of these women comment on their desire to keep a record of the










discussed it in depth with friends and family of both sexes. When the secession crisis

came to a head in 1860, white Southern women had much to say on the issue. They

especially paid close attention to the contentious presidential election facing the nation.




"momentous events" taking place. The most prominent example is Mary Boykin
Chesnut, Mary Chesnut's Civil War, ed. C. Vann Woodward (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1981). See also Emma Holmes, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes,
1861-1866, ed. John F. Marszalek (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1979); Anna Maria Cook Green, The Journal of a Milledgeville Girl, 1861-1867, ed.
James C. Bonner (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1964). In her journal, Gertrude
Thomas notes her fascination with the political and war-related events around her.
"Political events have absorbed so much of my Journal to the exclusion of domestic
matters that one might readily suppose that I was not the happy mother of our darling
children." Gertrude Thomas, 17 September 1864, The Secret Eye: The Journal of Ella
Gertrude Clanton Thomas, 1848-1889, ed. Virginia Ingraham Burr (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 236.

Wealthy antebellum Southern women received extensive educations. On female
education in the South, see Christie Anne Farnham, The Education of the Southern Belle:
Higher Education and Student Socialization in the Antebellum South (New York: New
York University Press, 1994). Many Southern female academies offered girls a
curriculum that mirrored that taken by their male counterparts. Girls attending these
academies learned classic languages, higher mathematics, literature, philosophy, and other
subjects. See Augusta Chronicle & Georgia Gazette, 24 December 1821, Volume 36,
Number 21; Augusta Chronicle and Georgia Advertiser, 8 October 1823, Volume 38,
Number 144; Catalogue of the Instructors, Patrons and Pupils, of the LaGrange Collegiate
Seminary, For Young Ladies (Charleston: Printed at the Office of the Southern Quarterly
Review, 1850), 14; Catalogue of the Instructors, Pupils and Patrons, of the LaGrange
Female Seminary, With a Circular Annexed for 1846, LaGrange, Georgia (Hartford:
Brown and Parsons, 1846), 11-12; Catalogue of the Instructors, Patrons and Pupils of the
LaGrange Female Seminary, LaGrange Georgia, for the Academical Year, 1849 (Athens,
Ga.: Printed at the Office of the "Weekly Gazette," 1849), 14; Southern Recorder, 2
January 1830; Augusta Chronicle-Sentinel, 14 January 1840; Augusta Chronicle-Sentinel,
21 and 25 January 1840; Third Annual Catalogue of the Teachers & Pupils in the Female
Seminary. Washington, GA, November, 1841, (Washington, Ga.: M. J. Kappel, 1841);
Georgia Journal (Milledgeville), 7 November 1831.











For example, Dolly Lunt Burge assumed that the 1860 election "may be the last

presidential Election Our United Country will ever see." 12 Leora Sims rejoiced that she

lived in Columbia because she could "go to the Legislature and hear all the speeches."

Sims, who hoped that her friend Harriet Palmer's "southern blood is as fiery as mine,"

professed herself a "regular fire eater."13 As self-proclaimed patriotic Southerners, many

pushed their husbands toward secession after Lincoln won the electoral college. By

appealing to their husbands' sense of familial duty, elite Southern women encouraged men

to echo their political sentiments and vote for secession.14

After Southern legislatures voted for secession, many white women applauded

their states' decisions to leave the Union. For example, as other states began to follow

South Carolina's lead, Emma Holmes wrote that she was "doubly proud .. of [her]

native state, that she should be the first to arise and shake off the hated chain which



12 Dolly Lunt Burge, 6 November 1860, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge, 1848-
1879, ed. Christine Jacobson Carter (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 111.

13 Leora Sims to Harriet R. Palmer, 10 December 1860, A World Turned Upside
Down: The Palmers of South Santee, 1818-1881, ed. Louis P. Towles (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1996), 278.

14 Stephen A. Channing, Crisis of Fear: Secession in South Carolina (New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 1974), 178, 287. Eugene Genovese notes the influence and
role of what he labels "extremist" women in antebellum and Civil War times. He stresses
that in recognizing these Southern women, "the numbers do not matter"; the importance
lies in the reality of their existence. Genovese, "Toward a Kinder and Gentler America,"
133. Not all Southern women supported secession. For examples, see Thomas G. Dyer,
Secret Yankees: The Union Circle in Confederate Atlanta (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1999); Pease and Pease, A Family of Women, esp. 1-6, 140-141.








80

linked us with Black Republicans and Abolitionists"15 Holmes was not alone in her anti-

Union sentiments. Women across the South longed to join South Carolina and break free

from the United States. On January 3, 1861 Anna Maria Cook wrote, "I hope before

long Georgia will be with South Carolina seceded from the Union."16 When Georgia

finally seceded, another rejoiced: "the very name of Georgian is of itself a heritage to

boast of I have always been proud of my native state but never more so than now.

Nobly has she responded to the call for troops."17 Although the horrors of war would

dampen some of these women's initial enthusiasm, many took an active and educated part

in the movement to separate South from North. White women's political awareness gave

them the confidence to voice their opinions to the men of their family and the knowledge

that their husbands, fathers, and brothers would listen to these ideas."





15 Emma Holmes, 13 February 1861, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 1.

16 Anna Maria Cook Green, 3 January 1861, The Journal of a Milledgeville Girl, 9.

17 Gertrude Thomas, 13 July 1861, The Secret Eye, 184.

18 Emma Mordecai wrote, "Our dear mother ... is satisfied that her anxious wish
for Virginia to secede has be gratified." Emma Mordecai to Alfred Mordecai, 21 April
1861, Alfred Mordecai Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Mary Boykin
Chesnut expressed her support of secession with a justification of it. "My father was a
South Carolina Nullifier .... So I was of necessity a rebel born." Mary Boykin Chesnut,
18 February 1861, The Private Mary Chesnut: The Unpublished Civil War Diaries, ed.
C. Vann Woodward and Elisabeth Muhlenfeld, (New York: Oxford University Press,
1984), 4. Judith McGuire longed for her state to separate from the Union: "I ... now
most earnestly hope that the voice of Virginia may give no uncertain sound; that she may
leave [the Union] with a shout." Judith White McGuire, 21 May 1861, Diary of a










Women's participation in secession may have been restricted to words and

symbolic acts, such as donating jewelry, but their roles in the public realm grew with the

onset of war. When the hostilities began, white Southern women made themselves

essential to the Confederate war effort by encouraging men to enlist. They appealed to

the manhood and honor of men and urged them to fill the ranks of the military. Men who

refused often found themselves snubbed by the ladies. Emma Edmonds, a Union spy

born in Canada, agreed with a soldier who told her that Southern women were "the best

recruiting officers," refusing "to tolerate, or admit to their society any young man who

refuses to enlist."19 Across the newly-formed Confederacy, Southern women's actions

confirmed this observation. A woman in Selma, Alabama, broke off her engagement to a

man who did not enlist. She sent him a petticoat, a skirt, and a note reading "wear these,

or volunteer."20 Those with family members on the front lines often supported the war




Southern Refugee, During the War (Richmond: J. W. Randolph & English, Publishers,
1889), 16.

19 S. Emma E. Edmonds, Nurse and Spy in the Union Army: Comprising the
Adventures and Experiences of a Woman in Hospitals, Camps, and Battle-Fields
(Hartford: W. S. Williams & Co., 1865), 332; S. Emma E. Edmonds, Unsexed; or, The
Female Soldier: The Thrilling Adventures, Experiences and Escapes of a Woman, as
Nurse, Spy and Scout, in Hospitals, Camp and Battlefields (Philadelphia: Philadelphia
Publishing, 1864). During the Civil War, Edmonds served as a field nurse and a spy. She
also disguised herself as a man to enlist in the Union army. As Edmonds and other female
Union spies reveal, Northern women also found ways to take an active part in war and
other activities usually reserved for men. Leonard, All the Daring of the Soldier, 170.

20 William Stevenson, Thirteen Months in the Rebel Army: Being a Narrative of
Personal Adventures in the Infantry, Ordnance, Cavalry, Courier, and Hospital Services;











against the North. Georgian mother of three, Charlotte Branch, wrote a poem to her sons

urging them to fight:

Strike for the mother that gave you birth
Your native home and fires
Think of their watchword who assail
Press hard the savage foe
Nor pause until, its stars grow pale,
Their treacherous flag lies low.21





With an Exhibition of the Power, Purposes, Earnestness, Military Despotism, and
Demoralization of the South (New York: A. S. Barnes & Burr, 1862), 195.

Women taunted, cajoled, and shamed men into eventually joining the Confederate
forces. A published poem entitled "If You Love Me" created a conversation in which a
woman encouraged her sweetheart to enlist: "If you love me, do not ponder,/ .. Join
your country in the fray./ Go! your aid and right hand lend her,/ Breast the tyrant's angry
blast;/ Be her own and my defender--/ Strike for freedom to the last" J. Augustine
Signaigo, "If You Love Me," reprinted in William Gilmore Simms, War Poetry of the
South (1866; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1972), 312.

In June 1861, Virginian Judith McGuire confided to her journal that "we could not
bear that one of them [the men of her family] should hesitate to give his life's blood to his
country." Judith White McGuire, 18 June 1861, Diary of a Southern Refugee, 33.
Similarly, Mrs. Allen S Izard of South Carolina asserted that "I sh[oul]d hate a man who
w[oul]d flinch, even f[ro]m martyrdom for his Country." Mrs. Allen S. Izard to Mrs.
William Mason Smith, 21 July 1864, Mason Smith Family Letters, 1860-1868, ed. Daniel
E. Huger Smith, Alice R. Huger Smith, and Arey R. Childs (Columbia: University of
South Carolina Press, 1950), 116. Other women made their support for the Confederacy
known through their rejoicing in Southern successes For example, Drucilla Wray
celebrated the capture of Ft. Sumter. "I have just heard that Fort Sumpter is in
possession of the Confederate States, Hurrah for Carolina!!! and her noble sons." Henry
and Drucilla Wray to Sister, 17 April 1861, Henry and Drucilla Wray Paper, Georgia
Historical Society.

21 Charlotte S. Branch, 1861, Margaret Branch Sexton Collection, Hargrett Rare
Book and Manuscript Library, University of Georgia, Athens.








83

Protecting Branch's "native home" ultimately demanded that she sacrifice two of her sons

at the First Battle of Manassas in 1861, and that she write letters of support to her only

surviving son as he continued to fight the "savage foe." The deaths of her sons' did not

discourage Branch from her dream of Southern independence.22

White women's wartime involvement resulted from an intense patriotism as well

as a sense of difference between themselves and Northern "Yankees." Early in the war,

Confederate women recognized the antagonism of their Union foes and rumors of

exaggerated horrors spread throughout the region. "Every day," Emma Holmes wrote,

"brings fresh accounts of the demoniac fury & hatred of the Northerners toward the

Southerners & South Carolinians especially .... Men even suspected of sympathy with

the South are murdered in cold blood."23 Nothing seemed too horrible to attribute to the

North, especially since many Southerners increasingly saw themselves as racially,

ideologically, and culturally separate from the North. Southern women saw Union

soldiers as "Sumner-like reptiles of the North" and celebrated the complete separation of

North and South. These staunch female Confederates wanted no connection with the








22 Charlotte Branch continued to write to her remaining son throughout the war.
See Mauriel Phillips Joslyn, ed., Charlotte's Boys: Civil War Letters of the Branch
Family of Savannah (Berryville, Va.: Rockbridge Publishers, 1996).

23 Emma Holmes, 1 May 1861, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 40.










"miserable fanatic set" of Yankees.24 As the war lengthened, this sense of difference and

celebration of Southern independence only strengthened.

The progression of Union tactics from a focus on the battlefield to direct assaults

on Southern civilians combined with unruly conduct toward white women led Southerners

increasingly to view Northern soldiers as "demons."25 The enemy presence in militarily

occupied areas could be tolerated as the consequences of war, but Southern women

frequently concluded that Union soldiers took things too far.26 When, in 1861, the Union





24 Susan Middleton to Harriott Middleton, 13 April 1862, "Middleton
Correspondence, 1861-1865," ed. Isabella Middleton Leland, South Carolina Historical
Magazine 63 (April 1962): 63.
25 A detailed study of the progression of Union tactics toward the Southern
homefront is Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy Toward
Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
Grimsley argues that Union policies went through roughly three stages: conciliation,
pragmatism, and hard war. Also see Charles Royster, The Destructive War: William
Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans (New York: Random House
1993). Reid Mitchell asserts that Northern soldiers considered Confederate women to be
"she-devils" and enemies. "And thinking of them as enemies transformed them from
neutrals to fit objects of war--people to be arrested, executed, burned out. In broader
terms, they became the people whose will to make war had to be broken." Mitchell, The
Vacant Chair, 100.

26 For studies on the occupied South, see Stephen V. Ash, When the Yankees
Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, 1861-1865 (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1995); Stephen V. Ash, "White Virginians Under Federal
Occupation, 1861-1865," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 98 (April
1990): 169-192; Chester G. Hearn, When the Devil Came Down to Dixie: Ben Butler in
New Orleans (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997); Gerald M. Capers,
Occupied City: New Orleans Under the Federals, 1862-1865 (Lexington: University of
Kentucky Press, 1965); Willie Lee Rose, Rehearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal










imprisoned a group of Southern women and their young daughters in Washington, D.C.,

men and women across the Confederate states voiced their outrage.27 In November 1861,

Rose O'Neal Greenhow, a Southern spy and one of the arrested women, proclaimed in

the Richmond Whig that Union actions illuminated "the cruel and dastardly tyranny

which the Yankee government has established at Washington." Greenhow hoped that

"the incarceration and torture of helpless women, and the outrages heaped upon them ...

will shock manly natures and stamp the Lincoln dynasty everywhere with undying

infamy."28 Enraged by their arrest, but confident of their place in history, the women in

custody saw themselves as martyrs to the Confederate cause. As she prepared for her

internment, Eugenia Yates Levy Phillips wrote "this day has ushered in a new era in the

History of the Country, one which marks the arrest and imprisonment of women, for




Experiment (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964); Bell I. Wiley, "Southern Reaction to
Federal Invasion," Journal of Southern History 16 (November 1950): 491-510.

27 Mary Elizabeth Massey notes that "Rose Greenhow's arrest was the first to
attract widespread attention." Massey, Women in the Civil War, 90.

28 Richmond Whig, November 1861, Leila [Elliott] Habersham Paper 1861-2,
Georgia Historical Society. In this "Letter From a Southern Lady in Prison to Seward--
The Cowardly Atrocities of the Washington Government," Rose O'Neal Greenhow
records her story because "my sufferings will afford a significant lesson to the women of
the South, that sex or condition is no bulwark against the surging billows of the
'irrepressible conflict.'" Also see Rose O'Neal Greenhow, My Imprisonment and the
First Year of Abolition Rule in Washington (London: Richard Bentley, 1863). Both
Greenhow and Eugenia Yates Levy Phillips demonstrate that despite their actions,
women assumed that their sex placed them beyond the scope of punishment. They
ascribed to the belief that women should always be protected.








86

political opinions!" The women's bravery and sacrifice became clearer, she continued, as

they "immediately prepared with courageous hearts, inspired with the thought that we

were suffering in a noble cause, and determined so to bear ourselves, as not to shame our

southern countrywomen."29 Union actions crossed over gender boundaries, and the

arrested women used this to their advantage. They played upon their imprisonment to

inflame further Southern patriotism and demonstrate the necessity of war and total

separation from the North.

Elite women in Georgia and the Carolinas confirmed Phillips' assessment of

female imprisonment and rallied against Federal tyranny. For Mary Boykin Chesnut,

wife of South Carolinian Confederate Senator James Chesnut, the incident clearly

demonstrated the inhumanity of Union soldiers. In her estimation, white Southern

women had been unfairly singled out by Northern men as easy victims. "I think these

times make all women feel their humiliation in the affairs of the world." This resulted

from the fact that "women can only stay at home, and every paper reminds us that

women are to be violated, ravished, and all manner of humiliation."30 Chesnut recognized

that women's vulnerability allowed them to be attacked in many ways. They could be



29 Eugenia Yates Levy Phillips, 28 August 1861, "Journal of Mrs. Eugenia Phillips
Wife of Philip Phillips of the City of Washington, Counselor at Law," 23 August 1861-
26 September 1861, Library of Congress.

30 Mary Boykin Chesnut, 29 August 1861, Mary Chesnut's Civil War, 172. Also
see Anna E. Kirtland to Harriet R. Palmer, 13 October 1861, A World Turned Upside
Down, 314.








87

"ravished," even without physical rape.31 Accustomed to protection as a result of their

femininity and white privilege, slaveholding women across the Confederacy realized that

the change in military tactics increased their likelihood of being attacked. With their

husbands, brothers, and fathers at the battlefront, these women would have to protect

their purity through their own ingenuity. As the war progressed, they found more

reasons to fear for their safety as well as new ways to protect themselves and their

nation.

The imprisonment of Southern women in 1861 foreshadowed what women across

the South could expect in the future. In May 1862, reports of Major General Benjamin

Butler's actions in occupied New Orleans further excited Confederate tempers. After the

women of the city repeatedly avoided and attacked the Union soldiers there, Butler issued

his infamous General Order 28. Butler's attempt to subdue and control the Confederate

women in New Orleans, the "Woman Order" laid out the situation and the punishment:

As the officers and soldiers of the United States have been subject
to repeated insults from the women (calling themselves ladies) of
New Orleans ... it is ordered that hereafter when any female shall,
by word, gesture, or movement, insult or show contempt for any
officer or soldier of the United States, she shall be regarded and






31 Throughout the Civil War, Southern women referred to Union attacks using the
rhetoric of rape. These women understood that they could be violated without physical
rape. They also feared that the change in Union tactics would ultimately result in
physical rape. See Chapter 4.











held liable to be treated as a woman of the town plying her
avocation.32




32 Benjamin Butler issued General Order 28 on May 15, 1862. War of the
Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies,
130 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1881-1902), Ser. 1, Vol. 15:
426. [hereafter cited as Official Records]. In issuing such an order, Butler clearly
recognized the power and importance of women's roles as Confederates. Reid Mitchell
discusses the sexual implications of this order which "identified patriotic women as
prostitutes." Mitchell, The Vacant Chair, 103.

Southerners used Butler's General Order 28 to unite the Confederacy against a
common enemy. General P. G. T. Beauregard, for example, addressed a letter to the "men
of the South" calling on them to retaliate: "Shall our mothers, our wives, our daughters,
and our sisters be thus outraged by the ruffianly soldiers of the North, to whom is given
the right to treat at their pleasure the ladies of the South as common harlots? Arouse,
friends, and drive back from our soil those infamous invaders of our homes and disturbers
of our family ties." General Orders No. 44, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 10, Pt. 2: 531.
Similarly, Louisiana Governor Thomas O. Moore, proclaimed that "the annals of warfare
between civilized nations afford no similar instance of infamy" to Butler's Woman Order.
He hoped that the unforgivable order would steel the men of Louisiana to drive the
Northern troops out of the state. Proclaiming "to the world that the exhibition of any
disgust or repulsiveness by the women of New Orleans to the hated invaders of their
home and the slayers of their fathers, brothers, and husbands shall constitute a
justification to a brutal soldiery of the indulgence of their lust," Moore justified women's
actions and called for Confederate men to support them. Butler's order, he continued
could not end female defiance in New Orleans because "what else than contempt and
abhorrence can the women of New Orleans feel or exhibit for these officers and soldiers of
the United States?" Further, "the spontaneous impulse of their hearts must appear
involuntary upon their countenances and thus constitute the crime for which the general
of those soldiers adjudges the punishment of rape and brutalized passion." Moore called
upon all Louisianians to fight for their women. They "must arm and strike, or the
insolent victors will offer this outrage to your wives, your sisters, and your daughters ...
It is your homes that you have to defend. It is the jewel of your hearths--the chastity of
your women--you have to guard." Proclamation, 24 May 1862, Official Records, Ser. 1,
Vol. 15: 743-744. See also, Bell Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldiers
of the Confederacy (1943; reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1994), 312.








89

News of the order spread quickly across the South. White women and men denounced it.

For example, Mary Boykin Chesnut condemned Butler for "turning over the women of

New Orleans to his soldiers! ... This hideous cross-eyed beast orders his men to treat

the ladies of New Orleans as women of the town. To punish them, he says, for their

insolence."33 Butler's unforgivable actions, she later wrote, were uncivilized. "We hardly

expected from Massachusetts behavior to shame a Comanche."34 After reading Butler's

order, North Carolinian Catherine Edmondston similarly decried his actions. Although

she "cannot find words to express [her] horror and indignation," Edmondston adamantly

denounced Butler, and by association, all Northerners. "Was such cold blooded barbarity

ever before conceived?" Butler's actions were so horrible, she raged, that "we no longer

will hold any intercourse with you, ye puritanical, deceitful race, ye descendants of the

Pilgrims, of the hypocrites who came over in the Mayflower." Although Northerners

might "plume yourselves on your piety, your civilization. Wrap yourselves in your own

fancied superiority," Edmondston insisted that "we are none of you, desire naught from

you. We detest you!"35 Georgian Gertrude Thomas likewise denounced Butler as




33 Mary Boykin Chesnut, 21 May 1862, Mary Chesnut's Civil War, 343.

34 Mary Boykin Chesnut, 12 June 1862, Mary Chesnut's Civil War, 379.

35 Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 22 May 1862, "Journal of a Secesh
Lady": The Diary of Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 1860-1866, ed. Beth G.
Crabtree and James W. Patton (Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Archives and
History, 1979), 180-182. Still fuming a month later, Edmondston wrote "The condition
of N Orleans is terrible. No people ever were more oppressed or insulted ... Humanity











someone whose name "th[r]ough all coming ages will be branded with the reputation of

being the most vile loathsome of all God's creation." She also remarked on the insulting

order's galvanizing effect on Confederate soldiers. "Had our brave men required an

additional incentive for valour they have it furnished in the appeal to protect the honour

of their women."36 The "Woman Order" produced shock and disapproval across the

South. Confederates viewed "Beast" Butler's improper treatment of white women as

both unforgivable and inexcusable.37





sickens at the thought of the barbarity, the groveling cowardly cruelty of the wretch
Butler!" Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 6 June 1862, "Journal of a Secesh Lady",
188.

36 Ella Gertrude Clanton Thomas, 2 June 1862, The Secret Eye, 206-207. In this
same entry, Thomas also voiced her personal outrage. "Ye Gods shall this man live ...
Is there not spirit enough left to the men of New Orleans to strike the dastard 'to the vile
dust from which he sprang?'"

37 Even during wartime, women expected that men, including the enemy, would
treat them with respect and protect them. White Southern women demonstrated their
assumption of protection in their appeals to the enemy for personal guards for their
homes during Sherman's march. For examples, see Minerva Leah Rowles McClatchey, 3
November 1864, McClatchey Family Papers, Georgia Department of Archives and
History, Atlanta; Dolly Lunt Burge, 19 November 1864, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge,
159; Peggy Mira Cox Berry to Amanda Berry Markham and William Markham, 14
December 1864, Confederate Miscellany I, Special Collections Department, Robert W.
Woodruff Library, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia; Sarah Jane Sams to Randolph
Sams, 13 February 1865, Sarah Jane Sams Letter, South Caroliniana Library, University
of South Carolina, Columbia; E. V. Ravenel to Allan Macfarlan, 21 March 1865, Allan
Macfarlan Papers, South Caroliniana Library; "Extract from an old Letter, Found Among
the Papers of My Grandmother, Mrs. N. A. Bishop of Darlington, S.C.," United
Daughters of the Confederacy, South Carolina Division, Edgefield Chapter Papers, Rare
Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Duke University, Durham, North








91

In 1864, Union policy shifted to one directly aimed at the Confederate homefront

and its civilian population as enemies of war. In September, United States General

Ulysses S. Grant ordered General Philip H. Sheridan to "do all the damage .. you can"

to turn "the Shenandoah Valley [into] a barren waste."38 In addition, Grant hoped that

the soldiers on this campaign would "eat out Virginia clear and clean as far as they go, so

that crows flying over it for the balance of this season will have to carry their provender

with them."39 Sheridan and his men took these orders to heart, seizing or destroying all

flour, grains, and livestock as well as burning civilians out of their homes. While carrying

out these orders, few soldiers sympathized with the plight of their female victims. "I do

not believe war to be simply that lines should engage each other in battle, and therefore do



Carolina; Marrie to Sallie Lawton, 15 April 1865, Willingham and Lawton Families
Papers, South Caroliniana Library.

Drew Gilpin Faust notes that "women across the South found comfort in the
expectation that, whatever their differences, northerners and southerners shared
fundamental cultural assumptions about the prerogatives of white womanhood.
Confederate ladies consoled themselves with the faith that the armor of gender would
protect them." Faust, Mothers of Invention, 198. Also see Jane E. Schultz, "Mute Fury:
Southern Women's Diaries of Sherman's March to the Sea, 1864-1865," in Arms and the
Woman: War, Gender, and Literary Representation, ed. Helen M. Cooper, Adrienne
Auslander Munich, and Susan Merrill Squier (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1989), 59; Michael Fellman, "Women and Guerrilla Warfare," in Divided Houses,
ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 147-
165; George Rable, "'Missing in Action': Women of the Confederacy," in Divided
Houses, 134-146.

38 Ulysses S. Grant to Philip Sheridan, 26 August 1864, Official Records, Ser. 1,
Vol. 43, Pt. 2: 202.




Full Text
225
Fanny Yates Cohen, for example, became enraged when she was forced to provide lodging
for one of Shermans officers. She categorically refused to welcome the man into her
house, entertain, or befriend him. If we are conquered I see no reason why we should
receive our enemies as our friends and I never shall do it, as long as I live. Like many
others in the same situation, she voiced her displeasure about the decision to surrender
Savannah without a fight. Cohens father feared that Fanny would compromise him by
my too open avowal of hatred, but that did not change her view of the enemy. She tried
to remain civil to the occupiers but could not mask her disgust; surrender did not mean
peaceful reunification. Many other Confederate women in occupied areas shared Cohens
open avowal of hatred and proudly voiced their resentment of Northern troops.18 One
woman walking in Savannah notic[ed] the United States flag stretched above the
sidewalk, [and] she stepped down into the sand to avoid passing under it. When
reprimanded by the guard to walk under the flag, she refused to obey him. For this
insolence, the woman was taken to Sherman who asserted that he would make [her] walk
under it. The woman remained defiant, you cannot make me ... You may have me
carried under it, but then it will be your actnot mine.19 The continued patriotism and
18 Fanny Yates Cohen, 26 December 1864, Fanny Cohens Journal of Shermans
Occupation of Savannah, ed. Spencer B. King, in Georgia Historical Quarterly 41
(December 1957): 413, emphasis added.
19 Frances Thomas Howard, 21 January 1865, In and Out of the Lines: An
Accurate Account of the Incidents During the Occupation of Georgia by Federal Troops
in 1864-65 (New York: Neale Publishing Company, 1905), 196.


217
studies, and historians inserted non-combatants into their assessments of the wars
ultimate outcome. They have examined the Southern homeffont, the political weaknesses
of the Confederate States of America, the difficulty of maintaining slavery during
wartime, the flagging morale of soldiers, the ineffective creation of nationalism, internal
divisions between rich and poor Southerners, and other topics that eschew the traditional
focus on military leadership and tactics.5 In this vein, Drew Gilpin Faust, George C.
5 The study of the Civil War evolved into one that took influences other than
military ones under consideration. Scholars involved in the debate over the outcome of
the war often approach it from different perspectives; some focus on why the South
lost while others examine why the North won. Those who focus on Confederate
defeat stress the idea of a loss of morale, internal dissension, and other weaknesses within
the Confederacy as an explanation for Southern defeat. See Charles W. Ramsdell, Behind
the Lines in the Confederacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1943); Bell
Irvin Wiley, The Road to Appomattox (1956; reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1994), esp 43-75; Eric L. McKitrick, Party Politics and the Union
and Confederate War Efforts, in The American Party Systems, ed. William Nisbet
Chambers and Walter Dean Burnham (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 117-
151; Carl N. Degler, The Other South: Southern Dissenters in the Nineteenth Century
(New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1974); Clement Eaton, A History of the
Southern Confederacy (New York: Free Press, 1954), 266; Paul D. Escott, After
Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1978); Stanley Lebergott, Why the South Lost:
Commercial Purpose in the Confederacy, 1861-1865, Journal of American History 70
(June 1983): 58-74; Richard M. McMurry, Confederate Morale in the Atlanta
Campaign of 1864, Georgia Historical Quarterly 54 (Summer 1970): 226-243; Richard
E. Beringer, Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones, and William N. Still, Jr., Why the South
Lost the Civil War (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986); Wayne K Durrill, War
of Another Kind: A Southern Community in the Great Rebellion (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1990); James Marten, Texas Divided: Loyalty and Dissent in the Lone
Star State (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1990); Gabor S. Boritt, ed., Why
The Confederacy Lost (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); James L. Roark
Behind the Lines: Confederate Economy and Society, in Writing the Civil War: The
Quest to Understand, ed. James M. McPherson and William J. Cooper, Jr., (Columbia:


271
and the Carolinas, and the wholesale destruction of so many households, both enraged and
shamed Southern soldiers. By attacking Southern women, Sherman had directly insulted
Southern manhood. His inversion of traditional tactics, did, in the end, make the
Confederacy howl.


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Organization, Campaigns and Battles from 1861 to 1865. From the Manuscript
Prepared by the Late Chaplain John J. Hight During His Service with the
Regiment in the Field. Edited by Gilbert R. Stormont. Princeton: Press of the
Clarion, 1895.
Hirshson, Stanley P. The White Tecumseh: A Biography of William T, Sherman. New
York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1997.


179
Union soldiers, one outraged woman firmed, were a hellish crew ... no place, no
person is sacred from their profanation.19 Their refusal to uphold the rules of peacetime
propriety infuriated many female Rebels. In particular, they resented the soldiers
entrance into their bedrooms. This behavior, unacceptable during peacetime, became
routine during Shermans March. They are so low down, Loula of North Carolina
raged, and had no respect whatever for a ladys private room.20 Another complained
that there was no place, no chamber, trunk, drawer, desk, garret, closet, or cellar that was
private to their unholy eyes.21 To emphasize the mens lack of propriety, many
19 Mother to Daughters, 8 March 1865, Mrs. Albert Rhett (Sallie Coles Green)
Heyward Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia,
South Carolina.
20 Loula to Poss, 22 May 1865, Graves Family Papers, Southern Historical
Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Michael Fellman
recognizes that the invasion of a womans bedroom is a symbolic rape. See Fellman,
Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri During the American Civil War (New
York: Oxford University Press), 207-208.
21 Anonymous Woman [Fayetteville], 22 March 1865, Emma Mordecai Diary,
Mordecai Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection. Furious over her treatment by
the Union soldiers, a Columbia woman described the scene to her daughter. You say
you heard that the yanks were treating us kindly [--] yes if going in to houses and holding
loaded pistols to ladies heads to make them tell where there gold and silver was and
pouring turpentine over the flour and over the beds and put[t]ing a match to them and not
letting them have so much as a change of clothes can be considered kind treatment. S.
McCain to Daughter, 5 March 1865, Mary Amarinthia Snowden Papers, South
Caroliniana Library. See also Elizabeth Collier, 20 April 1865, Elizabeth Collier Diary,
Southern Historical Collection; [Laura?] to [ ? ], 6 January 1865, Ferebee, Gregory, and
McPherson Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection.


118
would be some salvation for the targets of Union aggression. God help the poor women
& children, for it is on them that the magnanimous Yankee nation makes war 84 Even as
they asserted their dedication to the Confederacy, many slaveholding women feared the
possibility of sexual assault by the male invaders. Although in the opening months of the
Civil War many would have scoffed at the possibility of soldiers raping white women, by
the time Shermans troops reached South Carolina in 1865 elite Southern women believed
the enemy troops capable of anything. After all, the escalation in tactics had shown that
Union soldiers often ignored gender conventions in favor of a full attack on the domestic
enemy. As Grace Brown Elmore bemoaned, have not this people taught us how
impotent is the weakness and helplessness of women, have they not made us know that
upon us will they wreak their vengeance by the most frightful and wicked of crimes.
Elmore especially pointed to the actions of the men who had clearly violated gender
boundaries in their campaigns. Have not their Butlers, their Rosecranz, their Burnsides
and their Shermans appeared but as arch fiends. These men, Elmore lamented, eagerly
let loose upon us the all passions & wickedness of man. Oh well they know how to
avenge themselves, on women, what she values more than all things, the loss of which
84 Catherine Arm Devereux Edmondston, 12 March 1865, Journal of a Secesh
Lady, 676


193
Mrs. R., Kates mother, and whipped her.43 However, worse could happen. In a letter
between two women, the writer revealed one instance of rape of which she knew The
most horrible thing the Yankees did in our neighborhood . was to dishonor a young lady
up about the Rock. The writer would not reveal the girls identity except to say that
she was very respectable & well off. As a result of the attack, the fifteen-year-old girl
has been dangerously ill since.44 In Milledgeville, the incarnate devils ravished some of
the nicest ladies.45 As one woman reported, the enemy . committed outrages on
ladies, tho I only know of Mrs. James Nickels. Although other sexual assaults occurred
in Milledgeville, the soldiers rape of Kate Latimer Nichols, wife of a Confederate captain,
became well publicized around Georgia.46 Anna Maria Greens reaction to the incident
reflected that of her countrywomen. The worst of their acts was committed to poor
Mrs. Nichols. Green assumed that the violence done, and atrocity committed would
Women and Rape (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1975), 88. Thomas P. Lowry came
to a similar conclusion in The Stories the Soldiers Wouldnt Tell: Sex in the Civil War
(Mechanicsburg, Penn.: Stackpole Books, 1994), 123- 131.
43Julia Frances Gott to Sister, 27 February 1865, in Jones, When Sherman Came,
229.
44 Loula to Poss, 22 May 1865, Graves Family Papers, Southern Historical
Collection.
45 Savannah Daily Morning News, 6 December 1864.
46 Mary Baxter to Sallie Bird, [December 1864], The Granite Farm Letters: The
Civil War Correspondence of Edgeworth & Sallie Bird, ed. John Rozier (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1988), 223.


21
Sherman with an ungendered definition of civilian. As a result, they treat the campaign
as a conflict between men on the battlefield, while ignoring the power of the largely female
civilian population Because Union troops faced little sustained resistance from the
Confederate army, most analyses of the March focus on the ease with which Sherman
progressed through the South and asserted his military advantage.2 In addition, these
accounts prioritize what happened while the troops were between cities and towns rather
than when they were inside them. This approach neglects a discussion of the resistance
that the Souths white women exhibited. In all of these ways, scholars have marginalized
white Southern women from the conflict and have treated them as passive victims.3
2 Although he helped make war on the civilian enemy and faced the female
populations ire, Union officer Henry Hitchcock similarly minimized womens role as
enemy combatants in comparison to male troops. Despite experiences to the contrary, he
asserted that during the March to the Sea we have met as yet no enemy, and no
opposition. Henry Hitchcock, 24 November 1864, Marching With Sherman: Passages
from the Letters and Campaign Diaries of Henry Hitchcock, Major Assistant Adjutant
General of Volunteers, November 1864-May 1865. ed. M. A. DeWolfe Howe (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1995), 89.
3 Lee B Kennett explores the first stage of Shermans March in his Marching
Through Georgia: The Story of Soldiers and Civilians during Shermans Campaign (New
York: HarperCollins, 1995). Despite its title, Kennetts book focuses primarily on the
military aspects and actions of the campaign. Only Chapter 14 offers a close look at the
interactions between soldiers and civilians. By turning women into passive victims,
Kennett and other scholars have left the impression that the North actually invaded a
quiescent South. In reality, the destruction of lives and property, which Shermans
March exemplified, profoundly shaped Confederate womens and mens experiences.
The invasion itself cannot be understood without an understanding of who was invaded,
how Yankee soldiers viewed them, and how Confederate soldiers reacted to the despoiling
of their homeland. See lohn Bennett Walters, General William T. Sherman and Total


177
behavior in the final years of the Confederacy, as well as the lengths to which elite women
would go to protect themselves and their domestic domain.16 In rare cases, female
Confederates physically retaliated against the enemy. One soldier reported that when the
troops marched through Rome, Georgia, women on the balcony ofa young ladys
seminary poured kitchen slops and the contents of chamber pots on their heads.
Similar things happened elsewhere. In Milledgeville, Georgia, one woman threw a large
stone out of her second-story window at the Union troops below. In South Carolina,
another tried to deter Union foragers by throwing scalding water in their faces. These
ardent Confederates attacked the soldiers personally, often hoping that nineteenth-
century gender ideals would prevent the men from responding in the same way.17
16 In the antebellum South, poor white women routinely used violence to protect
themselves. See Laura F. Edwards, Law, Domestic Violence, and the Limits of
Patriarchal Authority in the Antebellum South, Journal of Southern History 65
(November 1999): esp., 742-753,
17 See Mitchell, The Vacant Chair, 102; Robert Hale Strong, A Yankee Privates
Civil War. 45; Joseph T. Glatthaar, The March to the Sea and Beyond: Shermans
Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1995), 71. Also see John J. Hight, 18 November 1864, History of the
Fifty-Eighth Regiment of Indiana Volunteer Infantry. Its Organization. Campaigns and
Battles from 1861 to 1865. From the Manuscript Prepared by the Late Chaplain John J,
Hight During His Service with the Regiment in the Field, ed. Gilbert R. Stormont
(Princeton, N.J.: Press of the Clarion, 1895), 416. Confederate President Jefferson
Davis, for one, recognized this change in female behavior. Their [white womens]
gallantry is only different from that of her sons in this, that they deem it unfeminine to
strike; and yet such is the heroism displayedsuch the noble demeanor they have
exhibitedthat at the last moment when trampled upon and it became a necessity, they
would not hesitate to strike the invader a corpse at their feet. Speech of President
Davis in Columbia, 4 October 1864, Jefferson Davis. Constitutionalist, 6: 355. As


45
river into South Carolina. Subsequently, Sherman took control of the city and its two
hundred artillery pieces, ammunition, and approximately thirty thousand bales of cotton.
On December 22, 1864, Sherman sent President Abraham Lincoln a telegram announcing
the accomplishment: I beg to present you as a Christmas Gift the City of Savannah
with one hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition: and also about twenty
five thousand bales of cotton.52 The soldiers proudly recalled their triumphant
campaign: 36 days ago we were standing near Atlanta Geo watching the angery flames
devouring Building after Buildingf] [T]o day we stand here at Savannah Master of over a
Hundread fields which was bought and Paid with Freemans Blood. In addition to the
immediate consequences, this soldier also reflected on the larger significance of the march.
Here we have ended what I think will go down in History and be told over and over
again as one of the greatest acheevements on Record.53
Throughout their homefront attack, Union soldiers targeted wealthy slaveholding
families, whom they considered instrumental in Southern secession. Sherman provided
justification for this action when he commanded that soldiers should discriminate
between the rich, who are usually hostile, and the poor and industrious, usually neutral or
52 William T. Sherman to Abraham Lincoln, 22 December 1864, Sherman File,
Huntington Library.
53 James G. Essington, 22 December 1864, James G. Essington Diary, Alexander
A. Lawrence Papers.


72
femininity to their advantage in order to participate in the public domain.4 In the North,
the rise of the middle class and the separation of the workplace from the home gendered
peoples conceptions of place and role. Women, who had previously taken an active, if
4 Many scholars have also shown that Southern women had an active role in
public life prior to the Civil War. See Elizabeth R. Varn, We Mean to Be Counted:
White Women and Politics in Antebellum Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1998); Elizabeth R. Varn, Tippecanoe and the Ladies, Too: White
Women and Party Politics in Antebellum Virginia, Journal of American History 82
(September 1995): 494-521; Kirsten E. Wood, One Woman So Dangerous: Gender
and Power in the Eaton Affair, Journal of the Early Republic 17 (Summer 1997): 237-
275; Daniel Kilbride, Cultivation, Conservatism, and the Early National Gentry: The
Manigault Family and Their Circle, Journal of the Early Republic 19 (Summer 1999):
221-256; Cynthia Kiemer, Hospitality, Sociability, and Gender in the Southern
Colonies, Journal of Southern History 62 (August 1996): 449-480; Frederick A. Bode
A Common Sphere: White Evangelicals and Gender in Antebellum Georgia, Georgia
Historical Quarterly 79 (Winter 1995): 775-809; Cynthia A. Kierner, Womens Piety
Within Patriarchy: The Religious Life of Martha Hancock Wheat of Bedford County,
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 100 (January 1992): 79-98; Eugene D.
Genovese, Toward a Kinder and Gentler America: The Southern Lady in the Greening
of the Politics of the Old South, in In Joy and In Sorrow: Women. Family, and Marriage
in the Victorian South, ed. Carol Bleser (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991):
125-134; Marli F. Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves: Plantation Women in South Carolina.
1830-80 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998); Jane H. Pease and William H.
Pease, A Family of Women: The Carolina Petigrus in Peace and War (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1999); Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease, Ladies.
Women, and Wenches: Choice and Constraint in Antebellum Charleston and Boston
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990); Suzanne Lebsock, The Free
Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784-1860 (New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 1984). See also Paula Baker, The Domestication of Politics:
Women and American Political Society, 1780-1900, American Historical Review 89
(June 1984): 620-647; Linda K. Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology
in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980); Mary
Beth Norton, Libertys Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Women.
1750-1800 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1980); Mary Ryan, Women in Public: Between
Banners and Ballots. 1825-1880 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).


9
The debate over the position of elite white women in Southern society extends
into the historiography of the Civil War. Those who believe that white women resented
the antebellum patriarchal society naturally argue that these women had few reasons to
support the Confederacy. Clearly not all elite white women, or men, supported the
Confederacy. Historians such as Thomas G. Dyer, Jane H Pease, and William H. Pease,
have drawn attention to the Secret Yankees, Unionist women, and families of mixed
loyalties across the South.11 Taking this emphasis a step further, others, especially Drew
Journal of Gertrude Clanton Thomas: An Educated White Woman in the Eras of Slavery,
War, and Reconstruction, introduction to The Secret Eye: The Journal of Gertrude
Clanton Thomas, 1848-1889, ed. Virginia Ingraham Burr (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1990), 63-65; Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White:
Family and Community in the Slave South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),
199-205; Marli Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves: Plantation Women in South Carolina,
1830-1880 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 89-112; Marli Weiner,
Mistresses, Morality, and the Dilemmas of Slaveholding: The Ideology and Behavior of
Elite Antebellum Women, in Discovering the Women in Slavery: Emancipating
Perspectives on the American Past, ed. Patricia Morton (Athens: University of Georgia
Press, 1996): 278-298; Stephanie McCurry, The Two Faces of Republicanism: Gender
and Proslavery Politics in Antebellum South Carolina, Journal of American History 78
(March 1992): 1245-1264,
11 Thomas G. Dyer, Secret Yankees: The Union Circle in Confederate Atlanta
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); Thomas G. Dyer, Vermont
Yankees in King Cottons Court: The Case of Cyrena and Amherst Stone, Vermont
History 60 (Fall 1992): 205-229; Thomas G. Dyer, Atlantas Other Civil War Novel:
Fictional Unionists in a Confederate City, Georgia Historical Quarterly 79 (Spring
1995): 147-168. Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease acknowledge the mixed loyalties of
the Petigru family. See Pease and Pease, A Family of Women: The Carolina Petigrus in
Peace and War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999). Also see Daniel
W, Crofts, Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989).


15
asserted their Confederate patriotism as they confronted the enemy soldiers invading their
domestic sphere.
Not only did Sherman and his men leave physical destruction and ruin in their
path, but they also left bitterness, hatred, and Confederate patriotism in their wake.
Chapter 5, A Rebel as Long as I Live: The Intensity of Confederate Womanhood,
argues that white womens persistent belief in the Confederacy and continued animosity
toward the enemy resulted directly from their experiences as civilian targets during
Shermans March. The invasion of the domestic sphere during Shermans campaign failed
to force Georgia and Carolina women to yield. It also had some unanticipated
consequences; the march magnified womens Confederate patriotism while it reinvigorated
their sense of the irreconcilable differences between Confederates and Northerners. The
march created in Confederate women a hatred that knows no change, and [a people who]
can never forget what they have done, even to the tenth generation.16 Shermans March
helped ensure Union victory, but it could not break the pride of the [women of the]
South.17
16 Loula Kendall Rogers, 11 May 1865, Loula Kendall Rogers Papers, Special
Collections Department, Robert W. Woodruff Library, Emory University, Atlanta,
Georgia.
17 William T. Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 23 March 1865, Home Letters of General
Sherman. 334-335.


92
not regret the system of living on the enemys country, Sheridan remarked. Confederate
women did not care how many were killed, or maimed, so long as war did not come to
their doors, but as soon as it did come in the shape of loss of property, they earnestly
prayed for its termination. Sheridan pointed directly to Confederate women as military
enemies when justifying his advance on the homefront. As war is a punishment, if we
can, by reducing its advocates to poverty, end it quicker, we are on the side of
humanity.40 Like Sherman, Sheridan believed in the utility of bringing war to the
Confederate homefront and the slaveholding women who occupied it. To help bring the
war to an end, both men denied elite Southern women their protected status, and instead
39 Ulysses S. Grant to Henry Halleck, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 40, Pt. 3: 223
40 Philip Sheridan, as quoted in Roy Morris, Jr,, Sheridan: The Life and Wars of
General Phil Sheridan (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1992), 179.
Women despised these new tactics and wanted to take action against them.
Twenty-eight women in Harrisonburg, Virginia, wrote to Secretary of War James A.
Seddon in December 1864, offering their plan. With the permission of the War
Department we will raise a full regiment of ladiesbetween the ages of 16 and 40armed
and equipped to perform regular service. These women were further willing to endure
any sacrifice-any privation for the ultimate success of our Holy Cause. Irene Bell,
Annie Samuels, and others to Secretary of War James A Seddon, 2 December 1864, as
cited in Gary W. Gallagher, The Confederate War: How Popular Will, Nationalism, and
Military Strategy Could Not Stave Off Defeat (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 1997), 77.


306
Scott, Joan Wallach. Gender and the Politics of History- New York: Columbia
University Press, 1988.
Seidel, Kathryn L. The Southern Belle as an Antebellum Ideal. Southern Quarterly IS
(July 1977): 387-401.
Semmes, Raphael. Admiral on Horseback: The Diary of Brigadier General Raphael
Semmes, February May 1865. Edited by Stanley Hoole. Alabama Review 28
(April 1975): 129-150.
Sherlock, E. J. Memorabilia of the Marches and Battles in Which the One Hundredth
Regiment of Indiana Infantry Volunteers Took an Active Part: War of the
Rebellion, 1861-5. Kansas City, Mo.: Gerard-Woody Printing Co., 1896.
Sherman, William T. The Heros Own Story: General Shermans Official Account of His
Great March Through Georgia and the Carolinas, From his Departure from
Chattanooga to the Surrender of General Johnston, and the Confederate Forces
Under his Command, To Which are Added General Shermans Evidence before the
Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War; the Animadversions of
Secretary Stanton and General Halleck; with a Defence of his Proceedings, &c.
New York: Bunce & Huntington, Publishers, 1865
. Home Letters of General Sherman. Edited by M. A. DeWolfe Howe. New
York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1909.
. Memoirs of General W. T. Sherman. Edited by Michael Fellman. New York:
Penguin Books, 2000.
. The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman
from 1837-1891. Edited by Rachel Sherman Thorndike. New York: Charles
Scribners Sons, 1894.
. Shermans Civil War: Selected Correspondence ofWilliam T, Sherman. 1860-
1865. Edited by Brooks D. Simpson and Jean V. Berlin. Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1999.
Shy, John. The Cultural Approach to the History of War. Journal of Military History
57 (October 1993): 13-26.
Silber, Nina. The Romance of Reunion: Northerners and the South. 1865-1900. Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993.


16
Shermans March may not have destroyed womens war efforts or Confederate
patriotism, but it had far-reaching and ruinous effects on the South. The epilogue,
Between Death and Dishonor: Shaming Southern Soldiers explores the consequences
of Shermans March on white Southern men. The results of the campaign, specifically
designed to emasculate men and demoralize women, suggest that it may have been more
successful in its indirect attack on Confederate soldiers than it was in its direct assault on
the nations women. Although physically removed from the violence on the homefront,
soldiers from Georgia and the Carolinas felt the psychological brunt of the attack. In
short, the campaign destroyed Southern mens confidence in their ability to protect their
homes and families. It consequently forced Confederate soldiers to come to grips with
the fact that they could not protect Southern womanhood from the onslaughts of war.
* *
American Civil War historians have often depicted Southern white women in the
latter war years as a battered lot Exhausted from wartime realities and their own
sacrifices, the argument runs, Southern women had decided that the costs of the conflict
were too high Whatever pro-Confederate sympathies that may have remained by late
1864 should have quickly dissipated with the threat of a personal attack by Union
troops. However, as To Cure Her of Her Pride and Boasting argues, by directly
threatening the feminine sphere, Shermans March had the opposite effect on its targets.
Rather than crushing Southern women into demoralized submission, the march reinforced
the Rebel loyalty of its victims and provoked their persistent hatred of the Northern


142
Confederate women responded to the Union attack on the domestic front by doing as
much as possible to retaliate against the foe. This effort to fight for their nation in some
ways forced a redefinition of Southern femininity.
In particular, Confederate women transferred their domestic routines to sites
outside the customary household to deal with the crisis.33 Their roles as Confederate
seamstresses, fundraisers, recruitment officers, and nurses merged the long-standing ideal
of female sacrifice with a defiant, even warrior-like, defense of the homeland. Working
within this new identity, late in the war many elite white women, for the most part,
continued to support the Confederacy through any means available. Their public
domesticity, reflected through their continued work in hospitals, ladies aid societies, and
fundraising efforts throughout 1864 and 1865, illuminates Southern womens intense
Confederate patriotism despite increasing war depredations and shortages.34
33 LeeAnn Whites terms the movement of womens domestic labor outside of the
household as public domesticity. Whites, The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender, 50.
34 The women of South Carolina, headed by Mary Snowden, received many
thank-you letters from soldiers for clothes and other needs that the women supplied.
They also received some requests for specific items. For examples, see P. G. T.
Beauregard to [W. D. Porter], 25 July 1864, Mary Amarinthia Snowden Papers, South
Caroliniana Library; A. G. Lane to Mary Amarinthia Snowden, 12 October 1864, Mary
Amarinthia Snowden Papers; Thomas Y. Simons to Mary Snowden, 12 November 1864,
Mary Amarinthia Snowden Papers; Robert E. Lee to Flora Matheson, Mary Snowden,
Amy Burgess, Clara Cheesborough, Annie Mordiere, Gilbert Tennant, L. M. Stoney, C.
P. Matheson, W. Coles Fisher, J. Gates Snowden, 25 November 1864, Mary Amarinthia
Snowden Papers; Wm. C. Ravenel to Mary Snowden, 6 December 1864, Mary
Amarinthia Snowden Papers; E. M. Seabrook to Mary Snowden, 14 December 1864,
Mary Amarinthia Snowden Papers; Jas. H. Ri[on] to Mary Snowden, 25 January 1865,


134
Mercury, by a woman only known as C. M. C., alerted the readers that the writer has a
husband, three sons, two nephews, other relatives and friends in the companies
mentioned, to whom these lines are most respectfully inscribed. C. M. C. hoped to
invigorate the troops. March, march on brave Palmetto boys, she exhorted, all the
base Yankees are crossing the border. The South Carolina men should redouble their
efforts for the Confederacy especially because young wives and sisters have buckled
your armor on,/ Maidens ye love bid ye go to the battlefield. The love and confidence of
the women at home should inspire them to let fear and unmanliness vanish before ye,
and secure battlefield victories.15 Although most antebellum white women rarely wrote
their poetry for public consumption, they realized that the Civil War required public
action.16
In addition to becoming wordsmiths for the Confederacy, white Southern women
also became major fundraisers for their nation, planning and attending countless bazaars,
15 C. M. C., n.d., Mattie Jane Walker Paper 1858-1862, Georgia Historical
Society, Savannah.
16 Prior to and during the Civil War, many Southern female writers used
pseudonyms to protect their identity in the public sphere. This allowed them to remain
anonymous while airing their opinions. William Gilmore Simms collection of wartime
poetry offers examples of womens use of words to encourage enlistment and
demonstrate their continued dedication to the Confederacy. See William Gilmore Simms,
ed.. War Poetry of the South (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1972). Simms
dedicated this collection to the women of the South who have shown themselves
worthy of any manhood . [and] of the best womanhood. See also Gerald F.
Linderman, Embattled Courage: The Experience of Combat in the American Civil War
(New York: The Free Press, 1987), 88-89


58
While in Columbia, Sherman and his troops recognized that they had unleashed an
unprecedented assault on its white civilians. Women, the soldiers reasoned, deserved
harsh treatment because of their culpability for the war. For example, Charles S. Brown
described an incident in which an individual soldier asserted his power by forcing
Southern women to beg. We have men in our own Regt & in all others that would stand
& have a woman kneel to them & beg for Gods sake to leave enough for her children in the
house. Even womens humiliating entreaties, however, did not insure that the soldiers
would comply with their requests. After forcing the women to kneel, Brown remarked,
the soldiers would turn from them with oaths & take the last morsel of food.82
Northern soldiers wanted to make Confederate women pay for their role in the
Confederate war effort. In Columbia, Union Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah W Jenkins,
provost marshall of the invaded city, declared the women of the South kept the war
aliveand it is only by making them suffer that we can subdue the men.83 Jenkins saw
the utility in attacking Southern domesticity as a way to punish both contemptuous
civilians and soldiers. A Union army chaplain who marched with Sherman similarly
justified the assault on women.
82 Charles S. Brown to Etta, 26 April, 1865, Charles S. Brown Papers.
83 Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah W. Jenkins as cited in Royster, The Destructive
War, 20.


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272


240
resented the enemys warfare. Elizabeth Collier agreed. Confederate troops had been
overpoweredoutnumbered, but thank God we have not been whipped.55 In addition,
Tillinghast believed that had the Yankees carried on the war by the rules of warfare, we
would have been successful our men have never been whipped on a fair field. However,
the unorthodox Union assault on the homefront led to an unfair advantage. Our armies
were reduced to starvation by the destruction of mills, the burning of farming utensils, . .
burning commissary depo[t]s all over our country. Despite this turn of events,
Tillinghast reaffirmed her faith in the Confederate nation and Southern troops. We are
not humiliated that our army of N[orthern] Virginia] had to surrender because this little
handful of men had been suffering the pangs of hunger and [had] killed thousands of the
hated foe ere they laid down their arms completely overwhelmed by an immense army of
well fed well equipped men. These Southern soldiers deserved high praise, she
continued, for resisting to the bitter end the aggression of the tyrant. As a result of
this, Tillinghast asserted we are as proudly defiant as ever, we can hate them and we will
Yankees are crowing too soon and too loudlythe end is not yet. I believe the curtain has
fallen upon one phase of the war only to arise upon another . She trusted that the South
would make another stand to defeat the Union and could not believe as the Yankee press
and government are giving out that my countrymen who have fought so gallantly, endured
so nobly and sacrificed so freely, will be content to lie down and be bound hand and foot
by the dirty, dastardly nation who are over-running our homes. Charlotte Burckmyer to
Cornelius Burckmyer, 13 April 1865, The Burckmyer Letters, March. 1863 June, 1865,
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55 Elizabeth Collier, 20 April 1865, Elizabeth Collier Diary, Southern Historical
Collection.


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Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1982.
. Yankee Saints and Southern Sinners. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1985.
Young, Agnes Brooks. The Women and the Crisis: Women of the North in the Civil
War. New York: McDowell, Oblensky, 1959.


280
Augusta Chronicle and Georgia Advertiser.
Augusta Chronicle-Sentinel.
Augusta Daily Constitutionalist.
Charleston Mercury
Charleston Courier.
Georgia Journal. (Milledgeville, Ga.).
New York Times.
Savannah Daily Morning News.
Southern Recorder.
Published Primary and Secondary Sources.
Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism. New York: Verso, 1991.
Andrews, Eliza Frances. The War-Time Journal of a Georgia Girl, 1864-65. Edited by
Spencer Bidwell King, Jr. 1908. Reprint, Atlanta: Cherokee Publishing
Company, 1976.
Ash, Stephen V. Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 1860-1870: War and Peace in
the Upper South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988.
. When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South. 1861-
1865. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995.
. White Virginians Under Federal Occupation, 1861-1865. The Virginia
Magazine of History and Biography 98 (April 1990): 169-192.
Atkinson, Maxine P. and Jacqueline Boles, The Shaky Pedestal: Southern Ladies
Yesterday and Today. Southern Studies 24 (Winter 1985): 398-406.
Attie, Jeanie. Patriotic Toil: Northern Women and the American Civil War. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1998.


161
of the set-up. The shield of each state that the table represents hung in the room and
allowed all to see that the states were standing alone and entire but yet working for a
common end.70 S. C. Goodwyn described the Bazaar in glowing terms. The old State
House presented a most magnificent appearance, she wrote. Each table was covered
with a canopy of laced & crimson trimmed beautifully with evergreens and [surrounded]
with the shield of each state and a large flag drooping over the whole canopy. The sight
had been so impressive, she asserted to her husband, that I wish very much you could
have been here it really was worth seeing.71 Grace Brown Elmore gave a similar report.
On each side of the hall he could have seen booths, draped in the gayest colors red and
white or blue, garlanded with evergreens, and filled with all sorts of nick nacks 72 As a
result, the Bazaar presented a shared sense of Confederate identity both within Columbia
and throughout the Confederacy.
The Columbia Bazaar offered attendees their choice of a wide variety of items.
The tables are loaded with fancy articlesbrought through the blockade or manufactured
by the ladiesEvery thing to eat can be had if one can pay the pricesCakes jellies creams
70 Grace Brown Elmore, 7 February 1865, A Heritage of Woe, 93.
71 S. C. Goodwyn to Artemus Darby Goodwyn, 22 January 1865, Artemus
Darby Goodwyn Papers, South Caroliniana Library.
72 Grace Brown Elmore, 7 February 1865, A Heritage of Woe, 93.


144
women had stepped outside of the boundaries of antebellum womanhood, but had
successfully retained their femininity. Confederate womanhood gave them an avenue
through which they could fulfill both needs.
As Shermans men approached their towns, Confederate women continued to sew
for their soldiers. Three years of war, inflation, and the scarcity of raw materials made
womens tasks increasingly difficult, but did not deter them. Instead of giving up, they
produced and relied on homespun for their own clothes and those they made for their
families and soldiers.36 More concerned about the condition of Southern soldiers on the
battlefield than about the presence of Union troops in her town in December 1864, one
Georgia woman wrote, we are all here at work, carding, spinning, and weaving. Denise
and [Di] have . wove nearly seventy four yds, since the Yankees went out on their last
foraging trip which was five weeks ago.37 Firsthand experience of invasion did not stop
the labors of these Georgia women. They continued in their efforts to supply the
Southern troops with much needed blankets, coats, shirts, socks, shoes, and other
36 On the use of and pride in homespun, see Massey, Ersatz in the Confederacy,
85-89.
37 A. E. D. to Brother, 6 December 1864, Confederate Miscellany I, Emory
University. Other women were similarly engaged in sewing constantly. For example, see
Carrie Fries Shaffner, 3 November 1864, Fries and Shaffner Family Papers, Southern
Historical Collection; Anna Maria Cain to Harriet R. Palmer, 6 November 1864, A World
Turned Upside Down. 412.


112
Anticipation of Shermans invasion and a knowledge of his desire for vengeance
often pushed white South Carolinian women toward a more vehement patriotism. Many
commented fearlessly on the inevitable destruction and horrors heading toward their state.
Mary Gayle Aiken recognized that the Yankees will not show much mercy to S.
Carolinians, but she did not abandon her nation.75 Kate Crosland, like many of her
neighbors, anticipated that Sherman would head his troops into South Carolina once he
finished with Georgia. He would then punish the Carolina homefront.
Know that while the great Sherman sits on what he imagines is the
dead carcass of Georgia, he vows to spare no age, sex or condition
in this noted rebel state where first we breathed the pure free air
and saw the sweet light of heaven. ... If Sherman comes among us
... it is here their malice will rage fiercest but [will] not Satan laugh
and hurry back to his brimstone quarters to tell what great and
wondrous things he has learned from the Yankees? and the fiends
will dance after him in high glee.
Crosland still believed Savannah would rise up to defeat the invaders. Surely Georgia is
not dead she must hear the mamas cry of her fair daughters driven to a mad house by
brutal outrage and she will drive the insolent foe from her soil or perish all in the
conflict.76 Crosland could not believe that the people of Savannah would give up the
only waits the chance to embrace us. George Ward Nichols, 6 September 1864, The
Story of the Great March. 23.
75 Mary Gayle Aiken, 20 January 1865, Aiken Family Papers.
76 Kate Crosland to Bea and Nellie, 28 December 1864, Thomas M. McIntosh
Papers, Duke University.


281
Warwork and the Crisis of Domesticity in the North. In Divided Houses:
Gender and the Civil War, edited by Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber, 247-259.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
Ayers, Edward L. Vengeance and Justice: Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth-
Century American South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1984.
Bacot, Ada W. A Confederate Nurse: The Diary of Ada W. Bacot, 1860-1863. Edited
by Jean V. Berlin. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994.
Bailey, Anne J. The Chessboard of War: Sherman and Hood in the Autumn Campaigns
of 1864. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.
Baker, Paula. The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society,
1780-1900. American Historical Review 89 (June 1984): 620-647.
Bardaglio, Peter. Reconstructing the Household: Families. Sex, and the Law in the
Nineteenth-Century South. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1995.
Barrett, John G. The Civil War in North Carolina. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1963.
. Shermans March Through the Carolinas. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1956.
Bartness, Jacob W. Jacob W. Bartness Civil War Letters. Edited by Donald F.
Carmony. Indiana Magazine of History 52 (June 1956): 157-186.
Baym, Nina. Womans Fiction: A Guide to Novels By and About Women in America.
1820-70. 1978. Reprint, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993.
Beringer, Richard E., Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones, and William N. Still, Jr. Why the
South Lost the Civil War. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986.
Berlin, Ira, Barbara J. Fields, Steven F. Miller, Joseph F. Miller, Joseph P. Reidy, and
Leslie S. Rowland, eds. Free at Last: A Documentary History of Slavery,
Freedom, and the Civil War. New York: The New Press, 1992.


95
nation who calls itself Christian!42 Edmondstons ftiry at Sheridans attack on
domesticity clearly comes across in her journal. In the Shenandoah Valley Sheridan
destroyed everything before him. Blood & carnage, smoking ruins, the cries of houseless
women & children alone mark his track.43 Sheridans destruction of civilian property,
especially the homes, took the Civil War to a new level. However, the loss of property
paled in comparison to the Union disregard for gender boundaries. The attack on civilian
women was the most troubling aspect of the new warfare for all Southerners.44
Despite the news out of the Shenandoah Valley, white women in Atlanta, the first
to face Sherman and his troops on their new hard war campaign, underestimated what
was in store for them. Women understood from previous Union actions that they would
not be ignored or protected as civilians, but they did not anticipate the new level to which
Sherman would take the war. As a result, the forced evacuation of women and children
from the captured and occupied city shocked those who encountered it. Not only did
42 Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 18 October 1864, Journal of a Secesh
Lady. 624.
43 Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 29 October 1864, Journal of a Secesh
Lady. 627. Sheridan reported that he destroyed over 2,000 barns filled with wheat, hay
and farming implements; over 70 mills, filled with flour and wheat; [drove] in front of the
army over 4,000 head of stock, and have killed and issued to the troops not less than
3,000 sheep. Philip Sheridan to Ulysses S. Grant, 7 October 1864, Official Records. Ser.
1, Vol. 43, Pt. 2: 307-308.
44 For descriptions of Sheridans campaign, see McPherson, Battle Cry of
Freedom, 778-779, 784-815; Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 167-168.


89
News of the order spread quickly across the South. White women and men denounced it.
For example, Mary Boykin Chesnut condemned Butler for turning over the women of
New Orleans to his soldiers! . This hideous cross-eyed beast orders his men to treat
the ladies of New Orleans as women of the town. To punish them, he says, for their
insolence.33 Butlers unforgivable actions, she later wrote, were uncivilized. We hardly
expected from Massachusetts behavior to shame a Comanche.34 After reading Butlers
order, North Carolinian Catherine Edmondston similarly decried his actions. Although
she cannot find words to express [her] horror and indignation, Edmondston adamantly
denounced Butler, and by association, all Northerners. Was such cold blooded barbarity
ever before conceived? Butlers actions were so horrible, she raged, that we no longer
will hold any intercourse with you, ye puritanical, deceitful race, ye descendants of the
Pilgrims, of the hypocrites who came over in the Mayflower. Although Northerners
might plume yourselves on your piety, your civilization. Wrap yourselves in your own
fancied superiority, Edmondston insisted that we are none of you, desire naught from
you. We detest you!35 Georgian Gertrude Thomas likewise denounced Butler as
33 Mary Boykin Chesnut, 21 May 1862, Mary Chesnuts Civil War, 343.
34 Mary Boykin Chesnut, 12 June 1862, Mary Chesnuts Civil War, 379.
35 Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 22 May 1862, Journal of a Secesh
Lady: The Diary of Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 1860-1866, ed. Beth G.
Crabtree and James W. Patton (Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Archives and
History, 1979), 180-182. Still fuming a month later, Edmondston wrote The condition
of N Orleans is terrible. No people ever were more oppressed or insulted. . Humanity


38
bragged, we didnt leave plenty for the civilians.33 Most Northern soldiers simply
rejoiced in the bounty shared during the campaign. Throughout the trip from Atlanta,
there was a constant influx of foragers bringing in all manner or stuff and in all Shapes &
conditions. As a result, all the Boys enjoyed the trip hugely34 Another noted that
we had a very nice time while on the march plenty to eat and did not march very hard.35
As they moved across the Southern countryside, Union soldiers ate what they could and
then killed or scattered whatever was left in order to keep excess supplies away from
Confederate soldiers and civilians. They gleefully destroyed all we could not eat, stole
their niggers, burned their cotton & Gins, Spilled their Sorghum, Burned and twisted their
Rroads and raised Hell generally as you know an army can when 'turned loose.
Furthermore, the soldiers lived on the fat of the land finding endless supplies of Sweet
Potatoes, Poultry, Hogs, Sheep, Cattle, Sorghum, Syrup, Honey &c yes and plenty of
Peanuts to eat on the way.36 Although they only had 4 days rations issued ... in the
33 Delos Van Deusen to Henrietta Van Deusen, 28 December 1864, Delos Van
Deusen Papers, Huntington Library
34 Michael Dresbach to Wife, 14 December 1864, Bell Irvin Wiley Files.
35 Jo to Linda McNeill, 24 December 1864, Alexander A. Lawrence Papers,
Georgia Historical Society, Savannah.
36 Devine to Captain J H. Everett, 19 December 1864, J. H. Everett Papers,
Georgia Historical Society. Also see Mrs. E. A. Steele to Tody, 15 February 1865, in
Katherine M. Jones, ed., When Sherman Came: Southern Women and the Great March
(New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1964), 133; M C H. to Lou, 7 December


215
submit to the Union as a result of military defeats, Confederate women vehemently
vowed that never could [the Union] subdue us .
This chapter argues that the invasion of the domestic sphere during Shermans
campaign not only failed to bring Southern women to their knees, but it also magnified the
patriotism of Confederate women and increased their hatred of Yankees after the soldiers
departed. Shermans March ultimately strengthened elite womens long-standing
connections to kin and place, as well as their identification with Southern values, by
giving them a common enemy and experiences around which they could unite.2 After
1 Emma Holmes, 22 April 1865, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 1861-1866,
ed. John F. Marszalek (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), 436-437.
William Blair found similar reactions to confrontations with Union soldiers by
Virginia women. Violations of women, whether symbolically or physically, sparked the
strongest reactions over treatment of civilians. Blair also cites one woman who was so
outraged by rumors of offenses against women by Northern soldiers that she wrote her
husband, Shoot them, dear husband, every chance you get. Hold no conference with
them. They are devil furies who thirst for your blood and who will revenge themselves
upon your helpless wife and children. It is Gods will and wish for you to destroy them.
You are his instrument and it is your Christian duty. William Blair, Virginias Private
War: Feeding Body and Soul in the Confederacy, 1861-1865 (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1998), 143-144, 56, 78.
2 On the importance of kin connections in the South, see Jean E. Friedman, The
Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the Evangelical South. 1830-1900 (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985); Bertram Wyatt-Brown, House of Percy:
Honor, Melancholy, and Imagination in a Southern Family (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997); Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in
the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982); Peter Bardaglio,
Reconstructing the Household: Families, Sex, & the Law in the Nineteenth-Century
South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995); Anne C. Rose, Victorian
America and the Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 145-192;


EPILOGUE:
BETWEEN DEATH AND DISHONOR:
SHAMING SOUTHERN SOLDIERS
Shermans March did not, as a whole, dishearten Confederate women. It may
have, however, contributed to the demoralization of Southern soldiers. The ease with
which [William Tecumseh] Sherman had marched through Georgia from one end to the
other, and later through the Carolinas, demonstrated that Southern armies could not
fulfill their obligation to Rebel women. Newspaper editor, Joseph Addison Turner,
publicly noted this reality early in 1865. This should mantle with the blush of shame
the cheek of every Georgian, and every Confederate. We, for one, feel deeply mortified
humbled, chagrined even degraded. It is a bitter draught we have had to quaff.1 Turner
revealed a key component to Shermans March. The Unions direct attack on
Confederate women and domesticity threatened the very essence of Southern masculinity
by revealing the helplessness of the soldiers on the battlefield to protect the women of the
1 Joseph Addison Turner, 10 January 1865, in Lawrence Huff, A Bitter Draught
We Had to Quaff: Shermans March Through the Eyes of Joseph Addison Turner,
Georgia Historical Quarterly 72 (Summer 1988): 326.
258


198
Other women chose to be more daring in their quiet defiance toward the enemy.
When Union soldiers invaded her home and demanded her liquor, gold, and silver, Pauline
DeCaradeuc worried because she had a belt on under my dress, with my revolver, and a
bag of bullets, caps & powder in my pocket. This ammunition both offered protection
and invited danger. When the soldiers demanded all the weapons in the house,
DeCaradeuc defiantly went upstairs and threw the revolver between [the bed] sheets,
hoping that it would be safe there and that she would not be punished for concealing it.
After disposing of her weapon, she still worried that the soldiers would find it, and they
almost did. Hardly I had finished [hiding the revolver] when the door burst open & the
room was filled with them, they pulled the bed to pieces, of course. A few moments
later, when a horrid looking ruffian came into the parlor, [and] seeing only women
there . entered [and] shut both doors, DeCaradeuc again feared for her safety. The
ruffian . said in an undertone, You cursed rebels, now empty your pockets. During
this incident, DeCaradeuc was concerned, not for her vulnerability as a woman, but
instead for the contents of her pocketshe had hidden a bag of ammunition on her person.
Our Women in the War. 359; Mother to Gracia, 3 March 1865, Anonymous Mother to
Daughter, Mrs. Albert Rhett Heyward, (Sallie Coles Green) Papers. Union soldiers noted
the stoicism of Confederate women. Major Henry Hitchcock wrote that he was Sorry
enough ... for the women here and their anxiety and terrorthough I must say they
show very little fear of us. Henry Hitchcock, 17 November 1864, Marching With
Sherman: Passages from the Letters and Campaign Diaries of Henry Hitchcock, Major
Assistant Adjutant General of Volunteers, November 1864-May 1865, ed. M. A.
DeWolfe Howe (Lincoln: University ofNebraska Press, 1995), 67.


163
Bazaar opened, [you] ought to have seen the crowd, it was indeed a sight. you would
never imagine there was a war in our land, could you have seen, the delicacies of every
description. Prices were high, but the people did not seem to regard the prices in the
least, & they are coming thousands every day ..lam glad to see they are making so
much, for . the sick, & wounded soldiers.76 Mary Gayle Aiken celebrated that the
[world] & his wife [had] gone to Columbia to the Bazaar.77
Although not overshadowed by approaching Union troops, the Bazaar had to be
adjusted to the realities of impending Union invasion. Emma LeConte revealed that the
Bazaar will continue until Saturday. Although the organizers had intended holding it
for two weeks Shermans proximity forces them to hurry up. I heard . that the
afore said individual had announced his intention of attending the Ladies Bazaar in person
before it closes.78 S. C. Goodwyn emphasized her relief that the soldiers had not arrived
in time to destroy the bazaar I am truly glad Sherman did not interupt us. I have not
76 Sallie Lawton to Johnnie, 22 January 1865, Willingham and Lawton Families
Papers, South Caroliniana Library.
77 Mary Gayle Aiken, 17 January 1865, Aiken Family Papers. Emma LeConte
similarly noted that our great Bazaar opened last night and such a jam! Emma LeConte,
18 January 1865, Emma LeConte Diary.
78 Emma LeConte, 18 January 1865, Emma LeConte Diary. LeConte later
recorded that Columbia is thought in so much danger that the ladies closed the Bazaar on
Friday. LeConte, 21 January 1865, Emma LeConte Diary.
i


264
of your enemys.12 Howard, like other Confederate soldiers, shuddered at the thought of
his wife confronting Union men on her own.
The lack of verified reports or details from home most likely increased the anxiety
of the Georgia and Carolina soldiers on the battlefield. The little information they did get
often came in the form of sensationalized and exaggerated stories. As Sherman made his
way through the lower South, Confederate soldiers heard rumors and occasional reports
of rape, starvation, and murder, leaving them little choice but to fear the worst for their
families. One soldier wondered on March 16, 1865, what are my poor dear ones
suffering now? I hear that Cheraw has been entirely destroyed. Loss of property did
not concern him. Instead, he hoped his family had survived Union raids with their lives.
If I could only know that you are all alive and suffered no bodily harm, I would be so
glad but here I am without one word from you since the 24 Feb.13 Georgian Felix Prior
had similar concerns. I am very uneasy about home as I fear the raiders may have paid a
12 H. T. Howard to Wife, 11 August 1864, Civil War Miscellaneous
Correspondence, Georgia Microfilm Record Group 3-2728, Georgia Department of
Archives and History. Also see John Bratton to Bettie Bratton, 17 February 1865,
Confederate War Letters of Dr. John Bratton, Microfilm, South Carolina Department of
Archives and History, Columbia; Henry Lea Graves to Sarah Dutton Graves, 5
September 1864, Graves Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection; John H. Boyce
to Mother, 4 August 1864, Civil War Miscellaneous Correspondence, Georgia Microfilm
Record Group 3-2717; R. L. Burn to Mother, 16 February 1865, Burn Family Papers,
South Caroliniana Library.
13 John Craig Evans to Annie Evans, 16 March 1865, War Letters of John Craig
Evans, United Daughters of the Confederacy Colquitt Chapter Papers.


153
Medway appealed to President Jefferson Davis for assistance. Medway represented a
number of Ladies here [who] have established a Soldierss Aid Society for the purpose of
ministering to the wants of the sick & wounded en route because the government
provisions neglected this group of soldiers by only providing for them when on duty or
in Hospital. Since their inception the Society had been very successful & have fed &
sometimes partially clothed from 6 to 8,000 per month besides having wounds dressed
&c. The problem arose from the delivery of the donations sent to this Soldiers Aid
Society. Medway wanted help from Davis because the Custom House would not release
to her several packages of donations to the Society because of her sex and lack of official
appointment. Today several parcelssolely for soldiers useare detained because the
collector cannot (in accordance with his instructions) give a permit unless signed by the
Surgeon of the Hospital for which the articles are intended, Medway explained. Now,
as they are not designed for any Hospital but for the wounded & sick arriving at the
depot, a difficulty presents itself, Medway did not want these impediments to interfere
with her efforts, so she requested a permit for all articles coming to me for use of our
Soldiers. This permit, she hoped would allow those abroad with more means and
opportunities to help the Confederacy, whose means are so small & the wants of our
soldiers so many.55 Recognizing the importance of womens work in this regard, Davis
approved Medways request.
55 Louise Medway to Jefferson Davis, 13 September 1864, Jefferson Davis


108
families. The creation of the Lawton Protectors exemplifies Confederate womens
willingness to take extreme measures against the war on the Southern homefront.69
After reading voluminous reports of Union destruction in Georgia, the women of
South Carolina knew what was in store for them and prepared for the brunt of Union
fury. Through letters, newspapers and word of mouth, white women closely followed
reports of Sherman troops burning and evacuation of Atlanta as well as their subsequent
march through Georgia and the Carolinas. Made anxious by the news of the soldiers
destruction of homes and personal property in Georgia, and fearful of personal attacks,
women in the Carolinas prepared for a direct assault as best they could. No longer
protected by the virtue of her sex or race, Eliza Josephine Trescot acknowledged I fully
appreciate the danger that threatens us; and at this time, I think the feeling of safety
would be the sweetest in the world. My heart sickens at the thought of the Yankees.
Furthermore, her confinement to the homefront because of her sex made the situation all
the more frustrating.
If it was to go into battle and be shot I could stand the idea for
there is a better world than this one; but the expectation of all the
humiliations and insults and barbarities that have been heaped upon
the unfortunate women, in the power of the Yankees seems too
69 Lawton Protectors Paper, 1864. In a letter to the Augusta Daily
Constitutionalist, another white woman echoed these sentiments, asserting that the
women of Augusta should be armed to defend their homes. Let each one put her mark
on one at least of the foe, as they put their brutal feet on our streets or with doors
defended by faithful servants, from the windows make her feeble arm felt. Augusta
Daily Constitutionalist. 27 January 1865.


244
She blamed the Union as a whole for violating her home and instituting an assault on
Southern domesticity. Although she could forgive Northern soldiers actions on the
battlefield, she could not do the same for the policies that allowed their desecration of
Southern home.
In part, Confederate womens inability to come to grips with surrender resulted
from their disdain for an enemy that had invaded the domestic sphere and employed other
similarly improper methods. How humiliating it is to think of our being given up to
such a people, Loula Kendall Rogers lamented. There is no word in the English
language strong enough to express our hatred and contempt for an enemy so degraded~if
they were gentlemen we could bear it better.62 After four years of struggling and hoping
for peace, Emma LeConte agreed. She wanted to continue the fight for the Confederacy
because peace with the Union is cruelit is unjust. Furthermore, this is worse than
war What is such peace to us! Despite the horrors she had experienced in wartime
South Carolina, LeConte affirmed I never loved my country as I do nowI feel I could
sacrifice everything to itand when I think of the futureoh God! it is too horrible.63
Shermans March had not dampened her patriotism.
62 Loula Kendall Rogers, 11 May 1865, Loula Kendall Rogers Papers.
63 Emma LeConte, 20 April 1865, Emma LeConte Diary. Women in other parts
of the Confederacy had similar reactions to the news of surrender. For example,
Louisianian Kate Stone wrote that most seem to think it useless to struggle longer, now
that we are subjugated. I say, Never, never, though we perish in the track of their
endeavor! Later, she continued in this tone: it would be better for us to resist as long as


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Although writing a dissertation is a lonely endeavor, it cannot be done alone. I feel
lucky to have had a tremendous amount of support along the way from a large group of
people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my doctoral committee. I am fortunate
to have a committee that all along has both encouraged my ideas and challenged me to
push them further. My work has benefited from their advice and insights. Bertram
Wyatt-Brown, my advisor, encouraged me to find a topic that I could get excited about
and supported me when I finally found it. His helpful comments and insights, generous
use of Milbauer funds, and introduction to a particular Brandis graduate made my time in
graduate school far more enjoyable than I had anticipated. Louise Newman, in particular,
pushed me to expand my understandings and conceptions of gender, women, and
womens history. Fitz Brundage, Thomas Gallant, and David Leverenz all helped me at
different stages of my project, even when I moved 3,000 miles away.
Many other scholars have helped me refine my ideas and incorporate new ones
over the years. Kathleen Donohue, Laura Edwards, Michael Fellman, Gary Gallagher,
John Marszalek, Joan Waugh, and the members of the Tucker Society all read portions of
my work and offered helpful suggestions. Their insights proved invaluable. I have also
iii


out of the margins and place them within the narrative of Civil War history.4 The march,
and the Civil War as a whole, cannot be understood without an examination of womens
roles as civilian combatants.
Scholars of Shermans March are not alone in marginalizing womens place in the
conflict. Until recently, most Civil War historians have focused primarily on the male
aspects of war. What happened on the battlefield and in the political realm has taken
precedence over all else. Consequently, they often leave women on the outskirts of Civil
War history, minimizing their roles in both experiencing and shaping the course of the
war. Historians have not yet integrated women into general studies of the war, but have
segregated them into the domain of womens history.5 Instead of synthesizing women
4 On the incorporation of gender into all topics of study, including military
history, see Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1988); Kristin L. Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood:
How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998); John A. Lynn, The Embattled Future of
Academic Military History, Journal of Military History 61 (October 1997): 777-789;
John Shy, The Cultural Approach to the History of War, Journal of Military History
57 (October 1993): 13-26; Charles Royster, Comments on John Shy: The Cultural
Approach to the History of War, Journal of Military History 57 (October 1993): 59-
62; Miriam Cooke and Angela Walcott, eds., Gendering War Talk (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1993); Rosemary Foot, Where are the Women? The Gender
Dimension in the Study of International Relations, Diplomatic History 14 (Fall 1990):
615-622; Emily S. Rosenberg, A Round Table: Explaining the History of American
Foreign Relations: Gender, Journal of American History 77 (June 1990): 116-124.
5 For a recent examples of this omission, see Russell F. Weigley, A Great Civil
War: A Military and Political History, 1861-1865 (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 2000). Also see James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era
(New York: Ballantine Books, 1988); Paddy Griffith, Battle Tactics of the Civil War


138
all contributed to dwindling supplies and inflation. Women throughout the Confederacy
struggled to feed their families. In 1863, women in North Carolina and Georgia, as well as
some in Alabama and Virginia, instigated and participated in bread riots. They used these
actions to voice their displeasure with the lack of government assistance.23 The riots in
North Carolina made quite an impression on one woman there, who told of a raid made
on Jonesville by a band of women, armed with axes. The protesters came down on
the place, to press the tithe com &c. brought wagons along to carry it off. ... You know
women generally want to carry their point, In addition, she described a similar
attack . made on Hamptonville a few days ago. and with more success too. They took
as much as they wanted without meeting with any resistance. 24
23 During the Richmond bread riot, over one thousand women looted shops for
bacon, flour, sugar, coffee, candles, cloth, and shoes, among other things. On womens
adaptation to wartime shortages, see Mary Elizabeth Massey, Ersatz in the Confederacy:
Shortages and Substitution on the Southern Homefront (1952; reprint, Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Elizabeth Massey, The Food and
Drink Shortage on the Confederate Homefront, North Carolina Historical Review 26
(July 1949): 306-334.
24 [?] to Sarah Sade Jones Lenoir, 22 January 1865, Lenoir Family Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
For other descriptions of food riots, see Agnes to Mrs. Pryor, 4 April 1863,
Ladies of Richmond: Confederate Capital, ed. Katherine M. Jones, (New York: Bobbs-
Merrill Company, Inc., 1962), 155; Mary Waring, 12 April 1865, Miss Warings Journal,
1863 and 1865: Being the Diary of Miss Mary Waring of Mobile, during the final days
of the War Between the States, ed. Thad Holt, Jr. (Chicago: The Wyvern Press of S. F.
E., 1964), 15.


172
white women adhering to traditional ideals of female behavior. Academic explorations of
the women of the Confederacy dismissed the myths and commemorations of womens
unselfish sacrifice and instead portrayed their subjects as active players in the war effort.
According to these studies, the behaviors previously seen as extensions of womens
domestic roles in the antebellum South, such as nursing, overseeing plantations, and
fundraising, instead foreshadowed womens growing importance in the postwar South.
These new behaviors also validated what feminist scholars saw as a move toward a late-
arriving Southern womans movement. This important shift, however, did not free
scholars from long-standing assumptions about women and womanhood. Still highlighting
their subjects traditional roles, historians such as Mary Elizabeth Massey and Anne
Firor Scott examined the Civil War as a transformative period in womens lives.7 In their
studies, the women that emerged from the war were no longer helpless bellesScott
argued that they never had beenbut instead nurturing new women who used their
7 Mary Elizabeth Massey, Women in the Civil War, (1966; reprint, Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1994); Mary Elizabeth Massey, Ersatz in the Confederacy
(1952; reprint, Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Elizabeth
Massey, Refugee Life in the Confederacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1964); Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-
1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970). Also see Bell I. Wiley, Confederate
Women (1975; reprint, New York: Greenwood Press, 1994).
For a more extensive overview of the historiography of Civil War women, see
Chapter 5. Also see Drew Gilpin Faust, Ours as Well as that of the Men: Women and
Gender in the Civil War, in Writing the Civil War: The Quest to Understand, ed. James
M. McPherson and William J. Cooper, Jr. (Columbia: University of South Carolina
Press, 1998), 228-240.


122
Despite what she had heard about the Union attack on women, Ravenel still believed
some gender boundaries would not be crossed. Another woman took similar precautions
and wrote her husband that my jewelry is concealed, also your important papers. My
room looks more like a commissary room than a bed room.92
Antebellum gender conventions, which allowed white Southern women to assume
that their bodies and bedrooms were inviolable, also led them to understand an invasion of
their home as a violation. Consequently, they often used the rhetoric of rape when
describing the horrors that they expected to face upon Shermans arrival in their towns.
Columbian Emma LeConte described her interpretation of Union actions in her diary.
[Union troops] are preparing to hurl destruction upon the State they hate most of all.
Furthermore, Sherman the brute avows his intention of converting South Carolina into a
wilderness. Not one house he says shall be left standing and his licentious troops whites
and negroes shall be turned loose to ravage and violate.93 Some white Southern women
were not surprised by what they saw as depraved behavior from the Yankees. Georgia
Matilda Champion acknowledged the inappropriate words and behavior of the
approaching Union soldiers, while asserting the failure of such tactics. I am not
Family, 1851-1868, ed. Frances Wallace Taylor, Catherine Taylor Matthews, and J
Tracy Power (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000), 385.
92 Sarah Jane Sams to Randolph Sams, 5 February 1865, Sarah Jane Sams Letter.
93 Emma LeConte, 31 December 1864, Emma LeConte Diary, emphasis added.


98
Now I know the vindictive nature of our enemy. . The use of Atlanta for warlike
purposes is inconsistent with its character as a home for families.50 Shermans
assessment of Atlanta women as a powerful enemy heralded things to come. No longer
could the privileges of race and gender keep female civilians out of the direct path of war,
but they instead made them targets. White women in Georgia and the Carolinas learned
from the Atlanta experience and increasingly prepared themselves for the worst as the
troops approached. Shermans activities in Georgia combined with previous Union
actions toward Southern women gave Confederate women a clear understanding of Union
intentions toward them as the enemy. These civilians subsequently readied themselves
for the horrors of battle
After watching Union attacks on civilians increase in intensity, Confederate
women prepared themselves for a direct assault on domesticity. As Sherman and his
troops moved across Georgia in the Autumn of 1864, white women recognized the danger
of their position as female civilians. The presumed weakness of the female sex became a
50 William T. Sherman to James M. Calhoun, Mayor, E. E. Rawson and S. C.
Wells, representing the City Council of Atlanta, 12 September 1864, The Heros Own
Story: General Shermans Official Account of His Great March Through Georgia and the
Carolinas, From his Departure from Chattanooga to the Surrender of General Johnston.
and the Confederate Forces Under his Command, To Which are Added General Sherman's
Evidence before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War; the
Animadversions of Secretary Stanton and General Halleck; with a Defence of his
Proceedings, &c. (New York: Bunce & Huntington, Publishers, 1865), 60. Fora
description of what the evacuation experience was like for white women, see Diary of
Mary Rawson, Rawson-Collier-Harris Papers, Atlanta History Center, Georgia.


263
his mind was filled with all the possible horrors that my dear ones at home might have
experienced. Although few Confederate women expressed fear that Union soldiers would
kill them, this confidence apparently did not extend to Southern men. I pray, Evans
wrote, that your lives and persons are spared.10 William Chunn hoped that his mother
had emerged from the trial unscathed. Since the evacuation of Atlanta I have been very
low spirited and my anxiety in relation to you has been intense. . The fall of
Atlanta . has cast a deep gloom upon the people and the army.11 Georgian H. T.
Howard revealed similar concerns for his wife. I have seen some few letters from home
which gave a distressing account of the yankey depradations in our county but I hope for
the best. He apologized for failing in his manly duty to protect her and assumed that
she had been frightened nearly to death. He could not forgive himself for not being
there to save her. Although he and the other members of the local company had tried to
return to help their families, he explained, their application for furlough to come
home . was disapproved and we were compelled to remain and leave you in the hands
10 John Craig Evans to Annie Evans, [6 March 1865], War Letters of John Craig
Evans, ed. Mrs. H. Malloy Evans and E. Mclver Evans, United Daughters of the
Confederacy Colquitt Chapter Papers, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia. Also see
John Craig Evans to Annie Evans, 18 January 1865, 20 January 1865, 5 March 1865, and
7 March 1865, War Letters of John Craig Evans, United Daughters of the Confederacy
Colquitt Chapter Papers.
11 William Chunn to Mother, 11 September 1864, William Augustus Chunn
Letters, Emory University.


182
sugar, &c., &c. that they began with, they were left with only 15 bushels com, 1 bag
flour, 3 hams, they took all the wine & brandy. Each day the Yankees came here in a
body & dispersed over the house & place, carrying off everything they could. When
Shermans men finally left, DeCaradeuc vented her anger recounting the numerous
violations she had endured, but remained a Confederate woman.23
Confederate women drew sharp distinctions between the everyday hardships of
war and the violation of their homes. As a result, their hostility became particularly
pointed when Union soldiers physically attacked Southern homes. When looking back on
Shermans March, Union soldier Robert Hale Strong observed that some [women] were
rabid rebels and took no pains to conceal it, but all were polite to us except when we were
searching their houses.24 The reaction to the invasion of houses demonstrated womens
23 Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 18 February 1865, A Confederate Lady Comes
of Age: The Journal of Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 1863-1888. ed. Mary D.
Robertson, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1992), 65-68. Other women
felt similar outrage at the insult of having their undergarments taken or displayed. For
examples, see Mary Maxcy Leverett to Milton Maxcy Leverett, 24 February 1865, The
Leverett Letters: Correspondence of a South Carolina Family, 1851-1868, ed. Frances
Wallace Taylor, Catherine Taylor Matthews, and J. Tracy Power (Columbia: University
of South Carolina Press, 2000), 385; Esther Alden [Elizabeth Allston], 4 March 1865,
Our Women in the War. 359-360; Mary Sharpe Jones, 3 January 1865, Mary Sharpe
and Mary Jones Mallard, Yankees aComing: One Months Experience during the
Invasion of Liberty County, Georgia. 1864-1865, ed. Haksell Monroe (Tuscaloosa, Ala.:
Confederate Publishing Company, Inc., 1959), 65.
24 Robert Hale Strong, A Yankee Privates Civil War, 62-63.


234
have made rather more progress through our dear old State than we ever dreamed they
would, but maintained we are hopeful & have no idea of being subjugated. Taking this
a step further, Varner vowed that they may bum, destroy & do every other hish deed
(such only as they can do) yet thee noble spirit of our brave Southern people can never be
fettered 40 Elizabeth Allston agreed. I had rather do anything, suffer anything, than
submit. But to think of the noble, glorious men we lose by the hands of such wretches!
Though everything looks black around I feel that we must succeed.41 Although the
confidence of these women may have been misplaced, they and many others refused to
see Shermans March and the destruction that it caused as signifiers of Confederate
defeat.
In Georgias state capital, Milledgeville, invading Union soldiers discovered that
their display of power did not cmsh the Confederate loyalties of its white women.
Writing on November 19, 1864, Anna Maria Green Cook acknowledged that when
Shermans troops first captured the town, we were despondent our heads bowed and
our hearts crushed. Despite the discouraging turn of events, and although our
degradation was bitter, she continued, we knew it could not be long, and we never
40 Joe Varner, 24 November 1864, Birdie Varner Sanders Collection, Georgia
Department of Archives and History, Atlanta.
41 Esther Alden [Elizabeth Allston], 6 March 1865, Esther Alden Diary, Our
Women in the War: The Lives they Lived, The Deaths they Died (Charleston. S.C.:
The News and Courier Book Presses, 1885), 360.


74
activities, it gave women control over the domestic aspects of their lives. They gained the
power to run the household and raise their children as they saw fit. This proved
especially true in the South. As the holders of the keys to all rooms, stores, pantries, and
bureaus, Southern women controlled the domestic activities of their households.7 Further,
scholars have shown that the so-called separate spheres were not always rigidly
defined. Men and women moved between both, often defining the arena by the work
Masters of Small Worlds: Yeomen Households, Gender Relations, and the Political
Culture of the South Carolina Lowcountry (New York; Oxford University Press, 1995).
Other scholars see womens roles as less constrained than traditionally portrayed.
For example, Victoria E. Bynum and Suzanne Lebsock explore women who eschewed
gender boundaries and took matters into their own hands. Bynum illuminates North
Carolina lower-class womens violation of gender norms in Unruly Women: The Politics
of Social and Sexual Control in the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1992). Lebsock shows how womens focus on personalism allowed them to
exert their will in Petersburg, Virginia in The Free Women of Petersburg.
7 Southern social relations were based on the status gained by race. White women
had power in their households over their slaves and children. In her study of plantation
women and their household relationships, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese showed that slave
holding women were not necessarily subjugated by the ideals of the Southern lady.
Instead, they benefited from their roles as the heads of the domestic activities in the
household. Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of
the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988). Others also
discuss white womens limited power in the Southern household. For examples, see
Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family and Community in the Slave South
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves; McCurry,
Masters of Small Worlds; Stephanie McCurry, The Politics of Yeoman Households in
South Carolina, in Divided Houses, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1992), 22-38; Cynthia A. Kiemer, Beyond the Household:
Womens Place in the Early South, 1700-1835 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998);
Laura F. Edwards, Scarlett Doesnt Live Here Anymore: Southern Women in the Civil
War Era (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 15-31.


12
Chapter 1, War Means Ruin and Misery: Punishing Southern Women, places
the gendered motives and tactics of Union troops at the center of the campaigns basic
narrative. It contends that Sherman specifically designed his campaign through Georgia
and the Carolinas as a comprehensive assault on Southern domesticity. This, Sherman
believed, would eradicate white Southern womens support for their nation and the war.
In addition, it would cure her of her pride and boasting.15 Consequently, during the
campaign Union troops purposefully ransacked homes and bedrooms, taunted and
threatened Southern women, as well as ravaged womens personal letters, journals, sheet
music, wedding dresses, and other sentimental treasures. Union soldiers primarily
justified the attack on these non-military items and areas as part of a campaign to destroy
the pride and punish the disloyalty of Confederate women.
Chapter 2, The Fiends Will Dance After Him in High Glee: Becoming
Confederates," argues that before Shermans men arrived at their homes, white women in
Georgia and the Carolinas recognized that they had become domestic enemies and targets
of Union hostility. Union actionsespecially the imprisonment of Rebel women in
Washington, Benjamin Beast Butlers Woman Order, Philip Sheridans Shenandoah
campaign, and the early reports of Shermans Marchdemonstrated to white Southern
women that they would no longer be shielded from the horrors of war by their gender or
15 William T. Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 12 March 1865, Home Letters of General
Sherman, ed. M. A. DeWolfeHowe (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1909), 332,


benefited from conversations over meals, drinks, and desserts with Ed Baptist, Jackie
Campbell, Clark Davis, Stan Deaton, Philip Goff, Marcus Harvey, Helen Kinsella, Cheryl
Koos, Susan Lewis, Karen Lystra, Andy Moore, Marcus Nenn, and Frankie White. I
hope I have been able to incorporate all of their ideas and answer all of their questions. In
junior high, Veda Mara Levin encouraged my love of writing and taught me how to
express myself. Later in life, Stephen B. Oates revived my love of history and the Civil
War and encouraged me to pursue it into graduate school. I cannot thank them enough.
The staffs at several libraries helped me immensely by pointing out manuscript
collections that might prove useful and regaling me with family stories about Shermans
March. I would especially like to thank Dick Shrader at the Southern Historical
Collection of the University of North Carolina, Henry Fulmer at the South Caroliniana
Library of the University of South Carolina, Elizabeth Dunn at the Rare Book,
Manuscript, and Special Collections Library of Duke University, Dale Couch at the
Georgia Department of Archives and History, as well as Roy Ritchie, Susi Krasnoo, and
Christopher Adde at the Henry E. Huntington Library. I would also like to thank the rest
of the staffs at these three institutions as well as those at the Atlanta History Center, the
Special Collections Department in the Robert W. Woodruff Library at Emory University,
the Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the University of Georgia, the Georgia
Historical Society, the Library of Congress, the South Carolina Department of Archives
and Flistory, the South Carolina Historical Society, and the University of Florida. In
addition, the members of the office staff of the University of Floridas History
iv


130
country.6 These elite women, like Edmondston, willingly toiled for their nation.
Subsequently, as historian Jim Cullen notes, their work for the soldiers and other wartime
activities do not constitute an abrogation of Southern ladyhood; rather, they fall under
the dicta of a new ladyhood whereby duty and sacrifice are enlisted in the service of the
Confederate war effort.7 Women considered their activities during the Civil War as
adaptations of their antebellum roles that included a wider conception of their pre-war
identities. Working for Southern independence did not require a suppression of
femininity but rather a development of Confederate womanhood.8
6 Catherine AnnDevereux Edmondston, 3 May 1861, Journal of a Secesh Lady:
The Diary of Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 1860-1866. ed. Beth G. Crabtree and
James W. Patton (Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Archives and History, 1979), 60.
Also see Caroline Gilman to Children, 16 April 1861, Letters of a Confederate Mother:
Charleston in the Sixties, Atlantic Monthly 137 (April 1926): 507. Similar efforts began
in the North. Teresa as well as most of the young and some of the married Ladies are
very busy making red & gray flannel shirts for the Soldiers they meet and sew at the
City Hall they had a Ball on Friday night for the benefit of the soldiers. . Teresa will
write you a long letter she says as soon as the flannel shirts are done. Maria Ewing to
Ellen Sherman, 2 May 1861, Ellen Boyle Ewing Sherman Collection, Henry E.
Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, California.
7 Jim Cullen in The Civil War in Popular Culture: A Reusable Past (Washington
DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995), 96.
8 Faust and Rabie both conclude that Confederate womanhood, as a new gender
ideology, could not be accepted. Faust states that it was primarily a creation of the male
press unsuccessfully imposed on women. The wartime stress on female sacrifice
promoted the notion of an archetypal Confederate woman as a form of false
consciousness. Faust, Altars of Sacrifice, 114; Faust, Mothers of Invention. 17-19;
Rabie, Civil Wars. 113.


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosoph
David Leverenz
Professor of English
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of
Histoiy in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December 2001
Dean, Graduate School


24
political and military strategy and minimize the attack on female civilians and their
domestic sphere.
However, the active presence of white Southern women during Shermans March
must be acknowledged; the Union specifically designed a campaign aimed at female
civilians and the trappings of their domestic worlds.6 As Sherman himself acknowledged,
this movement is not purely military or strategic, but it will illustrate the vulnerability of
the South.7 In its decision to attack the homefront, the Union could not avoid waging
war on white women. For various reasons, the Confederate homefront became womens
domain, both numerically and ideologically. With their husbands, brothers, fathers, and
sons away fighting the Yankees, white Southern women assumed most of the roles
traditionally assigned to men in the nineteenth century. As a result, during the Civil War
women controlled production, supplies, money matters, and day-to-day farm life. In this
manner, the entire Southern homefront became womens sphere. Consequently, any
6 According to historian Reid Mitchell, ultimately Northern soldiers could not, and
did not, see female Confederates as women because making war on civilians . required
a shift in attitudes toward women. Consequently, Union soldiers had to conceive of
Southern women solely as enemies, and thinking of them as enemies transformed them
from neutrals to fit objects of warpeople to be arrested, executed, burned out. Further,
the northern soldiers acceptance of the guilt of southern women helped to make the
transformation to a more destructive war possible. Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair:
The Northern Soldier Leaves Home (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 100-
101.
7 William T. Sherman to Henry Halleck, 19 October 1864, Official Records. Ser. 1,
Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 357-358, emphasis added.


35
chimney-stacks, Shermans Sentinels, left standing, burned crops, and otherwise
trampled countryside.26 The amt of propperty destroyed by the army is immense,
Union soldier Edward Allen recorded. Rail roads seemed to be our especial skill and the
way we tore up and burned the Georgia Central beats all. In addition, Depots, public
buildingfs] and buildingfs] that were not so public shared the same fate of the RR. Each
Corps (4 of them) left a black streak to mark its way over the sacred soil.27 As this
report reveals, although the soldiers had official orders to target and destroy railroads,
mills, and other places or items that supported the Confederate war effort, they did not
hesitate to extend the assault to private property.
A lack of compassion for the female enemy existed throughout the ranks and
throughout the march. As the troops made their way through Georgia, James Leath
observed that the people are left in a very destitute and suffering condition. The dire
26 William T Sherman to Henry Halleck, 1 January 1865, Official Records, Ser. 1,
Vol. 34: 13. Eliza Frances Andrews. 24 December 1864. The War-Time Journal of a
Georgia Girl, 1864-65, ed. Spencer Bidwell King, Jr (1908; reprint, Atlanta: Cherokee
Publishing Company, 1976), 32
27 Edward W. Allen to Mollie, 17 December 1864, Edward W. Allen Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Similarly, after
witnessing the destruction in Rome, Georgia, one soldier recorded that the country is
light with the burning of Rome. It seemed melancholy to see the property being
destroyed. It is against ordersbut the soldiers want to see it burn. Another asserted
that we are under command of General Sherman and will destroy all before us. As
quoted in Lee Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 232. For a good description of the
March to the Sea, see Bailey, Chessboard of War.


109
dreadful ever to be realized, yet we have no reason to believe
ourselves more worthy of being exempted from these calamities
than others.
Trescot, like other South Carolinians suspected that not only would her state not escape
Union destruction, but also that as the seedbed of secession South Carolina would face
the brunt of Union vengeance. Confident that she would face the fury of Northern
soldiers, but not exactly sure how far the enemy men would go in its treatment of women,
Trescot prepared for the worst.71
White South Carolinians, male and female, interpreted the motives of Shermans
troops as a matter of revenge. A Northern soldier, Edward Allen, recorded his interaction
with a Confederate soldier in the trenches at Petersburg. . [who] deplores the idea of
letting Sherman pass through Ga and enter S.C. The Southern soldier, according to
70 Eliza Josephine Trescot to Eldred J. Simkins, 20 September 1864, Eldred J.
Simkins Collection, Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino,
California.
71 Many women assumed Sherman and his troops would head to South Carolina
from Georgia. Savannah is taken by Sherman and it cant be long now ere our state is
overrun by the enemy. Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 26 December 1864, A
Confederate Lady Comes of Age: The Journal of Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 1863-
1888. ed. Mary D Robertson (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1992).
One South Carolinian women revealed her concerns to her aunt, we have already been
told what treatment we are to expect at his hands, even worse than Georgia, No mercy is
to be showed us at all Sarah to Hattie Taylor Tennent, 8 January 1865, Edward Smith
Tennent Papers, South Caroliniana Library. Also see Emily Carolina Ellis, 11 February
[1865], Miss Emily Caroline Ellis Diary, South Caroliniana Library; E. B. Fuller to Mrs.
W. H. Barnwell, 13 February 1864, Barnwell Family Papers, South Carolina Historical
Society.


145
necessaries.38 As a result of this dedication to their soldiers, many white Southern
women prioritized saving needles and thread over other valuables when Union troops
arrived in their areas.39
Their continued participation in soldiers aid societies also highlights white
womens dedication to the Confederacy on the eve of invasion. Despite the advance of
Union troops, the Soldiers Relief Association of Charleston, as well as the Greenville
Ladies Association in Aid of the Volunteers of the Confederate Army, continued to hold
meetings days before Shermans arrival in February 1865. After four years of war, the
female membership continued to collect donations as well as make and distribute supplies
to soldiers. One week in early February, with Shermans men already in the Palmetto
State, the Charleston association distributed shirts, socks, blankets, pants, drawers, and
shoes to Confederate troops. Also in February, these women sent supplies to hospitals
38 Acknowledging the important contribution of Confederate women through
sewing, countless Union soldiers confiscated or destroyed needles, thread, and cloth from
the homes that they entered. For examples, see Mary F. Grest to Sallie Kottman Stark,
n.d., Georgia Division, United Daughters of the Confederacy, Confederate Reminiscences
and Letters. 1861-1865. 7 Vols. (Atlanta: Georgia Division United Daughters of the
Confederacy, 1997), 223; Sue to Jane Ann Smythe, 16 April 1865, Adger, Smythe,
Flynn Family Papers, South Caroliniana Library; Eliza Tillinghast to David R. Tillinghast,
3 May 1865, Tillinghast Family Papers, Duke University.
39 For example, Sarah Jane Sams hid her sewing supplies at the first hint of Union
invasion. I woke the children and put on them two suits of underclothing and their
dresses and wore the same quantity myself, besides three small bags containing needles,
cotton and flax thread, tape and buttons. Sarah Jane Sams to Randolph Sams, 5
February 1865, Sarah Jane Sams Letter.


70
considered it worse to experience the shame of a relative who avoided military service
than the grief resulting from one who died in war. At the same time, the violence and gore
of war traditionally remained on the battlefront and did not often interrupt the peace of
the domestic household. During the Civil War, however, womens increasing
participation in the Confederate effort, in addition to the progression of Union military
policies, turned the idea of a separate homefront on its head and redefined the nineteenth-
century concept of warfare.3
White Southern womens domesticity did not prevent their active participation in
the secession crisis of 1860 and the ensuing war. As their states seceded, prepared for
war, and sent men off to fight the Yankees, many white women made the Civil War their
business. Their developing identities as Confederate women grew stronger when Union
1988); Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993); James M. McPherson, What They Fought For, 1861-
1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1994); James M. McPherson, For
Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1997); Gerald Linderman, Embattled Courage: The Experience of Combat in the
Civil War (New York: The Free Press, 1987). Recent scholars of diplomatic history have
explored similar connections between masculinity and warfare. For example, see Kristin
Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-
American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).
3 Steven Cushman argues that there was no homefront during the American Civil
War in Bloody Promenade: Reflections on a Civil War Battle (Charlottesville: University
Press of Virginia, 1999). Others have shown the interconnections between homefront and
warfront. See James L. Roark, Slaves Without Masters: Southern Planters in the Civil
War and Reconstruction (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1977); Clarence L.
Mohr, On the Threshold of Freedom: Masters and Slaves in Civil War Georgia (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1986).


37
Although Bowen claimed to have felt a little pity for the womans situation, his response
to her did not reflect it. Instead, he remarked to her, that it was necessary for me to
obtain com for my mules and further that God will not forsake the richeous. She must
look to him.30 When recording a confrontation with the wife of a railroad agent in
Madison, Georgia, Horatio Chapman similarly noted that although he almost always
[had] sympathy for the women, this particular one elicited no such response. Not only
did she have a large and elegant mansion, but also she was a regular secesh and spit out
her spite and venom against the dirty Yanks and mudsills of the north.31 Union soldiers
insisted that Confederate women, as vocal nationalists, deserved punishment for their
rebellious, secessionist natures.
The route through a rich agricultural area of Georgia offered fertile opportunity for
good eating and high spirits amongst the soldiers. Here, as they did throughout the march,
the soldiers subsisted] almost entirely from the enimeys country.32 After feasting on
plenty of sweet Potatoes and fresh Pork, Chickens Turkeys &c., Delos Van Deusen
30 Edwin Anson Bowen, 2 March 1865, Edwin A. Bowen Diary, Bowen Papers,
Huntington Library.
31 Horatio Dana Chapman, 19 November 1864, Civil War Diary ... of a Forty-
Niner. 100-101.
32 R B Hoadley to Cousin, 8 April 1865, R B. Hoadley Papers, Duke
University, Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Durham, North
Carolina.


288
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Edmondson. Edited by William and Loretta Galbraith. Jackson: University Press
of Mississippi, 1991.
Edmondston, Catherine Ann Devereux. Journal of a Secesh Lady: The Diary of
Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 1860-1866. Edited by Beth G. Crabtree
and James W. Patton. Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Archives and History,
1979.
Edwards, Laura F. Gendered Strife and Confusion: The Political Culture of
Reconstruction (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997).
Law, Domestic Violence, and the Limits of Patriarchal Authority in the
Antebellum South. Journal of Southern History 65 (November 1999): 733-770.


have happily incorporated me into the family and treated me as if I had been born a
Frank. My parents, Marilyn and Howard Tendrich, have gladly supported me in
everything I ever wanted to do They taught me to believe in myself and cheered me on
whenever I lost my confidence I can never thank them enough for being such wonderful
parents and friends to me. I especially appreciate all they did in their efforts to
understand what 1 have been doing for the past seven years. My mom deserves special
thanks for going far beyond the call of duty by accompanying me on research trips. Not
only was she good company, but she also turned out to be a great research assistant. My
brother, Jon, has always kept me on my toes and cheered me on and I love him for both.
My grandparents, Shirley and Jack Seitlin and Helen Tendrich, have all been unbelievably
supportive throughout this process. I wish I could have taken them up on their offers of
help. Their quiet prodding and their constant love and encouragement have helped me get
through everything. Savannah has been a great distraction and calming influence.
Andrew has been the best of everything since I met him seven years ago. He has
always believed in me and has helped me believe in myself. The road to this point would
have been unbearably lonely and boring without him as my best friend, cheerleader, chef,
sounding board, psychologist, editor, research assistant, proofreader, traveling
companion, and husband. At this point, he probably knows more about Sherman,
Southern women, and the Civil War than he ever wanted to know, but he has been patient
and encouraging nonetheless I know my work is better because of him Hes been a
wonderful tour guide through history and life. I love him everything.
VI


269
pain instead of pleasure. He knew that he would find his town in heaps of ruin and
piles of devastation, all which mark the path of despoilers and the hearts of the cruel
invader. Camp felt particular outrage at the attack on private homes and citizens which
stamp[ed] our Enemy as the most cruel and heartless set of men.23 As the march
reached its conclusion and the Southern armies began to surrender, Georgia and Carolina
soldiers had to face the reality that they could not revenge the insults of their women.
They would have to live with the shame and unfulfilled desire for vengeance.
Military defeats and the awareness of their inability to protect their region and
families struck at the heart of Southern soldiers honor. They had failed both as soldiers
and as Southern men; they had not fulfilled their obligations to either their nation or their
families. Henry Lea Graves reflected on the horrors of evacuating Savannah and leaving it
unprotected. I have no words to picture the gloomy bitterness that filled my breast.
His shame had many facets, including the feelings, of a soldier turning his back on an
enemy, of a Georgian abandoning his native state, of a patriot witnessing a disaster to his
countrys cause. Graves felt most troubled by thinking of the certain and terrible
suffering entailed on thousands in that devoted city. . about to be abandoned in their
utter helplessness to the power of an Enemy.24 Scenes similar to this one became all too
23 Raleigh Spinks Camp to Sister, 10 October 1864, Camp Family Papers, Emory
University.
24 Henry Lea Graves to Sarah Dutton Graves, 28 December 1864, Graves Family
Papers


296
Jones, Mary Sharpe and Mary Jones Mallard. Yankees aComing: One Months
Experience during the Invasion of Liberty County, Georgia, 1864-1865. Edited by
Haksell Monroe. Tuscaloosa, Ala.: Confederate Publishing Company, Inc., 1959.
Joslyn, Mauriel Phillips, ed. Charlottes Bovs: Civil War Letters of the Branch Family
of Savannah. Berryville, Va.: Rockbridge Publishers, 1996.
, ed. Valor and Lace: The Roles of Confederate Women 1861-1865.
Murfreesboro, Tenn.: Southern Heritage Press, 1996.
Junker, Clara. Behind Confederate Lines: Sarah Morgan Dawson. Southern Quarterly
30 (Fall 1991): 7-18.
Kamensky, Jane. Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
Kaufmann, Janet E. Under the Petticoat Flag: Women Soldiers in the Confederate
Army. Southern Studies 23 (Winter 1984): 363-375.
Kelley, Mary. The Literary Domestics: Private Women on a Public Stage. In Ideas in
Americas Cultures: From Republic to Mass Society, edited by Hamilton
Cravens, 83-102. Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1982.
. Private Woman, Public Stage: Literary Domesticity in Nineteenth-century
America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1984.
Kennett, Lee B. Marching Through Georgia: The Story of Soldiers and Civilians during
Shermans Campaign. New York: HarperCollins, 1995.
. Sherman: A Soldiers Life. New York: HarperCollins, 2001.
Kenzer, Robert C. Kinship and Neighborhood in a Southern Community: Orange
County, North Carolina, 1849-1881. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press,
1987.
Kerber, Linda K. Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Womens Place: The Rhetoric of
Womens History. Journal of American History 75 (June 1988): 9-39.
. Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America.
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1980.
Kete, Mary Louise. Sentimental Collaborations: Mourning and Middle-Class Identity in
Nineteenth-Century America. Durham: Duke University Press, 2000.


Department have done whatever was in their power to make things easy for me. For that,
and their friendship, I thank Betty Convine, Barbara Guynn, and Linda Opper
I am grateful for financial support from an Andrew W. Mellon Foundation
fellowship at the Ffenry E. Ffuntington Library, a Womens Studies Research Grant from
Duke University, and an Albert J. Beveridge Grant from the American Historical
Association. The University of Florida has also generously assisted me through a Gerson
Dissertation Fellowship, Grinter Fellowship, George Pozzetta Fellowship, and Richard J
Milbauer Fellowship.
For giving me places to stay when I was on the road and making research trips a
lot less lonely than they could have been, special thanks go to Amy Cavanaugh, Stan and
Debbie Deaton, Donna and Mark Fleishman, Peter Hartog, Lynne and Roger Irvine,
Jennifer and Jay Langdale, Jim and Maxine Perlmutter, Sherry Seitlin, Pat Solley, and
Keith and Tara Spolan. All of these friends and family, Southern or not, have shown me
the best of Southern hospitality. Vanessa Guzzi, Brenda Rosen, and Deborah Roth do
not live in places where I needed to do research, but they each gave me moral support and
kept me smiling through the long process.
I feel fortunate to have both married into and been bom into a wonderful family.
It would take too long to mention everyone who has loved and supported me over the
years, but a few deserve special mention. In addition to sharing Andrew with me, my in
laws have offered me nothing but support and encouragement. My mother- and father in
law, Judie and Paul Frank, as well as my brother- and sister-in-law, Gary and Gail Frank,
v


18
through those feminine foes in Georgia will read in History! The cry of those ruined
households will sound along the ages.19 As another Confederate woman noted, female
Rebels did not stand quietly by as non-combatants while Union soldiers ransacked their
homes. Instead, they began a campaign of their own, vowing that as Confederate women
they [would] never submit to Yankee dominion.20
19 Caroline Gilman to Eliza, 25 December 1864, Letters of a Confederate Mother:
Charleston in the Sixties, Atlantic Monthly 137 (April 1926): 510, emphasis added.
20 Louisa Jane Harllee Pearce to Ameilia, [March 1865], Benjamin H. Teague
Papers, 1846-1921, South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston.


278
Snowden, Mary Amarinthia Papers.
Sparkman, James Ritchie Papers.
Tennent, Edward Smith Papers.
Ward, Charles G. Diary.
Willingham and Lawton Families Papers.
Wilson, Moultrie Reid Papers.
Young Family Papers.
Southern Flistorical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Allen, Edward W. Papers.
Bean, Jesse S. Diary.
Capehart Family Papers.
Collection of Heiskell, McCampbell, Wilkes, and Steel Family Materials.
Collier, Elizabeth Diary.
Cornwall, Susan Journal.
DeRossett Family Papers.
Ferebee, Gregory, and McPherson Family Papers
Finley, Robert Stuart Papers
Fries and Shaffner Family Papers.
Graves Family Papers.
Grimball, Margaret Ann (Meta) Morris Diary.
Hanes, Catherine E. Papers.
Haynsworth, Maria L. Letter.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i
ABSTRACT vii
INTRODUCTION FULL OF FIRE AND PATRIOTISM: SHERMANS
MARCH AND SOUTHERN WOMEN 1
CHAPTERS
1 WAR MEANS RUIN AND MISERY: PUNISHING SOUTHERN
WOMEN 19
2 THE FIENDS WILL DANCE AFTER HIM IN HIGH GLEE:
BECOMING CONFEDERATES 69
3 WITH HEARTS NERVED BY THE NECESSITY FOR PROMPT
ACTION: CONFEDERATE WOMEN 125
4 NO PLACE, NO PERSON IS SACRED FROM THEIR
PROFANATION: SHERMANS MARCH 166
5 A REBEL: AS LONG AS I LIVE: THE INTENSITY OF
CONFEDERATE WOMANHOOD 214
EPILOGUE: BETWEEN DEATH AND DISHONOR: SHAMING
SOUTHERN SOLDIERS 258
BIBLIOGRAPHY 272
vii
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
313


208
slaves loyalty to her, but she perceptively noted the damage done to African American
property. After the war, many former slaves appealed to the United States government
for restitution for property destroyed and stolen by Union troops on Shermans March.70
Staunch Confederate Emma LeConte decried the Unions attack on civilians and
appealed to antebellum ideals about womanhood. Women, she deduced, were unfairly
targeted as helpless victims. In addition, as far as she could tell, the Union had no tactical
reasons for such an assault, but pursued this course to torment the civilians. From what
1 hear their chief aim while taunting helpless women has been to humble their pride
Southern pride To this end, she noted, they would ridicule the women: Where now
they would hissis all your pride . this is what you get for setting you selves up as
better than other folks. Despite such taunts, LeConte reported, the women acted with
quiet dignity and reftised to lower themselves by any retort. However, LeConte
recognized that not everyone remained silent in the face of ridicule; some women
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves;
Stephanie McCurry, Masters of Small Worlds: Yeoman Households. Gender Relations,
and the Political Culture of the Antebellum South Carolina Low Country (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1995); Catherine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress: Womans
World in the Old South (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982); Eugene Genovese, Roll,
Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 3-24
70 See Dylan Penningroth, Slavery, Freedom, and Social Claims to Property
among African Americans in Liberty Country, Georgia, 1850-1880, Journal of American
History 84 (September 1997), 405-436. Major General Oliver O. Howard worried about
the Union mistreatment of slaves. Many depredations. . would disgrace us even in the
enemies country, e g. the robbing of some negroes and abusing their women. O. O.
Howard to E. P. Blair, Jr., 10 January 1865, Official Records. Ser. 1, Vol. 47, Pt 2: 256.


67
foraging were given, Shermans troops immediately complied. One of the men on the
march, Allen Morgan Geer, observed the remarkable change after Johnstons surrender.
Very striking is the difference between this march and all others previous. The people
remain contentedly at home, men are plenty, a safety guard is at each house and our
soldiers make no effort to forage or destroy.102
* *
Sherman designed and pursued his March through Georgia and the Carolinas as a
comprehensive assault on Southern domesticity. Intending to break the will of the
Confederacy by destroying it on both the psychological and physical levels, Union
soldiers ransacked Southern homes, paying special attention to the markers of domestic
life and femininity. They looted and burned homes, tore apart bedrooms, scattered
private letters across fields, danced on pianos, and destroyed womens fancy dresses and
undergarments. They also stole jewelry, china, silver, and candlesticks. Elite slaveholding
families, considered instrumental in Southern secession and the coming of war by their
enemies, bore the brunt of the attack. Those soldiers who felt initial twinges of pity for
their civilian targets, soon learned to downplay these feelings and concentrate on women
expressed command, had been given to burn and sack the town. Mrs. E. L. L., in
Charleston Weekly Courier, Our Women in the War: The Lives they Lived, The
Deaths they Died (Charleston: The News and Courier Book Presses, 1885), 255.
102 Allen Morgan Geer, 29 April 1865, Civil War Diary of Allen Morgan Geer,
217.


10
Gilpin Faust and George C. Rabie, argue that womens conditional support for the
Confederacy was a natural outgrowth of their gender; white womens femininity would
not allow them to support a protracted war effort that required extended sacrifice and
self-abnegation. As a result, Faust and Rabie present women whose femininity took
precedence over their regional loyalties. They were women in the South, not women of
the South.12 Few scholars would disagree with this assessment of womens strong gender
identity, and only recently have some begun to accept Southern women as ardent
Confederate nationalists.13
12 Faust, Mothers of Invention; Drew Gilpin Faust, Altars of Sacrifice:
Confederate Women and the Narratives of War, in Southern Stories: Slaveholders in
Peace and War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 113-140; Rabie, Civil
Wars; Laura F. Edwards, Scarlett Doesnt Live Here Anymore: Southern Women in the
Civil War Era (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000); Catherine Clinton, Tara
Revisited: Women, War, and the Plantation Legend (New York: Abbeville Press, 1995);
Jean V. Berlin, Did Confederate Women Lose the War?: Deprivation, Destruction, and
Despair on the Homefront, in The Collapse of the Confederacy, ed. Mark Grimsley and
Brooks D. Simpson (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001): 168-193.
13 Gary W. Gallagher, The Confederate War: How Popular Will, Nationalism, and
Military Strategy Could Not Stave Off Defeat (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1997); Jacqueline Glass Campbell, Terrible has Been the Storm: Sherman, the South
and the Cultural Politics of Invasion, (Ph D. diss., Duke University, 2000). Although
George C. Rabie stresses womens conditional Confederate patriotism in Civil Wars, he
acknowledges their sustained loyalty in a more recent study. Indeed, what remains most
remarkable about the Confederacy was not its internal weaknessespolitical, social, or
economicbut its staying power and especially the ability of so many men and women to
endure and make sacrifices. George C. Rabie, The Confederate Republic: A Revolution
Against Politics (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 300.


127
nurses, seamstresses, teachers, fundraisers, spies, soldiers, and writers. They helped raise
military regiments, worked on farms, took over businesses, worked for the government,
formed female home guards, and lobbied politicians. Women provided much of the
clothing, food, supplies, and medical care that their men on the battlefield required for
survival. In addition, many willingly sacrificed luxury items and turned to home
manufacture. When necessary, white Southern women did whatever was needed to
support the Confederate war effort, whether or not it conformed to traditional gender
norms.1
Although scholars acknowledge that the white women of the South took an active
role in the Confederate war effort at the outset of the conflict, most tend to minimize
1 Mary Elizabeth Massey, Women in the Civil War (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 1994); George C. Rabie, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern
Nationalism (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1989); Drew Gilpin Faust, Altars of
Sacrifice: Confederate Women and the Narratives of War, in Southern Stories:
Slaveholders in Peace and War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 113-140;
Faust, Mothers of Invention: Women in the Slaveholding South in the American Civil
War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1996). Also see Laura F.
Edwards, Scarlett Doesnt Live Here Anymore (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
2000); Jean V. Berlin, Did Confederate Women Lose the War?: Deprivation,
Destruction, and Despair on the Flomefront, in The Collapse of the Confederacy, ed.
Mark Grimsley and Brooks D. Simpson (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001),
168-193; LeeAnn Whites, The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender: Augusta, Georgia. 1860-
1890 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995); Isabel Quattlebaum, Twelve Women
in the First Days of the Confederacy, Civil War History 7 (December 1961): 370-385;
Emory M. Thomas, The Confederate Nation: 1861-1865 (New York: Harper
Torchbooks, 1979), 225-229; Julieanna Williams, The Homeffont: For Our BoysThe
Ladies Aid Societies, Valor and Lace: The Roles of Confederate Women 1861-1865,
ed. Mauriel Phillips Joslyn, (Murfreesboro, Tenn.: Southern Heritage Press, 1996), 16-
33.


230
could not imagine other white Southern women responding to the assault on domesticity
any differently.
After her prominent South Carolina family lost most of its property to the Union
campaign, Harriott Middleton aired views similar in meaning and intensity to LeContes.
Middletons face-to-face confrontations with Union soldiers left her no option but to
view them as less than human and wholly undeserving of sympathy or decorum. Never
hesitate again in using bad language about the Yankies. Nothing can be bad enough. In
Middletons mind, as well as that of other Confederate women, the attack on the civilian
sphere excluded Union troops from civilized society. Middleton fumed that this
defenseless town was given up to the soldiery all that first long night. The result was so
horrifying that the sights and Sounds beggar description. Even so, she and others
struggled to describe the events to friends and relatives across the Confederacy.32
Georgian Eliza Frances Andrews wondered in April 1865 what is it . that
makes [Yankees] so different from us. Although she used to have some Christian
feeling towards Yankees, her experience as a refugee, who returned home to find all of her
possessions destroyed, changed her opinion. Now that they have invaded our country
and killed so many of our men and desecrated so many homes, I cant believe that when
32 Harriott Middleton to Susan Middleton, 10 March 1865, Susan and Harriott
Middleton Correspondence, Cheves-Middleton Papers, South Carolina Historical
Society, Charleston. See Chapters 1 and 2 for discussions of the progression of Union
tactics to include an assault of the homefront, domesticity, and the Southern civilian
population.


257
homefront, Confederate women believed that they had been transformed into a new type
of Confederate. Emma LeConte summed it up by noting we have suffered till we feel
93
savage.
Although Shermans March ultimately helped secure Confederate defeat, it did not
crush female civilians support for the Southern nation. Sherman expected his invasion of
homes, pillage of feminine property, and humiliation of white women to weaken morale
on the Confederate homefront, but slaveholding women in Georgia and the Carolinas
refused to surrender their homes or hearts to the Union. The Union assault on
domesticity brought the war too close to home for women, and they refused to forgive the
transgression. As a result, white Southern women did not abandon their nation or urge an
end to the fighting, but instead they used the Union assault on domesticity as further
motivation to continue the Civil War at any cost. In the end, Shermans March provoked
Confederate women to become much stronger rebel[s]
93 Emma LeConte, 22 April 1865, Emma LeConte Diary.


224
man I should go in the army at once.16 Despite the rampant destruction, loss of
property, and degrading insults, Hinsdale was not ready to give up on Southern
independence, but instead looked for new ways to support her nation.
Shermans earlier visit to Savannah similarly galvanized white Southern women,
and unintentionally intensified their hatred for him and the Union. His decision to hold
court at his headquarters, in order to demonstrate his good intentions toward acquiescent
rebels, did not sit well with most of Savannahs white women.17 The housing of
Shermans officers in Confederate homes equally fostered animosity toward the enemy.
16 Ellen Devereux Hinsdale to Child, 23 March 1865, Hinsdale Family Papers,
Duke University. After a lengthy description of the destruction by the Union soldiers and
her reactions to it, Hinsdale feels she has not done the events justice. The litany of
destruction could continue indefinitely, but Hinsdale had more pressing issues to attend
to. I could fill many sheets with their doings but have not time.
Many Confederate women voiced a frustration with their status as females. A
large number of them wrote of their desire to be men so that they could fight. Others
disguised themselves as men and enlisted. For examples of women wishing to be men, see
Emma Holmes, 21 November 1864, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 323; Grace Brown
Elmore, 21 February 1865, A Heritage of Woe: The Civil War Diary of Grace Brown
Elmore, 1861-1868. ed. Marli F. Weiner (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997),
102; Sarah Morgan, 23 January 1863, Sarah Morgan: The Civil War Diary of a Southern
Woman, ed. Charles East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), 411; Alice Ready, 13
April 1862 and 19 April 1862, Alice Ready Diary, Southern Flistorical Collection;
Catherine Barnes Rowland, 3 January 1865, as quoted in Whites, The Civil War as a
Crisis in Gender. 106.
17 For more information on Shermans tenure in Savannah, see John F. Marszalek,
Sherman: A Soldiers Passion for Order (New York: The Free Press, 1993), 309-318;
Lee Kennett, Marching Through Georgia: The Story of Soldiers and Civilians During
Shermans Campaign (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1995), 308-309.


170
gray jackets. Underwood used selections from memoirs, tributes, and newspaper
accounts to tell the story of the best part of the South, her women4 Other post-war
publications similarly memorialized and lauded the wartime actions of Southern women,
highlighting those that served as extensions of traditional female behavior.5 In addition,
4 J. L. Underwood, The Women of the Confederacy: In which is presented the
heroism of the women of the Confederacy with accounts of their trials during the War and
the period of Reconstruction, with their ultimate triumph over adversity. Their motives
and their achievements as told by writers and orators now preserved in permanent form
(New York: Neale Publishing Company, 1906), frontispiece, xv.
5 For examples of postwar celebrations of Southern women, see Francis Butler
Simkins and James Welch Patton, The Women of the Confederacy (New York: Garrett
and Massie, Incorporated, 1936); Mrs. Thomas Taylor, Mrs. A. T. Smythe, Mrs. August
Kohn, Miss M. B. Poppenheim, and Miss Martha B, Washington, State Committee
Daughters of the Confederacy, eds., South Carolina Women of the Confederacy:
Volume 1 (Columbia, S.C.: The State Company, 1903-1907); Mrs. James Conner, Mrs.
Thomas Taylor, Mrs. A. T. Smythe, Mrs. August Kohn, Miss Mary B. Poppenheim,
Miss Martha B. Washington, eds., South Carolina Women in the Confederacy: Volume 2
(Columbia, S.C.: The State Company, 1907); Confederate Women of Arkansas in the
Civil War (Little Rock, Ark.: H. G. Pugh, 1907); H. E. Sterkx, Partners in Rebellion:
Alabama Women and the Civil War (Rutherford, N.J.: Farleigh Dickinson University
Press, 1970); Charleston Weekly News and Courier, Our Women in the War: The
Lives they Lived; the Deaths they Died, from the Weekly News and Courier. Charleston.
S.C. (Charleston: The News and Courier Book Presses, 1885). The title page to this
volume proclaims that Southern women were true soldiers of the Southern Cross. See
also the articles within Confederate Veteran, a monthly magazine which ran from January
1893-December 1932.
Northerners did similar work to praise the work of Union women during the Civil
War. For examples, see Frank Moore, Women of the War: Their Heroism and Self-
Sacrifice (Hartford, Conn.: S. S. Scranton, 1866); L. P. Brockett and Mary C. Vaughan,
Womens Work in the Civil War: A Record of Heroism, Patriotism, and Patience
(Philadelphia: Zeigler, McCurdy, 1867); Sylvia Dannett, Noble Women of the North
(New York: Thomas Yoseioff, 1959),


71
General William Tecumseh Shermans troops approached their homes and farms in 1864
and 1865. As white Southern women prepared for the homefront attack, they recognized
that they had become military targets and adapted themselves to deal with the enemys
assault on domesticity and femininity. Although shocking, the Union advance on women
and the homefront did not come as a complete surprise. Through the progression of
Union policies over the past three years as well as Shermans recent actions, white
Southern women anticipated that Federal troops would have little regard for the
distinctions between civilians and soldiers. Events leading up to the Georgia and
Carolinas campaign clearly demonstrated that the Civil War had eased and erased most of
the prohibitions that previously separated women and domestic life from the harshest
realities of battle. In addition, Confederate women realized that their participation in the
war as proponents of secession, suppliers of food and clothing, and defenders of the
homefront had made them enemies in their own rights in the eyes of Union soldiers. This
chapter explores the ways in which Confederate women, who were cognizant of the ways
in which Shermans troops treated their domestic enemies, readied for a battle of their
own.
* *
War was not the only activity considered mens business in antebellum
America. Most economic, political, and public endeavors fell under this heading. During
the nineteenth century, womens lives grew more and more focused around and
circumscribed by the home. Within this context, women used assumptions about


113
fight for their state and the Confederacy. As a proud South Carolinian and Confederate,
she could not foresee giving up on her nation or her state. Aiken and Crosland, like many
of their fellow countrywomen, condemned Northern behavior and prepared to withstand
the Union attack. Unlike the men of Savannah, these women refused to surrender to the
Union or its uncivilized tactics.
Other South Carolinians did not have confidence in Georgias ability to drive out
the invader and feverishly prepared for what they perceived to be Shermans inevitable
arrival. The invasion, which had earlier seemed unthinkable, became something expected
by all. S. C. Goodwyn revealed her fears to her husband. I have just heard the news
that Savannah is evacuated ... it seems dreadful news to us. . if Sherman gets on this
soil the outrages in Georgia will be nothing to what they will do here.77 Others saw more
clearly the consequences of the loss of Savannah, especially without a fight. With the
fall of Savannah, Grace Brown Elmore realized all our hopes of escape from the horrors
of war have vanished, we feel almost as sure of Shermans reaching Columbia before long
as if he were already here. Consequently, every one is preparing for his reception, all
valuables are being removed or hidden. As she readied for the Union raiders, Elmore
emphasized what she assumed were Shermans intentions towards South Carolina.
Sherman, according to one account, told a woman that hitherto I have endeavored to
77 S. C. Goodwyn to Husband, 23 December 1864, Artemus Darby Goodwyn
Papers, South Caroliniana Library.


5
into studies of the war, explorations of them during the Civil War era generally fall into
three discrete categories, all influenced by traditional views of women and gender roles. A
large number of studies emphasize organized female activities, especially nursing,
soldiers aid, and fundraising 6 Other historical works focus on womens role in what
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989); Richard E. Beringer, Herman Hattaway,
Archer Jones, and William N. Still, Jr., Why the South Lost the Civil War (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1986). Although some scholars try to include women in
their Civil War studies, they often relegate them to a separate chapter or section of the
book.
6 Mary Elizabeth Massey, Women in the Civil War (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 1994), 43-64; Julieanna Williams, The Homefront: For Our BoysThe
Ladies Aid Societies, in Valor and Lace: The Roles of Confederate Women 1861-1865,
ed. Mauriel Phillips Joslyn (Murfreesboro, Tena: Southern Heritage Press, 1996), 16-
33; Ada W. Bacot, A Confederate Nurse: The Diary of Ada W. Bacot, 1860-1863, ed.
Jean V. Berlin (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994); Kate Cumming,
Kate: The Journal of a Confederate Nurse, ed. Richard Barksdale Harwell (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1959). Most of this work focuses on the Union
experience. See Jeanie Attie, Patriotic Toil: Northern Women and the American Civil
War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Judith Ann Giesberg, Civil War Sisterhood:
The U S. Sanitary Commission and Womens Politics in Transition (Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 2000); Thomas J. Brown, Dorothea Dix: New England
Reformer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998); Mary Denis Maher, To Bind
Up Their Wounds: Catholic Sister Nurses in the U.S. Civil War (New York: Greenwood
Press, 1989); Kristie Ross, Refined Women as Union Nurses, in Divided Houses:
Gender and the Civil War, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1992), 97-113; Elizabeth D. Leonard, Yankee Women: Gender Battles
in the Civil War (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1994); Elizabeth D. Leonard,
Civil War Nurse, Civil War Nursing: Rebecca Usher of Maine, Civil War History 41
(September 1995): 190-207; Lori D. Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence:
Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1990), 133-173; Jane E. Schultz, The Inhospitable Hospital: Gender
and Professionalism in Civil War Medicine, Signs 17 (Winter 1992): 363-392; Jane E.
Schultz, Race, Gender and Bureaucracy: Civil War Army Nurses and the Pension
Bureau, Journal of Womens History 6 (Summer 1994): 45-69; Marjorie Barstow


184
womens belief that the two regions were irreconcilable and magnified their desire for
vengeance.28
See also Mary Noble to Lelia Montan, 20 November 1864, Mary Noble Papers, Southern
Historical Collection.
28 Many women referred to Shermans troops as demons and devils. Emma
LeConte dubbed them fiends incarnate in her diary. Emma LeConte, 31 December
1864, Emma LeConte Diary, Southern Historical Collection. For other examples, see
Mary Jones Mallard, 21 December 1864 and 4 January 1865, Mary Sharpe Jones and
Mary Jones Mallard, Yankees aComing, 53, 66; Loula Kendall Rogers, 30 April 1865,
Loula Kendall Rogers Papers, Special Collections Department, Robert W. Woodruff
Library, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia; Sarah Jane Sams to Randolph Sams, 6 and
13 February 1865, Sarah Jane Sams Letter, South Caroliniana Library; Sarah to Hattie
Taylor Tennent, 9 January 1865, Edward Smith Tennent Papers; Ellen Devereux Flinsdale
to Child, 23 March 1865, Hinsdale Family Papers, Duke University; Kate Crosland to
Bea and Nellie, 28 December 1864, Thomas M. McIntosh Papers, Duke University;
Louisa Jane Harllee to Amelia, ca. 1865, Benjamin H. Teague Papers, 1846-1921, South
Carolina Historical Society, Charleston; Susan Bowen Lining to Sister, 16 March 1865,
Susan Bowen Lining Letter, South Carolina Historical Society; Emily Caroline Ellis, 15
February 1865, Mrs. Emily Caroline Ellis Diary, South Caroliniana Library; Catherine
Ann Devereux Edmondston, 14 March 1865, Journal of a Secesh Lady: The Diary of
Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 1860-1866. ed. Beth G. Crabtree and James W,
Patton (Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Archives and History, 1979), 677; Grace
Brown Elmore, 26 November 1864, A Heritage of Woe: The Civil War Diary of Grace
Brown Elmore, 1861-1868. ed. Marti F. Weiner (Athens: University of Georgia Press,
1997), 81; Fanny Yates Cohen, 25 December 1864, Fanny Cohens Journal of
Shermans Occupation of Savannah, ed. Spencer B. King, Georgia Historical Quarterly
41:4 (December 1957): 413; Mother to Daughters, 8 March 1865, Mrs. Albert Rhett
Heyward (Sallie Coles Green) Papers; Mary Rowe, 17 February 1865, in Jones, When
Sherman Came. 166; Mrs. W. K. Bachman to Kate Bachman, 27 March 1865, Mrs. W. K.
Bachman Papers, South Caroliniana Library.
A few white women expressed outrage when their heard rumors that Union
soldiers found their fiery resistance appealing. We have heard since the yankees left that
they were very much pleased with their treatment up here, they say the ladies treated
them very kind, and made their brags that they intended to come back here where the
women were so spunky and get Wives. If they call the treatment they recieved while here


Rozier, John, ed. The Granite Farm Letters: The Civil War Correspondence of
Edgeworth & Sallie Bird- Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988.
305
Ryan, Mary P. Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York,
1790-1865. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981.
. Women in Public: Between Banners and Ballots, 1825-1880. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1990.
Rziha, John. With Sherman Through Georgia: A Journal. Edited by David J. de
Laubenfels. Georgia Historical Quarterly 41 (September 19571: 288-300.
Samuelson, Nancy. Employment of Female Spies in the American Civil War. Minerva
7 (Spring 1989): 57-66.
Saville, Julie. The Work of Reconstruction: From Slave to Wage Laborer in South
Carolina, 1860-1870. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Scarborough, Ruth. Belle Boyd: Siren of the South. Macon, Ga.: Mercer University
Press, 1983.
Schroeder-Lein, Glenna R. Confederate Hospitals on the Move: Samuel H. Stout and the
Army of Tennessee. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994.
Schultz, Jane. The Inhospitable Hospital: Gender and Professionalism in Civil War
Medicine. Signs 17 (Winter 1992): 363-392.
Schultz, Jane E. Mute Fury: Southern Womens Diaries of Shermans March to the
Sea. In Arms and the Woman: War, Gender, and Literary Representation, edited
by Helen M. Cooper, Adrienne Auslander Munich, and Susan Merrill Squier, 59-
79. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989.
Race, Gender and Bureaucracy: Civil War Army Nurses and the Pension
Bureau. Journal of Womens History 6 (Summer 1994): 45-69.
Schwalm, Leslie A. A Hard Fight For We: Womens Transition from Slavery to Freedom
in South Carolina. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997.
Scott, Anne Firor. The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics. 1830-1930. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1970.
Womens Perspective on the Patriarchy. Journal of American History 61
(June 1974): 52-64.


213
Despite womens continued support of the Confederacy, the Souths bid for
independence did not prove successful. However, after Shermans men left their towns,
and even after General Robert E. Lee surrendered at Appomattox, many Confederate
women remained dedicated to their now-defunct nation. As the next chapter
demonstrates, Shermans campaign on domesticity left behind a female population who
refused to submit. The destruction of Southern homes, property, and countryside,
combined with a direct attack on femininity, inspired elite women to a continued and
heightened support of the Confederacy and all it represented. Sherman had mistakenly
assumed that he could make white Southern women howl, and, therefore, eliminate their
loyalty to the war and the Confederate nation.


86
political opinions! The womens bravery and sacrifice became clearer, she continued, as
they immediately prepared with courageous hearts, inspired with the thought that we
were suffering in a noble cause, and determined so to bear ourselves, as not to shame our
southern countrywomen.29 Union actions crossed over gender boundaries, and the
arrested women used this to their advantage. They played upon their imprisonment to
inflame further Southern patriotism and demonstrate the necessity of war and total
separation from the North.
Elite women in Georgia and the Carolinas confirmed Phillips assessment of
female imprisonment and rallied against Federal tyranny. For Mary Boykin Chesnut,
wife of South Carolinian Confederate Senator James Chesnut, the incident clearly
demonstrated the inhumanity of Union soldiers. In her estimation, white Southern
women had been unfairly singled out by Northern men as easy victims. I think these
times make all women feel their humiliation in the affairs of the world . This resulted
from the fact that women can only stay at home, and every paper reminds us that
women are to be violated, ravished, and all manner of humiliation.30 Chesnut recognized
that womens vulnerability allowed them to be attacked in many ways. They could be
29 Eugenia Yates Levy Phillips, 28 August 1861, Journal of Mrs. Eugenia Phillips
Wife of Philip Phillips of the City of Washington, Counselor at Law, 23 August 1861-
26 September 1861, Library of Congress.
30 Mary Boykin Chesnut, 29 August 1861, Mary Chesnuts Civil War, 172. Also
see AnnaE. Kirtland to Harriet R. Palmer, 13 October 1861, A World Turned Upside
Down, 314.


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Chairman
Richard J. Milbauer Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
tia
Louise Newman
Associate Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
W. Fitzhugh Brundage
Professor of History
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Thomas Gallant
Professor of History


114
restrain my men, but when I pass to Carolina my orders shall be every man for himself.78
A recognition of these intentions did not dissuade Elmore from her staunch loyalty to the
Confederacy. South Carolinians had no illusions about the Union troops desire for
vengeance. Oh the terrible wrath that is to be expended on us. We are Carolinians that
is our crime, what will be our doom.79 Despite her certainty of the horrors that would
arrive with Union troops, Elmore remained at home. Knowledge of Union retaliation for
secession did not surprise or discourage Confederate women. It instead emboldened them
to fight to protect their country and their families.
In addition, Shermans approach did not keep many white women from expressing
an undaunted loyalty for Confederate South Carolina and the expectation that their state
would behave honorably in the face of the enemy. In her wartime diary, Emma Holmes
explicitly asserted her allegiance to her nation and her pride in her native state. Disdaining
Savannahs surrender to Sherman, she expected better from her home state. I trust
Charleston will become one grand sacrificial altar & funeral pyre before her soil is polluted
by Yankee tread, Holmes exclaimed. I shall blush for Charleston, were it left standing.
Every spire & housetop should lift its flaming finger to Heaven in supplication to its high
78 Grace Brown Elmore, 24 December 1864, A Heritage of Woe: The Civil War
Diary of Grace Brown Elmore, 1861-1868, ed. Marli F. Weiner (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 1997), 83. Also see Esther Alden [Elizabeth Alston], 1 March 1865, in
Jones, When Sherman Came, 251.
79 Grace Brown Elmore, 31 December 1864, A Heritage of Woe, 87.


194
make her husband an enemy unto death.47 This nightmarish experience surely sickened
more than just the direct victim, who ended up in an asylum. The possibility of rape by
the fiends incarnate haunted many Confederate women.48
Although pillage and destruction formed the backbone of Shermans assault on
Southern domesticity, the rape of white women was not an accepted part of the march or
its strategy. Commanding officers immediately court-martialed the few men caught
47 Anna Maria Green, 17 November 1864, Journal of a Milledgeville Girl, 1861-
1867, ed. James C. Bonner (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1964), 63. The editor
noted an attempt has been made to obliterate this name.
48 Early in the war, Mary Boykin Chesnut acknowledged her belief that Union
soldiers would do anything. Women can only stay at home, and every paper reminds us
that women are to be violated, ravished, and all manner of humiliation. Mary Boykin
Chesnut, 29 August 1861, Mary Chesnuts Civil War, ed. C. Vann Woodward (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), 172. See also Lavender R. Ray to Brother, 9
March 1865, Letters and Diary of Lieut. Lavender R Ray 1861-1865, Typescript,
Georgia Department of Archives and History.
The rape and attempted rape of slave women frequently occurred during
Shermans March. For example, from South Carolina, one woman described this
phenomenon. Every night they are after the young girls & they are obliged to take to the
woods, to save themselves from being ravished. S. McCain described a similar incident to
her daughter. As she told it, during a raid one [Yankee] wretch had a mulatto wench in
Elizas room. Sue to Jane Ann Smythe, 14 April 1865, Adger, Smythe, Flynn Family
Papers, South Caroliniana Library; O. O. Howard to E. P Blair, Jr., 10 January 1865, The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies. 130 vols. (Washington, D C.: Government Printing Office, 1881-
1902), Ser. 1, Vol. 47, Pt 2: 256 [hereafter cited as Official Records]; S. McCain to
Daughter, 7 March 1865, Mary Amarinthia Snowden Papers. Also see Anne J. Bailey,
The Chessboard of War: Sherman and Hood in the Autumn Campaigns of 1864 (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 64; Marli Weiner, Mistresses and Slaves:
Plantation Women in South Carolina. 1830-1880 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1998), 186.


77
White Southern womens active participation in the public sphere pre-dated the
war. Many women initially drew attention to themselves as rebels and Confederates
when they voiced their opinions on sectional issues and then on secession. Far from the
sheltered, politically ignorant ladies they have often been portrayed as, many Southern
women paid close attention to the events around them." They read the news and
minimizes womens role in nationalism and stresses the conditional nature of it Faust,
Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Drew Gilpin Faust, Altars of
Sacrifice: Confederate Women and the Narratives of War, in Southern Stories:
Slaveholders in Peace and War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 113-140;
Drew Gilpin Faust, Race, Gender, and Confederate Nationalism: William D.
Washingtons Burial of Latane, Southern Review 25 (Spring 1989): 297-307. Also see
George C. Rabie, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1989); Victoria E. Bynum, Unruly Women; Edwards, Scarlett
Doesnt Live Here Anymore; Catherine Clinton, Tara Revisited: Women, War, and the
Plantation Legend (New York: Abbeville Press, 1995).
In addition, many scholars argue that Confederate nationalism was either non
existent, or too weak to have any effect. For examples, see Drew Gilpin Faust, The
Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988); Paul D. Escott, After Secession:
Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University, 1978), esp. 19-53; Richard E. Beringer, Herman Hattaway, Archer
Jones, William N. Still, Jr., Southern Nationalism and Why the South Lost in Why
the South Lost the Civil War (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 64-81, 424-
442; Paul D. Escott, The Failure of Confederate Nationalism: The Old Souths Class
System in the Crucible of War, in The Old South in the Crucible of War, ed. Harry P,
Owens and James J. Cooke (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1983), 16, 20;
Lawrence N. Powell and Michael S. Wayne, Self-Interest and the Decline of Confederate
Nationalism, in The Old South in the Crucible of War. 32-33
11 Womens close attention to political events around them can be seen most
clearly by the self-conscious desire of so many to begin keeping journals in the 1850s and
1860s. Almost all of these women comment on their desire to keep a record of the


124
did not dissuade elite white women from their tasks. Instead, to demonstrate their
dedication to the Confederacy and help fight for independence, Southern women
redoubled their efforts to support their nation materially in the face of Shermans March.
Their fundraising efforts for their nation, epitomized by a widely attended bazaar just
days before Shermans arrival in Columbia, reflected their confidence in the success of the
Confederate cause. As Union troops headed toward them. Confederate women also
displayed their patriotism through increased participation in aid societies and hospital
work. Through these efforts, Southern women proudly asserted their Confederate
womanhood.


298
Leslie, Kent Anderson. A Myth of the Southern Lady: Antebellum Proslavery
Rhetoric and the Proper Place of Woman. Sociological Spectrum 6 (January
1986): 31-49.
Lewis, Lloyd. Sherman: Fighting Prophet. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company,
1932.
Liddell Hart, Basil Henry. Sherman, Soldier, Realist. American. New York: Frederick A.
Praeger Publisher, 1958.
Linderman, Gerald. Embattled Courage: The Experience of Combat in the Civil War.
New York: The Free Press, 1987.
Logan, Kate Virginia Cox, My Confederate Girlhood: The Memoirs of Kate Virginia Cox
Logan. Edited by Lily Logan Morrill. Richmond: Garrett and Massie, 1932.
Logue, Cal M. Coping With Defeat Rhetorically: Shermans March Through Georgia.
Southern Communication Journal 58 (Fall 1992): 55-66.
Longacre, Edward G. We Left a Black Track in South Carolina: Letters of Corporal
Eli S. Ricker, 1865. South Carolina Historical Magazine 82 (July 1981): 210-
224.
Loughridge, Patricia R. and Edward D. C. Campbell, Jr. Women and Mourning.
Richmond: Museum of the Confederacy, 1985.
Lowry, Thomas P. The Stories the Soldiers Wouldnt Tell: Sex in the Civil War.
Mechanicsburg, Penn.: Stackpole Books, 1994.
Lucas, Marion B. Sherman and the Burning of Columbia. 1976. Reprint, Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 2000.
Lynn, John A. The Embattled Future of Academic Military History. Journal of
Military History 61 (October 1997): 777-789.
Maher, Mary Denis. To Bind Up Their Wounds: Catholic Sister Nurses in the U.S.
Civil War. New York: Greenwood Press, 1989.
Mahon, Samuel. The Civil War Letters of Samuel Mahon. Edited by John K. Mahon.
Iowa Journal of History 51 (July 1953): 233-266.


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28
behaved consistently within the cult of domesticity, he assessed that if he brought the
war to female civilians, the South would inevitably crumble.12 According to such logic,
only the strongest of men could endure wartime horrors; women, by their nineteenth-
century definition, could not possibly survive them. In addition, an invasion of the
homefront would take from Confederate women their ability to exercise power in the
domestic sphere. Major Henry Hitchcock articulated this aspect of Shermans plan,
noting that the march, the mere fact of it, is bound to have a powerful influence of itself:
it shows the real hopelessness of their cause first to those who suffer, and to the people
of The South, and then to all the world.13 The march would demoralize its direct
victims, women, as well as the Southern soldiers fighting to protect their homes. Indeed,
should be punished, restrained, or banished William T. Sherman to R. M. Sawyer, 31
lanuary 1864, Official Records. Ser. 1, Vol. 32, Pt. 2: 279
12 Almost all nineteenth-century women and men recognized that women lived
circumscribed by particular gender expectations. On womens sphere, see Barbara
Welter, The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860, in Dimity Convictions: The
American Woman in the Nineteenth Century (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1976), 21-
41. Not all women subscribed to the cult of true womanhood, see Frances Cogan, All-
American Girl: The Ideal of Real Womanhood in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America
(Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1989).
Sherman also viewed his own wife through this lens: I notice that you propose
to take part in a Sanitary Fair at Chicago. I dont much approve of ladies selling things at
a table. So far as superintending the management of such things, I dont object, but it
merely looks unbecoming for a lady to stand behind a table to sell things. William T.
Sherman to Ellen Sherman, 23 March 1865, Home Letters of General Sherman. 335.
13 Henry Hitchcock, 24 November 1864, Marching With Sherman, 89.


88
held liable to be treated as a woman of the town plying her
avocation.32
32 Benjamin Butler issued General Order 28 on May 15, 1862. War of the
Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies.
130 vols. (Washington, D C.: Government Printing Office, 1881-1902), Ser. 1, Vol. 15:
426. [hereafter cited as Official Records!. In issuing such an order, Butler clearly
recognized the power and importance of womens roles as Confederates. Reid Mitchell
discusses the sexual implications of this order which identified patriotic women as
prostitutes. Mitchell, The Vacant Chair. 103.
Southerners used Butlers General Order 28 to unite the Confederacy against a
common enemy General P G. T. Beauregard, for example, addressed a letter to the men
of the South calling on them to retaliate: Shall our mothers, our wives, our daughters,
and our sisters be thus outraged by the ruffianly soldiers of the North, to whom is given
the right to treat at their pleasure the ladies of the South as common harlots? Arouse,
friends, and drive back from our soil those infamous invaders of our homes and disturbers
of our family ties. General Orders No. 44, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 10, Pt. 2: 531.
Similarly, Louisiana Governor Thomas O. Moore, proclaimed that the annals of warfare
between civilized nations afford no similar instance of infamy to Butlers Woman Order.
He hoped that the unforgivable order would steel the men of Louisiana to drive the
Northern troops out of the state. Proclaiming to the world that the exhibition of any
disgust or repulsiveness by the women of New Orleans to the hated invaders of their
home and the slayers of their fathers, brothers, and husbands shall constitute a
justification to a brutal soldiery of the indulgence of their lust, Moore justified womens
actions and called for Confederate men to support them. Butlers order, he continued
could not end female defiance in New Orleans because what else than contempt and
abhorrence can the women of New Orleans feel or exhibit for these officers and soldiers of
the United States? Further, the spontaneous impulse of their hearts must appear
involuntary upon their countenances and thus constitute the crime for which the general
of those soldiers adjudges the punishment of rape and brutalized passion. Moore called
upon all Louisianians to fight for their women. They must arm and strike, or the
insolent victors will offer this outrage to your wives, your sisters, and your daughters . .
It is your homes that you have to defend. It is the jewel of your hearthsthe chastity of
your womenyou have to guard. Proclamation, 24 May 1862, Official Records, Ser 1,
Vol. 15: 743-744. See also. Bell Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldiers
of the Confederacy (1943: reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1994), 312.


246
wishing that the North may feel all the horrors of war as we have done. She hoped for
vengeance, that Northerners would similarly have their homes desolated, their private
property stolen and every depredation they have committed here be measured out to
them in their own coin. Despite her desire for revenge, Rogers realized that she could
never wish that our Southern sons should be guilty of such wickedness. Instead, she
[hoped] and [prayed] that our brothers, husbands and sons may
never invade the holy sanctuaries of a private family, insult poor
helpless women, and so degrade themselves by every revolting
crime that could come under the head of sin, as did the barbarous
soldiers of the United States.65
Rogers, like other Confederate women in Georgia and the Carolinas, maintained their
belief in the inviolability of the domestic sphere. They hoped for retribution on the
Yankee enemy, but they could not sanction a retaliatory assault on the Northern domestic
sphere.
Willing to do anything in her power to secure Confederate victory after the
invasion of the domestic sphere, Emma LeConte thought that women should be given the
opportunity to chase Union men out of the area. Despite losses on the battleffont, the
women of the Confederacy, she asserted, had not been defeated and would gladly mount
an attack against the Northern enemy. Why does not the President call out the women if
there are not enough men[?] she asked. We would go and fight, toowe would better all
die together.Let us suffer still moregive up yet moreanything anything that will help
65 Loula Kendall Rogers, 11 May 1865, Loula Kendall Rogers Papers.


302
Myers, Robert Manson, ed. The Children of Pride, 3 vols. New York: Popular Library,
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1991): 5-28,
Nichols, George Ward. The Story of the Great March from the Diary of a Staff Officer.
New York: Harper and Brothers, 1865.
Noble, Vett, Vett Noble of Ypsilanti: A Clerk for General Sherman. Edited by Donald
W. Disbrow. Civil War History 14 (March 1968): 15-39.
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Princeton University Press, 1999.
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Free Press, 1994.
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University of Tennessee Press, 1986.
Osterweis, Rollin G. Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old South. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1949.
Owens, Harry P. and James J. Cooke, eds. The Old South in the Crucible of War.
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Woman in the Eras of Slavery, War, and Reconstruction. Introduction to The
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1990
Pease, Jane H. and William H. Pease. A Family of Women: The Carolina Petigrus in
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and Boston. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990.


168
actions throughout the war.1 Later academic works similarly portrayed white Southern
women as acting within the confines of nineteenth-century womanhood. Scholars who
have acknowledged cases of female defiance to Union soldiers, often cast it in terms of
female hotheadedness instead of conscious decisions to defy the invaders. Consequently,
understandings of female responses to enemy attacks have been subordinated to a myth
of southern ladyhood that confirms womens traditional role in the nineteenth-century
South. These assumptions have prevented many from delving beneath the surface of
womens wartime actions to discover the complexities of Confederate womens identities
and actions
Directly following the Civil War, former Confederates published hundreds of
volumes that created what historian Drew Gilpin Faust labeled the century-old legend of
female sacrifice.2 These collections, often published by chapters of the United
1 Because of the tendency of Southerners and Northerners alike to romanticize
their roles in the war years late, this study does not use memoirs to reflect the emotions
or events of the time. For recent discussions of the importance of memory to the myth of
the Lost Cause, see Gary W. Gallagher and Alan T. Nolan, ed., The Myth of the Lost
Cause and Civil War History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000); David
Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (Cambridge, Mass.:
Belknap Press of Flarvard University Press, 2001). For a discussion of the utility of
Shermans memoirs, see Albert Castel, Prevaricating Through Georgia: Shermans
Memoirs as a Source on the Atlanta Campaign, Civil War History 40 (March 1994): 48-
71; John F. Marszalek, Sherman Called It the Way He Saw It, Civil War History 40
(March 1995): 72-78.
2 Drew Gilpin Faust, Altars of Sacrifice: Confederate Women and the Narratives
of War, in Southern Stories: Slaveholders in Peace and War (Columbia: University of
Missouri Press, 1992), 115. Catherine Clinton labels this glorification and


CHAPTER 3:
WITH HEARTS NERVED BY THE NECESSITY FOR PROMPT ACTION:
CONFEDERATE WOMEN
The white women who confronted Sherman in late 1864 and early 1865 played an
active role in the Confederate war effort long before he and his enemy troops physically
entered their lives. The slaveholding women of Georgia and the Carolinas, who had
supported secession in 1860 and 1861, made the Confederacy a central part of their lives
and duties for the next four years. Believing that fighting for independence was the only
honorable path, these women urged their husbands, sons, brothers, and countrymen into
battle against the Yankees. With the men focused on their military obligations,
Confederate women faced several daunting tasks of their own. White women fulfilled
many traditionally male tasks, including managing plantations, working for the
government, and overseeing slaves. In addition, they coped with the war-related demands
on the homefront as they became nurses, ran hospitals, provided clothing, prepared food,
and sent letters of moral support to the battlefront to support their soldiers. Although
these tasks forced white Southern women to redefine themselves and their place in
society, they willingly engaged in these efforts in order to show their support for the
125


189
Confederate women had good reason to avoid contact and verbal confrontations
with the invading soldiers. A fear of sexual assault haunted many, and they did whatever
they could to protect themselves. For example, before Sherman and his troops reached
her area, Grace Brown Elmore contemplated what she would do in the event of rape.
I. . thought long and intently upon the righteousness of suicide should that worst of all
horrors happen. Caught between her religious beliefs and her sense of virtue, Elmore
reasoned that God would justify the self destroying hand, when life had become a
burden and a shame through the wickedness of man. At the same time, she recognized
rape as a deliberate strategy. The soldiers, she believed, well . know how to avenge
themselves, on women, what she values more than all things, the loss of which would be
living death. Elmore reconciled her conflicts concluding if I had to choose between
death and dishonor, I could not liveLife is sweet, but it would have lost its savor. That
which was taken could never be restored. God will, God must justify the deed. To her
relief, Elmore never had to make this decision.36
Other Confederate women took active precautions against sexual assault. A
Georgian described to her brother her attempts to avoid harassment by invading Union
36 Grace Brown Elmore, 26 November 1864, A Heritage of Woe, 81-82. For
examples of other womens fear of rape and threats of rape, see Catherine Ann Devereux
Edmondston, 11 July 1864, Journal of a Secesh Lady". 587; Emma LeConte, 10 March
1865, Emma LeConte Diary; Sister A. to Willie, 11 April 1865, Southall and Bowen
Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection; Mrs. W. K. Bachman to Kate Bachman,
27 March 1865, Mrs. W. K. Bachman Papers.


218
Rabie, and others placed the morale of white women at the center of their explorations of
the Confederacys defeat.6 The Confederacy failed, Faust and Rabie argue, primarily
University of South Carolina Press, 1998), 201-227; Mark Grimsley and Brooks D.
Simpson, eds., The Collapse of the Confederacy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
2001). Gary W. Gallagher has taken the idea of a Confederate loss of will to task. See
Gallagher, The Confederate War: How Popular Will, Nationalism, and Military Strategy
Could Not Stave Off Defeat (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997), esp.
15-60.
6 Drew Gilpin Faust and George C. Rabie both address the issue of Southern
womens loyalty to the Confederate nation and conclude that not only did white women
support the Confederacy conditionally, but that this groups reluctance to make sacrifices
that threatened their femininity led to the downfall of their nation. See Faust, Mothers of
Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Faust, Altars of Sacrifice: Confederate
Women and the Narratives of War, in Southern Stories (Columbia: University of
Missouri, 1992), 113-140; Rabie, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern
Nationalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989). Also see Victoria E. Bynum,
Unruly Women: The Politics of Social & Sexual Control in the Old South (Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press, 1992); Laura F. Edwards, Scarlett Doesnt Live
Here Anymore: Southern Women in the Civil War Era (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 2000), 80; Jean V. Berlin, Did Confederate Women Lose the War?: Deprivation,
Destruction, and Despair on the Homefront, in The Collapse of the Confederacy. 168-
193. Most recent military historians do not accept the idea that women lost the war for
the Confederacy. For example, see Gallagher, The Confederate War, esp. 24.
Recent work on women in the Civil War South also includes Marli Weiner,
Mistresses and Slaves; LeeAnn Whites, The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender: Augusta,
Georgia, 1860-1890 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995); Leslie A. Schwalm, A
Hard Fight For We: Womens Transition from Slavery to Freedom in South Carolina
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997); Norallee Frankel, Freedoms Women: Black
Women and Families in Civil War Era Mississippi (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1999); John Inscoe, The Civil Wars Empowerment of an Appalachian Woman:
The 1864 Slave Purchases of Mary Bell, in Discovering the Women in Slavery:
Emancipating Perspectives of the American Past, ed. Patricia Morton (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1996), 61-81; John Inscoe, Coping in Confederate
Appalachia: A Portrait of a Mountain Woman and Her Community at War, North


253
the effect of taking the Iron-Clad Oath of Loyalty. This mandatory oath forced upon
Southern men a sense of personal humiliation. As a result, Edmondston asserted, the
man who takes it resents it by infusing a double portion of hate in the sentiment with
which he regards those who have degraded him 81 Confederate women understood and
shared in these feelings of bitterness. After four years of sacrifice for their nation, they
refused to reconcile with the North or accept the reality of defeat. Like Emma Mordecai,
some asserted that no words can ever paint the bitterness, the hatred I feel to our
despicable conquerorsungenerous, low-minded, pitiful wretches.82 Others assumed
that the surrender only marked the end of one phase in the war. The South, they
confidently asserted, would ultimately emerge victorious. In many instances, women held
firmly because the conviction that the South can not be conqueredthat it can never be
re-united with the North is so deeply rooted in my heart [and] since the war began that
conviction has never been shaken once83 Another adamantly asserted that Yankee tactics
had guaranteed that the South would ultimately overcome its conquerors. She cannot
81 Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 26 June 1865, Journal of a Secesh
Lady. 714.
82 Ellen Mordecai to Emma Mordecai, [1865], Mordecai Family Papers.
83 Emma LeConte, 23 April 1865, Emma LeConte Diary.


82
against the North. Georgian mother of three, Charlotte Branch, wrote a poem to her sons
urging them to fight:
Strike for the mother that gave you birth
Your native home and fires
Think of their watchword who assail
Press hard the savage foe
Nor pause until, its stars grow pale,
Their treacherous flag lies low.21
With an Exhibition of the Power. Purposes, Earnestness, Military Despotism, and
Demoralization of the South (New York: A. S. Barnes & Burr, 1862), 195.
Women taunted, cajoled, and shamed men into eventually joining the Confederate
forces. A published poem entitled If You Love Me created a conversation in which a
woman encouraged her sweetheart to enlist: If you love me, do not ponder,/. . Join
your country in the fray./ Go! your aid and right hand lend her,/ Breast the tyrants angry
blast;/ Be her own and my defender/ Strike for freedom to the last J. Augustine
Signaigo, If You Love Me, reprinted in William Gilmore Simms, War Poetry of the
South (1866, reprint, New York: Amo Press, 1972), 312.
In June 1861, Virginian Judith McGuire confided to her journal that we could not
bear that one of them [the men of her family] should hesitate to give his lifes blood to his
country . Judith White McGuire, 18 June 1861, Diary of a Southern Refugee, 33.
Similarly, Mrs. Allen S. Izard of South Carolina asserted that I sh[oul]d hate a man who
w[oul]d flinch, even f[ro]m martyrdom for his Country. Mrs. Allen S. Izard to Mrs.
William Mason Smith, 21 July 1864, Mason Smith Family Letters, 1860-1868, ed. Daniel
E. Huger Smith, Alice R. Huger Smith, and Amey R. Childs (Columbia: University of
South Carolina Press, 1950), 116. Other women made their support for the Confederacy
known through their rejoicing in Southern successes. For example, Drucilla Wray
celebrated the capture of Ft. Sumter. I have just heard that Fort Sumpter is in
possession of the Confederate States, Hurrah for Carolina!!! and her noble sons. Henry
and Drucilla Wray to Sister, 17 April 1861, Henry and Drucilla Wray Paper, Georgia
Historical Society.
21 Charlotte S. Branch, 1861, Margaret Branch Sexton Collection, Hargrett Rare
Book and Manuscript Library, University of Georgia, Athens.


303
Penningroth, Dylan. Slavery, Freedom, and Social Claims to Property among African
Americans in Liberty Country, Georgia, 1850-1880. Journal of American
History 84 (September 1997): 405-436.
Posted, Rosa. Shermans Occupation of Savannah: Two Letters. Georgia Historical
Quarterly 50 (March 1966): 109-115.
Potter, David. The Historians Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa. In The South and
the Sectional Conflict, 34-83. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1968.
. The South and the Sectional Conflict. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1968.
Powell, Lawrence N. and Michael S. Wayne Self-Interest and the Decline of
Confederate Nationalism. In The Old South in the Crucible of War, edited by
Harry P. Owens and James J. Cooke. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi,
1983.
Quattlebaum, Isabel. Twelve Women in the First Days of the Confederacy. Civil War
History 7 (December 1961): 370-385.
Rabie, George C. Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism. Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1989.
. The Confederate Republic: A Revolution Against Politics. Chapel Hill:
University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1994.
. Missing in Action: Women of the Confederacy. In Divided Houses:
Gender and the Civil War, edited by Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber, 134-146.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
Ramsdell, Charles W. Behind the Lines in the Confederacy. Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1943.
Reston, James, Jr. Shermans March and Vietnam. New York: MacMillan Publishing
Company, 1984.
Rhodes, James Ford. Shermans March to the Sea. American Historical Review 6
(April 1901): 466-474.


139
By actively participating in the public realm through protests, white Southern
women visibly stepped outside the boundaries of the home and took their traditional
focus on family and household into the public. In this way, they adapted their
conceptions of gender to deal with wartime problems. Although the female participants
asserted a traditional view of gender rolesthat they had a right to protection by virtue of
their femininitythe bread riots revealed Southern womens willingness to move outside
of the traditional confines of womanhood during wartime to look after their own
interests.25 Unwilling to credit women for their definitive stand and fearfiil of class
uprisings, however, many established Southerners comforted themselves with the belief
that the female rioters were merely prostitutes and thieves, not those truly in need of
food.26 In contrast to those who participated in the 1863 bread riots, many other women,
especially wealthy ones, gave up portions of their familys food to send to the soldiers on
the battlefield later in the war.27 Rioting and sacrifice both revealed ways in which
Confederate women deftly adapted to the realities of wartime life through what were, in
some ways, feminine outlets. Their ability to survive a personal confrontation with the
25 On the boundaries circumscribing the lives of Southern ladies, see Anne Firor
Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics. 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1970); Faust, Mothers of Invention, 245.
26 See Rabie, Civil Wars. 110.
27 For example, late in the war as Sherman and his troops headed her way, North
Carolinian Catherine Edmondston described a community food drive for the soldiers.


171
these accounts almost always cast womens wartime behavior as an extension of
antebellum activities instead of as a break from tradition. Nursing exemplified this
approach, as these books asserted that caring for the Confederate wounded became a
natural extension of womens nurturing nature. Similarly, the authors maintained that the
clothing of the troops and preparation of food reflected a continuation of the nineteenth-
century womans role in her household. Consequently, all female Confederates activities
became ways of further advancing the myth of the Southern lady, who gladly submerged
her own wants for those of her husband, her nation, and her household In this way,
Southern authors recast womens wartime roles with rhetoric that emphasized stability
instead of change and allowed Southerners to hold on to a glorified, untarnished, and
conservative past.6
Although often belittling the celebratory nature of postwar discussions of
Confederate women, the works of twentieth-century scholars confirmed the image of
6 Elizabeth D. Leonard notes that discussions of womens wartime actions written
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries tended to confirm ... the image
projected . of womens perfect self-sacrifice for the cause, their splendid cooperation
with men I the Union effort, and their uncontested return to their place in the prewar
gender system. Leonard, Yankee Women: Gender Battles in the Civil War (New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 1994), 277.
Drew Gilpin Faust argues that Southern women wanted a return to traditional
gender roles by the end of the Civil War. Many women of the wartime South invented
new selves in large measure to resist change, to fashion the new out of as much of the old
as could survive in the altered postwar world. See Faust, Mothers of Invention: Women
of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1996), 8.


254
think the good lord will allow such wickedness to go unpunished, and look forward to the
time when our enemies will be scattered to the four winds84
Hatred for the Unions ways of life and war further advanced Confederate
womens loyalty for the Southern nation. The way I feel about Yankees, Eliza Frances
Andrews asserted a month after the surrender, I would rather be wrong with Lee and his
glorious army than right with a group of fanatics that have come down here to plunder
and oppress us in the name of liberty 85 Loula Kendall Rogers resented that she had to
live side by side with those who have always been our enemies.86 Another woman,
Sue, also refused to accept the official end to the hostilities. She thought our cause not
so desperate but that we could still hold out & I still cried for no surrender. When her
Father said I talked like a woman, & did not reason, she asserted that I was, & am still
determined, that under Yankee rule, I never will live. She did in fact, talk like a
woman, a Confederate woman who valued her nation above all else. Much to her delight,
Sue was not the only one in her household to adhere to her Confederate womanhood.
Mother surprised me. I have always thought her so luke warm but she too now says
never give up until our independance is achieved. In contrast, her fathers defeatist
84 Loula to Poss, 22 May 1865, Graves Family Papers.
85 Eliza Frances Andrews, 7 May 1865, The War-Time Journal of a Georgia Girl,
86 Loula Kendall Rogers, 13 May 1865, Loula Kendall Rogers Papers.
228.


180
Confederate women gave vivid descriptions of their mistreatment by Union soldiers and
proudly related their defiant responses to it. These written missives warned others in
Shermans path, stimulated Southern anger against the Northern troops, and highlighted
womens roles as protectors of Southern honor22
When Sherman and his men reached her familys home in Aiken, South Carolina,
Pauline DeCaradeuc recorded the assault on her domestic sphere in great detail. The first
group of soldiers arrived at their gate in early February shouting Here come the Yankees,
look out now you dd rebels. Hundreds of others soon joined this dozen, and together
Another South Carolina woman indignantly described her bedrooms after the
Union soldiers left. In one of the bed-rooms the mattress was gone, the feather-bed cut
open and the feathers left piled on the floor, the mirror smashed and the door broken from
its hinges. In another the bedstead was destroyed, and some of the furniture cut into by
axes, completely ruining it, of course. Mrs. E. A. Steele to Tody, 15 February 1865, in
Katherine M. Jones, When Sherman Came: Southern Women and the Great March"
(New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1964), 135. Also see E. N. B. to Kate
Taylor, 1 April 1865, Edward Smith Tennant Papers, South Caroliniana Library;
Elizabeth Palmer Porcher to Philip E. Porcher, 23 March 1865, A World Turned Upside
Down: The Palmers of South Santee. 1818-1881, ed. Louis P. Towles (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1996), 450; Sue Sample, 29 November 1864, in
Jones, When Sherman Came, 47.
22 Eliza Tillinghast hoped her tale of hardships would motivate her brother in his
fight against the Union. Think of having 500 men running wild over your defenceless
sisterstaking the last crumb- ... of meat, flour, -in fact every-thing needful[,] cut up the
carriage- carried off the wagon . [the neighbors] suffered hunger while the fiends were
here. ... we saved about 20 lbs of flour by putting in ... a bucket and sitting upon it all
the time. [A]nd three families subsisted for two days on that. Eliza Tillinghast to David
R Tillinghast, 3 May 1865, Tillinghast Family Papers, Duke University. See also
Caroline Gilman to Eliza, [1865], Letters of a Confederate Mother: Charleston in the
Sixties, Atlantic Monthly 137 (April 1926): 511.


119
would be living death.85 Elmore believed that the escalating war against white Southern
women would eventually result in the worst attack of all-rape.86
Other white Southern women remained confident that Union soldiers would not
completely disregard gender norms and saw their sexuality as a weapon of resistance.
They therefore planned to use their femininity to their advantage. Using their sex as
protection, some white women prepared to hide valuables on their person, hopeful that
the crossing of gender boundaries by Union soldiers would not extend to disrespect for
womens bodies. These Confederates believed that Union men would respect the
sanctity of Southern womanhood and made plans to take advantage of it. Emma LeConte
confidently remarked in her journal, I have been hastily making large pockets to wear
under my hoop skirtfor they will hardly search our persons.87 Another woman
85 Grace Brown Elmore, 26 November 1864, A Heritage of Woe, 81-82.
86 These fears were not always unfounded. See Chapter 4.
87 Emma LeConte, 14 February 1865, Emma LeConte Diary. The use of skirts as
a hiding place was common during the Civil War. See also Anna Maria Green Cook, 25
November 1864, Journal of a Milledgeville Girl, 62; Mrs. W. K. Bachman to Kate
Bachman, 27 March 1865, Mrs. W. K. Bachman Papers, South Caroliniana Library; Mrs.
E. A. Steele to Tody, 15 February 1865, in Jones, When Sherman Came. 134; Mary
Elinor Bouknight Poppenheim, 27 February 1965, in Jones, When Sherman Came. 245.
Several female spies utilized this method for hiding money, communications, and
weapons as they crossed enemy lines. For example, see Belle Boyd, Belle Boyd in Camp
and Prison, Written by Herself, ed. Curtis Carroll Davis (1865; reprint, New York:
Thomas Yoseloff, 1968); Greenhow, My Imprisonment; Oscar Kinchen, Women Who
Spied for the Blue and the Gray (Philadelphia: Dorrance & Company, 1972); Massey,
Women in the Civil War.


147
pale in comparison to their treatment of women in the seedbed of secession. In spite of
this fear, Aikens loyalty to her nation remained strong. My eyes trouble me much, but
I continue to sew, from morning til night.42 Aikens willingness to ignore her personal
discomfort as she sewed for the Confederacy demonstrated her intense dedication to her
nation and the men fighting for its independence.
By 1864, it became more difficult for women to find their own cloth, thread, and
other sewing materials. As a result, women, traditionally excluded from most money
matters, canvassed for contributions for the soldiers. By drawing upon Southern
societys ideas about sacrifice and honor, they effectively raised money and materials for
the Confederacy. For example, North Carolinian Mollie Davis discussed how she and
another woman begged money enough to buy severel bolts of domestic. . fifteen
hundred dollars She explained the necessity of raising such a large sum. Sallie and I are
making up a box for the Hospital in Salisbury. With an enormous and seemingly endless
task in front of her, Mollie told her friend, I wish you were here to help us sew We are
going to make shirts and drawers &c. I will be very busy sewing for the Hospital this
next week43 As long as womens forays into the public sphere were for the common
good of the Confederacy, they did not overturn societys notions about femininity. The
42 Mary Gayle Aiken, 20 January 1865, Aiken Family Papers, South Caroliniana
Library.
43 Mary Hanes Davis to Catherine E. Hanes, 27 March 1865, Catherine E. Hanes
Papers, Southern Historical Collection.


181
they swarmed in the house, upstairs, in the garret, in every chamber, under the house, in
the yard, garden, &c., &c. They made their presence known some singing, shouting,
whistling, and Oh, my God, such cursing. Both pianos were going at the same time The
soldiers noise and use of profanity proved to be their least intrusive acts.
With axes they broke open every door, drawer, trunk that was
locked, smashed a large French mirror, broke pieces of furniture,
and flung every piece of clothing that they didnt carry off, all over
the floors, they got some of Fa[ther]s prettiest paintings and
broke bottles of catsup over them, they carried off every piece of
silver, every knife, jewel, & particle of possessions in the house &
negro houses, every paper, letter, receipt, &c., they flung to the
winds, all the roads are strewn with them.
Nothing the women of the house did could stop the wanton destruction. DeCaradeuc
particularly resented the soldiers defacing of the domestic trappings of the household.
Not only had the men taken every blanket & pillow case & towel . they even made
the servants get our chemises & tear them up into pocket handkerchiefs. The
destruction of her lingerie, items never shown to strange men in peacetime, symbolized
the violation of womens private sphere. Flowever, the soldiers did not stop with this
insult. When raids resumed the next day, the soldiers said this house was the root of the
rebellion & bum it they would. Although stopping short of torching the house, the
Northern men continued to threaten its inhabitants, proclaiming that they had to arrest
and shoot every influential citizen in S.C., every mover of secession. The household,
which held the possessions of five other families and plenty of supplies, lost a great
amount. Out of the 7 barrels of fine flour, 300 bushels of com, 1 barrel & 1 box of nice


49
on the state of affairs, Charles Brown highlighted the non-military items that soldiers
destroyed. You might see all sorts of scenes along the March, including
boys pounding Piano keys with their Hatchets to see who could
make the most noise or pile up a pile of plates & order arms on
them to all who could break the most or try & see who could shoot
the most cows or hogs, or see who could dress themselves in the
best suit of womens clothes & then make the lady of the house
play for them to have a cotillion & if the music did not suit slash
their hatchet through the top of the piano to improve the time.61
In addition to the physical damage caused by the drunken festivities, the soldiers
specifically trampled on the markings of domesticity to strike at womens sphere.62
Once in control of Savannah, Sherman set about demonstrating to the citys
residents that a peaceful surrender and return to the Union would protect Southerners
from Union wrath. To contrast his treatment of residents in Savannah to that of
rebellious Atlantans, Sherman opened his headquarters to whoever wanted to visit. He
also allowed the local government to continue functioning and made sure that food came
into the city to feed the residents. At the same time, however, Sherman justified the
61 Charles S. Brown to Etta, 26 April 1865, Charles S. Brown Papers.
62 Women corroborated such stories. For examples, see Ellen Devereux Hinsdale
to Child, 23 March 1865, Hinsdale Family Papers, Duke University; Pauline DeCaradeuc
Heyward, 18 February 1865, A Confederate Lady Comes of Age, 65; Annie Jones to
Cadwallader Jones, 6 March 1865, Cadwallader Jones Papers, Southern Historical
Collection; Grace Brown Elmore, 21 February 1865, A Heritage of Woe: The Civil War
Diary of Grace Brown Elmore, 1861-1868, ed. Marli F. Weiner (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 1997), 101.


CHAPTER 5:
A REBEL AS LONG AS I LIVE:
THE INTENSITY OF CONFEDERATE WOMANHOOD
Shermans March shattered the material basis of Confederate support in Georgia
and the Carolinas by destroying homes, farms, food supplies, agricultural products,
railroads, and raw materials. As Northern soldiers left their ravaged towns and homes,
however, Confederate women demonstrated that Union men had underestimated their
powerful regional identity; Sherman had failed to break the will of Confederate women
and end their support for war. The bitterness, determination, and patriotism with which
Confederate women responded to the attack of their homefront, as well as their methods
of defending themselves and their families, revealed that they valued their nation as much
as their femininity. Instead of dissolving Confederate womens patriotism, Shermans
attack on domesticity intensified it. It also drove his female enemies to draw even sharper
distinctions between themselves and Yankees and to urge their husbands to fight. As
they reluctantly recognized the probability of Southern defeat, many Confederate women
vowed not to abandon their nation. Although the South was ultimately obliged to
214


54
would show the South the consequence of her rebellious actions as well as the Norths
superior power. The tactics in South Carolina targeted the seedbed of secession to crush
the last particle of wind out of the Confederacy.71 Federal soldiers believed that these
rabid Rebels in South Carolina, most of them women, deserved whatever hardships they
experienced. As a result, as they entered South Carolina, Union troops inflicted even
more damage than they had in Georgia. The well-known site of columns of black smoke
meets our gaze again, Union officer George Ward Nichols observed. This time houses
are burning, and South Carolina has commenced to pay an installment, long overdue, on
her debt to justice and humanity.72 Sebastian Duncan similarly wrote that it was
almost as though there was a Secret organization among the men to burn Every thing in
the State for thus far . houses, in Some way, get on fire & nearly all we have passed
Some soldiers believed the same while the army was in Georgia. For example,
Joseph Hoffhines reported that this Government is now Entering upon a new policy.
We are ordered to burn Cities and Barns and Houses where Ever we go and lay waste the
Entire Country. Joseph Hoffhines to Wife, 11 November 1864, as quoted in Lee
Kennett, Marching Through Georaia. 232.
71 Thomas E. Smith to Brother, 27 December 1864, as quoted in Royster, The
Destructive War, 344. Also see William Scofield to Father, 2 February 1865, William
Scofield Papers, South Caroliniana Library.
72 George Ward Nichols, 30 January 1865, The Story of the Great March. 131
Other soldiers also felt that justice had been served. We bade the remains of the City of
Columbia the Capitol of S.C. farewell. No which had reed her Just reward for the evil
deeds she did in the great rebellion. Jesse S. Bean, 20 February 1865, Jesse S. Bean
Diary, Southern Historical Collection.


232
sex. God hear the curses poured upon their heads, God grant they may suffer in their
homes, their wives their children as they have made us suffer.36 Justice, Elmore asserted,
required that traditionally protected groups in the North experience the same horrors that
she had. She doubted that the North could withstand such an assault.
In many cases, elite Southern womens sacrifices required their undying support
for their nation. They could not abandon a cause that they had dedicated so much time,
energy, and lives to supporting. Catherine Rowland, whose Augusta, Georgia, plantation
had been destroyed by Union soldiers, and whose brother had died on the battlefield,
affirmed that Confederate women had suffered too much to think of giving up now & it
is a sacrilege to the dead to speak of such a thing. In addition, reunion with such a foe
can never be, there is a great gulf between us; the blood of our noble dead & my noble
brother cries out for vengeance & we ought to fight on as long as we have a man left.37
36 Grace Brown Elmore, 21 February 1865, A Heritage of Woe, 103. Other elite
women made similar statements. When our army invadefs] the north, I want them to
carry the torch in one hand and the sword in the other. I want dissolution carried to the
heart of their country, the widows and orphans left naked and starving just as ours were
left. I know you will think this is a very unbecoming sentiment, but I believe it is our
only policy now. Janie Smith to Janie Robeson, 12 April, 1865, Lenoir Family Papers,
Southern Historical Collection. Emma LeConte voiced a similar demand for vengeance. I
wonder if the vengeance of heaven will not pursue such fiends! Before they came here, 1
thought I hated them as much as was possiblenow I know there are no limits to the
feeling of hatred. LeConte Diary, 21 February, 1865. See also Martha Caroline Marshal
to Brother, 6 December 1864, Walraven Family Papers, Atlanta History Center, Georgia.
37 Catherine Barnes Rowland, 3 January 1865, as quoted in Whites, The Civil War
as a Crisis in Gender. 105-106.


220
economic effectiveness as well as civilian morale. Highlighting the military defeats and
homefront shortages in the relation to the decline of homefront morale, Faust stresses
womens role in the downfall of the Confederacy. Historians, she writes have
wondered in recent years why the Confederacy did not endure longer. In considerable
measure ... it was because so many women did not want it to.9 Similarly, Rabie asserts
that by the end of the war, many women wavered in their support for the Southern
cause, and understandably demanded an end to the hostilities that had taken the lives of
so many of their men.10
Both Faust and Rabie agree that as women realized the ghastly realities of war,
they consciously withdrew their support. Supporting the war required women to
suppress their female nature and, they argue, the strains of constant death and destruction
made this ultimately unbearable. Women who had earlier ignored their female inclinations
to nurture and protect their families by encouraging enlistment, they claim, later begged
their sons and husbands to return from battle. Faust suggests that this reaction resulted
from a feminine aversion to war, asserting that the erosion of womens patriotism
simply represented a reversion to conventional female concerns, an almost reactionary
9 Faust, Altars of Sacrifice, 139-140.
10 Rabie, Civil Wars, x.


175
Devils. Despite their own blurring of gender boundaries through a prolonged campaign
against women, Union soldiers expected Confederate womens actions to remain
consistent with the traditional prescriptions of womanhood. As a result, they expressed
surprise when secesh women virulently proclaimed their Confederate loyalty in the
face of the enemy Much to the shock of the Northern invaders, elite Southern women
turned to what nineteenth-century Americans generally considered masculine qualities,
such as anger and defiance, to protect their homes and nation. Consequently, as Union
men interpreted it, Southern women abandoned femininity to become vocally bitter and
hateful toward the invaders 12
In particular, Northern soldiers disdained their female targets use of unladylike
language in reference to the sneaking Yankee. Union officer James Edmonds, for
example, contemptuously observed that the ladies at the Sparks home, Shady Dale, in
Georgia insulted both the Genl and myself by language which no well bred ladies would
12 For a discussion of Union expectations of the behavior of their female targets,
see Chapter 1. Also see Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves
Home (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 89-113. When they confronted
Union soldiers verbally, Confederate women understood their actions as being within the
confines of the female domain. For a discussion of womens traditional use of gossip and
language as a form of power within the household and community, see Kathleen M.
Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power
in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 99-100;
Jane Kamensky, Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor:
Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 52,
347-348.


INTRODUCTION:
FULL OF FIRE AND PATRIOTISM:
SHERMANS MARCH AND SOUTHERN WOMEN
In late 1864 and 1865, cries of the Yankees are coming! The Yankees are
coming! echoed throughout Georgia and the Carolinas.1 Although alarmed by the news,
Confederate women in these states had prepared themselves for the possibility. From the
beginning of the Georgia campaign, they had carefully tracked United States General
William Tecumseh Shermans 60,000 Northern soldiers as they burned a trail through the
lower South. In their pursuit of hard war, the troops under Shermans command left a
wide swath of destruction in their wake. The attack on the Southern homefront included
burning plantations and houses, stealing food and household items, destroying railroads
and unwanted food sources, as well as taunting and terrorizing civilians. These actions
demonstrated Shermans determination to break the will of white Southerners by bringing
the harsh realities of war home The campaigns success has often led scholars to
1 Caroline Howard Gilman to Eliza, 2 June 1865, Letters of a Confederate
Mother: Charleston in the Sixties, Atlantic Monthly 137 (April 1926): 511; Mary
Jones Mallard, 14 December 1864, Yankees aComing: One Months Experience during
the Invasion of Liberty County, Georgia, 1864-1865, ed. Haksell Monroe (Tuscaloosa,
Ala.: Confederate Publishing Company, Inc., 1959), 38
1


192
the white women. Although in their attack of the homeffont Union soldiers pushed aside
some of their ideas about women as a protected group, they usually held onto ideas that
prohibited sexual assault of elite white women. This allowed some protection from the
invaders, but was not necessarily a guarantee.41
Less fortunate Confederate women discovered that their fears of sexual assault and
rape had not been unfounded. Although the Civil War and Shermans March have both
been seen as low-rape experiences for white women, incidences of sexual assault did
occur.42 In Chester, South Carolina, Julia Gott revealed her shock that they stripped old
41 This was not the case for Alfican-American women in Shermans path. Racial
stereotypes that categorized black women as hypersexual often led to rape by the
invading soldiers. Dolly Lunt Burge acknowledged the threat that Union soldiers posed
to the slave women of her household and the fear that they had of rape. During a raid, her
room was full nearly with the bedding of & with the negroes. They were afraid to go out
for my women could not step outside of the door without an insult from them. Dolly
Lunt Burge, 19 November 1864, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge, 162. In addition,
because of their race and status, slave women were not protected by the same mores as
were white women. See Catherine Clinton, Southern Dishonor: Flesh, Blood, Race,
and Bondage," in In Joy and In Sorrow: Women, Family, and Marriage in the Victorian
South, ed. Carol Bleser (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 52-68; Brenda E.
Stevenson, Life In Black and White: Family and Community in the Slave South (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 138, 236-238; Leslie A. Schwalm, A Hard Fight
For We: Women's Transition from Slavery to Freedom in South Carolina (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1997), 44-45. When Union soldiers approached her about a
ball, a Confederate woman made this distinction clear. Some of the miserable creatures
[came] to see some of the girls & asked them to attend a large Ball they intended giving.
One lady told an officer she did not suppose a white lady would go. that maybe some of
the negroe wenches would grase the occasion, but she felt sure no white one would.
Sister R. to Iverson Louis Harris, [30 November 1864], Iverson L. Harris Papers.
42 Susan Brownmiller has called that American Civil War a low-rape war by
those few historians who have thought about it. Brownmiller, Against Our Will: Men,


2
overlook the strong resistance of Confederate women. Although Shermans March has
been widely studied and documented as an event of great military importance in the Civil
War, the gendered implications of, and the experiences of women during, the campaign
have not.
To Cure Her of Her Pride and Boasting: The Gendered Implications of
Shermans March treats the 1864-1865 campaign as Sherman understood it, as a direct
assault on the Souths elite white women. This controversial tactic resulted from
Shermans understanding of Southern society, and his conviction that slaveholding women
were essential to the Confederate war effort. Sherman made his appreciation of Southern
women clear early in the war, explaining to his brother, Ohio Senator John Sherman, that
the entire South, man, woman, and child are against us, armed and determined.2 With
this rationale, General Sherman justified a military assault that would strike at all
Southerners, and elite women in particular. In the Georgia and Carolinas campaign
Sherman targeted slaveholding women, who he believed had instigated and promoted
rebellion by urging Southern men to secede, enlist, and remain on the battlefield His
recognition of womens wartime participation allowed Sherman to disregard gender
conventions that traditionally shielded white women from direct attacks. Sherman
1 William T. Sherman to John Sherman, 22 September 1862, The Sherman Letters:
Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837-1891, ed. Rachel
Sherman Thorndike (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1894), 162, emphasis added.


73
unrecognized, role in the support of their families, became relegated to the home and its
domestic chores as their husbands went off to work.5 As a result the domestic and
public spheres became increasingly separate and gendered. This separation of the sexes
fueled the ideals of true womanhood which stressed piety, purity, submissiveness, and
domesticity.6 Although the idea of separate spheres excluded women from public
5 Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New
York, 1790-1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Nancy F. Cott, The
Bonds of Womanhood: Womans Sphere in New England, 1780-1835 (New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); Caroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct:
Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985); Linda K,
Kerber, Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Womens Place: The Rhetoric of Womens
History, Journal of American Ftistory 75 (June 1988): 9-39.
For an exploration of the relationship between masculinity and domesticity in
Victorian England, see John Tosh, A Mans Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class
Home in Victorian England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999).
6 On nineteenth-century expectations of womens character and behavior, see
Barbara Welter, The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860, in Dimity Convictions:
The American Woman in the Nineteenth Century (Athens: Ohio University Press,
1976), 21-41. Scholars used Welters ideal of true womanhood to discuss social
relations in the antebellum South. The first, Anne Firor Scott, highlighted the myth of
true womanhood and Southern womens attempt to achieve this unattainable ideal.
Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics. 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1970), esp. 3-102. Catherine Clinton argued that not only was the ideal of
the Southern lady a fantasy, but it was also a powerful coercive force within
plantation society that reinforced womens inferior status. Clinton, The Plantation
Mistress: Womans World in the Old South (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982),
quotation, 87. In addition, Joan Cashin argued that white women shared a culture of
resignation in the Old South. Cashin. Our Common Affairs (Baltimore.: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1996), 1-41. See also Jane Turner Censer, North Carolina Planters and
Their Children, 1800-1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987);
Steven M. Stowe, Intimacy and Power in the Old South: Ritual in the Lives of the
Planters (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987); Stephanie McCurry,


123
astonished to hear of Gen. Sherman saying he could buy the chastity of any Southern
woman with a few pounds of coffee. He would find himself woefully mistaken if he were
to try that.94
* *
The progression of Union tactics in the first four years of the Civil War destroyed
Confederate womens assumptions that the homefront and gender prescriptions would
protect them no matter how they supported their nation The 1861 imprisonment of
women, Beast Butlers Woman Order, Sheridans Shenandoah campaign, and the early
reports of Shermans March demonstrated that white women no longer occupied a
privileged status as protected non-combatants. The line between homefront and warfront
disappeared and, out of necessity, Confederate women prepared for the impending
confrontation with Union troops. However, the realization that they were military
targets did not subdue Southern womens patriotism. Instead, Shermans imminent
approach reinvigorated elite white womens Confederate nationalism and further
emphasized their view of the North as diametrically opposed to the South.
Faced with imminent invasion, Confederate women understood that war was no
longer mens business, and that it required an unprecedented amount of womens work
and sacrifice. A realization of the vital necessity of female roles in the Southern nation
94 Matilda Montgomery Champion to Sidney S. Champion, 14 June 1864, Sidney
S. Champion Papers, Emory University.


91
In 1864, Union policy shifted to one directly aimed at the Confederate homeffont
and its civilian population as enemies of war. In September, United States General
Ulysses S. Grant ordered General Philip H. Sheridan to do all the damage . you can
to turn the Shenandoah Valley [into] a barren waste.38 In addition, Grant hoped that
the soldiers on this campaign would eat out Virginia clear and clean as far as they go, so
that crows flying over it for the balance of this season will have to carry their provender
with them.39 Sheridan and his men took these orders to heart, seizing or destroying all
flour, grains, and livestock as well as burning civilians out of their homes. While carrying
out these orders, few soldiers sympathized with the plight of their female victims. I do
not believe war to be simply that lines should engage each other in battle, and therefore do
Carolina; Marrie to Sallie Lawton, 15 April 1865, Willingham and Lawton Families
Papers, South Caroliniana Library.
Drew Gilpin Faust notes that women across the South found comfort in the
expectation that, whatever their differences, northerners and southerners shared
fundamental cultural assumptions about the prerogatives of white womanhood.
Confederate ladies consoled themselves with the faith that the armor of gender would
protect them. Faust, Mothers of Invention, 198. Also see Jane E. Schultz, Mute Fury:
Southern Womens Diaries of Shermans March to the Sea, 1864-1865, in Arms and the
Woman: War, Gender, and Literary Representation, ed. Helen M. Cooper, Adrienne
Auslander Munich, and Susan Merrill Squier (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1989), 59; Michael Fellman, Women and Guerrilla Warfare, in Divided Houses,
ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 147-
165; George Rabie, Missing in Action: Women of the Confederacy, in Divided
Houses, 134-146.
38 Ulysses S. Grant to Philip Sheridan, 26 August 1864, Official Records. Ser. 1,
Vol. 43, Pt. 2: 202.


151
the expression of his dying eyes.49 Other women in Georgia and the Carolinas did what
Frances Thomas Howard casually noted and went to the hospital as usual.50
Their control over household matters allowed white women in Georgia and the
Carolinas to allot their time and space as they saw fit. Consequently, when the occasion
arose, many turned their homes into hospitals and wayside homes. Although expecting
the Yankees here daily, one North Carolina woman was almost constantly engaged at
the hospitals attending to the wants of the sick & wounded. . There are several
hundred of them. . They seem very grateful to us for our attentions.51 A month later
she provided a description of a hospital established in Mrs. John Smiths house. Despite
the lack of space, injured men continued to be brought there. Her house is full of
wounded Confederate soldiers. . lying on the bare floor. This daunting task did not
demoralize the volunteers, but the lack of official support made it an unwinnable fight.
Some of our ladies have gone there as nurses but still could not completely handle the
increasing number of patients. Mrs Smith wrote word yesterday if [more] assistance
49 Mary Jones to Susan M. Cumming, 29 September 1864, The Children of Pride,
ed. Robert Manson Myers, 3 volumes (New York: Popular Library, 1972), 2: 1208.
50 Frances Thomas Howard, 25 December 1864, In and Out of the Lines: An
Accurate Account of the Incidents During the Occupation of Georgia by Federal Troops
in 1864-65 (New York: Neale Publishing Company, 1905), 185. Howards actions seem
remarkable, considering that Savannah was under Union control as she made her regular
visit to the Confederate hospital.
51 Ellen Devereux Hinsdale to Son, 25 February 1865, Hinsdale Family Papers.


210
Like the woman in LeContes story, Mary Maxcy Leverett refused to back down
from her confidence in herself and her nation. Leverett not only showed no fear, but
scorned Union tactics directly to the soldiers. In Columbia, she challenged the Yankee
men who came to ransack her home. Leverett pointed to the ruined town . and asked
if this was what they styled civilized warfare? She took her criticism a step further,
telling them not a nation in Europe in the nineteenth century would be guilty of such an
outrage. Despite this verbal challenge, and although her family was considered such
notorious rebels that there was no end to the officers who came to argue, to persuade or
to literally ask if we had had enough? Leverett remained unharmed and unperturbed.
She maintained her Confederate loyalty, despite numerous raids and taunting from the
soldiers. As the great army of ruffians left town on the road by her house, they
[fired] a parting shot at the house. Instead of displaying her fear, Leverett went
quickly out into the piazza and showed myself to them, to let them see I did not flinch,
and stood some minutes looking at them. Even though she expected every moment to
have a ball put thro me, Leverett remained on the piazza until she saw the last
stragglers leave.73
73 Mary Bull Maxcy Leverett to Caroline Pinckney Seabrook, 18 March 1865,
Mary Maxcy Leverett Letter. In a letter to her son, Leverett described another
confrontation with Union soldiers. [They] asked . whether we had not been beaten
enough to want peace, see their force how immense, see how they had destroyed our
resources, railroads &c. I told them we did want peace, but would agree to none but an
honorable peace. Their countenances fell. They pointed to Columbia & referred to the
wholesale destruction going on over the State, & asked if we were not ready to give up. I


The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldier of the Confederacy. 1943.
Reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994.
311
. The Road to Appomattox. 1956. Reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1994.
. Southern Reaction to Federal Invasion. Journal of Southern History 16
(November 1950): 491-510.
Wilkinson, J. Narrative of a Blockade Runner. New York: Sheldon & Co., 1877.
Williams, Alpheus S. From the Cannons Mouth: The Civil War Letters of General
Alpheus S. William. Edited by Milo M. Quaife. Detroit: Wayne State
University Press, 1985.
Williams, Carol T The Power of a True Womans Fleart: Augusta Jane Evans and
Feminine Civil War Values. Journal of Southwest Georgia History 8 (1993): 39-
46.
Williams, David. Rich Mans War: Class, Caste, and Confederate Defeat in
Southwest Georgia. Journal of Southwest Flistory 11 (Fall 1996): 1-42.
Williams, Julieanna. The Homefront: For Our BoysThe Ladies Aid Societies. In
Valor and Lace: The Roles of Confederate Women 1861-1865. edited by Mauriel
Phillips Joslyn, 16-33. Murfreesboro, Tenn.: Southern Heritage Press, 1996.
Wills, Charles W. Army Life of an Illinois Soldier Including a Dav-bv-Dav Record of
Shermans March to the Sea: Letters and Diary of Charles W. Wills. Edited by
Mary E. Kellogg. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1996.
Wise, George M. Marching Through South Carolina: Another Civil War Letter of
George M. Wise. Edited by Wilfred W. Black. Ohio Historical Quarterly 46
(April 1957): 193-194.
Wolfe, Margaret Ripley. The Southern Lady: Long Suffering Counterpart of the Good
Ole Boy. Journal of Popular Culture 11 (Summer 1977): 18-27.
Wood, Ann Douglas. The War Within a War: Women Nurses in the Union Army.
Civil War History 18 (September 1972): 197-212.
Wood, Kirsten E. One Woman So Dangerous: Gender and Power in the Eaton Affair.
Journal of the Early Republic 17 (Summer 1997): 237-275.


200
womans resolve, the soldier walked up & down the room cursing, swearing, threatening,
& spitting on every side, but did not set the house on fire. Union soldiers ultimately
uncovered the silver and other valuables hidden on the property by sticking the ground
with their swords and . wherever the ground was soft they dug.55 Despite the final
result, the women of the house proudly recounted their role in making things difficult for
raiding Union soldiers.
Despite assertions by Union soldiers about the unfeminine nature of Southern
females and their behavior, rebel women prided themselves on their strong Confederate
patriotism In addition, they asserted that this intense loyalty further evidenced their
true Southern womanhood. When involved in face-to-face encounters with the
invaders, many made declarations of their Confederate patriotism and dared the enemy to
challenge them on their patriotic femininity. These women also considered Union disdain
for strong Southern sentiments as an impetus to further declarations of pride. In a
confrontation with a soldier who tried to make me say if I was a 'Secesh, one
Milledgeville, Georgia resident proudly responded I am a southern woman. She
maintained this position because he said so impertinently, say are you Secesh that
[she] determined not to answer him directly and instead reasserted I am a Southern
woman. Even while defiantly dodging the question, this womans answer demonstrated
55 Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 18 February 1865, A Confederate Lady Comes
of Age. 66-67.


248
Confederate military defeats and Lees surrender had not discouraged Tillinghast, and she
assumed the soldiers had the same convictions in the nations ultimate success. If not,
she eagerly offered her brother reasons to continue believing in the Southern cause.
Despite the wars apparent outcome, Elizabeth Collier refused to relinquish her
Confederate identity and quietly reunite with the North. Can we ever live in peace with
the desecrators of our homes & the murderers of our Fathers, Brothers & SonsNever
We are bound to rise again.69 After experiencing the horror of war first-hand, Colliers
intense Confederate womanhood would not allow her to respect Northern leaders or
acknowledge a complete end to Southern independence. North Carolinian Eliza
Tillinghast further berated the Union for its post-surrender portrayal of the South, an
activity which further incensed her and aroused her patriotism for the South. They are
daily telling scores of falsehoods on us . [which] are enough to make Satan grin with
would give up Luxury, if even in homespun garments and with coarse fare we might be
ffee-Our people might be free. Anna Maria Green Cook, 1 May 1865, The Journal of a
Milledgeville Girl, 74, On the disappointment of surrender and the uncertainty that
would follow, see also Carrie Fries Shaffner, 17 April [1865], Carrie Shaffner Journal,
Fries and Shaffner Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection; Minerva McClatchey,
April [1865], Diary of Minerva Leah Rowles McClatchey, McClatchey Family Papers,
Georgia Department of Archives and History; Sabina Elliott Wells to Mrs. Thomas L.
Wells, 10 April [1865], Mason Smith Family Letters, 194.
69 Elizabeth Collier Diary, 25 April 1865, Elizabeth Collier Papers. Emma
LeConte agreed. What do they expect? They invade our country, murder our people,
desolate our homes, conquer us, subject us to every indignity and humiliation. Emma
LeConte, 28 May 1865, Emma LeConte Diary.


242
ground on the day we yield to these Yankees! We give up to the Yankees! How can it
be? How can they talk about it?57
As word spread through Georgia and the Carolinas of the surrender, Confederate
women expressed disdain for such a future. Emma Holmes, for example, scorned the very
notion of a peace with the North. To go back into the Union!!! No words can describe
all the horrors contained in those few words. Our souls recoiled shuddering at the bare
idea. Reconciliation, she continued, was impossible because nothing could ever bridge
over that fearful abyss of blood, suffering, affliction, desolation, and unsummed anguish
stretching through these past four years. The blood of our slain heroes cried aloud against
such an endas if end it could be. Holmes also acknowledged the reinvigoration in the
Confederate spirit as a result of Yankee tactics and victories. Upon hearing of Lees
surrender our Southern blood rose in stronger rebellion than ever and we all determined
that, if obliged to submit, never could they subdue us.58 Similar declarations of
confidence occurred throughout the South. In May 1865, Georgian Loula Kendall Rogers
proclaimed that the South was overpowered but not conquered! No not whipped yet,
57 Emma LeConte, 20 April 1865, Emma LeConte Diary. Also see Pellona
Alexander to Manning Alexander, 24 April 1865, Manning P. and Pellona David
Alexander Letters, University of Georgia.
58 Emma Holmes, 22 April 1865, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes. 436-437. In
this journal entry, Holmes also predicted the legacy of reunion with the United States.
Peace on such terms, is war for the rising generation. On postwar tensions between the
North and South, see Nina Silber, The Romance of Reunion: Northerners and the South.
1865-1900 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993).


259
region. Consequently, Shermans troops shamed Southern soldiers as they violated their
homes, women, and way of life.
Ostensibly on the battlefield in the name of an independent Confederacy and all
that it represented, Southern soldiers also fought to uphold their honor by protecting their
women and families. As a result, Shermans March through Georgia and the Carolinas
struck at the heart of elite Southern masculinity.2 Confederate soldiers, who as W. J.
Cash claimed went rolling into battle in the misty conviction that it was wholly for [the
Southern woman] that they fought, continued to risk their lives in the name of their
women.3 In 1865, after nearly four years of fighting and Shermans devastating Georgia
2 E. Anthony Rotundo, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity
from the Revolution to the Modem Era (New York: Basic Books, 1993); E. Anthony
Rotundo, Body and Soul: Changing Ideals of American Middle-Class Manhood, 1770-
1920, Journal of Social History 16 (Summer 1983): 23-38; Mark C. Carnes, Secret
Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989);
Nancy F. Cott, On Mens History and Womens History, in Meaning for Manhood:
Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America, ed. Mark C. Carnes and Clyde
Griffen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 205-211; John Tosh, A Mans
Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1999).
3 W. J. Cash, The Mind of the South (1941; reprint, New York: Vintage Books,
1991), 86. Historian James M. McPherson notes that for many Confederate soldiers
[the concepts of southern nationalism] took a concrete, visceral form: the defense of
home and heart against an invading enemy. This purpose in turn became transformed for
many southern soldiers into hatred and a desire for revenge. McPherson, What They
Fought For, 1861-1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994), 18. On
Southern honor see Bertram Wyatt Brown, Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the
Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982); Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Yankee
Saints and Southern Sinners (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1985);
Bertram Wyatt-Brown, The Shaping of Southern Culture: Honor, Grace, and War,


128
these roles as both temporary and conditional. Rabie and Faust, for example, admit that
white Southern women initially helped recruit soldiers, sew battle flags and uniforms, and
prepare men for battle.2 Faust, however, emphasizes the bitterness and emotional
difficulties women felt when they sent loved ones to battle, joined sewing societies, and
lived in a society filled with white women and black slaves.3 Rabie similarly explains that
women expected that the wartime arrangements would be temporary. After periods
of hesitation and uncertainty, Rabie asserts, white women eventually chose not to
support a war that forced their gender roles out of joint. As a result, Rabie, like Faust,
concludes that women lost their faith in the Confederate crusade, and eventually
refused to support it 4
In short, Rabie and Faust assert that Southern women could not sustain support
for the Confederacy because to do so required them to suppress their feminine natures
and embrace masculine jobs and traits No nineteenth-century Southern lady, they
conclude, would willingly do such a thing for an extended period of time. Those who did
so, they consider aberrations who abandoned their femininity. In making this argument,
2 For a List of Flags Presented to Soldiers by Women of South Carolina, see
Mrs. Thomas Taylor, Mrs. A. T. Smythe, Mrs. August Kohn, Miss M. B. Poppenheim,
Miss Martha B. Washington, eds., South Carolina Women in the Confederacy: Volume 1
(Columbia, S.C.: The State Company, 1903), 117-121.
3 Faust, Mothers of Invention. 17, also see 15-33.
Rabie, Civil Wars. 112, 113, 119, 120.


131
The Civil War provoked both Northern and Southern white women, as it did men,
to subsume their personal interests in favor of a national cause. Through work in aid
societies, factories, and farms, white women became major suppliers of food, uniforms,
and other goods. Within weeks of the wars outset, white women had established at least
one thousand aid societies throughout the Confederacy.9 Most Southern towns had their
9 Faust, Mothers of Invention, 24. Southern Ladies Aid Societies laid out their
goals to help the Confederacy in many ways. For examples of membership lists,
constitutions, meeting announcements, and executive boards of societies formed in areas
that Sherman would later invade, see Ladies Association of Columbia for the Relief and
Comfort of the Families of Absent Soldiers in this City & its Vicinity, Bryce Family
Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia; Minutes of
the Proceedings of the Greenville Ladies Association in aid of the Volunteers of the
Confederate Army, Greenville Ladies Association in Aid of the Volunteers of the
Confederate Army, South Caroliniana Library; Proceedings of Soldiers Relief Association
[Charleston], 24 July 1861, Charleston Mercury; Ladies Auxiliary Christian Association
[Charleston], 26 July 1861, Charleston Mercury; Ladies Clothing Association
[Charleston], 7 August 1861, Charleston Mercury; Organization of Georgetown Relief
Association, 30 August 1861, Charleston Mercury; Minutes of the Ladies Relief
Association of Fairfield, in South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, 1: 36-53; Rules of
the Eutawville Aid Association, in South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, 1: 59-63;
Kershaw Ladies Aid Association, in South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, 1: 66;
Minutes of the Young Ladies Hospital Association of Columbia, South Carolina Women
in the Confederacy, 1: 88-93; Ladies Aid Society (Columbia, S.C.) Papers, South
Caroliniana Library; Ladies Benevolent Society (Charleston) Papers, South Caroliniana
Library; Ladies Relief Association of Plantersville Papers, James Ritchie Sparkman
Papers, South Caroliniana Library; Ladies Relief Association (Spartanburg) Papers,
South Caroliniana Library; Ladies Volunteer Aid Association Papers, South Caroliniana
Library; Minutes of Greenville, Georgia Soldiers Aid Society, United Daughters of the
Confederacy, LaGrange Chapter, Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta;
John G. Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1963), 260-261. A postwar list of the Womens Associations in South
Carolina for the Relief of Soldiers, contains one hundred aid societies in the state. See
South Carolina Women in the Confederacy. 1: 21-25.


173
growing status to help their region and families. These new women led the anti
lynching campaigns, worked for social reform, and became the suffragists of the New
South, while still working within traditionally feminine fields. Similarly, although
Massey recognized that in Union and Confederacy alike the very finest and the very
worst traits of American womanhood came to the surface, she asserted that her subjects
reacted as would women of any age.8
The most recent scholars give Southern women not only a voice, but also power
over what happened to them and the Civil War as a whole. Historians George C. Rabie,
Drew Gilpin Faust, and Laura F. Edwards, to name a few, all portray elite Southern
women as central participants in and shapers of the Confederacy. Nevertheless, these
scholars do not allow wartime women to step outside of the nineteenth-century
expectations of femininity and proper behavior of their own volition. The elite white
Southern civilians portrayed by Rabie and Faust, in particular, actively supported the
Confederacy at the outset of war but soon grew tired of and resented the traditionally
masculine duties they had to assume during wartime.9 Rabie asserts that despite their
8 Massey, Women in the Civil War, ix, x. Massey also contends that white
women supported secession out of emotions, not reason and would not have supported
it if they knew it meant war. Massey, Women in the Civil War, 27.
9 George C. Rabie, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989); Faust, Altars of Sacrifice, 113-140; Drew
Gilpin Faust, Trying to Do a Mans Business: Gender, Violence, and Slave
Management in Civil War Texas, in Southern Stories. 174-192; Faust, Mothers of


57
that although Columbia was once a beautiful & wealthy citythe pride of the South ,
when our army left it there was little left to mark the site except a blackened map of
smoking ruins.79 Many other reports mirrored this description. The troops left
nothing but a pile of ruins, a warning to future generations to beware of treason.80 In
the end, fire destroyed approximately one third of Columbia.81
excitement, a few to bum and destroy. & I & Capt. King for curiosity[,] As the flames
spread from street to street, soldiers running wild noisy and intoxicated[.] Citizens
hurrying to and fro[ ] Women & children frightened and often weeping, the crash of
falling buildings all presented a grand but sad seen of desolating ruin. Allen Morgan
Geer, 17 February 1865, The Civil War Diary of Allen Morgan Geer. Twentieth
Regiment, Illinois Volunteers, ed. Mary Ann Anderson (Bloomington: Robert C.
Appleman, 1977), 197.
79 Robert Stuart Finley to Mary A. Cabeen, 30 March 1865, Robert Stuart Finley
Papers, Southern Historical Collection.
80 Anthony J. Baurdick, 19 February 1865, Diary, Anthony J Baurdick Papers,
Emory University.
81 Nearly a century and a half later, scholars continue to debate whether Union or
Confederate troops initiated the blaze. The details of this debate have not changed much
since the controversy began immediately after the war. Although Sherman held that his
men had no role in the burning of the city, he acknowledged that others [Union soldiers)
not on duty, including the officers who had long been imprisoned there, rescued by us,
may have assisted in spreading the fire after it had once begun, and may have indulged in
unconcealed joy to see the ruin of the capital of South Carolina. William T. Sherman to
Henry W. Halleck, 4 April 1865, The Heros Own Story, 96. Union Colonel Oscar L.
Jackson recorded I believe it was not done by order by there seems to be a general
acquiescence in the work as a fit example to be made of the capital of the State that boasts
of being the cradle of secession and starting the war. Oscar L. Jackson, February 18,
1865. The Colonels Diary (Sharon. Penn.: n.p., 1922), 184. For a discussion of the
controversy, see Marion B. Lucas, Sherman and the Burning of Columbia (1976; reprint,
Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000),


102
[was] very glad it was only a dream & hope it will never happen.56 Widespread
uncertainty of Shermans intended path combined with the knowledge of the destruction
and terror his troops brought understandably rattled many Confederate women. In
Augusta, one commented on the terror facing her countrywomen. Sherman has burned
Atlanta, Jonesboro, and every place through which he passes. ... In the darkened annals
of history we do not read of any enemy like ours who wage war upon helpless women
and children.37
In preparation for Union attacks, women worked to get their valuables out of the
projected path of enemy soldiers. They knew that if Shermans troops arrived in their
towns, the men would burn their homes and ransack their possessions. M. A. Lark asked
her mother to take care of her valuables.
I am fearful I hear the yankeys are about to take Macon and it may
be they will come to A[u]gusta. . if their is any danger of them
coming there ... do if you please go down and get my best
things ... get all you can if their should be any danger... I do
56 Evelyn Harden Jackson, 31 October 1864, Harden Family Papers, Duke
University.
57 Sarah Elizabeth Bessie Wilson to J. H. Wilkes, 19 November 1864, Wilkes
Family Correspondence, Steel, Edward Marvin Papers, Collection of Heiskell,
McCampbell, Wilkes, and Steel Family Materials. Some women considered sending their
children elsewhere to get them out of the path of the invading army. For examples, see
Liz LaRoche to Carrie Jenkins, 14 January 1865, Micah Jenkins Papers, South
Caroliniana Library; Ellen Devereux Hinsdale to Daughter, 6 March 1865, Hinsdale
Family Papers, Duke University; Louisa Warren Patch Fletcher, 20 November [1864],
Louisa Warren Patch (Mrs. Dix) Fletcher Journal; Mary Bull Maxcy Leverett to Caroline
Pinckney Seabrook, 18 March 1865, Mary Maxcy Leverett Letter.


14
an elaborate fundraising bazaar for Southern soldiers. In particular, the bazaar
demonstrated to the invading soldiers that Confederate women would not easily be
subdued. The imminent approach of Union troops made it difficult to organize and stock
a fundraising bazaar, but instead of dampening womens enthusiasm, it inspired them to
redouble their efforts. Shermans March gave Confederate women a sense of immediacy
that motivated them to increase their work for Southern soldiers. Their knowledge of the
impending attack allowed white women to support the war effort as the Union invasion
directly threatened their homes and personal safety.
When confronted with Union troops in their homes and neighborhoods,
Confederate women discovered that their gender and class provided even less protection
than they had anticipated. Chapter 4, No Place, No Person is Sacred From Their
Profanation: Shermans March, asserts that Northern soldiers routinely and
purposefully violated the traditional norms that gave white women a protected status in
nineteenth-century America. This unprecedented attack on Southern domesticity and
homes forced white women to defend both their regional and gender identities.
Successfully adapting their femininity to one that included a defense of their homes and
their nation, Confederate women made clear their belief that Sherman and his troops were
inhuman, uncivilized, and capable of anything. These female Rebels responded to the
assault on domesticity and femininity by using it as an opportunity to intensify their
fight for their nation, their homes, and their loved ones. In doing this, they proudly


292
Ginzberg, Lori D. Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in
the Nineteenth-Century United States. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990.
Glatthaar, Joseph T. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Shermans Troops in the
Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
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Glidden, John M. A Yankee Views the Agony of Savannah. Edited by Frank Otto
Gatell. Georgia Historical Quarterly 43 (December 1959): 428-431.
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Sons, 1999
Gordon, Beverly. Bazaars and Fair Ladies: The History of the American Fundraising
Fair. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998.
Grantham, Dewey W. History, Mythology, and the Southern Lady. Southern Literary
Journal 3 (Spring 1971): 98-108.
Gray, John Chipman and John Codman Ropes. War Letters, 1862-1865 of John
Chipman Gray and John Codman Ropes. With Portraits. Cambridge, Mass:
Riverside Press, 1927.
Green, Anna Maria Cook. The Journal of a Milledgeville Girl, 1861-1867. Edited by
James C. Bonner. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1964.
Greenalch, James. Letters of James Greenalch. Edited by Kox Mellon, Jr. Michigan
History 44 (June 1960): 188-240.
Greenberg, Kenneth. Honor and Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks. Dressing as a
Woman, Gifts, Strangers. Humanitarianism, Death. Slave Rebellions, the
Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996.
Greenbie, Marjorie Barstow. Lincolns Daughters of Mercy. New York: G. P. Putnams
Sons, 1944.
Greenhow, Rose ONeal. My Imprisonment and the First Year of Abolition Rule in
Washington. London: n.p., 1863.
Griffith, Paddy. Battle Tactics of the Civil War. New Haven: Yale University Press,
1989.


116
Expecting harsh treatment by Union troops, many Confederate women refused to submit
to Northern power.
Confederate women did not confine their expressions of patriotism to private
correspondence or journals. A group of Charleston women made their Confederate
loyalty known through a letter to the Mercury. In this public format, they disdained
rumors that the city would be given up to the enemy after four years of fighting. We
have listened with grief and horror inexpressible to the hints of abandoning to our foes,
without a struggle. . We implore . fight for Charleston! Although they knew the
human costs, these women urged the leaders of Charleston to fight for every inch, and if
our men must die, let them die amid the blazing ruins of our homes; their souls rising
upwards on the flames which save our city from the pollution of our enemy. The
dishonor of surrender, they asserted, was not an option. Instead, if Charleston,
defended to the hour, must. . fall, let the Governor and her homesto sound of the guns
of our forts, as they send out their last defiance to the baffled foe.82
Confederate women also expressed their patriotism and reiterated their
expectation of protection to their government officials. One woman, in December 1864,
addressed her concerns about the advance of Shermans troops toward South Carolina to
82 Many Wives and Mothers of Charleston to the Editor of the Charleston
Mercury, 24 January 1865, in South Carolina Women in the Confederacy: Volume 2. ed.
Mrs. James Conner, Mrs. Thomas Taylor, Mrs. A. T. Smythe, Mrs. August Kohn, Miss
Mary B. Poppenheim (Columbia, SC., The State Company, 1907), 85-86.


286
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Cogan, Frances. All-American Girl: The Ideal of Real Womanhood in Mid-Nineteenth-
Centurv America. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1989.
Cohen, Fanny Yates. Fanny Cohens Journal of Shermans Occupation of Savannah.
Edited by Spencer B. King. Georgia Historical Quarterly 41 (December 1957):
407-416.
Coleman, Kenneth, ed. Athens, 1861-1865: As Seen Through Letters in the University
of Georgia Libraries. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1969.
Conner, Mrs. James Mrs. Thomas Taylor, Mrs. A. T. Smythe, Mrs. August Kohn, Miss
Mary B. Poppenheim, Miss Martha B. Washington, eds. South Carolina Women
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University Press, 1993.
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and the Woman: War, Gender, and Literary Representation. Chapel Hill:
University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1989.
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1835. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977.
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304
Roark, James L. Behind the Lines: Confederate Economy and Society. In Writing the
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William J. Cooper, Jr., 201-227. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press,
1998.
. Slaves Without Masters: Southern Planters in the Civil War and
Reconstruction. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1977.
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County, Georgia. Georgia Historical Quarterly 60 (Winter 1976): 356-369.
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Press, 1992.
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Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1964.
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Relations: Gender. Journal of American History 77 (June 1990): 116-124.
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265.
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Americans. New York: Vintage Books, 1993.


ordinance.41 Once again, as part of Shermans psychological tactics, they wanted to
humiliate Confederates to demonstrate the power of the Union army.
Although Sherman had designated a specific group of men as official foragers for
his Army and directed them to gather only food and supplies for the troops, Shermans
Bummers as well as other soldiers often seized personal property as souvenirs of their
service.42 Womens clothes, letters, linens, jewelry, silver, household furnishings, sewing
supplies, baby clothes, and dishes often became the spoils of war. None of these items
would directly help the Union militarily, but an attack on them struck at the heart of
white Southern womens lives.43 According to some of Shermans men, few homes
escaped the foraging. House Robbing has become universal, Union Chaplain John J.
Hight wrote. I do not mean all of the men rob houses, but all the houses are robbed 44
Union soldiers seized whatever they could get their hands on from Confederate
civilians. The Boys [took] a great many things of value they went into Private houses
41 John C. Van Duzer, 22 November 1864, John C. Van Duzer Diary, Duke
University; James C. Bonner, Sherman at Milledgeville in 1864, Journal of Southern
History 22 (January 1931): 41-54.
42 For a discussion of foraging and bumming during Shermans March through
Georgia, see Lee Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 263-287. Also see Marszalek,
Sherman, 301-302.
43 Lee Kennett notes Union soldiers fascination with womens sweet little
notes and letters. Kennett, Marching Through Georgia, 89.
44 John J. Hight, 22 February 1865, History of the Fifty-Eighth Regiment, 487.


7
maintained long-standing ideas about women and womanhood, only allowing their
subjects to act in prototypically feminine or feminist ways. As a result, they have
confined women to their own separate sphere in Civil War history. This segregation does
not allow for a nuanced understanding of Shermans March, the Southern homefront,
Confederate women, or the war
Womens marginalization in Civil War history, and in Confederate history in
particular, reflects the contours of Southern womens history. Despite the general
consensus regarding the mythologized ideal of the Southern lady, scholars of slaveholding
women disagree over the extent to which their subjects embraced their society. Some, like
Catherine Clinton, assert that the plantation mistress lived between worlds, privileged
by her class and race while constrained by her gender. In the antebellum South, Clinton
argues, white men ruled, and both white women and slaves served the same master.
This was not a comfortable position for slaveholding women to hold, but women did not
resist as much as resent this system. Elite white women, in this interpretation, found
DeAnne Blanton, Women Soldiers of the Civil War, Prologue: The Journal of the
National Archives 25 (Spring 1993): 27-35; Lyde Cullen Sizer, Acting Her Part:
Narratives of Union Women Spies, in Divided Houses. 114-133; Janet Kaufmann,
Under the Petticoat Flag: Women Soldiers in the Confederate Army, Southern Studies
23 (Winter 1984): 24-31; Kay C. Larson, Bonnie Yank and Ginnie Reb, Minerva 8
(Spring 1990): 33-48; Nancy Samuelson, Employment of Female Spies in the American
Civil War, Minerva 7 (Spring 1989): 57-66.


110
Allen, condemned Sherman's imminent entry into the Palmetto State. He asserted that
[Sherman] ought not by any means be allowed to enter for says he: they have a grudge
against our state. Allen confirmed Southern fears. Never spoke rebel truer! they have
got a grudge, and S Carolinians will all know it before long."72 Female South Carolinians
also knew that the Union soldiers aimed their campaign at white women and the trappings
of domesticity in the first state to secede. In January 1865, as Sherman approached
Charleston, one woman feared that if we remain where we are, a parish of helpless
women all alone, we would be subjected to the cruelties, and insults of lawless raiding
parties. Even so, we have all determined to remain where we are for the present and if
it must be so that our dear City shall fall, then we will all go there and meet our fate.
This decision, she insisted, it is not the hasty conclusion of a few, but nearly every
one. ... All in our neighbourhood intend doing the same. This group of women would
willingly remain in the path of danger to show their loyalty to the Confederacy. During
wartime, she explained we all have to make sacrifices, the time is near at hand, when we
too, are to suffer as our sister States have done.73 Although she knew from newspapers
and letters that women had faced the brunt of Shermans destruction in Georgia, this
72 Edward W. Allen to James and Emily Allen, 4 February 1865, Edward W. Allen
Papers Southern Historical Collection.
73 Sarah to Hattie Taylor Tennent, 9 January 1865, Edward Smith Tennent
Papers. Also see Edmondston, 31 March 1865, Journal of a Secesh Lady, 386.


55
thus far are in ashes.73 As the soldiers made their way northward through South
Carolina, they burned at least a dozen towns. Parts of Gillisonville, Grahamville,
Hardeeville, McPhersonville, Springfield, Robertsville, Lawtonville, Barnwell, Blackville,
Midway, Orangeburg, and Lexington all went up in flames. The soldiers watched South
Carolina . getting badly scorched with satisfaction.74 As men and Northerners, Union
troops put Rebels in their place.75
73 Sebastian Duncan to Mother, 1 February 1865, as cited in Glatthaar, March to
the Sea and Beyond, 140.
74 Sylvester Daniels, 18 February 1865, Sylvester Daniels Diary Typescript. The
Union desire to wreak vengeance on South Carolina was not a new one. A full year before
Shermans March began, Isaac Jackson hoped for a chance to punish South Carolina
soldiers on the field of battle. No man ever looked forward to any event with more joy
than did our boys to have a chance to meet the sons of the mothers of traitors, South
Carolina. Isaac Jackson to Moses and Phebe Jackson, 13 July 1863, Some of the
Bovs . The Civil War Letters of Isaac Jackson, 1862-1865, ed. Joseph Orville
Jackson (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1960), 111
75 Shermans men left countless descriptions of the destruction, especially in
South Carolina, the home of secessions instigators. For examples, see Charles W. Wills,
Army Life of an Illinois Soldier Including a Day-by-Dav Record of Shermans March to
the Sea: Letters and Diary of Charles W. Wills, ed. Mary E. Kellogg, (Carbondale:
Southern Illinois University Press, 1996); C. C. Platter Journal, Hargrett Rare Book and
Manuscript Library, University of Georgia, Athens; Charles G. Ward Diary, South
Caroliniana Library; Thomas Ford to Mr. William, 28 March 1865, Thofmas] R. Ford
Letter, South Caroliniana Library; David P. Conyngham, Shermans March Through the
South with Sketches and Incidents of the Campaign (New York: Sheldon and Company,
1865); Samuel Augustus Duncan to Julia Jones, 15 March, 1865, in Yankee
Correspondence. 51.


300
. The Politics of Yeoman Households in South Carolina. In Divided Houses:
Gender and the Civil War, edited by Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber, 22-38.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
. The Two Faces of Republicanism: Gender and Proslavery Politics in
Antebellum South Carolina. Journal of American History 78 (March 1992):
1245-1264.
McDonough, James Lee and James Pickett Jones. War So Terrible: Sherman and Atlanta.
New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987.
McGuire, Judith White. Diary of a Southern Refugee. During the War. Richmond: J. W.
Randolph & English, Publishers, 1889.
McKitrick, Eric L. Party Politics and the Union and Confederate War Efforts. In The
American Party Systems, edited by William Nisbet Chambers and Walter Dean
Burnham, 117-151. New York: Oxford University Press, 1967.
McMurry, Richard M. Confederate Morale in the Atlanta Campaign of 1864. Georgia
Historical Quarterly 54 (Summer 1970): 226-243.
McNeill, William J. A Survey of Confederate Solider Morale During Shermans
Campaign Through Georgia and the Carolinas. Georgia Historical Quarterly 55
(Spring 1971): 1-25.
McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. New York:
Ballantine Books, 1988
. Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1996.
. For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1997.
. What They Fought For, 1861-1865. Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press,
1994.
McPherson, James M. and William J. Cooper, Jr., eds. Writing the Civil War: The Quest
to Understand. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1998.


204
it a high compliment, that I was delighted to find I was able to do so much for my
country.62 Harriott Middleton received a similar compliment. In her description of the
destruction of Columbia, she recorded a comment by the Union soldiers. As for the
women, [the Union soldiers] said the women in Carolina were the pluckiest, the bravest,
the most outspoken they had met in the South and they said, We admire it so much.63
Although some of his soldiers praised Confederate women, Sherman was not so
complimentary in his assessment of them. In his mind, their patriotism had led to no
good. Ellen Devereux Hinsdale related a story of one womans confrontation with
Sherman. According to the story, he cursed the women called us dd rebels, & the cause
of the trouble in the country .64
62 Emma Holmes, 4 March 1865, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes. 1861-1866,
ed. John F. Marszalek (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), 402.
63 Harriott Middleton to Susan Middleton, 2 March 1865, Middleton
Correspondence, 1861-1865, ed. Isabella Middleton Leland, South Carolina Historical
Magazine 65 (April 1964), 103. Also see Marrie to Sallie Lawton, 15 April 1865,
Willingham and Lawton Families Papers, South Caroliniana Library.
64 Ellen Devereux Hinsdale to Child, 23 March 1865, Hinsdale Family Papers.
Hinsdale also notes that in this confrontation Sherman threatened that the next time he
comes here he will treat us as the Indians would. Also see Sue Sample, 29 November
1864, in When Sherman Came, 48.
Union Major Henry Hitchcock also judged Southern womens role in the rebellion
as a vital one. He questioned one young woman with her role in the war. You have or
had influence with [Southern men]did you ever use it to keep them at home? She
admitted she had not, and that if they hadnt gone to the war, women would have called
them cowards, etc., etc. As a result, Hitchcock blamed her, in part, for the start and
continuation of the war: you have done all you could to help the war, and have not done


104
glimpse at her sacred inner thoughts. However, if they did succeed in seizing her journals,
she asserted, she wanted them to know her honest sentiments toward Yankees. Any
soldier who intruded on her domesticity and read her private thoughts, would be treated
to Rogers fiery opinions. One thing certain is if this book should ever fall in their
hands, she wrote, I want them to know that I hate, loathe and abhor the very scent,
sight & name of a Yankee with all my heart, soul, mind, and body. Rogers further
asserted that this these were no shallow boasts of patriotism but that this assertion I
would stick to if they were to point a thousand bayonets at me at once.61 In North
Carolina, Catherine Edmondston had similar fears. And now, old friend, you my
Journal, for a time good bye! You are too bulky to be kept out, exposed to prying
Yankee eyes and theivish Yankee fingers. To prevent her story from being exposed, her
journal would go for a season to darkness & solitude and her record must henceforth
be kept on scraps of paper, backs of letters, or old memorandum books which I can
secrete. Edmondston knew that the bumming officers would seize upon the Journal of
a Secesh Ladya complete record of a daily life spent in the Southern Confederacy from
July 1860 to April 65. If that happened, she realized she would feel horrible thus
61 Loula Kendall Rogers, 17 November 1864, Loula Kendall Rogers Papers.


slaveholding and plantation life a burden. 9 Others disagree. Instead, they argue,
slaveholding women, who never figured as mere passive victims of male dominance,
benefited from the membership in a ruling class. Elite white women, in this view, served
as proponents rather than detractors of the South and its social order. Once again
debunking the myth of the Southern lady, these scholars place elite white women at the
core of Southern slaveholding culture Women not only benefited from slavery, but they
also embraced it. Slaveholding women, like their husbands, fathers, brothers, and sons,
often treated slaves cruelly, avidly supported secession, resented abolitionist
intervention, and adhered to the tenets of Southern honor 10
9 Catherine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress: Womans World in the Old South
(New York: Pantheon Press, 1982), 35, 180-198. Also see Anne Firor Scott, The
Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics. 1830-1930, 48-53; Anne Firor Scott,
Womens Perspective on the Patriarchy, Journal of American Flistorv 61 (June 1974):
52-64; Alexis Girardin Brown, The Women Left Behind: The Transformation of the
Southern Belle, 1840-1880, The Historian 62 (2000): 759-778; Kent Anderson Leslie,
A Myth of the Southern Lady: Antebellum Proslavery Rhetoric and the Proper Place of
Woman, Sociological Spectrum 6 (January 1986): 31-49; Maxine P. Atkinson and
Jacqueline Boles, The Shaky Pedestal: Southern Ladies Yesterday and Today,
Southern Studies 24 (Winter 1985): 398-406; Kathryn L. Seidel, The Southern Belle as
an Antebellum Ideal, Southern Quarterly 15 (July 1977): 387-401; Margaret Ripley
Wolfe, The Southern Lady: Long Suffering Counterpart of the Good Ole Boy, Journal
of Popular Culture 11 (Summer 1977): 18-27; Dewey W Grantham, History,
Mythology, and the Southern Lady, Southern Literary Journal 3 (Spring 1971): 98-108.
10 Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White in
the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 44, 197-198,
334-371; Jean E. Friedman, The Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the
Evangelical South, 1830-1900 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985),
87-91; Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), esp. 232-233; Nell Irvin Painter, The


160
Cause at Home to collect donations for sale at the event. They hoped that the people of
the South would offer that generous support to which [the Bazaar] is so well entitled
from every motive of humanity and patriotism.67 In addition, Columbias women sent
personal pleas of help. In a letter to a friend outside of South Carolina one woman
writefsl & beg[s1-Delia, Patti, yourself- Mrs Brown & all interested in the soldiers to
make some little fancy articles for our Table, & send them to me either by express, or
some one coming to this place. The efforts of all of these women were necessary not
only to raise money, but also because the letters writer would be very much mortified if
the table over which we preside, is anything but a success. In closing, the woman
pleaded with her friends to exert yourselves & comply with my request.68
To honor participants throughout the South, the organizers of the Bazaar played
up state and Confederate pride in its displays. The flags of each of the eleven
Confederate States flew above tables highlighting the contributions from their respective
states in the House and the Senate.69 Grace Brown Elmore commented on the symbolism
67 To the Friends of the Southern Cause at Home, 5 November 1864, Mary
Amarinthia Snowden Collection. The organizers had previously sent a broadside overseas
to enlist the help of Confederate sympathizers. See To the Friends of the Cause of the
Confederate States, 31 May 1864, Mary Amarinthia Snowden Collection.
68 Adelaide L, Stuart to [?]te, 7 November 1864, John B. S. Dimitry Papers, Duke
University.
69 Emma LeConte, 18 January 1865, Emma LeConte Diary. Also see Mary
Boykin Chesnut, 17 January 1865, Mary Chesnuts Civil War. 705.


261
might reveal the condition of their families and homes. In agony of suspense, they
anxiously fretted over the fates of their women.5 Georgian J. M. Sharp showed particular
concern for the lack of information coming from the homeffont. During the Atlanta
campaign, he revealed his exasperation. What would I give for a letter direct from you to
[k]now exactly how you are Situated.6 Five months later, after Shermans troops had
pillaged their way across his home state, he had still heard nothing. I have wrote you so
many letters & have got none from you. Fie feared the worst, and decided I will do all I
can to get to go home my self & if they fool with me much I will go any how.7 Similarly,
because John Alfred Feister Coleman had no news from home, he was in great
suspense. Coleman never wanted to hear so bad before since the war began. He
fear[ed] that my all is destroyed, my wife and children without food or shelter. The
lack of reliable information made matters worse.8 Countless other soldiers dreaded the
5 Samuel Hoey Walkup, 6 March 1865, Samuel Hoey Walkup Diary, Rare Book,
Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina.
6 J. M. Sharp to Eliza Sharp, 16 August 1864, Confederate Miscellany I, Special
Collections Department, Robert W. Woodruff Library, Emory University, Atlanta,
Georgia.
7 J. M. Sharp to Eliza Sharp, 24 January 1865, Confederate Miscellany I. Also
see J. M. Sharp to Eliza Sharp, 9 August 1864 and 11 September 1864, Confederate
Miscellany I.
John Alfred Feister Coleman, 4 March 1865, Confederate Miscellany I.


96
they consider Shermans orders inhumane, but they also objected to the timing. From
Ravenswood, Georgia, one woman denounced the evacuation of Atlanta. How dreadful
for women and children to be turned out of doors homeless, just at the beginning of
winter. Such tactics shocked her. In the darkened annals of history we do not read of
any enemy like ours who wage[s] war upon helpless women and children.45 For
Gertrude Thomas, Shermans evacuation of Atlanta demonstrated her own precarious
situation. I had decided that in case of the Yankees taking possession of Augusta I
would remain there if I could, but the exiles of Atlanta has taught me that a different
destiny awaits me if Sherman reaches here. On the possibility of Shermans troops
arriving in Augusta, Thomas noted that he will do so I firmly believe to be only a matter
of time.46 North Carolinian Catherine Edmondston despised such conduct. In Atlanta
[Sherman] promulgated an Order so infamous that a Russian example must be sought if
we would find a paral[l]el amongs[t] civilized nations. She fumed that he finds it for
the interest of the U S that every inhabitant should be banished from Atlanta & its
vicinity. Instead of subduing the Confederates, Edmondston expected Shermans
evacuation of Atlanta to strengthen the Southern cause. What can he expect but
45 Sarah Elizabeth Wilson to J. H. Wilkes, 19 November 1864, Edward Marvin
Steel Papers, Collection of Heiskell, McCampbell, Wilkes, and Steel Family Materials,
Wilkes Family Correspondence, Southern Historical Collection, University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill.
46 Ella Gertrude Clanton Thomas, 23 September 1864, The Secret Eve. 238.


Ill
Confederate patriot readied herself to confront Union troops even though she was
convinced that the experiences in the seedbed of secession, would prove even worse.
Other white South Carolina women similarly acknowledged both their
vulnerability on the homeffont and their continued confidence in their nation. Louisa
Pearce recognized that we poor females must await the issue be what it may: whether
our portion of the State will be overrun by these Vandals who have no limit to their
depredations, their outrages and insults. In Melrose, South Carolina, the civilians
[were] left, a community of females, of old men and children~to be invaded by those
hateful Yankees, and not a soldier to raise an arm to defend us! Despite this, she
reassured her friend, you must not imagine there is any fear or panic among us. Instead,
every face is as quiet and every duty as energetically performed, as though there was not
a Yankee in a thousand miles of us. None of the residents had evacuated in the face of
invasion, but instead the country is filled with refugees from the lower part of the state.
Pearce asserted that there is a cheerfulness that can only belong to a people who have
confidence in the protection of God to our just cause, and to the bravery of a people who
will never submit to Yankee dominion. As for herself, she would rather be a subject
[of] England, of Franceeven of Russia, than a free (?) citizen of their vile government!74
74 Louisa Jane Harllee Pearce to Amelia, [1865], Louisa Jane Harllee Pearce Letter,
Benjamin H. Teague Papers, 1846-1921, South Carolina Historical Society. A Union
officer on the march recorded a conversation with a Georgia woman who said something
quite similar. If you whip us. . we will throw ourselves into the arms of France, which


141
Initial reports of Shermans wide swath of destruction from Atlanta to Savannah
alerted white women to the coming perils. Stories of the Union plunder of food stores,
burning of houses, as well as destruction of clothes, housewares, and furniture made clear
the domestic purposes of the march. Sherman, they realized, would not spare women or
households, but had instead targeted them as he struck at the heart of Southern
domesticity. In addition, the women of Georgia and the Carolinas understood that they
would not emerge from the war unscathed. Grace Brown Elmore of South Carolina noted
that with the fall of Savannah all our hopes of escape from the horrors of war have
vanished, we feel almost as sure of Shermans reaching Columbia before long as if he were
already here. Consequently, every one is preparing for his reception.32 By
preparing, however, Elmore did not mean fleeing. Instead of retreating, many
repeatedly, see Sarah Jane Sams Letter, South Caroliniana Library; Catherine Ann
Devereux Edmondston, Journal of a Secesh Lady; Emma LeConte Diary, Southern
Historical Collection; Minerva Leah Rowles McClatchey, McClatchey Family Papers,
Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta; Kate Crosland to Bea and Nellie,
Thomas M. McIntosh Papers, Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library,
Duke University, Durham, North Carolina; Sarah to Hattie Taylor Tennent, Edward
Smith Tennent Papers; Fannie to Addie Worth, Jonathan Worth Papers, Southern
Historical Collection; Louisa Jane Harllee Pearce to Amelia, Louisa Jane Harllee Pearce
Letter, Benjamin H. Teague Papers, 1846-1921, South Carolina Historical Society,
Charleston; Susan and Harriott Middleton Correspondence, Cheves-Middleton Papers,
South Carolina Historical Society; Susan Bowen Lining to Sister, 16 March 1865, Susan
Bowen Lining Letter, South Carolina Historical Society; Hinsdale Family Papers, Duke
University.
32 Grace Brown Elmore, 24 December 1864, A Heritage of Woe: The Civil War
Diary of Grace Brown Elmore, 1861-1868. ed. Marli F. Weiner (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 1997), 199.


294
Hitchcock, Henry. Marching With Sherman; Passages from the Letters and Campaign
Diaries of Henry Hitchcock, Major Assistant Adjutant General of Volunteers,
November 1864-May 1865. Edited by M. A. DeWolfe Howe. Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1995.
Hoehling, A. A. Last Train From Atlanta. New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1958.
Hoganson, Kristin. Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the
Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1998.
Holmes, Charlotte R., ed. The Burckmyer Letters. March, 1865 June, 1865. Columbia,
S.C.: The State Company, 1926.
Holmes, Emma The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 1861-1866. Edited by John F.
Marszalek. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979.
Holmes, J. Taylor. 52d Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Then and Now. Columbus, Ohio:
Berlin Print, 1898.
Horton, Dexter. Dairy of an Officer in Shermans Army Marching Through the
Carolinas. Edited by Clement Eaton. Journal of Southern History 9 (May
1943): 238-254.
Hough, Alfred Lacey. Soldiering in the West: The Civil War Letters of Alfred Lacey
Hough. Edited by Robert G. Atheam. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press, 1957.
Howard, Frances Thomas. In and Out of the Lines: An Accurate Account of the
Incidents During the Occupation of Georgia by Federal Troops in 1864-65. New
York: Neale Publishing Company, 1905.
Hubert, Charles F. History of the Fiftieth Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry. Kansas
City, Mo.: Western Veteran Publishing Company, 1894.
Huff, Lawrence. A Bitter Draught We Had to Quaff: Shermans March Through the
Eyes of Joseph Addison Turner. Georgia Historical Quarterly 72 (Summer
1988): 306-326.
Huston, Nancy. Tales of War and Tears of Women. Womens Studies International
Forum 5 (1982): 271-283.


3
conceived of white Southern women as Confederates, rebels, and enemies, and treated
them accordingly.
As he planned the Georgia and Carolinas campaign, Sherman specified goals that
clearly targeted Southern women and their domestic worlds Hoping to make Georgia
howl and the South as a whole submit, Sherman ordered his troops to wage hard war.
In addition to forag[ing] liberally for food and destroying Confederate supply lines,
Shermans men struck at domestic and female targets.3 Union troops attacked the
trappings of domesticitywomens wardrobes, fine china, silver candlesticks, glass vases,
private journals, and fancy linens. They also deliberately ransacked spaces defined as
domestic, not only the house as a whole, but also womens bedrooms and private
chambers Destruction on this level extended to the breaking of those items that would
not necessarily directly assist the Confederate war effort, and instead struck at the heart
of the feminine sphere. As the focus of this Union campaign, the white women in
Georgia and the Carolinas could not help but participate as central actors in the Civil War
A study of Shermans March provides an ideal opportunity to take women and gender
3 William T. Sherman to Ulysses S. Grant, 6 November 1864, The War of the
Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies,
130vols (Washington, D C.: Government Printing Office, 1881-1902), Ser 1, Vol. 39,
Pt. 3: 660 [hereafter cited as Official Records!; Mark Grimsley The Hard Hand of War:
Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1995), 3-4; Special Field Orders No. 120, 9 November 1864, Official
Records. Ser. 1, Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 713.


80
linked us with Black Republicans and Abolitionists.15 Holmes was not alone in her anti-
Union sentiments. Women across the South longed to join South Carolina and break free
from the United States, On January 3, 1861 Anna Maria Cook wrote, I hope before
long Georgia will be with South Carolina seceded from the Union.16 When Georgia
finally seceded, another rejoiced: the very name of Georgian is of itself a heritage to
boast of. I have always been proud of my native state but never more so than now.
Nobly has she responded to the call for troops.17 Although the horrors of war would
dampen some of these womens initial enthusiasm, many took an active and educated part
in the movement to separate South from North. White womens political awareness gave
them the confidence to voice their opinions to the men of their family and the knowledge
that their husbands, fathers, and brothers would listen to these ideas.18
15 Emma Holmes, 13 February 1861, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 1.
16 Anna Maria Cook Green, 3 January 1861, The Journal of a Milledgeville Girl. 9.
17 Gertrude Thomas, 13 July 1861, The Secret Eye, 184.
18 Emma Mordecai wrote, Our dear mother ... is satisfied that her anxious wish
for Virginia to secede has be gratified. Emma Mordecai to Alfred Mordecai, 21 April
1861, Alfred Mordecai Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Mary Boykin
Chesnut expressed her support of secession with a justification of it. My father was a
South Carolina Nullifier .... So I was of necessity a rebel born. Mary Boykin Chesnut,
18 February 1861, The Private Mary Chesnut: The Unpublished Civil War Diaries, ed.
C. Vann Woodward and Elisabeth Muhlenfeld, (New York: Oxford University Press,
1984), 4. Judith McGuire longed for her state to separate from the Union: I. . now
most earnestly hope that the voice of Virginia may give no uncertain sound; that she may
leave [the Union] with a shout. Judith White McGuire, 21 May 1861, Diary of a


154
Women farther expanded their domestic duties by cooking for and feeding
soldiers In addition to the time and effort involved, their work as food suppliers required
Southern civilians to share their own meager foodstuffs. In early February 1865, with
Sherman and his troops marching towards her state, one South Carolina woman spent her
entire morning and most of her supplies feeding hundreds of Confederate soldiers near her
town. The Regt. arrived from Virginia this morning, we prepared breakfast for some of
the officers, but only Maj Furgeson came, [so we] sent Noah with everything we could
prepare in a hurry to the camp.56 As Confederate soldiers moved through Southern
cities and towns, women provided them with the necessary sustenance to continue their
battlefield duties. Soldiers in Southern hospitals benefited from womens green thumbs.
From their gardens large quantities of vegetables are sent to us, John Peter Kendall
wrote. He was particularly impressed because he thought it quite a luxury to get
Papers, Duke University.
56 Mary Gayle Aiken, 7 February 1865, Aiken Family Papers, South Caroliniana
Library. Womens roles as the preparers of food for the Confederacy began early in the
war. For example, from a Georgia hospital, one Confederate soldier bragged we have
plenty to eat at this hopitle and the cleverist ladyes round hear you ever saw[ ] you can
go to thare houess and get milk butter coffey buisquit potatoes pyes custards and all
kinds of goo[d] meates that you can call for and surrups of ever[y] kind ask one what
thay charge a thare reply is that you must come back a gain and get more oh they are so
very good to me I will hate very mutch to leave them for I dont know when I will meat
with a nother chance like this for good eating. William C. Honnoll to Decater Honnoll,
11 December 1863, Honnoll Family Correspondence, Emory University.


219
because white Southern women from all walks of life intentionally chose to withdraw
their support for the war. Their reactions to the war, they argue, demonstrated that
women were uncomfortable acting outside of traditional nineteenth century gender roles.
In the process, Faust and Rabie both over-emphasize the essentialist gender ideals which
require women to nurture and protect. Women, they assume, could not support war
because it was antithetical to their nature.7
Despite their dreary assessment of womens morale in 1864 and 1865, most
historians of the period concede that white Southern women enthusiastically supported
and believed in the Confederate war effort at the outset.8 Despite this acknowledgment of
womens early efforts, Faust explicitly argues that white women eventually sabotaged the
Confederate war effort. Southern women undermined both objective and ideological
foundations for the Confederate effort; they directly subverted the Souths military and
Carolina Historical Review 69 (October 1992): 388-413; Joan Cashin, Since the War
Broke Out: The Marriage of Kate and William McLure, in Divided Flouses; Gender
and the Civil War, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1992), 200-212.
7 Faust, Mothers of Invention; Faust, Altars of Sacrifice, 113-140; Rabie, Civil
Wars; See also Edwards, Scarlett Doesnt Live Here Anymore, 82-83; Jonathan Bryant,
How Curious a Land: Conflict and Change in Greene County, Georgia, 1850-1885
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 82-83. See also Judith Hicks
Stiehm, The Protected, The Protector, The Defender, Womens Studies International
Forum 5 (1982): 367-376, esp. 374; Nancy Huston, Tales of War and Tears ofWomen,
Womens Studies International Forum 5 (1982): 271-283.
See Chapter 3.


30
the families of [his] enemies.17 A hostile civilian population would not only impede
military activities, Sherman asserted, but it would also unnecessarily burden the Union
army, who would have to feed and shelter the helpless women and children.
Despite widespread agreement with, and support of, Shermans evacuation policy
in Atlanta, Northern soldiers grappled with the moral implications of a direct assault on
white women. Some Union men struggled with ingrained conceptions of gender ideals and
the contradictions that arose as so-called necessities of war. For example, Ohio army
surgeon J. Dexter Cotton revealed to his wife his somewhat ambivalent support for the
order and justified it with out reference to military tactics. It seems very hard, he
explained, but serves them right for most of the women of the south are generally
stronger secessfionists] than the men. In the end, Cotton decided that, despite their class
and gender and the protections that normally accompanied them, these Confederate
women deserved to be ousted from their homes and stripped of their property because
they helped initiate and continued to support the rebellion.18 A Union chaplain came to a
Animadversions of Secretary Stanton and General Halleck; with a Defence of his
Proceedings, &c. (New York: Bunce & Huntington, Publishers, 1865), 60.
17 William T. Sherman to Henry W. Halleck, 9 September 1864, Official Records,
Ser. 1, Vol. 38, Pt. 5: 839.
18 J. Dexter Cotton to Wife, 17 September 1864, J. Dexter Cotton Papers, Library
of Congress, Washington, D.C. H. D. Chapman came to a similar conclusion. He did
feel sorry for the women and innocent children. , But our army is here and must be


51
everything.65 If in 1864 the devilish Southerners insisted on continued support of
their misguided and malicious cause, Union troops remained equally determined to punish
them for their actions.
Shermans soldiers freed thousands of the slaves that they encountered on Georgia
and Carolina plantations as they destroyed the trappings of slavery, such as cotton fields,
gin houses, plantation homes, and agricultural equipment. From Savannah, Sherman
issued Special Field Orders, No. 15 on January 16, 1865, granting freedpeople full control
of the sea islands as well as coastal land thirty miles inland from Charleston, South
Carolina to Jacksonville, Florida. Many Southern blacks followed the Union troops,
hoping to gain their freedom in the ranks of the Union. Some served as spies for
Shermans army. Others cheered as the Union troops passed by. Although some officers
were kind to the escaped slaves who followed the army, others allowed racist attitudes to
govern their actions.66
65 John M. Glidden to William H. Gardiner, 29 January 1865, A Yankee Views
the Agony of Savannah, ed. Frank Otto Gatell, Georgia Historical Quarterly 43
(December 1959): 429.
66 The impact of Shermans March on slaves has been explored in Edmund L.
Drago, How Shermans March Through Georgia Affected the Slaves, Georgia
Historical Quarterly 57 (Fall 1973): 361-375; Willie Lee Rose, Rehearsal for
Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc.,
1964); Leslie Schwalm, A Hard Fight for We: Womens Transition from Slavery to
Freedom in South Carolina (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997); Dylan
Penningroth, Slavery, Freedom, and Social Claims to Property among African Americans
in Liberty County, Georgia, 1850-1880, Journal of American History 84 (September


297
Kierner, Cynthia A. Beyond the Household: Womens Place in the Early South, 1700-
1835, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998.
. Hospitality, Sociability, and Gender in the Southern Colonies. Journal of
Southern History 62 (August 1996): 449-480.
. Womens Piety Within Patriarchy: The Religious Life of Martha Hancock
Wheat ofBedford County . Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 100
(January 1992): 79-98.
Kilbride, Daniel. Cultivation, Conservatism, and the Early National Gentry: The
Manigault Family and Their Circle. Journal of the Early Republic 19 (Summer
1999): 221-256.
Kinchen, Oscar A. Women Who Spied for the Blue and the Gray. Philadelphia:
Dorrance & Company, 1972.
Lane, Mills, ed. Dear Mother: Dont grieve about me. If I get killed. Ill only be dead :
Letters from Georgia Soldiers in the Civil War. 1977. Reprint, Savannah: Beehive
Press, 1990.
Larson, Kay C. Bonnie Yank and Ginnie Reb. Minerva 8 (Spring 1990): 33-48.
Lebergott, Stanley. Why the South Lost: Commercial Purpose in the Confederacy,
1861-1865. Journal of American History 70 (June 1983): 58-74.
Lebsock, Suzanne. The Free Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern
Town, 1784-1860. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1984.
LeConte, Emma. When the World Ended: The Diary of Emma LeConte. Edited by Earl
Schenck Miers. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957).
Leonard, Elizabeth D. All the Daring of the Soldier: Women of the Civil War Armies.
New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1999.
. Civil War Nurse, Civil War Nursing: Rebecca Usher of Maine. Civil War
History 41 (September 1995): 190-207.
. Yankee Women: Gender Battles in the Civil War. New York: W. W. Norton &
Company, 1994.
Lepore, Jill. The Name of War: King Philips War and the Origins of American Identity.
New York: Vintage Books, 1998.


183
view of the invasion of domestic space as both unprovoked and unforgivable.25 North
Carolinian Eliza Tillinghast summed her reactions up by noting that a visit from the
Yankee Army is not calculated to make us love the hated race any more because to have
our private apartments at the mercy of rabble soldiery is not particularly pleasant, Every
box, drawer, trunk, closet, . and cranny in this house was turned inside out and
thoroughly searc[h]ed by Shermans men.26 Other women came to similar assessments.
This breach of civility made Union soldiers seem hardly human to the Confederate
women who confronted them. From Georgia, Dolly Lunt Burge described her chaotic
experiences in terms similar to those found throughout womens letters and diaries. Like
Demons they rush in My yards are full. To my smoke house, my Dairy, Pantry,
kitchen & cellar like famished wolves they come, breaking locks & whatever is in their
way .27 The inhumanity of the invading soldiers, portrayed by many as vicious animals,
demons, devils, fiends incarnate, Vandals, and Goths, confirmed Confederate
25 Southern womens responses to the invasion of domestic space demonstrates
the nineteenth-century belief in the home as womens domain. Although some modem
scholars often see women as confined in the domestic sphere, contemporary women saw
this as their place of power. They controlled all that happened in the home and therefore
fought to protect this realm. The women of the South refused to take the Union invasion
of their homes and domestic domain without a fight.
26 Eliza Tillinghast to David R. Tillinghast, 3 May 1865, Tillinghast Family
Papers.
27 Dolly Lunt Burge, 19 November 1864, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge, 1848-
1879, ed. Christine Jacobson Carter (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 159.


206
family, one woman defiantly retorted We will die ... or form an army of women.66
The Middleton women would not surrender to Union power. Even after Union soldiers
had wreaked their vengeance on South Carolina, and their family estate in particular, they
threatened to form an army of women to continue the fight and protect their nation.
Not only did Confederate women pride themselves on their strong opposition to
the Union troops and the United States, but they also ridiculed the tactics of the invading
armies. They concluded that the Union strategy clearly demonstrated the depravity of
the North and the moral superiority of the South. Appealing to traditional notions of
feminine dependence and helplessness, despite behavior to the contrary, Confederate
women denounced the powerful North for resorting to a war on traditionally
unprotected groups such as women, children, and African Americans. To Southern
women, such tactics revealed the ultimate weakness of the Union. Still supporting the
paternalistic logic of slavery, Dolly Lunt Burge criticized the North for making the poor
cowardly negro fight, especially considering that the all powerful Yankee Nation [had]
the whole world to back them. Their ports open, their armies filled with soldiers from all
nations. Why, she questioned, should they take the poor negro to help them out,
against this Tittle Confederacy which was, she laughed, to be brought back into the
66 Harriott Middleton to Susan Middleton, 2 March 1865, Middleton
Correspondence, 103-104.


243
for in spite of this miserable ending of all our brilliant hopes, I believe our enemies may
yet be scattered and by some divine interpositions delivered from their hands.59 In
North Carolina, Catherine Edmondston refused to accept surrender, instead noting that
what. . sustains me .... is faith in the country. Faith in the Cause, an earnest beleif
that eventually we will yet conquer! We cannot be defeated. This is which I beleive
sustains.60
Peace with the Union horrified many Confederate women. North Carolinian Eliza
Tillinghast assured her brother that if [he] knew what we have suffered in the cause of
our Precious country [he] would not wonder at her bitterness toward the enemy. As she
portrayed it, we have lost every thing but our honor. In addition, because of the many
precious lives . which our family has laid upon the altar of our country, she explained
there is a wall of bones, and a River of blood and it will flow
forever between the foe and us, and until they cut a canal to the
waters of Oblivion and deluge our land with Forgetfulness we can
never consider a yankee any thing but an oppressor and an
enemy[ ] While I have no personal feeling towards any one of
them I hate the nation from the bottom of my soul, Even as I hate
Satan, and all things low, mean and hateful.61
59 Loula Kendall Rogers, 11 May 1865, Loula Kendall Rogers Papers, Emory
University.
60 Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 16 April 1865, Journal of a Secesh
Lady: The Diary of Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston. 1860-1866, ed. Beth G.
Crabtree and James W. Patton (Raleigh: North Carolina Division of Archives and
History, 1979), 696.
61 Eliza Tillinghast to David R. Tillinghast, 3 May 1865, Tillinghast Family
Papers.


17
invaders. As word of Shermans devastation became known, the march confirmed long-
held prejudices against Yankees and resulted in a renewed and strengthened belief in the
Confederate cause.
Tom Taylor, a Union soldier who witnessed a scene of destruction and woe,
assessed Shermans March as a black page for American history!18 Shermans March,
he believed, would long be understood as he saw it, as an attack on helpless civilian
women and children. This assessment proved accurate. Since 1865, most scholars of the
Civil War, and of Shermans March in particular, have glossed over Confederate womens
experiences and active participation in the war. Assuming that Southern women
passively suffered through a horrible ordeal over which they had little control, scholars
have spent little time on female Rebels. However, a closer look at Shermans March
reveals white Southern women as ardent and active Confederates. Their place at the heart
of the campaign allowed them to understand its implications in ways that most historians
have not. One woman noted the significance early in the campaign. How that march
18 Thomas T. Taylor, 23 November 1864, Diary, Thomas T. Taylor Collection,
Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia, Taylor made this comments after watching foragers
[enter] the premises and after robbing family of every thing to eat, deliberately [proceed]
to break jars, dishes, furniture &c. until not more than a dozen half sashes were left and
not a single piece of furniture left undamaged. They then robbed the beds of their
bedding, wardrobes of their clothing and cut open mattrasses even to the one on which the
little children slept on their crib. To complete their inhuman and fiendish act [they drove]
the lady big with child, her innocent, little children and her aged mother from the house.
They even took the graduating diploma of Miss Bryan . tore the ribbon and seal from
it and cast it on the floor.


90
someone whose name th[r]ough all coming ages will be branded with the reputation of
being the most vile loathsome of all Gods creation. She also remarked on the insulting
orders galvanizing effect on Confederate soldiers. Had our brave men required an
additional incentive for valour they have it furnished in the appeal to protect the honour
of their women.36 The Woman Order produced shock and disapproval across the
South. Confederates viewed Beast Butlers improper treatment of white women as
both unforgivable and inexcusable.37
sickens at the thought of the barbarity, the groveling cowardly cruelty of the wretch
Butler! Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 6 June 1862, Journal of a Secesh Lady,
188
36 Ella Gertrude Clanton Thomas, 2 June 1862, The Secret Eye, 206-207. In this
same entry, Thomas also voiced her personal outrage. Ye Gods shall this man live. .
Is there not spirit enough left to the men of New Orleans to strike the dastard to the vile
dust from which he sprang?
37 Even during wartime, women expected that men, including the enemy, would
treat them with respect and protect them. White Southern women demonstrated their
assumption of protection in their appeals to the enemy for personal guards for their
homes during Shermans march. For examples, see Minerva Leah Rowles McClatchey, 3
November 1864, McClatchey Family Papers, Georgia Department of Archives and
History, Atlanta; Doily Lunt Burge, 19 November 1864, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge,
159; Peggy Mira Cox Berry to Amanda Berry Markham and William Markham, 14
December 1864, Confederate Miscellany I, Special Collections Department, Robert W.
Woodruff Library, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia; Sarah Jane Sams to Randolph
Sams, 13 February 1865, Sarah Jane Sams Letter, South Caroliniana Library, University
of South Carolina, Columbia; E. V. Ravenel to Allan Macfarlan, 21 March 1865, Allan
Macfarlan Papers, South Caroliniana Library; Extract from an old Letter, Found Among
the Papers of My Grandmother, Mrs. N. A. Bishop of Darlington, S.C., United
Daughters of the Confederacy, South Carolina Division, Edgefield Chapter Papers, Rare
Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Duke University, Durham, North


140
enemy later in the War may have resulted from womens early experiences and
sacrifices.28
By 1864, the white women of Georgia and the Carolinas faced the likelihood of
even greater hardships than shortages. The approach of Shermans Union troops waging
war on the homefront forced Southern women to confront and adapt to an unanticipated
reality of wartime. No longer protected by the men of their families or communities,
women personally faced a belligerent enemy who acknowledged few boundaries.29
Confederate women recognized the dangers of approaching troops. They feared,
sometimes with justification, that they would be subjected to the cruelties, and insults of
lawless raiding parties who would ignore those constraints which were deemed the marks
of civilized behavior.30 The household, a nineteenth-century haven, would not protect
them from the onslaught of what Rebels were quick to label Shermans hellish crew.31
Catherine Ann Devereux Edmondston, 15 March 1865, Journal of a Secesh Lady. 678-
679.
28 A good discussion of womens dexterity in dealing with homefront shortages is
Massey, Ersatz in the Confederacy.
29 See LeeAnn Whites, The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender, in Divided Houses,
3-21; LeeAnn Whites, The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender, esp. 96-131; George Rabie,
Missing in Action: Women of the Confederacy, in Divided Houses. 134-146.
30 Sarah to Hattie Taylor Tennent, 9 January 1865, Edward Smith Tennent
Papers, South Caroliniana Library.
31 Mother to Daughters, 8 March 1865, Mrs. Albert Rhett (Sallie Coles Green)
Heyward Papers, South Caroliniana Library. Other women used similarly damning terms
when describing the Union invaders. For examples of individuals who used these terms


83
Protecting Branchs native home ultimately demanded that she sacrifice two of her sons
at the First Battle of Manassas in 1861, and that she write letters of support to her only
surviving son as he continued to fight the savage foe. The deaths of her sons did not
discourage Branch from her dream of Southern independence.22
White womens wartime involvement resulted from an intense patriotism as well
as a sense of difference between themselves and Northern Yankees. Early in the war,
Confederate women recognized the antagonism of their Union foes and rumors of
exaggerated horrors spread throughout the region. Every day, Emma Holmes wrote,
brings fresh accounts of the demoniac fury & hatred of the Northerners toward the
Southerners & South Carolinians especially. . Men even suspected of sympathy with
the South are murdered in cold blood.23 Nothing seemed too horrible to attribute to the
North, especially since many Southerners increasingly saw themselves as racially,
ideologically, and culturally separate from the North. Southern women saw Union
soldiers as Sumner-like reptiles of the North and celebrated the complete separation of
North and South. These staunch female Confederates wanted no connection with the
22 Charlotte Branch continued to write to her remaining son throughout the war.
See Mauriel Phillips Joslyn, ed., Charlottes Bovs: Civil War Letters of the Branch
Family of Savannah fBerrwille. Va.: Rockbridge Publishers, 1996).
23 Emma Holmes, 1 May 1861, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes. 40.


Copyright 2001
by
Lisa Tendrich Frank


62
What was the fate
Of the first Rebel State
That Seceded from the Union.
And what was the desier
When we set Columbia on fier
And all that was consumed withh it
Far as we went we taken all the fenze
The Sheep, hogs. and. Cattle for the rent
To let them know where we went
For this campain as we had plenty of rain
And plenty to eat on the Journey.
Was all for the benefit of South Carolina91
Just after Union troops entered North Carolina on March 8, Sherman thought it
best to shape his military tactics to account for a civilian population that was poorer than
that in South Carolina and rumored to have Unionist tendencies. Acknowledging his
troops wanton destruction in South Carolina, Sherman directed his officers to instruct
your brigade commanders that we are now out of South Carolina and that a little
moderation may be of political consequence to us in North Carolina. Union soldiers
should now deal as moderately and fairly by the North Carolinians as possible.92
Although most historical accounts hold that Sherman softened his tactics in the Tarheel
90 James Stillwell to Wife, 12 March 1865, as quoted in Grimsley, Hard Hand of
War, 202.
91 Jesse S. Bean, 8 March 1865, Jesse S. Bean Diary.
92 William T. Sherman to H. W. Slocum, 6 March 1865, Official Records, Ser. 1,
Vol. 47, Pt. 2: 704; William T. Sherman to Judson Kilpartrick, 7 March 1865, Official
Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 47, Pt. 2: 721.


158
State House to the Bazaar.61 Confederate women had successfully entered the political
arena as actors in their own rights as they worked to raise funds for their nation.
Official sanction did not guarantee success, but Shermans men may have
unwittingly done so. Knowing that the enemy are knocking at our doors, Columbia
women still insisted on holding the large bazaar to raise money for their soldiers. They
hoped that the close proximity of Union troops might inspire Confederate women, who
with hearts nerved by the necessity for prompt action . [would] be stimulated to
redoubled efforts, and the sum realized [would] exceed [the committees] most sanguine
expectations.62 Women planned all aspects of the Bazaar and, through various avenues,
supplied all of the items sold there.63 Despite shortages, women found ways to offer
items for sale. A South Carolina woman, who had diligently supported the Liverpool
bazaar, promised that we will try to do something for the Fairtho I cannot promise
61 William E. Martin to Mary Snowden, [8 December 1864], Mary Amarinthia
Snowden Papers.
62 Sallie E. White to Mary Snowden, 17 January 1865, Mary Amarinthia Snowden
Papers.
63Throughout the Civil War, Confederate women, like their Northern
counterparts, held bazaars, concerts, and other fundraisers for the benefit of the
Confederacy. Judging Southern fairs as only emotionally and symbolically significant,
Beverly Gordon minimizes the practical importance of what she labels Southern ladies
fairs. Beverly Gordon, Bazaars and Fair Ladies: The History of the American
Fundraising Fair (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998), 96-99.


42
and took what they wanted, Michael Dresbach observed.45 Edward Allen left a detailed
description of the spoils of war after the Union captured Columbia.
Every concurable article that one could imagine, must, was to be
found in our camp, clothing, bed clothing, such splendid coverlids,
qui[l]ts, & sheets, musical instruments violins guitars, music box &
had not pianos been quite so heavey you might have seen many of
them there Flour meal sugar, butter, all the yankee notions usually
fond in stores. Silver plate, plates knives forks. & spoons.
The soldiers had appropriated so many things that Allen realized it would take too much
time, candle & paper to mention or even try to mention all that was there.46
Some soldiers sent the domestic treasures they confiscated to loved ones in the
North. However, they dropped much of the heavy booty along the roadside as the march
continued. An Illinois soldier commented on the waste. Articles of silverware, that have
been carried along, are thrown into the road, where the heavy wagons crushed out all
semblance of anything useful, and the tired and thirsty soldier, relieved of his burden,
45 Michael Dresbach to Wife, 14 December 1864, Bell Irvin Wiley Files. Dresbach
continued with a description of what he had seen. Some got Silver Pitchers and Plate of
considerable value One of the Boys dug up a Box that was Buried in the field containing
$60,000 Confederate money Another found one containing 2 gold watches and $260 in
coin there is a great deal found that we do not hear of.
46 Edward W. Allen to James and Emily Allen, 17 February 1865, Edward W.
Allen Papers. Also see Sylvester Daniels, 17 February 1865, Sylvester Daniels Diary,
Huntington Library


48
Soldiers left their mark on the Souths domestic landscape. After ransacking
homes, many defaced the remaining buildings. Almost every house in town is more or
less damaged, Andrew McBride observed. The walls of most of them completely
covered with charcoal autographs of Yankee celebrities such for instance as this on the
door of your house Patrick Boyle 90 Ind Vol Infty. Other Union soldiers were more
personal in their epithets. Just under Patricks name, I found Miss Ada is tha pritist girl
in town. Other walls displayed Union insults The soldiers volunteered or tendered a
good deal of advise to President Davis and Geni Hood and to rebels generally. McBride
included examples: Jeff,relinquish your efforts to establish a new Confederation
[signed] Abe or Geni Hood: you didn,t expect us to come in at the back door, did
you?59
On multiple occasions, Union soldiers took advantage of the domestic luxuries
within the homes of the Southern elite. Some of our soldiers are very reckless and smash
everything that comes in their way. One fellow played on the piano while his comrades
danced a jog on the top of the instrument and then he drove an axe through it.60 Soldiers
engaged in similar celebrations in many parlors of their enemies. When updating his sister
59 Andrew Jay McBride to Fannie, 11 September 1864, Andrew Jay McBride
Papers, Duke University.
60 Michael Dresbach to Wife, 15 December 1864, as quoted in Glatthaar, March to
the Sea and Beyond, 148.


61
State is a desert waste.87 Edward Allen showed no surprise or remorse for his
countrymens treatment of the two cities. The soldiers have had such a hatred for
Columbia & Charleston that it is no wonder they burned it.88
After leaving Charleston, Union soldiers burned Camden, Winnsboro, Lancaster,
Chesterfield, and Cheraw, [leaving behind] . a howling wilderness, an utter
desolation. They hoped this destruction would prevent South Carolina from ever
[wanting] to seceed again.89 James Stillwell noted that there is scarcely anything left in
our rear or trac[k]s except pine forests and naked lands and Starving inhabitants. A
majority of the Cities, towns, villages and country houses have been burnt to the
ground.90 As they entered North Carolina, many Union troops rejoiced in their
accomplishments. One soldier, Jesse Bean of Minnesota, wrote a commemorative poem
as we bid adieu to S. Carolina leaving our Marks of revenge behind us to Show the
Generations to come.
87 James A. Connolly to Wife, 12 March 1865, Three Years in the Army of the
Cumberland: The Letters and Diary of Major James A. Connolly (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1959), 384.
88 Edward Allen to James and Emily Allen, 18 February 1865, Edward W. Allen
Papers.
89J. Taylor Holmes, 10 February 1865, 52d Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Then and
Now (Columbus, Ohio: Berlin Print, 1898), 20. See also Thomas J. Myers to Wife, 26
February 1865, Thomas J. Myers Papers.


174
initial support for the Confederacy, Southern women ultimately contributed to the
downfall of the nation. According to him, women could not continue to support a war
that required continued sacrifice.10 Faust agrees. Her works particularly stress the desire
of white Southern women to return to their antebellum status as protected dependents.
They longed for a life without the stresses of farm and slave management, budget
concerns, and self protection. Furthermore, these elite women resented their wartime
duties and their inability to fulfill them successfully.11 Faust and Rabie discount those
women who behaved otherwise as aberrations. Consequently, scholars new stress on
womens conditional support of the Confederacy in a significant way mirrors the tone of
the celebratory volumes; both conclude that white Southern women necessarily behaved
in stereotypically feminine ways.
The tendency to view Confederate womens loyalty to their nation as unfeminine
has its roots in the reactions that Northern soldiers had to those they chastised as she-
Invention Also see Laura F. Edwards, Scarlett Doesnt Live Here Anymore (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 2000).
10 Rabie, Civil Wars. Rabie in some ways reflects the conclusions of Francis
Butler Simkins and James Welch Patton who earlier asserted that the fact that the
Confederacy . was able to continue its struggle for four long years was in a sense as
much due to the courage of its women as it was to the skill and valor of its men; and the
fact that the Confederacy collapsed at the end of this period was due to the collapse of
the morale of its women as well as to the defeat of its armies. Simkins and Patton, The
Women of the Confederacy, vii.
11 Faust, Altars of Sacrifice, 113-140, esp. 118-119, 121-123, 130-131; Faust,
Mothers of Invention, 220-254.


23
explicit when he acknowledged that despite the fact that he [could] not change the hearts
of those people of the South, he would make war so terrible . [and] make them so
sick of war that generations would pass away before they would again appeal to it. The
campaign, designed to demonstrat[e] to the world . that we have . power, would,
Sherman asserted, be proof positive that the North can prevail and would no doubt end
the Southern war effort.5 In their focus on Shermans March and his intentions, scholars
have overlooked the importance that Sherman placed on intimidating all Southerners, male
and female, with a forceful display of dominance. As a result, their studies focus on
Glatthaar, The March to the Sea and Beyond: Shermans Troops in the Savannah and
Carolinas Campaigns (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1985), 39-51.
In his exploration of Shermans destructive policy, Charles Royster asserts that
the March was [effective] in ending defiance. The Destructive War: William Tecumseh
Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), 347,
also see 79-143, 321-404.
5 William T. Sherman to Ulysses S. Grant, 6 November 1864, Official Records,
Ser. 1, Vol. 39, Pt. 3: 660. Samuel Augustus Duncan of New Hampshire made the issue
of power clear in a letter to his future wife. This inhuman war will not cease until the
arrogant South is brought under the rod, and made to feel that the North is a power, to be
respected and feared. Samuel Augustus Duncan to Julia Jones, 15 March, 1865, Yankee
Correspondence: Civil War Letters between New England Soldiers and the Home Front.
ed. Nina Silber and Mary Beth Sievens (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia,
1996), 51. An aid-de-camp of Sherman shared these sentiments. If you are defeated,
he told a woman, you will have thoroughly learned what your people have never before
the war, in the slightest degree understoodhow to respect us. George Ward Nichols, 16
September 1864, The Story of the Great March from the Diary of a Staff Officer (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1865), 23.


136
soldiers.19 Garlington realized that the support of other unknown Confederate women
had most likely aided her brother and the other soldiers in his unit. She wanted to do the
same for others. In addition, for Garlington, the only appropriate memorial to her brother
would be an independent Confederacy.20
Although the South had no overarching medical organizations, like the Unions
Womens Central Relief Association (WCRA) and the United States Sanitary
Commission (USSC), thousands of Confederate women nursed the wounded and dying in
their homes as well as in makeshift hospitals around the South.21 Soldiers and civilians
19 Maria L. Garlington to Harriet R. Palmer, 20 July 1862, World Turned Upside
Down, 333.
20 This attitude continued in the later years of the war when many Confederate
women urged their nation to continue the war so that their men would not have died in
vain. See Chapter 5.
21 Approximately 20,000 women served as Union nurses. The Womens Central
Relief Association (WCRA) and the United States Sanitary Commission (USSC)
coordinated and enlisted white womens relief work. On Northern womens mobilization
for the Union, see Jeanie Attie, Patriotic Toil; Northern Women and the American Civil
War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Kristie Ross, Refined Women as Union
Nurses, in Divided Houses. 97-113; Elizabeth D. Leonard, Yankee Women: Gender
Battles in the Civil War (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1994); Lori D.
Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the
Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 133-173;
Judith Ann Giesberg, Civil War Sisterhood: The U.S. Sanitary Commission and Womens
Politics in Transition (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2000); Maijorie Barstow
Greenbie, Lincolns Daughters of Mercy (New York: G. P. Putnams Sons, 1944); Agnes
Brooks Young, The Women and the Crisis: Women of the North in the Civil War (New
York: McDowell, Oblensky, 1959); Wendy Hamand Venet, Neither Ballots nor Bullets:
Women Abolitionists and the Civil War (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia,
1991); Thomas J. Brown, Dorothea Dix: New England Reformer, (Cambridge, Mass.:


Bradley, G. S. The Star Corps: or Notes of an Army Chaplain During Shermans
Famous March to the Sea. Milwaukee: Jermain & Brightman, 1865.
283
Brockett, L. P. and Mary C. Vaughan. Womens Work in the Civil War: A Record of
Heroism, Patriotism, and Patience. Philadelphia: Zeigler, McCurdy, 1867.
Brown, Alexis Girardin. The Women Left Behind: The Transformation of the Southern
Belle, 1840-1880. The Historian 62 (2000): 759-778.
Brown, Kathleen M. Good Wives. Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender,
Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1996.
Brown, Thomas J. Dorothea Dix: New England Reformer. Cambridge. Harvard
University Press, 1998.
Brownmiller, Susan. Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1975.
Bruce, Dickson D., Jr. Violence and Culture in the Antebellum South. Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1979.
Bryan, T. Conn. Confederate Georgia. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1953.
Bryant, Jonathan. How Curious a Land: Conflict and Change in Greene County,
Georgia. 1850-1885. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996.
Bryce, Campbell, Mrs. The Personal Experiences of Mrs. Campbell Bryce During the
Burning of Columbia, South Carolina by W. T. Shermans Army, February 17,
1865. Philadelphia: Lippincott Press, 1899.
Burge, Dolly Lunt The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge. 1848-1879. Edited by Christine
Jacobson Carter. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997.
Burton, E. P. Diary ofE, P, Burton, Surgeon 7th Reg. Ill., 3rd Brig, 2nd Div. 16 A. C.
Des Moines, Iowa: The Historical Records Survey, 1939.
Burton, Orville Vernon. In My Fathers House are Many Mansions: Family and
Community in Edgefield, South Carolina. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1985
Bynum, Victoria E. Unruly Women: The Politics of Social and Sexual Control in the Old
South. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992.


52
As he left Savannah on February 1, 1865, Sherman again spread out his troops to
leave the Confederates guessing his destination. The army, still divided into two columns
and four corps under Slocum and Howard, spread as wide as forty miles across. Each
corps, continued its destructive journey following different routes, giving the impression
that the troops were headed toward either Augusta, Georgia or Charleston, South
Carolina. Still unsure of their final destination, Union soldiers assumed they headed
toward South Carolina and welcomed a sojourn in the Palmetto State. John Herr gloried
that we will Show old South Carolina a trick that She never saw before we will make her
suffer wors[e] then she did the time of the Revolusionary war. Union troops would do
this to let her know that... it isened so sweet to seceds as she thought it would be.
Other soldiers agreed with Herr, who recorded that nearly every man in Shermans army
say they are in for disstroying every thing ... in South Carolina I dont know but I think
Sherman will disstroy every thing that is of no value to us. As a result, he thought that
ere long you will heare of Shermans Army sweeping through S.C. like a hericane.67
O M Poe realized that
it requires no sage prophet to divine [the campaigns] direction.
Wo to South Carolina! We are on her borders, ready to carry fire &
1997): 405-435; Campbell Terrible Has Been the Storm. For Field Order 15, see
Official Records. Ser. 1, Vol. 47: 60-62.
61 John Herr to Katy Herr, 5 February 1865, John Herr Papers.


227
Union. How I hate the people who have done this!21 This spite did not come from her
personal experiences and losses alone; LeConte and others focused on the larger troubles
facing their nation. Ellen Mordecai, for example, agreed with a friend who asserted it is
the country, not the individual adversity that she mourns.22
Contact with Shermans troops frequently magnified white Southern womens
antipathy for the Union and love for the Confederacy. The havoc wreaked upon the
Confederate homeffont served, for many, as an impetus to increased hatred of the Union
and a subsequent rededication to the Southern Cause. Dolly Lunt Burge, for example,
directly connected Shermans March with her increased devotion to her nation. Writing
from Madison, Georgia, a town relatively untouched by the full wrath of Union soldiers,
Burge recorded the passing of Shermans army by my place, which left her poorer by
thirty thousand dollars than I was yesterday morning. And a much stronger rebel.23
After seeing the Blue Coats for the first time, Georgian Margaret Dailey exclaimed, I
do not admire nor love them much. The Union mens presence in her town seemed
21 Emma LeConte, 19 February 1865, Emma LeConte Diary. LeConte also
resented the U.S. flag run up over the State House. It was a degradationto see it over
the capital of South Carolina especially after four long years of bitter bloodshed and
hatred. She considered the flag a hateful symbol of despotism! Emma LeConte, 17
February 1865, Emma LeConte Diary.
22 Ellen Mordecai to Emma Mordecai, [1865], Mordecai Family Papers, Southern
Historical Collection.
23 Dolly Lunt Burge, 20 November 1864, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge, 1848-
1879. ed. Christine Jacobson Carter (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 162.


268
The Union attack on unprotected white Southern women demanded a response
from the regions men. Fierce retaliation, Bertram Wyatt-Brown writes was
mandatory when a daughter, wife, or mother had been dishonored.21 However, by
March and April 1865, most Southern soldiers glumly realized that physical retribution
was out of their power. As battlefield losses mounted, Confederate C. F. Holst
acknowledged that our prospect & afairs are getting darker & darker. He wryly laughed
off the Confederacys inability to carry out an appropriate response. Still, he dreamed up
a plan. As we cannot conquer the Yankees or drive them from our soil; our authorities
intends to concentrate all our Armies & march them on northern soil to avenge the injury
done to us. They would abandon the South, already ransasked & ruined ... to the
Yankees, and go north to ravage & burn their Towns & Cities in turn. This fantasy
proved little comfort to Holst, who was filled with anguish & dismay that the Yankees
have full sway[.] Of course fire & faggit will be the order of the day, we will be
houseles[s], ragged & starve.22 His dismay increased as he acknowledged the destruction
that Confederate troops had allowed.
Other Confederate soldiers could hardly face the shame of defeat. Georgian
Raleigh Spinks Camp realized that a visit to the old settlement would have been one of
21 Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor. 53. Also see Wyatt-Brown, The Shaping of
Southern Culture. 255-269
22 C. F. Holst to Isabella Ann Woodruff, 11 March 1865, Isabella Ann (Roberts)
Woodruff Papers, Duke University.


34
through the City the smouldering ruins of once beautiful homes met our gaze on every
hand.24 The white women of Atlanta, already insulted by their removal, watched their
domestic lives go up in smoke.
An aggressive assault on domesticity, similar to what Atlanta had experienced,
continued as Union troops made their way through Georgia and the Carolinas.25 Leaving
Union Generals George H. Thomas and John M. Schofield with 60,000 soldiers to deal
with Hoods Confederate troops in Tennessee, Shermans men began their March to the
Sea on November 15, 1864. To effectively forage, destroy, and demoralize the Georgia
countryside, Sherman divided his troops into two wings, a left (northern) wing
commanded by Henry W. Slocum and a right (southern) wing under Oliver O Howards
command. Although the officers and soldiers began the 285 mile march toward Savannah
with little knowledge of the plan or their destination, they confidently moved forward at
Shermans command. The troops marched from ten to fifteen miles each day, foraging and
destroying Confederate property all along the way. Reports describe a forty to sixty mile
wide swath of destruction strewn with evidence of their presencerailroad ties twisted
around trees in Sherman neckties, houses almost entirely razed by fires with only lone
24 Vail, 15 November 1864, Vail Diary typescript, Bell Irvin Wiley Files, Emory
University.
25 For example, Rome, Georgia, suffered because the soldiers want to see it
bum. E P Burton, 10 November 1864, Diary of E. P Burton, 39.


47
or five other plantations, and 500 to 600 negroes in all.57 Sherman, too, relished the
attack on the elite slaveholding class.58
57 Henry Hitchcock, 22 November 1864, Marching With Sherman, 84-85. As
described by Hitchcock, Cobbs plantation was about 6000 acres, and worked 100
hands but was so run-down that Hitchcock proclaimed No Northern farm owner would
allow his agent or farmer to have such. No thrift or neatness about the place: sundry
rude log cabins for storehouses, mean rail fences-everything shabby: old negroes
wretchedly dressed.
Union troops attacked elite households throughout the March. For example, in
Charleston they went in search of specific secessionists, asking Is this the home of Mr.
Rhett? and Is that the dwelling of Mr. Middleton? In addition, Charlestonians Arthur
P. Hayne and Alfred Huger, were pulled about and struck by the invading soldiers.
They also specifically attacked the homes of Dr. John Cheves, Maxcy Gregg, and
Columbia Mayor Thomas Jefferson Goodwyn. See Royster, The Destructive War, 21.
Pauline Heyward describes a similar incident. They said that they had to arrest and
shoot every influential citizen in S.C., every mover of secession, & from the accumulation
of wealth, the quantities of food, books & clothes in this house, the finest they had seen
in these parts, that they knew Father was wealthy, literary, & influential, & they had
heard enough of him, to make an example of him & catch him they would. Pauline
DeCaradeuc Heyward, 18 February 1865, A Confederate Lady Comes of Age: The
Journal of Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 1863-1888, ed. Mary D. Robertson, (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1992), 67. See also E. P. Burton, 27 October 1864,
Diary of E. P. Burton. 37; Charles S. Brown to Mother and Etta, 16 December 1864,
Charles S. Brown Papers; Thomas T. Taylor, 23 November 1864, Diary, Thomas T.
Taylor Collection. See also Bonner, Sherman at Milledgeville, 281.
58 Some scholars propose that Sherman designed his campaign with the intention
of striking hardest at the Southern elite. For example, Michael Fellman asserts that
Shermans men were urged to make class distinctions: Sparing the poor and
industrious . [and] make a special effort to destroy the grand homes of those rich and
therefore especially resented traitors who had made secession. Fellman, Citizen
Sherman, 214-215.


197
her pregnant daughter, knew that silence offered her some protection from the vengeance
of the soldiers. Despite her composure, however, Jones asserted that every
development of the enemy but confirms my desire for a separate and distinct
nationality.52
In Columbia, Mary Maxcy Leverett demonstrated her loyalty to the Confederacy
through a similar show of bravery. She spoke to Union soldiers, and although she
trembled from head to foot, she
was so determined that they should see no sight of fear that to stop
the tremor and prevent a tear being seen or a sob escaping I had
sometimes to compress my lips & bite them in the midst of a
sentence, until I shrugged off the emotion.
Leverett willingly shrugged off the emotion because she hated so to let an enemy see
he had it in his power to make me shed a tear. Her sense of Confederate womanhood
required her to present a facade of fearlessness in the face of what she saw as an
unforgiving enemy Despite her silence, she hoped that some one could write with a pen
of fire and tell the world, the history of the sufferings & agonies of those three days of
Yankee rule. She resented the horrors of Union occupation which was like hell let
loose in some parts of Columbia.53 Confederate womens outward acceptance of Union
power often hid deep-seated hatred of the enemy and patriotism for the Southern nation.
52 Mary Sharpe Jones, 17 January 1865, Yankees aComing. 81-82.
53 Mary Bull Maxcy Leverett to Caroline Pinckney Seabrook, 18 March 1865,
Mary Maxcy Leverett Letter. See also Esther Alden [Elizabeth Allston], 1 March 1865,


221
reassertion of the private and domestic and a rejection of the more public and political
burdens women had been urged to assume.11
An examination of the women who personally confronted the soldiers on
Shermans March, reveals experiences not accounted for in the interpretations of Faust
and Rabie. The differences in interpretations can be explained, at least in part, by the
women Faust and Rabie studied. Perhaps those who had no personal confrontations with
the enemy had no reason to continue supporting the Confederate war effort. Flowever,
for those who directly faced the aggressive assaults of Union troops, the war became
more personal.12 Most of these white women emerged from their confrontations
11 Faust, Mothers of Invention, 242. In many ways Fausts conclusions seem to
be a backlash against feminist scholars, such as Anne Firor Scott, who painted womens
roles in the Civil War as a liberating step towards the feminist movement. Instead Faust
emphasizes Southern womens desiresduring and after the Civil Warto return to the
traditionally female domestic sphere. Faust emphasizes how womens difficulties in
carrying out mens roles inspired in them a longing for a world of the past. For the classic
study of the Civil War as a revolutionary experience for Southern women, see Anne Firor
Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930, (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1970).
12 The editor of the Georgia Countryman came to this conclusion in January 1865.
Those of us who have suffered can hardly be expected to love our tormentors, and
persecutors, and we can hardly be expected to look with much favor upon anything that
has the remotest resemblance to reunion with the Yankees. Joseph Addison Turner, 10
January 1865, as quoted in Lawrence Huff, A Bitter Draught We Had to Quaff
Shermans March Through the Eyes of Joseph Addison Turner, Georgia Historical
Quarterly 72 (Summer 1988): 326. A Confederate solider asserted that the people who
have suffered are very patriotic, but those who were not molested are badly whipt. Elliot
Welch to Mother, 20 March 1865, Elliot Stephen Welch Papers, Rare Book, Manuscript,
and Special Collections Library, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina. A similar idea
has been asserted by historians. For examples, see Blair, Virginias Private War, 6, 143;


29
Hitchcock explained, the [marchs] express purpose [is], in fact, of teaching [Southern]
people that war means ruin and misery, & that their Government cannot protect
them.14
Shermans offensive against Confederate women began prior to the March to the
Sea. After a four month campaign for Atlanta, Georgia, Confederate forces evacuated the
city on September 1, 1864. Sherman and his troops took control of it on September 2,
allowing the Southern troops to escape. In establishing Atlanta as a command post for
Union operations, Sherman issued Special Field Orders No. 67 on September 8, 1864, to
[vacate] all except the armies of the United States. This order resulted in the forced
departure of Atlantas more than 1,500 civilians.15 Despite vehement protests from
Confederate officials and civilians, Sherman stressed the necessity of evacuation, insisting
that the use of Atlanta for warlike purposes is inconsistent with its character as a home
for families.16 Furthermore, Sherman was not willing to have Atlanta encumbered by
14 Henry Hitchcock to Francis Lieber, 15 January 1865, Lieber Papers, Henry E.
Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, California.
15 Special Field Orders No. 67, Official Records. Ser. 1, Vol. 38, Pt. 5: 837-838.
16 William T. Sherman to James M. Calhoun, Mayor, E. E. Rawson and S. C.
Wells, representing the City Council of Atlanta, 12 September 1864, The Heros Own
Story: General Shermans Official Account of His Great March Through Georgia and the
Carolinas, From his Departure from Chattanooga to the Surrender of General Johnston.
and the Confederate Forces Under his Command. To Which are Added General Shermans
Evidence before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War; The


309
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46
friendly.54 The troops complied with this wish. One Union soldier noted that the poor
people are respected by the soldiers and their property protected. On the other hand,
the rich are persecuted when caught and their barns, gins & houses fall victims to the
invaders match.55 Another observed the specific punishment of elite Southerners and
wrote during the March that the Army are renting their spite on everything destructible
& our line is marked each day by dense columns of black smoke curling up from the
former residences of the chivalry.56 In Georgia, soldiers devastated Howell Cobbs
plantation and did not feel much troubled about the destruction of Hjowelll Cfobbjs
property because he was one of the head devils. As a result, the General told all the
darkies to help themselves as well as the soldiers, to the supplies found here, and ordered
the balance burned. Hitchcock justified the attack on Cobb by noting that he has four
54 Special Field Orders No. 120, 9 November 1864, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol.
39, Pt. 3: 713. Sherman made his antipathy toward the Souths upper class before the
Georgia campaign. No man will deny that the United States would be benefited by
dispossessing a rich, prejudiced, hard-headed, and disloyal planter. William T. Sherman
to R. M. Sawyer, 31 January 1864, Official Records, Ser. 1, Vol. 32, Pt. 2: 279.
55 Charles Cox to Katie, 1 February 1865, Gone for a Soldier: The Civil War
Letters of Charles Harding Cox, ed. Loma Lutes Sylvester, Indiana Magazine of History
68 (September 1972): 229.
56 Divine to J. H. Everett, 25 January 1865, J. H. Everett Papers.


231
Christ said Love your enemies, he meant Yankees.33 She was not alone in this
conviction. From South Carolina, Harriott Middleton echoed these sentiments after
Shermans troops vacated her home. I know now what it is to hate! ... I would like to
see the Yankees lying in their blood.34 Similarly, after Union troops left her North
Carolina home, Nellie Worth proclaimed, Oh how I do hate the very name of Yankie!35
Rather than forcing their surrender, Shermans March provoked Confederate patriotism
from many of the white women it targeted.
Others took their desire for vengeance even further, combining it with a
determination to refuse reconciliation with the Union. Grace Brown Elmore, for example,
described her reaction to Union soldiers who were passing through Columbia after
destroying it the night before: How my whole soul rose against them as they passed, a
band of highway robbers, the slayers of women and children, she wrote. She
acknowledged how the march had affected her psychologically. My whole nature is
changed, I feel so hard so pitiless, gladly would I witness the death of each of those
wretches. She demanded vengeance on all who supported the Union, regardless of age or
33 Eliza Frances Andrews, 17 April 1865, The War-Time Journal of a Georgia
Girl, 1864-1865 (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1908), 149.
34 Harriott Middleton to Susan Middleton, 21 March 1865, Susan and Harriott
Middleton Correspondence, Cheves-Middleton Papers.
35 Nellie Worth to Cousin, 21 March 1865, North Carolina Collection, Southern
Historical Collection.


149
way to the hospitals. As a result, that poor boy separated from mother and sisters by
the waters of the Mississippi, lacerating wounds almost depriving him of life, for a time
forgets his sufferings by the presence of one of the ministering angels. The soldier
especially appreciated the nurse with her own fair hands bathing his fevered temples,
brushing back the unshorn locks from his forehead and bidding him be of good cheer, that
he will be cared for. Cater took such actions as a sign of ultimate Confederate success.
Can such acts of Kindness go unrewarded? Impossible Peace, liberty and
independence . will be given to the people of this Confederacy as a reward for their
great sacrifices.45 A Confederate soldier from Tennessee made similar observations.
Our wounded who write or have returned all speak in the most glowing terms of praise
of the ladies of Georgia and Alabama as also the refugee ladies of Term, and other states.
These women, he continued are unremitting in their attentions and ministrations to the
wounded and sick at the Hospitals [and] take them to their homes when they can be
moved and there nurse them. As a result of such dedication, too much praise cannot be
lavished upon the ladies of the South. They are devoted heart and soul to the cause and
do much to cheer the spirits and keep up the determination of the troops.46 In their
nursing efforts Confederate women promoted and supported loyalty to their nation.
45 Douglas J. Cater to Fannie Cater, 1 June 1864, Douglas J. and Rufus W. Cater
Papers.
46 John Peter Kendall to Sarah and D. J. Kendall, 18 July 1864, William Devereux
Kendall Papers, Huntington Library.


152
was not sent immediately they would all perish together.52 Smith did not abandon her
efforts as a result of this fear for her patients and herself, but instead continued to enlist
the help of more Confederate women.
Southern soldiers recognized the importance of womens roles as nurses, cooks,
and suppliers. While in North Carolina, one man described a meeting with Miss Brice,
who, as Sherman made his way through South Carolina, from all accounts has cert[a]inly
done a great deal for the solgiers, she commensed the plan in Wilmington of having a table
set at the Depot for the solgiers passing through to eat at[ ] the ladies attend themselves
daily.53 The soldier praised the Wilmingtons Ladies Soldiers Aid Society for taking
care of wounded soldiers who constantly passed by rail through the city. In addition to
working as nurses, the community also provided tables of food for the soldiers. Letters
of thanks, praising female sacrifices, poured in for the women of aid societies in Georgia
and the Carolinas 54
In their efforts to relieve the sufferings of the soldiers, Confederate women
willingly stepped outside the boundaries of peacetime behavior. North Carolinian Louise
52 Ellen Devereux Hinsdale to Child, 23 March 1865, Hinsdale Family Papers.
53 George G. Young to Sister, 13 February 1865, Young Family Papers, South
Caroliniana Library. Also see Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina. 260; J.
Wilkinson, Narrative of a Blockade Runner (New York: Sheldon & Co., 1877), 200-201.
54 For examples, see Esther B. Cheesborough Notebook; Mary Amarinthia
Snowden Papers.


284
Campbell, Edward D., Jr., and Kyn S. Rice, eds. A Womans War: Southern Women.
Civil War, and the Confederate Legacy. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1996.
Campbell, Jacqueline Glass. Terrible Has Been the Storm: Sherman, the South and the
Cultural Politics of Invasion. Ph D. diss., Duke University, 2000.
Capers, Gerald M. Occupied City: New Orleans Under the Federis, 1862-1865.
Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965.
Capron, Thaddeus H. War Diary of Thaddeus H. Capron. Journal of the Illinois State
Historical Society 12 (October 1919): 330-406.
Carnes, Mark C. Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1989.
Carnes, Mark C. and Clyde Griffen, eds. Meaning for Manhood: Constructions of
Masculinity in Victorian America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.
Cash, W. J. The Mind of the South. With an introduction by Bertram Wyatt-Brown.
1941. Reprint, New York: Vintage Press, 1991.
Cashin, Joan E. Our Common Affairs. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1996.
. Since the War Broke Out: The Marriage of Kate and William McLure. In
Divided Houses: Gender and the Civil War, edited by Catherine Clinton and Nina
Silber, 200-212. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
. The Structure of Antebellum Families. The Ties That Bound Us Was
Strong, Journal of Southern History 56 (February 1990): 55-70.
Castel, Albert. Decision in the West: The Atlanta Campaign of 1864. Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas, 1992.
Prevaricating Through Georgia: Shermans Memoirs as a Source on the Atlanta
Campaign. Civil War History 40 (March 1994): 48-71.
Tom Taylors Civil War. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000.
Catalogue of the Instructors. Patrons and Pupils of the LaGrange Female Seminary,
LaGrange Georgia, for the Academical Year, 1849. Athens, Ga.: Printed at the
Office of the Weekly Gazette, 1849.


191
morning, the experience put the physical destruction around her into perspective. Some
things were more valuable than property.38
Other white women had less success avoiding contact with the soldiers. Mary
Maxcy Leverett wrote in shock about events that occurred in Columbia. The destruction
of her property was a trifle to what was done in Columbia] on some houses. In these
horrible instances, ladies had their dresses violently tom open and were searched for
their gold [and the] ladies mshed frantically away from these insults. Even though as
far as [she] could learn, no actual personal insult was inflicted on any lady, she
considered these rude & violent attempts to search them for gold to be unforgivable.
Can meanness go farther?39 Louise Caroline Reese Cornwell told a similar story. When
Union soldiers entered one womans house, they compelled her to unfasten her dress
and they examined her person until they were satisfied. This horrified Cornwell, who
realized the implications of this type of attack. How humiliating.40 In both of these
instances, ideals of white womanhood held strong and prevented the soldiers from raping
38 Pauline DeCaradeuc Heyward, 18 February 1865, A Confederate Lady Comes
of Age, 69.
39 Mary Bull Maxcy Leverett to Caroline Pinckney Seabrook, 18 March 1865,
Mary Maxcy Leverett Letter, South Caroliniana Library. In this long letter, Leveretts
gave an extensive and full description of the process by which the soldiers stole and
destroyed her silver, jewelry, clothes, food, bags, and sewing supplies, among other
things.
40 Louise Caroline Reese Cornwell Diary, [November 1864], in Jones, When
Sherman Came, 22.


25
attack on the homefront became by definition an assault on white women.8 Soldiers took
the feminine nature of their enemy into consideration and used it to their advantage.
Union officers and enlisted men alike implemented policies designed to assert their
power over Confederate women Before and during the march, as part of a campaign to
destroy female support for the Confederacy, Sherman publicly warned elite white women
that they would not be spared the horrors of war. He intended to capitalize on the gender
of his female targets, in the hopes of overpowering and subjugating the Southern
homefront. Sherman further desired to make Georgia howl and show the South its
8 On women and their centrality to the home in the nineteenth-century South, see
Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1970), 19, 28-44; Catherine Clinton, The Plantation
Mistress: Womans World in the Old South (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), 18-35;
Jean E. Friedman, The Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the Evangelical
South, 1830-1900 (Chapel Flill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985); Orville
Vernon Burton, In My Fathers House are Many Mansions: Family and Community in
Edgefield, South Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 123-
136; Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White
Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 37-99,
192-241; Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family and Community in the
Slave South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 38-42; Marli F. Weiner,
Mistresses and Slaves: Plantation Women in South Carolina, 1830-80 (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1998), 53-71. Most scholarly work on the household
focuses on the regions plantations. For a few notable exceptions, see D. Harland Hagler,
The Ideal Woman in the Antebellum South: Lady or Farmwife? Journal of Southern
History 46 (August 1980): 405-418; Stephanie McCurry, Masters of Small Worlds:
Yeoman Households, Gender Relations, & the Political Culture of the Antebellum South
Carolina Low Country (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).


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135
fairs, concerts, raffles, and dances to raise money for army supplies.17 They not only
supplied their kinsmen and other loved ones with clothes, medical supplies, and food, but
they also sent these items to unknown Confederate soldiers as a way of supporting the
nation as a whole.18 In this way, these Confederate women successfully subsumed their
personal loyalties and obligations to the greater good of their nation. In some instances,
women used the deaths of their loved ones in Confederate service as an impetus to
increased sacrifice for their nation. For example, after her brother died on the battlefield in
the noble cause, Maria L. Garlington of Laurens, South Carolina, hoped to organize a
fundraising drive with the support of her school friends: I think we should all send
money to the hospitals. I think we might deprive ourselves to help the poor
17 For examples of womens early work for the Confederate soldiers, see Mary H.
Legge to Harriet R. Palmer, 26 September 1861 and 15 January 1862, A World Turned
Upside Down: The Palmers of South Santee, 1818-1881. ed. Louis P. Towles (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1996), 309, 320; Maria L. Garlington to Harriet R.
Palmer, 8 December 1861, A World Turned Upside Down, 316; Sarah J. Palmer to
Harriet R. Palmer, 29 October 1862, A World Turned Upside Down, 352.
18 For example, South Carolinian Esther B Cheesborough organized her own
Confederate aid efforts and played a role in the larger community efforts. Cheesborough
kept a log of the various items and multiple shipments she sent to the Southern
Prisoners at Fort Delaware. In addition, she preserved their notes of thanks. See J. A.
Crocheron to Esther B. Cheesborough, 20 November 1862, Esther B. Cheesborough
Notebook, South Caroliniana Library; H. S. Bantor to Esther B Cheesborough, 23 April
1863, Esther B Cheesborough Notebook, University of South Carolina, Columbia; H. K.
Gregg to Esther B. Cheesborough, 15 November 1862, Esther B. Cheesborough
Notebook; [ ] to Esther B. Cheesborough, 21 September 1862, Esther B. Cheesborough
Notebook; J J. Gaines to Esther B. Cheesborough, 10 April 1863, Esther B
Cheesborough Notebook. Also see Bryce Family Papers.



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